ROBERTVS STAPYLJONVS EQVES AVRATVS, IUVEN­ALEM MUSAEUM▪ STRADAM, è PEREGRINIS ANGLOS SV­OS (que) PLVSQVAM INTERPRES REDDIDIT.

R. R.

W. Marshall fecit.

DE BELLO BELGICO.

THE HISTORY OF THE Low-Countrey WARRES.

Written in Latine by FAMIANVS STRADA; In English by Sr. ROB. STAPYLTON Kt.

Illustrated with divers Figures.

[figure]

LONDON Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the Princes Arms in St. Pauls-Churchyard. MDCL.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MY VERY GOOD LORD, HENRY, Lord Marquesse of Dorchester, Earl of Kingston, Viscount Newark, Lord Pierrepont, &c.

MY LORD,

YOur Lordship, the best judg of Writers, will not I hope condemn me, for inscribing your name to the History of Famianus Strada. He is indeed a Modern Roman, but in happiness and freedom of expression, so like the Ancients, Livy, Sallust, and Tacitus: that 'tis no injury to the past, or present World, to say, their Age pro­duced not his Superiour, nor ours his Equal; since those that have not arrived to his perfection may be good Histo­rians; those that have, eminent. The Fame of so great an Authour, made me ambitious to interpret him to my Countrey: not considering (for I as willingly acknowledg my Errour as his Merit) that I was to Copie a Principal, comprehending new and various Narrations, Princes Letters, Speeches, Debates and Results of Cabinets and Councel-tables, Battells, Descriptions of places, Chara­cters [Page] of Persons, and very prudent Observations, summed up in brief sentences. Besides, I found all these apparelled in the most captivating Figures of the Latine tongue: not like the French, Spanish, or other Languages of Com­merce, easily reducible to those now spoken; but hard to be rendred in any; especially in English. Yet after I had ingaged, that I might play my game to the fairest, I bor­rowed the invention of Alexander Farneze, when he dissected Don John of Austria in the Low-countreys: and had him shewed in Spain, new-joynted skinned and almost spirited, to Philip the second. In imitation where­of, I took to pieces the actions of Don John, Alexander Farneze, and the rest of their famous friends and enemies, as they were described in Italy: and present them here to your Lordship, like the parts of Don John's body, intire, although not breathing. For which I can make no A­pologie, but that 'tis the fortune of this History to be dedi­cated to Princes. And when the first Dedication was made to the Duke of Parma; it concerned me to address the second to a person of like honour: and my Genius di­rected me to such a one, in whom Eminence of Dignity is joyned with Eminence of knowledg, that affording me Pa­tronage; this, reputation. For what Ammianus Mar­cellinus reports of Physitians, that they were held lear­ned, if they had once been at Alexandria; we know to be true of Books if they come but to have your Lordships Approbation: which is the highest aime of

Your Lordships humble servant, ROBERT STAPYLTON.

FAMIANVS STRADA to the Reader.

VVHo ever thou art, that shalt vouchsafe to take my Book in thy hands, before thou peruse it, give me leave to preface a few things. Thou hast here a History of mine, which I cannot exspect should be either praised or pardoned for expedition, being nine years old, before I sent it to the Presse: yet for that very procrasti­nation, I may hope another as great a favour from my Read­er: because it was out of my respect to him, that I spun out time in polishing my work. For albeit, many years ago di­vers persons (to whose Abilities no lesse then to their Ho­nours, none in Rome but yields) having read the first part of my Annals, gave them farre more then common approbati­on; yet they could not perswade me (that know how great the difference is betwixt Humanity and Judgement) to hast­en the publishing of them: or, now they are published, not to be an earnest Suiter to my Reader for some favourable Re­gard, due to my Modesty, reverencing others judgements. This Civilitie I the rather hope, for that my fortune is some­what better, then ordinary Historians: For I give thee Prin­ces Letters, most of them writ with their own hands. I give thee Embassadours private instructions, secret Councels of Warre, Causes of Designes, Notes brought in by Spies, clan­destine conspiracies of Towns, and many other Particulari­ties, which either by Pieces, or collected into Diaries, have been discovered to me by the very men employed. And were it not to trespasse upon the Readers Patience, I could (which many times I do) to most of my Relations, annex the copyes of the Letters, produce the credit of the Originals them­selves, to prove matter of Fact; as evidently, as Deeds signed, sealed, and witnessed. But all these, as they have in a manner [Page] opened to me a Door to look into Councel-chambers, and Cabinets:Polybius lib. 3. So the divulging of them, and especially explain­ing of Individualls (without which Polybius thinks Histo­ry but a mock-monument) must needs be so much sweeter to the Readers longing, by how much they comparing common Notions (which they have read in others, and therefore I for­bear to mention) out of them and me together will frame a more copious History. This likewise is the cause, that makes me sometimes give an Account of particular Accidents; that the Low-countrey warre, no lesse known from the mouth of Fame, then penns of numerous Writers, might be varied by such Additionals, pleasing for newnesse, and not inconsi­stent with a particular History. This hath likewise made me, that as I have passed over some things cursorily, and unlesse some peculiar passage were to be added to others Relations, almost quite omitted them: so many times to bring higher deductions, I thought would be more acceptable, and not done without many great examples. For among the Writers of the Romane Annals (to say nothing of the Grecians) Ta­citus, and Sallust, how often do they piece out the smal threads of their work,Tacitus. and cover them as it were with an embroi­derie. Tacitus in his Histories (the five books omitting his Annals you may soon run over) refutes those Authours, that say the chief Officers of Otho's and Vitellius his Army deliberated, Whether it were not better, that they, refusing to fight for wicked Princes, should choose a good one; and taking his hint from thence, speaks at large, Of mens old and inbred Ambition to compasse the Sovereigne power, Of its Originall in the Citie of Rome, Of the contentions be­tween the Senatours and Plebeians, Of Marius, Sylla, Pom­pey: at length, But (sayes he) the repetition of our ancient and present manners, hath very farre transported me now I re­turn to the course of my History, Proceed. Where he describes the burning of the Capitol by the Souldiers,Lib. 3. and subjoyns [...]is own complaints upon it, accurately setting down, Who it was that vowed it, who built it, who dedicated it; and who, when it was destroyed, repaired it; though they were pas­sages familiar to the people.Lib. 4. What of Serapis? whose pedi­gree he draws, and with a prolix Digression commemorates what opinions the Aegyptian Priests held of her, not thinking it a wrong to History. But he never conceived an Historian [Page] might be freer, then in his description of the siege of Hieru­salem. From whence he takes occasion to speak of the Ori­ginall and Manners of the Iews, so profusely, and so far,Lib. 5. de­riving them even from Saturn; heaping so many several things together; Of Moses, Of that Peoples Religion, Of their Meats, Of the Sabbath, Of Circumcision, Of the Eterni­ty of the soul, Of Balsom, Of Brimstone, and other spe­cialties; as if he wrote the History of that Nation. And yet Tacitus keeps within compasse, if you compare him with Sallust, that is so frequent in Excursions. Nay, he himself doth not dissemble it: For having taken a large, and indeed unnecessitated scope, at last [...]ounding a retreat, he sayes, But I have gone too carelessely, and too farre, being nettled and vexed at the Manners of the Town. Now I come to the matter. Sallust. Nor did he keep to it for all this; but in the division of the King dome between Iugurth and Adherbal, he amply discourses of Africa, and its Inhabitants from their very beginning. A­gain, licentiously inveighing against the Manners of Rome, he copiously relates the causes of Faction between the Senate and the People, and with a check for his own flying out, he brings himself again into the way. Yet what he adds to this Digression upon the By, concerning the Leptitans, exceeds the other by many degrees. For having mentioned the citie of Leptis, when he had spoken of its Founders, of its situation, and Language, he wheels about, and for a Corollary brings in an old History, not at all appertaining to the Leptitans. For (sayes he) because following the businesse of the Leptitans, I am come into this Region, I think it not amiss to set down a noble and memorable action of two Carthaginians. Which told, nei­ther sparingly, nor timorously, he goes on again. But why do I quote so many Presidents, when that one of Catilines Conspiracy evidently shews, what liberty a Historian may assume? the Writer whereof so freely digresses, and hath so many Out-lets, and Parergons, that the additionall Matter is much more then the fourth part of the Historie. Which being granted, ours likewise, in case it be any where redun­dant, will (I hope) be fairly interpreted by the Readers. As likewise that, which I have not forborn, whilst I compare the ancient with the modern times; that is, like to like: Which, as I am not ignorant the Latines seldome do, so I know it is fa­miliar with the Greeks. Indeed Polybius, not more proper­ly [Page] the Writer then Master of History, whilst he at large com­pares the Form and Situation of Sicily with Peloponnesus; the Fleets of Carthage and Rome, with those of Antigonus, Pto­lomey, Demetrius, and others of former Ages; whilst he re­sembles the Republicks of Rome and Carthage, to generous birds fighting even to their last breath (to omit the rest of the same kind, which, if you read but his first Book will present­ly occurre) truly, he needs not fear that goes in the steps of so authentick an Example. Thus having rightly premonished and prepared Thee, I will no longer stay Thee at the Thres­hold of my Work.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES.

The first Book.

I Enter upon the Historie of a Warre,The Proposition of the work. doubtfull whether to call it, The Warre of the Low-Countrey-men and the Spaniards, or almost of all Europe: For to this hour we see it manag'd by the Arms and Purses, at least, by the Designes and Counsels of so many Nations; as if in the Low-Countreys onely, the Empire of Europe was to be disputed. Wherein many,How satisfacto­ry it will be to many. I presume, will be concern­ed, to read what their Countrey-men, what their Kinsmen have acted in the field. The rest,How rare to all. though unconcerned, may yet desire to know, from whence a few Belgick Provinces have had the confidence and strength, to fight for threescore years together, with a most Potent King, on equall terms▪ from whence, upon the coast of Holland, out of a few fisher-boats,A great State out of small beginnings. there hath sprung up a new State, which growing daily stronger in Arms, will now brook no Superiour by Land, and can have none by Sea: That in mighty fleets have sent Plantations to the remotest parts of the Earth: That by their Ambas­sadours, making Leagues with Princes, carrying themselves as not inferiour to Kings, have got a Principality more then ever Europe knew.The strange fer­tility of the soyl, even in the time of Warre. From whence the Belgick soil, among the continuall tempests and storms of Warre (such as in far shorter troubles, have laid other Regions waste and barren) affords so great plentie of all things, as if the place were as violently bent to maintain a War, as the People; so that directly you would think, Mars onely travels other Countreys, and carryes about a running Warre, but here seats himself. Some indeed have fancied, the King of Spain out of Policy to spin out the Low-Countrey War:The King of Spain fights in jeast, as some think. for as a Prince (the great body of whose Empire must be spirited with a great soul) they conceiv'd he trains his Militia in these Pro­vinces, afterwards to dispatch them (as the Turk doth his Ianizaries) into severall Climates.But falsely. As if his enemies should not be taught in the same school; and sure it were more to his advantage, their arms should rust with idleness, then shine with exercise.

Now the resemblance of our Age with the time-past, will give the silent [Page 2] comparers no little pleasure. The Readers of our Annals must needs re­member, now Arminius, Cor. Tac. lib. 1. & 2. Ann. & lib. 4. Hist. now Civilis, those two Whirlwinds of the Low-Countreys, the Oranges of their times. The like principles of Rebellion will present themselves:The similitude of accidents be­tween the anti­e [...]t and these times. pretending, and withall shaking off obedience to Tiberius and Vespasian: courting the People with hope of liberty: the Provinces sudden­ly conspiring against the Romane Garrisons: arms first taken up in Holland: aided by the Germans, French, and Brittons: the Romane Legions tired out with dubious fortune: most things set a foot again by arts so like, so much the same, that unless you knew the difference by particular names, you would think your self present in the old Belgick tumults. For in humane things, how­ever times and persons die,But our natures are the worse. still the same Causes and Events revive. Albeit as we have exceeded the Ancients in the quarrel of Nations and Religions; so we edge our spleen more sharply upon this Whetstone, and execute our ha­tred with greater animosity.Witnesse the Low-countreys at this day. What have our Low-Countrey Armies left unattempted? Beyond Poetick miracles, we have not onely fought with mighty Rivers,Hom. Iliad. 21. Of the Duell between Achil­lis and the Ri­ver Scamander but breaking the Cloyster of the Sea, we have challen­ged Neptune himself? Our Foot invade the Ocean, as if it were firm ground; we let in the Sea to make the Land navigable, fighting in all the elements at once. And truly, (unless mine deceive me, as every ones judge­ment sometimes fails him) never was warre continued with higher courages or attempts: nor have stronger sieges baffled the forces of great Cities: or with dayly slaughter was ever more bloud drawn and spent on both sides. Though the bodies of gallant men have floated on the rivers of Simois and Scamander, Virg. 1. Aen. Gallanter men lost in the Low-countreys then either by the Greeks or Ro­mans. celebrated in Poets fables, and others famed for too true slaughter of the Romanes; yet more and more daring men have been cast up by the Mose, the Rhine, and Skelde, and the rest of the Low-countrey Rivers, so often discoloured with humane bloud, and strewed with mangled limbs of souldiers, swelling with the ruines of great souls. How many forreign armies have miscarried here? how often was the Belgick Sea covered with ships, the Land with horse and foot? and, all these armies lost, greater forces have been raised again among our neighbours,The Authours character of himself. and furiously overspread the field? Yet after the expence of so many nations, the wealth of Kings exhausted, the force of Europe joyned against it,Objection. It misbecomes a religious man to know things profane, and a Priest to write of arms. this Troy hath held out many a ten years Warre, and yet not taken. But the more earnest I am in designing so great a work, the more perhaps I shall expose the Historians confidence to censure: who being a stranger to publick business, a man of the old learning, not conversant with his own times, will be argued by many as disproportioned to the great­ness of this Warre;Answer. and being a Clergie-man, they will affirm it misbecomes him to treat of arms.There are exam­ples to the con­trary Tit. Liv. Cor. Tac. I should give easie ear unto them, if all the writers of History had fought with their wit, lead up Companies or commanded Ar­mies; or that we had not divers,Dion. Halicar. and other Au­thours. in the account of every age and nation, that being Church-men have handled these military arguments. And indeed, since there is such weight in the truth of History, from which nothing takes off more then affection in the writer;Moyses. Bero­sus, Josephus, Euseb. Caesar. Orns. Vill. Tit. Jov. Bemb. Mariana Mas­seius, &c. and reason it self. whence should we rather fear the faith of a relation, from one that is a party and hardly dispenses with love and ha­tred? or from one that centred in the middle, and professing holiness of life, either untouched with any factious desires, or above them; and either keeps at distance the occasions of a lie, or bears it from him? That I may speak something for my self, I hold not the subject of this Warre inconsistan: with my course of life,Besides, Strada saith his Argu­ment is joyned with Religion. Religion being the cause of both; nor do I conceive my self unfit either to report the matter of fact, or to find out the causes. For though an exact knowledge of Councils, and inspection into Cabinets, could not be [Page] [Page]

The Emperour Charles the 5th. Prince of ye Low=Countreys.

Ro Vaughan [...]

[Page 3] exspected from one of a sequestred life, or from the genius of a man that loves to dwell with himself, at least never comes in Princes Courts and listens to their whispers; my intelligence hath been abundantly supplyed,And his intelli­gence out of O­riginall notes and Expresses. out of the memorials and originall letters of men that either have themselves done the business, or commanded such as did: So that I believe few have come better furnished at any time for the compiling of an History; and though I am a stran­ger to the Court and Camp, a man (as you may term me) of the shade, yet I dare promise to produce more Cabinet counsels, then all the Civill and military news-men.The Authours integrity. But it were superfluous to make a passionate Preface of what faith, what freedome I shall use, since all men equally pretend the love of truth, and oftentimes none do engage their faith with more formality, then such as will be sure to break it.And freedome not byassed to­wards any faction. For our age hath almost lost the liberty of speaking, by the common fault of Writers, whose ambition having an eye upon the frowns of Princes, laying the fault on times and manners, bring flat­tery into fashion. I build upon my own conscience, which I often examine, yet find it not inslaved to the commands of Princes, or mercenary to their bounty. And I entreat them that vouchsafe to peruse my work,The same affe­ction he desires in his Reader. that such a mind as they justly require of me in writing, neutrall and free, such a one they themselves will have in reading, uningaged to faction. Least the meat be rash­ly-blamed for curdling on a foul and sickly stomack.

Onely thou, O God of Peace and Warre,This prefaced, he begins with imploring [...]i­viue assistance. See P [...]inies Pa­negyrick pag. 1. (for aswell the writers of, as the actours in, business ought to begin with Prayer) do thou guide my mind and pen, that not trusting in Prudence that s [...]arches humane secrets, but in Wisdome that assists thy throne, I may perfect a History worthy the purity of life which I profess, equall to the greatness of the work I have designed, nor lesse then the exspectation that hath long since called me forth.

THe bloudy Warre that grievously distempered Europe,1555. still continued between the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Henry the second, King of France, to whom their fa­thers with their Crowns had left their enmities and ani­mosities; But Mary Queen of England, immediatley up­on her marriage with Philip Prince of Spain, began seri­ously to mediate a Peace; and followed it so well, as this year 1555. the Emperours and Kings Commissioners met at Callice; and though the exspected Peace was not then concluded, yet there was laid a foundation for Peace,The Empe­rours resolution to resign his Kingdoms. in a five years truce. Then the Emperour, calling his son Philip out of England, resolved to execute what he had long determined, the resignation of his Crowns, and be Authour of a Prodigie unknown in Princes Courts, When he might reign to give it off. This secret divulged through the Low-countries, brought men from all parts to Bruxels, and on the twenty fifth of October, the day appointed for meeting of the three Estates, the Knights of the order of the Golden fleece, and the Magistrates, The Em­perour in the great Hall of his Pallace,A full presence of Princes. commanding Philip King of England, Maximilian King of Bohemia, Elianor and Mory sisters to Charles the fifth. and Emanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy to sit on the one hand; and on the other, Elianor and Mary Queen Dowagers of France and Hungary, with another Mary Queen of Bohemia, and Christiern daughter to the King of Denmark Dutchesse of Lorrain. King Philip made master of the Order of the Golden fleece. First he created his sonne Phi­lip, master of the order of the Golden-fleece; then he commanded Philibert Bruxellius, one of the Lords of his great Councel, to signifie his pleasure to the [Page 4] Estates of Flanders. The summe of his speech was this,The Low-coun­treys and Bur­gundy resigned to him in Bruxellius his speech. That the Emperour be­ing admonished, by his dayly decay of health, which had much broke and brought him low, to settle his affairs in this world: resolved to transferre that weight, which he could no longer support as became his own and the Empires dignity, [...]pon his sonne, both in vigour and wisdome able to bear so great a burthen. Therefore Cesar, wishing it may be for the happiness of himself and the Provinces, resigned his Dominion of the Low-countreys and Burgundy, released the People of their [...]ath of Allegiance, and voluntarily gave the right and possession of the Low-countreys and Burgundy to his sonne Philip King of England. Whilest Philibert was grave­ly speaking this,I [...]terrupted by Charles the fifth who repeats all his own actions. The Emperour rises on the sudden, and leaning on the shoul­ders of William Prince of Orange, interrupted his speech, and out of a paper he brought to help his memory, as the Register of the Empire, he himself be­gan to read in French,The Prince of Orange in his Apologie of the year 1571. What he had done from the seventeenth year of his age to that day, nine expeditions into Germany, six into Spain, seven into Italy, four into France, ten into the Low-countreys, two into England, as many into Africa, eleven Sea-voyages, Warres, Peace, Leagues, Victories: and set forth the particulars rather magnificently, then proudly. Moreover,The end of all Cesars designes. That he had proposed to himself no other end of all these labours, but the preservation of Religion & the Empire. Which hitherto whilest his health permitted, he had by Gods assistance so performed, that Charles the Emperours life and Reign could offend none but his enemies. Why he resignes his Kingdoms. Now, since his strength and almost life was spent, he would not prefe [...] the love of Empire before the safety of his People. In stead of an o [...]d Bed-rid man, the greatest part of him already in the grave, he would substitute a Prince in the spring of his youth, What be re­quires of the Low-countreys. of active strength and courage. To him he desired the Provinces t [...] pay their obedience, likewise to keep Peace among themselves, and be constant to the Or­thodox Religion; Lastly, That they would favourably pardon him, if he had tres­passed in his Government. What he promi­seth to them. For his own part he would alwayes remember their fide­lity and services in his prayers to God, to whom alone he resolved to live for the short remainder of his dayes. The Emperours speech to his Son before be gave him possession. Then turning to his sonne, he said, If these Pro­vinces had descended upon thee by my death, I had yet deserved something at my sonnes hands, for leaving him so rich and improved a patrimony. Now, since [...]hine Inheri ance is not a necessitated but a voluntary act, and that thy Father hath chosen to die before his time, that he may antedate the benefit of his death; all the interest thou owest me for it, I assign it to thy Subjects, and require thee to pay it in th [...] love and care to them. Other Princes rejoyce they have given life to their sonnes, and shall give Kingdoms. I am resolved to prevent fate of this gasping and posthumous favour: esteeming it a double joy, if I may see thee not onely living, but live [...]o see thee reigning by my gift. This example of mine, few Princes will imitate, for I my self in all antiquity could hardly find one to follow. But sure they will commend my resolution, when they see thee worthy to be made the first president. Which thou wilt be, if thou firmly retein the wisdome thou wert bred to, the fear of the Almigh­ty, and (which are the pillars of a Kingdome) the patronage of Religion and the Laws. One thing remains which thy Father makes his last wish, That thou maist have a sonne grow up worthy to have thy Government transferred upon him, but yet have no necessity to do it.

Having spoken this, he embraced his sonne, that was upon his knees, striving to kiss his hand, and piously and fatherly praying God to bless him, his tears broke off his words, and drew tears abundantly from the eyes of the beholders. King Philip humbly kissing his Fathers hand, then ri­sing to the Estates, excused his ignorance in the French tongue commanding Anthony Perenott Granvell, Bishop Gran­vell answers for K. Philip. Bishop of Arras, to speak for him; who in a most learned Oration interpreted the Kings mind, as gratefull to his father, so like­wise [Page 5] affectionate to the Low-coutrey-men, by his fathers precept and exam­ple. Iames Masius an eloquent Civill Lawyer answered in the name of the three Estates.Masius for the Estates replies to the Emperour and King. Lastly, Mary Queen of Hungary resigned the Government of the Low-countreys, which she had managed five and twenty years for the Emperour her Brother.Qu. Mary sur­ [...]enders her go­vernment of the Low-countreys. Shortly after the Emp. gives up all his Do­minio [...]s to his soil. So for that day the Session was adjourned. Two moneths after in a farre greater Assembly (for fame had further spread it self) the Emperour gave to his sonne Philip at once, the possession of all his King­domes, Provinces, and Islands, aswell in our World, as beyond the Line. Fi­nally, not long after, he sent the Crown and Scepter of the Empire (all he had then left) to his Brother Ferdinand (created many years before King of the Romans) by the hands of William Prince of Orange, who they say,Ian. 17. 1556. at first de­clining the Ambassage, told the Emperour, in King Philips presence, that he hoped better things from heaven,And sends his brother the Im­perial Crown by the Prince of Orange. then to see his Master take the Imperiall Crown from his own head, and send it by him to another; whether it was love to the Emperour (of whose grace and bounty he had many proofs) or flat­tery to King Philip, whom he knew designed for the Empire by his father, who often to that purpose had treated with his Brother Ferdinand. Who would have excused himself from being the messenger. For Cesar to confirm the Spanish power of the House of Austria by accession of the Empire,Mary sister to Charles the V, and Ferdinand 1556. had many times by Mary Queen of Hungary, sounded his Brother Fer­dinand if he would surrender the Kingdome of the Romanes to Philip, among other proposals promising to share the Empire with his Brother, that ever af­ter there should be two Cesars of equall authority. But all this moved not Fer­dinand.

Charles the fifth, from so great an Emperour now no body,The Emperour sails out [...]of the Low-Countreys, August 1556. leaving the Court to the new Prince, staid a while in a private house, till the fleet was ready: then losing from Zeland, with his sisters Queen Elianor, and Queen Mary, he sailed with a prosperous wind into the port of Lared [...] in Biscany. To follow him out of the Low-Countryes, will not be (I suppose) to wander from the History, since by continuing a relation of the last passages of a Prince of the Low-Countreys, and the last Prince born a Low-Countrey-man, I may ap­pear to be in the Low-Countreys still. However,Septemb. I presume the Reader will approve the bringing to light of this great retirement, and secret of State, wherein I shall insert many things (that would have been ill lost) into the Low-Countrey Annals, taking off somewhat from the following sad dis­course, by the present commemoration of this softer storie.

The Emperour was scarce landed,He arrives in Spain, the storm sparing him, but not his ship. when a tempest rising in the Harbour, scattered his whole fleet, and swallowed up the Admiral herself that carried him: as if she bad farwell to Cesar and his fortunes. It is reported, that when he came ashore, falling upon his knees,His words when he landed. he kiss'd the earth, and said, he did his duty to the Common Parent, and that as he came naked out of his mothers wombe,His admired constancy put to the Test by the Spanish Lords. so he willingly returned to this mother naked. But when he came into Biscany, and from thence went to Burgos, being met upon the way by ve­ry few of the Spanish Nobility (not to be attracted by Charles alone, unat­tended with his Titles) then he first found his nakedness.But especially by his son. Whereto was ad­ded, that his Pension of a hundred thousand Duckets (reserved out of his vast revenues, for part whereof he had present use, to reward his servants, and dismiss them) was not paid him, but he forced to wait for it at Burgos, not without some indignation,Which alittle moved him. till at last the mighty summe was tendered. Which affront as he could hardly dissemble,Whereupon some thought he wa­vered in his re­solution. so it gave many men colour to report, that the Act was scarce passed, when Charles repented him of the resignation of his Kingdoms. Though others say, he changed his mind upon the very day of his resignment; because many years after, when Cardinal Granvell re­membred [Page 6] King Philip of the anniversary day of his Fathers resignation; the King presently replied, And this is likewise the anniversary day of his repen­tance for resigning. Which spread by uncertain rumour, went for currant news, perswading the world the Emperour was not constant, so much as for a day, to his unexampled resolution: Unless perhaps King Philip thought not that commendable in his Father, which he himself meant not to imitate. For my part,But those Cen­surers were mi­staken. in all my search into the books and diaries of his retirement in the two years time of his private life, I find no mark of this kind of repen­tance; nor would it have shewed handsome, if the lively image of such magna­nimity, should be presented to succeeding ages, dressed up in the rags of peni­tence. But now, carried in his close chair to Validolid, he staid there a while with his Grand-child, Charles Prince of Spain, whose nature did not please him very well.The Monastery of S. Justus. Thence he retired to S. Iustus, a Monastery of Hieronomites, the seat he had long since chosen. It stands upon the confines of Portugal and Castile, not far from the Citie of Placentia, in a healthfull air, made so by the sweetness of the Vale, and circling Hils; but especially by the temperate Winters.Sex. Aur. Vict. in Caius Czs. Into this place (it is reported) Sertorius that most valiant General retreated, when he fled the Romane Army, and that here he was treacherous­ly slain. Here, at the last, the Emperour Charles set bounds to his sea of cares, and erecting his true Hercules Pillars, built himself a house joyning to the Monastery; the model whereof was upon his command, sent him a year before into the Low-Countreys,The Emperours new habitation. and approved of. It contained but six, at most seven Cells (for it pleases, as one saith, to know every thing that Princes do) of twenty foot in breadth and length, right Convent lodgings; from whence was a prospect, and stairs landing in a little garden, watered with a spring, planted with Citron and Lemon trees, that shot up their flowers and fruits to the very vvindows. And this vvas the Mausoleum, vvherein that mighty Emperour, not contented vvith one World, enclosed and buried himself alive; and to this narrovv compass was that Gyant lessened, that boasted to stretch his hand further then Hercules. So easily vvill Nature shrink into her ovvn stature and condition, if pride that puffs up and distracts her, do but once evaporate.

Coming to this Monastery,Febr. 1557. of threescore servants, chosen out of his vast Retinue, he sent the greatest part to Serandilla, the next Tovvn, intending to use them, if there should be occasion;His family, and how accommo­dated. keeping onely twelve men about him, and one horse.His contempt of the world. Nor was his furniture better then his attendance, but all measured by the strict rule of necessity. And truly it was a miracle to see Charles the Emperour enamoured with solitude, to forget his cares, to be constant to his resolution, and so much estranged from his old customes and almost nature; that neither gold, which then in abundance the Spanish fleet brought him from the Indies; nor the noise of War, which had wont to be carried through Europe by his Armies and Generals, by Sea and Land; could any way unfix his mind, for so many years past used to the sound of War;How be dispo­sed his time. His riding to take the air. or disturb his quiet,His gardening. though upon the hearing of various events.His making of clocks or wat­ches.

This Imperial Hermit so spent his time, that he daily bestowed part of it upon his sick and languishing body, part upon God and his Soul. For some­times he rode up and down the grounds, with one footman; sometimes he quartered his garden into little beds, set flowers, and planted trees with his triumphant hands,Jannell. Tur­rianus, whose Mathematicall inventions be much delighted in. as once Dioclesian did at Salon, when he likewise had resi­gned his Empire. He often practised to make Watches (whose wheels he governed with more case, then Fortunes wheel) learning the art of Iannel­lus Turrianus, the Archimedes of his time: making many experiments of his [Page 7] Water-works. Nay, 'tis said, the Aquaduct of Toledo, which Iannellus had then modelled, was much advantaged by the Emperours ingenious phansie. And such a form as they together had conceived in that two years retirement, such was Turrianus his water-work, which after the Emperours decease, by a new miracle of Art, drew up the river Tagus to the top of the mountain of Toledo. This was the man that, in the Emperours solitary life, daily recreated his spirits, (much taken with such novelties) by shewing unheard of Engines and Inventions: For often, when the Cloth was taken away after dinner, he brought upon the board little armed figures of Horse and Foot, some beat­ing Drums, others sounding Trumpets, and divers of them charging one an­other with their Pikes.. Sometimes he sent wooden sparrows out of his chamber into the Emperours Dining-room, that would flie round, and back again; the Superiour of the Monastery, who came in by accident, suspecting him for a Conjurer. He likewise framed a Mill of iron that turned it self, of such a subtile work and smalness, that a Monk could easily hide it in his sleeve, yet daily it ground as much wheat, as would abundantly serve eight persons for their dayes allowance. But these sports were more frequent at the Empe­rours first coming. Afterward, warned by his disease, that still rung the la­rum of death,His extraordi­nary care of his soul. he more sparingly gave them admittance, onely at such houres as his pain left him: for now he made it his first care, often to come to Church at times appointed for the Monks to sing Prayers:Joseph Seguen­za in the Histo­ry of his Order, l. 1. He often read Saints lives, and discoursed of holy things more frequently, then he accustomed: he wash­ed out the stains of his Conscience, by Confession of his sinns, and are the bread of Angels, though sometimes not fasting, for which he had a dispensa­tion (by reason of the weakness of his stomack) granted by the Pope.By the Bull of Julius 111. 1554. Marc. 19 Nay, with a discipline of platted cords (so much prevailed the example of others, and a mind once conquerour over it self) he put himself to constant sharp penance for his former life.He disciplined himself. Which Discipline King Philip ever had in great veneration,His whip reve­renced by his son. and a little before his death commanded it to be brought to him, and as it was stained in the bloud of Charles his father, he sent it to his sonn Philip the third: and they say, it is still preserved among the pious monu­ments of the House of Austria. Lastly, upon occasion of those funerall Ob­sequies, which he celebrated for his Mother, on the Anniversary of her de­cease, a new desire set him a longing (if it were lawfull) to celebrate his own funeralls: advising hereupon with Iohn Regula, a Father of the Convent, and his Confessour: when he told him, it was (though without president, yet) a pious and meritorious act; he commanded immediately, that all funerall preparations should be made. A Herse was therefore set up in the Church,Aug. 30. 1558. torches lighted, and his servants in black stood about it, the Service for the dead being mournfully sung by the Religious men. He himself surviving his own funeralls, beheld in that imaginary last office, the true tears of his atten­dance: He heard the Hymn, wishing him happy rest among the Saints; and he himself singing with them, prayed for his own soul: till coming near him that officiated, and delivering him the torch he held lighted in his hand, with eyes lifted up to heaven, he said, Thou great Iudge of life and death, I humbly beseech thee, as the Priest takes from me this wax-light I offer; so thou at last in thine own good time, wilt graciously please to receive my Spirit, which I commend into thy hands, arms, and bosome. Then, as he was, in a loose mourning gar­ment, he lay down upon the floor, all the Church beginning to weep a fresh, and as he had been laid forth to take their last farwell.Immediately he falls sick. It seems, the Empe­rour by these feigned Rites, plaid with approaching death: for two dayes af­ter his personated Obsequies, he fell into a fever, which by little and little [Page 8] consuming him,Barthol. Mi­randa. the Archbishop of Toledo gave him all the supplies by the Christian Church appointed for the struggling soul, and the Monks that came frequently out of their Cels into his Bed-chamber,Soon after he died. prayed God to send their Guest a happy convoy to the mansion of the Blessed; and on the Eve of the Evangelist S. Matthew, Sept. 21. 1558. in the eight and fiftieth year of his age (whereof he onely lived two years, with a great sence of Piety and Religion) he depart­ed this life.His funerals ushered with Prodigies in heaven. His death was attended with conspicuous signes in Heaven and Earth: For a while after he sickned, there was seen a blazing star in Spain, at first somewhat dimm, but as his disease increased, so it grew in brightness,Observed by Ian. Turrionus present at the Emperours death. and at last shooting its fiery hair point blank against the Monastery of S. Iu­stus, in the very hour the Emperour died, the Comet vanished. Nor hap­pened this without admiration; in the Emperours garden sprung a Lilly, which at the same time put forth two buds:And in earth. The one, as it is usuall, blowing in the Moneth of May: The other (though as well watered) gave no signe of laying its great belly all the Spring and Summer: but that night wherein the Emperours soul put off the garment of his body, the Lilly suddenly breaking her Challice, with an unseasonable and unexspected Spring, began to blow. It was likewise observed by all, that this Lilly laid upon the high Altar for men to view, was received as a happy and white omen.

Thus Charles the fifth, when he had enjoyed his Fathers kingdomes fourty years,How long he reigned. the Empire six and thirty, and himself two, after the resignment of all these, left it doubtful, whether he merited more honour in so long govern­ing the Empire, and many Kingdoms, or in relinquishing them all together. Yet, I am not ignorant, this Act was then diversly censured; and at this day, the Emperours resignment is an argument for Rhetoricians to declaim upon in the Schools,Diverse reasons commonly given for his resigne­ment. and Politicians at Court. But omitting the conceptions of these men, and such builders of Castles in the air, I will give you the com­mon and most probable opinions.

Many had one reason before their eyes, to wit, his infirmity of the gout, which from his fiftieth yeare gave him no intervals, but continually torment­ed and forced him (as he professed at his solemn resignation) by a safe pre­vention, both for his own and his kingdomes good,His fear of for­tunes mutability to transfer the weight of that Government, which he knew himself no longer able to sustain, upon a man in the full strength of youth and courage. The subtiler people, that dive into the secrets of business, and sleight all that is visible, suspected that the Emperour,Peter Mexius in the life of Charles the V. Thuanus, l. 26. terrified with the fortune of Henry the second of France; held it safer to encounter him with the youth of his sonne, ambitious and capable of government, then with his own declining years and victories. They like­wise observed, that from the time he tried in vain to recover the Town of Metz, 1552. from the French, and sate down before it with an army of one hundred thousand men, whereof he lost no fewer then fourty thousand; he contract­ed such inward grief: especially having been forced a while before, by Mau­rice Duke of Saxony, to save himself by an unhandsome, at least unaccustomed retreat: That for some dayes he kept his chamber, and ever after his dis­ease grew sharper.Hipp. Chizzal. in his book inti­tuled, The let­ters of Princes. Nay, it was commonly believed, that Cesars fortune glutted and grown coy, began to retire, and that the happy genius of this so long unconquered Emperour was fled to Henry the French King: Cesar him­self not able to dissemble it, being heard to say: It seems, Fortune is the young mans mistress. And therefore for his Device of Hercules pillars and the mot­to, More beyond; there was painted a Crab-fish, the word, More on this side, a jeer agreeable with the times. Some said, The Emperour did like a wary Gamster at Dice, who having drawn a great summe of monie in many houres [Page 9] play, held his hand betimes: and suffered not himself to be stript of all his victorious heap at one throw. Contrary to this was the sense of others, That imputed Cesars act to his immense ambition.His immoderate desire of glory. For being of a spirit, as cove­tuous of fame as ever any since the first Cesars times, when he conceived it ar­rived at the highest point of Glory,Francis King of France. Henry King of Na­varre. Clem. 7. by so many victories over all kinds of ene­mies, and these carried with so strange a fortune, that hardly any one took the field against him, whom he saw not vanquished, nay (which we seldome read) bound and Captive:Bishop of Rome P. M. Guliel. at last he laid down and spurned away the greatest Crowns and Scepters of Europe and America; Duke of Cleve­land. by this unusuall Conquest, aim­ing at new Titles of Honour, not easie to be equalled by Posterity. An ob­scure report was likewise spread abroad,J. Fred. the E­lectour of Sa­xony. That the Emperour was moved with the Complaints of his sonne Philip, dayly wounded with the scorn and riming Libells of the English,Ernest Duke of Brunswick. Phil. Land­grave of Hel­len. That brooked not in their Island a Spanish Lord: the Common People therefore called him not the King, but the Queens Hus­band: upon this accasion, he more passionately represented to his Father his fortune and condition, to work him the sooner to resign the Low-countreys, having had some intimation of the Emperours intent:His Sonnes complaints. Adrian. l. 13. of his History Thua. l. 16. Gabrera upon Phil. 2. l. 1. c. 5. & 8. and like Children born of young Parents that come old to their inheritance, impatiently exspected the good houre. But there are that make another construction, and affirm, the Emperour pitched upon this Resolve, touched onely with Religion, and pricked in Conscience about many things, for which he thought it best to make his peace betimes with the Divine Majestie, before he was summoned to give in his accounts:His necessity to make his peace with God. for the Emperours spirit, not altogether deaf to Piety, was struck with a sad remembrance of divers actions, That he had made a League with Henry King of England, 1543. excommunicated for his sake by the Bishop of Rome. For entering in­to a league with Hen. 8. of Eng. contrary to his engagement to the Pope. Wherein, the injury he received by King Henries divorce from the Emperours great Aunt, Queen Katharine: and his constant promise never to hold amity with any heretical Prince, unless reconciled to the Church of Rome: Jov. l. 43, 44, 45. were both weakly undervalued to advance his inexpiable hatred to the French. Besides to have medled in the cause of Religion, taking upon him the Popes office, and commanding a book to be published in Germany, For determining matters of re­ligion. which contained a confession of Faith: to the obsevance whereof all should be obliged, till the Council of Trent were ended. Which Book, though in many places it was agreeable to the Catholick Church, yet some were con­trary, as the marriage of Priests, and receiving the Communion under both kinds: for being penned by a Juncto of Catholicks and Hereticks, as it often happens, it pleased neither side. Lastly, at the storming and sack of Rome, he consented to the Popes imprisonment, and would have had him carried into Spain, but that publick infamy forced him to decline it. Yet would he not own the wofull plundering of the sacred City: nay when the news was brought him into Spain, he prohibited by Proclamation, the publick joy for his sonne Philips birth, and putting on mournings, commanded an adjourn­ment of the Courts of Iustice. But what it was in him, not onely not to do justice upon those that robbed the Town and Churches, but also to use their service for seven moneths together;For imprisoning the Pope. to keep the Vicar of Christ Prisoner in the in the Castle of S. Angelo, yea close prisoner, and in so wretched a condition,6. May 1527. that an old herb-woman because pitying his cries she hid some Lettice in the Castle-ditch which a boy was to give him up by a cord:Guic. l. 18. The Captain of the Guard meeting her, furiously with his own hands hanged her upon the Castle gates,21. May 1527. crucifying the eyes of the poor Bishop with that horrid spectacle. Fi­nally the Emperour having no sense of his so great calamitie,Jov. l. 26. compelled the Pope, as if he had been a profane enemy, to purchase his liberty with a huge [Page 10] ransome. No doubt but such wicked deeds, as they were prejudged by a common execration, so Charles the fifth acknowledged and condemned them in himself, and their sting, left in his soul, caused that Prince (otherwise reli­gious) to do this last act for pacifying the offended Deity. To do pennance for these crimes be left the world. Yet some there are that excuse the Emperour in point of crime, and lay much of the fault upon the Age, the Warre and an armed multitude, whose fury, once awaked, is not ever to be governed by one mans hand. This I find, was most of the discourse of these times touching the Refignment of Charles the fifth: and at this day it is credited or slighted with like faction and ignorance of truth.It is probable there was a concurrence of many causes. But no rash ones or unworthy the greatnesse of his Imperiall ma­jesty. For my own part though I know great designs are driven on by many causes, as great ships, by many oars; yet I cannot perswade my self, the fear of mutable fortune, or any lighter cause, contributed to Cesars determination. Forasmuch as almost ten years before his death, about the very harvest time of his Victories, in his last Will and Testament made at Auspurgh, he mentioned the Resigning of his Kingdomes,1541. and long before that time, I am well assured the Emperour was minded to divest himself of all the cares and baggage of the world,1542. the better to make his speedy retreat to heaven. This was onely imparted to Fran­cis Borgia Duke of Gandia, who afterward entered into the Society of Iesus, with a severe injunction, that he should not reveal that intention to any living, which the Emperour resolved to execute, assoon as the Warre gave him any time to breathe.1553. Iune. Nor when he had surrendered the Empire were things in such a condition,Iuly 1553. to make him repent his fortune: for a while after, the siege of Metz was raised, Terwin a strong Fort in the Low-countreys, and Hedin where antiently the Princes of Artois kept their Courts, were taken, and upon both places many of the French Gentry slain. Nay in Italy, part of the Isle of Corsica was in despight of the enemy preserved for the Genoueses, 1554. and (which was yet happier) the Citie Siena was taked,1555. the French beat out of it, and al­most out of all the Dutchy of Florence. But I believe what he had often de­signed was then resolved,The fear of death was the chief motive of putting his Resolve in exe­cution. when his disease came to that heigh, that he often fainted away: especially, when he heard of his mothers death, he began to make sure account his own fate drew nigh: so that he was many times per­swaded he heard his mothers voice, calling her sonne to her. Which opinion took the deeper impression,1555. because Vesalius physitian to the Emperour, stuck not to tell him (with strange freedome in a man of his profession) that his life could not continue.Andreas Vc­salius. So as the Emperour made haste to do, what he had so often determined, lest death that followed close, should prevent him. And at that time was often heard to repeat the words of one of his Commanders (whose worth I better know, then his name) that being an old Officer of Horse,He was quick­ned by a noble saying of one of his Com­manders. and resolving to leave the world, when he petitioned the Emperour for a discharge from service, who urged him to give a reason for his new resoluti­on, they say his answer was, That between the business of life, and day of death, a space ought to be interposed. Which ingenious sentence printed it self in the Em­perours heart, that had been long upon the like meditation. But then, when the end of his life was visible, he held it his best course to lay hold upon that space, beyond which there is nothing. Wherein, neglecting the affairs of others, he might onely regard his own concernment: rescue himself, from external cares, representing and confining himself onely to himself, before the hand of necessity should arrest and carry him to Gods Tribunall, guilty, in so high a degree, of mortall happiness. To that purpose he retired into this sanctuary,It is concluded the Emperours resolution came from heaven. where solitude gave him leasure: and the sanctity of the place, en­couragement and assistance. Indeed, he that observes either his magnanimi­ty in resigning his vast Empire by sea and land, not leaving a span of ground [Page] [Page]

Philip the Second King of Spaine, Prince of the Low-countreys.

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[Page 11] subject to his power: or his constancy to the cloystered and private life he had undertaken, in that two years time, wherein he extended his victory over himself; or his holy end, which did not surprise him, but came when he was prepared (which is the hardest task) for death in life: He, I say, must needs acknowledge it to be no trifling cause, or unworthy of so great a soul; but an excellently pious and indeed a heavenly motive that brought the Emperour to this Resolve.

But whatsoever it was, King Philip, after his Fathers decease,The new Kings first care. disposing of his new Dominions, instead of Mary Queen of Hungary, substituted in the government of the Low-Countreys and Burgundy, The Duke of Sa­voy made go­vernour of the Low-countreys. Emmanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy; who, besides his nearness of bloud to Charles the fifth, had given him many proofs of his experience in the Warrs, especially in those Pro­vinces, against the French. Nor were his great abilities less usefull to King Philip, in the War that welcomed him to his new Principality. For though the Kings, Henry and Philip, in the beginning of this year, by the mediation of Mary Queen of England, The Truce be­tween France and Spain bro­ken. had made a five years truce at Cambray; yet by reason of the Warre, flaming between the Pope and King Philip, the Truce within the year was broken: the Spaniard laying the fault upon the French, Febr. and the French upon the Spaniard. King Henry called into Italy by the Caraffi, On what occasi­on. embraced the specious pretence of protecting the Pope; but per­adventure he looked not so much upon the cause, as upon the issue of the War,Thuan. l. 22. easily believing he should conquer this new and unexperienced Prince, ha­ving at more then one Battel overthrown so old a Souldier, and so great a Conquerour as his Father. And now the French having past the Alps under the Duke of Guise's Command, fought for the Pope in Italy; Decemb. and at the same time, entring the Low-Countreys under the Conduct of Colligni, The French in­vade the Low-Countreys. Ferdinand of Tolledo Duke of Alva. plundred the Province of Artois. Whilest King Philip (the Duke of Alva strongly prosecuting his affairs in Italy) on the one part prevailed with his Wife; to denounce War against King Henry: on the other part, he commanded Phi­libert Duke of Savoy, to make an introde into France; by whose valour and conduct,Iune 1557. he won that memorable Victory at S. Quintins, which put all France into a shaking fit,Aug. 1550. insomuch as the greattest part of their Gentry be­ing prisoners to the Spaniard, The Spaniard first was con­querour at S. Quintins. the rest marched into Italy; it was the common fear, if the Conquerour came on, he would easily possess himself of Paris▪ most of the Townsmen being fled to the neighbouring cities, as if the Spa­niard were at their gates. But King Henry commanding the Duke of Guise out of Italy, and raising a great Army, (which is ordinary in France, where the children are bred souldiers) he soon interrupted the Spanish triumph:Presently after the French re­covered Cali [...]e. for immediately he took Calice, (which Port the Kings of England used to call, The Portall of France, Ian. 1558. and so long as they enjoyed it, they said, They wore the keyes of France at their girdle) being all the remainder of their two hun­dred years conquest, that was kept by the Englishmen upon the continent of France, which Kingdome in a few dayes they were forced to restore to its ancient bounds, retiring to their own within the Sea. But shortly after the Die of War ran on the Spanish side: For King Philip perceiving the French Army to be divided, proud of their number and success, having in hope de­voured all the Low-Countreys; he himself divided his own forces, part he sent against Paulus Termus (burning and spoyling the Sea-coast of Flanders) under the Command of Lamorall Count Egmont, the gallantest of all the Low-countrey-men, who was Generall of his Horse at the battel of S. Quintin, and a great cause of the victory. The other part of his Army he sent into Savoy, to attend the motion of the Duke of Guise. Count Eg­mont [Page 12] fighting a battel before Graveling, The Spaniard hath another vi­ctorie at Grave­ling. a port of Flanders, with great va­lour and fortune won the day: For whilest the old souldiers of both Armies fought doubtfully for sometime, on a sudden the French gave ground, and lost the battel: for ten English ships,Fortune seconds valour. as they sailed by, seeing the fight, struck into the mouth of the river of Hay, and with their Cannon so galled the French on that side,Iuly 1558. where they held themselves to be impregnable; co­ming upon them with such an unexspected and therefore a more dreadfull storm from sea, that the Foot being disordered, their fear was infused into the Horse, so as their Army being routed, there scarce remained one of the whole number to carry home news of the overthrow. For part were s [...]ain in the fight, the Duke and his great Officers taken prisoners; the rest were either knocked down as they swam, by the English (besides two hundred taken alive, and presented to the Queen, for witnesses of their service at the battel) or by the Boors, in revenge of the plundering and firing of their houses, killed without mercy. To their misfortune was added, that the reliques of the Army,The womens crueltie to the French. scattered in places they knew not about Flanders, had their brains beaten out by the women, that came upon them with clubs and spits, and (which is a more dangerous weapon) armed with the furie of their sex; some almost railing them to death; others pricking their bodkins into them, with exquisite barbarity pulled them to pieces with their nayls, as the Bacchanals tore Orpheus. Thus Henry of France, loosing two battels in one year, seeing his old souldiers slain, and (which is of fadder consequence) the noblest of his subjects taken prisoners, which are the strength of the French Militia; He willingly embraced that peace, which so long as for­tune smiled upon him,A Treatie of peace between the Kings. he had sleighted: And King Philip moved by the accession of Calice to the Kingdome of France, and his experience of the War, had the like inclination to Peace. Just as we see, after the clouds have fought, and are broken, the Sun breaks forth: nor ever shines a greater hope of Peace, then when a War is seriously prosecuted, fury being as it were glutted and weary with the slaughter. The honour of this Peace was attributed to Christiern, Concluded by mediation of the Dutchess of Lorain. Dutchess of Lorain, mediating between the two Kings, as cosen-germane to King Philip, and by late affinity gracious with King Henry. Nor is it unusuall to employ that Sex in such transacti­ons; for it is held a point of Civility to yield to their solicitation. The news of this Peace (which after long dispute opened it self with the Spring) in the city of Cambray, At Cambray, the Peace-ma­king city. was received with so great a joy of the Christian world, weary of the tedious War, that higher expression of contented minds are scarce recorded in the memory of man.April 1556. They that compared this peace, with that concluded between the fathers of these Kings, above thirty years before,To the generall contentment. Charles the V. & Francis the I. mediated likewise by Princesses, and concluded (where this was) in the Town of Cambray, a place destinated (as it seems) for peacemaking; shall find then no common joy, because divers Princes were not parties to the League,Aug. 1529. and the warr in Italy still continued. Whereas all the Prin­ces of Europe being equally comprehended in this Peace, an equall joy spread it self through all nations,Alice the Kings mother, and Margaret the Emperours aunt The Peace con­firmed by mar­riage. filling every mind with great hope of long friendship between the Kings: which afterward fell out accordingly. A Marriage, was likewise made, the better to confirm the Peace; which not­withstanding continues among Princes, no longer then ambition suffers it, to which for the most part Kings are more truly married.

King Philip (Mary Queen of England being dead the year before) was of­fered a wife that had been promised to his son Charles, Of the King of Spain to the French Kings daughter. Prince of Spain; Isa­bella King Henries daughter, eleven years of age, who because she was born [Page 13] when the peace was begun with England, and married to make a peace with Spain they called the Princess Peace. In like manner Emman. Philibert married King Henries sister Margaret, The King of France his sister married at the same time to the Duke of Savoy A Tourna­ment at the wedding. and had in portion with her all those towns be­yond and on this side the Alps, which France the first, and Henry himself had taken from him. But never did France celebrate so joyfull a Wedding with so sad a close. Among other preparations there a Tournament, that is fear­full pleasure and an honourable danger: wherein one cannot think them to be in jest, that fight: nor to fight, when they see all intended but for sport. It is an exercise the French exceedingly affect, and they account it noble, as being a bold and warlike nation. The Lists now set up, and scaffolded like a stage, were filled with the best Tilters in Christendome; (for France chal­lenged Europe at the breaking of a spear.)Where the King is victor. The two first dayes the King himself ran and had the Victory, but when he came the third time in all his glory into the Lists, against the advice of the Lords, encountring the Ca­ptain of his Guard, before his Bever was down, a splinter of his Launce fly­ing in his face,Gabriel Count de Mongoma­ry, but soon after wounded. struck out his right eye, and shooting into his brain (the Queen and Queen-mother with the Kings children beholding those unfor­tunate Revells) he presently fell in a swound, and being caught in mens arms the whole stage running bloud, which but now rung with joyfull ac­clamations and applauses, suddenly turned into mournings and lamentati­ons. The fifth day after, this Prince no less valiant then religious, and eve­ry way worthy a better fate,Dies July 2. 1549. departed his life. And before the eyes of an infinite multitude, which it seems he had proudly invited to his own funerals, he acted to the life, without scene or fable, the Tragedy of mortall happi­ness. They say,His death fore­told. one that cast his nativity (as these kind of Predictions are commonly produced, after the event) foretold this very accident. For Queen Katharine of Medices, desirous to know the fate of her children of the Astrologer Gauricus, Luc. Gaur. Thus. l. 22. he answered her, the Kings head would be endangered by a Duell.Lod. Guicci­ard. l. 3. Others say, the very night before his misfortune, the Queen had the manner of his death presented in her dream. But some who wisely ob­served, not without admitation of Divine justice,The history of the Nether­lands. that the King, who in the beginning of his Reign, gave way to a serious. Duell, between two young Gentlemen of great families, and with the Lords of his Court sate to be­hold it:1559. should in an unfortunate mock Duell loose both his life and King­dome. Howbeit he was then penitent for the fact,Anonym. in that Hist. and had made a vow ne­ver after to allow of any more such fighting:Thua. l. 3. & 22. Vidus. Ca­vocius & Francis Vi­vonus. and if in this last Tournament he sinned in the vain ostentation of his strength, no doubt but he abundant­ly redeemed it, in that admirable and Christian constancie of his soul in her extreamest agony.The judgement of prudent men upon the Kings fate. Sure he had contributed much to the religious meek­ness of the French, if he had buried this barbarous Recreation in his tomb.

This year (that I may enlarge my History a little) was fatall (if we may so call it) to many and great Princes,A strange con­juncture this year of Princes funerals. that dyed one after another: especial­ly since no contagion reigned among the People, very few vulgar corpses being then buried: yet, in the compass of one year, most of the Lords of Europe were entombed. There dyed the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Henry the second of France, Christian King of Denmark, and Christiern also King of Denmark, the last onely surviving four and twenty dayes. Queen Elianor sister to Charles the fifth, married first to Emmanuel King of Portu­gall, then to Francis the first of France, Mary who followed her brother Charles the fifth within less then a moneth, and a Queen of England of that name, and Bona Sfortza mother to Sigismund Augustus King of Poland, the [Page 14] other two were wives to Kings, one to Lodowick of Hungary, the other to Philip the second of Spain. There died Pope Paul the fourth, attended by the funerals of ten Cardinals, two Princes Electors, the Archbishop of Cul­len, and the Prince Palatine, Laurentius Priulus Duke of Venice, and Hercules Este Duke of Ferrara: not to name inferious Princes, whose continued Ob­sequies filled the Annual Register, so as that season seemed to be Deaths greater Harvest, King of Rome. when he cropt the heads of Nations, as Tarquin struck off the Poppy-heads. King Philip therefore, having now concluded a Peace, departed with his Queen from Savoy into Italy, (for King Henries death had altered no part of the agreement) and before his going into Spain to take possession of his Kingdomes, he thought it best to settle not onely the Civil and Military, but likewise the Ecclesiasticall State of the Low-Countreys.

Belgica, Of Belgium, or the Low-countreys. Its Name. [...] by Forreiners called Flanders, from the noblest part of it, and the Low-Countreys from the low situation, or (as the Germans will have it) from affinity with their language and manners, is known by the name of the low­er Germany: it is indeed a little parcel of Europe, as not much exceeding the fifth part of Italy, Greatness. nor above a thousand miles in compasse: yet I hardly know any Countrey more rich, or populous: The Prince making as much of Flanders as the Kings of England (set by the revenues of the Church) used to do of that large Island.Wealth. Guicciardine in his descripti­on of the Low-countreys. Cities, Towns, Villages, Forts. It containeth Cities, or Towns equall to Cities, above three hundred and fiftie: great Villages (to omit the lesser) above six thousand three hundred: besides Forts, that stand so thick, as if the ground were sown with them: Yet the ingeniousness of the People, and their contrivance is such, as their variety and plenty of manufactures are more then can be used, in the narrow bounds of this one Nation. The world hath not a more industrious,Militia. richer, or constanter Militia; so as Mars seems here to set up school, and teach the Art of War, to people that come hither from all climates. Then what unknown sea-coasts and Regions be­yond the Line,Navigation. hath not the Hollander discovered? as much as Nature by Land contracts their limits, so much by Sea have they opened to themselves larger Countreys, which they have subdued and peopled, extending as it were the Suburbs of the seventeen Provinces. Trade of cloth­ing. The Cloth and Stuff they make, not onely fill (as great as it is) all Europe, but far and wide, through every Nation of Africa and Asia, they daily bear about the Low-Coun­treys: Nay, the West-Indians, trucking for their Linen and Woollen, have learned the names of the Low-Countrey cities. To conclude, we seldome at this day admire the workmanship of any Engines, which the Low-Coun­trey men have not either invented, or brought unto perfection. Heretofore their wits were indeed kept under and depressed, when their fortune was as low as their Countrey: Now there is an other age, and other manners. Their love to learning, their skill in Sea-fights,Inclination. Adv. Jien. in his Tract of Holland, attri­butes it to the air they live in. their gainfull trade of Na­vigation, the well-ordering of the Common-wealth by themselves created, their stupendious Fire and Water-works (proofs of no dejected natures) are scarce any where to be matched; I am sure so many together are not to be seen in all the rest of Europe, as in this little plot of the Low-Countreys. It is likewise proper to this Nation (if left to themselves) to hate fraud,The Character of a Low-coun­trey man. and by that credit which they know they themselves deserve, to measure others. They are not greatly taken with presents, at least not long, using benefits like flowers, that please while they are fresh: their sense of injuries is the same; which they presently forget, and easily pass over, unless they conceive themselves sleighted, then their fury is implacable. They have likewise a shrewd guess of their own strength, seldome undertaking any thing they do [Page 15] not compass. Yet no people under heaven drive on a subtiler traffick, either by Sea or Land, inhabiting both the Elements, and not obliged by the Laws of either. In this they exceed, that how great soever their gains or losses are (a Common case with Merchants) they passe it over with so little and dull a sense of joy or grief, as you would think them factours for others, & not owners of the goods, I suppose out of the native temper of their minds, and the air of their Countrey that quickens them with colder spirits. But in maintaining their liberty, they are very fierce, for they hold it an honour to undervalue all things in respect of that: wherein they sometimes come nearer to licentiousness,Belgium di­vided into 17 Provinces. then liberty. The whole Region of Belgica is di­vided, according to their own calculation, into seventeen Provinces, which not long ago were either by affinity, or traffick, or arms, associated under the Government of one Prince.Which come to one Prince three wayes. Philip was the first of all the Dukes of Burgun­dy, under whose protection many more Belgick Provinces put themselves, then ever submitted to any other.Philip the Good had them by affinity. For Burgundy, Brabant, Flanders, Lim­burgh, Lucemburgh, Artois, Haynolt, Namurs, Holland, Zeland, Frizeland, the Marquisate of the sacred Empire, were solely in his possession. To these his sonne Charles joyned Gelderland and Zutfen, both which he first bought of Duke Arnold, Meyer l. 17. Charles the Souldier by Purchase and the Sword who disinherited his sonne Adolph, that kept him six years a Prisoner: then after the death of Arnold and Adolph, he fought for them with the sonne to Adolph, Pont. Heut. l. 1. But he lost some of them. and wonne them in the field. But Duke Charles being slain at the battel of Nantes, and the French King Lewis the Eleventh prosecuting the Warre against Mary Daughter and heir to Charles, this Principality was lessened by the loss of Artois to the French, and many other little Towns in Burgandy. And though Maximilian by his victory at Gui­nigate, a little after his marriage with Mary, Paulus Aemil. l. 10. and Pont. Heut. l. 2. Part Maximi­lian recovered by arms. restored divers of them to the Low-countreys: yet when a peace was made between him and the French, and Margaret Daughter to Maximilian, and Mary espoused to Charles the Dolphin: the Counties of Ar [...]ois and Burgundy were, in the name of her Dowre,The same Au­thour in the same book and lib. 5. cut off again from the Low-Countreys. But Margaret, being re­fused by Charles when he came to the Crown, after that refusall had revived the Warre, Charles posting into Italy to the Conquest of Naples, made a Peace with Maximilian and his sonne Philip, Part by Treaty Guic. lib. 1. 4. 8. Belcar. l. 8. returning Margaret and the Pro­vinces he had with her to the Low-Countreys; onely he kept the Forts in his hands which his successour Lewis the twelfth, wholly bent upon the de­sign of Millain, rendered of his own accord. But those of Gelderland and Zutfen, submitting to their Lords, and troubling the Low-countreys with incursions, especially the parts about Utrecht: Charles the fifth having over­thrown Charles Duke of Gelderland, Charles the fifth possessed himself of all together. Pont. Heut. lib. 11. and 9. entered upon them again, by the right of Conquest. But in regard the Warres, often renued upon his occasion, had been exceeding chargeable: the Emperour annexed the Provinces of U­trecht and Overysell to the Low-Countreys: (Henry Baviere Bishop and Lord Utrecht willingly resigning them) and defending Groin against those of Gel­derland: The same l. 11. and Meter. adding Cambray and Cambresey to the Province of Artois, enlarged the Belgick Dominion.Guic. lib. 16. and Pont. Heut. lib. 11. At length, after his victory at Pavia (by an agree­ment made between the Emperour and the King) the Low-Countreys were freed from the jurisdiction of the French King, who formerly was their Lord Paramount: so that Charles the fifth of all the Belgick Princes had the great­est and most absolute command. Now most of these Provinces, as once they had severall Lords,And though to have made a Kingdom of them, Guic. Meyer. so after they were subjected to one, almost each of them had their severall and respective Laws and a peculiar form of govern­ment. Which they say was the Principall cause that Charles the fifth, (when [Page 16] he was exceedingly desirons to mould these Provinces into a Kingdome, which had been attempted by his great Grand-father) gave off the designe,Why he did not. because they were so different in manners, language, customes, and emulati­on incident to neighbours, that he thought it hardly possible to reduce them to one kind of government, whereof a Kingdome must consist, none of the Provinces consenting to yield precedence to any of the rest, or to submit to the Laws of others as their superiours.The distribution of the Provinces From hence was derived the cu­stome for the Low-countrey Princes, 1546. besides Governours of towns,1556. to place a Governour in every Province that should minister justice according to their Laws and Customes. And King Philip was well pleased to have in his power the disposall of the Provinces,The government whereof King Philip gave to the Lords. in most of which the Governours pla­ces were void: That he might remunerate the valour and service of the Lords so often tried in the late Warres. He therefore pickt out the flower of the Belgick Nobility: choosing none, but such as either Charles his Father or he himself had made companions of the order of the Golden-fleece. L [...]cem­burgh, a Province bordering upon France and Lorrain, Lucemburgh to Count Mans­field. and therefore more famed for slaughter then riches, he gave to Ernest Count Mansfield, who had formerly been Governour thereof.1559. He was born in Saxony: for his military experience and fidelity to Charles the fifth and King Philip, equal­ly beloved of both.Namure to Count Barla­mont. Namures and Lymburgh neighbours on either hand to Lucemburgh (very small Countreys, but fruitfull) he bestowed, the one up­on Charles Count Barlamont, Lymburgh to the Count of East-Frizeland Haynolt to John Lanoi Lord of Mo­lembase. that, with his four sonnes spirited like their fa­ther, had been alwayes passionately for the King: the other he gave to Iohn Count of East-Frizeland. But Haynolt, the seminary of the Belgick Nobility, was not at this time given to the Marquesse of Berghen op Zoome, what ever others write, but to Iohn Lanoi Lord of Molembase, who the next year dy­ing, Margaret of Austria Dutches of Parma, But he shortly after dying, it was bestowed on the Marquess of Berghen. supreme Governess of the Nether­lands, by her special letters to the King, obtained that Province for Iohn Climed son in Law to Molembase and Marquess of Berghen, more gracious with Charles the fifth then with his son. In Flanders (which they say is one of the Noblest and most potent Provinces of Christendome) and Artois bordering upon Flanders, Flanders and Artois to Count Egmont. he constituted Lamoral Prince of Gaure Count Egmont a great Commander.French-Flan­ders to John Momorancy. That part of Flanders, which because they speak Wallom, or broken French, is called French-Flanders: and the City of Tournay thereun­to appendent,Tournay to his Brother Flo­rence. had for their Governours the Momorancies, Iohn and Florenti­us, this Lord of Mountain, that of Courir. But over Holland and Zeland and the parts adjacent that is the Districht of Utrecht: Holland and Zeland to the Prince of O­range. Provinces of great strength by Sea and Land,1559. the King placed William of Nassau Prince of Orange, of great authority in the Low-Countreys, yet no Low-Countreyman. To the government of West-Frizeland and Overysell the King advanced Iohn Ligni­us Count Arembergh, conspicuous for his loyalty to his Master and his expe­rience in Warre.Frizeland and Overysell to Count Arem­bergh. Gelderland and Zutfen formerly annexed to Gelderland were at this time distributed like the other Provinces among the Low-Countrey Lords,Gelderland and Zutfen be as then assigned to no one. as all Writers affirm. Yet, by their leave, the truth was otherwise: for the King at his departure thence disposed of neither of these G [...]vern­ments. I suppose it was, because Philip Memorancie Count of Horn, stood in competition for them, who had once been Governour of both: to whose pretension it was conceived Anthony Granvell Bishop of Arras was an ad­versary: the King, who confided in this mans judgement, but yet wou [...]d not be present when the other should receive offence, went into Spain, leaving these Provinces without a Governour: that so he might spin out the ex­spectation of Count Horn, and weary him with a tedious suit. And now ti­red [Page 17] indeed and hopeless to get it for himself, he altered the name, and peti­tioned in behalf of his Brother the Lord Montin, intreating the Dutchess of Parma, the Governess, that she would please to write to the King in favour of his Brother. She did so, putting in his name among divers others, by her commended to his Majestie: but at the same time in cypher, she wished the King to approve of none for that Command,But afterwards he sent from Spain a Patent to Count Megen to be Governour of both. but onely Charles Brimed Count of Megen, who was immediately chosen. In no less an errour are they that affirm the King in this distribution, to have assigned to the Prince of Orange, the Dutchy of Burgundy, apperteining to the Belgick Princes: when his Majestie approved and confirmed the present Governour thereof,Marc. 25. 1560. Claudius Vergius Lord of Champlitt: and it was the year following,And another to the Prince of Orange, after the death of Vergius, Jan. 16. 1559. to govern Bur­gundy. when Claudius died, that her Excellence of Parma, by her letters to the King, ob­tained Burgundy for the Prince of Orange.

The Provinces thus disposed (for Brabant is never commanded by any but the Prince and his Vicegerent, the supream Governour of the Low-Coun­treys) the King began to order the Militia, and leaving Spanish Garrisons upon the Borders,Brabant reser­ved for the Su­pream Govern­our of the Low-countreys. he thought of disposing the Horse, the proper Militia of the Low-countreys.The ordering of the Militia. They say it is very ancient, and was far more nu­merous. Charles the fifth lessened it to three thousand; but then he encrea­sed it in the choise of Noble and valiant persons: he armed them with half pikes and carabines, which so well they handled, as the Low-countrey Troops were famous over Europe. Especially of the Horse. Philip, by his fathers example, divinding the Horse into fourteen Troops, appointed over them so many Command­ers of the greatest of his Lords,Whose troops were famous througout Eu­rope. (viz.) all the said Governours of Provin­ces, (Courir, and the Count of East-Frizland excepted) Philip Croi Duke of Aresco, Their Com­manders. Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduke, Anthony Ladin Count Hochstrat, Iohn Croi Count Reux, Henry Brederod Earl of Holland; all but the last being Knights of the Golden Fleece. These ordinary Troops the King used to draw out of their Quarters, according to the emergencies of Warr. And King Philip by experience found these to be his greatest strength and best Bulwark against the valour of the French. But the command of the Sea, and the Royall Fleet, he left still in the hands of the old Admiral,The Admirall. Philip Momorancy Count Horn; Philip Staveley Lord of Glaion, he made Master of the Train of Artillery, both highly meriting in Peace and War,Generall of the Ordinance. and therefore at the same time admitted by his Majestie into the order of the Fleece.

There yet remained a part of the Republick, by how much the more no­ble and sacred,The disposition of Bishopricks, whereof there were onely four in all the 17 Provinces. by so much the more tenderly to be handled. To the seven­teen Provinces full of People; because foure Bishops (they had then no more) were not thought enough, the King resolved to increase the number. I find it was endeavoured by Philip Duke of Burgundy, Prince of the Low-Countreys, he that instituted the Order of the Golden Fleece, and dying bequeathed the establishment thereof to his Son Charles, Many therefore had wished their number might be encreased. sirnamed the Fighter [or Souldier] from his continuall being in arms, which altogether transport­ed, and took up the mind of this warlike Prince. Nor had Philip (grand­child to Charles the Fighter, Son to his onely daughter and Maximilian King of the Romanes) more leasure to pursue it, by reason of the new troubles of the Kingdoms, which he had in right of his wife Ioan, daughter and heir to Ferdinand the Catholick King. And though Charles the fifth sonne to Philip, Which Charles the fifth went about to do. made it his business, and put some threds into the loom; yet the great distractions and war of the Empire intervening, the work was often at a stand: and war upon war rising in Europe and Africa, The reason why he desisted. rather deprived him of [Page 18] the means then affection to accomplish it. Unless, perhaps, the Emperour grew slack, lest the erection of new Bishopricks, should straiten the juris­diction of his uncle George of Austria, Archbishop of Leige. Yet among his last commands, he particularly left this in charge to his sonne Philip. I my self have read a letter written in King Philips own hand to his sister of Par­ma; wherein he sayes, He is induced, at that time especially, to increase the num­ber of Bishops, because the Cities and Towns of the Netherlands daily grew more populous, and Heresie from their next Neighbours crowded in, and got ground of them: and that his Fathers Counsel and Command, had made deep impression in his mind, who taught him this, as the onely way to preserve Religion in the Low-Countreys. The King therefore, assoon as he was respited by the War,His son Philip attempts it. sent to Rome Francis Sonnius, a Divine of Lovain, a great learned man, (who not long before had disputed at Wormes with Melanchthon, Treats about it with the Pope. Illyricus, and others (by command from the Emperour Ferdinand) giving him in Commission, together with Francisco Varga, the Kings Ambassadour, to acquaint Paul the fourth with his desires.Concludes with him. After some moneths, when the business had been debated by a Court of seven Cardinals, it was accordingly granted: The Pope inclining of himself to destroy heresie, and neglecting no occasion of gratifying King Philip, Fourteen Bishop­ricks were to be added to the four former. to whom he was lately reconciled. So that he ap­pointed fourteen Cities in the Low-Countreys (besides the foure former) for Bishops-sees, whereof three were honoured with the Prerogative of Arch­bishopricks,Whereof three Archbishopricks. that is, Cambray, Utrecht upon the Rhine, and Maclin preferred before the others at the Kings request: which seated in the heart of Brabant, near the Princes Court at Bruxels, he had designed for Anthony Perenott Granvell, purposely translated from the Church of Arras thither, because that mans being near the Court, seemed to concern the publick. In this man­ner the Popes Bul was penned, and sent by his Nuntio, Salvator Bishop of Clu­sino, and Francis Sonnius going for the Low-Countreys, who was enjoyned to see the Decree executed; but in other things belonging to the revenues and limits of Jurisdiction, they were to do what to themselves in their discreti­ons seemed meet.The men chosen for those Dio­ceses. King Philip having received authority, made an excellent choice of men for the new Myters; all famour for the learned books they had written, as likewise for their virtues and deportments in the Councel of Trent. Such Bishops the Pope joyed to approve of, and the people were ashamed not to admit. And because the King would no longer defer his voyage into Spain, he left the care of limiting and endowing the new Churches to Granvell and Sonnius: for the Popes Nuntio was to follow his Majestie.

Before his departure, the King summoned the Estates of the Low-countreys to Gant: Of the Govern­our of the Low-countreys. many were of opinion, he would there declare a Governour for the Low-Countreys, which he had till then declined: though others imputed the cause of that delay to the Kings nature, perplexed and doubtfull whom to trust with the Government. Which procrastination daily added to the number of Competitours,Various conje­ctures (as is usu­all with the peo­ple) who should be the man. and to the discourses of lookers on. Many of which, according to their severall dependencies, made sure accompt their friends and Patrons should carry it: and together with this belief cherished their own hopes. Divers that aimed at no private advantage, did not so much named a Person, as a Governour: being ambitious to be Statesmen,The major part conceive, Count Egmont will be elected, a man of much same and merit. though it were but in giving imaginary votes: as if they should have their part in the Government, if they could but think of disposing the Provinces, and fill a vancant place, by predesigning him that should be chosen. But Count Egmont was the man, on whom the Low-Countreys fixt their eyes and [Page 19] wishes, a Prince conspicuous for his experience in the Warrs, and very active either in the field against the Enemies, or at home in private Tiltings: and for shooting in a piece at marks (an art of great account with that Peo­ple) second to none. Besides, he had a naturall affability, and (which is rare) a Popularity consistent with Nobility. But he was particularly fa­mous for the late victory at S. Quintins, a great part whereof the King ac­knowledged himself engaged for, to Count Egmont: and for a later day at Gravelin; since when the Low-Countrey-men had not wiped the enemies bloud off their swords. In which expedition asmuch as he transcended the other Lords that had command in the Army, especially the Spaniards, so much (with all forreiners but them) he gained glory to his Nation; and to himself the favour of others, by his own to them. So that if a Gover­nour for the Low-Countreys might have been voted by the souldiers love, and the peoples consent, no man should have been preferred before Count Egmont. But on a deeper sea, and with a more popular wind sailed the Prince of Orange. Many think the Prince of O­range will car­ry it, a man of greater power and wealth. The greatness of the House of Nassau, equall fortunes; the principality of Orange, subject to none: besides his other large possessions both in Germany and the Low-countreys; and his powerfull alliance to most of the great families of the North, his mother Iuliana being a woman of a mi­raculous fecundity: for of her children, whereof the greatest part were daughters, she lived to see one hundred and fifty that asked her blessing. Add to this his own merit: his dexterity of wit,Not undeserving and staiedness of judgement, far riper then his years: and his abilities both as an Ambassadour and a Ge­neral. Then the great opinion the Emperour Charles the fifth had of him, who employed him in his weightiest affairs. Upon these and such like con­siderations, how could the Prince of Orange go less in his hopes, then to be Governour of the Low-countreys; a place which his cousen Engelbert Count of Nassau enjoyed about an hundred years before:But he doubts a repulse. Yet doubting the Kings in­clination, he had divided his suit: that if he himself should meet a repulse, yet Christiern Dutchess of Lorain might prevail, whose daughter he hoped to marry,Christierna of Lorain is also designed for the place. intending (for that was his drift) that his mother in law should have the Title, but he himself the Power. And indeed the Dutchess of Lo­rain was every way capable of the place,With generall approbation. as being daughter to Isabella, sister to Charles the fifth, and having merited the favour of her cousen-german the King, by the Peace which she lately had concluded with the French, upon conditions more advantagious to the Spaniard: for which she was much ho­noured by the Low-countrey-men. But whilest on such kind of considera­tions, mens hopes and discourses were protracted and suspended;But Margaret of Parma is preferred before them all. behold upon the sudden came news, That Margaret of Austria, Dutchess of Parma, was sent for out of Italy to govern the Low-countreys. Which though it happened unexspectedly, yet could be no wonder to such as rightly judged. For on the one part, it was in reason to be thought, the King at that time would not easily trust the government of the Low-countreys, in the hand of a Low-countrey-man. Such as looked into it, might see cause sufficient. Particularly, Count Egmont had a bar, by the unhappy memory of Charles Egmont Duke of Gelder; What hindred Count Egmont. who being of the French faction, and a professed enemie to the House of Austria, Charles the fifth confiscated his Estate, and forced his heir to render Gelderland and Zutfen. And divers reports going of the Prince of Orange's Religion (in which kind a suspicion onely was enough to quash his sute) the King would be sure never to commit the Low-countreys What the Prince of Orange. to the faith of one gracious and powerfull with the Germane▪ Here­ticks, both as a neighbour and a kinsman, which might open them a pass into [Page 20] the seventeen Provinces.What Christi­ern of Lorain. Nay, even to the Dutchess of Lorain the rumour of a Treaty of marriage betwixt her Daughter and the Prince of Orange, was very disadvantagious, in her pretension to the government: though it made more against her, that she had married her sonne Charles Duke of Lo­rain, to the daughter of Henry King of France. For they say, Bishop Granvel advised the King to look to it, lest if she were Governess, the French coming in mixt with the Lorainers, might pester the Low-countreys. Perhaps he him­self being a Burgundian, gave his Majestie this counsel, for fear the Burgun­dians should be subject to the Lorainers, their ancient enemies. Or rather, finding the King inclined to the Dutchess of Parma; he endeavoured to ex­press his zeal in preferring her, and so to predeserve her favour. But to choose her, there was a concurrence of many reasons. Before I Particular­ize them, let me speak a little of the Dutchess her self, and give you an ac­count of her birth and education; together with her deportment before she came to govern the Low-countreys: Since the best Historians use, not onely to describe the Actions, Cic. l. 2. de O­ratore. but likewise the Fame of Persons: and are tied by the rules of History, not to omit the Characters of their Lives and Manners.

Margaret eldest child to Charles the fifth; born four years before he was married,Of Margaret of Parma. had a mother of the same name, Margaret Vangest (as long after it came to light) daughter to Iohn Vangest and Mary Cocquamb of Aldenard, Her Mother. Her mothers Parents. persons of good quality in Flanders: Both which dying of the sickness, left Margaret then but five years old,Education. to her fathers dear friend, Anthony La­lin Count Hochstrat: who with his wife, Elizabeth Culemberg, bred her as their onely child. When she was grown a woman, not onely as a great Beauty, but as one that consecrated her beauty with modestie, she was pre­tended to by many noble Suiters.Perfections. But she dashed all their hopes with the rub of chastity, intending within a few dayes to be a Nun. In the mean time, being invited to a Wedding, and dancing there among other young Ladies of her qualitie; she found by too late experience, that such as ex­pose their beautie, set to sale their chastity, especially if a great Chapman be at hand.The Emperour falls in love with her. For the Emperour Charles the fifth, in his passage by Aldenard, honouring this wedding with his presence, Margaret that came along with the Countess of Hochstrat, surpassing all the other Ladies in his eye, was highly commended by his Imperial Majestie, who while he commended, seemed to long for her: Insomuch as one of his followers (of that ging of Courtiers, that have no way to merit their Princes favour, but by slavish arts) catched her up in the dark, and brought her to the Bed-chamber. By her the Emperour had this Margaret we write of. The Business was ma­ny years concealed by Cesars command, especially because the same Cour­tier accidently had told him, that he took a great deal of pains to perswade the Virgin, but could not get her for his Imperial Majesty, without force and threatning: At which the Emperour was so moved, that giving the man a sound check for it, he vowed, if he had known as much before, he would never have touched the maid; and therefore commanded her deli­very should be kept private;Delivered of Margaret Anno 1522. whom Cesar conceals for her mothers credit and his own. But at last it was discovered. as well to preserve the Mothers honour, as his own. For the Emperour was not prodigall of his fame in this kind, nor with pomp and ceremony brought his by-blows on the stage. But the secret lay not long in the Embers, being gossiped out by a woman, employed as a necessary instrument in such cases: She imparted it to her husband, he, with the same secresie told it to a friend of his (for every one hath some he trusts, as much as others can trust him) just like the rain on the house top, which falling from one tile to another, and so from gutter to gutter, at last [Page 21] is spouted into the high way. For when many are of counsel in a business, what was every ones secret, becomes a rumour to the people. Nor did the Mother think it amiss, after she was known to have a child, that the father of it should be likewise known, as if her fault should be lessened by the great­ness of his name. And shortly the child appeared to be of the House of Austria, by her Princely education.

The Low-Countreys were then governed for Charles the fifth by his Aunt Margaret, The Infant is sent to be edu­cated by the Emperours Aunt. Daughter to the Emperour Maximilian the first and Mary Dutchess of Burgundy. The Emperour bred the Infant in the Court of his Aunt, under whom he himself in his infancy had been educated. Till she was eight years old, the child was fostered in the bosome of that Princess. After whose decease, she was sent to Mary Queen of Hungary sister to Charles the fifth,And afterwards by his sister. who being left a widow by King Lewis, 1530. had the govern­ment given to her. And her neece Margaret grew so like her, not onely in her private and publick virtues:Her disposition. but by observant imitation, the child had the happiness to get her very sense and propensions, her gravity and meen. The Governess was much delighted in the sport of Hunting,Her delight in hunting. whereupon they commonly called her the Forestress: as the true Neece to Mary Dutchess of Burgundy, that constantly followed the Chase, till by a fall from her horse she got her death. This Fate appears not onely to be her own, but to relate to Maximilian: whose other wife Blanca Sforza, while she was hunting, was likewise thrown from her horse and killed.1496. The Dutchess of Parma was so taken with this sport, and had so hardened her body with exercise, that she fearless galloped after her Aunt over the lawns and through the woods, before she was ten years of age. As she grew in years, she grew to exceed her Mistress in horsemanship, she was then betroathed the second time, to Alexander Medices of Florence, Cesar promises her in marriage to the Duke of Florence. she and her first husband Hercules Prince of Ferrara having never bedded. For the Emperour, that he might win Alphon­so father to Hercules from the French, from whom he was offered great con­ditions by Pope Clement the seventh:Breaking the match intended with the Prince of Ferrara. Courted him upon the self same terms, confirming him in the Principality of Mutina and Regio, and espousing his Daughter Margaret, then hardly four years old, to Alphonso's eldest sonne, Hercules. 1516. By these espousals the Emperour gained Alphonso, as the necessi­ty of his affairs required. But a while after, he being drawn again to side with the French: and his Sonne Hercules married to Renata Daughter to Lewis King of France. The Pope, upon his reconcilement with the Empe­rour,1529. among other articles of Peace, agreed that Alexander Medices (son to that Laurence whom Leo the tenth,Francisc. Maria Feltrio. deposing Feltrio, had created Duke of Florence) should be settled by the Imperiall Army in the Florentine Prin­cipality: and that to confirm him therein the Emperour should bestow up­on him his Daughter Margaret in marriage. Which conditions Cesar willingly signed; partly out of respect to his Holyness, whose injury he seemed to cancell by this benefit: partly in hatred to the Florentines, that entering into the Lotrechian association against the Emperour had put their City under the French Kings protection. Alexander was forthwith possessed of Florence, and the Florentines dispossessed of their liberty. But the marri­age was not compleated till seven years after, Pope Clement being then de­ceased. Nay the match, by occasion of the Popes death, came into a possi­bility of breaking, upon the solicitation of some great men in Florence, The Floren­tines labour to break the match. who by that seven years protraction imagining the Emperour wavered in his re­solution, treated with him, on great hopes and promises, not to admit of Alexander for his son in law, but to restore the City to its freedome, which [Page 22] they would onely hold of the Emperour. But Cesar having past his promise to the Pope in his life time,But in vain. thought himself bound in point of honour to make it good after the Popes decease. Especially because he suspected, that the Florentines leaned towards the French. Nor was he ignorant, that a be­nefit more easily obliges particulars, then a multitude: and that favours scattered in publick,The Nuptials, celebrated at Naples. are received by all, returned by none. The Emperour therefore sending for Alexander from Florence, to attend him at Naples: and to the Low-Countreys for Margaret, who longed to see her Father return­ed from the Warre of Tunis; at a Convention of the Estates and a great con­course of strangers, the marriage was celebrated with military Revells: wherein the Emperour himself ran a Tilt, habited like a Tauny-moor. But Margaret being received at Florence as their Dutchess,Soon after at Florence. and the Nuptiall so­lemnities iterated there: a great part of the body of the sunne was darkened at the Feast,With a strange Omen. and terrified the Guests. Many held it to be ominous: who, looking with discontented eyes upon the present state,1536. and making the hea­vens speak according to their wishes; compared the Dukes fortune, to the sunnes splendour suddenly eclipsed. Nor did their conjecture fail them,Her husband slain the same year. for Alexander by the Emperours affinity grown proud, and therefore careless, fell intemperately to love women, and so impolitickly, that being secure from forrein force, he was, with the bait that pleased him, easily intrapped by his kinsman Lorenzo Medices, of Counsell with him in his pleasures; and in hope or under pretence of restoring Florence to her liberty, in the se­venth year of his Principality, before he had been a full year married,1537. he was slain.His successour sues to Cesar for Margaret. His successour Cosmo (for the Duke died, but not the Dukedome) in the first place, humbly addressed himself to the Emperour for his con­sent that he might marry his daughter, Princess Margaret: thinking it would be a great support to his new and shaking power.But he casts his eye on the house of Farneze. But Cesar, resolved to make his best advantage of his daughters marriage, having already obliged the house of Medices, by establishing that family in the Dukedome of Flo­rence: and having likewise laid an obligation upon Cosmo himself, by con­firming (though many opposed it) the Principality upon him: sought a son in law among the Farnezes, then Princes, and gave his daughter Margaret in marriage to Octavio, And marries his daughter to Octavio Far­neze. nephew to Pope Paul the third, and at that time crea­ted Prefect of Rome (in place of the Duke of Urbin deceased) and presently after made Duke of Camertio. To this end, the Emperour Charles the fifth and King Francis had an enterview at Nice, Francisco Ma­ria Feltrio. endeavoured by Pope Paul, who came thither in person, hoping by some means or other to compose the diffe­rence. For as both these Princes studied to make the Pope, who being pow­erfull in long hoorded wealth and wisdome, no doubt but his inclining to either side would turn the scales; so the Pope, vigilant for his own advan­tage, took this opportunity to treat with the Emperour of a marriage for his Nephew: especially since the news of Solimans fleet growing dayly more terrible, it concerned them both to confirm the Peace made between them and the state of Venice, by an intermarriage in their families. The Empe­rour was so willing to comply with the Pope, That he not onely preferred his Nephew before the Duke of Florence, (who then by his Ambassadour renued his former suit) and before other Princes, which had the like am­bition: but instantly making up the match between his Daughter and Octa­vio, he put them together, though the Bride had little joy of the wedding, despising her husbands unripe years. Therefore jestingly she called it her Fate, to be married, but not matched; for when she was a Gyrl of twelve, she must then have a man of seven and twenty; and now she was a woman, a [Page 23] Boy of thirteen. For some years after this marriage,With whom at first she cor­responded not. she had an aversion from her husband, not so much in contempt of his years, as by reason of ill offices done by a Courtier, who having been her old servant bare a great sway with her; and hating the Farnezes with more then his own spleen, sometimes commending her first husband Alexander, sometimes aggravating the Popes injuries to her father, nourished domestick discord: till at length,1541. he being removed, and Octavio attending the Emperour in his Warres,But afterwards He was in­deared to her. the mind of the Dutchess began to change. For when the Emperour was to go for Africa from Lucca, whither the Pope came to conferre with his Impe­riall Majesty, and had brought along Octavio and Margaret, though Paul the third utterly disliked the voyage to Argeirs, yet he ventured his Nephew Octavio, commending him to Cesars fortune: and designing in that one act to give Hostage to the Emperour, and bring his daughter into a longing for her absent husband.By means of his Absence and Hazzards. And indeed after the misfortune of the Warre, wherein the Emperour was rather worsted by the Sea, then by the Moors, the news of Cesars overthrow was divulged in all places. And because no man could tell what was become of him, and the Reliques of his scattered fleet, it was constantly believed at Rome that the Emperour was cast away: some reported they saw the ship, wherein Octavio was abroad, eaten up by the Sea: which was the rather believed, because when the Emperours escape was known, Octavio was not mentioned.1545. This first moved the Dutchess, her love growing out of pity; as if the youth flying from his wives frowns had run upon his Fate,Her love to him increased. in the prime of his years and fortunes. But when the news came that he was living,See the ninth Book. and with his Father in law, onely that he lay desperately sick; hope and fear joyned to bring her love and pitie to perfecti­on: till two years after (in all which time he still kept the field and was never out of the Emperours eye) at his return to Rome; aswell his long stay from her, as his long service to her Father speaking in his behalf, it is hardly credible with what longing and affection his wife received and honoured him. Not long after she having the rare happiness to be brought a bed of two sonnes at a birth; by how much it joyed her, (especially they comming at the same time to the Principality of Parma and Placentia) by so much her love to her husband increased. Onely, as she was violently ambitious to command in chief, and therefore hardly brooked a power divided with her husband;Not without some instrve­ning jarres. so when discords sprang between them, she would not easily be reconciled. The truth is her spirit was not onely great beyond her sex:Her masculine spirit. but she went so habited, and had such a garb, as if she were not a woman with a masculine spirit, but a man in womans clothes. Her strength was such,And manly ex­ercises. as she used to hunt the stagg, and change horses upon the field, which is more then many able bodied men can do. Nay upon her chin and upper lip she had a little kind of beard, which gave her not more of the resemblance then authority of a man. And, which seldome happens in her sex, and never but to very strong women, she was troubled with the Gout.She was of a ready wit. She had a present wit, and in action could steer to all sides with wonderfull dexterity: as ha­ving been of a child bred up in the Belgick Court, and instructed in her youth by the adverse fortune of the Medices; Wonderfull discreet. in her riper years accomplished and made absolute by the discipline of Farnezes Palace, and the old learn­ing of Pope Paul the third. Then for piety, she had a great master indeed,And religious. Ignatius Loyola Founder of the Society of Iesus: to whom she confessed her sinnes, and that oftner then was the custome of those times.Especially at the Eucharist. By this man she was taught a singular reverence and devotion towards the Eucha­rist, proper to the House of Austria. Whereupon one every year, [Page 24] in Passion week,Her yearly Cha­rity to the poor. she washed the feet of twelve poor maids (which she commanded should not be washed before she came): Then feasting them, waited herself at table, and sent them away new clothed, and full of gold. Upon the other more chearfull solemnitie of Corpus Christi day, she gave very noble portions to poor Virgins, and married them to good Husbands. Both these feasts she kept during her life. With this breeding and these parts,Which juncture of excellencies principally mo­ved the King to make her Go­verness of the Low-countreys. the Dutchess so won upon the King her Brother, that he committed the Low-countreys to her; knowing her to be a woman of great courage, and excellently versed in the art of Government. Besides, his Fathers commands were yet fresh in his memory, who loved her dearly, and on his death-bed earnestly recommended her to the King.A second Cause thereof. It seems, he thought this honour would answer the Fathers wishes, and the Daughters merit: Withall,A third. he hoped the Low-countreymen for the reverence they bare to the name of Charles the fifth, would chearfully obey his Daughter, born among them, and bred up to their fashions; and that her Countrey-men would therefore the better digest her Government, because subjected people think themselves partly free, if governed by a Native. Perhaps the King was content, in favour of the Low-countreymen, to let them be governed by a Woman, hoping the Innovations he had designed, would please, coming from a Lady, like an incision, that pains the less when made by a soft hand. But besides these reasons given out in publick, there was other private cause. Octavio Farneze Duke of Parma and Piacenza had long since been in the Low-countreys,A fourth, more secret, perhaps more true. and there served a Volunteer against the French; at his re­turn for Italy, he was an earnest suiter to King Philip (to whom he delivered) his son Alexander) that he would please to restore him the Castle of Piacen­za, kept as yet with a Spanish Garrison. The King, though he resolved not to grant his suit; yet lest the Prince should return discontented (whom by long experience he had found faithfull and serviceable to the Crown of Spain, in his command against Herecules the French Generall, in the War of Italy: and the obedience of whose Cisalpine Countreys, would great [...]y ad­vantage Spain) conferred the Government of the Low-countreys and Burgun­dy upon his wife, acquainting the Duke with it, as if he did it for his sake; assuring himself whilest those Provinces which he looked upon with so much love and care, were in his absence committed to the Farnezes▪ they would rest well contented with so high an argument of confidence and af­fection. Nor did Octavio sleight the favour; nay, as it often happens, that a present bounty is the step to a future rise; he hoped, by the tie of this Go­vernment, every day more to endear his Majestie to his Sister, and to the House of the Farnezes. The King lessened not that hope, which he knew would serve to make the Farnezes intentive to the Government of the Low-countreys: for by how much the Governess might advance his interest in the Low-countreys, as well because of her Religion as her Prudence, so much the gladder he was, to have such Pledges from them. The King therefore not onely kept his son Alexander, to aw the mother▪ but he thought it concerned him to give the father hope of the Castle of Piacenza; well knowing some mens natures are more obliged by receiving one, then many benefits.

The Governess being designed, and new come into the Low-countreys, his Majestie met her on the way,Margaret comes into the Low-countreys. attended by Octavio Duke of Parma, her son Alexander, the Ambassadours of Princes, the Deputies of the Provin­ces, and the rest of his Nobility, then met at the Convention of Estates.Is saluted Go­verness. After he had saluted his sister, as Governess for him of the Low-countreys [Page]

Margaret Dutchesse of Parma and Piacenza Daughter to Charles the 5th Governesse of the Lowcountreys

[Page] [Page 25] and Burgundy, he brought her in great state to Gant; appointing her Councels of State, Appointed three Councels. of Iustice, and of the Finances or Exchequer; giving her these pre­cepts how to use them.Instructed by the King. That she was to make it a rule at the Board, what­soever opinion carried it in Councel, should be maintained for the better out of Councel, even by such as had voted against it.After the reso­lution in Councel What they were to observe a­broad. For which he gave his reasons, Lest upon dispute there should grow contestation, and the authors (when the Councel was up) be engaged in perpetuall quarrels. Likewise, that strangers might not know who to thank or complain of;The causes of this Command. whence this be­nefit would ensue, That envie which uses to be levelled at particular per­sons, would not be conceived, at least not practised against a multitude. There would be less heart-burning among the Lords of the Councel, and every one more freely vote according to justice and equity, because less en­forced to decline it by hope or fear.How she was to call the Councell. Another reason was, That if the Go­verness observed them to be divided into faction, or packed together in a Conspiracy, she should then, breaking up the Councel, call to her a cabinet Councel, which the King named, viz. Granvel Bishop of Arras, Charles Count Barlamont, and Viglius President of the Privie-Councel.Ulricus Viglius Zuichem. This pri­vate meeting was called the Consult. Nay, upon any sudden accident, when it would take up too much time, and be too dangerous,Severall rea­sons thereof. to have it heard and determined at the Councel-table, the Governess was to impart it to this Cabinet Councel, where it would have a quicker dispatch, and sometimes more advised: For the less number (the King said) would be less tedious, and yet a few well chosen give as good advice. And then secrets would not be brought upon the stage, and there would be little occasion for the Ambi­tious to make speeches, and to maintain their opinions; because without a Scene and admiring Spectatours, proud men do but coldly act their parts. The greatest business are therefore agitated, out of the crowd, with less pomp, and more advantage. Lastly, in these meetings, where (though all have equall right to vote, and not equal judgement, yet) the major part car­ries it, it is easie to find (because in a multitude) many that want either ability or honesty: howsoever in regard their number is to be considered, not their reasons; the more and not the better must prevail.

His Majesty having thus instructed the Governess, and assigned her an Annuall persion of thirty six thousand Crowns;The King after her instructions, gives her a pen­sion. to encrease the publick joy in the assemblie of the Estates at Gant, he created eleven Knights of the Or­der of the Golden Fleece, And in a Chap­ter of the Knights of the Golden Fleece. in their places that were deceased: for so many wanted to make up fifty one, the number to which Charles the fifth had mul­tiplied the Order, whereas Duke Philip the Founder, at first onely instituted twenty five, and after added six to make up the number one and thirty.1516.

Lastly,1433. the King appointed a time to hear the Petitions of the Deputies to the Estates: Where Granvel in the Kings name made a speech to them:1429. answered by Borlutius of Gant, Speaker for the Estates. Granvell gave rea­sons for the Kings going into Spain, Declared Margaret Dutchess of Parma, under the Kings Majestie,He declares her Governess. Supreme Governess of the Low-countreys and Burgundy (she then sitting by the King); Disputed for the Old Religion, against Hereticks that corrupted it: And in the first place earnestly com­mended the protection and observance of Religion to the Governess,And commands to them Religion and Obedience. till his Majestie should return to the Low-countreys. Borlutius, after he had presented the Estates humble thanks and promises of obedience to the King,Hears the E­states Requests. and Governess, delivered the Heads of their desires. That his Maiestie by the example of his Father the Emperour, would please to call out of the Low-countreys all forrein forces, and use none but their own Co [...]ntrey [Page 26] Garrisons, nor admit of any Alien to sit in the Great Councel. The King, giving them fair hopes,And grants them. promised to with-draw the forrein souldiers that re­mained (for he had already freed them of the maior part) within foure moneths next ensuing: So dissolving the Assembly, all his business in the Low-countreys being now dispatched:Then his Ma­jestie goes into Spain. The Duk [...] of Savoy into Italy. The Dutchess of Parma to Bru­xells. From Gant he passed to Zelan [...], and weighing anchors from the port of Ul [...]hen in the moneth of August, made a happy voyage into Spain. The Governess the Dutchess of Parma, and the Duke of Savoy having waited on the King aboard, the Duke with his Princely Bride, tooke leave for Italy: Her Excellence retired to Bruxels, the ancient seat of the Belgick Princes, and in September one thousand five hundred fiftie and nine, began her Government over the Low-countreys.

The End of the first Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The second Book.

KIng Philips departure from the Low-Countreys fell out very inconvenient for that new condition of affairs.The Kings un­seasonable de­parture out of the Low-Coun­treys before a perfect settle­ment was made. For every change in Cities and Kingdomes, like young trees when they are transplanted, had need of present looking to till we be sure they have taken root. Doubt­less it had been farre better for the Netherlands, if the King (so the necessities of Spain would have permitted) had stayed there for some time, till he had seen at a nearer distance, the course and motions of things which he had altered in those parts. And not to have taken them upon trust, from others uncertain relations: For many times the water changes the tast, by running long and severall wayes under ground, nor can he that drinks it a farre off, judge of it so well, as he that sits at the spring head, and hath it from the fountain. Truly the King had with more certainty looked into the designes of men, and consequently the misfortune had been less, which after he left them involved the Low-Countreys in a difficult and tedious warre.The like incon­venience in Spain when Charles the fifth went from thence to Ger­many. And as when his father Charles went into Germany to be crowned Emperour, the Spaniards immediately took up arms against his Lieutenants: so the Low-Countreymen, when K. Philip went for Spain to take possession of his Kingdome, after they had kept a foot a civill war between them and their governours, at last the confe­derate Provinces fell off from their obedience to their Prince. The causes of which evils I being now to represent: I must confess, I never read of any tumult or war,1520. whose originall was so variously and contradictorily reported by the People, The Causes why writers differ [...] about the Beginnings of the Low-coun­trey tum [...]lts Ostentation of wit. and written by Historians. I believe that some when they found the reasons, that went currant for causes of this war, fat too weak for the raising of so great commotions, they themselves guessed at others, that rather agreed with the writers wit, then the truth of history. Some again, have framed causes according to their factions and religions, passing over all those in silence,Faction▪ Ignorance of the difference be­tween Begin­nings and Causes. that made against their party. Others, not so much to cozen the Reader, as being cozened themselves with the shew of pretended causes, ignorant how much Causes and Beginnings differ, have failed to clear the originals of these differences. When an Historian is obli­ged [Page 28] first to inform himself of the beginnings of Peace and War,Which difference is principally to be observed and explained by an Historian. or of Sedi­tions, and what their grounds and causes were; and in the next place, to in­form his Readers: lest they not understanding the difference of causes and beginnings, should judge amiss of actions and events: and so History the mistress of wisdome,So did the an­cient and best writers. Fab. Pict. in his Annalls. Tit. Liv. l. 21. Polyb. l. 3. become the handmaid of errour. Nor was it an idle dispute among the ancient Historians, what was the ground of the warre wherein Hannibal was Generall for the Carthaginians against the [...], be­cause they knew it would be of great concernment, that such as were to read the actions of Rome and Carthage, should penetrate into both their coun [...]els, to understand things rightly; and to make a far different judgement betwixt the Articles of Leagues, and Complaints of Ambassadours, and betwixt the justice of the war in generall. Taught by these great examples,To follow whose examples it is easie, for a man acquainted with Princes secrets. I have thought it worth my pains, before I handle the Low-Countrey war, of far longer continuance then the war of Carhage, accurately to search and di­stinguish the causes and beginnings: Especially because in these affairs, so diversly censured in many mens letters and discourses, I can promise, out of the peculiar helps I have had, a more exquisite and certain relation. It is not to be doubted, but the liberty which people have long enjoyed, if it be entrenched upon or invaded,The Low-Coun­treymens Pri­viledges very great. will cause insurrections. Nor is it unknown, that the government of the Low-Countreys, came very near the form of free cities, by the indulgence of their Princes: who had made them, by many and liberall Charters, though not absolutely free-States, yet more then common subjects: especially those of Brabant, Lud. Guicciar­din in Descrip. Belg. into which Province, we know, great bellied women came from the neighbour countreys to lie in; that their children might enjoy the priviledges of Brabant. You would think the husbandman had chosen this for a nursery for his plants: and after they were grown up, and had sucked their first moisture from that earth; then they were removed, carrying along with them the endowments of that ho­spitable soil.From whence this evil had its Originall be­cause the King trencht upon them three wayes. From hence, many writers derive the pedigree of their mise­ries; that the Spanish souldiers contrary to the Kings promise, were kept so long in the Low-Countreys, that fourteen Bishops added to four which they had antiently, the episcopall jurisdiction seemed to be encreased with breach of priviledge to the Provinces, that there was an endeavour to bring in new Inquisitions of faith, and to impose an universall form of judicature upon the Low-Countreys, which how they were the beginning of causes of their rebellion, with my best care and judgement I shall now unfold.

King Philip had used his Spanish souldiers against the French, The retaining of the Spanish souldiers [...] first Cause of their [...]. nor did the Low-countreymen complain of it as a grievance. But the war being end­ed,The Low-Coun­treymen are ag­grieved. when he had sent a great part of his army out of the Low-countreys,Instigated by the Prince of Orange, his Majestie retained yet 3000; over which the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont had the command with shew of honour; but indeed to take off the odium of a forrein [...]armie, And exaspe­rated by the Spaniards the [...]. by the popular names of their Generals. But it could not take it off; For on the one part, the Generals themselves appeared to be discontented with the honour, such as it was: Nay,Hence grew their [...] the King. [...] Cause is [...] wholly to [...] to the Low-Countrey­men. the Prince of Orange prompted the Low-countrey men, not to suffer that remainder of the Spa­niards. On the other part, the Spanish souldiers were so imperious and quar­relsome (as it often happens, especially in the Towns where they are quar­tered) that it did not a little exasperate the minds of the inhabitants, so as the Spaniard grew to be hated, and the King himself ill spoken of, almost through all the Netherlands. Which mutuall aversion, as I shall never im­pute it wholly to the Low-countreymen, because they saw the promise defer­red of calling away the souldiers, with whom they had daily quarrels; so [Page 29] I shall not easily condemn the Kings delay, for continuing them in garrison:Not to the King. partly, because his sister the Governess advised him to have a care, least if he disbanded the Spaniards, the bordering cities might be encouraged to spoil and waste the Marches; partly, because he himself, as he was of a jea­lous nature, suspected the Low-countreymen had a plot, in pressing him to free them of forrein forces. And the more earnestly, indeed contumaci­ously, that they reminded him of his promise, the more slowly and cauti­ously the King thought good to proceed.Whether the Bel­gick tumults are to be derived from this foun­tain. But whatsoever cause the King or the Low-countreymen had, yet he satisfied them in this particular. For a little more then a year after his departure from the Low-countrey, the Spa­niards were sent for away, and all those stirs and popular tumults vanished in a moment: So as they that make this the cause of the Belgick troubles, have found out a very sleight one.

The multiplying the number of Bishops, was a far stronger motive to rebellion,Multiplying the number of Bi­shops, the se­cond cause of Insurrection. especially, for that after the death of Paul the fourth, it was thought fit to change the orders he had made, concerning the revenues of their Bishopricks: and they were to be endowed as it pleased the Popes Nun­tio in the Low-countreys, and Pi [...]s the fourth at Rome: and that Bishops should succeed in place of some Abbots when they died, and should have the name, estates, and honours, formerly enjoyed by the Abbots; so as in the mean time nothing should be remitted from the strict discipline of the Mo­nasteries.The complaints made thereupon. But whether it was the multiplication of Miters, or the endow­ing of them; it is not to be imagined how ill it took in the Low-countreys with all degrees of men. The former Bishops, as well the Low-countrey­men,By the old Bi­shops. as their Neighbours, complained, That by setting up new ones, those had their Jurisdictions confined to narrow limits; these, that they were not onely straitened in their limits, but likewise in the revenues of their Bishop­ricks, especially since this had been determined at Rome, without hearing of the parties therein concerned. The Nobility were aggrieved,The Lords tem­porall. that Bishops should come in place of Abbots, because being a degree higher, they would be far more potent, and therefore it would not onely derogate from the Lords Temporall, but also from their liberty. Nor should they dare to speak freely in the great Councel of Estates, when those men were present, whom they knew, as bound by oath to the Pope, would draw all businesses to Rome. Neither was it for the Kings service, that they should bear all the sway,The Abbots. who were the Bishop of Romes sworn servants. But no complaints were bitterer then the Abbots and Monks, because none seemed juster. That they were deprived contrary to all precedent, of the right and power to choose an Abbot out of their own Order; that there ought not to be set over Religious men, that had a certain Rule and form of life, men ignorant of Religious Discipline▪ And almost all that stood for the Low-coun­trey priviledges. that indeed the means and authority of Abbots would pass to the Bishops, but the care and trouble remain with some of the Monks; that truly at present, such men were advanced to those Offices, as were eminent for piety and learning, but hereafter those rich Deodands should be exposed for prey, to some of the Princes followers and flatterers. Be­sides these common objections, two more were in almost all mens mouths, That by the creation of new Bishops, the privelledges of Brabant were infrin­ged, and by degrees the tyrannie of the Spanish Inquisition would be intro­duced. The latter whereof, because it raised particular troubles, I shall speak of it apart. But though I read the other almost in all writers, yet what the words of the Charter should be, whereby the King obliged him­self so, as that he could not augment the number of Bishops, I find in no Hi­storian. [Page 30] For what some write, that the King swears at his Coronation, not to encrease the State Ecclesiasticall, is not an ingenuous allegation, because the Prince onely swears to that kind of encrease, whereby he promises not to suffer the Clergy to receive the goods of Laymen, which they call Mort­mains, In 2. Addit. ad [...]aetum introi­tum Principis Hispaniae. Artic. 24. but upon certain conditions. This is far from the point in controver­sie; therefore I held it fit to march further into their records, where I found one Clause, that seems to make against the increasing the number of Bishops. Which condition of their priviledges, unless I had resolved to be a faithful Historian, I might safely have concealed; because they themselvs do not mention it, that have, I am sure, written many things in mere malice to the Spaniard: What those pri­viledges were. For King Philip being created Duke of Brabant, by his father Charles the fifth, among divers Priviledges which in the Act of the Ioyfull Entry he bestowed upon that Province, inserts this clause, That hereafter he will not suffer any to entrench upon the Offices, Artic. [...]6. And how viola­ted by increase of Bishops. Lands, or Goods of Abbots, Bi­shops, or other religious persons within the Dukedome of Brabant, under the name of a Commendum. But whilst, by the Kings procurement, Bishops were entituled to the reversions of Monasteries, after the Abbots deceases; the Brabanters seemed to have their Priviledges broken, and the people had oc­casions offered, that the proceedings which every one hated for his private benefit,For which, ma­ny men rail at, they might all in publick fairly declaim against, by the name of Breach of Priviledge. Some therefore wondered, what was in the Kings mind or counsel, to bring in new Bishops, & make a thing, displeasing of it self, far more distastfull and odious, by taking their estates from the Monasteries. And therefore they further said, That if the King proceeded to violate the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject,And threaten the King. the Brahanters had cause to defend themselves, and that the Prince ought to remember, that when he made their Charter, he articled,Artic. 5. Some argued for his Majestie. They should pay him no subjection or obedience, if he entirely performed not to them his Oath and Protestations. Yet some there were of a contrary opinion, and by how much they saw the King endeavour it, with lesse benefit and greater danger to himself; so much the more they commended his sincere religion, who in this business looked upon nothing, but the good of his people.From Precedents in other coun­treys. And indeed, What was there apparent that men could justly blame? the encrease of the number of the Bishops, or of their maintenance? As if the Bishop of Rome might not do that in the Low-countreys, which he had done in Germany and in France, between which two Nations in the middle,Which makes against the com­plaints of the old Bishops. lieth the Netherlands? Did not Boniface Bishop of Mentz, Legate for the See Apostolick in Germany, when the multitude of Christians abounded in some places (by the authority of the Popes Cregory the third, and Zachary) adde three new Bishops to the former? The very like cause there was among other reasons, for doing the same in the Low-countreys. Baronius, ann. 639. & 741. But what motive was in France? the sacred jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tholouse was so large, that one Pastor could not possible see the faces of all his Diocese; and therefore it was divided into five Episcopall Sees, by Iohn the 22;Extrav. Solva­tor, de Praebend & Dignit. not onely no care taken of the Bishops of Narbon, Bourges, or Cahors, out of whose estates both the Church of Tholouse, and some of these new ones were endowed; but the Bishop of Tholouse, must of necessity loose much of his revenues by the division of his then rich Diocese. That the neighbour-Bishops ought not to have been called to Rome, and heard in a business of this nature, their reasons for it being onely their own profit and power,As likewise a­gainst the tem­porall Lords. is sufficiently apparent. Nor were the grievances of the Lords built upon a much better ground, that is, they were discontented that they should be limited in their bold disputes, about Religion and Mo­narchy, [Page 31] by the unwelcome presence of the Prelates, whom they ought to honour as Fathers and Princes of the Church, and to fear them as Revengers of Sacriledge. For when they alledged, that they doubted the Bishops would be evil Counsellours, and bandy against the King, it was a pretence to cozen children with; they doubted themselves, that if they should appear against the King, they should have these men for witnesses and adversaries, that had received, and hoped for more from his Majesty, then ever the Ab­bors did. Then the complaints of the Abbots and Monks, And against the Abbots. Aubertus Mi­raeus in Noti­tia Episc. were somewhat more then became them. It was not without precedent, that a Bishop should succeed in the place of an Abbot. Let them look upon France, they shall find that Iohn the xxii, indowed the Bishops of Condom, Vabrince, and L [...]mbere (to name no more) with Monastery lands. And if there should want an example, yet when it was granted to a Prince by the Pope, that may command the Monks, they might have been so modest, as to teach others obedience to his Holiness. They might have remembred, most of their Mannors and Lordships, were the bounty of the Belgick Princes, which made it seem more just; so as the King not making his own use or advantage of the profits thereof, but onely employing them for the good and benefit of those Provinces, the Abbots themselves ought to have been as willing as the Prince, and contributed to the necessity of the people, by so much more freely, by how much that Care is more proper to a religious life: and not with unseasonable exclamations have corrupted a good designe, stirred up the people, and alienated the Popes and the Kings mind from their patronage. For the great grievance,The literal sense of their privi­ledges. that the King had broke their Priviledges: First, they did not sufficiently understand the difference, between a Commen­dum and the Annexion of Church-livings. A Commendum being in the nature of a thing deposited, the other given as to an absolute Lord. And therefore Commendums, if the possessour die, revert to the depositor, as the Lord Paramount; unless they be passed over to another by a new Com­mendum: but such as are annexed, do not revert, but remain for ever to the Successour in that Office, to which they are appendent. For which reasons there is no more taken from Monasteries by annexing, then was by giving them in Commendum, because that which is anne­xed, doth no more revert to Monasteries, then that which was commend­ed; forasmuch as what was once commended, is conferred again from one to another, by the Pope, to whom it reverts. Nay whereas Church-livings may be commended to non-residents, that cannot which is annexed to a Bishoprick. For herein Religion requires the Bishops presence, farre more then a Commendum; so as what might have come by a Commendum to a for­reiner, by Annexion was retained in the Low-Countreys.Whence some in­fer, that they were not broken June 4. 1561. apud Arnold. Havens. de novis Episc. l. 2. The King there­fore while he took care that Abbies should not be given in Commendum to Bishops (which was the provis [...] of their Charter) but annexed to their Bishopricks; did not in truth violate their priviledges, which he had sworn to maintain. But what need more words? when the case being put to the University of Lovain, and studied by Doctors both of Divinity, and of Civill Law;Jun. 4. 1561. Arnol. Haves. de nov. Episc. l. 2. and adde the decision of the Lovain Do­ctors, and ne­cessity, the great­est of Priviled­ges. it was definitively resolved, that annexion of Livings, and likewise the institution of new Bishopricks, was neither repugnant to the Kings oath, nor to the laws. Again, they ought to consider the difference, that was then from other times and manners: that while Religion was safe, the King altered nothing▪ but when it was endangered, there can be no privi­ledges to tie the hands of Kings from supporting their dominions falling into ruine. The number of pastours was the fittest remedy to defend the flock of [Page 32] Christ from wolves breaking in upon them; and sure there is none so great an enemy to the King, but must acknowledge and believe it. Nor could their endowments be proportioned with less inconvenience then they were, by prudent men, to whom it was referred, with the Kings approbation, and the Popes command.And that the King was not obliged to sum­mon the Estates Generall. Nor was the Prince (which some required) bound to do it by the advice of his great Councel, for he held himself obliged to it by no law; and likewise his reason told him, the States (in a thing distastfull to many, especially such as listened to hereticks their neighbours) would easi­ly dissent, using the liberty which they took upon them in publick assem­blies. Whereby he should not onely expose his Prerogative and Majesty to the dispute, but even to the contempt of his people: and that he should vex their minds so much the more, by following his design, when they once de­clared their publick dislike, and passed their votes against it. But the King might have provided for the new Bishops, or it, upon a fuller survey he had found all other wayes more difficult, yet he himself should have maintained them out of his own▪ and not out of other mens estates; without the trou­ble of his people,Nor out of his own purse to allow mainte­nance for the Bishops. Especially when he gave them Pensions. without any mans prejudice? As if it were not just, that the Bishops which were to serve the Low-Countreys, should be provided for out of the Low-Countreys. Nor did the King spare his Exchequer, al­lowing every Bishop yearly one thousand five hundred crowns in pension, till sufficient maintenance should be raised elsewhere. Albeit the King in giving them the Abbots goods, did not directly bestow upon them other mens estates, especially since he did it by authority of the Bishop of Rome, who is the true Administratour of their goods. To conclude, this makes it plain, that although the King had given perpetuall pensions to the Bishops, it would not have satisfied these men, that were not so much discon­tented with the translations or annexions of Church-livings, as with the ve­ry number of the Bishops, which there being no reason to condemn, but in­deed to welcome, as a safe and ready help, it plainly appears, in case the Bra­banters, or other Low-Countreymen had took arms upon this ground, to which side the beginning of those troubles was to be imputed. Neither could this be the cause of rebellion.Whether the be­ginning of the tumults may be deduced from hence. The substituting of Bishops in place of Abbots when they should decease, and annexing of their livings to the Bishopricks, was but executed in very few Cities; because of their continu­all petitions (which I shall in due place remember) presented to the Pope and the King. I am sure in Brabant, which stood out the stiffest, the King at last consenting, there was nothing altered. Yet I deny not, but those agi­tations of diversly minded men, lessened obedience and duty to the Prince, which are the pillars of government; and foreshewed, in case they should be further moved, the ruine of the whole. For nothing is so pernicious to Monarchy, as when the people are taught publickly to contest with their Prince, and to dissent from him, not onely with impunity, but with advan­tage.

One thing most of all troubled and exasperated the Low-Countreymen,The Inquisition the third cause of Insurrecti­ons. at first a suspicion, then an indeavour of setting up an inquisition against here­sie, to be confirmed by the Edict of the Emperour Charles the fifth. Which in regard it is commonly thought, to have opened a door of war in the Low-Countreys; it will be worth my pains be what it may be, to give you ac­count of it. Religion, as it was ever highly reverenced by all, as that which preserves the Worship of God, and Concord of Men: so the Christian Church hath been alwayes severe against the disturbers thereof.The first occa­sion of intro­ducing it into the Government of the Church. This charge was first administred onely by the Bishops, to whom it appe [...]tains [Page 33] by Law. Afterwards, perhaps because that sacred Office is ingaged in many cares; or because they are sometimes inforced to be absent from their Diocese; or lastly, some of them may be negligent in the exercise of their authority, and some happely ignorant; it seemed the best course, to dele­gate from the Apostolicall See, Iudges extraordinary, of approved learning and piety, which should have commission to hear and determine against he­reticks: whereupon they were called the Apostolicall Inquisitours. This I find begun by Pope Innocent the third, who sent against the Albigenses, the Founder of the preaching Fryars Saint Dominick, that first executed the of­fice of Inquisitour with much applause. The custome was afterwards recei­ved (almost in all that, and the next Age) in many Christian countreys, there being created in every Province Censors of Faith, that should legally take notice of the violation of religion.The different forms thereof. Yet in all places were not the same Judicatories. Some had temporary Inquisitours sent about heresie newly sprung up, and when that was extinguished, their commission ended. In other parts a Tribunall was erected, to which, questions of faith were per­petually to be referred. In other places, the whole form of this judicature being rejected, none but Bishops themselves were permitted to inquire of hereticks. Nay, at Rome, the form was varied: for sometimes all was done by the ordinary and Civill Magistrates, no Inquisitour extraordinary; some­times many, but then one or more of the Cardinals were of the Quorum. Till Paul the fourth instituted a Colledge of Cardinals, Established in Rome Constit. 34. Licet. by whose suffrages these controversies were to be determined; establishing this course for ever after in Rome by a more venerable and sacred Court of Justice.Not without Penalties. And that it might more firmly continue, fear, the Beadle of the law, terrified them from the beginning: penalties and fines being imposed upon, and exacted of, the refractory: more easie ones by the Cannon law, and heavier by Im­periall Edicts.J, Manich, and l. Quicunque C. De haereti­cis. For when the Emperours observed, besides the worship of God, that it concerns the publick Peace, whose Guardian the Prince is, that subjects should be limited by Religion, and that they saw, when Religion was endangered, peace could not live upon the foul and rough waves of heresie, they decreed, that the punishment of traitours should be inflicted up­on hereticks, as enemies to Religion, and by consequence to Peace. Pro­vided notwithstanding, that the law should not be executed till their triall,C. ut inquisi­tionis. de hae­reticis, in 6. and verdict were passed in the Ecclesiasticall Court, to which the proper co­gnizance of heresie belongs. Which though it was ever exercised in all or­thodox Countreys, and in some places (according to sudden motions of new perverse opinions) with greater diligence; yet no where with more ex­actness and strictness, then in Spain: either out of the especiall inclination of those Catholick Princes, or by reason of contagious forreiners that min­gled themselves among those their subjects.In Spain espe­cially from the year 1383. Martin Lu­thers Heresie makes it every where strictly observed. But this care of Religion was afterwards encreased, almost through all Christendome, by reason of the troubles raised by one man in many parts, I mean Martin Luther, the cala­mity of those and the following times. This mischief that he had long stu­died to bring upon true believers, he had oft begun to attempt, and then changing his mind, as if not resolved (or rather waiting for an opportunity) at last Maximilian the Emperour deceasing,Emp. Max. 1. and Charles his Nephew suc­ceeding in the Empire, his wickedness broke forth; well knowing, that the beginning of a Princes reign is the best time for Innovation; and likewise believing the Emperours young years to be ignorant of government, and therefore despicable. Howsoever he made sure account his Imperiall Ma­jestie would rather bend his endeavours to settle the affairs of his Empire, [Page 34] then to maintain the rites of the Church; so courting the Provinces first to revolt from the Church; and then (which is the next step) from their Princes, and from the Emperour himself; he thus broke in peices at once, the Romane Empire and Religion. Which gave occasion to the Bishop of Rome to be much more observant, and intent to questions of faith; and to Christian Princes, as every one tendered his Religion and Dominions, to be more vigilant therein. Indeed Ch [...]les the fifth, whom Religion in her afflictions looked upon as her onely refuge,Gratian. The­od. Arcad. Ho­nor. Martian. &c. by the example of the Empe­rours his Predecessours, thought it expedient to establish laws through all the Provinces of the Empire and Low-Countreys, against the corrupters of the Catholick faith. Therefore whilest he was conducted from Spain, through the Netherlands and Germany, to the Imperiall throne, with extra­ordinary joy and gratulations of men, and with all that noise of his then smi­ling fortune;Charles the fifth his Edict against Luther and hereticks Leo [...]. in the town of Worms, at the Diet (or Parliament) of the Empire, Martin Luther, condemned by the Bishop of Rome, was by vote of the Electors, and the rest of the Princes and Estates of the Empire con­demned and proscribed, and the edict of his proscription the same year, one thousand five hundred twenty one, was published through all the domini­ons of his Empire and Patrimony. Nevertheless, Luther still persisted in his evil, nay, (as wickedness prospers by sudden attempts) within a few moneths that contagion infected, at least breathed upon, the most flourish­ing Cities of Germany. The Emperour in some places punishing delin­quents,Seven times the Emperour renued it. and renuing and enlarging his edict, which he applyed seven times to that violent and volatile disease. Moreover when he had desired and re­ceived Censors of faith from the Pope, in reference to their authority and security, he passed many Decrees; which are inrolled in the Imperiall laws of the year one thousand five hundred and fifty. But this new fate of Ju­stice brought with it into the Low-Countreys, more terrour then observance; for though it were in some places received,The Braban­ters refuse the Inquisition. yet the Brabanters, because they said their liberty was infringed, taking the opportunity, freed themselves of the burthen laid upon them, about the end of the year fifty: at which time, partly the great meeting of Ausburg, and the Councel of Trem; part­ly war upon war rising in Africa, Hungary, Italy, Germany, and France, drew Cesars cares another way. And although King Philip, when he took possessi­on of the Low-Countreys,King Philip confirms his Fathers Edicts. instantly confirmed his Fathers laws and edicts by his own proclamation; it little advanced the business, he being forth­with engaged in a sharp warre with France: which began the year he set forth that Proclamation, and held three years after: till in the year fifty nine, as soon as ever he got a breathing from the war, he re-applied himself to settle Religion. And leaving the Netherlands, he commanded his sister,Commands the execution there­of to the Go­verness. the Governess, and Bishop Granvell, to take speciall care that his Fathers laws, and the cautions which he himself had confirmed in behalf of the Popes Inquisitors, should be punctually observed. This was the state of affairs; these were the Edicts of Charles the fifth; these the be­ginnings and proceedings of the Inquisitions against heresies.The Governess to the Magi­strates. When the Dutchess of Parma, as she was enjoyned, bending all her care that way, treated about it with Governours of the Pronvinces; but found by experience, it was of much more difficulty to do things commanded, then to command things fitting to be done. The Magistrates seemed unwilling to take the business upon themselves;The Magi­strates let it cool. some of the Nobility offered their services doubtfully, others absolutely told her, it was no good time to move that stone again, at which they had so often stumbled. The Brabanters that had [Page 35] slipt the bridle under Charles the fifth, and would not suffer King Philip when he was there,The Brabanters still refuse. to put it on again; should they now halter themselves, called by a womans voice? The people know no mean or moderate course,The people differ in opinions. at first they are in amazement, then all confidence. Sometimes they fear, some­times they terrifie; according as they are inflamed with the breath of great persons, and the bellows of hereticks. Nay, the common discourse concern­ing the King, hinted to the people, and uttered as their own, was this: Why he made so many new Bishops, The common discourse against the Inquisition, and the Empe­rours Edicts. In the Lateran Councel under Innocent iii. if they were not to protect Religion? But in­deed it was resolved by Councels, that such Pastors as went slowly to work, in purg­ing the ill fruits of heresie, should be put out of their Episcopall office. Bishops should therefore look to their own business, or else lay down their ill placed miters: which it were better they had never put on, nor vainly frighted the Low-countrey with their number: That Religion had flourished many ages in the Netherlands, onely by the care of the Civil Magistrate, without that pomp of the Popes tyranny, without any of the Emperours Edicts. Why that new addition of Inquisitors? That for the most part, it sprung from the ambition of Bishop Granvell, who that he might have suppliants, sought to make delinquents: That Religion ought to be perswaded, not commanded: That Charles the fifth had a most pions intention in making those Laws, but experience demonstrated, the cause of Religion, and the common good and state of the Provinces, was thereby nothing advanced, but daily grew to be in a worse condition: That commerce was already obstructed; Merchants had a stop of trading, to the great losse of the Low-countreymen, especially those of Antwerp, whose wealth consisted in merchandize. Lastly, that neither the Em­perour Charles, nor King Philip, nor any other Prince that had sworn to the pri­viledges of Brabant, and promised not to impose upon the Low-countreymen new forms of Iudicature, could have power (if the Laws remained in force) to com­pell them to suffer the severity of the Inquisition, and those Edicts. But these rumours moved not the Governess at all; who continued to execute the Law upon offenders.Tumults caused by fear of the Inquisition, and punishment of Delinquents. And the Councel of Trent, then ended, was by the Kings command proclaimed in the Low-countreys. At which, in some places, the people openly stormed, and rescued condemned persons, half dead, out of the hangmans hands; stealing to conventicles in the City, and in the fields. Nay, many of the Nobility entered into a kind of combination among themselves; partly to scatter libels in the streets, partly to present petitions to the Governess by great multitudes; with such tumult and success, that the Emperours Edicts had their edge abated, delinquents were pardoned, and no one afterwards endeavoured to bring in Censors of faith, where they had not formerly been. So that nothing was done to oppose the Preaching-men, that had broke loose from their hereticall neighbours; and in the very mar­ket place declaimed against the Catholick Faith; To which a company of Boors and rogues presently joyning, rushed into the Churches, robbed them, defaced the sacred Monuments; and lastly, fell into open rebellion, without any Generall then declaring for them; but with strange licentiousness, force, rapine, and plunder.Some men cen­sure the King. To this point it was come at last. And some affirmed that storm, which with a sudden noise prodigiously fell upon the Low-coun­treyes, was raised out of the peoples fury, caused by the severity of the Prince, who plotting at once to entangle them in so many incoveniences by the Imperiall Edicts, Questions of faith, and the Councel of Trent, Others excuse him. had provoked the patience of the Low-countreymen. Yet others cleared the King of any fault, as not being author of those edicts and questions, but one­ly confirming his Fathers Decrees, and those Pontifici [...]n [...]Censors of faith, which Charles the fifth had called into the Netherlands. And that the King [Page 36] or Emperour, C. Sane. 2. de Off. & Potest. Jud. lib. 1. §. Qui [...]manda. tam. [...]. de Off. ejus. when he brought in the Inquisitors, had not therefore broken the Low-countrey priviledges, by inducing a new form of Judicature; be­cause their jurisdiction not being ordinary, but onely delegated, could not be called a new Judicatory: And therefore they highly extolled the Kings religion, that respected the authority of the Romane Bishop, and the Coun­cels, far before the threatnings of his turbulent and seditious subjects; nor held it imprudence, to be the first that should oblige his dominions to that which had been decreed against heresie, by the wisest Fathers of the Chri­stian Common-wealth. But farther to prosecute, in this place, diversitie of mens judgements, would argue an ambitious wit; especially, since I per­swade my self, all I have hitherto set down, did indeed contribute to the Belgick tumults, but were not the principall causes of them. It is now my purpose clearly to explain those causes to you, that such as read my history may learn, by the example of the Low-countrey men, what it is that com­monly imbroyls a State or Kingdome.

That which troubles the people,The first and true causes of the Low-coun­trey Tumults. and puts them into fury, seldome moves the Nobility: Yet Noblemen (as if the same grievances pressed both par­ties) do often conspire with the Commons: not to promote their Interest, or to make it a Common-cause; but by others assistance, to rid themselves of private inconveniences; and to do their own business, while they are thought to be onely for the Publick. Now the first motive of the peoples tumults; without doubt had its original from Heresie; which was brought in, partly by forrein Merchants,By Heresie a­mong the people, introduced three wayes. together with whose Commodities, this plague often sails: Partly, by the Regiments of the Switz and Germanes, whose service Charles the fifth, and King Philip had long used in the former warrs: partly, by the banished men and fugitives out of England, F. Hieron. Pol­linus, Hist. Angl. l. 3. c. 8. which Queen Mary while she purged that Kingdome from heresie, prosecuting it with her Proclamati­ons and Penal Laws, cleared the Island of, at once; being no fewer then 30000 persons, sent thither from other parts, whereof very many planted themselves anew in the Low-countreys. Heresie chiefly entring by these wayes,Cherished and augmented by the countreys adjacent. was cherished and augmented by the borderers, that trafficked with the Low-countreys; of whom, by commerce, they learned their manners, al­most as perfectly as their language. Nor did the Rhine from Germany, or the Mose from France, send more water into the Low-countreys, then by the one, the contagion of Luther, by the other of Calvin, was importe [...] into the same Belgick Provinces. To say nothing of the Anabaptists, that came in sho [...]ls out of Westphalla and Frizeland; because they were entertained as neighbours, and accounted almost natives. A considerable part of the Commons being infected by this means, and the better to maintain the li­centiousness of their lives,Whereupon the Netherlands grew to all li­centiousness. carrying themselves more saucily towards their Superiours, laid hold of the first occasions to alter the government; and by degrees began those troubles, which Heresie never fails to raise in States, and Kingdoms,Heresie the Trumpet to Re­belli [...]m. as we are taught by too dear experience. For Cities seldome change Religion onely, but as often as this sacred Anchor is weighed, so often the Ship of the Common-wealth is tossed: and no wonder, for He­resie is the school of Pride, and while by little and little is shakes from the mind Gods yoke it shewes us in like manner, how to defame and shake off humane government. Is it not plain, that the wisdome of hereticks at length ends in this point,Confession, Fast­ing, Pena [...]ce, &c. that taking away such things as were somewhat heavier in the Catholick Religion, and pretending Confidence in God (so [...]lessening and blotting out his fear) it brings men, now hail [...]fellows with God▪ to be of no Religion,Inclyning men to Atheisme. and at last boldly to maintain there is no God at [Page 37] all. And he that is once so perswaded,Whence follows contempt of their Sovereign Lords. and hath expelled him from his heart, whom Nature made his Lord,And tumults. he will despise all other Lords with as little reluctation, as they that revolt from their King, contemn his subordinate Magistrates. Indeed among humane things I have al­wayes most admired, that in the Government of Cities and Kingdoms; so many millions of men should be subjected and awed by one. This consists in the Subjects consent, and that consent is grounded upon re­verence and fear, especially because it concerns particulars, that the ge­nerality should be governed. But this pail of Government Heresie puls up and opens; whose trumpeters under the specious pretence of Christian liberty sound in the ears of the people (not deaf to scandalous reports) continual in­vectives against the Manners and Lives of Princes. Which Teachers having seasoned the peoples minds with these holy Precepts, it is no marvel if they detract so much from the Princes Power of ruling, and add so much to their own freedom from obeying. Nature hath planted in men, an aversion from their Lords, and an impatience to be commanded; what will they do, blown by the dayly breath of preaching? and being safe and confident under the veil of Religion. The Transalpine Countreys are and will be a sufficient example to Posterity: Which heresie hath too often prea [...]hed into arms, by the sermons of a few seditious persons, that have involved Provinces and Nations in never to be expiated slaughter. So that what I said is evident, without wonderfull change in the Civill Government, Religion cannot be altered. And although heresie till that time had not so crept into the Low-countreys,What Occasions Heresie made use of to raise tumults in the Low-countreys. nor was so numerous, that the faction could be greatly feared, many of the common sort being uncorrupted. Yet when those very men saw the Bishops multiplied; the Emperours Edicts published; and Inquisitours of faith imposed; the hereticks openly ringing in their ears, that all these conspired to destroy their liberty, they all then joyned their forces. For the Low-countreymen alwayes preserved their great Pri­viledges and Franchises, and did more securely enjoy them, by reason they had now been governed by female Princes for forty years together. Add to this the last long War: in which time, Licentiousness follows the Camp, and the Prince divides his Empire with the souldier: The Low-countrey­men therefore with long liberty and the late warre grown stubborn, min­gled with hereticks, and learning pride of those masters, no wonder, if be­ing more insolent then they used to be, when occasion was offered, they would not onely not hear the word of command, and cast off their new burthens, but with erected spirits hoped for greater matters by the example of others. For they looked upon France, where after the tumult at Am­boyse, Another Cause of the Belgick Insurrections, the alienation of the Nobility. the hereticks had extorted so great a liberty, as they grew formida­ble to the Kingdome: and were to be sought to, for peace. But this spurre of the people, heresie, could never (as I say) have made such a progress in the Low-countreys, without the protection and assistance of the Nobility, for if heresie want this Elm, she creeps indeed, but on the ground, and to be trampled upon. And most of the Nobility were then in such a condition, and did so stomack the Spaniards, Which grew principally out of Court-emu­lation. that the Commons might (and not rash­ly) presume upon that aversion. Now the cause of their indignation, was partly the defeat of their ambitions: partly Court-emulations, which be­gan with shew of private hatred, even in King Philips presence.In what esteem the Low-coun­treymen were with the Em­perour. Afterwards, before the Governess, it proceeded by open enmity to publick ruine. For in the beginning of the Emperour Charles his Reign, the Low-countrey Lords governed; the Low-countreymen had the best places at Court; the [Page 38] highest commands in the Army. Afterwards when many great persons, out of Italy, Spain, and Germany, dayly came in to Cesars fortune every day more flourishing, it was necessary his graces and bounties should f [...]ow to many; And the greatness of his Empire and Warres admitted many [...]ha­rers. Nor were the Low-countreymen troubled at it; because they saw the Emperours inclination chiefly propense towards them; and to contend with forreign Nobility, they held it an honour to their Countrey. But when King Philip came from Spain, How they were looked upon by the King. guarded with a train of Spanish Lords; both in his Palace and abroad, as they said, inaccessible; the Low-countrey­men took offence at their being over gracious with the King, jeering their manners and fashions, which the Spaniard in all places punctually retains. Lastly,The difference of disposition be­tween Charles the fifth, they were by degrees alienated from the King himself, who dis­tasted them with being so unlike his father. For the Emperour easily gave access and audience, carrying himself like a private man, altogether trust­ing to his own Majesty. And as he had a wit that could winde and turn it self all Wayes at once, he did so put on their Manners, that he was no less a German with a German, an Italian with an Italian, a Spaniard with a Spaniard, then a Low-countreyman with his native Subjects. Where on the contra­ry,And King Philip. King Philip would be, and appear a Spaniard to all men; he spake sel­dome, and then all Spanish; and forbare to shew himself in publick, as if he meant, appearing after retirement, to strike a reverence in the eyes of his be­holders; changing nothing of the mode of Spain, either in his apparell or other forms of State. Now this, by minds once vexed, was accounted Pride and Contempt: as if his diversity of manners were in scorn of them. It is reported, the Emperour gave his sonne warning of it, and being of­fended at words used by some Spaniards against the Low-countreymen; in the presence of the Prince of Orange and Bossuvius, The Prince of Orange in his Apology Anno 1581. he told the King, that he foresaw the counsels of some of the Kings flatterers would one day hazard him the loss of the Low-countreys. And although, after the Emperours decease, the King was in war with France, and the Nobility emploied abroad, which quieted the stirres at home:The Belgick Lords deseated of their expe­ctations. Yet the war being ended, the Discontent at Court grew so much higher then it was, by how much the Low-coun­trey Lords thought the King more indebted to them, for their valiant and faithfull service in his wars. Nor were they satisfied with his bestowing upon them so many Governours places before his departure.Which caused their animosi­ties against the King. For such as were neglected, took it for an injury: and they that were chosen, held it no great bounty, because they exspected a greater. But the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont, as they were of vaster spirits then the rest, having abso­lutely perswaded themselves, they should have the Government of all the seventeen Provinces: when they fell, from that hope, whatsoever came short of their wishes lost the title of a benefit. From whence sprung the Low-countreymens fury; which is ever most dangerous to Princes, when men have not what they hope for, though many times they hope for more then they should have. It was not Pompeys Party that murthered Iulius Cesar, but his won friends:Lib. 3. de Ira, c. 10. because (as Seneca saith) he had not satisfied their un­satisfiable hopes. As if when men are much obliged, it were a kind of affront not to be more obliged.And afforded them matter of complaint. And now in the private discourses of the Nobility this was their ordinary matter of complaint, That the Spaniards had all the power with the King, That the Low-countreymen were but the Spaniards shadows, that waited upon them, and moved at their command; for the King transacted business of great concernment by the advice of Ferdinand of Toledo Duke of Alva, Rui Gomez, and the Count of Feria, his onely ca­binet [Page] [Page]

Anthony Perenott Cardinall Granvel Counsessour of Estate of Margaret of Parma

[Page 39] Counsellours, That the Low-countrey Lords were admitted to the Counsell-board to pass things already concluded: and were pleased, like children with form and ceremony. This was not the Emperours promise of his sons bounty, nor what was due to their fidelity and service. Should they suffer themselves to be turned out, and forreiners to be quartered in their houses, and Low-countreymen to be despised, and thought so much inferiour to the Spaniards? Yet they endured it, while the King stayed among them; either fearing the Majesty of their Prince, or else faithfull even in anger. Nor did they proceed further then private murmurs, save onely their hatred to the Spanish took a deeper impression in themselves, and by them was spread among the people, that long since hated the very name of Spaniard. But when the King went for Spain, and the Court was free from strangers; the Low-countrey Lords perswaded themselves,The Lords di­states aggrava­ted by the power of Granvel. Of Anthony Granvel. they should bear all the sway with the Dutchess of Parma, falsly, for they found the ma­lice of all the Spaniards in one man, Anthony Granvell; whose power oc­casioning the open differences at Court, and consequently the publick ruine: it will not be amiss to shew you, in this place, his pedegree and parts.

Anthony Perenott was born at Besanson a town of Burgundy, His birth and parentage. His fathers Offi­ces and estima­tion with Charles the V. Cardinal Mer­curius. sonn to Ni­cholas Lord of Granvel, who was of mean parentage; and (as some say) son to a Black-smith; but a man of excellent endowments, and great judge­ment, and succeeded in the place of Mercurinus Arboreus Gattinar, Chancel­lour of the Empire, trusted with, and acting in, all the Emperours De­fignes. For at the great Convention of the Estates of Germany in Vangion, he sate President, representing his Imperiall Majestie; who sent him out of Spain to Trent, to do honour to the Councel, and to promise the Emperours presence there. Nor did the Chancellour loose any opportunity, but in that famous meeting of all Christendome, silently advanced the service of his Prince. He was the onely man chosen by the Emperour to publish his Decrees of greatest consequence in Germany; to make peace between the petty Princes; and to work them to joyn with the Emperour, in perswading the free Cities to give assistance to King Ferdinand, to move the Fathers to end the Councel, that he might at once settle the cause of Religion, the Councels of War, and the Imperiall Laws. In all which employments, and the slippery Court affairs, he ever kept his footing firm; and had the Emperours constant favour, for twenty years together, till his very dying day. A rare end of a long continued power.He died in Au­gust, An. 1550. His happiness in his issue. Anthony Granvels Abili­ties. He was likewise happy in providing wealth and honour for his many children; particularly for ANTHONY, whom he left Inheritour to his Office, and to the counsels and favour of the Emperour. And indeed having the helps of a great wit, and excellent learning, and proceeding with great applause in most of the Universities in Europe; by his fathers instructions, he easily obtained the per­fect Art of business. So that when he came to be a Statesman, he pre­sently won upon the Emperours good liking; and made it appear, that he relied not so much upon his fathers virtue, as his own. In many things he equalled his father, in many exceeded him. Especially in nimbleness of wit, tiring sometimes five Secretaries at once, with dictating letters to them, and that in severall tongues; for he understood seven languages exactly.Languages. But his greatest excellency was his eloquence,Elocution. wherein none of that Age surpas­sed him. He had audience in the Councel of Trent, for the Emperour Charles the fifth, and made a quick and handsome speech, being then Bishop of Arras, of twenty four years of age, in his fathers time. He was called to [...]e one of the great Councel of the Empire and Low-countreys: When the [Page 40] Army marched, he still attended the Emperour, and wore arms. He was the Emperours Embassadour to Princes and Cities,Which did his business. and happily dispatched most of his business by the help of his Rhetorick; but tempered with won­derfull discretion: without which allay, all eloquence is but the unseasona­ble over-flowing of Wit, that cannot keep within its bounds.The Emperours character of him to King Philip. When Charles the fifth resigned the Empire, he commended Granvell to King Philip, with a noble testimony of his merits, They say, the Emperour at his departure for Spain, professed, that Anthony Granvel was the onely man, whose ser­vice he wished his son to use,His artifices to ingratiate him­self with the King. in things of highest Concernment. But Gran­vell (knowing such Commendations to be good while they are fresh, but that when our Parents memory grows out of date, they often turn to ha­tred, as if they had in them more of Command then Duty) hastened to merit the Kings favour with admirable dexterity. For though it be diffi­cult to please a Successour, commonly differing in nature and manners:And he effected his designe, being employed in things of highest concernment. yet Granvel overcame all that difficulty by Observance. And as he had a wit that could easily new-cast it self into any mould, he transformed himself immediately into the manners of the Spanish Prince. His studying to for­tifie Religion against Heresie, in which he strangely hit the inclination of the King; his mind neither greedy in seeking honours, nor unfit for them when offered; his subtilty in decyphering the Princes mind, before he de­clared himself in his Commands; conjecturing them by his looks: his ab­stinency by night from sleep, by day from meat; his constant pains and fide­lity, far above the practice of the Court, did exceedingly engage the Kings affections to him. His knowledge of the Emperours Counsels, likewise much endeared him to King Philip, who by the same Compass meant to steer his Government. For which reasons, in all his four years stay in the Low-countreys, the King did nothing either at home or abroad, made nei­ther peace nor leagues, with Kings or Nations; concluded no marriages; quieted no seditions; acted nothing that related to Religion or the Church, but the Granvell, And by the King commended to the Governess. he delivered his commands. Nay, when the King went from the Low-countreys into Spain, he left this man to the Dutchess of Par­ma, as a principall instrument of State: and told her, it concerned the Low-countreys, that she should use his advice oftner then any other of the Councel. And she did it, so that he had the same place and esteem with the Kings sister,His favour with her. that he had with the King. His power (which rarely happens) being thrice successively confirmed. Seldome any private or publick busi­ness passed, but he was first heard to the point in agitation; and to hear him was to be surprized: So dextrous he was, and his counsel so appliable to all occasions,His dexterity in giving counsel. that the Prince was free to choose, and thought himself Authour of the determinions, for which Granvel by his own judgement had prepa­red him; and could not but love the Modesty of his inventions, not com­pelled (which is unsufferable to Princes) to commend the wisdome of his Teacher. And though Garnvell, under shew of observance, arrived at once both to Power and Favour: yet he seldome made any Dispatches in per­son,For the most part by Letters. Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. but (reviving the fashion of Augustus and Tiberius their times) by Let­ters and Notes under his hand to the Governess. I have at this present a great volume of his letters, which he sent her (though they were both in Town, and commonly in the same house) to avoid, as I conceive, that jea­lousie the Lords had of his power; or else, that his advices might be deep­lier imprinted. But 'tis hard to deceive the Court. And now no man doubted, but that all was transacted by Granvell, both at home and abroad: and as it often happens, things he had no hand in (when once his name was [Page 41] up for a Favourite) were believed to be his doing. Indeed at first, the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, The Lords first scorn, and the greatest Low-countrey Lords, did not much fear his power, because they despised him as an upstart. But when his authority began daily to encrease, and all things to bend that way; nay, some of the Nobility to apply themselves to him, and become his Creatures, then they took notice of him as a Competitour.And then emu­late him. And because he seemed to stand upon even ground with them; they began to raise batteries against him: at first civilly, shewing themselves enemies within compass. After­wards, interpreting the greatness of the Kings favour to him, by the new honour of his Cardinals scarlet; and suspecting that he infused into his Maje­sty a doubtfull opinion of the Low-countrey Lords; t [...]en they extended their malice beyond all bounds; and came to the Councel-board in presence of the Dutchess, rather to quarrel, then to give advice: having commonly no other reasons for dissenting,Particular offen­ces taken against him. but because Granvel had assented. And to ex­asperate them, fell out many accidents which I shall here repeat together. Charles Count Lalin, Especially by Count Lalin, Regnard. Florent. V. A. de init. l. 1. and Simon Regnard, in the name of King Philip, had concluded a Truce for five years with Henry the French King. The condi­tions whereof displeased the Spaniard, and therefore Regnard was out of fa­vour with King Philip, because more in fault, as the rumour went. Regnard suspecting I know not by what discovery, that by Granvels means the King was alienated from him, railing every where upon the man, drew Count Lalin to side with him, because he was the principall Commissioner, and therefore all reports of infidelity in that Treaty, must chiefly reflect upon him. The infection of this conspiracy was caught from Lalin, Count Horn. C. Megen. by Philip Montmorancy Count Horn, (whose sister Lalin had married) and struck to his heart, when Count Horn saw Charles Bremè Count of Megen preferred before him to the government of Gelderland; which repulse he took as recei­ved by Granvels instigations. The like cause had Robert Brederod, who stood to be Bishop of Cambray, and had the votes of all the Lords: against him Granvel appeared, for Maximilian of Bergen, a man better me­riting his favour,Lazarus Zwend who carried the Bishoprick. At the same time Lazarus Zwend (that had been General of the Germans in the war of Hungary, and at the battel of S. Quintin) promised himself all his own wishes, relying on his intimacy with the Prince of Orange, and Count Egmont; but they could not with all their power get him admitted to be of the great Councel: Granvel, as was thought, putting a rub in his way. Which affront he very weakly shewed himself sensible of, and endeavoured at all opportunities, to make his friends have the same resentment.C. Egmont. But the offence taken by Count Egmont was of an higher nature, because he thought himself abused by Granvell in the Government of Hesdin: and after the death of the Abbot of Trull, when Count Egmont petitioned the Pope for his kinsman: and Gran­vel for himself,The Prince of Orange. this man was preferred. But the Prince of Orange held it as a great indignity, not onely to be defeated of his hopes, for the Govern­ment of all the Low-countreys, by the practise of the Duke of Alva and Granvell; but that they had so ordered it, as to hinder the marriage (to which he had long aspired) with Christierne Dutchess of Lorain: The Governess is for Granvel. and though the Dutchess of Parma laboured to take off the opinion of Granvels power, and to extinguish the envy towards him (contrary to the practice of some Princes, that like it well, to have a servant on whom men may discharge the hatred due unto their Masters) yet she could not perswade his enemies;But all will not d [...]. who interpreted this very endeavour of the Dutchess, as the greatness of her goodness to him.The Lords ban­dy against him. Most of the Nobility having these and other private [Page 42] discontents, were so much the more eager to bring down Granvels power, that is their common prejudice. In councel, they had long by compact and designe opposed Granvels motions, rather like his despisers, then the Princes Counsellours. In their Letters to the King, in Complaints to the Gover­ness, they gave him the Character of a proud man, one that hated the No­bility, and would in time be the destruction of the Low-countreys. They had already made him odious to the people, and perswaded them, that the super­numerary Bishops, the reviving of the Emperours Edicts; and the severity of the Spanish Inquisition, proceeded merely from this one mans ambition: who by en [...]laving the Low-countrey-men aimed to enthrone himself. in I know not what Principality. And the people heard them, because they hated him. Nor did Granvel decline the opinion,He slights their calumnies. whilst he alone solicited the cause of Religion, with somewhat more violence, then caution. And as he was of a confident and high spirit, he easily sleighted all the threat­nings and conspiracies of his Competitours; and declared himself to de­pend wholly upon the Kings favour: unlesse perhaps he appeared to sleight them, left if he should seem fearfull to be trod upon, they might think it f [...]i­sible to tread upon him.The Commons concurre with the Lords. Hence the people (prone of their own nature to live licentiously, and prompted forwards by their commerce with hereticks) charged Granvel with all the Kings severer proceedings, not more out of hatred to him, then out of love to the Lords, whom they looked upon as Patrons of the Commons, and Assertours of their Countryes liberty. Therefore they adhered to them, and were [...]at their devotion. And the Lords (laying hold of this occasion of protecting the Publick, The Lords make use of them to trouble the Peace. to revenge their Private injuries) had good hope to remove their Rival, if what the King acted by him against the peoples minds, were made void by their assi­stance Therefore some of them in the Provinces where they commanded, were slow in advancing the Cause of Religion; and in publishing the Em­perours Edicts, enjoyned them by the King. Others tacitly favoured the multitude, and perswaded them not to suffer a new Tribunal to be erected, to bolster up the Romish bawbles, and the Spanish superstition. Some that pre­ferr'd Ambition before Religion, connived at the coming in of hereticks from all quarters, encouraged seditious conspiracies, and lastly, omitted no­thing whereby the King might understand, how much he had misplaced his favour,To make Gran­vel odious. in trusting the Netherlands onely to the pride of Granvel. By this means it was presumed,And to displace, they should see him removed from the Low-coun­treys, and perhaps from the Kings good opinion: or howsoever, it would subject him to perpetuall danger of the People and Tumults. Both which came to pass,At least to vex him. and that at last which some of them never aimed at, I mean,In the interim, the Heretical Faction is strength [...]ned, more then some Lords could wish. the setting up of the Heretical party; the increase of licentious and seditious persons; shame and fear of the Law by degrees cast off, and finally reverence and fidelity to the Prince. And many honest men being involved in the same fare, such a fire of mutiny and warre was kindled, as afterwards the bloud of the people, the ruins of Cities and Provinces never could extin­guish. From such smal beginnings the greatest mischiefs often spring, and are precipitated with a far greater violence, then could proceed from the strength of their first mover. For it is most true, that to fire houses and to set bounds and limits to the flame,Howbeit others of them desired the troubles. is nor in one mans power. Yet some there were of the Nobility, that wished those troubles, and at that very time, plot­ted the change of Government. Of these were two sorts: Some either out of hope of a loose life,Th [...]se men were of two sorts. or infected by their wives (which they had mar­ried out of the cities (or rather pest-houses) of Germane hereticks, daily made [Page] [Page]

William of Nassau Prince of Orange

[Page 43] less account of observing the Orthodox Religion; and therefore inclining to the hereticall party, impudently encouraged them, and hoped that one day, they would master & put down the Catholick government. Others to main­tain their port and dignity, having consumed their private patrimonies, were necessitated to make use of the publick troubles. For not a few of the No­bility (both in the former Warres, and afterwards at Court,) accounting it a dishonour to be outbraved by Forreiners, especially by the Spanish Lords, in gallantry of apparell, or arms, in the train of friends and follow­ers; in the number and rich trappings of their horses; had at this Vie con­sumed vast summes of money, the expence being more grievous to them then to the Spaniards, who commonly had far greater fortunes. Therefore since on the one part, no revenues would hold out to maintain these scenes of Pride;Both which at last contributed to the ruine of the Publick. and yet they had still in their small fortunes, great spirits, sensible of the honour of their Families. On the other part, while the hereticks, to avoid banishment, or the hangman (which was the business then in agitati­on) promised to the Nobility money in abundance, and especially to the Governours of Provinces. Diverse Noblemen, upon these hopes, easily revolted to them: and neglecting their own private benefit, and the safety and tranquility of the state, by their cunning dissimulation mocked the en­deavours of the Governess and Granvell, in pacifying those tumults and se­ditions: which they in the mean time very well approved of, as the Mart from whence their richest traffick came.

But the causes which hitherto I have numbered up severally, and shewed them to proceed from the Lords and Commons,Of the Prince of Orange. did at last all meet in one point of concurrence in the Prince of Orange. To demonstrate this, I will give you an exact account of his descent, his nature, and by what arts he attained his power: a necessary narration, and I presume not unpleasing to the Reader: that such as shall see him, almost for sixteen years, Generall of great armies fighting with various fortune: may have his manners, and as it were the Picture of his heart before their eyes.His Ancestours came out of Germany, Into the Low-countreys. The house of Nassau in Germany was ever Princely, but when Adolphus of Nassau was elected Em­perour, he made it a Sovereign Family. Count Otho brought them into the Low-countreys, almost two hundred years ago, where they were establish­ed by his nephew Engelbert the first, and by the nephew to the first,Ann. 1292. Engel­bert the second.The Prince of Orange in his Apol. 1581. That being great Grandfather, this great Uncle to Wil­liam Prince of Orange. Which Princes left him the inheritance of many towns in the Low-countreys, and other fair possessions, that came to them by marriage: which made him there a person of eminence,Their power in the Nether­lands. afterwards encrea­sed by the Principality of Orange, that descended from the Chalons upon the family of Nassau. For his fathers brother Henrick, had a sonne named Re­natus, by Claudia Chalon si [...]ter to Filibert Chalon Prince of Orange. Renatus after the death of his uncle Filibert, succeeded him in the Principality upon condition, that he should change his name from Nassau to Chalon. Anno 1544. But he likewise dying without issue, the Principality of Orange, and the rest of the great estate which he had in Burgundy, The birth of the Prince of O­range. came to his Cousen german William, whom we now speak of, by the favour of the Emperour Charles the fifth. William was born in the year one thousand five hundred thirty three,Henr. Ranzou. in exemplis Astvol. Mi­chael Airzin­ger in Leone Belg. the eldest of five brothers, and it is reported his father (whose name was Wil­liam) desired to know his sonnes fortune of Philip Melanchthon that was by Chaldean rules, rather as a Professour then an artist, held to be skilfull in Calculating of Nativities.His Nativity calculated. Who having erected their Schems told him, Williams fortune was not in all parts alike proportioned. For at first, his [Page 44] starres would shine down honour upon him him: afterwards, he should lay his design for greater honours: but at last, come to an unfortunate end. What his judgement was of the other four brothers, I have neither heard spoken, nor seen written. Perhaps, because they wanted success, they were passed over in silence: lest it might discredit his art. Charles the fifth took him away when he was very young, from his father, who had revolted to the Lutherans, and delivered him to his own sister, Mary Queen of Hunga­ry. As soon as his years permitted,His civill. the Emperour made him a gentleman of his bed-chamber, and was much delighted with the constant waiting and conditions of the youth: because he was very modest, and did not make vain ostentations of his service, nor omit any oportunity to be serviceable: and that in a grave and serious manner; that he might be thought more capeable then ambitious of imployment.And military education. From the bed-chamber, where he kept his place for almost nine years, the Emperour made him a souldier, and Generall of his horse in the Low-countreys. Nay when the Duke of Sa­voy left the army,Called the or­dinary Bands. Emmanuel Fishberti Duke of Savoy. he substituted in his place William Nassau Lieutenant-ge­nerall: though he wanted years for so great a command, being not past twenty two, and was brought in over the heads of many great Com­manders, among others (which the Prince of Orange himself admired) of Count Egmont: who besides his experience in the warres, was twelve years older. Thenceforth, as well in peace as war, he was by the Emperour va­lued in the first file of Nobility; and imployed upon diverse noble Embas­sages. His favour at Court. Indeed, in the Emperours great resignment of his dominions; which was his last act as a Prince, when he sent the Crown and Sceptre of the Em­pire (as we have told you) to his brother Ferdinand by the Prince of Orange, he clearly shewed, by that last honour he could do, the greatness of the af­fection which he bare him.Some suspect him. And though some, that suspected his nature from the first, often wished the Emperour to look to him, and not to be over confident of his disposition; which under the pretence of virtue, co­vered fraud and design; and that he should take heed how he cockered up that fox in his bosome, that one day would devour all his domestick Poul­try. But the Emperour frowned upon and contemned these aspersions, knowing they are ordinarily cast upon such as Princes favour. Nay these rather confirmed him in the Emperours good opinion. Howsoever by ma­king honourable mention of him,The Emperour answers all Ob­jections. and commending the modesty and fideli­ty of the youth, the Emperour seemed to discharge that envy. Perhaps he thought the Prince deserved it not; perhaps it was the common fault of masters, that apprehend themselves to be no less concerned in such inve­ctives, then their favourites and servants; and without looking into the bu­siness, make themselves patrons of the men, whose cause they think their own. Yet in the Prince of Orange, at that very time, were symptomes of a disease,And commends him to the King. that should have been prevented, or at least observed. Which sym­ptomes grew more and more apparent after the Emperours departure. For though at his leaving the Low-countreys, the Emperour commended the Prince of Orange to his sonne Philip, The King makes great account of him. and King Philip both of his own ac­cord and for his fathers sake, gave him many testimonies of his good liking; for he made him one of the Order of the Golden fleece, sent him t [...] con­clude a peace with Henry the Frensh King; and that done, deliverec him for hostage. And to those large Provinces of the Netherlands, which the King trusted to his Government, he added Burgundy, though farre remote. But what could all this work with him,The Causes of his Discontent. that gave out, the King was obliged to bestow upon him the absolute Government of all the Low-countreys, [Page 45] for his pains and expences, to defend the greatness of the house of Austria. And in his Apology against King Philip, he took upon him the boldness (after he had particularized the merits of his Ancestours towards the Empe­rours Maximilian and Charles) to conclude, That but for the Counts of Nassau, and Princes of Orange, the King of Spain could not have loaded the front of his proclamation (wherein he proscribed him) with the glorious titles of so many Kingdomes and Nations. Frustrated therefore of his hopes to govern the Low-countreys; and perceiving Granvell to be the great man in the Dutchesses new Court, and fearing he should every day be less esteemed by her, whom he would have prevented of her Government, by professing himself to stand for Christiern Dutchess of Lorrain, and endea­vouring to bring her in; he resolved to maintain his greatness by another way: and, provoked by new indignities,His Designe, to act what he had long since de­signed. And though I have no certain ground to believe, that at the very first, he laid his plot to revolt from his allegiance to the King; yet I dare boldly affirm, he studied, at that time, some innovation: whereby he might weaken the Kings Government; overthrow the Spanish power; incourage the hereticall party; by right or wrong advance his own honour and autho­rity; and if fortune made him any other fair offer,His Wit and Manners. to lay hold upon it. In­deed for altering of a Government, I know not if any man ever lived, fitter then the Prince of Orange. He had a present wit, not slow to catch at opor­tunities, but subtill; concealing himself, not to be sounded, even by those that were thought privy to his secrets. Then he had a rare way to ingra­tiate himself with any that but came to speak with him:Which relished not of Court­ship or Levity. so unaffectedly he conformed to strangers manners, and served himself of others ends; not that he stooped to the poor forms of complement, and common professions of imaginary services, wherewith at this day men do honourably mock one another. But shewing himself, neither sparing nor prodigall of his Courtship, he so cunningly contrived his words, that you could not but think, that he reserved farre more for action. Which begat a greater opinion of his discretion: and gave more credit to his pretensions. Besides, though he was of a proud and infinitely ambitious spirit; yet he so carried it to the outward shew, that he seemed to command himself, and not to be sensible of injuries. But he was as subiect to fear, as free from anger: In­somuch as he doubted all things, thought every thing unsafe: but yet desist­ed not; because on the one part his brain, fruitfull in plots, if the first took not, presently made new supplies; on the other part, his vast and immode­rate ambition,The splendour of his Family. strangled all doubts and delayes. But in the splendour of his house-keeping, and the multitude of his friends and followers, he was equall to great Princes. No man in all the Low-countreys more hospita­ble, and that gave nobler entertainment to forrein Embassadours, then the Prince of Orange; which hugely pleased the people, that delight to have the wealth and power of their Countrey showed to strangers: nor was it dis­tastfull to Princes, with whom he redeemed all the opinion of his pride, by his humble and familiar invitations of their servants.His doubtfull Religion. But for his Reli­gion, that was very doubtfull, or rather none at all. When he was with the Emperour and the King, he seemed to be Catholick. When they left the Low-countreys, he returned by little and little to his Fathers heresie, which was bred in him of a child: yet so, as while the Dutchess of Parma conti­nued Governess, he rather appeared a Favourer of the hereticall party,He declares himself a Cal­vinist. Apo­logy 1518. then an Heretick. Lastly, after the Dutchess was removed, he declared him­self for Calvin (for from a Lutheran, he was now turned to his opinion) not [Page 46] onely as a private Sectary; but as the great Defender of his Faith. After­wards he writ a Book,His Apology, Anno 1518. wherein he testified to all the world, That from his childhood, he was ever much enclined to the Religion (which he calls Re­formed: the seeds whereof his heart alwayes constantly retained; which at length ripened with his years. And that all he did at home, or in the warrs, related to this end, To maintain Religion in her first Purity, assailed and shot at, with so many Laws and Edicts by the Emperour and the King. Whether he wrote truth, and was indeed a Calvinist in opinion;Whether from his heart or no, is uncertain. or rather by that means sought to ingratiate himself with the men, whose service he had use of, some have made a doubt: it is most probable, his Religion was but pre­tended, which he could put on like a Cloke, to serve him for such a time; and put it off again, when it was out of fashion. Truly, that Religion was not much to be regarded,Ann. 1581. when Authority was to be acquired, or establish­ed; are the words of his own letter to Alençon, Brother to the French King; part whereof in its due place, I shall insert. This, it was thought, he learn­ed in the villanous school of Machiavel, whose Books he seriously studied; as Granvel affirms in his Letter from Spain, directed to Alexander Prince of Parma. William of Nassau furnished with these Arts, how he imployed them, in exasperating the minds of the Low-countrey men, I shall now briefly open.He was Hostage for K. Philip, to Henry K. of France. He was hostage, as I have formerly said, to Henry the second of France. Hunting with the King, they fell into that discourse, which he speaks of in his Defence against his Proscription published by King Philip; wherein he glories in the discovery which he made, of the plot betwixt him and King Henry: Ann. 1581. who letting fall some words of the grand Designe (but abruptly and obscurely,He discovers both the Kings designes against the hereticks. lest perhaps he might reveal it to one, that was not of counsel with them) the Prince of Orange, as he himself sayes, to wyer­draw the whole business out of the King, takes upon him to have been long privy to the plot, which the King easily believes, thinking the Prince in great esteem with his Master, and seeing him his hostage there. He there­fore freely tells him, that by the Spanish Embassadour, the Duke of Alva, King Philip, agreed with him to destroy all the families of the new Religi­on: which he was to see done in France, and King Philip in the Low-coun­treys: in which he likewise had erected a constant Tribunal, where matters of Faith should be tried, which would be as good as his Forts, to keep his people in obedience. The Prince of Orange finding the designe, which he knew to be King Philips, return'd into the Low-countreys. There when he saw the Dutchess of Parma made Governess, and Granvel joyned with her; the number of Bishops increased; and Inquisitors of Faith to be brought in; he conceived this to be the designe which King Henry had dis­covered to him.And from thence takes his hint for Commotion. And when he perceived that these new Decrees had fil­led the Cities with fears and jealousies, and that no part of the State looked cheerfull; he resolved to make use of the opportunity: supposing, that if he should feed the beginnings of these discontents on his part, as many al­ready (corrupted with heresie) would do on theirs;Ann. 1559. that he should undoubt­edly elude the designes of the Spanish. Beginning at the Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, out of the same Apo­logy. And now that he had some little glimmering of an exspectation, and began to form great plots to bring all his aims to their desired ends, thus he set them a work.

The King,Hoventius Mo­morancy, Lord Montany, An­thony Lalin Count Hoch­strat. at Gant, called a Chapter of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, in whose Creation (because all authority was not in the King, as Master of the Order, but in the joynt-votes of his Companions) that some might be chosen which hated the King, (I suppose, Monting and Hochstrat) the Prince of Orange took a great deal of pains, solicited, and prevailed with his Col­leagues, [Page 47] to promise him their severall suffrages. And both these Lords now obliged, he meant hereafter, as purchased by this favour, to make use of. Besides, when the Cities mutinied (as I have told you) because Spanish Gar­risons were left upon the frontiers;Starting matter for sedition out of the Spanish souldiers. he privately inflamed their fury; and ar­gued with his friends of the pride of those forrein souldiers, that under co­lour of defending the Borders, laboured to put a yoke upon free Cities. Withall, he commended the loyaltie of the Low-countreymen, which not­withstanding suffered, for that strangers were preferred before them.1559. And put it in their heads,In the some A­pology. that the Estates who were then to be summoned, should with great earnestness petition the King, that his Spanish souldiers might be disbanded, by his Fathers example, who never had any Garrisons in the Low-countreys, but of Low-countrey men; which accordingly the States were suiters for, with great noise and clamour. And at that time, the King promised to satisfie them by word of mouth, which afterward he really per­formed: the Prince of Orange much glorying in it, who, in his Letters pro­fessed himself to have been the authour of sending away the Spaniards: and that by this act (which he accounted an eternal honour to him and his Col­leagues) he brought two things about: the one, that he freed his Countrey from slavery; the other, that he opened (they are his own words) the way to Religion. Onely to his and their Crown of glory this was wanting: that as they had turned the Spaniards out of the Low-countreys, so they had not shut the door upon them, locked it fast, guarded the Passe, and kept them from all hope of ever coming back again. Yet he doubted not, but as he had purged a great part of the Netherlands of them, so as they could call nothing there their own, but the bones and ashes of their Countrey­men; in like manner he should quickly bring to effect, or at least endeavour it, that they should all be banished out of the seventeen Provinces, and be­ing compelled to return to their own Countrey, should at last suffer the Low Dutch to enjoy the liberty of their fortunes,Out of the new Bishops. bodies and souls. Nor was he less active against the designe of introducing new Bishops; which (by the spirit of Calvin) he used to call hangmen, In his said A­pol. and so Granvel writes▪ Ann. 1582. brought in to flea and burn mankind. And to that end, he applied himself to the Abbots, some of which (instructed at private conferences, and emboldened against the fear of any Magistrate) were for a great while his principall instruments of discord. But he had not better success in any thing, then in defeating the Emperours Edicts, and the Kings proclamations. For as nothing more amazed the people, then the name of the Inquisition; Out of the In­quisition. so the Prince of Orange, in that fright, aggravating their fears and jealousies, telling them of the breach of Priviledge, the tyranny of the Spaniards, the slavery of the Low-countrey men, most of them vain surmizes, but yet working in minds inclined to suspicion: It is hardly credible, what an odium he brought upon the Inquisition; how he turned the Peoples hearts from the King, and made them hate the Spani­ards. So that many (being perswaded the freedome of their Nation would be lost, if this went on) would assoon have let into their cities the Enemies of their Countrey,Out of Granvels power. as the Inquisitours of Faith. The Prince of Orange, glad of this successe, and being (as I have said) inraged at Granvels pow­er; absolutely resolved to joyn with the People and the Hereticks, who (he knew) hated Granvel, and he was glad they did so.Out of the trou­bles arising in the Duke of Al­va's govern­ment. At length, new and far more implacable tumults rising every where in the Low-countreyes, when the Duke of Alva was Governour; the bolder the people grew, who then refused their pardons (offered by some Governours of Cities) and publickly renounced their allegiance: the more high-hearted grew the [Page 48] Prince of Orange. His hopes, which hitherto were uncertain and farr off, now came near and courted him. So that scorning the Court, he looked for greater and quicker fortunes in the Warrs. But the mischief daily encrea­sing, seditious Citizens joyned with the Hereticks;The mutinous Citizens and the Hereticks desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Generall. part necessitated to avoid punishment, but the major part invited with hope of liberty. That their pretences might shew more honest, and promise more safety, under some one Generall; they looked upon the Prince of Orange, whom they knew to be ambitious to command in chief, and therefore an enemy to the Spaniards: besides, that he was seasoned with heresie, at least ingaged by affinity with Hereticks, whose service he made use of. They likewise knew he had many strong towns of his own, and that he would be supported by the counsels and wealths of forrein Princes. And he himself was partly incouraged by his inclination to the Hereticks, (to favour which party, he was at home per­swaded by his wife,Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxo­nie. his brother, and his friends; abroad by great Persons) partly out of hatred, first to Granvel, afterwards to the Duke of Alva, al­wayes to the Spaniards: especially, because despairing of the Kings favour, he hardly saw any place left for drawing back his hand, when he had cast the Die: partly, by the opportunity of Command, which from all quarters was offered to him.He offers him­self. Upon these motives he wholly revolted to them, for whose defence he had the colour of protecting their Liberties; with abun­dant matter of feeding his own hopes. And thus, what neither the Prince of Orange, To the destru­ction of the Publick. nor any Generall whatsoever could have done without a routiny of the People: nor a mutiny of the People without a Generall; was ef­fected by a conspiracy of both, a sudden flame of Rebellion breaking out, which afterwards continued a long fire of Warr, equally pernicious to the Conquerours, and the conquered.

Wherefore,The Causes and Occasions of the Belgick [...]nmults summed up. to give you a full View of all at once; it is very considerable whether Misfortunes succeed or meet. And as by the conjunction of starrs, ill winds they say are generated; so questionless there is a conjuncture of evils in the destruction of Men and Kingdoms. The sudden inundation of Heresie, the peoples dislike of the Spanish souldiers, the Multiplication of Bi­shops, the Revival of the Emperours Edicts, with the punishment of Delin­quents, the defeated hopes of the Nobility, Granvels greatness at Court, be­cause they all happened together, easily raised those tumults and troubles. Nevertheless, all were not of one Quality; for many of them seemed ho­nester Pretences then the rest; but two of them did the business, Heresie and Ambition: though going under other Names, borrowing elsewhere their occasions, and beginnings: For the Hereticks having made the People theirs, pretended the Priviledges of the Low-countreys; and lest the Dutchess of Parma, their Governess should oppresse them, they put themselves un­der the Protection of the Nobility. These gudgeons were greedily swal­lowed by many; some set on by Poverty, more by their Repulses and Af­fronts, most by the Power of Granvel. Nothing could therefore advan­tage them but troubles, wherein they should receive Pay from the Here­ticks, and Imployment from the Governess: and by that means Granvels Power would decay for want of Action. The peoples contumacy thus in­creasing with their strength, they despised Government, terrified the Cities with seditious tumults, and immediately after in many places, violated and robbed the Churches. Lastly, in some places were discovered evident signes of subjects intending a Revolt, which was now set a foot.

And thus much I have discovered of the Originall of the Low-coun­trey Tumults: which before the departure of the Dutchess of Parma out [Page 49] of the Netherlands, being laid and almost extinguished, revived again, farre more fatally in the Government of the Duke of Alva; whilst their Abettor the Prince of Orange, took opportunity of the peoples falling into rebellion; but not likely to hold out long, without a General: and upon their open defe­ction from their Prince, he long opposed the Spanish forces, as their General. Wherein how much the Spanish erred in pressing unseasonable remedies; or the Low-countrey men in disobeying their Sovereigne; I had rather you should gather out of the Narration of things themselves, then out of the arguments and partiall disputes of an Historian.

The End of the second Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COUNTREY WARRES. The third Book.

THe new Governess took care in the first place to send away the Spanish souldiers.1559. For the Provinces com­plained (as I have shewed you) that the four moneths were past,The Spanish souldiers have Orders to de­part. wherein the King promised to free the Low-countreys of forrein souldiers; and yet, they were kept in Garrison: but the Dutchess of Parma had put it off so long, because she most confided in the valour and faith of the old souldiers, if any troubles should arise at home, by the contagi­ous example of their neighbours, that were together by the ears about Re­ligion. Which was the cause that when the Low-countreymen denyed their Pay, she her self borrowed money to supply them. But the Low-countreymens complaints dayly multiplying, they alledged to the Gover­ness, that the King had obliged himself in honour; and her husband Octa­vio Duke of Parma (who never liked the stop of the Spanish army in the Netherlands) at his departure into Italy, perswading his wife to let them go; she writ letters to the King for his assent. And upon the receit of money from Spain, together with the Kings Commission, her Excellence drew out the Garrisons from the border-towns, commanding them presently to march to Ulushen, and to go abroad with the first fair wind, for Spain. But while shipping was prepared, winter coming on, the Governess received an Express from the King, 4. Octob. enjoyning her not yet to send away the Spanish Gar­risons: but (as in her discretion she thought fit) to spinne out time,Their Departure countermanded by the King. till the King sent his absolute determination. And I believe, his Majesty alwayes desired their stay in the Low-countreys; yet perhaps he was more moved to it, by new suspicions, collected out of Granvels letters, who having an eye upon the actions of the Nobility, made an ill construction of their ea­gernesse to expell the Spaniards: and perhaps penetrated further into the Prince of Oranges designes. But the Dutchess could not at that time obey the King, by reason the hatred and quarrell between the two Nations was then irreconciliable. For the Spaniards were inraged because the Low-countreymen were so violent to have them gone.Whereat the Low-countrey­men rage. And the Low-countrey­men, vexed with new grievances, were the more fierce in urging their de­parture. [Page 51] So as the Zelanders (in whose islands the Spaniards had lyen for a wind) being now grown desperate,And grow de­sperate. resolved to work no more upon the sea banks: but though before their eyes the water bore them down in ma­ny places, yet they said, they had rather have their land drowned, then plun­dered. So, long since,Tacitus in his Annals. l. 13. the Generall of the Ancibarians vowed to do, in the same place, against the Romanes. Nay they professed openly, in the Spani­ards hearing, The sea should swallow them alive, ere they would set foot out of doors to hinder it, as long as forrein souldiers tread upon their ground. Yet the Governess to comply with the Kings desires, delayed the Spaniards going aboard; and debated, how she might call them back from Zeland, in her Cabinet councell:Called the Consult. and with some few others of approved faith, whom she joyned to them. But all things were represented full of marvellous difficulty.1560. For they could not be called back, before Towns were ap­pointed for them to be quartered in; The Consulters are of opinion the souldiers should not be stayed. but those could not be appointed, without their Governours, who would, no doubt, protest against it. Then it was to be considered, whether they should be kept in their winter quarters in a body? but that would be insufferable to the City that should give them quarter: or whether they should be dispersed through the Provinces? but then they must be exposed to all injuries and indignities, which the people (that contemned their small number) would be sure to put upon them. It was likewise considerable, Where the Spaniards should have pay? since the Low-countreys had vowed to part with no money neither to them, nor their own Countreymen, till the Netherlands should be cleared of forrein force. Though the Governess knew this to be so,1560. yet that she might leave nothing unattempted; Or by consulting to gain time, she brought the whole business to the Councell table. But here the same votes passed.Of the same mind were all the Councell of State. And as the number of Counsellours was greater, so was their confidence. Some affirmed the Cities, when they should hear of that delay,1560. would publickly claim pro­mise of the King, and that the States would take it as an huge affront, when they suspected the Kings word had failed them: some alleadged the com­plaints of the Merchants; Others the pay which the King owed to the Low-countrey souldiers. Lastly, that their going aboard could not be deferred, was the opinion of the whole Councel,But onely Granvell. Granvell excepted, who opposed them all, either to please the King, or because he thought it would conduce to the good of the Low-countreys; or because he was unwilling to be without such a guard, in case his Rivals should conspire against him. But when he had held out as long as either his authority or elocution could resist;Who at last consents. at last, he yeilded to number and weight of reasons. Perhaps he was afraid that any thing should be carried at the Board without Granvels consent. Which made him vote with the rest, and, as he would have it believed, willingly. The Governess therefore, moved with the generall suffrage, especially seeing them dayly grow more odious; which would make their presence a greater mischeif to the Low-countreys then their absence could be: writes to his Majesty the Result of that Councell for Remove of the souldiers, slightly and perfunctorily, as to the Cause, lest she might be thought to fear the Lords of the Councell, unto whom she read the letters,The Governesses Express to the King. before the packet was dispatched away.Her private letter. But by the same post she wrote to the King, in cyphers, That she was not able to retain the Spaniards any longer. The Pro­vinces being all resolved, that so long as they saw themselves awed by the remain­der of forrein souldiers, they would not give a penny to the Kings Collectours, by way of Subsidy. That Bankers and Merchants complained, that the Cities which had borrowed of them great summes wherewith to pay the Spaniards while they seemed ready to depart; when they saw them demurre upon their voiage, grew an­gry, [Page 52] and refused to pay interest for the money. But as there was a generall joy as soon as they knew the Garrisons were drawn out, and shipping ready for them. This had quieted the murmurs of the money-Masters, and fed the hopes of the Low-countrey souldiers, that had fifteen moneths Pay due to them: which they were promised by the Cities, as soon as ever the Spaniards weighed Anchor. But if their voyage should be put off, and the Low-countreymen see them return from Zeland; she very much feared the souldiers, defrauded of their exspectation, would keep the high-wayes, and live upon pillage. Nay, that the Cities, through which the Spaniards had lately passed (not without quarrelling and fighting) when they came back, would shut their gates, and man their works against them. As to the jea­lousie of tumults among the French upon the borders, they had not yet troubled the Low-countreys, nor was it greatly to be feared that forreiners would invade them in the deep of winter. That a more certain mischief impended from the peoples dis­contents, and sedition at home; which if it should rise by their neighbours exam­ple, the Low-countreys could not be secured by three thousand Spaniards. Nor was there at present so much money in the Treasury, or hope of taking up so much, as would raise an hundred men for present service. 12. Decemb. Upon receit of these letters, the King gave a more speedy then willing assent to the desires of the Pro­vinces;The King as­sents in these words. and wrote back to the Governess, That she might (if she thought good) send away the Spanish souldiers, which would be a seasonable supply in Africa, where so many thousand Christians had been slain in the battel of Gyrba. That their officers should be carefull the souldiers landed not in a body, sending them se­verally by companies and troops, some to Naples, some to Sicily. That he him­self would look to his ingagements unto the Cities, and take order that the money, lent by the Merchants, should upon bills of exchange, be returned them in Spain. But the wind lying cross, and the winter proving hugely tempestuous, the Spanish souldiers were constrained, for a time, to stay in Zeland and Holland. At last,The Spanish souldiers sail for Spain. the ill weather breaking up, about the beginning of the year, they weighed Anchors, to the great joy of the Low-countreymen. And because the King had injoyned the Governess,1561. that the Infantry of the Low-coun­treys should from thenceforth be no more commanded by the Low-coun­trey Lords;A new Modell of the Foot. under colour of settling the Militia when the Spaniards were departed, she revived the custome (used in the time that Mary Queen of Hungary governed the Low-countreys, but since intermitted) That the Commanders should be immediately chosen by her self, to make them more obedient to their Governess. Nor gave she Commissions to Colonels (which used to be the gift of the Nobility) but signified her pleasure, that all Captains should receive orders from the Governours of towns, so long as they quartered within their commands. And she doubted not, but the Go­vernours would be faithfull, because they were placed and displaced by her. So, for the present, cutting off the Colonells places from the Militia, she conceived she had likewise cut off the authority of mutinous souldiers, and the power of the Nobility. Nor had it been a vain conception (as some thought) if she had withall provided,Touching for­rein and dome­stick souldiers. in place of the Spaniards, some new re­giments out of other Countreys. For although to bring forrein forces into the Low-countreys, was contrary to the desires of the Estates, and the Kings Promise; yet the Low-countreymen might have been induced to admit them, (whilest the sending away of the Spanish was in dispute) if the Go­verness had conditioned, That so long as their neighbours were in arms, so long the borders should have their Cities (besides their own train-bands) kept with forrein Garrisons. Certainly they had in generall such a longing to be rid of the Spaniards, as they would have agreed to any terms what­soever: [Page 53] and afterwards the Governess might easily have suppressed the tu­mults with those forrein souldiers. But being then ingaged in troubles, the Dutchess endeavoured to compose them for the present. Unless perhaps she were deterred from entertaining forrein souldiers, by the emptiness of the Exchecquer: fearing in that great want of money, if their pay should fall short, forreiners would mutiny more dangerously then the natives; which, from their Princes hand, might divers wayes receive correction.

The publick joy of the Low-countreymen for the departure of the Spa­niards, was accompanied with private joy at Court,1562. for Granvels being cre­ated Cardinall: and the solemnity of the Prince of Orange's marriage, so­lemnized in Saxony, whither many of the Lords were gone along. For whilest he was present at the marriage of his sister, he had there concluded a Match for himself (his first wife Anne Egmont being dead) with another Anne, The Marriage between the Prince of O­range and Princesse Anne daughter to the Duke of Saxo­ny. daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxony, wherewith he preacquainted the Governess. Who at first disliking his marrying into a Lutheran family, assured him, it could never be approved of, either by his Majesty or her self, that he should have a Lady born in a Lutheran Court, not onely bred an heretick by her father long since deceased, but whose zeal would be dayly inflamed by her fathers brother Augustus (who succeeded Duke Maurice in the Electorate) and by her mothers Grandfather Philip Lant­grave of Hessen. Landgrave of Hessen. But the Prince of Orange perswaded her Excellence he had taken order for that;Anno 1550 and, by way of prevention had agreed with Augustus, Guardian to the Lady Anne, that he would not marry her unless she turned Catholick; and that Augustus, and she her self, under their hands and seals had Articled as much: though Philip, her Grandfather, was against it, re­fusing the condition of altering her religion: because he had a design, when that marriage should be broke off, under colour of Religion, to match his own daughter to the Prince of Orange. The Landgraves Plot to break the match. To this purpose he had treated with him by letters, promising for his daughter, that he would accept the con­dition of her renouncing the Lutheran faith. So little account they make of abusing Religion, whose profit is their God.Discovered to the Duke of Saxony. The plot being discovered and greivously complained of by Augustus, Philip replyed, (said the Prince of Orange) That he being but poor, and the father of many children, it was not unhandsome for him, to receive conditions from another: but it would be a dishonour for the Duke of Saxony, a Prince Elector, to have William of Nassau give the Law to him: and therefore he had refused the condition for his Neice, and accepted it for his Daughter; but this answer was not sa­tisfactory to Augustus, therefore to prevent him, he resumed the Treaty with the Prince of Orange. And when the Prince of Orange had often profes­sed, That nothing was or could be so dear to him as his soul and honour, and duty to his Prince; the Governess at last consented. But yet she gave no leave to the Governours of Provinces to accompany the Prince of O­range (which he made his suit) because she had use of their service at home; the French being in arms upon the borders.1561. Notwithstanding, lest he should depart discontented, she permitted the rest of the Nobility to go with him. And in the head of that gallant Troop he rode to Saxony; followed by Florence Memorancy Lord of Montiny, who, in the name of the Dutchess of Parma, The Nuptials with Princesse Anne cele­brated. visited the Bride: and presented her a diamond ring. The Prince of Orange at Liepswich, a city in Saxony, having celebrated his marriage in the beginning of August, (where the King of Denmark was present, and divers other Princes of Germany) immediately returned into the Low-countreys; renuing his promise to the Governess touching his wives Religion. Which [Page 54] Promise he as truly performed, as she did the Faith she had sworn to him in marriage: being thirteen years after taken in adultery,Afterwards he sued out a Di­vorce. and sent back into Germany by the Prince, who married Charlotte Bourb [...]n, daughter to the Duke of Mompensier. Anno 1572 But his new marriage feast was kept in Holland, At Brill is Holland. with more pomp then joy by the Prince of Orange, offended at Granvels scarlet, which he had long forborn to wear: but now the Prince found him in his robes. For Pius the fourth made him,Granvel made a Cardinall. together with seventeen others, Cardinall of the Sacred Romane Church, this year, upon the twenty sixth day of Februa­ry, and within twelve dayes after, the messenger brought the news into the Low-countreys; soon after came one to Machin that was to present Gran­vell letters from his Holiness,A Cardinalls hat brought to him. and a Cardinals hat. But Granvel put off the receiving of those honours,He delays his acceptance. till he knew the Kings pleasure. He therefore dispatched a messenger into Spain; 25. Feb. I suppose, because he was sensible, that the Governess had used means to procure him this dignity without ac­quainting the King with the contents of her Letters to the Pope. Indeed she had not onely concealed it from his Majesty (who she knew would like well of it) but from Granvel himself. Though it had been long in agitation be­tween her and the Pope, as she afterwards wrote to the King.12. Iuly. 1562. Therefore, fearing the King would conceive him to be obliged onely to the Dutchess, Granvel would not accept that honour without his Majesties consent, and as it were from his Royall hand. Perhaps he had some little doubt that the Dutchess, at one time or other, would take occasion, by reason of that Ec­clesiasticall advancement, to remove him from the Civill Government. And therefore he thought it fit, to wait for the Kings approbation, who, by a spe­ciall and strict injunction had commended him to the Governess. But whatsoever he thought, the Dutchess liked not his demur upon it, and there­fore answered his letter to this purpose,27. March. That she condemned not his resolution, but her opinion was, The Governess likes not his delay. he should have done better to have put on his Cardinals Robes without delay, nor did she doubt, but he would find the King of Spain of the same mind: and that he would receive, with his Majesties Letters, his Command to force him to it. And though she was very glad the Popes Nuntio (as Granvel wrote to her) took it in the best sense: Yet he must have a speciall care, that nei­ther the Nuntio, nor any of his servants, should write to Rome: lest the Court there, should take occasions to cavill at this kind of modesty, or lest the Pope should take offence, as if his gifts should have their estimation from another. In the mean time she heartily joyed him of his honour, which was joyned with so much good to Religion and the King; to which ends she had endeavoured it; knowing how advantagious it would be to the State of the Low-countreys, if things appertaining to Religion, should be transacted by him, in whom (among other ornaments) his scarlet would advance his Authority. Yet notwithstanding these letters from the Dutchess, Granvel assented not, till he had answer out of Spain; then he presently put on his Robes: and so, expressing his duty to the King, with­out distast to the Governess, He at last owns the scarlet. he received honour from the one, and favour from the other.And hat sent him by speciall favour from his Holiness. Besides his Pall, the Popes Chamberlain, brought him from Rome, a Cardinalls hat, which is seldome sent to any; it being the custome to receive it onely in Rome. Which benefit Granvel ascribed to the Dutchess, with exquisite thanks, not so much extolling the greatness of the bounty, as the giver. And he said,For which he gives the Go­verness his reasons: as she wrote to the King. he had cause to reverence it, as the greatest of all honours, be­cause therein he adored the goodness of his Prince. But in his private discourse, he plainly told the Dutchess, That considering the Changes of mans life, he had accepted of that Dignity. 29. Novem. 1564. Especially, for that, if at any time he should leave the Low-countreys (as he saw a storm over his head, threatening him from the Lords) [Page 55] he might have a place at Rome among the Cardinals, to which he might make an honourable retreat. A designe at this day hit upon by many, who knowing, That Power seldome grows old at Court; and that Favour will as surely pe­rish, as Life; are willing to be advanced into this Order, not as ambitious, but as provident persons; that in their greatest misfortunes, the Altar and the Church may be their Refuge.

In the year following, 1562,1562. the Civil War of France reviving, the Kings commands came to the Governess, The Crown of France, being endangered, succours are sent from the Low-countreys. Of the French Tumults. enjoyning her with all possible care and speed to send assistance to King Charles against his Rebels. An Account of the Management and Original of these troubles, will not (I suppose) tres­pass upon your patience; if I repeat briefly from the beginning, not onely what before this time was agitated touching these succours, but the whole Progress of those French tumults; forasmuch as partly upon private dis­cord at Court; partly for that in publick, which concerned Religion, it was the Model of the Plot laid by the Low-countrey men, with so like success of both Nations, that sometimes unless you be rectified by the names of Places and Persons, you would not think you read the actions of two Kingdoms, but of one and the same People. Moreover, some part of the French Re­bellion was carried by advice sent out of the Low-countreys; whereof Car­dinall Granvel gave intelligence to his brother, Thomas Lord Cantonet, Em­bassadour for the Catholick King in France. This being therefore a busi­ness of no small importance, and because I would not interrupt my Narra­tion of the Low-countrey war, with inserting that of France: I shall here, as the matter and place requires, with no vain not tedious Digression, compre­hend the whole.

Heresie having long since poysoned France, had distracted it into facti­ons, and many men (contemning the old) had taken up the name of the new Religion.The Lutheran Religion brought into France. For although after Luthers pestilence reigned in Germany, France had a great while kept it self free from the infection; yet in the year 1533, it was attempted by some of Luthers Emissaries. For Francis the first favouring learned men and learning (as commonly they do,Upon what oc­casion. whose actions are worthy of a learned pen) resolved to erect an University at Paris; The City of Paris. sending proposals of great entertainment to the ablest scholars of Italy and Germany. This opportunity Luther took hold of, and sent Bu [...]er and others of the boldest of his followers, which by disputing in that confluence of prudent men, might give an Essay to bring in the new Gospel. Nor wanted there some that were taken with the Novelty: Especially,Its Favourers. Margaret of Valois, sister to K. Francis. because such as were que­stioned for Religion, had their recourse into Aquitain, to Margaret of Va­lois the Kings sister, who perhaps out of hatred to the Bishop of Rome (which had been infused into her in the family of her husband Alibret, whom his Holiness depreived of the Kingdome of Navarre) might lie open to the cun­ning of the Lutherans: perhaps out of ambition to be thought a Wit, which she affected beyond the limits of her sex; or indeed (as she herself confessed some years before her death, at which time she was a Catholick) it was not out of the perversness of her nature; but out of commiseration to the con­demned persons that fled to her protection, which made her so earnest with her Brother in the defence of their new opinions. So that for ten years to­gether, she bolstered up Lutheranisme in France. Tis almost extin­guished [...]y the King. Though Francis the first was the more slow in eradicating it, by reason of the Germanes and the Swisse that served him against Charles the fifth; till being grievously offended with the contumacy of the men, and their malice to Religion, he published ma­ny Proclamations against them; not onely threatning, but executing his [Page 56] Laws, untill at last he almost extinguished the name of Luther in his King­dome.Calvinisme succeeds. But Calvins stratagem succeeded somewhat better. Who imme­diately upon the death of Francis the first (whilst King Henry was engaged in the Warrs) attempted France, by sending Libels from Geneva. And as he found the minds and ears of many possessed with Luthers opinions, so he himself set the common people agogge to understand his new doctrine:First among the Commons. and the vulgar was very proud (for his Books were writ to their capacity in the French Tongue) to be made Judges of Religion; and as it were to passe their votes upon the abstrusest controversies of Faith. Lastly, as they that fall from the highest point are easily tossed from one breach of the precipice to another, till they come to the very bottome; having once departed from the old Religion, they fell headlong from Luther to Calvin; many of them not resting, till having disclaimed all worship, and not believing there was any God at all, they finally stuck fast in the bottomless Abyss of evil. And notwithstanding that Heresie first corrupted the minds of the People,Afterwards among the Lords (they being still the first that are swept away with a Plague) yet in a short space it made way through the Commons, seized upon some of the greatest Lords, and came into the Court it self, where it infected many persons of quality: as that which was likely to be serviceable to the factious Nobility,Out of their [...] ­mulation and envie. for win­ning the peoples hearts, and drawing them to make head against their Com­petitours, that grew still more powerfull with the King:1562. For Mary stuart Queen of Scots (of the House of Guise To the Guises. by her Mother) being married to Francis the second, much advanced the greatness of the Guises: For the King but fifteen years old,Duke Francis and his brother the Cardinall. had use of others service, and these were fit to be employed: Especially Francis Duke of Guise, and his brother Charles Car­dinal of Lorain; he being an experienced fortunate Commander abroad, and a prudent man at home; this eminent for a generall Scholar, deeply learned, but particularly of a subtil elocution, and a Majestick kind of pre­sence. But the more these Princes by their own worth, and the Queens fa­vour, were advanced; the more must others necessarily be discontented, that either had been, or hoped to be the first in favour. Principally the Bourbons, and the Colligny; not to name Momorancys, that bore spleen to the Guises, Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre. but with more civility. Indeed Anthony of Bourbon; besides his being the first Prince of the bloud, took upon him (in the right of his wife Ioan Alibret) the title of King of Navarre: He was a man equally tempered for the Arts of War and Peace; but immoderate in his pleasures, and there­fore unfit to establish a Dominion. Much more fierce and cunning was his brother Lewis Prince of Condè, The Prince of Condè, brother to the King of Navarre. constantly engaged and exercised in the War: yet with much more courage and confidence, then either strength or know­ledge. Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot were of like nature;Gaspar Collig­ny, and his bro­ther Andelot. but be­cause he was Admiral of the French seas, and this Lieutenant Genera [...] of the Foot, they were likewise in high esteem. These which I have named, with others of inferiour quality, though there was no tie of friendship among them, yet because they were all concerned in one common Interest, easily conspired together.All these were infected with Heresie. And the Engine wherewith they meant to ruine the power of the Guises, was by protecting the Hereticall Party; who, they knew, hated the very name of Guise: Especially some of them, having now forsaken the old Religion, desired to appear not onely Patrons of the Secta­ries, but likewise of the Sect. Among which, none more boldly professed and maintained Heresie,But the greatest Professour of them was Joan Alibret, Queen of Navarre. then Ioan Alibret wife to Bourbon▪ and onely daugh­ter to Margaret of Vallois and Henry King of Navarre. This Lady, be­cause she saw her self deprived of her Kingdome (of which Ferdinand the [Page 57] Catholick King had by arms dispossessed Iohn her grandfather, excommu­nicated by the Bishop of Rome) was transported with so implacable an ha­tred unto Rome and Spain, Julius II. and consequently to the Romane Religion, which she knew the Spanish so much tendered; that she spared no pains; nor cost, to bear down the Popes Authority, and the Catholick Faith in France. He­resie therefore supported by these eminent persons,The Lord joyn with the hereti­call rabble. spread it self so far over the whole Kingdome, that Henry King of France (whose Armies were kept in action by the Spaniards in the Low-countreys) concluding a Peace with1559. King Philip, withdrew his forces and cares to compose discords at home, which threatned to break out into a Civil War. But the death of King Henry hastened on the mischief: For, as I said, his son Francis and the Queen and Queen-Mother, the more they used the faithfull endeavours of the Gui­ses, against Hereticks; the more they exasperated their enemies, and put them on to use the proffered service of the Hereticks, to suppresse their pow­er: Which moved the Queen-mother,Against whom assistance is re­quested of the King of Spain. And promised. when her daughter Isabella was to go for Spain, to desire assistance from her Son in Law King Philip, against the Hereticks, and troublers of the Kingdome. To which request she received a very gracious answer, with a magnificent promise of men and money. Letters from the King to that effect being purposely read before some of the French Lords, to strike them into a fear; did rather encrease their envie to the Queen-Mother, and unite them against Spain. And now against the Guises, and against the King himself were scattered Libels, as fore-run­ners of the tumults which immediately followed.Alibret exaspe­rates her hus­band against the Catholicks. And the Lady Alibret earnestly solicited the Cause: who remembring her old quarrel, and impa­tiently longing for a Crown, rung in her husbands ears, That he must not suffer this onely opportunity of recovering the Kingdome of Navarre, to slip out of his hands: That he may now make himself head of a mighty faction, almost half the strength of France: That upon these terms, he may exspect assistance from the Germane Princes, of the same Religion, from the English, the Low-coun­trey men; besides such Catholicks as were enemies to the Guises, and by a strong conjuncture of all these, they may expell the Guises out of France, advance the Hereticall party, and no doubt, but at length they may carry that army to the con­quest of Navarre.Tit. Liv. l. 1. But this furious Tullia, was married to a milder Tarquin; so as the Duke of Bourbon being cold, for all this fiery curtain-Lecture: his brother the Prince of Condè, a Tarquin that well-matched the Lady Alibret▪ The conspiracy at Ambois. is said to have undertaken the Advance of the Conspiracie: and that he en­gendred the tempest at Ambois, which for that time was dispersed by the providence of the Duke of Guise. But new clouds of discontentments ga­thering, at last the storm fell more fatally in showers of bloud and civil war. They say in that tumult the name of Hugonot was first brought up at Tours, Where and how the name of Hu­gonot came up. upon this occasion: It is a custome at Tours to fright children by telling them of Hugh, Thuan. lib. 4. of his History. who (they say) rides about the Suburbs in the night, pushing at all he meets: And when the Hereticks, that flocked to Tours, had their nightly Conventicles in the Suburbs, because they durst not come together in the day time, they were accidentally pointed out to the children, like midnight-goblins, and from Hugh, by way of jeer, were called Hugonots. Though some derive them from another kind of original. But whencesoe­ver they had that denomination, it appears they thought it a scorn to them;Gil. Geneb. lib. 4. of his Chronicle, and others. and therefore they called the Catholicks Papists. But these are onely names, I proceed to the matter,The Authours of the tumult at Ambois. as it is recorded by them that wrote the History of those times. The first designe of the French tumults was laid at Geneva, by Calvin and Beza, holding in that town a shamefull and barbarous consulta­tion, [Page 58] upon a day appointed, suddenly to massacre King Francis, the Queen, the Queen-mother, the Kings brothers, and all the Lords of the Court, The King therefore to curb this insolence of the Hereticks (maintained by some of the Nobility, for their private ends and feuds) raised an army in France, called his forces out of Germany, requested succours from the Duke of Lo­rain, and the King of Spain: Succours sent from Spain. Limosin. And indeed King Philip presently sent him souldiers out of Spain (which were to joyn with the French Army at Limo­sin) intending to furnish him with more men; but hearing of the death of King Francis, he put off his other supplyes till the next year, to which time the warre it self was deferred.

The death of King Francis was attended with a great alteration in the state.Strange fortune. King of Navar, Prince of Con­dé. For the Bourbons, one of which was condemned to loose his head, and hourly exspected the executioner; and the other banished the Court, and generally thought to be oppressed in his brothers ruine, were presently made the disposers of the Kingdome, the administration thereof being come into the hands of the Queen-mother of the house of Medices, who was to govern for King Charles, a child of ten years old; The Prince of Condè was restored by Proclamation to his libertie, his offices, and the Kings favour. And the King of Navarre as nearer to the Crown, by the prerogative of his bloud, was declared Constable of France: the Guises on the contrary fal­ling as much from their authority; The Hugonots increased in number and licentiousness;The hereticks imboldened. and were by so much the more audacious, by how much they conceived it would be more acceptable to the great Constable of France; who, by these troubles, hoped to recover his wife's portion, the Kingdome of Navar. Granvels de­sign. But to case him of that care, and the Hugonots of their confidence, Advices were privately sent out of the Low-countreys, by Cardinall Granvell to his brother Cantonet. Prospero de sancta Cruce came Embassadour to France from Pope Pius the fourth,Sancta Cruz endeavours to draw off the King of Na­varre from the hereticks. and looking into the King of Navarres designs, he was of opinion, the man was not troubled so much about Religion, as about the getting of a Kingdome, and therefore might be drawn from favouring the Hugonots, if he might have some hope given him of coming to the Kingdome by another means. Wherein Sancta Cruz meant to sound the King of Navarre. But first he acquainted Thomas Canto­net the Spanish Embassadour; and he communicated it to his brother Cardi­nall Granvell. Then Sancta Cruz proposes to the Constable (what had for­merly been agitated) the restitution of Navarre: and undertakes, if he will but defend the Catholick cause, that the Pope shall earnestly solicit King Philip; either to resign to him the Kingdome of Navarre; or to give him, in lieu of it, something of equall value: and that he doubted not, but King Philip (whose inclination he had found at his being in Portugall, as he came from Spain into France) would comply with his Holinesse. This often con­firmed by Cantonet, wonne the King of Navarre; who resolved to treat with the Catholick King himself, and sent one of his meniall servants,He is taken off, and sends an Embassadour into Spain. Anthony Almeyda a Portugese, whom he knew to be gratious with his Countreyman Rui Gomez Prince of Ebora then in greatest favour with the King.Rui gomez de Silva. But Gran­vell receiving intelligence of these proceedings from his brother Cantonet, was very glad for the successe of his design: but yet no lesse solicitous (as he wrote to the Governess from Machlin) what the King would answer to Almeyda, 4. Aprill 1562. because he conceived, upon that answer depended the motions of the greatest French affairs. He had pre-acquainted Rui Gomez and the Duke of Alva, and let them know That it was a nice point and fall of danger: By whom Granvel like­wise writes. in the managery whereof they might trespasse as much by forwardnesse and violence, [Page 59] as by security and neglect. And therefore he conceived it best to offer the Duke of Bourbon some such thing, as if he deserted them, might be taken away again. After many overtures,Sardinia is of­fered in stead of Navarre. the Kingdome of Sardinia was proposed to him in King Philips name. Whereto was added the Admiralty, and a pension to maintain the office.Whether in car­nest, or no. Which conditions though some commended, as good for both parties, because on the one side Sardinia is a greater and richer Kingdome then Navarre; and, on the other, in the midst of King Philips Dominions which at his pleasure might command it. Yet some were of another opinion, and thought King Philip, who was not prodigall of his Kingdomes, onely baited him with the hope of Sardinia. For to what pur­pose, should the Bourbons be brought into that Island, neighbouring upon Sicily and Naples: where they might revive their ancient factions in those Kingdomes. Neverthelesse the Pope did wisely in moving it, whether he hoped to bring it about; or understood it to be labour in vain: because it would equally conduce to the good of Religion in France, whether the King of Navarre was kept from protecting the hereticall party, by a true hope or a false. And truly by little and little he was so averted from them, that he was not altogether so kind, as formerly he had been to his wife Ioan Ali­bret; which perhaps made some affirm in writing, that the Spanish Embassa­dour indeavoured it,A match be­tween the King of Navarre and the Queen of Scots falsly rumoured. Thuan. in his History l. 28. and treated with the King of Navarre to divorce him­self from his wife, because she was fouly poysoned with heresie: and gave him hope of a marriage with Mary Queen of Scots, by the help of her Uncles the Guises: and that he should have with her, the Kingdome of Scotland, and likewise all Great Brittain, wherein he should be established by the Popes au­thority, and the King of Spains assistance; Queen Elisabeth being deposed for heresie. But these were either vain rumours, or contrived out of envy. Nor is there any colour of truth, that Granvel or Sancta Cruce could be ignorant, that heresie is not a sufficient cause of Divorce; or that King Philip would offer the Kingdome of Scotland to one he could not choose but fear, because of former enmity in the businesse of the Low-countreys: and his power to offend Spain for the future,1562. in case he should conquer that whole Island. Indeed two years after, when there were Treaties between the same Queen of Scots, 1564. and the Arch-duke Charles sonne to the Emperour Ferdinand, and Charles Prince of Spain, The King of Spains Letter concerning the Queen of Scotlands marriage. King Philip writ to Granvel, That he was well pleased The Archduke should, in that, be preferred before his sonne. But if the King of France should think of a marriage with her (whereof he had some intimation, that troubled him not a little) then he should willingly consent to a match betwixt his sonne and the Queen. Dat. 6. of August. Out of which words it may easily be collected, What Philips mind was touching the Kingdome of Scotland. Nay that the Spanish Embassadour did not so much as pretend the Proposall of that Match to the King of Navarre, this assure me; because when he communicated all parti­culars to his brother Granvel, (as I observe in their letters) and often men­tioned the business of Sardinia, there is not one word of this marriage. But be what it may, it is certain Alibret incensed against her husband (who day­ly grew more averse from the Hugonots, Alibrets in­dignation. and wold not hear her when she was a suiter for them) in a rage left his Court, and withdrew into some Towns of her own. The King of Navarre did not so much neglect,The Guises power revives. as his brother the Prince of Conde and the Collignies earnestly imbraced the patro­nage of the hereticks, especially, because the Guises were restored to grace and favour at Court. And now, such was the face of things, not onely at Court.And the Malice of their Rivals. And now, such was the face of things, not onely at Court (divi­ded into factions) but likewise all the Kingdome over: that arms were taken [Page 60] up to maintain the different opinions in Religion,Either party pre­pares for war. and all things seemed to boad a Civill warre. To the Prince of Conde and Generall Collignie the he­reticks from all parts sent assistance. Nor were the Guises and Comestabilis Memorancy lesse ayded by the Catholicks. With whom the King of Na­varre joyned himself; but he was brother to the Prince of Conde; the King a child and ignorant of deceit. Mean time,Katharine of Medices. the Queen mother was distracted between two factions, wavering, and fearing the successe of either. Things being in this condition, whilst King Charles made all the friends and means he could, to help himself:King Philip sends Foot out of Italy & Spain. King Philip was extraordinarily carefull to dis­patch away succours to his kinsman. Perhaps moved by zeal to Religion: perhaps solicited by his wife, who trembled at her brother Charles his dan­ger: perhaps jealous of the Low-countreys, lest the arms or example of the French, should there prejudice his affairs. Therefore having raised three thousand foot in Italy, and made Iohn Anguisciola their Colonel, to be com­manded in chief by Imbertus Platerius Bordillon, Lieutenant Generall for the King of Spain in Piemont: May 2. and dispatching as many more from Spain by the way of Navarre, he writes to his sister Margaret, Governess of the Low-countreys, presently to choose two thousand horse out of the Low-coun­trey Militia,And commands the Governess to dispatch a­way the Horse out of the Low-countreys. to march against the French Rebells; and if the Queen or the Guises shall desire more men,The Belgick Lords oppose it. to furnish them. The Governess reading the Kings letters at the Counsel board, observed, that all the Lords were against sending assistance to the French. The Prince of Orange and Count Egmont argued, that the horse was maintained by the Provinces for a guard to the Low-countreys, and to that end they were at first ordained. Therefore to carry them out of the Low-countreys, the Provinces must give their con­sent: but that would be a work of time and exposed to much danger; now especially when the Low-countreys wanted additionall forces, and ought not to have their own taken from them. But they had perhaps a higher Consideration.Perhaps set on by the Prince of Conde. For it was believed, at the instigation of the Prince of Con­de, some German Princes had threatned their neighbours the Low-coun­treymen, if they assisted the Guises, enemies to the new Religion, they in defence of the Cause would bring an armie into the Low-countreys. Nor do I think it unlikely, that both the Prince of Conde attempted it, and the Germans undertook it. For on the one part, the Prince of Condes faction was much troubled about the raising of those forces in the Low-countreys; as appears by a book then published,1562. and sent by the Spanish Embassadour Cantonet, April 4. with letters to his brother Granvel; wherein they give the Here­ticks many reasons, why the King of Spain should not assist the Catholicks in France. Iune 30. On the other part, the Governess by an Express to his Majestie informs him, That the Low-countrey men, either terrified by the Germans, or out of some other cowardly considerations, would hardly, nay could by no means be drawn; to give order for the horse to march into France: and threatned mischief if they went. In which letter she seems to touch, what I have here mention­ed, the cause of their dissent. And she her self (either despairing that the Provinces would let them go,The Governess cools in the bu­siness. or believing they could not be well spared from the Low-countreys, equally endangered by a war from Germany, and an Insurrection at home) pressed the business more remissely at the Coun­cel Table:Iuly 1. When on the sudden came an Express from the King, wherein the Governess was not a little chid for her delay;She is checkt for it by the King. and commanded, without further consultation, immediately to send away the Horse. She, anxious how she might obey his Majesty in that particular, by the advice of Granvel, changed the name,Instead of men she sends money. not substance, of the Kings desires, demanding money [Page 61] instead of men: Which being granted, she presently returned it into France to the Queen-wother, And writes her reasons to the King. and signified to King Philip the reason of her so doing, Not onely because she knew money would be far welcomer then men to the Queen (according as she her self formerly intimated, and after the receit confirmed) but likewise for fear the Governess should loose both her endeavours and authority, August 31. in pressing the Low-countrey men to that, which she found by experience was not to be obtained; or if it were obtained, would be disadvantageous. That she feared the Low-countreys now their hearts were down, and that in Tournay and Valencena were begun no inconsiderable stirrs about Religion; and no doubt but they would en­crease, if the seditious once saw the Low-countreys left naked, without defence of their Horse. Lastly, for that some by their Place were to conduct the Horse, whose faith she might very well suspect; it seemed to be no less dangerous to trust them with Arms, then to shew a diffidence in them, by choosing other officers. The King received, rather then approved the condition of the money, which the States had granted, and sending fifteen hundred horse out of Spain to the Queen-mother, which the Governess was to pay, he strengthened the Catho­licks in Franc [...]. But before these succours came, the King of Navarre, the Guise, and Momorancy, The King of Navarre enters Roan triium­phant, and dies. had taken Roan from the Prince of Condes men. The King himself, though dangerously shot, lying upon his bed in a kind of Chariot, was triumphantly brought into the Citie. But a few dayes after, his wounds bleeding afresh, in the same sepulchre with himself he buried his hopes of the Kingdome of Sardinia; which he had kept alive till his last gasp, to the great good of the Catholicks. Nor was the War prosecuted with lesse care, Momorancy commanding in Chief, both Armies exceeding­ly increasing. For with the Kings forces were joyned 6000 foot sent from King Philip, and the fifteen hundred Horse, formerly mentioned. And near to Dreux, A memorable Battel Dreux. a Town in Normandy, they fought a battel; with great cou­rage on both sides. The Prince of Conde and Momorancy, both the Generals were taken prisoners, and above ten thousand men slain: the Victory at last fell to the King, but with more honour then joy. Such fatall wars issued from the liberty given to the Hereticks, and cherished by the ambition of the Lords. But these miseries of the French, which I have related (for to that end I have related them) brought the same mischief upon the Low-countreys, The French & Low-countrey tumults paral­leld. as any man will easily perceive that hath leasure to compare the practises of Hereticks in both Nations, and the differences of either Court, the names of Hugonots, and Gueses, raised in their severall tumults: The Cardinal of Lo­rain answering to Cardinal Granvel; the Queen-mother of France to the Dutchess of Parma in the Low-countreys: the like conspiracy of the Nobility, the like Edicts of their Princes, the plunder of Cities and Churches not to be distinguished: all things in both Countreys almost the very same, as springing from the self-same Causes; save onely, that the War was more suddenly begun by the French, and more obstinately pursued by the Low-countrey men.

The first Low-countrey Towns that followed the example of the French, The first Bel­gick tumults occasioned by French Calvi­nists. were their next neighbours, Tournay, Lisle, and Valencena; which by their sudden motions, plainly signified the subsequent ruine of the Netherlands. For in October the year before, two French Calvinist preachers in the same night,L [...]isle. the one at Valencena, the other at Tournay, openly before a great assem­bly in the Market-place, delivered their new Gospel; and when they had done it, were followed through the streets by the multitude, to the number of an hundred at Valencena, and six hundred at Tournay, singing Davids Psalms in French. At this Psalm-singing and these night-sermons, tumults [Page 62] were raised in both Cities, between such as favoured and such as hated them. The cognizance whereof taken from the Magistrates, was brought before the Governess; who commanded the Governours of those Provin­ces, Florence Momorancy Lord of Montiny, and Iohn Glemè Marquesse of Bergen (that were both at this time by accident in Breda, to joy the Prince and Princess of Orange, newly come out of Saxonie) forthwith to return to their Governments, and use their best endeavours in what concerned them nearest.The insurrection at Tournay quieted. The Lord of Montiny posted to Tournay, with Christopher Assonvill and Iohn Blaser, whom the Dutchess had joyned with him, to examine the business: Where he apprehended the owner of the house the Conventicles were kept in: and found and burned many hereticall books. A moneth after,Novem. 15. 1561. hanging up Lanoy the night-preacher, Tournay was quieted. But at Valenciens things fell out far otherwise: For though the Marquess of Bergen presently went thither,That at Valen­ciens inflamed, by the Hereticks escape of pu­nishment. and by the assistance of Filibert Brux [...]ius and Autrux (assigned him for Adjuncts by the Governess) two preaching Calvinists, Philip Maillard and Simon Favian, were committed to prison; deferring their punishment, contrary to the Dutchess command. Before the Citie was pa­cified,1562. the Marquess of Bergen went to Leige, to visit his brother Bishop of that City: For which, being reprehended by the Dutchess, and command­ed back to his Government, he boldly excused himself, That it was nei­ther agreeable to his place or nature,March 22. to put Hereticks to death. Which in­solent answer, she wrote to the King, commending in the letter the industry of the Lord of Montiny; and so comparing the ones deserts with the dis-ser­vice of the other, made both appear the greater. And indeed, that Heresie like other contagious diseases, is caught in an instant, and must with expe­dition be prevented, as may be instanced in the examples of Tournay and Va­lenciens. There by the present punishment of a few, all being put in fear: here, by delay and negligence, the turbulent people having time given to encourage them. For now that brace of Hereticks (I spake of) had been in prison seven moneths, and the Magistrates were affraid to proceed to judg­ment; because they saw the peoples affection daily increasing towards them; and divers bills posted up, that threatned mischief to the Judges, if any harm came to the Prisoners. And many passing by the Jayl in the night, were heard to chear up the prisoners; and bad them fear nothing: for if they should be led to execution, the people would rescue them. But the Dutchess informed of all this, taxed the Magistrates with the fear they had brought upon themselves, by seven moneths delay; and seriously fore-warn­ed them, not to make the disease incurable, by further delaying. Therefore according to the Emperours Edict,Which at last are condemned. sentence was pronounced, and the delin­quents condemned to be burned. But because some tradesmen were su­spected, especially the Clothiers, the execution was put off to a day, when they alwayes used to be absent from Valenciens; their custome being on Sa­turday night, to walk abroad into the fields, and not to come back to town till Monday morning. Part going a feasting to the Villages near hand, with their parents and their wives; part getting out of the way, lest they should be observed not to be at Church with the Catholicks. On Monday therefore by day-break, the condemned persons were brought into the mar­ket-place. Yet it was not so privately carried, but multitudes of people fol­lowed: And Favean, when he came near the faggots, cried out as loud as ever he could gape,But rescued by the Commons. O Eternall Father: At which words the whole Mar­ket-place made a hideous noise, and suddenly strove to fetch off the prison­ers, casting stones at the Officers, withall breaking into the place of execu­tion, [Page 63] they seized upon all the instruments of death; threw about the fagots, and for very madnesse,And by the Ma­gistrate carryed back to prison. broke them into little pieces. Till the officers, too weak for the multitude, were forced to carry the prisoners back to the Jayl, and to run for it themselves, the stones flew so fast about their ears. Having freed their companions, by degrees the peoples fury cooled; or rather, not knowing what to do for want of a Leader, they met all in a peaceable man­ner: that you would have rather thought them Petitioners, then Mutineers, singing Davids Psalmes by Calvin's Psalter: then breaking out again into rage,Davids Psalmes turned into French meeter. they blamed their own sloath, and resolved to take their opportunity while the Citie was in fear and trembling. Before I proceed, because the singing of Psalmes hath casually been twice, and must be oftner mentioned, I conceive it will not be amisse for the Reader to understand the Originall thereof.

Among the Grooms of the bedchamber to Francis the first of France, The Authour Clement Ma­rot. there was one Clement Marot, born at Davean; a man naturally eloquent, of a voluble fluent tongue, having a rare vein in French poetry, wherewith the King was much taken,Ex. Florim. Hist. de ortu, &c. Haeres. l. 8. His Manners. Dubious Reli­gion. and kept him as a choice instrument of his learned pleasures. But (as his wit was somewhat better, then his conditions) by his acquaintance with the Lutherans, he was suspected to have changed his Reli­gion: and therefore fearing the King would be offended, he fled to his Ma­jesties sister at Bearn, the old Sanctuary for Delinquents. A while after, the King was pacified, and he returned to Paris. Where he was advised by his friend Francis Vatable, the Hebrew Lecturer, to leave the trifling subjects he wrote upon, and study divine Poesie.His Translation of the Psalter. Hereupon, he began to translate the Psalmes of the Hebrew Prophet into French stanza's, but so ignorantly and perversely, (as a man altogether unlearned) that the King (though he of­ten sung his verses,Forbid by his Majesty. yet upon the just complaints of the Sorban Doctours and their severe censure passed against them) commanded that nothing of Maro's, in that kind, should be from thenceforth published. But being for­bid by Proclamation, as it often happens, the longing of the Reader and fame of the Work was increased: so that new tunes were set to Marot's thimes,Marot flies his Countrey. and they were sung like profane ballads. He, in the mean time, growing bold by the peoples applauses, and not able to forbear bragging: for fear of punishment ran to Geneva. And flying from thence, for new crimes committed, but first having been well whipped for them, he died at Austune. Dyes. The successe of this Translation of Psalmes, moved Theodor Be­za a friend of Marot's (that wrote an Elegie in French upon his death) to joyn to the fifty,Beza finishes Marots Work of the Psalmes. which he had printed, the other hundred in French meeter too; so the whole book of Davids Psalmes was finished. And to make it pleasing to the people, they had severall tunes set to them by excellent Composers, that chimed so sweetly, as every one desired to have the new Psalter. But many errours in it being detected against Religion,It is published but prohibited immediately by the Catholicks. Retained by the hereticks. and the Work therefore prohibited, as well because the sacred verses of the Pro­phet were published in a vulgar tongue by profane persons: as that they were, dolo malo, bound up with Calvin's Catechisme at Geneva: these sing­ing Psalmes, though abhorred and sleighted by the Catholicks, remained in high esteem with hereticks: and the custome of singing Geneva Psalmes in French, at publick meetings, upon the high way, and in shops, was thence­forth taken for the distinctive sign of a Sectary.

The seditious Townsmen of Valenciens warbling in this manner (as I was about to have told you) passed along the streets,The Valence­nian Sedition renued. as if they meant to deliver a Petition. But making a stand in the market-place, they lifted up their sing­ing-Master, [Page 64] and bad him preach ex tempore. Immediately, either by the Preachers perswasion, or the increase of their company, the mutinie was revived: and finding themselves grown strong (for they were about two thousand) they would not part, without doing something worthy such a Muster. Wherefore they resoved to pull down and burn a monastery of Dominicans. But changing their minds upon the way (for they were tossed and tumbled like billows in a storm) a fury possessed them, when they re­membered that the condemned persons had been taken out of their hands and carried back to prison.They incourage one another ei­ther to rescue or revenge the Prisoners. To what end had they raised this tumult, and frighted the town to no purpose, if their associates should suffer death in the Iayl, which they had escaped in the market-place? no, they would look into the matter, break open the prison, and either release their fellows, if living: or if dead, re­venge them. They forceably [...] them out of the Iayl. So they cried, to the Jayl, to the Jayl. And thither they ran, forced the doors, knocked off their shackles; and that they might appear to do nothing out of contempt of Law, they onely set those two at liberty, and kept in the rest that were committed for other causes; sending word to the Magistrates, they had onely met to deliver their brethren, but if they might live quietly, and not be troubled for their conscience, not a man among them would stirre any more. In the mean time, Michael Hovey, De­puty-governour of the Town, was sent by the Magistrate to the Dutchess, who amazed at the news of the sudden tumult, sent Hovey himself imme­diately to Boldu [...] a town near Valenciens, to desire Iohn Hennin, Count of that place (whom she knew to be faithfull and industrious) that he should instantly get into the City: and in the Kings name, till the Marquesse of Ber­gen returned, at discretion quiet the troubles, if any yet remained. She commands him likewise to signifie to the Marquesse, in what condition Va­lenciens was, whilst he neglecting his publick office, minded nothing but his private business.Souldiers are brought into the Town by the Governesses Order. But now the Marquesses Lieutenant (the Low-countrey­men call him the Count-governour) with two troops of horse (one where­of he took out of the Bolduc, the other he himself commanded under the Marquesse of Bergen) entered Valenciens, the people not daring to attempt any thing against him. Thither also with all speed marched the horse of Philip Croy Duke of Areschot, by order from the Governess. Lastly the Marquesse of Bergen himself, and the Count of Bosch came into the town: and, con­trary to their exspectations, found all quiet, not so much as any signe of a Sedition. But Indeveltius, who was in Commission with the Marquesse to examine business of that nature, being sent by the Magistrate to the Dutchess for authority to pursue the fugitives, was earnest with her, to take from that turbulent Citie both their priviledges and arms; and that, with the fines payed by the Mutiners for their composition, a fort should be built to hold in the stiff-necked people like a bridle; & the Valencenian; might be compelled to this, if her Excellence would but send one thousand two hundred foot,A Councell is called about pu­nishing the city. to the horse already in town. The Governess caused it to be moved at the Councell table; where the gentler vote carried it, That the fugitives should be brought back to execution, and the authours of the Se­dition punished: but that the rage of the mad people should not ruine the honest Citizens.The milder opi­nion carries it. The Governess consented, the rather; because that Citie (as she wrote to the King) standing much affected to the French, must have been unseasonably provoked, whilst the French were in arms within sight of the town. But she her self forbare, as much as was possible, to make any Levies: lest the sword, and consequently the power should come into the hands of some of the Low-countrey Lords. Yet, because nothing could be [Page 65] done in that City without souldiers,New souldiers put into the Town. she commands the Marquess of Ber­gen, to draw souldiers out of his severall Garrisons, not above thirty out of any one; and so on the sudden, to put two hundred into Valenciens, giving it out, that company after company should follow them, to aw the Town▪ that the Judgement, pronounced against the offenders might accordingly be executed.The seditious executed. The Marquess readily obeyed: And though the two sediti­ous Preachers were then escaped, a while after one of them was taken, and put to death; and the Citie, terrified with the decrees of the Magi­strates and the continuall fresh supplies of souldiers; within a few dayes, having taken the fiercest of the Mutineers (or those that bragged most of their doings in the tumult) they were severely punished.Valenciens quieted. So for that time the mutiny at Valenciens ceased.The Governesses vigilancy. The Governess was not more glad of the success, then fearfull of the consequence, because such a multitude of Calvi­nists were crept into one Citie; especially, because in other places, she saw the like beginnings and motions, she was jealous lest Calvinisme, which then infected France, might be caught by their neighbours of Haynolt. Her particular care of Religion in Frisland. In like manner the commerce with Denmark, and the neighbouring towns of Germany, might corrupt Frisland with Lutheranisme. And though on the one part Heresie had hardly touched any of the Lords of Frisland, but one­ly crept upon the ground among the Commons, as suteable to their capaci­ties, being a rude plain people, and therefore credulous; and on the other part, Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg looked very carefully to that Province; yet questionless the disease would spread it self, and by degrees seize the No­bility, unlesse it were prevented by strong Physick.

This seconded by Granvels advice,New Bishops brought in. moved the Governess to bring in the designed Bishops into their several Dioceses, that by example, word, and deed (which most conduces to the advancement of Religion) they might be a stay and support to the people committed to their charge. Indeed things were put into a handsome way; and by the industry of Granvel, and the Nuncio (the one having the Popes Commission to this purpose, and the other the King of Spains) they were received into the Cities.The Brabanters will have no Bi­shops. But the Bra­banters stood out, and would suffer no change of Government in their Pro­vinces, though Cardinal Granvel pressed it very much: and delivered his opinion for the present suppression of those tumults and designes, which would grow daily worse and worse.The Popes Buls were delayed at Rome. But from Rome the Popes letters for the endowment of the Bishops (without which nothing could be done) were not dispatched away by Francisco Varga the Spanish Embassadour; not so much out of the humour of demurring, which is naturall to the Spaniards, as out of the Popes indignation,Pius IV. incensed by the practice of some near about his person, who had taken offence at Varga's carriage in the Court of Rome: and therefore the Embassadour was put off. The truth is, he had insinuated himself into the secret [...] of the Cardinalls, which many of them sto­mack'd very much; and by his endeavours, Cardinal Pacecho by divers votes of the Conclave, had like to have been chosen Pope, a dignity propor­tionable to his merits: his Chair being once lifted up by the Cardinals his friends, as the custome is at the Election of a Pope. This was perhaps re­membred by some of the Popes Court, that were not yet reconciled to the Embassadour, by whose means their master had almost lost the Papacy. But from what cause soever these delayes proceeded,The Abbots ex­asperated the Brabanters. the Abbots thereby had time given them (whom it concerned to avoid their Reversioners the Bishops) to meet at divers consultations about it: and to desire assistance from the Estates of Brabant, and some Lords, which their own private inter­ests [Page 66] engaged, and to try all remedies that either counsel or fear could find out, or opportunity present.The Brabanters send Agents publickly to Rome, and pri­vately into Spain. And the Estates, because they could not prevail with the Governess, Their Instructi­ons. resolved to send two Agents out of the Low-countreys, the one privately to Pius the fourth, about the end of the old year; the other publickly in the beginning of the new year, to the King himself. To Rome they sent Moulin a Civil Lawyer, of good account, to supplicate his Holi­ness, that the goods of the Monasteries might not be given away to Bishops, contrary to the Doners minds; and that the Monks might not be deprived of their ancient priviledges, to choose Abbots; lastly, that he would not per­mit the King to ordain any Bishop, that should not be maintained out of his Majesties Exchecquer. With these instructions, private letters to the same effect were written to the Pope, and other eminent persons, by the Prince of Orange, and the Marquess of Bergen, whose Tutour Moulin was: and by his favour, which he still enjoyed, continually employed in weighty affairs. Be­sides,Expedition mo­ney given them. they furnished him with great summes of money, that his way at Rome might be the smoother; and they allowed, that he might with some bounty purchase patronage to the cause. To conclude, besides his expen­ses, they gave him to his own use 1200 Florents, and as much to the other joyned with him, for the honour of the Emba [...]age: and if they got their business dispatched,The Governess prevents them by Agents of her own, that came before them to Rome. they were promised great matters at their return. But the Governess, from whom nothing of all this was concealed; to prevent the Brabanters, writ to the Spanish Embassadour Varga, to pre-ingage the Pope; to have an eye upon Moulin, and to use his best judgement to frustrate that mans endeavours, that opposed the good of Religion, and the pious inten­tions of the King.And into Spain She likewise wrote to his Majesty, letting him know, that within few dayes some men would come to petition him, in the name of the Brabanters; The Agents for the Estates re­rurn from both places without Dispatches. and in January came Tserclasse and Nyssus: twice the King gave them Audience, and in March following, returned them to the Low-countreys with a doubtfull answer. Nor had Moulin any better for­tune at Rome. The Agents for Antwerp, Godfrey Streck, Pretour of the Town, Vrselt and Wessembeck, set forth in May, to petition the King that Ant­werp might not be compelled to receive a Bishop, but they prevailed not in their suit. Yet still they in the Low-countreys practised against the Bishops: For the Abbots wearied the Dutchess with complaints; and some of the Lords, especially Granvels enemies, encouraged the discontented party. The States of Brabant stood as for their Lives and Religion,The Brabanters will not give it over thus. against the breaking of their Priviledges. The common people would have no In­quisition, no Bishops: And Philip Momorancy Count Horn, (who some moneths since was returned from Spain, Count Horn writes for them to his Maiestie. and by the King commanded to write back) certified his Majestie, That the complaints of Brabant were grown more violent then ever, Iune 2. upon a rumour spread among the people (as it was supposed by the French and German [...] that without the consent of those two Nations, out of whose Provinces some Low-countrey Diaceses had been enlarged, new Bishops could not be created in the Netherlands: and therefore the Low-countrey men would do all they could, to hinder their institu­tion, for fear the French and Germans should come upon them at once, and make sudden invasions by severall wayes. To this purpose he wrote likewise to E­rasso, one the King trusted with his secrets, a civil Gentleman, and power­full at Court. But in the close of his letter he laid all the fault upon Gran­vel, who ambitiously and weakly designed that, which could never come to good effect. Indeed Granvel was an eye-sore to many, and a [...]emora to their projects; and if I may freely speak my opinion, I believe there had [Page 67] been little or no stirring or trouble about matters of Religion,Many Low-countrey Lords assist them, if the Nobi­lity had not drawn another way. But some of the Lords (as I have told you) took it ill that the Bishops were increased; that is, they conceived it prejudiciall to their own authority and freedome, especially when they met in the great Councel. The Hereticks had engaged the rest, many upon pri­vate discontents were alienated from the King.Discontented at the King, and at Granvel. But the most were incensed against Granvell, concluding him to be the authour of increasing the Bishops, because they saw him declare himself for their coming in. Out of the ha­tred hereupon conceived, the Lords either absented themselves from Coun­cel, or came thither to oppose the Cardinall. Their principall Abettours the Prince of O­range, and Count Egmont. These quarrels the Governess discovered at her first coming to the Government, particularly in Count Egmont, and the Prince of Orange, each of them having hoped to be Go­vernour of the Low-countreys; and therefore so much the more sensible of their late repulse. But the Prince of Orange carried it more closely.Count Egmonts liberty of speech. Count Egmont a blunt souldier, open-breasted in his love and hatred, was so farre from dissembling; that in his own house he suffered his friends to speak things derogatory to the Majestie of the King, of which the Governess was informed, and gave the King intelligence by her letters; wherein she named Simon Regnard, 4. Octob. as an encourager of these unlawfull assemblies,1559. a Counsel­lour of great subtilty and volubility of tongue,Regnard sooths him in it, Out of emulati­tion to Gran­vel, begun when they were school­boyes. nor of lesse authority with many of the Lords, especially with Egmont. There had been an old emula­tion from their very childhoods, between this Regnard and Granvell, in the Schools where they studied, because the one had the more excellent, wit, the other the more plausible. And as the quarrels of wit use to be irreconcilia­ble among children;Mart. Delrio lib. 1. Tumult. Belg. Granvel, Regnard. these being now grown men, and the subject of their business changed, the same contention held still in King Philips Belgick Court. But because in Dignity and the favour of his Prince and the Gover­ness, Granvell far out-stripped him; he that was cast behind, had the more envie, in regard they had once been equals.Continued when they came to Court, And there turn­ned into envy against his Su­periour. Regnard therefore finding a way open to mischief Granvell, through the hatred born him by the Lords, began every where to solicite and dispute the cause of the discontented No­bility; and by aggravating the indignation of such as were his own friends, plotted in the mean time his private revenge. The Governess fearing the sting of this Viper would secretly poyson the State;This made Reg­nard so active against Gran­vel. she, to avoid shipwrack by a dry tempest, perswaded the King to remove him out of the Low-countreys, under colour of some advancement; but it was deferred till five years after, and when the storm was grown too boystrous,The Governess therefore labours to have Reg­nard sent for out of the Low-countreys, Which at last, but too late, was effected. Regnard was called into Spain, almost to no purpose, but onely to shew how strong a disease grows by the delay of remedy. And although Count Egmont (who was not of an ill nature, when he had no advisers) at the beginning of these troubles, carried himself with obedience and fidelity to the Governess; yet his private grudge to Cardinal Granvell interposing, he inrolled his name among the Conspiratours, and sided with the Prince of Orange; who being at that time grievously injured by Granvell, sought but to match his own indignation with some other alike offended.The Prince of Orange sets on the Brabanters. Now the Prince of Orange, to ingratiate himself with the Brabanters, casting out words of these differences, especially of the new Bishops, said, There was no other help for it, but that the Brabanters (who have no particular Governour, but onely such as commanded the whole Low countreys) should petition the Governess, to appoint them one of the Lords that should look into their affairs, and onely regard their interest. And some to please the Prince of Orange, moved this at the board.His Ambition is checkt by Gran­vell. But Granvell, suspecting what was aimed at, bitterly inveighed against that [Page 68] Counsel, and at last, What man soever (said he) undertakes their protection, ought to consider with himself, that he is created Prince of Brabant, and divides the Sovereignty of the Low-countreys with the King. Who put a kind of affront upon him. Not contented thus, he moved the Governess a while after, when the Magistrates were to be cho­sen for Antwerp, that the Prince of Orange should not be called to Councel, lest he should boast himself the Authour of that benefit to the Town: which neglect he deeply resented.Which occasion­ed the Prince of Orange and Count Egmonts first complaints to the King, that they were ne­glected at the Councel-board. That one ruled all. This caused the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont, to write their complaints to his Majesty; That they were seldome called to Councel, and what concerned their particular Govern­ments never communicated to them, but all things privatley determined by the advice of one or two: and then, they were called in merely for a show, to consult upon the reliques and refuse of Affairs, being there contemned, here mocked. To say truth, it is a great incentive to anger and dis [...]tent, and hath raised mighty troubles in many States, when a Prince imployes onely one main in divers Offices. For though a River swell by the accessi­on of waters; yet so long as it keeps it self in the Chanel, it is injurious to none: but when it flows over the banks into the adjoyning medows, and in­trencheth upon anothers harvest, then it is accused by the just grief and complaints of the Husbandman.And Granvell was the man. And indeed, Granvell was not limited to any certain employment. The Governess both of her own accord, and by the Kings command suffering him to do what he pleased. The very Expres­ses that came to her Excellence from Spain, or other parts, were never brought to the Councel, till she had privately, either by conference or by letter, acquainted Granvell with the contents; who weighed every thing with himself; and gave his judgement upon the particulars, then returned them to the Governess, or to Viglius President of the Consult or Cabinet-Councel, and he (omitting those heads which Granvell had marked with his pen) read them to the Lords at the Councel-table: and though it was pri­vately carried (for Viglius was true to Granvell) yet because the Pr [...]nce of Orange often received Duplicates of the Dutchese's letters, they found some things were concealed from them, and therefore suspected all: complaining, That business was malignantly communicated to them: and the Low-coun­treys and the King defrauded of much good counsel.But the Gover­ness defends him in her letters to the King. But this moved not the Governess. She onely gave the King an account of her proceedings, put­ting him in mind of his letters dated June; wherein he enjoyned her, That whatsoever concerned England, Decemb. 18. or the Councel of Trent; or Religion in ge­nerall; should be,1561. as the Pope had advised, [...]4. 1561. privately debated; Yet I deny not (said the Governess) that in other things, wherein the Provinces are interessed, sometimes the Lords are not admitted to consult. As lately in choosing the Magi­strate of Antwerp, the Prince of Orange was not called; which I did on purpose, lest he should aim to increase his present authority by that election. Notwithstand­ing, I cannot but acquaint your Majestie, that it is not for our Honour to communi­cate all concernments freely to the Councel, lest the dangers, fears, and necessities wherewith I am sometimes pressed, be laid naked before their eyes: and then, if any of them be false, they may abuse that knowledge, by preventing our designis with contrary counsels, and secretly hinder the successe of our affairs. Howsoever as well in these, as other things, all shall be done according to your Majesties letters and commands. But the King writing nothing to the contrary, the Gover­ness continued her former custome of privacy in her Councels.The Governess denies her assent for summoning the Estates ge­nerall. Whereupon a rumour was spread by some of the Conspiratours, that there was a neces­sitie to summon the Estates generall, to raise subsidies for his Majestie, and to put the Low-countreys into a posture of defence against their neighbours [Page 69] the French, that were in arms. Some perhaps really intended it, but the most onely made use of that publick remedy, to alter the present condition of the Court. But the Governess, who borrowed the ears of many faithfull per­sons, was present at their Councels and conferences, almost in their very thoughts: and cut off that exspectation, publickly professing that the King among his other commands, left in charge with her, not to call an Assem­bly of the Estates till he returned.

This harsh deniall of the Governess was mollified,But gives way to a convention of the Knights of the Order. Where the seeds were s [...]wn of a conspiracy a­gainst Gran­vel. by permitting (for this was another of their requests) a Convention of the Order of the Golden-fleece. But as soon as ever they were met at Bruxels, presently it appeared, that summons was not endeavoured for the publick, but for their private Interests. For besides the meeting in presence of the Governess, where they consulted about the preservation of the Low-countreys against the French; they had private discourse with the Prince of Orange, and there it was re­solved, they would no longer suffer the power of Cardinall Granvel. To this ingagement entered into by the great Commanders, the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont and the Marquesse of Bergen endeavoured to get hands: and severally sounded the Knights of the Order, but some refusing to sign an in­gagement, against the Cardinall, it was laid aside. Especially, because the Governess calling them more frequently to Councell, and wearying them with fresh imployments, took from them all opportunitie of meeting apart; and in good time put an end to their publick consultations.The result of the Convention. The result whereof was, that some of the Lords should be sent into Spain by the Go­verness in her name to inform the King of the necessities of the Low coun­treys. Florence Momorancy, Montiny sent into Spain. the Lord of Montiny, was chosen to go with letters delivered him by the Gover [...]ss, but penned by Granvel. He like­wise received instructions for his carriage, and four thousand crowns to de­fray the expences of his journey, which he began in June. But before Mo­morancy set forth, the Governess to make her vigilance appear,The Governess dispatches a Messenger be­fore him with this private letter. and to pre­pare his Majestie sent him by a sure messenger an Expresse in cypher to this effect, That she, making it her business to look into the secret consultations of the Knights of the Order, at last had got all out of Charles Count Barlamont one ever found Loyall▪ that he assured her, Iune 14. the indignation of the Nobility sprung chiefly out of these heads, What Grievan­ces the Lords pretended. That they were perswaded his Majesty confided not in them; and therefore the Governess called them not to her Cabinet-Councell, for as much as Granvel, jealous of his power, had wrought the King to that suspicion: and had boldly written to him, that he should never be absolute Lord of the Ne­therlands, unlesse he cut off six or seven Noblemens heads. And that Granvel by his letters had further moved the King to invade the Low-countreys with a formidable Army, and being so possessed of them, he might then impose upon the Low-countreymen what Laws he pleased, by the right of Conquest. That the in­crease of Miters, the first whereof Granvel wore, tended to no other purpose, but to bring the Spanish Inquisition into the Low-countreys. How the Go­verness an­swered them. To which words of Bar­lamont she had answered: That the Lords were not kept from the knowledged of any secret fit to be communicated to them, as Barlamont himself being one of the Councell very well knew; Nor was Granvel (whose transactions when he was but a young man were approved of by Charles the fifth and King Philip) so igno­rant a Statesman, that now in his old age and experience the King might not imploy him: or of so rash a malice, that he would offer to perswade his Majesty to take away their lives which he knew were dear unto the King, and might be sure she would oppose him in it. Nor did that seem lesse improbable and ridiculous which was said of his advising his Majesty, for would any man make war upon him­self, [Page 70] and with vast expence to purchase what already is his own? Lastly for the Bishops, Granvel indeed sought to bring them in, as the King had injoyned him, in pursuance of the Popes command, not to make way for the Inquisition, but to protect Religion in a troublesome time. The charge whereof (as of all things else, which conduced to the maintenance of the Kings prerogative) because Granvel fearlessely undertook, despising all mens murmurs, he was therefore hated ly many; as they should ever be that stoutly defend the authority of their Prince. With these discoveries the Governess pre-acquainted the King, and desired him in a little note by it self, that he would use the service of some one of spe­ciall trust in the decyphering of her letter.The faith and freedome of Count Barla­mont. Though Barlamont himself, as he was open hearted, and thought, that in this relation to the Governess he had both served his King and Countrey; being asked by the Prince of Orange who took notice of his long stay with the Governess, whether he had told her what private conference they had among themselves: he ingeniously repeated his whole discourse with the Governess: Nor did the Prince of Orange seem to take it amisse; I suppose, because he saw the grievances of his own framing, were proposed in the name of a generality, which there­fore could not be imputed to him alone, but would receive authority from the multitude.27. Iuly. In the interim, the King adviseth the Governess, by no meant to suffer private assemblies of the Nobilitie,The Governess is commanded to find out Some expedient for setting the Lords at diffe­rence among themselves. but to find out some expedient, that the publick meeting of those men packt together to destroy the quiet of the State, might be handsomely dissolved; and that, keeping Spies upon the Prince of Orange and his Counsells, she should still have him at Court and in her eye. And to set Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange at variance was not thought very difficult, because they had formerly stood at a very great distance, before their common hatred to Granvel united them.What disparity betwixt Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange. Count Egmont was of a sweet disposition, free of speech, and confi­dent: the Prince of Orange of a sower nature, not to be discovered, there­fore to be avoided. In this, you could not but commend his cunning; but the other better kept his faith.P. Orange. The one was an Ajax, a better Commander then a Councellour,C. Egmont. the other an Ulysses, that could fight better with his brain, C. Egmont. then with his sword. This had a great forecast, and alwayes fixed his mind upon the future, so that he was still fit for any emergent occasion. That, seldome took care but for the present; yet upon a sudden misfortune was rather unprepared,P. Orange. then unready or unwilling to encounter it. You might hope more from the one, and fear more from the other.C. Egmont. You would rather chuse the friendship of Count Egmont, and decline the enmity of the Prince of Orange. And to demonstrate, that there was not the least resem­blance between them; Egmont had a well-featured face, a strong-timbered body, & a look full of honour: the other was a thin-faced tawny-complexi­oned man, and bald. Yet they were exceeding popular both; but the people loved the one, and reverenced the other.P. of Orange. Which the Go­verness made use of to divide them: and it ministred a double occasion. The Governess, who exactly knew them, wrote to the King what she thought would the soonest cause a divi­sion: and pointed out the best means to effect it, viz. that the Kings Pay and his Munificence (about the sending whereof at that time to the Go­vernours of the Provinces, he had before consulted with her) should not be distributed to all, but come onely to the hands of the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont; and the Count should have more then the Prince, that the Prince of Orange might suspect him for his Rivall in his Majesties fa­vour: and the rest of the Lords, because they were passed by, somewhat resent it in them both. This plot went on, and their ill-pieced conspiracie began to crack a sunder: the Governess still having her irons in the fire. [Page 71] And to this purpose, at the generall Dyet (or convention) of the Estates of Germany summoned by the Emperour Ferdinand at Franckford to create a King of the Romans, some of the Low-countrey Lords being to go thither in the name of King Philip; whilst all the Nobility were in exspectation of the imployment, the Dutchess made choice of Philip Croy Duke of Arescot; not because he was bred up in Germany with Charles the fifth (as she decla­red her self at the Consult) and therefore was likely to be well received by his brother Ferdinand: But because he was an enemie to the Prince of O­range his faction, she honoured him with that Embassage, that others might follow his example on like hopes of honour. Yet the Prince of Orange re­solved to be present at the Dyet, as a private man, pretending business with the Elector of Saxonie about his wifes portion, and with the Emperour con­cerning his Estate. And though the Governess would not, without the Kings consent approve of his journey, yet he departed; in such hast, as he would not tarry till his wife was brought a bed.The Princesse of Orange brought a bed of a Daughter. Montinys Em­bassage out of the Kings letter to the Governess Who three dayes after was delivered of a daughter, that was christened, by her appointment, with the ceremonies of the Church, to the great satisfaction of the Governess.

Montiny having twice had audience of his Majestie, prepared for his re­turn, and when he took leave, the King, whilst he commended to his care the state of the Low-countreys, as it were upon occasion of discourse, began to fift him, and charged him by his faith and sinceritie,23 Novem. virtues he had found in him, to deal plainly,His Conference with the King. He imputes the generall discon­tent to the new Bishops and Granvel. what he thought was the cause of those Grievances and Heart-burnings of so many in the Low-countreys. Montiny though he said he knew nothing, whereof his Majesty had not been long since inform­ed, yet as farre as he could conjecture, the reasons partly proceeded from the new Bishops put upon the Provinces without the consent or privity of their Governours, & therefore the people believed they intended to bring in the Spanish Inquisition: partly out of the hatred conceived against Cardinall Granvel from the highest to the lowest, so implacably, that it was to be fear­ed, that at one time or other it would ingage the people in an insurrection. The King replyed, that all this was indeed known to him,The King gives his reasons for increase of the Bishops. but that he ad­mired the Low-countreymen could be moved with such vain rumours. For seriously no other cause brought him to augment the number of the Bishops, but onely the necessity of his people, and the Councell of his father Charles the fifth. And that was not concluded so secretly or suddenly, as the Mar­quess of Bergen could tell him, who had given his advice therein, and com­mended his design when he waited on the King into England, at his Mar­riage with Queen Mary. And that for his own part, it never entered into his mind, by that adjunction of Bishops to impose the Spanish Inquisition upon the Low-countreys; Nor had Cardinall Granvel ever perswaded him to do it, or was so much as acquainted with that purpose of his Majesty till he sent Francis Sonnius his Embassadour to Rome. Desends Gran­vel. He likewise assured him, they were much deceived that hated the Cardinall as conceiving him, by private information, to asperse the Lords, for he did never attempt it,Possesses Mon­tiny with his Resolution to go in person to the Low-countreys. Montinies Re­lation in Senate nei­ther had his Majestie himself at any time discovered in Granvel any malici­ous inclinations: which if he should hereafter find in him, or any other of his ministers of State, he never should indure them. But, howsoever, he hoped shortly to be in the Low-countreys, and then to satisfie both his own person, and the Provinces desires. Montiny thus dismissed by the King, re­turned to Bruxels in December;14 Day of Decemb. and reading to the Councel his letters which contained the Kings pleasure for settling the intricacies of the Ex­checquer for assistance in future to be sent to Charles King of France, Which they cre­dit not. and [Page 72] specially for defence of Religion; he added, of himself,1562. many arguments of the Kings affection towards the Low-countreys; but to little purpose. For in Montinies absence, they had conceived still greater jealousies. The Prince of Orange and some others, reasoned against the promises made by the Embas­sadour, for they rather trusted their own reall, or (to justifie their discon­tents) pretended intelligence from their private friends in the Court of Spain, then the professions made either by King Philip, or his sister. Their indignation was augmented, because Montiny told them the French ac­counted them Patrons of the Hugonots. The Lords of­fended at Granvel upon new suspitions. About which scandall they passio­nately expostulated with the Governess, affirming, it was onely forged in the Cardinals work-house. The Dutchess declared her self of a contrary opinion, and shewed them, it was rather invented by the French hereticks and rebells, who to advance the authority of their faction, would have the ignorant believe the Low-countrey Nobility were of the same sect. To conclude,He despiseth his enemies. they being more and more exasperated, because the Governess would not displace their Competitour, that feared not their plots or envie, but proposing to himself onely the Kings favour, respected this Iove alone despising the other petty Gods; (as if a man could be onely struck with a thunderbolt, and could not be killed by the hand of a common souldier: or that Ioves lightning were not fed by the baser elements.)His Rivals plot against him. the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont particularly agreed to write letters to the King against Granvel, Some dissenting. in the name of all, though all were not consenting: perhaps, because the Governess had formerly scattered among them seeds of dissen­tion: perhaps, some of the Lords therefore differed in opinion, because they were not chief of the Conspiracy. Indeed the Duke of Areschot, pressed by Count Egmont as they were hunting, to joyn with the rest, denied to set his hand against the Cardinall, or to prescribe the King how he ought to use his servants; and it proceeded so farre, that at last the Duke concluded, he would receive the Law neither from Count Egmont, nor the Prince of O­range, to neither of which he thought himself or his family inferiour. The Counts of Aremberg and Barlamont then present were much troubled at the accident, and lest it might come to more then words, turned the discourse to another subject. Nor was there lesse heat between Count Aremberg and the Prince of Orange upon the same occasion.22. March. Of both which passages the Governess certified the King.Letters writ against the Car­dinall to the King by C. Egmont. C. Horn. and the Prince of O­range. But though by these Lords example, and for private reasons many withdrew from the conspiracy: Yet were letters direct­ed to the King signed by Count Egmont, the Prince of Orange, and Count Horn; a Copy whereof (which the King afterwards sent to the Dutchess) I give you verbatim out of the French Originall.

Sir, We are infinitely sorry that we are at this present inforced to presse upon your Majesties great affairs; but as well the account of our service which we ought to give, as the mischief un­doubtedly impending, will not suffer us longer to be silent: especially because we hope this our intimation, as free from any passion, will be received by your Majesty so graciously, and with such remembrance of us, as we your affectionate servants have indeavoured to deserve. We likewise beseech your Majesties pardon, if we write later, then the exigence requires. When the greatest and wisest men consi­der the Government of the Low-countreys, questionlesse they cannot but hink it absolutely managed by Cardinall Granvel; which hath made so deep an impression in the hearts of the Low-countreymen, that it cannot be hoped the opinion will be blotted out, so long as he lives among them. Therefore we humbly desire, that, for our fidelity which, Sir, you have ever acknowledged (to speak nothing of our services) you will not be displeased to take into consideration, how much it concerns [Page 73] your Majesty to ease the common complaints and grievances of your people. 1562. For again and again we beseech you to believe, that the businesse of the Low-countreys will never have an happy end, so long as it is ordered by the man they hate. Nor should we presume to write thus much, unlesse we had the mischief in our eyes, to which if your Majesty apply not present remedy, the whole state will certainly be indangered. Wherein, if ever your Majesty gave credence to our words or actions, we beseech you now to credit our hands. This indeed was the cause why so ma­ny of the Lords and Governours of these Provinces, with a multitude of others desired to have it signified to your Majesty, that our imminent destruction may be timously prevented: and your Majesty will prevent it, as we hope; and the merits of so many Low-countrey men, and their prayers for the safety of the publick, will be more valued by your Majesty, then that for one mans sake, you will reject the pe­tition of so many of your Majesties obedient subjects. Especially since none of all this number, but is so far from complaining of the Governess, that we give your Majesty immortall thanks for so prudent a Princess. And that your Maiesty may not think, as some perhaps will suggest, that we have plotted this out of an ambition that we our selves may govern, we all of us earnestly intreat to be remo­ved from the Councel-table, and affairs of State: it being neither consistent with your Maiesties interest, nor our own reputation, that we should come any more to Councel with the Cardinal. But touching Religion, which is now a thing of great­est Concernment, we promise in our own names, all that can be justly exspected from good Subjects and Catholicks, such as we professe to be. And truly if the Lords had not looked into it, Religion had not been in that tolerable condition wherein now it is: the minds of the Common people being infected with Heresie, a disease hardly curable by the Cardinals authority or example. Lastly, that we may no longer tres­pass upon your Majesties weighty occasions, we humbly beg you will please favoura­bly to interpret what we have signified, no less out of duty and alleagiance to your Majesty, then out of fear that hereafter you might blame us, if any misfortune should befall the Low-countreys. Thus we humbly kiss your royall hands, and pray God long to preserve and blesse your Majestie From your City of Bruxels, the last of March, 1563.

  • LAMORALL EGMONT,
  • WILLIAM NASSAU,
  • PHILIP MOMORANCY.

These Letters thus signed by the Triumviri, Count Egmont secretly sent into Spain to Charles Tisnac a Low-countrey man, and the Kigns Procura­tour in Spain, for business of the Low-countreys. Of these letters the Governess preadvertised the King. But before the Dispatch was made, the Governess understanding what they had writ, pre-acquaint­ed the King. Nor was the intelligence she gave concealed from the Con­spiratours, Count Egmont charging the discovery upon Count Aremberg, March 9. as if he were fallen off;How the Go­verness came by her intelli­gence, causes a grievous falling out between Egmont and Aremberg. especially because there was difference between him and the Prince of Orange. But he seriously denied, that ever he had spoke of it to any man living; nor needed their project a discoverer, which they themselves in every place vain-gloriously divulged. Yet Count Egmont in­sisting upon it, replied, That a friend of his had assured him, it could not be revealed by any but himself. Aremberg growing into a rage, And I (said he) assure you, he lyes who ere he be, that fathers this upon me; which I am ready to make good with my sword. May 5. The Governess writing this passage to the King, forgot not to complain of Count Egmont, that he whom his Majesty had accounted faithfull above the rest, could so far ingage against him, as pub­lickly to solicite and encourage others to joyn their minds and endeavours for their Countreys benefit and liberty. And now after three moneths, the Kings Letters came from Spain, written by the hand of Charles Tisnac, [Page 74] wherein his Majestie answered the demands of the Triumviri, The Kings an­swer to the Let­ters sent from the three Lords, inviting one of them to Spain. in this man­ner; That he had received their Letters, and doubted not but that they signified these things out of sincere affection to their Prince and Countrey. For they had given many sufficient proofs of their fidelity and service. But since they had not yet given particular reasons for Granvels removall, and that it was not his cu­stome to change any of his Ministers of State, without proof against them: He should therefore take it well, if some one of them would come over to Spain, and make him understand the matter; 1563. for by how much they affirmed there needed the greater remedy, by so much the lesse ought the business to be agitated by absent per­sons. Iune 15. Besides these Letters,A private letter from his Maje­stie to Count Egmont. the King wrote privately with his own hand to Count Egmont, that he should be glad to hear from the Count himself, the causes that were not inserted in their Letters. His Majesty likewise acquaint­ed the Governess what answer in common he makes to all three, and what particularly to Egmont; that he invites one of them to divide them, and wishes it might be Egmont, because he, separated from the rest, might be easi­ly wrought upon, new moulded, and so brought again to himself, and his right reason.But none of the three would go. But neither Count Egmont, nor any of the rest could be brought to go the journey; perhaps thinking it below them, to undertake so great a voyage to accuse Granvell: perhaps their guilty consciences durst not trust themselves in Spain. Yet in their answers to the King, they laid the cause of their stay upon their neighbours the French, For which they give reasons to his Majestie. who having souffled up a kind of Peace at home, it concerned them to watch whether they would use their Arms abroad: and while the people continued in that Jealousie and fear; they held it impious to leave their Countrey, to inform against any man. Notwithstanding, if the King pleased to send for them upon other terms, they would immediately obey his Maiesties commands. In the mean time, they would forbear the Councel-board, lest they should meet there to countenance Granvels Actions. In all things else, they would never be wanting to their Prince and Countrey. The like auswer was made particu­larly by Count Egmont; who likewise humbly thanked his Maiesty for his speciall grace and favour to him.Granvel grows out of date at Court. Whilst this was in agitation, Granvell tottered at Court: For 'tis hard to stand long in a slippery place, if a man be iustled by many; specially when a Prince is made jealous, as if his ser­vants derivative power detracted from his own ability to govern. Nor have the old Court-Engineers many better inventions to crush the favour of their Rivals; especially with such Princes, as are ambitious to be famed for wit, whether deserving or undeserving. With this very stratagem, a few years after, Didacus Cardinall Spinosa, no lesse endeared to the King in Spain, then Cardinall Granvell to his Majesties sister in the Low-countreys, was cast down (they say) from the highest point of favour,Aloyfio Can­tera lib. 9. in the life of King Philip. by such as knew the King loved his Ministers of State, so long as they carried themselves as ser­vants, and not as authours of his Counsells. And now the Governess seem­ed to be altered in affection towards Granvell, The Governess displeased with him, for three reasons. perhaps weary of the man, as if he were her adjunct in the Government, if not her superintendent: per­haps seeing her self in danger of being infected with the peoples hatred, which he was incurably sick of: perhaps, at length she had looked into him, and found him ambitious and envious, fomenting the divisions between the King and his people, as she afterwards enformed his Majesty.August 29. Which last reason, being contrary to the commendations she had so often set upon Granvell in her letters to the King, whether it were true, and discovered by the Governess upon long acquaintance: or that she knew it at first; but then, as she concealed it in favour of the man: so now weary of him, and fearfull of [Page 75] imminent mischief, she revealed it: or whether mis-informed, and compel­led by his enemies, she wrote thus to the King, I dare not absolutely affirm. The Governess therefore, as she had resolved,She sends Ar­menterius into Spain. sent Thomas Arment [...]rius an old Courtier and Counsellour into Spain, with an exact account of business, part whereof he was to read to the King, and part to insert in his discourse, if occasion were offered.Who was to in­form the King among other pas­sages, The heads were these, To let the King know the State of the Netherlands, and the Countreys adiacent; and how to that day the Governess had ordered the Sacred and Civil Government: And when they came to speak of the combination of the Lords against Granvell, Of the Lords complaints a­gainst Granvel. that he should punctually tell the King, how the Prince of Orange, the Marquess of Bergen, the Counts Egmont, Horn, Mansfeld, and Megen, came to her in Iuly last; and the Prince of Orange, On the 25. after many complaints made in the name of the Estates, touching the present condition of affairs, the appears so long due to the horse and foot, the Kings Collectors undone with pay­ing interest, and the complaints of the Merchants thereupon; concluded, that since all this proceeded from the dominion of the Cardinall, and his fol­lowers, they were resolved henceforth to come no more to Councel, not for any exceptions taken at the Governess, whose wisdome and affection to the Low-countreys they would alwayes gratefully remember; but lest they should contribute to those Acts passed, with so much prejudice to the King and the Low-countreys. Moreover, (which Egmont added) lest by co­ming to the Councel-table, and yet not providing for the necessities of their Countrey, they should loose the Peoples affection, together with their own reputation, and consequently the Opportunity of doing his Ma­jesty service. Nor would this seem strange, if the King pleased to remem­ber, that long since, when Charles Count Lalin was President of the Coun­cel, Granvell being then Bishop of Arras, refused to come to the Board, offended at the Counts Potencie. Then he should tell his Majesty, that the Prince of Orange, and the Marquess of Bergen, bitterly inveighed a­gainst Granvell, and the Arts he had used to make the King believe, they juggled with Religion and their Prince. Nay, they very well knew, that Telidan a Divine of Lovain (as he himself boasted) wrote to the King. That the Low-countrey Lords were all tainted with Heresie; and that the very same occasion of enmity, which the French Hereticks took against the Cardinall of Lorain, was now revived by the Nobilitie of the Low-coun­treys. And that another day, the Governess taking Egmont aside, he con­firmed the same grievances, wondering the King would suffer the Low-coun­treys to be troubled for one man, who was not so much as a Low-countrey man; and therefore both his fortunes and affections were forreiners: nei­ther had he taken the Oath of Allegeance to the King; but partly to the Emperour, as born in an Imperiall Town: and partly to the Pope, from whom he had received his scarlet. When Armenterius should have dis­coursed this to the King, he was then to acquaint his Majesty, what the Governess answered to the particulars, according to his Notes containing the summary of his Embassage.Of Granvells danger. Lastly, she charged him, upon the same heads, to be sure to remember, That Egmont had lately told her, it was by his onely means, that Granvell lived to that day; but that hereafter he would leave that care to the Governess, whom he had now clearly inform­ed, that the Cardinalls life was every houre in danger: and therefore when his Majestie should well consider, what Insurrections such publick crimes draw along with them, he would in his wisdome resolve how to dispose of Cardinall Granvell. Septem. 13. With these Commands; after a moneths voyage, Ar­menterius [Page 76] arrived in Spain; The King at large hears him. and as he found the King very desirous to know the State of the Low-countreys, accordingly at his first Audience he held him four hours together, in the speech which he made out of his Notes. At which,Who first sus­pends, and then alters his Ma­jesties resoluti­ons. as likewise at other not much shorter Addresses, he exceeding­ly satisfied the King with the Governesses endeavours, first suspending (which seldome any man could do) and finally altering his resolution, to retain the Cardinall in the Low-countreys. But whilst the King deferred his purpose, busied in the assembly of the Estates of Castile, then sitting: and being like­wise of himself a Prince naturally jealous and apt to demurre; the Low­countrey Lords,The Belgick Lords leave the Court. as if their suit were neglected, in the beginning of the new year with-drew from Court;1564. all but Count Egmont, who told the Gover­ness, the rest would not return till Granvell was departed, with whom in compass of the same walls they would be no more confined.

The End of the third Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The fourth Book.

BEfore the end of this year,1564. a sad uncertain rumour was raised at Madrid, A report raised that King Phi­lip was mur­thered. and immediately dispersed through all the further Spain, Which he him­self was active to suppresse. That King Philip was pistolled. This report he was so farre from sleighting (though otherwise subject to delays) that he laid it, before it could passe out of Spain; sending Duplicates of letters post both by sea and land, into the Low-countreys: wherein, under his own hand, he certified his sister,4. Ianuary. that in all probability this fame was forged by the hereticks, upon some close design set afoot by that treacherous kind of people. Withall he commanded her, that if she did but hear the least intimation of such a report, she should presently dispatch letters through the Low-countreys, and so into France, Britain, and Germa­ny, to rectifie the errour; not onely that his uncle the Emperour, and his cousen-germane the King of the Romans, might be freed of their fears: but likewise the insurrections prevented, for encouraging whereof these reports, whether true or false, did equally prevail with men desirous of innovation. But the Governess having certain intelligence, that he news was no where divulged in those parts, would not mention it at all: lest she might ingraft the opinion she indeavoured to eradicate. Especially when she had business at home of greater concernment; the Nobility being discontented, and no­torious Libells read upon every post, or passed from hand to hand;Scandalous Pamphlets post­ed up, and handed through the Low-coun­treys. the re­medy whereof was ever difficult, whether you take no notice of them, and so invite them by impunity, or punish them; for neither way can extinguish the memory of what is done, nor deterre abusive writers from the like bold­nesse. And King Philip grown now more severe,15. Iuly 1561. since the tumult at Valen­ciens from whence that liberty chiefly took its rise, injoyned the Governess not to suffer such ignominious verses, that commonly ushered in rebellion. But she quickly gave over her inquiry,10. August. 1562. fearing to take knowledge of the Au­thours, or to run the hazzard (as she wrote to the King) of struggling with so desperate a disease.Emblematicall Cognizances given by the Lords-Conspi­ratours. At this time besides those jeers against Religion and the Bishops, especially Granvel, boldlyer vented because pleasing to the No­bility: there were added dark ridding Emblems and Cognizances of the [Page 78] Lords,29. Of March. great symptomes, as many thought, of [...]. The whole passage (as the Governess related it to the King) I shall briefly [...].

The last year, in the beginning of December, the Lords Egmont, Bergen, Montiny, and the rest of the Order,Invented at a feast. were feasted by Gasper Schert [...] I [...] of Grobendonch the Kings Receiver; There, in their cups, they fell in a dis­course, of the moderating of expence in Liveries, whether it [...] que­stion by accident (as the Dutchess affirms upon their own relations) or out of premeditation,In imitation of the Germans. I leave to others judgement. They commended, upon this occasion, the Germane fashion where all the year long they are waited on by men in the same leathern breeches, and black cloth-cloaks, or coats with sleeves: nor have about them any thing of gallantry; but that the pin­nions of their sleeves, which they call wings, are laid with silk fringe of di­vers colours; spending their money much wiselier, in their stables upon hor­ses for service. This example pleased the whole company, and they re­solved to leave off their sumptuous and silken Liveries, with all the pomp of their gawdy trains: and never after to be distinguished by the severall co­lours worn by their servants, especially by their footmen; but that they would all give one Livery; and so it should not be thought the invention of any particular person that desired to save charges. And by the uniformity of their apparell,They throw the Dice who shall name the Live­ry. it would appear their minds were uniform. Some therefore proposing what colour would do best, they cast the dice who should chuse, and the lot fell to Count Egmont, who made choice of black cloth-coats with long sleeves,Egmont chuses such as I told you were called silken wings: in which were imbroidered the heads of men and hoods of divers colours such as fools and jeasters wear upon their coats. A pattern of these wings, that nothing might be concealed from the King,29. Of March. the Governess sent him. And now imbroider­ers and taylours shops were full of these Coats and Cognizances, and the people looked and talked high upon the matter:How the People interpret the Device. nor are they alwayes out in their conjectures. For some said the hoods signified the Cardinall, who according to the habit of his illustrious, Order wore such an hood falling up­on his shoulders; and the heads, they guessed to be the Cardinals and his adherents, among whom they numbered the Duke of Areschot, Count Bar­lamont, and Viglius President of the Councell; and they interpreted the fools coats to signifie, that the Low-countrey Lords were not fools heads, as Granvel once called them, but that Granvel himself and his party might be pointed at for idiots. Others rather thought those heads and fools-hoods were brought in fashion by the Lords, as if they were contented to be called fools: but yet they would have the Cardinall understand how [...] the fools were: and to beware, least in that number there might be a Brutus. But the Governess, though she made a better construction of these Em­blems, yet feared that the people, which she saw begin to grow discontent­ed and mutinous, should divide into factions and raise tumults: he was therefore very earnest with Count Egmont and the other Lords, to give off their design,The Governess gets them to leave off part of it. and lay aside the new incouragements to insurrection. But be­cause a great sort of the coats, and above two thousand of the wings were already made:Which the Lords supply with another Em­bleme. her Excellence thought it would be well, if she could get them to leave out the heads and hoods, the principall matter of offence; which with much ado they did; and instead of the old, Count Egmont de­vised another Embleme,As the King answered Eg­mont. Prince of Orange in his Apollogy 1481. viz. a sheaf of arrows, which he said was the arms of the Kingdome of Castile, (though it was not the arms of the Kingdome; but of the Catholick Queen Isabella, and afterwards given by the States of Holland when they were confederate, and revolted from the King and [Page 79] gave out, that it signified the concord of his brothers of the Order in their duty to his Majesty.What many men conceived it to boad. Yet this very change was censured by many that sung Granvels Dirge, expounding it, as if the conspiracy were made now not with hoods, but arrows, and those tied together in a bundle, and therefore not easie to be broken. Nor did the Governess take notice of the alteration, hoping to cure the evil by contempt, and having often found by experience, That some mens proud natures are inraged if forbidden, but if left to them­selves will in time recover.The King and Occasion puts an end to these Rebuses. By which connivence, the fashion of giving this kind of Livery was long followed by the Lords: till the Kings command and other new accidents interposing, it was quite left off.

In February Armenterius, long looked for, at length returned from Spain, 20. and changed the face of the Governesses Court.Granvel sent for out of the Low-countreys. For among other Man­dates which he brought from his Majestie the first was, the sending Cardi­nall Granvel, out of the Low-countreys; to which the King finally consent­ed, that the Low-countreymen might not have so much as this colour of Grievance. For King Philip as he had no Courtier that governed him,Why the King consented. nor would have his favour to any one eclipse his own authority: so he advan­ced and cherished divers persons, but such as were very usefull to himself and his Kingdomes; among whom Granvel may deservedly be numbred. Yet because his Majesty knew that, especially in the Low-countreys, the power of forreiners would not be long indured; and that he had an eye upon the example of the French Court: and thought it best to do that, while his authoritie was intire, which perhaps necessity might unhandsom­ly inforce him to; for quieting the Provinces, he granted the Low-coun­treymens Petition,Why the Gover­nesse wished it. whereto was added the approbation of the Governess either altered in her mind or Counsels, and hoping by that sacrifice to the publick odium, to gain the affections of many of the Lords.Granvel pre­supposed as much by the change of faces at Court. This Granvel long since foresaw, & upon the return of Armenterius presently observed the Courtiers, which used to adore him, would not take pains to stoop so low, and that he had a thinner train and fewer suiters waiting at his gates; divers of his friends then forsaking him, when they were brought to the test. Nor did Granvel upon receit of the Kings letter decline his departure:No [...] is he at all dejected. but very cheerfully shewed himself ready to go whithersoever his Majesty would please to send him.But seems to desire a dis­charge. And before his departure, as if he were tired out with tedious cares, he was often heard to argue with his friends like a Philosopher, Of case, and retirement from the hurry of affairs; That he had long enough followed others occasions; that a man broken with continuall toil could not but wish for rest; and that to one besieged with Petitioners liberty was not to be refused, especially when he knew that Petitioners and flatterers met like pitcher-carriers at a spring, which they drain and trouble; That favour at Court hath a better face, then inside; and that all humane things are found to be farre lesse in the possessi­on, then they are fancied in our hopes. You would think he discoursed this out of a mind armed against dangers, long foreseen and exspected. Unless per­haps it was not constancy, but discontent, putting a face of mirth upon his griefs; whereby he might at least defraud his Rivals eyes, of that sad object which they looked for.Yet rather wishes to be re­moved to Spain, and to that end solicits the Duke of Alva. Indeed a few moneths before, when he saw his Re­move inevitable,Who deliberates upon it. he wrote to his old friend the Duke of Alva, that if he must needs leave the Low-countreys, he would please to make it his suit to the King to send for him into Spain. But the Duke was in great suspence, whether he should bring a man to Court, that was not unpractised in Court-designes, and might happily precede him in the Kings favour (for no virtue is lesse raised at Court, then that which is most feared) or whether by the [Page 80] accession of a friend, he might increase his power, or at least by using a man hatefull to the Low-countreysOctob. 1565 (as Armenterius wrote to the Governess out of Spain) he might revenge himself of his enemies in the Netherlands? At last moves for him. this later reason carried it with the Duke of Alva; his fear was overcome by his fury, the stronger motive to prevail with Courtiers, whom long prosperity makes not more secure of favour then impatient of affronts.But prevails not. But in vain the Duke solicited for Cardinall Granvels coming into Spain. For the King had been lately perswaded by Armenterius, that it would be greatly to his prejudice, to have the Cardinall in his Court: who out of his hatred to the Low-countreys would be suspected, in all their affairs to corrupt the Kings commands,For Granvel is commanded in­to Burgundy. which would be thought to be the Cardinals pleasure. His Maje­sty therefore would rather have him retire into Burgundy, and to live not far from the Low-countreys, where He hoped in time to settle him again. Granvel was the more willing to go thither, because he had the fair pretence of doing his duty at Besonçon to his mother now old and diseased: in com­pany of his brother Cantonet; Thomas Pere­not Lord of Cantoner. Whether at length he goes, giving out, that he will return very shortly. who having dispatched his French embassage was for the same cause travelling towards Burgundy. Therefore not suffer­ing his going away to be named till his brother arrived at Bruxels, that it might seem he resolved of himself, and with his brothers advice, to visit his Countrey, and not upon the Kings command to leave the Netherlands; on the tenth of March he took his journey into Burgundy, giving it out, that he would shortly return.10 of Marc. Likewise about this time, the Low-countrey Lords, upon letters from the King commanding them to fit again in Councel,6 of March. and more to regard the authority of their Prince, then their own hatred to any private man, waited again at Court, to the joy of all degrees and qualities. Save that it took off a little from the generall contentment,Which report spoiled the mirth of his ad­versaries. And troubled the Governesse. that it was re­ported the Cardinall would come back; though many thought it an idle rumour, invented by the man himself, who (as they said) was proud in mi­sery, and would not stoop, but even as he fled still threatned. But others were not of that opinion, especially the Governess, that knew with how much difficulty and reluctation the King had called him away.29. of March. By her let­ters therefore she acquainted his Majesty, That Egmont concealing the Au­thours names had discovered to her a plot against Granvel,Who certifies his danger and la­bours to keep him out of the Low-countreys. who, if ever he set foot again within the Netherlands, was to be murthered the same day. The Low-countrey writers, out of uncertain reports name one Villet, a Coun­treyman of Granvels that undertook to kill him. And the Counts Egmont and Horn were charged, as privy to Villets intention, at their Triall in the year 1568. Besides in the private intelligence, which a Lady of quality from the Borders sent into the Low-countreys, I find this design against the Car­dinall mentioned; unles perhaps all this was feigned, to fright the Governess.

Granvell being gone for Burgundy, The joy for Cardinal Gran­vels departure, as well of the People as the Lords. the Town and the Court seemed quite another thing. The people that, as a comfort to their low fortunes, use to be­hold with greediness the fall of powerfull men, especially of such as are Princes Favourites, because they impute to these Privadoes all the severer mandates of the Prince; began now to rejoyce, as if they were freed of a heavie tax-master. In particular the officious Courtiers joyed the Lords for having banished their Corrival: and they themselves boasted, That now they had sued out the Governesses Livery, who had lived long enough under a Guardian; That it was sufficient, they had for so long time endured the insolence of a new man, an upstart, that triumphed in his scarlet robes, for his Conquest over the Low-countryes. From thence forth, they were much more observant to the Governess, came oftner to the Councel-board; be­stowed [Page 81] more time upon the Publick. The Governess thinking it best to use that opportunity,The Governess makes use of this alacritie in both. pressed them to many things at once; particularly to con­tinue the Subsidie of the new year, for three years yet to come: which she had often, but in vain attempted; and most of her Proposals were in a fair Way to be effected;But it was d [...]sht again by new fames of the Cardinals Return. when by letter after letter, coming from the Cardinall, that spake of his return into the Low-countreys; and by increase of the faction of the Cardinalists (for so they called the Duke of Areschot, Count Barla­mont, and the President Viglius) many mens minds were filled with fresh su­spicion, and much of their new joy and alacrity abated. For on the one part diverse of the Lords said, They feared, (unlesse they pretended fear, to colour their private meetings) that if they should, removing all Obstructions, dispose things to a good conclusion, Granvell upon a sudden would return, and boldly claim a share in the success: On the other part, the Cardinalists more slowly followed the Kings business; either offended at the Governess, or to endear the Cardinall by his absence, and to make him the more longed for.That they may have no more such frights, the Governess moves the King. But the Governess persisted in her desires to bar all hope of his return, and wrote to his Majesty many letters,Novem. 29. wherein she did not a little tax the life of Granvell, I suppose to shew she had reason for consenting to his remove. Which was the cause, why an Officer extraordinary was sent into Burgundy in the Kings name, to take the accounts of the Exchecquer, and so by the by to examine Granvells actions.To send him a­way to Rome. At this Inquisitours return, the Governess made it her suit, forasmuch as the Lords suspected, Granvells stay in Burgun­dy had too near an influence upon the Low-countreys, and that they likewise said, Though his person was absent, his Counsels and Directions still or­dered the affairs of State, his ghost as it were haunting the Low-countryes, that his Majestie would please to free the Provinces of that kind of fear; and send the man to Rome, the place he had long since chosen, whither afterward Granvell went of his own accord, not by the Kings command.

For in December the year following,1565. Pius the fourth deceasing,The rest of Car­dinal Granvels life. Cardinall Granvel came to Rome to the Conclave (it will not do amiss,He goes [...] Rome to the Conclave. I suppose, to let you know the further progress and end this great man) where he was re-im­ployed by King Philip (the show, not substance of whose favour he had lost) in soliciting all businesses at Rome that nearliest concerned his Kingdome: with higher expressions then ever of his affection to the Cardinal. By which is evi­dent, what difference there is, between such as get into favour with a Prince by accident, & such as are advanced by merit: for those if they once fal, never rise: these their absence ingratiates with their Prince, and necessitie restores them to their places.Solicites the Generall peace of Christendome Is created Vice­roy of Naples. Delivers the colours to Don John of Austria And it fell out very opportunely for Granvel, who, being as am­bitious of employment, as prepared for present business (the League betwen the Princes of Christendome, so often begun to be treated, & so often broken off, coming now again in agitation) received from the King a large Commis­sion, that together with Francis Cardinall Paceco, and his Majesties Embassa­dour Iohn Zuniga, he should upon what conditions he thought good,1571. make a league between Rome, Spain, and Venice, Labours and votes in the Conclave for the Papacy of Gre­gory XIII. which he (clearing the matters of controversie that daily were revived) faithfully and actively endeavoured on the Kings behalf. After this, he was created by King Philip Vice-roy of Naples, and delivered from the Pope to Don Iohn of Austria the Standard and commanding Staff, that declared him Generall of the Christian Fleet.1572. After the Popes death,Into whose dis­pleasure he shortly after falls, for viola­ting the rights of the Church. coming to Rome, he so applyed himself, that besides his advancing the Spanish party, whereof he was chief, he was the principall cause that Gregory the thirteenth, to the great benefit of Christendome, was created Pope. And yet he exceedingly displeased that very Bishop at his re­turn [Page 82] to Naples; where he carried himself somewhat more harshly towards he Church, then could be exspected from a Prelate of his Robe; but not other­wise then we see many sacred and mitred persons do, that shew themselves more earnest then the Lay-ministers of Princes, to advance their politick Dominion. Whether it be their care to decline the suspicion of being for the other party: or that their knowledge and emulation discovers the ab­strusest points that are to be opposed. Nor are they lesse violent for being in holy Orders, familiarity and injoyment taking off their respect to that of which they are possessed. The Vice-roy Granvell had signed a warrant to his Officers,In a suit with the Archbishop. to take out of Marius Caraffa the Archbishops prison, a notorious offendour; whose cause Granvell said belonged to his Jurisdiction: For which fact, Marius Caraffa excommunicated the Kings Officers, whereat Granvell being implacably displeased, laid the Archbishops servants by the heels; and sequestred the rents and profits of the Archbishoprick: the Popes Nuncio Anthonius Saulio in vain labouring against it,The Pope by his Nuncio justifies the Archbishop. and threatning the Popes indignation if he persisted. Gregory the thirteenth was exceedingly vexed thereat, especially because when this was done at Naples, the like was attem­pted in Castile by the President of the Councel, Didaco Covarruvia Bishop of Segovia. His Holiness therefore commanded Saulio to go to the Cardinal Vice-roy, and directly tell him, That unless within so many dayes, he would revoke and make null all he had done against the Archbishop and his ser­vants, he by the authority given him by his Holiness, would turn Granvell out of the Colledge of Cardinalls. The Vice-roy at last submits. Which message (though some fearing the Vice-royes dipleasure, perswaded Saulio to put in milder terms) boldly de­livered according to his instructions, so terrified Granvell, that he discharged the prisoners, and restored the Bishop to his own. Nay, he gave the Arch­bishop a prisoner in exchange for the condemned man taken from him, that occasioned the dispute, and had been forthwith executed. Afterwards he submitted to the Canons with much more care and reverence. So you see Threats and Menaces, proportioned to the greatest spirits, will at last hum­ble them. Granvell having now four years governed that Kingdome with great Prudence indeed, but not so great regard to Chastity, as beseemed his age and scarlet, being in some measure reconciled to the Pope, returned to Rome: From whence three years after,1575. he was sent for by the King into Spain (being then 62 years old) and the Italian affairs of State wholly in­trusted to his disposall;He is made Pre­sident of the Italian Councel in Spain. which was distastfull to some of the Grandees, whose weaker and lesser iudgements were eclipsed by his old and solid experience,His free carri­age towards the Grandees. And towards the King him self. and looked on by him with a kind of scorn. I find likewise the King him­self was offended with him,Q. Curt. lib. 8. whilest by too passionately extolling the Acti­ons of Charles the fifth, and instancing what he had done upon the like oc­casions, he seemed to urge them as presidents for his sons imitation, with a freedome odious to Princes, which had ruined many of Alexanders greatest Commanders, that spake too liberally in his fathers commendations. But Granvell knew he had to do with a Prince, enamoured of his merits, whose favour towards him he had found rather suspended, then extinguished; whereof he had this further proof,1580. that King Philip going to take possession of the Kingdome of Portugall, He governs Spain in the Kings absence. left Granvell to govern Spain: and returning out of Portugall, when he made his entrance into Madrid, waited on by in­finite multitudes,1583. and received with the acclamations of all sorts of people, he rode through the Town with this aged Cardinal onely on his left hand.The honour done him by the King at his Return. His death. Lastly, three years after Granvell returning from the Citie of Auspurge (vvhere he had married the Infanta Katharine, King Philips daughter, to E [...]manuel [Page 83] Duke of Savoy) being now seventy years of age,At Madrid. departed this life at▪ Ma­drid the very day 28 years after the death of the Emperour Charles the fifth. His corps a little while after was carried to Besan [...]on, and buried in his fa­thers Monument.His speciall Commendations. The man is particularly remarkable to the favourites of Princes, because without the help of flattery, for about fourty years, with unspotted fidelity he mannaged the principall affairs of a great Court, and being once outed, from his fall rebounded with ease, and rose higher then before: because he was gracious with a Prince that suffered him (a happi­ness seldome known) to enjoy both favour and freedom to the last. But our present History bears older Date.

The Governess in the mean time,The Governess provides for Re­ligion. bent her endeavours to maintain Religi­on, which she heard went to decay in many places:Commended to her by the King, for the King by Ar­menterius enjoyned her that in the first place: and since then, wrote many ef­fectuall letters to the same purpose. Indeed that King Philip did more then pretend to be carefull of Religion,Seriously, the letters (about a hundred of which I have) written with his own hand, or in cypher to the Governess, do clear­ly testifie. Wherein he never used dissimulation, as in those that were read to the Councel by the Governess; but discovered to his sister without reser­vation, all his necessities, fears, and secret thoughts. And in these private Letters, he so earnestly commends and commits unto her the protection of Religion; that he plainly declares it was to be her master-care, and all other Interests whatsoever, should give place to it.With almost in­credible care to root out Here­ticks. Nay, many times he instructs her how to hunt out Hereticks, and trace them to their holes. His Majesty likewise had Catalogues of their names (which I have by me, enclosed in his Letters) so exactly taken, as every ones condition, neighbourhood, age, and stature is to the life described, that truly it is wonderfull, how a Prince distracted and diverted with such a multiplicity of State-affairs, could have the leasure to inquire out, for the most part, obscure people, which a private man could hardly get time to turn his thoughts and hand to. And by this means, as often as Catholicks fled out of England into the Low-countreys, And with no little bounty to the banished English. in whose behalf the Governess wrote to the King; with incredible celeritie (besides his Pensions bestowed upon Priests of that Island, which for the cause of Religion lived as banished men in the Low-countreys) he divided a­mong them sometimes 2000 Ducats at once: sometimes more, sometimes less, alwayes something. Incouraged by this royall bounty, some Col­ledges of that Nation were begun to be settled, to the great good of Ca­tholicks in Spain and the Low-countreys. The Governess therefore of her own accord, and by the Kings command, laboured to preserve Religion; and having the Nobility particularly obliged to her for her late favour; she dispatched letters to this effect to the Bishops and Governours of Towns, which exceedingly awaked their industry.

And now the Hereticks were carried to prison,Hereticks put to death with va­rious success. and put to death: which terrified many, and those that died were often reconciled to the Church. At Rupelmond, a Priest that was turned Heretick, when he saw no hope to escape out of the Tower wherein he was imprisoned,A bold fact of an hereticall Minister. fell upon a desperate designe of firing the next room in which the Records and Monuments of the Provinces were kept supposing that while the guards were busied in pre­serving things that concernd the publick, he might get away. He acquaint­ed his fellow-prisoners, which were nine, with the plot; and now the Tow­er was in a flame, which the souldiers presently extinguished, and the Priest being taken, was, with the rest of his companions, but a little more happi­ly,But it saved him at last. executed. For openly renouncing his Heresie, before the multitude that [Page 84] was assembled to see him die; twice he cursed Calvin, and all the contrivers of Heresie, and bad the good people take warning, how they came near that plague-sore, which the Devil had sent from hell to infect mankind; and so professing he died a Catholick, his head was struck off. The Governess left out none of these passages in her Letter to the King,August 13. not doubting but they would be welcome to a Prince desirous of such news. But at Antwer mat­ters were carried somewhat more tumultuously.The punishment of Fabricius the Apostate, out of her Ex­cellencies let­ters, 8. Octob. Christopher Fabricius was to be executed, who forsaking the Order of Carmelites, married in England, The Execution­ers dexterity. and had corrupted some citizens of Antwerp with hereticall opinions. When the Executioner brought him to the stake to be burned, suddenly as the faggots were kindling, a showre of stones (cast from what hands was not known) fell upon the place; the Hangman seeing his own danger if he stay­ed, yet resolving not to leave the condemned man to the people, whipped out his sword, and when he was half burned, killed him: then leaping down among the souldiers, saved himself in the crowd. The mutineers thus de­feated of their hopes, gave over for the present; either unable to master the souldiers, or conceiving they should stir to no end, the prisoner being dead. Yet,The people mu­tiny. the next day, some of them lighting upon a woman, who (they said) first discovered Fabricius, they made a ring about her, railed and threw stones at her; and had killed her, but that she fled and hid her self in a neighbours house. The same day Verses: were posted up in the Market-place, writ in bloud, to this effect. That there were in Antwerp some that vowed shortly to re­venge Fabricius his death, whereof vvhen the King had knovvledge (perhaps vvith some addition to the truth and manner) he severely commanded his sister,25 Novem. not to let crimes of that nature escape long unpunished. And her Excellence causing one of the stone-casters to be hanged (for the rest,They are quieted as they vvere all of the basest sort of people, vvere either fled the Tovvn, or lay there concealed) quieted the City for the present, rather by Terrour, then Punishment. But at Bruges, the very Senate offended at the same time far more contumaciously;The Senate of Bruges affront the Inquisitour. if vve credit a Spanish Monk, vvho lay then pri­vately in Bruge [...], and sent intelligence into Spain. Septemb. 10 For the Inquisitour by his Deputy (the Pretour of the Tovvn delaying to assist him for fear of the Senate) had sent an Heretick to prison, guarded by three Officers, the Se­nate presently commanded those Officers to be seized, and committed them close prisoners, to be kept vvith bread and vvater, till themselves had spo­ken vvith the Governess, and this vvas proclaimed by the Crier in the Mar­ket place, the Heretick in the mean time being released; a grievous vvrong both to Religion, and to the Inquisitour. The Senate did not in very hum­terms acknovvledge their contempt; but posting to the Governess, com­plained to her of the tumult that undoubtedly vvould have been raised by the Inquisitour, in a City that vvould not suffer the Breach of any of their Priviledges: if they themselves, peradventure by a sharp, but yet by a safe remedy, had not opportunely pacified the peoples minds. What vvas done herein by the Governess,Novem. 25. or vvhat she ansvvered to the King, after she received his letters by the Monk, I find not.

These and the like attemps (as I conceive) moved the Governess to con­sult,Of the Councel of Trent. how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys (some of which were not yet clearly ex­pounded) might be there observed. For the King having many times wrote letters to her, wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks bold­nesse, and the connivence of the Bishops: and having commanded his fa­thers Edict to be revived, which had long lyen dormant, the judgement be­ing [Page 85] translated to Ecclesiasticall persons, The Governess replyed, that al­though it would be very seasonable, in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places, then timerous in them; yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed, if the Coun­cell of Trent were received: by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall. Besides that,The dilig [...]nce used by Pius iv. to get is to be received. when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred six­ty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel,Which was rea­dily done by King Philip. earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes, it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent: not onely out of his Ma­jesties native piety, but likewise because that Councell was called at the re­quest of his father Charles the fifth,1536. when he was at Rome: Paulo iii. Pont. and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheri­tance.

But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain, The difference between the Pope and King. Onuph. Pan. in Pio iv. Adrian. l. 8. Hist. Thuan. l. 35. Hist. and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys; something happened at Rome; which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope, and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain, or the Low-countreys. For there was an acciden­tall Dispute in the Councel of Trent, whether the French or Spanish Embas­sadour should take place;About the Spa­nish Embassa­dours place. Which began at the Councel of Trent. this would not indure the other should precede him, nor would he suffer this to his equall. The controversie was for that present time composed, the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest. But when the Councel was ended, upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome; And being there composed, Was revived at Rome. that the precedencie might be determined, Pope Pius, it being in re odiosa, first began to put it off, and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest: finally, he per­swaded them severally and in private, to referre the cause wholly to the sa­cred Colledge of Cardinals; in the mean time, they were to forbear the cere­monie of coming to the Popes Chappell; The Pope not willing to de­termine it. Puts it off to the Cardinals. his Holinesse supposing the con­trary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time, and free him of the necessitie, and so of the envie, of giving sentence. For, as he said very handsomely, a Prince should imitate Iupiter who (according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers) hath two kinds of thunder-bolts, the prosperous he himself useth to shoot, but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods. Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed, they are like horses at full speed, hard to be stopped; and both the Embassadours took it ill, that the Pope so delayed them, especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident, who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized, especially fearing least the contention might be end­ed now, as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court, where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns; which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Empe­rours Court; and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome. But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be in­termitted,At last he ex­plains himself. Whereupon the Spanish Em­bassadour in a fury leaves Rome. at last, upon the sacred day of Pentecost, commanded, that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place. Whereat Reque­senes, in a fury, after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name; by his Majesties command left Rome. This bu­sinesse held many in suspence,This Accident troubled many. Especially the Governesse. what king Philip would do, particularly con­cerning the Councel of Trent, which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions; and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma, [Page 86] because she governed the Low-countreys, which among all his Ma [...]esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks: and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there. The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters, and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks; and some were absolutely of opinion, the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys.The Hereticks rejoyce in hope the Councel of Trent will ne­ver be received in the Low-countreys. But they were deceived. This rejoyced the Hereticks, who jeered the wisdome of the Pope, that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard, by whom if the Councel were refused, what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent. Though some upon the same premises, concluded otherwise, and said, the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear: nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie, or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protecti­on: which if he should do, the French would not fail to undertake it, if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it.August 6. And behold, Letters came from King Philip, which acquainted the Governess, that the Dispute was ended, but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause, or his observance to the Pope deserved. That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome,A letter from the King of­fended with the Pope. where he might not appear with honour, that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse: but for the pub­lick, or his service and obedience to the Pope. and the holy Apostolick See, from which he would never depart, he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco, Pa­tron of the Spanish at Rome, with whom she should hereafter transact all bu­sinesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion: for defence whereof, as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys, it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever. Yet carefull to establish the Councel of Trent. And indeed the King having thus declared him­self, she would easily have brought it in, if she had not stumbled at the threshold.The Governess doubts whether some Decre [...]s of the Councel are not to be excepted in the promulgation. The Senate would have it so. For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls, and of the greatest Cas [...]ists in the Universities: and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate; they voted against the Councel, and advised her not to propound the Decrees, containing certain heads repugnant to Mo­narchy and the Priviledges of the Subject, unlesse the said heads were ex­cepted. And this they urged more freely and peremptorily, because they imagined, such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King, which, under the pretence of liberty, served the Princes ends, and yet exc [...]sed the Prince from any fault. But the King, whom the Governess in every thing consulted,But the King will not. liked it not: and therefore made answer, It was not his pleasure in propounding the Councel to his Subjects any thing should be excepted, lest Rome,Septemb. 30 Novem. 25 a Citie apt to prejudicate, should from thence have matter of censure, and other Christian Princes, that looked upon Spain, occasion of imitation. For that which is said in the Councel, touching Sovereignty and Subjection, was sufficient­ly considered, when the publishing thereof was disputed in Spain, where all those difficulties were discussed. And as at that time no exception was taken, but the Councel absolutely proposed, onely with a little moderation to be used in the pra­ctice: so it should be in the Law-countreys, whither he had sent a copie of the Spanish Proclamation, that his Subjects, throughout all his Dominions, might obey him by one rule. The Governesse finds it difficult. The Governess according to his royall Mandate, beginning to be active, and indeavouring to put an end to what she had in the Nether­lands begun; how sad a commotion followed, in the end of the next year, when the people,1565. to the ruine of many, broke out into Rebellion, I shall in its due place commemorate.Count Egmont sent into Spain. In the mean time, the Governess seeing the [Page 87] difficulties of the Exchecquer and Religion to increase: and that she could get nothing of his Majestie by Letters, resolved to send some great man her Embassadour to the King, and looking upon Count Egmont, as one, that, besides the Nobilitie of his birth and his experience in the affairs of the Low-countreys, she did believe would have all things granted to his great and acknowledged merit: her Excellence designed, and in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred sixty five, with the advice of the Se­nate sent him into Spain. Feb. 15. And Count Egmont willingly undertook the im­ployment, because (as he said to the Governess and she informed the King) by the opportunity of this publick Embassage he should dispatch hi own private businesse with his Majestie. Having therefore received large instru­ctions, with the consent and hopefull exspectation of all, many of the No­bilitie for honours sake bringing him on the way, he set forward, the same day that Francis Hallevine Lord of Zeveghem returned from Germany, The Lord of Zeveghem sent to condole the death of the Emperour Maximilian. whi­ther he was sent by the Governess, in the name of King Philip, to the Empe­rour Maximilian, his Empresse, and the Princes of Germany; to condole the death of his father, that religious Prince the Emperour Ferdinand, which the Emperour Mazimilian took extreme kindly, and made great promises of service to his uncle.

At this time the Prince of Orange had,The Princesse of Orange brought a bed of Prince Maurice. by Princesse Anne of Saxony, ano­ther sonne called, by the name of the Prince Electour her father, Maurice. This is the Prince Maurice whom we must often mention, not without the commendations of a valiant and cautelous Generall, who (being chosen by the States Confederate in the place of his father lately killed) after he had for two years commanded the Hollanders as a Prince, though by another name, which is commonly the end of long Governments; dyed of grief, con­ceived at the siege of Breda, Feb. 15. when he saw, it must inevitably be taken. The Governess wrote to the King,Christened with Catholick rites by hereticall Godfathers. that the child had all the Orthodox rites of Baptisme: but that which most troubled her was, on his Christening day they delivered him in tutelage to the Prince Electour Augustus Duke of Sa­xony and Philip Landgrave of Hessen, both Lutheran Princes: in whose names, two Lords, infected with the same heresie, were his Godfathers. For even in this likewise, the Prince of Orange, who alwayes acted two parts, had something Catholick and something Hereticall, to please both sides, still attending their severall fortunes as a neuter.

In the letters, the Dutchesse informed the King,Of the conference of K. Charles of France and the two Queens at Baion. what jealousies and re­ports were raised by the message which she had communicated to the Se­nate, touching the meeting, that was to be upon the borders of Aquitaine, between Katharine of Medi [...]es Queen-mother of France, governing that nati­on joyntly with the King;Feb. 3. and her daughter Isabella Queen of Spain. For King Philip, For which the King of Spain gave reasons to the Belgick Lords. And to the Princes of Eu­rope. by his letters, had commanded his sister to assure the Low-countrey Lords, that nothing more was intended by that interview, then the satisfaction of King Charles and his mother, being in their progresse come so near the confines of Spain. To the same purpose, he either wrote or sent Embassadours to most of the Princes of Europe, not so much as any Lord of Italy, or Spain, or any one Minister of State, but was by instructi­ons from King Philip acquainted with the occasion of that conference.Yet many were jealous. Yet all this took not away the Low-countreymens fears and jealousies, but ra­ther increased them;Especially the Hereticks. many, especially Hereticks being apt to believe, that the Queen mother did not this out of love to her daughter, but to lay the foundation of some great design against the hereticall factions, and the dis­turbances of both Kingdoms: which they suspected the rather, because it was [Page 88] rumoured, King Philip would be there in person. And indeed when Queen Isabella moved him,Who were trou­bled the more fearing King Philip would be at the Confe­rence. to add to their contentment his presence; I find by his letters to the Governess, that he was pretty well inclined to the iourney: though she diswaded him, and said it was below the Majesty of so great a Prince, to trust himself to the power of the French, at that time, when part­ly the French Kings minority,Why the Go­vernesse dis­swaded his coming. partly the condition of a Quen-regent, made the subjects so contumacious towards their Governours. Yet his Majesty replyed, that if he were sure his presence were necessary for the good of Re­ligion, he was resolved, for Gods cause, to decline no trouble or danger whatsoever.March 3. Yet consenting to the going of his Queen,Duke of Alva. and commanding Ferdinand Count of Toledo and Duke of Alva to wait upon her, and pre­sent, in his name, to the King of France, the Order of the Golden-fleece, he himself went not:Why King Phi­lip was not present. either diverted by many cares,Septemb. 17 having then (as he wrote to the Governess) received intelligence that the Turk besieged Malta: or else, to give his resolutions with greater authority at a distance; which, I suppose, was the cause why he left it not in his wife's power to determine any thing,Various reports touching the conference at Baion. before she had, by her letters advised with him. But at this en­terview, so highly celebrated in the writings of all Scholars, even of the Poets themselves, when in so great state and glory, King Charles and the two Queens met at Baion, the French sleighting the Spanish pride, with greater pride; all that was concluded, the more secretly it passed, onely in presence of the Duke of Alva; with the more confidence, do some writers (as if they had a blank before them) fill up the space with wit, and de­duce from hence, strange secrets of State. Omitting such divination, out of the letters,Septemb. 25 which I have,What they con­sulted of. written in King Philips own hand, to his sister about that conference, this I know. The Queen of Spain for divers weighty reasons (no doubt by the command of King Philip) had desired her Bro­ther, and Mother, whom it nearly concerned to preserve Religion then great­ly indangered in France, and they, very well affected to the cause, had laid their designes; the Queen Regent by the by propounded some Marriages, wherein she would have ingaged her Daughter, but the Queen of Spain, and the Duke of Alva returned thereunto no absolute answer, reserving the finall determination of all things to King Philip. Lastly, upon occasion of an Embassadour sent from Soliman the Turkish Emperour to renew the league between King Charles and him, the French spake of renouncing the said League, and that their King should joyn with King Philip and the Em­perour against the common enemie. But this, though it was opportune, took no effect, the Queen of Spain declining all overtures, but onely, con­cerning Religion: which she, at the Duke of Alva's earnest motion, again commending to them, after they had imbraced and kissed, they took their leaves.The Hereticks very much af­fraid Thuan. l. 36. Hist. The Hereticks (that guessed at their intentions) exceedingly fear­ing, lest by the meeting of these Princes, as by the conjunction of malevo­lent Starres,An Herre [...]a l. 12. c. 1. in the Life of Philip 11. and others. was portended some fearfull storm that would fall upon their heads. And indeed that great massacre of the Hugonots, which seven years after was acted at Paris, was they say plotted at this meeting, which I will neither denie, nor affirm.The massacre at Paris thought to be designed at this meeting. Though I am rather inclined to believe, that the mutuall succours which since this time we see have been often sent, by the French into the Low-countreys, and from thence into France, against the Rebells to Religion and their Prince, together with the marriage five years after solemnized by King Charles and Elisabeth daughter to the Emperour Maximilian, were concluded at this conference. For King Philip, in the fore-mentioned letter, gives an intimation of mutuall assistance to be from [Page 89] thenceforth given, to expell heresie out of their Kingdomes: and plainly faith, the Queen had not directly declared her self against the marriage, but left a door open to a new consulation; since in regard of their tender years, the young Prince and Princesse (he being but fifteen, and Princesse Elisa­beth eleven) might very well stay a good while before they married.

In the beginning of March, C. Egmont ar­rives in Spain. Count Egmont came to Madrid, contrary to the exspectation and command of his Majestie, who would have had his journey put off;Feb. 15. I suppose, because the Governess had informed him that the Count was willing to go, in hope of his private advantage. Yet the King received him very graciously, answerable to the quality of so noble a person, and so great a Generall, famous for many victories: and often with good approbation heard him move for relief to the publick necessities of his Countrey. Nay, when he descended to his particular affairs, the King granted his suit, almost in every thing. Finally,The Kings An­swer and Com­mands. his Majestie gave him large instructions in writing for answer to the Governess, and that he might resolve upon more certain grounds he advised, in that which concerned Religion, with Divines,April 2. which to that purpose waited on him. In that Assembly of learned men,Having first consulted the Divines, In this manner. I have heard one that was present, say, The pietie of the King was admirable: For having summoned the greatest Schoolmen and Ca­suists, and demanding their opinions touching the Libertie of Conscience which some Low-countrey Towns so earnestly petitioned for: when many of them considering the present condition of the Low-countreys, said, That for the avoiding of a greater evil, much to be feared, in Cities ready to re­volt and shake off Obedience to their Prince, and to the Orthodox Faith, his Majestie might, without offending God, allow his subjects the free exer­cise of their Religion; He replied, That he sent not for them to instruct him, whether such a Permission were lawfull, but whether it were necessary. And when they told him, they saw no necessity; then the King, in their pre­sence, kneeling before a Crucifix; And I, said he, pray and beseech thy Di­vine Majestie, thou King of all men, O God, that thou wilt please to keep me al­wayes in this mind, that I may never care, that the men which deny thee for their Lord, may either be, or be called my Subjects: and then he opened his determi­nation concerning Religion in those Letters, which I told you were de­livered to Count Egmont. His Majesty checks C. Eg­mont, for the Cognizances de­vised to affront Granvell. But before he had his dispatch, the King dealt plainly with him, That he was not a little offended at the last conspiracie of the Lords, when they gave the Coats and Cognizances, wherein they aenigmatically threatned Cardinal Granvel, that especially Eg­mont (reputed the Authour of that invention) might therein have shewn, if not more fidelity, at least more discretion.Egmont excu­ses himself, But Count Egmont faithfully assured his Majesty, that it was mere mirth, and childish sport at table, to make a jest to laugh at in their cups, not to be feared by any man: that done, he omitted not to accuse the Cardinall as the principall cause thereof,And accuses the Cardinall. because he daily mustered those of his faction against the Nobility, and therefore deserved to be requited with the like Assemblies. Yet in these meetings (and this he often confirmed by oath) they did not so much as think of any thing contrary to their sincere Allegiance to his Majesty: Nay, if he had found any of their party an Enemy to the King; he himself would have been first, though he were his own brother, that should have stabbed him to the heart. This Discourse having passed between the King and Count Eg­mont (of all which the King by a private Letter certified the Governess): Instructions were given to the Count thus indorsed; Instructions of those things which thou, Prince of Gavera, Count of Egmond, our Cousen, and [Page 90] Counsellour in affairs of the Empire, art commanded in our Name, to communicate to Our Sister the Dutchess of Parma.The Kings in­structions deli­vered in writing to Count Eg­mont. The summe of his large Instructions was this: At his arrivall in the Low-countreys, after he had saluted the Go­verness from the King, and returned her his royall thanks for her good Go­vernment of those Provinces, and for sending into Spain the fittest man to negotiate for the Low-countreys; he was to deliver her this answer from his Maiesty:For preservation of Religion. That in the first place he was struck with unutterable grief, to hear of the growth of Heresie; and that he was firmly resolved, and would have the whole world know, that he would not suffer it within his Domi­nions, though he were to die for it a thousand times. Therefore he desired the Governess to call a Senate extraordinary, to which divers Bishops should be summoned, particularly Rythovius Bishop of Ipres, with the like number of Divines, and such Counsellours as stood best affected to Religion and their Countrey. The pretended occasion should be to examine the Councel of Trent; but the reall meaning to find out an Expedient, how the people might be kept in their ancient Religion;For destruction of Hereticks. how their children might be virtu­ously bred up at School; how to proceed in punishing Hereticks, by some other course, that might take off the odium: not that he meant to pardon them (for that he neither resolved to do, neither did he think it would be acceptable to God, or safe for Religion;) but that he might in their deaths prevent all hope of glorying, which was the cause of their impious and wil­full sufferings. Moreover the Senate was to be so ordered, that the Councel of Estate was to superintend the other two Councels of Law and the Trea­sury,For regulation of the Councel. but nothing to be concluded, before the Governess knew thei [...] Reso­lutions and Reasons. This vvas the Effect of his Majesties Letters, deli­vered to Count Egmont. April 2. But he wrote others to the Governess, wherein he gave her to understand, That it pleased him not, that the Authority of the Senate (wherein sate the principall Lords of the Low-countreys) be in­larged, which both straitens the power of the Governess; and might open a way for divers great men, enriched by the Treasury, to change (as from other hands was intimated) the present form of Government.For disposall of the moneys sent by his hand. He likewise com­manded Count Egmont to let the Governess know, That his Majestie remem­bred the necessities of the Netherlands, which she had so often moved him in: and therefore sent her, part in ready money, part in Bils of Exchange, 60000 Ducats to pay the common souldiers, and 200000 to be distributed among the Garrisons; and for the Governours of Provinces, and the Magistrates pensions 150000, and that he would have returned her more, for the forti­fying of Towns, and disbanding of souldiers, if he had not been in many places to provide for his Fleet against the Turk. But some of this money could not be got of the Bankers, because they were not satisfied in Spain. Lastly, commending the integrity of his Judges and Officers, he put the Governess and his Subjects of the Low-countreys, For signification of his Majesties intended journey thither. in hope, that he would make a voyage thither, purposely to hear their Grievances, and in person to redresse them. The same day that his Majestie gave these Letters to Count Egmont, Prince Alexan­der Farneze delivered by the King to Count Egmont, who is to conduct him into the Low-countreys. he called in Alexander (sonne to Octavio Farneze and Mar­garet of Austria, Princes of Parma and Piacenza) and delivered him to Count Egmont with these words; Among other things which thou art to carry to the Governess, I trust thee likewise with this Youth: do him those services, which the Sonne to my Sister, and your Governess deserves. Count Egmont kissing the Kings hands again for this speciall favour, departed the more pleased, be­cause it would add to the Governesses joy, for the success of his Embassage, that he should bring her sonn, a happiness she had long desired. Indeed it [Page 91] rejoyced her very much; for when she saw her sonne Alexander, so well bred, so lively spirited,The Governesses joy upon the sight of her son. And news of a Match intended him by the King yet tempered with such gravity, as became one that had been educated in so great a Court, under his uncle King Philip; she received infinite satisfaction. Especially for that Count Egmont, together with her Sonne brought her the news of a Marriage intended him by the King. Whereupon the Steward of her House, the Lord Theuloi, was purposely sent into Spain, April 30. to give his Majestie most humble thanks, for his Royall fa­vours conferred upon her, and her husband the Duke of Parma, by de­signing such a wife for their Sonne.

King Philip had been moved about a match for Prince Alexander four years before.Of Marriages treated for Prince Alexan­der. His Father Octavio was inclined to marry him to the Sister of Alphonso Duke of Ferrara, Daughter to Hercules the second and Renè Daughter of Lewis the twelfth of France; because he thought it would be a great support to his Power,Duke Octavio would match him to the Duke of Ferrarars sister. to joyn in alliance with Princes so near neigh­bours to him; and he said,His reasons. (which I believe he had from Charles the fifth) That as in the Globe of the Earth and Sea, the Moon is more predominant then most of the Starrs, not because she hath a greater, but a nearer influence; so we should think of our neighbours. And he maintained this opinion, as I suppose, more fervently, because about that time Pope Pius the fourth challenged the Principality of Camertio, which he entended to bestow upon Frederick Borromeo, his Sisters sonne, lately married with his consent, to the Noble Lady Virginia Ruveria Verana. Octavio therefore, weighing, in case this dispute might beget a War, how much it concern'd him to be in amity with the Duke of Ferrara, held it very convenient to make up this Marri­age. Nor did the Governess disapprove of the designe;The Governess is of the same mind. but in her husbands and her own name, wrote about it to the King. But he, either because he would have no affinitie with a Duke of the French Faction; or because he had thought of another Wife for him,Octob. 1. and had already shewed himself in it; answered the Governess in these words.1560. ILLUSTRIOUS Princess, The King dis­sents. long since when I resolved upon the Treaty of a Marriage for your Sonn and my Alexan­der (for I esteem him as mine own Sonn) with the Daughter of our Uncle the 1565. Emperour Ferdinand;and names ano­ther. I did assure my self, it would be very well received by you, Sister, and by the Duke your Husband. Nor have your Letters altered my Opinion, Decem. 9. or what was said to me by Ardinghell in favour of the match with Fer­rara.1560. She that I have designed him, His Majesties Letter. is Daughter to an Emperour, and our kins­woman. The Duke of Ferrara's Sister and Prince Alexander are of years so dis­proportionable, that it may cause disagreement. Indeed I commend the Duke of Parma, that seeks the friendship of his neighbours, by desiring to match into this family, but he ought likewise to consider, that so long as he hath me for his Brother and Protectour, no man dare presume to trench upon him. As he may well perceive by the late change of things, when Pius the fourth gave over his attempt. For after I had taken care to inform his Holiness of my resolutions, and how I am obli­ged in honour both now and for ever, to maintain the Rights of the Farnezes: he answered me, He would not onely forbear to molest the Duke, but would be as much a Patron to his Family, as I my self. But though I have commanded Ardinghel to signifie this to the Duke; yet out of my brotherly love, I could not but acquaint you with it, that I might satisfie the near relation of our bloud, 1565. and likewise desire you to insert this my determination in your Letters to your Husband: The King upon further conside­ration proposes Mary Princess of Portugall. The Offer is em­braced. and with all pos­sible speed to let me know both your resolutions. But while the Father and Mo­ther remained in suspence, and knew not which of these matches they should wish [...] the one being more noble, the other more advantageous; the King up­on second thoughts, pitched upon Mary Princess of Portugall, Daughter to [Page 92] Prince Edward and Isabella of Briganze, Niece to King Emmanuel; and by his Letters sounding the inclination of the Duke and Dutchess;Edward bro­ther to Iohn the III. son to Emmanuel. the Match was at once propounded by the King, and approved of by all parties: For at that time, the name of Portugal was glorious, a great part of the Earth being dis­covered by their religious and fortunate Souldiers. And King Philip was not onely descended from this House of Portugall, by his Mothers side, be­ing Sonn to Isabella, and therefore Nephew to Emmanuel; but he himself, almost twenty years before, married into this Family, to Mary Daughter to Iohn the third,Her Nobility both by Father and Niece to Emmanuel. It was therefore thought an high honour to the Farneze's, that one of King Emmanuels Nieces should be mar­ried to King Philip, and the other to Alexander Prince of Parma. Especially because She and King Philip were Brothers and Sisters children, and Mary of Portugal was in the same degree of bloud, both to King Philip and his Queen:And Mother. besides, by her Mother she was of the noble familiy of the Brigan­zes, which had often match'd with the Bloud-royall of Portugal, and kept a House like a Kings Court. But Prince Alexander was farre more in love with the Beautie and Virtue of the Ladie, then with the Merits of all her Ancestours.

The fame of this Princely Virgin was spread through Spain, and most de­servingly;Princesse Ma­ries peculiar commendations. Her wit and learning. for she had such an understanding that it was reported, there was nothing she did not comprehend. She spake Latine fluently, and very well. She was a pretty good Grecian; not ignorant of Philosophy, and excellent in the Mathematicks. So versed in Scripture, that she could readily turn to any Text in the Old or New Testament.Sanctity of life. But above all, she was admired for innocency and holiness of life. Nothing pleased her so much in her hours of retirement, as the contemplation of things Divine. And in her familiar discourse, she often quoted short Maxims out of the Bible, or the Fathers; wherewith in the day time while she was at work, she sweetly offer­ed up her heart to God.Childish exerci­ses. Indeed she never put her hand to sowing, either nee­dle-work or imbroyderie, but onely to adorn the Altar, and for the use of the poor,Modesty. that she might in both, adorn and cover Christ himself. Touching her modesty, she was not onely carefull but proud of it, and said, Though women were to conceal their other virtues, yet they might glory in their Chastity. There­fore she forbare all publick Shews and Entertainments:Care to preserve it. as often as her Pa­rents and the King her Uncle would dispense with her absence. And in read­ding of the Poets, though she was very much taken with their wit, yet she looked upon them with great fear, lest she might encounter any amorous passages: and once, when she had took up Francesco Petrarch, and had run over a few of his Verses, she threw him out of her hands. For the same reason she could not be induced to let any Courtier lead her; or to lean upon their arms or shoulders, the common garb of great Ladies, either out of pride, or to be the better supported, going in high Chopines. These, and many other virtues, commended the Match with Mary Princess of Portugal. The Governess therefore, loosing no time after her Sonn Alexanders co­ming: sent the Royall Fleet well manned to sea,The Low-coun­trey Fleet sent to transport the Bride. and made Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt, a great Commander, Admirall, sending with a noble train of Lords and Ladies onely the Count himself with his Lady, Mary of Momorancy, sister to Count Horn, and his sonn Charles Mansfeld. Weigh­ing Anchors from Vlushen in August, about the beginning of September he arrived at Lisbon, 14 day. Who left Portu­gal nobly atten­ded. and not long after, the Bride, attended by many of the Portugall Nobility went aboard, but would not suffer them to hoyst sail, till she had sent for the Portugeses a shipboard, and desired a Priest of the Soci­etie, [Page 93] who used to preach to her, and to hear her Confession, that he would arm her and the company with some Exhortations,Septemb. 21 as an Antidote to pre­serve them from Heresie,Sebastian Mo­rales after­wards Bishop of Japan. She is overta­ken with a storm at Sea. that had poisoned the Low-countreys, whither they were bound. Which being accordingly performed, by that eloquent and religious man, with a fair gale of wind they failed out of the Port. But when they were upon the main, the billows on a sudden growing angry, swelled, they knew not why, and the storm increasing, the other ships being scattered, onely one fell foul upon the Admirall that carried Princess Mary, and having sprung many leaks, the poor ship was left a miserable spectacle, the sea almost devouring her in their sight, and within hearing. But Princess Mary moved with the piteous cries and lifted-up-hands of the wretched drowning people p [...]esently called the Admirall,She pitties and helps the poor creatures ready to be drowned. Count Mansfield, and pray­ed him to vere to them, and take in as many men and women as he could possibly, before the Vessel sunk, and [...] many Christians should be cast a­way, whilest she looked on. The A [...]mirall told her it could not be done, without endangering her Highness, and the whole ship. The Marriners affirmed the same, particularly the Master, an excellent Pilot, but unskilfull in that Art of Navigation, which is directed by Divine hope. Then said the Princess: But I, mark what my mind presages, do hope in God, if we do our best to help them, that he will so graciously accept our endeavours, as it will please him of his Goodness, to help us all. And this she spake with such a sense of Pi­ety, and so sweet a look, that the Admirall durst not oppose her, but gave order for the ship to succour them, which struggling and crowding through the furious waves, at last came near them, and putting out her long Boat op­portunely saved them all; but the ship it self, out of which they escaped, having obeyed the Princesses command, a little while after sunk before their faces, onely one man being lost in her. Nay, the very hour that Princess Mary by Divine inspiration said, her mind presaged they should do well, the rage of the winds abaited, and the scattered Fleet came together again. Though within a few dayes, a new storm rising,Another tempest drives her upon the coast of England. She refuses to send her service to Queen Eli­sabeth. drave them upon the unhappy Coast of Britain, and forced them to put in at an English Harbour. Where whilst they lay for a wind, Count Mansfoldt thought it a fitting Civi­lity, to send some Noble person to present her service to the Queen of Eng­land, in whose Dominions they remained. But Princess Mary would not, she said; hold any correspondence with the Enemies of the Church. And though others pressed her to it very much, affirming that she might safely, upon such an occasion interchange common courtesies, she was constant to her first resolve; adding, that it was safest for her self, and best for the ex­ample of others. Yet beyond all exspectation, at the same time, she court­ed a noble hereticall Lady,She invites an English Lady. that came, among a multitude of the English, to see the fleet. For Princesse Mary casting an eye upon her,Begs her two sonnes of her. and two fine boyes, her sonnes which she brought with her, entertained her in a very friendly manner: and finding, by her discourse, that she was the Mother of many more children, she importuned the Lady to bestow these two upon her, promising that she her self would be such a Mother to them, as it should not repent her of the change. This she did, because (as she her self professed) she was not able to suffer such a pair of young Innocents, that looked like Angels, being corrupted with heresie, to be made Devils, and numbered among the slaves condemned to eternal torments. And although Princesse Mary could not prevail with the Mother,But is denied. in her suit for these boyes; yet a few years after, God gave her the same number of that sex: and it is probable that her desire of breeding up anothers children to be [Page 94] Gods servants,3565. was recompensed by God himself with as many children of her own.One of her ships fired acciden­tally. Nor will I omit a memorable passage, that happened in the same Port, where one of the Kings ships, by accident was set on fire, not farre from the Admirall where the Princesse was aboard. And while some strove to quench the flame, and some to save themselves, and their goods: she running out of her Cabin to the Prow, made a little stop, and said▪ Well, and shall I lose my box of sacred Reliques? presently the flame approach­ing near her,Her care greater for her Reliques then for her jewels. she ran back, and with a mighty courage plucked the box out of the Cabinet: either forgetting or despising the jewels it contained, to an infinite value. Presently returning again from her Cabin (for the furie of the fire was not yet asswaged) a Gentleman met her, and stepping in, with great reverence, took her by the arm, and beseeched her, whilst she might, to flie the danger. But she, casting a frown upon the man, said, Sir, you were best unhand me.For her soul then for her body. As if she [...] more fearfull to be touched by him, then by the flame: so, unsuppo [...], she went forward to the Prow, and the fire being presently extinguished, they set sail for the Low coun­treys.She lands in the Low countreys. About the beginning of November, the fleet arrived at Ulushing, where she was received, and attended, by such as the Governess had sent upon the sudden news of her landing:3. Day. that train being augmented by the horse and foot of the severall towns through which she passed, till she came to Bruxels. Is conducted to Bruxels. Where all sorts of people welcomed her with greater joy and gratulation, because they heard she had so difficult and dangerous a passage. Octavio Duke of Parma being,The Marriage solemnized on the Anniversary of the Institu­tion of the Or­der. a few dayes before, come out of Italy, pur­posely to be at his sonnes wedding; upon the next Saint Andrews day, ap­pointed by Philip Duke of Burgundy for the Anniversary feast of the Or­der of the Golden-fleece, which he instituted, and commended to the patro­nage of that Saint;Octob. 8. the Nuptials were celebrated at Bruxels, with such magnificence, as befitted the Neice to Emmanuel King of Portugall, 1430. and the Grand-sonne to the Emperour Charles the fifth; but likewise, with such Christian Pietie, as was exspected,Emmanuel K. of Portugall Paternall Grandfather to Princesse Mary Charles the fifth mater­nall Grand­father to Prince Alex. out of the opinion conceived of so reli­gious a Lady, and made good by her presence, beyond all imagination. Maximilian de Bergen, Archbishop of Cambray married them. The King of Spain was present by Didacus Gusman à Silva his Majesties Embassadour to the Queen of England; commanded, for this reason, to take the Low-countreys in his way: Embassadours of neighbour Princes were at the wedding to joy them from their Masters.The particular joy of the Knights of the Golden-fleece. All the Low-countrey Nobili­ty was there; the Knights of the Golden-fleece expressed a particular con­tentment, because about a hundred and fifty years before, their Order had been founded at the marriage of Duke Philip of Burgundy, with Isabella of Portugall, and now at the like marriage of this Princesse of Portugall, they revived the memory of that Day in all kind of shews and pleasures, seem­ing to forget their present discontents and factions. So great was the gal­lantry of the Lords, and they so taken up with revells.

But after the nuptiall feast was over,The Bride and Bridegroom leave the Low-countreys. and the Bride and Bridegroom de­parted from the Low-countreys: as if the Truce were ended, they fell to their differences again. The narration of which differences I shall wave a while, till I have, in reference to Princesse Mary, related some passages no­ble in themselves, but rendered more illustrious by her royall Bloud: and because they equally concern her husband Prince Alexander and his po­steritie,She is welcomed into Italy with great magnifi­cence. which we must often mention in the progresse of this History, there­fore it will be the best, in this place to summe them up together. Princesse Mary now come into Italy, was received with unusuall pomp and ceremo­ny. [Page 95] For drawing near to Parma she was met by two gallant troops,1565. one of Lords, the other of Ladies, her husband Alexander being in the head of that, and this led by his Aunt Vittoria Farneze, wife to the Duke of Urbin. On that side, such a multitude of horses, and on the other, such a world of Coaches, vying bravery and rich Liveries; that seldome hath been seen a more magnificent and glorious Show. But the Princesse,Her example re­forms Parma. after she had been the second time thus entertained, applyed her self to serious matters, her example and endeavours, in a few dayes changed the face of Parma. Her pious de­sign to beg a Son of God. And she her self many times having prayed to God for a Sonne to continue the name of the Farnezes, accidently conceived a hope, that if she took up some Orphan or beggar-boy, and bred him for Charity, she should compasse her desire. She therefore took up one in the street and bred him in her Court: and nine moneths after, she was delivered of Ranucio. She prayes for and obtains another. But her hope proving as fruitfull as her self, she resolved to beg of God another Sonne, that she might settle the house upon more pillars; and directing her prayer to our Lady,Ranucio Duke of Parma and Piacenza. in the Church called the Scala, Prince Alexander by chance coming thither, she turned to him, and said, Come, Sir, let us joyn our prayers to God, that in obedience to his Virgin-mother, he will gratiously please to give us another Sonne. They prayed together with great faith, and within nine moneths af­ter, she brought forth Od [...]ardo, Cardinall Odoardo. which was not the cause of greater joy in Prince Alexander, then it was of admiration and reverence towards his wife, at whose suit, God had given him both his Sonnes. From thenceforth, he more and more honoured her Sanctimonie;Prince Alexan­ders confidence in her prayers. insomuch, as at the battle of Lepanto, boarding the enemy, with more valour, then caution, and after­wards being reproved by Don Iohn of Austria, he replyed, He had at Home the Cause and Patronesse of his confidence. Indeed she spent the whole time of that warre in devotion and penance for her husband.The education of her children. But for her children, because she knew they were granted her by Gods speciall favour, she bent her study, while she lived, to season their tender years with divine precepts: and when she came to die, was not so earnest with her husband for any thing,Which she dy­ing commends to her Lord. Qu. Blanch with an excel­lent Prayer. as to be carefull of their education, using that very prayer to God, which she heard was made by the Queen of France, Mother to Saint Lewis, In this moment of time, which is my last, I pray and beseech thee, O Fa­ther of mankind, that if my children be inclined to commit any fouler crime against thee, 1577. thou wilt hasten their ends, and prevent their treason against thy Majesty. A prayer worthy all mother-Queens, that would have no children, but such as will acknowledge God, the Lord of all, to be their father, And so the eleventh year after her marriage, dyed Princesse Mary, no lesse admirable in her death,Her patience in the pangs of death. then in her life. For as in this, she was most nobly active, so in the other she was most undauntedly passive, the onely glory that remains for dying persons. Her patience, and the strong assaults of the Devil, di­vers, then present, have set down in writing. A little after her departure, in a private box within her Cabinet,The Form of her dayly exer­ [...]se penned by her self. was found a short Diary written by di­vine instinct with her own hand, containing the heads of her actions, every day, and almost every houre of her life. In which may be seen (for it is printed, and bound up with her life) what her judgement was, concerning Christian perfection; and how she applyed her self to that progressive rule, indeed so exactly, as the Houses of Portugall and Farneze may glory in the beauty of her mind: and the example of Princesse Mary, may be set for a pattern to all princely maids and wives.

And now,The Low-coun­treys in new trouble. to proceed with the businesse of the Low-countreys: The Go­vernesse had begun with great industry to execute the Kings commands, [Page 96] brought by Count Egmont out of Spain; but receiving new letters from his Majesty at Validolid; Iune 2. wherein he seemed to command the quite contrary to what he wrote by the Count; the Governesse, amazed, was at a stand: and Count Egmont excessively troubled in his mind,Count Eg­monts com­plaints. complained, That his au­thority & esteem would be lost among his enemies by that change of the Kings Coun­sell; as if he had delivered one thing, and the King enjoyned another; that it seemed the Kings Councellours were in a way, if they held on, to force the Low-countreys into the receiving any form of Government, rather then the present; though it were to put themselves in the power of the Germans, the French, or of the Devil himself. For his own part, he was resolved, if the King would not make good his determinations, to retire to his own house: and leaving his Go­vernment of Flanders, to testifie to the world by his absence, that Egmont had no hand in the troubles of his Countrey. Iuly 22. When the Governesse had writ this to the King as she had it, from the mouth of Count Egmont: three moneths after, she received an answer from his Majestie dated at Segovia, [...]n these words.Octob. 2. That it was a false allegation of those men, who affirmed he had com­manded any other thing in his dispatch of Count Egmont,His Majesties Letter touch­ing the punish­ment of Here­ticks. then in his late letters from Validolid, therefore to expresse himself more fully, In the first place, he would have the Anabaptists and other Hereticks put to death, of what families soever they were descended, and their punishment, neither remitted, nor them­selves reprieved. Since experience had sufficiently demonstrated that a violent and volatile disease, The Inquisi­tours. was but ill cured by indulgence or delay; Then, That he com­manded the Inquisitours of faith (a judicature neither new, nor unnecessary for the Low-countreys) to be every where with reverence retained, and assisted with all the power of the Dutchesse her self, and the Governours of the respective Provin­ces. And the Coun­cell of Trent. Lastly, because the Councel of Tre [...]t was now established in the Low-coun­treys, it was their duty to they the Decrees of the said Councell, and likewise the Imperiall and Royall Edicts. Moreover, he desired the Governesse that in the execution thereof, she would use her greatest care and industry: for asmuch as no one living could do any thing more acceptable to himself, or more advantagious to the Provinces. This was the summe of those letters, which the Prince of Orange charged with all the calamities that befell the Netherland. Out of which Heads the Go­vernesse con­ceives an Edict. And though the Governesse thought it a work of danger, to undertake so many things at once, and therefore wrote many letters to be [...]eech the King to ex­cuse her; yet she attempted it,Novemb. 9. and by her Proclamation, commanded all the King had enjoyned her; and advised the subordinate Governours, in these words, as appears by her Edict speedily sent to Ernest Count Mans­feldt, And sends it to the Gover­nours of Pro­vinces. Governour of Luxemberg, the rest being onely transcripts of the same. For asmuch as nothing is dearer to the King, then the peace of these Privinces; and that his Majesty desires to prevent the great evils wherewith we see many nations afflicted that change their Religion. Decem. 18. Therefore it is his Royall pleasure, A copie of the Edict. that the Edicts of his father Charles the fifth, and his own, with the Decrees of the Councel of Trent, as likewise of Provinciall Synods, be kept intirely. That all Favour and Assistance be given to the holy Inquisitours, and the Cogni­zance of Heresies left to them, unto whom it appertains both by divine and hu­mane Laws. This is the Kings command, who respecteth onely the Worship of God, and the good of his people; and hereof I give you notice, that you may, with­out exception, imbrace it your self, publish it to the Magistrates of your Province, and take speciall care, that no man, upon any pretence whatsoever, slight its due observation, you terrifying the con [...]umacious with those punishments specified in our letters annexed to the Edict. And that you do this with more facility; you shall chuse some one out of the Senate, to visit and superintend your Province, [Page 97] whether the Edict be punctually and justly observed by the Magistrates and the People: you your self, together with the Magistrate you make choice of, every quarter of a year, giving us an axact account of the premises. And it shall be our pa [...]t to endeavour that your pains may receive due recompence and advancement. In short, partly the care of these Edicts, partly of the late Marriage ended this yeare; which was the last of peace and happinesse that ever the Ne­therlands enjoyed.

The End of the fourth Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The fifth Book.

NOw comes in a year,1565. memorable for the open conspi­racy of the Gentry, seconded by the mutiny of the people, and the turbulent counsels of the Lords, the furious incursion of Hereticks, Sacriledge; with ruine of Religion, and no lesse ignominy to the Authours. The Edict formed by the Governess, was sent and pub­lished in the Kings name, by the severall Governours of Provinces,What the Go­vernours of Pro­vinces conceived of the Edict proposed. but some of them first complained to her Excellence, pro­testing they were not able to govern the people with that severity enjoyned by the Edict. Nay, divers plainly told her, they would not be guiltie of burning five or six thousand men in their Provinces; whereof the Gover­ness advertised the King,Ianuary 9. warning him of the storm which she foresaw. The first signe and terrour of the Tempest lightened out of Brabant. For when the Chancellour of that Province had propounded the Kings Edict to the Brabanters (who have no other Governour but his Majesties Lieutenant over all the Low-countreys)Brabant first re­fuses to obey the Edict. immediately the chief Cities of the Nether­lands, Bolduc. that is, Lovain, Bruxels, Antwerp, and the Bus, assembling the Senate, and petitioning the Chancellour, very violently and angerly, desired that their Priviledges might not be violated, to which in regard the Judicature of the Inquisitours, and the Emperours Decrees were repugnant, they ought not to have been so easily proposed by the Chancellour, nor could they pos­sibly admit them. The Governess having notice of the Petition, command­ed it to be brought and read at the Councel Table. And though some held it a bold request, yet it was her pleasure, the Annals and Records of Brabant should be searched, especially the Commentaries of Francis Hulst a Braban­ter, who first executed the Office of Inquisitour in that Province. Upon sight whereof,Some condescen­sion made, but it gives no satis­faction. answer was made. That because from the year 1550, this kind of Inquisition was not used in Brabant, and that the King had declared his resolution, to innovate nothing, therefore it pleased his Majestie there should be no change within their Government; but onely that the Decrees of Charles the fifth should be in force, till it was otherwise ordered by the King. Which moderate Answer neither satisfied the Brabanters, that pro­mised [Page 99] themselves all their desires: and yet encouraged those of Flanders, to present such another Petition to the Governess. But her Excellence was by a speciall Messenger, ingaged in business of higher concernment. For she re­ceived fearfull intelligence from a man, till then unknown,Intelligence of many persons of quality in Bra­bant, that were to enter into a League against the Edict. but by the en­deavours of Christopher Assonvill, a worthy Senatour, privately admitted to her presence; That many noble persons of Brabant had entred into an As­sociation, in case the King should by force impose the Inquisitours upon their Province, that they would by force defend themselves: which confidence was built upon a privy confederation betwixt them and certain forreiners, principally Gaspar Colligny Admirall of France. Some such thing the Prince of Orange a little while after wrote from Leyden to the Governess.March 29. And the same was discovered to her by the Counts of Egmont and Megen, who said, The Conspiratours had privately issued out Commissions to Captains and Colonels; and that if need required, they had in a readiness above twentie thousand men: But what manner of Conspiracie this was, and the Original of it, I shall now demonstrate out of the Letters, which are in my custody, written by some that were purposely appointed to examine the matter of fact. For when the Governess, the year after this, by the Kings command sent certain persons, hastily to inquire in the respective Provinces, who they were that had raised or fomented this years tumults: they seized upon the Letters, Books, and Notes of many men, out of which compiling a Trea­tise, they informed his Majesty and the Governess, of the beginning and progress of this designe. And in discharge of what I have undertaken, partly from thence, partly from other Records, I borrowed this which in short I shall deliver to you.

Long before the bloudshed of this year 1566,1550. some of the Nobilitie of the Low-countreys,The Originall of the Low-coun­trey mens con­spiracy, some Noblemens sons bred up Here­ticks abroad. in particular some young Lords (none of which I can readily name, but onely Lewis of Nassau, brother to the Prince of O­range) sojourning for a long time at Geneva, and such like Towns, were ea­sily intrapped by the Hereticks. For they had onely been so far instructed in Religion, as might serve to keep them Catholicks at home; but not a­broad to teach them, if they should be circumvented, how to distinguish truth from falsehood; and truly no man ought to come near infected per­sons, without a Preservative about him. These young Noblemen there­fore having been new-catec [...]ed by Hereticks,Which coming home wish for liberty of Con­science. when they returned to their Countrey, often spake in commendation of forrein Religions, and libertie of conscience: and found the people intentive and inquisitive after new Do­ctrines. Nor did many of the Merchants wish a greater happiness,The Merchants are of the same mind. then this Liberty: for themselves were inveigled with the like strange opinions, and consequently would have no one for Religion to be barred free Traffick. These joyning their Counsels, plotted,They consult to­gether. for which they had divers examples, by degrees to shake from the shoulders of their Countrey, the yoke of the Catholick Faith, that would not suffer any other doctrine to predominate within their Cities. This designe,When they first set afoot their Designe. I collect, was laid in the year 1559, when King Philip, resolving to return to Spain, commanded that his Fathers and his own Edicts (which during the Wars could not) should now be strictly observed. Which happening in that conjunction of time, when the Prince of Orange advised the Low-countrey men,Falling just up­on the point of time, whilst the Prince of O­range endea­voured to expell the Spanish. to petition for disbanding the Spa­nish souldiers, lest by their means the Spanish Inquisition should forcibly have been imposed upon them (as he himself hath left recorded in his Apology) I do not think it improbable,1581. that the Prince of Orange might be privie to matters then in agitation: Yet I believe not, that upon the first conference [Page 100] of the Nobility and Merchants,3566. any thing was certainly pitched upon,For a long while they are quiet. Vpon accasion of the Councell of Trent, they shew themselves. or the form of a Confederation conceived in writing, Nor is it likely, that a Conspiracy of many persons, should for six years lie undiscovered. But then the seeds of Rebellion were onely sown, which afterwards in the year 1564, when Cardinal Granvell went into Burgandy, sprung up by occasion of the Councel of Trent, as I am well assured out of the said Notes and Let­ters.1564. Moreover, in that year 64, those Gentlemen and Merchants which met about it, knowing that so great a weight could not be supported with­out arms, determined to try the Hereticall Princes of Germany, either to get their assistance, or at lest to have some colour for using of their names to aw the Governess and her Party.And have r [...] ­course to the Princes of Ger­many, For this cause they sent Agents into Germany, which had secret conference with the Prince Electour Palatine, and brought all their transactions to Egidius Clerus, a Lawyer of Tournay imployed by Lewis of Nassau, and lying at Ausburg onely for this purpose, as appears by many Letters and Pamphlets of his writing.About the be­ginning of 1565. Whence it may be conjectu­red, that Prince Lewis himself was at the same time in Germany, soliciting the same business. Which though it was concealed with wonderfull s [...]lence, till the end of the year 653 yet in the beginning of 66, when the Edicts con­cerning the holy Inquisitours,After Promul­gation of the Edict they grow tumultuous, Printing Libels. with the Decrees of Charles the fifth, and of the Councel of Trent were Proclaimed, which were by many accounted great grievances; then the Conspiratours, pretending to maintain the Li­berty of the Subject, with incredible dexterity scattered Libels over all the Provinces (to the number of five thousand,April 3. as the Governess afterwards wrote to the King) jeering, cursing,And Books a­gainst the Inqui­sition, to stir up the people. and railing at the Spanish Inquisition, and advising the people; Not to enslave themselves to Tyranny, which all Nations, and as it were the generall consent of Mankind resists. That the Inquisition was not introduced at Rome without a tumult; what then should be done in the Low-countreys, armed with so many Priviledges against any Innovation whatsoever. Fears and Jealousies were increased by preparation for a war,They are trou­bled with fears and jealousies. made in Spain by the King: wherein the Duke of Brunswick, Pay-master-generall for his Majestie in the Low-countreys, was very active. The design was commonly reported to intend the establishment of this new Judicature in the Low-countreys.Brunswick. Though the Duke (as afterward it was evident) levied men one­ly to defend his own towns amidst the tumults then threatning the Low-countreys;K. Philip. the King, to supply Malta, and to oppose the Turk in other pla­ces Yet when the Governess went about to perswade the multitude, she found it Labour in vain; the Hereticks disputing against her, and affirming That it was the ordinary trick of State, to pretend war for one place, and fall upon another. So that many men openly professed, they would fell their houses and land, and seek their Countreys lost Libertie in forrein Nati­ons.They threatning­ly inveigh a­gainst the Kings Edict. At publick meetings, in the Market place, and upon the Exchange, divers men were heard boldly to say, that against the crueltie of the Kings Edict, they onely wanted a Generall; which if once they should have, they would make the King leave meddling with the Priviledges of the Low-coun­treys. The multitude thus storming, the Lords neutrall or wavering, and the Hereticks, that were in danger of the Edict, stirring them up to muti [...]ie, the Conspiracie was ripened.Which matures Rebellion. The Governess to the King.

Nine Lords, that were not Officers of State,March 25 at Breda, a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange, An Ingagement signed. subscribed and propounded unto the rest a confe­deration penned by Philip Marnixius Lord of Saint Aldegund, long since corrupted and now a corrupting Calvinist. In the Preamble, they inveigh­ed against the Inquisition, which being contrary to all Laws divine and hu­mane, [Page 101] farre exceeded the cruelty of all former Tyrants.The summe of the Ingagement. The Lords declared their sense of this indignity, the care of Religion appertaining to them, as Coun­sellours born; and protested they entered into a league, to prevent the wicked pra­ctices of such as by these sentences of banishment and death, aimed at the fortunes of the greatest persons: they had therefore taken an holy oath, not to suffer the In­quisition to be imposed upon the Low-countreys: and prayed, that both God and Men might forsake them, if they ever forsook their Covenant,Which they cal­led, the Cove­nant. or failed to assist their Brethren suffering for the Cause. Lastly, that they called the Lord to witnesse, by this agreement they intended nothing but the Glory of God, the Kings honour, and their Countreys Peace. This is the summe of their League, which either for the interchange or multiplicitie of their promises was called the Covenant, and was afterwards printed, that it might be every where published, in di­vers languages: with this Title (according to the English copy) A tran­script of the Covenant signed by the Lords and Gentlemen of the Low-countreys,Its Title or In­scription. by reason of an attempt to impose upon them the Spanish Inquisition. Their Emissaries were forthwith dispatched to the severall Provinces, to acquaint them with what was resolved, and to court the people, which took exceed­ingly,Many take it. For at their Assemblies, many were so violent, as when they but heard the Spanish Inquisition named, not knowing any more of the matter, they set to their names.These first. The first that subscribed were Nicholas Ha [...]es He­rauld to the Knights of the Golden-fleece, commonly called Tosond' or, a prin­cipall instrument in the Conspiracy, Baronius Glibercius Lefdal servant to Count Egmont, Iohn Marnixiu [...] Lord of Tholose, March 24. Ghisell, Meinser, and Ol­hain, as Anderlech steward to Count Megen wrote to the Governesse. The number and quality of the rest cannot easily be described: they that took Catalogues of their names, varying them, as they supposed it would con­duce to the augmentation of the fame, They bragge of more. or extenuation of the fact. Indeed Hames bragged to Anderlech, whom he indeavoured to bring into the faction, that he had a roll of above two thousand noble persons names subscribed: But Anderlech abhorring the treason, not onely refused to sub­scribe, but thought it the duty of a good Subject, to discover their proceed­ings to the Governesse. And though he found her not ignorant of many of their names, and curious to know them all: yet he opened some things to her, wherewith as his familiar friends they had privately acquainted him. That, among others, the Duke of Cleve had signed the Covenant, with the Princes of Saxony, Count Suartzemberge, Gasper Colligny, and many others. Besides some Abbots of the Low-countreys, and certain Lords of the Or­der of the fleece. I cannot tell if this were given out to countenance the fa­ction, but I am sure the Rumour of the Duke of Cleve's Revolt soon va­nished, as that of the Companions of the Order increased;Some do it se­cretly or are but supposed to in­gage. and Count Megen that was one of the Colledge, told the Governesse, that two of his Col­leagues (whose names he knew not) with divers other Noblemen were joyned with the Conspiratours. But one of them might be well suspected; and the Prince of Orange, Of which num­ber was the Prince of O­range. expressed himself very sensible of mens opinions, for he complained in Senate, that he was commonly reputed one of the num­ber of the Covenanters; the other must be either Count Horn Admirall of Flanders, or Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat, Count Horn. Count Hoch­strat. as appeared by their conve [...]sa­tion, out of which men ordinarily draw conjectures. Nor doubt I but ma­ny others were reputed Abettors of the faction, (as, besides the above na­med, it was thought Elisabeth Queen of England might be one) though up­on no other argument,The Queen of England. but onely their severall interests in the troubles of the Low-countreys. For every one will allow of Cas [...]ians Maxime, That we [Page 102] may justly suspect those for Authours, that are advantaged by the design. But,Onely 400. Gentlemen de­clare. it were superfluous to inquire after dubious or concealed persons, when enow declare themselves, no fewer then four hundred of great quality, giving in their names: whereof almost one hundred were Hereticks, as Count Me­gen informed the Governesse: besides Merchants, and others of the vulgar sort,Which had four Protectours. not to be numbered. The chief of the Conspiratours were, Henry Count Brederod, Lewis of Nassa [...], Brother to the Prince of Orange, Florence Pallantius Count of Culemberg, a town in Holland, he himself being a Bur­gundian, and Willam de Bergen Count of Bergen in Gelderland, all of that youth and courage as animated them to high attempts; Brederod especially, who took place of them all: either for his antient Nobility, being descend­ed from the old Earls of Holland: or for the sharpnesse of his wit, which he used with great freedome against such as were in authority; and it was there­fore applauded by the people, and very usefull for the Mutineers. But the nobler and baser sort of the Party were not all of the same mind,All these Con­spiratours had not one aim. no [...] had the same ends, as it is usuall in actions of this nature, For some would rest quiet if the Pontifician Inquisitours were outed, and the penalties of the E­dicts qualified. Others had yet a further design, for the Liberty of Religi­on. Many cared neither for Religion nor the Edicts, but onely desired spoil and pillage. Lastly, there were some that had yet an higher reach, and aimed, by these troubles, to shake off their old Prince, and set up a new Go­vernment. But all of them pretended and petitioned for the taking away of the Inquisition, and a gentler execution of the Emperours Edicts against the Hereticks. And this Petition was presented in all their names to the Gover­nesse,March 15. who by her letters certified his Majestie, as well of the publick as private carriage of the conspiracy.The Governesses diligence to frustrate their designs. Moreover▪ as she was ignorant of no­thing that passed among them (for in their Cities and private houses her Spies, which are the ears and eyes of Princes, knew all they did, and gave her intelligence) so, making no shew of fear, she thought it best to strength­en her self, in case they should break out into Rebellion. She therefore minded the people of their duty by her Edict, the Magistrates by her let­ters, and she had her private, Confidents that viewed the towns and their Fortifications. She caused it to be reported that the King would shortly come in person. She sent Expresses post to the Spanish Embassadours resi­ding with the Emperour, the King of France, and Queen of England, to let them know what a conspiracy was set a foot in the Low-countreys, where­unto, as it was said the Germans, English, and French were the Incendiaries. Shortly, she omitted nothing, that might either expresse her knowledge of what was then plotted,She hath intel­ligence of their resolution to come to Bru­xels which frights her ve­ry much. or her courage to oppose it. At this time she had intelligence given her by Count Megen, That about the beginning of A­pril, some five hundred Gentlemen intended to come to Bruxels, and pre­sent her a Petition against the Inquisition, and the Emperours Edicts. Others told her (as commonly true reports are mixed with falsities) that the con­spiratours were resolved, unlesse she gave them audience, to bring their for­ces into the Town, and carry away the Governesse to Vilvord, there to de­tain her prisoner, till she had granted their desires. Which though a [...] first she laughed at, yet in the end (as it may be gathered by her letters) she doubted, whether it would not be safest for her to leave the Town, and re­tire to some place of strength. In the mean time,She summons a great Councel. she summoned a fuller Senate then ordinary, to meet upon the twenty seventh of March: not so much to hear their advices, as to sound their affections; and lest they might turn her enemies, whom she did not acknowledge to be her friends. Then [Page 103] writing new letters into Spain, she represented to his Majestie the present condition of the Low-countreys, complaining, that she had often foretold it, but never could be heard.

The Governours of Provinces, the Knights of the Golden-fleece, and the Lords of the privy Councell,April 3. met all upon the day appointed, and sate in Senate next day; where by the Senatour Filibert Bruxellius divers letters were read containing, whether true or false, the conspiracie of the Lords, and the Hereticks designes. The Governesse making a short speech,The Governesse asks the Sena­tours advice Whether the Covenanters were to be ad­mitted. That she had called that noble Senate, to prevent by their counsels and indea­vours the impendent evils, in the first place, asked their advice, whe­ther it were safe to admit those that were shortly to come to Bruxels led By Henry Brederod. Then, what answer she should make to their demands, which Fame had then divulged. Lastly, what course should be taken to dissolve that confederation, and how the new motions of those turbulent men might speedily be composed. The Lords came thither severally affect­ed, many hated the Inquisition, others had secret projects, and few but pre­ferred their private interest before the publick.Duke Areschot and Count Bar­lamont answer negatively. Philip Croi Duke of Areschot and Charles Count Barlamont were of opinion, that the Conspiratous should not be suffered to enter the citie so many at once, For what need of five hun­dred men to deliver one Petition? that they could not think such pomp fit for sup­pliants: that they might send, out of their number, some one of quality, to pre­sent their desires with lesse ostentation and envie. Lastly, that either the Ports should be shut, which they rather inclined to; or that, in the next place, there should be many eyes upon their behaviour, and such as carried themselves contumacious­ly to be forthwith punished. The Prince of Orange is far their admission. Contrarily the Prince of Orange (that hated those Lords as Cardinallists, and especially Areschot, for the old contest of the Houses of Croi and Nassau about Precedency) affirmed those fears to be vain, that were conceived against persons not unknown to him, many of them being allyed to him in friendship, some in bloud; that it would be a great indignity, if that were not permitted to Noblemen which is lawfull for the poorest peasant, to petition. To the same effect, that no danger could be in their coming, spake Count Egmont: Especially since,Count Egmont concurs with him. if they were to be resisted forcibly, or by the sword, he did not see how the Governesse was prepared to encounter men already armed, and likely, by such a re­pulse to be exasperated:Count Mans­feldt is against their coming. That it was not safe to affront those we have not power to destroy. But though Count Mansfeldt liked not the Popes Inqui­sitours in the Low-countreys, yet he said, it was ill done of those that by such mutiny and tumult behaved themselves more proudly then became pe­tioners; and added, that he had schooled his Sonne Charles, who he heard was one of the Conspiratours. And indeed I have a letter of his,March 26. wherein with great fury he disclaims him for his sonne, unlesse he presently renounce that league, and bids him otherwise never hope to recover his fathers favour. But the youth being of a fiery nature, slighted those admonitions and threat­nings, belike he thought his Father was not in earnest, and therefore would not leave his party for the present. The Counts of Aremberg, So are the Counts Arem­berg and Me­gen. and Megen, had the same sense of the conspiracy and Covenant, as if by such ostentation of their forces, they came to compell, not to intreat their Prince: and concluded, That a Treaty of this kind should be rejected, or, to use milder terms, put off. Nor could such a sudden confederacy last long, but in a little time must ne­cessarily fall asunder, for no Mutineers were ever constant to their Principles, or to one another. The rest of the Senatours spake doubtfully and mode­rately of the Covenanters,How the rest voted. violently and plainly against the Inquisition. The [Page 104] same arguments, though in a more obscure and remisse manner, were made against the Emperour's Edicts. By degrees,Many of them complain of the King. they fell to complaints against the King,The Prince of Orange parti­cularly. and pressed them with more confidence, because they knew he had then more use of their services. The Prince of Orange said, he could add to those old Grievances (but perhaps he feigned new ones, that he might have the more colour to desert the Kings interest, and to pursue his own) be­cause he was lately informed, some enemies to the House of Nassau, had moved his Majestie to take off his head, and confiscate his estate: and that the King onely exspected an opportunity to sign the warrant.In these words. Was this the reward of service done in the late warres by the Low-countrey Lords, for defence of his Authority in the Netherlands? though he had now sufficient experience, that King Philip looked not upon the Low-countreys with the eyes of his Father Charles the fifth. That the King had sent forty thousand Ducats to the Queen of Scots to pay her souldiers, whilest the Low-countreys were greatly distressed for money, which his Majestie never thought of. That he taxed not the King for the unseasonable­nesse of that assistance, For the money was lost, as we have told you. nor the unfortunate successe it had, but he feared the En­glish, whose throats were to be cut (if report were true) for that summ of money, would revenge it upon the Low-countrymen. Especially since the money was come into the Q. of Englands hands, Her Excellence endeavours to give him satis­faction. driven upon that Island by a tempest. The Governess to break off his speech, intreated him to forbear his private expostulations whilst the publick business was in agitation: & that he would not wrong his discreti­on so far, as to have such thoughts of the King, who was the mercifullest of all Princes. That she knew for certain, what was reported of that money, was the mere invention of some seditious persons, intending, by such lies, to bring an odium upon his Majestie; as well with his subjects of the Low-coun­treys, At first in vain. as with forrein Princes. For all this, the Prince of Orange would not make an end, though he was at other times a rare dissembler, and had pow­er over his passions. But it may be, he thought it concerned him to speak on, lest it should be imagined he begun without a cause. As if were an argument of just anger, not to be friends upon the sudden. Following his example, neither Count Horn, nor any of the rest were silent, but every one made his complaint. Nevertheless,But at length he and all seem better contented and the Councell proceeding re­solves to admit the Covenanters qualifying them with gentle and gra­cious language, and putting them in hope of his Majesties royall favour, the Governess called them into the Senate; and by the major-vote it was resol­ved, that the Covenanters should be admitted, but without arms, and upon promise of their good behaviour. And the Governours of Provinces (through which it was supposed they would pass to Bruxels) were com­manded by their Letters, to acquaint the people with this resolution of the Senate: Courts of guard were likewise appointed through the Citie, Cen­trees to keep the gates, and a Garrison put into the Tower, lest there might be a tumult among the distracted people. It being now almost night, the Senate was adiourned till the next morning. At which time,At the Senates next meeting, the Lords and Senators meeting in the House, the Governess fearing they would fall upon private differences, and obstruct the business of the day, prevented them with a speech,The Governess speaks to them in this manner, which I give you, as she wrote it to the King.April 3. If the approach­ing Evils could be cured with quarrelling and complaining, I should not have desi­red you to take the pains of coming again this day to Councel, since we had complaints enough yesterday: scarce any thing being spoke in publick by the most of you, but what related to your private discontents. But admit they were just, yet they loose part of that Iustice if they be importune; at least they avert the minds of the Coun­cell, and provoking their spirits, hinder their discovery of the Truth. Brederod intends to petition Vs, in the name of his Confederates, for abolishing the Inquisiti­on, [Page 105] and mitigating the Penalties inflicted by Edict for the cause of Religion. 1566. I now desire Advice from you, (of whose fidelity and discretion I have had so good expe­rience) what Answer I should return them. But before you declare your selves, I think it will be neither troublesome to you, nor improper for the business in debate, to prepare you with a few words. Of the Edicts. I hear there are many that presume openly to cavil at the Edicts of the Emperour my Father (for to the Inquisition I will speak anon) as if it were a barbarous tyrannie, not to be endured by Subjects. Truly whosoever sayes it, not onely injures the memory of that wise Prince, and most affectionate to his Countrey; but wrongs your Order of the Fleece, this Senate-house, and the States Generall of the Low-countreys: for by all your approbations and consents, the Emperour passed these Laws, as no doubt but some of you remember; and all may read in the Edict published the year 1531; upon which, all the rest of his Decrees are grounded. Why then do they now accuse the severity of the Emperour? Why do they condemn those Acts which they did once approve: and which they know were established by the suffrages of all? What? because the disease is more violent, must the remedie therefore be neglected, and that which reason perswades? When the Gangrene of Heresie daily creeps upon new parts of the Common-wealth, should we remissely use fire and incision? Of the Inquisi­tion. Nor was the Ecclesiasticall power of the Inqui­sition against Hereticks, delegated for any other cause, but that the impudence of wicked men might be abated by fear, or extinguished by punishment. I know there is a generall hatred against this Court of Iustice, which for the present my meaning is not to contradict or confute; Which she proves to be neither new, nor more severe then for­mer Edicts. yet you know, this Tribunall is no innovation in the Low-countreys: It is now sixteen years since my Father settled it in these Pro­vinces. But I pray, what severitie is in this Censure of the Inquisitours, that is not in my Fathers Edicts? Nay, if you will rightly consider it, they were much more severe; so that his Majestie in his Letters, which three years since I read to many of you, iustly admires how the Low-countrey men could be so terrified with the Spanish Inquisition; they being for the same causes of Religion, liable to farr more and greater penalties, comprehended in the Edicts of Charles the fifth. Which Edicts, if they were wisely drawn up and passed, by the Consent of the E­states; I see no reason why men should so bitterly and violently inveigh against the Inquisition, that relates to the same thing in a more gentle manner. Nor have I spoken this to controll the freedome of Your votes, Then leaves them to the free­dome of their Votes. they had and shall ever have their full libertie for me: Be you carefull that neither discontent nor faction may deprive you of that Libertie. So proceeding to suffrages, many voted that nothing in the Emperours Edicts should be altered.Some approve the Edict, and would not have the Laws alter­ed. Lawes before they passe should be debated: after they are passed, obeyed. Nor can a State be more indanger­ed, then by the altering of their Laws: especially since it concerned them in point of honour at this meeting, to make no concession to the Hereticks, who, if they pre­vailed in their first suit, The major part dislike it, and would have a temporary alte­ration. would never make an end of petitioning. Divers others argued against it, very passionately shewing, That it plainly appeared those Imperiall Edicts neither provided sufficiently for Religion, which every day was lesse observed; nor for the security of the State, which they saw was disturbed mere­ly upon that occasion. And yet the end and intention of Laws is, to preserve Religion and Peace, but neither was effected by these Edicts. Why therefore should it be thought unlawfull, that some penalties should be remitted, some changed? The Edicts by that means rendered more moderate, and the Subjects more obedient to them. Truly it was more dishonour to a Prince to keep Laws in force, which his Subjects will not obey; then to apply them unto their natures, Rayling at plea­sure against the Inquisition, as hatefull to all sorts. and so keep his people in obedience. But for the Inquisition, it was apparent, that none of any condition whatsoever, would receive it: insomuch that the meanest tradesman of Antwerp, can shew either a Musket or a Pike, which he threatens to use upon them, that shall [Page 106] endeavour to bring in the Inquisition. Nay, Injurious to the Bishops. it was no little iniury to the Bishops to have the cause of Religion, which by Law appertains to their Iurisdiction, trans­ferred to this late Iudicature of Inquisitours. But it is to no purpose any more to dispute this point, And opposed by the Covenan­ters. when the Covenanters are at the gates, before whose Requests be denied, it must be considered, in case the Hereticks joyning with them, should offer to storm the Town, whether we have sufficient forces to resist the people and their Confederates.

Lastly,And they pre­vail. the opinion, number, and faction of these men carried it: For though there wanted not some that easily refuted all that was pretended in behalf of the Bishops; yet hardly any one of the Senate thought this kind of Judicature seasonable for the time: therefore after many heats, the business was thus composed.The Resolution of the Councell upon both the points. Forasmuch as the Emperours and the Kings designe reached no farther in these Edicts and Questions of Faith, but one­ly to preserve Religion in her ancient purity; those remedies were onely so far to be made use of, as might conduce to its preservation. Besides, there was a twofold Inquisition, the one annexed to the function of Bishops, the other granted by Commission from his Holiness to certain Judges Delegates. Now the odium onely fell upon the Popes Inquisitours; which though brought into the Low-countreys by Charles the fifth; yet he was inforced thereto, by reason of the small number, and great negligence of the Bishops. This being no longer a reason,To put down the Inquisition. and men so much abhorring the name of this forrein Inquisition▪ so violent and impolitick a Remedie ought not to obtru­ded upon refractory people. Therefore without preiudice to Religion, some part of the Covenanters petition might be granted. But lest they should seem to be over-awed by the Hereticks, or to passe any thing in fa­vour of them,So the Cove­nanters are to be answered. this answer was to be returned: That they had no cause to trou­ble themselves about the Inquisition, which was out of date; the Inquisitours them­selves forbearing to exercise their authority, having not renewed their Commission from the new Pope,Pius V. which they use to do, for the better confirmation of their power. Touching the penalties which by the Imperiall Edicts were to be inflicted upon He­reticks, And to qualifie the Emperours Edicts. they should not be repealed; but whereas most of them were capitall, they should be hereafter qualified; for the Bishops, the greatest Divines and Lawyers, and the Inquisitours themselves had so advised: which Charles the fifth would have consented to, if he were now living, who himself upon the like difficulties, in the year 1550, at the request of his Sister Mary Queen of Hungary, thought it not unnecessary nor unbeseeming his Imperiall Maiesty, to rectifie and moderate the Laws he had formerly decreed. Thus, for the present the Conspiratours being graciously received, in a little while their meetings would be dissolved (a work of great con­sequence) and in the interim, time might be gained to agitate the publick business without Tumults, and therefore with more Authority. The Governess, though she wished better,Why the Gover­ness rather re­ceives then ap­proves this Decree. yet approved the Counsel given, because she knew that in this juncture of time, she must either grant something to the Conspira­tours, or else forcibly resist them. But this she durst not attempt, being un­provided of a Generall, for she trusted not the Prince of Orange: and put­ting the question to Count Egmont, he denied to draw his sword against any man for the Inquisition, or the Edicts. For the rest of the Nobility, they either had not much more loyaltie, or had far less abilities. Her Excel­lence therefore told them, she would follow their advice, and so answer Bre­derod and his Companions, that she might at once both satisfie them, and withall reserve the Judgement entire to the King, without knowledge of whose pleasure, nothing could be done in a matter of so great impor­tance.

[Page 107]Every one of these particulars she wrote to his Maiestie by speedy messen­gers,April 3. beseeching him presently to resolve her what she was to pitch upon. The same day about evening, the Covenanters came into Bruxels. The Covenanters enter Bruxels, They were full two hundred horse, apparrelled like forreiners, every one a case of pistols at his saddle-bow. Brederod their Generall,Led by Henry Brederod. rode in the head of them, next him Lewis of Nassau, for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen arrived not till three dayes after. Francis Verdugo, a Gentleman that followed Count Mansfeld, Publickly vaun­ting. told the Governess, that Brederod bragged at his entrance into the City, in these words: Some thought I durst not come to Bruxels; be­hold I am come to see the Town, and will shortly▪ make another visit, but upon a new occasion. They alight at the Prince of Orange's. Where with o­Lords, they fall upon turbulent Proposals. Then Brederod and Grave Lewis went to his Brother the Prince of Oranges house, where the Counts of Mansfeld and Horn were come to wait upon them. That night, no body being present but Count Mansfeld, Count Horn used many arguments to perswade the Prince of Orange to send back his Order of the Fleece into Spain, and thereupon Verdugo was commanded to bring the Statute-book of the Order, that they might see in what words they had obliged their faith to the King, as supreme Master of their Society. But Count Mansfeld interposing,Afterward Bre­derod assembles the Covenanters at Cuilemburg-house. nothing was determined. The same was moved another time, as Anderlech informed the Governess. The next day Brederod, staying for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen, in Cuilemburg-House at Bruxells assembled his Confederates, to encourage them in the en­terprize they had undertaken. First, he shewed them a Letter, writ in Spa­nish, lately sent him, as he said, out of Spain: unless the man, who wanted no subtiltie, had peradventure counter [...]eited it; as he suspects that wrote all these passages in cypher, to the Governess. In which letter it was certified, that one Moro, a man known in the Low-countreys, was with a soft fire burned alive in Spain, which infinitely exasperated and enflamed the minds of his Associates against the cruelty of such sentences. Then taking his hint to come to the matter; as if he were to make a generall muster of his Army, he produced the Roll, signed by all the Conspiratours. Which he and Lewis of Nassau reading unto the people, they answered to their severall names, professing constancy to their resolutions: For those that were absent (being to the number of two hundred) they that were present being almost as many, engaged themselves. Then he required them, in confirmation of the Covenant,An additionall Oath taken. every one to joyn his heart, and set to his hand again. Which was accordingly done, and they all now the second time took the Covenant, their Oath being this in substance;The form of the Oath. That if any of the Covenanters should be im­prisoned either for Religion, or for the Covenant▪ immediately the rest, all business laid aside, should repair to both or one of those that were to tender the Covenant in the severall Provinces, and that all of them, if need were, should presently take up arms to assist their brethren. So he dismissed them full of courage and alacri­ty, resolved next morning to attend the Governess; Which day being the fifth of April, From thence they march to the Court. the Conspiratours to the number of about two hundred, met again at Cuilemburg-House, and from thence took their way directly to Court, marching through the high Street, the whole City beholding the spectacle with amazement, and many not well knowing by what name to call that new kind of Embassie. For they looked not like Petitioners, that came to make demands in so confident and imperious a way; especially be­ing led on by Brederod and Nassau, that did not use to supplicate: nor did they seem to be a Faction, or to pretend force, coming with such appearance of simplicity, that rather shewed like Fryars going in Procession. They rode two a breast, most of them matched in years: Brederod and Nassau brought [Page 108] up the Rere. The Town took notice that one of the Generalls was lame, which many looked upon as an evil Omen, and not without much laughter. Entring the Court, they found the Governess, (the Senate then newly risen) speaking with some of the Lords; Brederod coming up to the chair of State, after he had done his duty with the Ceremonies due to the Governess, spake in this manner:Brederod in the name of them all, speaks thm to the Go­verness. These Gentlemen of the Low-countreys, now standing in your Highness presence, and others of the same quality that will shortly follow in great numbers, are come with me to let Your Highness know by their multitude, how ear­nest they are in their demands, expressed in this humble Petition: [...]nd whilst you read it, I beseech your Excellence to believe, that these honest men propound no­thing to themselves, but obedience and honour to the King, and safetie in their Countrey. And presents her a Petition con­sisting of three Heads. When he had spoken this,Subjoyning these Complaints out of his Papers. he presented the Petition, and said that he had something else to offer to her Highness in the names of his Confede­rates; but lest he should mistake their sense, if he might presume so far, he desired leave to read it out of his own Papers. The Governess was pleased he should read his Notes, the summe whereof was, That the Gentlemen were much aggrieved, because her Excellence had writ to the Provinces of their League, as if it were made by a concurrence and association with the French and Germans, pretending indeed the safetie of their Countrey, but intending onely spoyl and plun­der. Which information given unto the Governess, as it was an insufferable inju­rie to the Low-countrey Gentlemen, so they humbly and earnestly beseeched her Excel­lence to declare the Informers names, & compell them to bring in their impeachment publickly, in a Legall way. That if their Confederates be found guilty, they may be sentenced; or if they be cleared and acquitted of the Crime, those informers, by the Law of Retaliation, may have the punishment of Traitours. The Governess sup­pressing the trouble and indignation of her mind, as well as she could, with a chearfull look received the Petition, wherein it was prayed, that the Inqui­sition might be abolished, the old Edicts repealed, and new ones made by the Estates of the Low-countreys. Her answer was,To part she an­swers. She would consider of their Petition, and since it related onely to the Kings Honour and their Countreys safety, they need not doubt but she would give them satisfaction. But whereas they complained of her Letters written to the Provinces, they had no reason for it: she did but what her place required (having received intelligence from many hands, of a certain League made with forreiners) in advising the Governours and Magi­strates to be vigilant, lest upon that occasion, their Provinces might be troubled, not so much by the Low-countrey men, whom the King ever found loyall; as by the Borderers that resorted to them. Without more words, she dismissed the Gentlemen,Part she takes no notice of. not naming her Intelligencers, which they exceedingly pressed, her Highness letting such questions pass, as she had not minded them; or ra­ther seeming offended, that they should press her to reveal secrets of State. Nay, the same day at evening, when a Senatour in the House perswaded her Excellence, to give in to the Covenanters the names of those Intelligencers; she answered somewhat angerly, That she admired, that he, who refused to name his Authour for things which he himself a little while since had dis­covered, should now perswade the contrary, that might be prejudiciall to so many. In that Senate the Governess read the Petition of Brederod, Put to the que­stion, whether the Covenanters should be requi­red to set their names to the Petition present­ed to the Go­verness. and ask­ed them if they had not altered their opinions. But when they had debated it, they voted the same again, in other words. It was then disputed. Foras­much as the Covenanters had writ in generall; We his Majesties most humble Subjects, whether it should not be required that every particular person under-write his name, whereby the King might know, whom to thank, or rather whom to be revenged upon. But it was carried by most voices in [Page 109] the Negative:1556. lest upon occasion of getting the names of such as were ab­sent,Resolved, that they should not be required to subscribe their names. the Petition shold be sent to the great Towns, and more drawn in. The next day, the Confederates returning in greater numbers (for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen, were yet in time come post) the Gover­ness returned the Petition, which she had received the day before, together with her Answer writ in the Margine;The Governess returns the pe­tion, with her Answer an­nexd. wherein she gave them hope, that the Inquisition should be taken away, and the Edicts moderated, onely she must first acquaint the King with their desires. But because this did not sa­tisfie them all;Florence Pal­lantius C. Cuilenburg. William C. Bergen. they withdrew to consult together, and having passed their votes, came back, and in all their names Eustachius Fiennes Lord of Esquerd (for Brederod durst not speak in publick, unless he had conn'd his Lesson, or that he read it out of his Book) giving her Highness humble thanks for that Answer, desired, that she would please to certifie, whatsoever had been done at this meeting of the Gentry, was out of their dutie to the King, and for his Majesties advantage. But the Governess expresly denying it, replyed, Time & their Actions would testify that sufficiently to all the world, and so left them.

The same day Brederod entertained the Covenanters at Cuilenburg-house and made them a great feast,Brederod treats the Con­spiratours. but unfortunate to the very House where they were feasted, which for this onely cause was afterward pulled down and levelled with the earth. The invited were about three hundred, and there­fore more confident,In their cups, they would have a title of honour given to their Asso­ciation, and the like to their Generall. especially at the table in their jollity: Among other passages, they put the question, how that Society should be named, and it pleased them to give it the title of the Noble Concord: and they called their Generall the Restorer of lost liberty. But these denominations after this feast were never heard of. Perhaps, because they were of another mind when they were sober, and rejected those titles, as lyable to envie and offence: or perhaps, because a new and accidentall nickname was received with greater successe, and easily cancelled all those former appellations. For Brederod told Cuilenburg and Bergen, that he himself, and divers others which yester­day stood near the Governesse, heard Charles Count Barlamont, whispering in her ear,What Gheuses signifies. scoff at the assembled Nobilitie, and call them in French, G [...]eux, or as they pronounced it, Gheuses, using that word of disgrace to encourage the Governesse, as if she needed not fear Beggars and Rogues. But signifie what it would, they willingly accepted of the name, and for their King and Countreys sake seemed content in good earnest to be Gheuses and Beggars. Count Cuilenburg stomacked this exceedingly; and so did many more, that either were not in the presence, or else heard not Barlamont when he spake it. Notwithstanding they were pleased to call themselves by that name & fromThe Covenan­ters much taken with the name of Gheuses. thence to take the Arms or distinctive Mark of their Party. Therefore drink­ing hard (Count Ho [...]chstrat by chance coming in) they animated one another by the name of Gheuses, and then calling for great bowls, drank a health to the name, and happiness of the Gheuses, crying long live the GHEUSES. Lastly, when they were rising,Ensignes fit for the faction. Brederod took a wallet that lay in the room, casting it over his shoulder as beggars do: and holding a wooden dish in his hand, full of wine, drank to all the company; and gave them thanks, for follow­ing him to that day with such unanimous consent, and therefore, he doubted not, but they would for the future continue in th [...] [...] intentions and de­sires. For his own part, he would never be of other mind. Nay he took it upon his honour, that he would die, if need should be, for the generality of his Confederates, and for every particular person. At these words, they doubled their acclamations, of, Long live the GHEUSES. Then Brederod having taken off his dish, gave it and the wallet to his next neighbour, and [Page 110] so when it was gone round,1566. and every one had drunk Brederods health, and repeating his words,Their mutuall devotement. had devoted their own lives for the rest of their com­panions, they rose from the table, and when the dish and the wallet were come again to Brederod, he nailed them to the wall: and the rest following his example, every one drave in his nail, and removing them, in a frolick, round about the room, they were initiated with these ridiculous Ceremo­nies. At which time the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, and Count Horn coming in from Count Mansfelds house,They take ano­ther touch. where they dined, they fell to their cups afresh, & as they drank about, the same wishes for the Gheuses were with great shouts renewed. The particularities of this feast I had, out of private letters and notes, which, upon this occasion were speedily conveighed to the Governesse, by those that heard most of them from Sarnapulius Hus­band to Brederods sister.And being fox [...]d Some say that these good-fellows after they were well fudled, to make their clothes drink with them, cast wine upon one an­other; changed hats, and put them on, the crown downward (being turned the wrong way like their brains) with many such like Gamebols, which may easily be supposed in a multitude corrupted with abundance of friends and wine.Own the style of Gheuses, proper for Low-countrey Hereticks. This was the Originall of the Gheuses, a name given in contempt to the petitioners, as to a company of prodigall fools and rascals, which they took upon them in their drink, and so styled their faction, with beastly clamours, and such tricks as boyes would be ashamed of. Afterwards, it was translated from their faction to their heresie, the next neighbour to it: and made the proper name of the hereticall Rebells in the Low-countreys. And as in France the hereticks are called Hugon [...]ts, so in the Low-countreys they are known by the name of Gheuses. Nor did the drunkards so leave off, but the same day, about evening, Grave Lewis, supping with his Brother the Prince of Orange, where Brederod was, with Count Horn, and many more of the Covenanters; the whole house made the same wishes for the Gheuses; 1568. as two years after, Count Horn confessed, upon his examination taken by the Duke of Alva. The Gheuses walk the streets. Thus growing confident, they resolved, with great pomp, to carry the name of Gheuses out of doors, to trie if the people would be taken with the novitie. Perhaps they observed, that some of the Lords approved of their proceedings: or perhaps, they hoped, what they had done in private, would be commended, it may be applauded, if they did it publickly,Accoutred like beggars. inserting the Kings name. Therefore the Covenanters, for some dayes next following, walked the streets in ash-coloured cloth-suits. Some of them wore little wooden cans, cups, or saucers (the beggars houshold­stuff) in their hats:But with gal­lant Medals. some had this Impresse stamped in wax or wood, after­wards cut in gold or silver, which they hung like Medalls about their necks; on the one side whereof was the King of Spains picture,Arnol. Haven. de novis Epise. & Franc. Ha­raeus in An. Belg. Fide­les au Roy Jusque a la beface. & An. Societ. Jesu in Belg. and shaved like Turks. The citie upon this occasion di­versly affected. Some good springs from this evil. with this circum­scription, but in French, Faithfull to the King; on the other, a wallet in an hand with this inscription, down to the wallet. Lastly, they began to cut their beards, leaving onely great mustachios, turned up like Turks; I suppose their meaning was, to take away the contempt of their beggars clothes, by the terrour of their upper lips, and to shew themselves at once both humble and formidable. In the mean time, the City was full of doubts and news. Many being glad the conspiracy went on, and hoping, by those tumults, and the assistance of the Lords, to free themselves from the fear of the Inquisi­tion. Many onely looked on, as at a play, and were glad they had seats up­on the stage, not caring what became of the actours; few there were, which foresaw the mischief that ensued.

One thing of great advantage to the Christian faith, I finde at this time [Page 111] to have happened; which, the place minding me of, I give it in a word or two. [...]. Lipsius in D. Virg. Haev. de init. lib. 2. & Mich. ab Iffel. in H [...]st. sui temp. At Hall a Town of Haynolt, there is a rare and farr famed Image of the blessed Virgin Mary. Thither went Philip Croi Duke of Areschot, out of that devotion to our Lady of Hall, which was hereditary to him from his Ancestours, for the Low-countery Annalls attribute to his family the disco­very of that Image.Duke Areschot having done his devotions to our Lady of Hall, stamps hers and her sons figure in a Co [...]ne and weares it in his Hat. There he caused certain silver medalls to be cast, re­presenting the Queen of Heaven with her Son Iesus in her armes: and these, in opposition to the faction of the Gheuses, he himself and many Gen­tlemen, that followed him, stuck in their hatts, as an embleme or cognizance of their holy pilgrimage, and Catholike Nobility. And when Duke Ares­chot appeared in Bruxells with this gallant distinction, many of the Gentry, either out of devotion to the Mother of God, or in imitation (as it often happens) of a fashion brought up by a great person,Many imitate him. wore the like medalls in their hats.The Governess commends him for it, to the Pope J. Ant. Gabut in the life of Pope Pi­us. lib 6. cap. 2. Who gives in­dulgences to all that weare those Medalls. Thus came Medalls into the Church. To the great honour of the house of Croi. The Gheuses present a new Petition. They say the Governesse much pleased with it, among other things which she wrote to Pius the fifth,April 8. exceedingly commended this piety of the Low-countrey men, especiall in that point of time; and Pope Pius, who received no less contentment, to encourage the Low-countrey mens Religion, consecrated those Medalls, and (as he wrote to the Governess) out of his Pontifician power, gave to them that should have such Medalls, stam­ped with the Image of any Saint, indulgence and pardon for their sinnes. It is reported that (the devotion towards these kinde of figures increasing in the Netherlands, and other orthodox countries, striving to follow the Low-countrey mens example) the use of Medalls was upon this occasion, brought into the Church, or at least, from hence they received their first fame and lustre; if it be so, this likewise ought to be recorded in the book of Honour, that registers the acts of the Low-country Nobility, and particu­larly placed among the Monuments of the house of Croi. But Brederod, before his departure from Bruxells, returned to the Governess, two daies after his last address, to get his petition signed. There came along with him the Counts of Bergen, Nassau, and Cuilenburg, heads to the faction of the Gheuses, and they delivered a new petition,Angered at the Governesses delay. containing their old demands, onely with these additionalls, That the delay of expecting the King of Spaines resolu­tion, would be dangerous, in respect of the incensed and furious disposition of the people. Truly they themselves, out of that affection they owed un­to their Country, could not but acquaint her Highness, that the Low-country mens violent desires, would questionless break out into insurrecti­on. Howsoever, if her Excellence were resolutely bent, to apply to such an imminent danger, so slow and so remote a remedy, they called God and men to witness, what mischief soever came of it, the Low-country Nobility should not hereafter bear the blame.She treates them with fair language. But the Governess, nothing moved withall this, promised to cut of all delayes, by sending speedily to Spain; and all occasions of tumults, by giving instructions to the Inquisi­tours and Magistrates of Towns, to proceed with greater moderation. Onely she seriously desired them, that since they conceive they have in this imployment done their duty,And minding them of their duty dismisseth them they will stop here, invent no new designes, draw in no new partisans, nor meet any more at private conventicles: other­wise she resolved to do her duty, in maintaining the Antient Religion, and the Kings authority in those Provinces. Having received this answer, many of the conspiratours took leave of the Governess, and presently de­parted from the City, leaving spies behinde, to give intelligence to the Covenanters,Brederod goes to Antwerp. of all that passed at Bruxells; Brederod, Cuilenburg, and Bergen going out together with 150 horse,April 10. for a military farewell, discharged their [Page 112] pistolls before the City gates; and so, the first of them went to Antwerp, and the other two into Gelderland. But there was a post dispatched from the Governess, to the Magistrate of Antwerp, to let him know of Brede­rod's coming, and to be a spye upon his counsels and actions. And though the Magistrate certified the Governess, that Brederod carried himself with great civility;May 14. yet afterwards she wrote to the King (having it seems better intelligence from another hand) that about 4000 of the common people of Antwerp flocked to the Inne,Where the people come to him in multitudes. where Brederod alighted with 43. horse, and when he heard that such a multitude were come to the house, he rose from dinner, and looking out of the window, with a great bowle of wine in his hand, saluted them standing below in the yard, in these words, You of Antwerp, He offers him­self to be their Generall. here I am, that will, with the hazard of my life and fortunes, protect your selves, and free your children from the tyranny of the Inquisition and the Edicts. If your consent goes along with me in this glorious action, come on, and as many of you as would have your liberties preserved, and mee for your Generall, pledg me this bowle with a good heart, and hold up your hands, in taken that you accept of my good will. And is accepted. Then he drank it off, and first held up his own hand, instantly the most of them did the like, and lifting their hands with an odd kinde of hum, signified, that they took it as an argument of his love; and when he departed from the city, the same rabble brought him on his way.

The rest of the Covenanters were but newly returned to the towns from whence they came,The subtilty of the Gheuses slandering the Knights of the Golden Fleece with the pa­tronage of their faction. In a printed Declaration. yet (lest they might seem to have carried their petiti­on to no purpose) they made it be reported through the Low-countreys that their businesse was dispatched. And to that end, they counterfeited a Declaration, subscribed by the Knights of the Golden-fleece, either to induce the world to believe, that they were protected by the Knights, or to make the Governesse jealous of the Order. The Declaration was thus penned. The publick faith concluded upon, at Bruxels, by the Gentlemen of the League, and signed by the Knights of the Order, the seventh of April 1566. We Lords whose names are underwritten, having sworn by our Order, do promise to the Gen­tlemen chosen by the Estates and legally sent into the City, that the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours, and the other Magistrates shall, from this day, punish no man for his Religion, neither by Imprisonment, Exile, nor death; unless it be joyned with a popular tumult and the ruine of our Countrey, of which crimes Be the Covenanters the sole legall punishers. But this power of theirs onely to be in force till the King with the consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys shall otherwise determine. The news of this Declaration at first startled the Governesse, then she sent for the Manifesto it self,The Governesse is at first af­fraid of this kind of Artifice. and read it. For though she rationally conjectured, that is was an impudent lie,April 13. invented by the Covenanters: yet she very much feared it would be such a bait as might easily catch the people▪ prone to believe what they desire: or making a shew of believing, to colour their delinquencie with an handsome excuse.Which before it can come to be consuted leaves the impression of a wound. At least she knew, that before the trick could be discovered, many insolencies might be committed against Religion, and the Kings Authority, which afterwards could never be re­voked or rectified by any means or industrie. And truly many do spread abroad such forgeries, not out of hope they will continue long concealed: for they have their ends, if they last but till the people that are fooled with them,To which end such things pub­lished. begin to pull the frame of the State in pieces, the Result whereof will be, that when they come to see their errour, at the same time despairing of their [...]don, licentiousnesse and love of sinne likewise increasing, they raise one tumult upon the neck of another, cruell but cowardly: and ima­gining [Page 113] danger it self to be the best remedy for danger. Many indeed make use of lies, as builders do of buttresses and scaffolds.And serve the turn like tempo­rary scaffolds till the building be up. For as they are usefull whilest Arches are in making, but when they be finished are cast away; so the subtiller sort of people devise falsehoods, to no other end but to support their Architecture a while, which if compleated and able to stand alone, then they easily suffer their fictions to grow out of date, to be pulled down and cast away, like props and scaffolds when the building is brought unto perfection. And the Governess knowing it was now no time for delayes,Atlast the Lords denying that any of their Order was ingaged. sent for as many of the Order as could conveniently attend her (for it was Passion week, and the major part had retired themselves to make their Con­fessions in the Monasteries of their own Towns, according to the custome of the Nobility) and shewed them the Declaration; upon sight whereof, Count Egmont and Count Mansfeld, who were the first that came, protested, that no part of it was either done or said by their Companions of the Order. It was therefore resolved, that expedition should be used whilst the multi­tude had onely a tast of the Errour,She gives notice of the deceit to the Provinces. but had not as yet swallowed down the Falsehood; and that they should not expect till the wooll dipt in Ink, were made uncapable of another die. That the Governours of the Provinces, and the Magistrate of every City and Town, should be immediately inform­ed of the truth; and a copy sent them of the Petition presented by the Co­venanters, with the Governesses marginall Answer. They were likewise to take notice, that if any thing else were published by any whatsoever, it was to be reputed as the Invention of some seditious persons, endeavouring to beget domestick Tumults, and accordingly by the Kings Laws, and Autho­rity to be punished. These Letters, though presently sent into the Provin­ces,April 25. yet failed to undeceive the people:Whereupon she dispatches an Embassage for Spain, nomina­ting the Marq. of Bergen, which in many places had already heard and believed the untruth,But not timely enough to all Places. to the great prejudice (as I shall presently shew you) of the ancient Religion, and the Publick peace. Which forced the Governess to hasten the Embassie into Spain, that was lately voted by the Senate. Iohn Glimè Marquess of Bergen and Governour of Haynolt was named for the imployment. But he, whether his guilty conscience could not brook the Kings presence, or whether the trouble of the voyage frighted him, at first refused to undertake it; then was willing, so that another might be put in Commission with him; Florence Momorancie Lord of Montiny was therefore joyned with the Marquesse.And the Lord Montiny. Both of them, because they doubted their business would not please the King, were suiters to the Go­verness, to dispatch away a Messenger into Spain, that should prepare his Majestie with the knowledge of their coming: in the interim, they resolved so to order and spin out their journey, that the Messenger should meet them upon the way, with the Kings Letters: wherein they might perceive if his Majestie approved of their imployment. Notwithstanding all this cau­tion, which their ill-presaging minds rather used for their security, then for their Honour, they escaped not, but this Embassage cost them both their lives. They had yet other unlucky Omens; for two dayes before they set forth, the Marquess of Bergen, as he walked in the open Court of the Governesse's Palace, was hit upon the thigh with a Ball of wood, by some playing at Pall Mall; and being very grie­vously hurt, kept his bed, and was constrained to deferre his journey. You would think, this good office was done him by his Genius, who not contented by other warnings to have pulled him by the ear, now laid him by the heels,1. montiny sets for [...]ard. and kept him lockt in fetters to [...]inder his unfortunate voyage. But what Fate hath ordained for every man, is not so easily prevented, as fore­seen. [Page 114] In the mean while, the Governesse (it concerning her to loose no time) got the other Embassadour, though against his will, to go before the Marquesse of Bergen (who should follow as soon as he recovered) and to acquaint his Majestie with the state of affairs in the Low-countreys, after the Gentlemens petition was delivered. To this purpose, besides letters, instructions, and other appendents to an Embassage, her Excellence gave him a Book containing in eighteen chapters the principle actions of that year, which she left to his Majesties consideration; and concluded, that onely his presence would, with the least hazard, settle the Low-countreys. Yet before his departure, the Governesse (as she had promised her two Em­bassadours) sent away Fabius Lembus a Neopolitan, an old Courtier,A Messenger, with private in­structions, goes before him. and faithfull; with private commands, and notes, wherein she interpreted most of that which she had given in charge to Montiny. She sent likewise a copy of Charles the fifth's Edicts somewhat qualifyed in the penalties against. He­reticks, by advice of the Senatours and Divines; likewise signifying, that she had shewed that qualification severally to the Estates of the Low-coun­treys, and that by most of them it was approved of; yet that she would not publish it, nor propound it to the People, without his Majesties consent: but she earnestly beseeched him, to command it; and to deferre his intention of establishing the Popes Inquisitours. So on the seventeenth of May, she dis­patched Fabius Lembus thus instructed. In ten dayes after, Montiny follow­ed, and the seventeenth of June was by the King gratiously received at Ma­drid and divers times had Audience. Yet before he could get a determinate Answer, he was commanded to exspect his fellow Commissioner, the Mar­quesse of Bergen: The King gives no dispatch to the Embassa­dour. nor found he the King inclinable to, or well pleased with his Embassage. Indeed to divert his Majestie from consenting to the Low-countreymens desires (though he was of himself sufficiently constant both to Religion, and his opinions) Pius the fifth interposed his authoritie: by whose Nuncio, The Pope mo­ving him to revenge the As­front offered to Religion. Pedro Camaiono Bishop of Asculum (who had an eye upon that Embassie from the Low-countreys) his Majestie was continually so­licited not to suffer the Catholick Religion to fall in the Low-countreys; but that he would personally by force of arms, punish the disloyaltie of that turbulent people.Who likewise sends his Legate to the Gover­vernesse. That should extoll her and promise assi­stance from his Holinesse. And for this cause, his Holinesse commanded Iulio Pave­sio, Archbishop of Surrentum, whom he sent Legate to the Emperour Maxi­milian, to take the Low-countreys in his way: and in his name to set a high commendations upon the Dutchesse of Parma, for her zeal to Religion, ma­nifested in her Government of the Low-countreys; wherein he should incou­rage her, by promising supplies of money from the Pope, with his utmost assistance. For now a Cause was controverted, for which he would not fear to stake his triple Crown.Delivering his letters to Count Cuilemburg and the Prince of Orange. Moreover, he was to advise with the Go­vernesse, about delivering the Popes letters to the Prince of Orange and Count Cuilemburg, exhorting the Count to forsake the Hereticks, unto whom, it was said, he adhered, and to reconcile himself to the old Religi­on: and admonishing the Prince not to suffer with impunity so many foul things,She advises him not to give the letter to the Count, But to let the Prince have his, whom she undertakes to prepare. as were committed by Hereticks in his Principality of Orange, to the great dammage of all the neighbouring Cities,Decem. 15. 1563. especially Avignion. But the Governesse, whose counsell the Legate was commanded to follow, did not approve of the delivery of the Popes letters to Cuilemburg, least, as he was a youth of a weak and fantasticall brain, he might not value or receive them with due reverence. She said, he might safelier treat with the Prince of O­range, in regard the like admonition, formerly sent from Paul the fourth, had struck him with a fear of loosing his Principality, neverthelesse she would [Page 115] prepare him for the Legate. But for his liberall offer of assistance from his Holinesse, she acknowledged her obligations to the great Bishop, and desired Pavesio to represent her, for that favour, kneeling at his feet, and humbly kissing them: though she had not power to admit of his promised supplies,In the mean time excuses her self for not receiving the money offered by the Pope. Her Excellence gives the Le­gate a true de­scription of the Low-countrey Bishops. unlesse the King would please to give her leave. But she assured his Holi­nesse, that the Cause of Religion should be alwayes to her, as it had ever been, dearer then her life. Lastly, touching the nature and industry of the Low-countrey Bishops (for Pavesio intreated her to instruct him in that particular) she very graphically discoursed their lives and manners, and gave him their severall characters, telling which deserved Rebuke, which Praise or Pitie. The Legate, finding all she said to be true, and the Prince of Orange the easier to be wrought upon, (belike her Excellence had pre­pared him, as she promised) admiring her industrie and pietie,Who is amazed at her Piety and Prudence. professed that he would publish in the Court of Rome, how Religion standing now in the Low-countreys on a dangerous precipice, was supported onely by her Highnesses vigilance and prudence. But the Factions and Tumults ceased not for all this.The impudence of the Gheuses incouraged by hope of impu­nity. The Covenanters being returned (as I have told you) in­to their respective Provinces, and giving it out, that they had the publick Faith of the Knights of the Golden Fleece for their indemnitie; all those that had been banished for heresie came back from the adjacent Countreys, and such as had lyen concealed at home appeared again, magnifying the name of the Gheuses, calling them the Assertours and Champions of their libertie, and putting themselves under their protection.Their new Con­spiracy. Thus the number of the Covenanters was much increased, especially in Antwerp, even the Merchants themselves began to wear the Habit aud Cognizante of the Gheu­ses. Nay there sprung up a new-brotherhood of the Common People, wearing in their hats, besides the wallet stampt in silver, a wreathed pilgrims staff,And new fa­shion. the ends bowing acrosse, signifying (as I suppose) that they were to go a pilgrimage out of their Countrey, and seek libertie in another Climate. This conspiracie was spawned out of the other, it being the off-spring (as the Governesse wrote to his Majestie) of that two years before,The Originall of these kind of confederacies. raised by the Lords against Cardinall Granvel, where they first wore hoods, and then Darts.May 17. But that which at the beginning was onely private difference at Court, and the ambition of a few, afterwards turned into the publick mu­tiny of the Provinces. Great men, it seems, never can offend alone; and vi­ces, whilst they passe from hand to hand, are soyled with being touched, and grow still fouler. Neither did the Governesses letters to the Magistrates,Not cured ei­ther by the Go­vernesses care. concerning the counterfeit Declaration in the Lords names,6. or 21. of May. do any good: nor the Kings letter to the Governesse and the Provinces, about that time received, wherein his Majestie promised, That having now secured himself from the Turks and Moors, he would presently make a voyage into the Low-countreys, Or by the Kings letter gracious indeed. and in person moderate the severitie (if any such were) of his fa­thers Edicts. In the mean time, he rested confident that the troubles would be quieted by the Lords endeavours, whereupon formerly relying, both his father the Emperour and he himself never feared what their enemies could do:March 15. and now,But unseasona­bly protracting the Grant of Generall Par­dons to some great ones. he doubted not but their old loyalty would easily compose a sedition raised by a few private men.1570. Onely the pardons which the Go­vernesse in her letters to the King,The Low-coun­treys over flow­ed with Here­ticks. desired for certain persons, were by his Majestie, more resolutely then seasonably put off till another time. In the interim, the evil increasing, and the opportunitie of applying a fit remedie being past, his Majestie lost the Grace and favour he intended.

And truly mischiefs sprung not up severally, or by intervals; but com­pleated, [Page 116] and in a knot,1566. breaking forth all at once. For in the bordering Countreys the Master-hereticks watching how discord prospered in the Low-countreys, that they might take occasion to vent their outlandish wares and sell them the new Gospel; flocking in crouds, the Calvinists out of France and the Lutherans and Anabaptists out of Germany, invaded, and as it were attached their nearest neighbour-towns.Privately at first, First, they held their Con­venticles in the fields by night, then, successe smiling upon them, fearing likewise that if differences chanced to be composed, they should fail of dis­patching what they came for; they thought it best,Then openly preaching. by way of prevention, to shew themselves in the light; and before the people (that ran to meet them out of towns and villages) boldly to preach against the Spanish ti­rannie, against Religion corrupted by the Bishops, and for the pure and sin­cere light of the Gospel.Three [...]orts or Classes of them. Emulation made them more impudent,Calvinists. Lutherans. Anabaptists. lest the Cal­vinists (that had indeed fewer great persons of their faction, but more Pro­selytes and applause (should be lesse powerfull then the Lutherans. And the Anabaptists being farre more in number then the Lutherans, scorned to be worsted by the Calvinists: or that the Lutherans should have more great Pro­tectours then both the other Sects. Therefore they made haste in zeal of spirit to feiz upon Cities and Towns, as if they were to make new planta­tions; every one being for himself,Catholicks. and all against One. Miserable and ca­lamitous at that time was the condition of the Low-countreys, many of the noblest Provinces being suddenly hurried into factions,What they were that came in. Infinite Resort to hear them. and running upon the rocks of errour. Whilst impure men, Apostates both from divine and humane faith, whilst the scumme of their own nations, the Refuse of Ger­many and France, promised themselves a kind of sovereignty in the Low-countreys, and ran up and down as if hell had been broke loose, filling all places with turbulent sermons, infamous libells, hopes, fears, and jealou­sies. Whilst such a multitude; first out of the next villages, but at last out of great towns, came, with incredible desire, to hear these trumpeters of the new Gospel; that once, in the fields of Tournay above eight thousand men were seen at a sermon. Near Lisle they appeared in greater shoals. At Antwerp, in one day, were gathered together thirteen thousand, next day fourteen thousand,And to the Sa­craments after the hereticall way. a while after sixteen thousand men. Lastly, taking more freedome in many places, especially at Valenciens and upon the borders of Flanders, they married people in the fields, and baptized infants after the Calvinisticall manner. And that all this might be done with safety, they meet at these Conventicles and Sermons, armed with pikes and muskets. I know the Reader will not a little wonder to hear (what they say the Low-treymen themselves were amazed when they saw) how the People [...] zeal of hearing sermons came to such a height,Why the people are so fond of sermons. that neither the Magistrates by au­thoritie, nor their Officers by force, nor the Laws by reverence, could con­tain them, but that men, women, and children left their houses, and [...]an like mad, to these Teachers in the fields. But all the Auditory were not drawn by the same motive.Some out of zeal to heresie. For many that had long ago banished the Catholick Religion out of their hearts, went chearfully to imbrace the opinions of Hereticks, and to joyn in Communion with them: and in their violent mo­tion, took others along, that knew not well whither they wandered, but half against their wills,Divers taken with the Ra­rity. shoved on by the croud, like swimmers by the stream, I cannot properly say they went, but were carried. Many were taken with the noveltie,1565. and a longing to see what kind of Religion those forreiners had brought from Saxonie or Geneva; out of which Countreys,Many delighted with singing of Psalms. as it was re­ported, they had at a distance wrought so much upon the rest of the Provin­ces. [Page 117] A great sort were drawn in, with the tunes set to the Psalmes, translated, as I have told you, into French meeter, by Marot and Beza, and now sung at their great meetings in the fields according to Geneva mode. But most of them itched after the [...]landers and jeers of their preaching ministers.But the most, with hearing them rail and jeer in the Pul­pit. A­mong which, as every ignorant Mountebank had some little smattering of learning, and abounded in impudence, and the juggling art of catching ap­plause; so with greater lies and fooleries they raised against the Bishop of Rome, the Councel of Treat, and the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours, shamefully and fouly abusing all things holie; but yet so, as the peoples minds were tickled: who clapped their hands, as if they had been in a play-house; and measured things that were spoken, not by a true estimate, but meerly by the pleasure of their ears. Nay, though some of the wiser sort, un­derstood their fea [...]s of activitie, and knew they told fables and gul­leries, yet they were pleased to be deceived themselves, meaning short­ly with the same artifice to cosen others: and to repeat those Ser­mons as truths, which they had by their own industr [...]e discovered. Ca­lumnies and defamations without any distinction of truth or falsehood, are ever greedily entertained, and as greedily communicated. Lastly, the Cities were by these incendiaries distracted into factions.Their audience increased by se­verall Countrey­men striving to have their here­sie preferred. Those that bor­dered upon France favoured Calvin, those neighbouring to Germany, were for Luther; both of them followed the Preachers, not out of any will to be instructed in their Tenets, but onely fiding with their own Nation. Nor was the Governess less active all the while, but tried all wayes possible to ob­viate and encounter the increasing mischief.Which necessi­tates the Go­verness to hasten away the Marq. of Bergen into Spain. She sent the Marquess of Ber­gen, as soon as ever he was recovered, in all haste to Spain, to give his Maje­stie an account of what he had seen with his eyes; and to beseech him to think no more of the Inquisition; but that he would please, and speedily, to mitigate the severitie of the Edicts, lest while they consulted in Spain, the Low-countreys should be lost. But the Marquess of Bergen falling ill again at Poicto [...] in France, Who sickning by the way, Sends the Stew­ard of his house before with his Letters. received instructions from her Excellence, to send some trustie messenger before him, to deliver the King his Letters and Embassage. Which was done by his Major [...] domo, upon the 25 of Iuly. The Governess was likewise informed by the Magistrate of Antwerp, 1566. that forreiners every day came into the Town, and pestered it extreamly.Her Excellence by Edict banishes Forreiners. But cannot re­solve what course to take with the new Preachers. Whom her Excellence commanded to depart, by Edict, set forth by authoritie of the Senate; and many perswading her, upon that occasion, to revive the penall Laws against banished men, that should return into the Low-countreys, against scandalous Libellers, and such as read and kept their Pamphl [...]ts; as likewise a­gainst all Conventicles and hereticall Sermons; though a while she remain­ed in suspence, because on the one part, she knew there was no hope to ma­ster the stubborn multitudes without souldiers, which then she had not means to levie, and therefore held it more wisdome to wave those Laws, the contempt whereof she had not power to punish: and on the other part, that she might not sit still, and seem to sleep over so many affronts, with a kind of encouragement to the tumultuous Rebels,She revives the Edict against them. she confirmed and aug­mented the old Edicts. But all to little purpose; for the Ministers still preached, and because they were silenced, were followed with more eager­ness: it being a fault in humane nature,Who were more followed because prohibited. Especially at Antwerp. to conceive things greater because prohibited. The worst disorders were at Antwerp, that Citie lying between the French and the Germans, and therefore exposed to their factions. Inso­much as a few dayes after the Edict was published, when the Lutherans, ac­cording to their custome, met in the fields on the one side, and the Calvinists [Page 118] on the other, these being no fewer then fifteen thousand, their number en­creased their confidence, When the Sermon was done, they set the preach­er of Calvins Gospel on horsback, and carried him into the Town trium­phantly, attended with a great guard of Horse and Foot. The Magistrate not daring to oppose that fudden tumult, contented himself with sending speedy intelligence thereof to the Governess,The Governess is desired to come thither. beseeching her Excellence (in regard that many thought those assemblies might at last engage the City in some insurrection) by her presence there to give assistance unto Antwerp. 1564. And her Highness,She sends count Megen before her. as if she meant presently to come, sent before her Charles Brimey Count of Megen, a faithfull and valiant Commander, enjoyning him to make experience of the strength and loyaltie of the Citizens, what they would or could do, for quieting those commotions; lest necessitie might force her to be an eye-witness of things, which she might with lesse danger to her Authority, hear of at a distance.But upon a mu­tiny of the people But upon sight of the Count, the Town began to mutiny: the people crying out, That Count Megen was come to do a mischief to the Gheuses, and that Count Aremberg was to fol­low with twelve Ensignes; and when those souldiers had possest themselves of Antwerp, then the Governess would appear, and at her pleasure, together with the Spanish tyranny, erect the Pontifician Tribunall, and put a Garrison into the Fort to aw the Town. Lastly, the Brabanters having received that yoke, should be just so enslaved as the Millanois and Neapolitans are in Italie, caught by the like stratagem.He is called a­way. These tumults still increasing, the Governess called away Count Megen, pretending it was necessary he should attend his Government of Gelderland. The Town peti­tions for the Prince of O­range, And when the Magistrate of Antwerp, by divers posts, wrote to the Governess fot the Prince of Orange, who was de­sired by the people, nor would they easily endure another Governour, the Prince of Orange himself promising his utmost fidelity and endeavours in that employment; the Governess not knowing what to do,Who is made Go­vernour of Ant­werp. seeing no way safe, at length, lest she might seem to distrust his integrity and promi [...]es, and consequently, in that point of time, distast so great a man with a publick re­pulse, she gave him Commission to compose the mutinie at Antwerp. He was met upon the way, a mile without the Town,Multitudes of people meet him upon the way. by Brederod, with a great sort of Citizens of Antwerp; who saluting one another with discharge of their pistols, they joyned companies, and went on; such multitudes of men, partly meeting them upon the rode, partly standing to behold them upon rising ground, and tops of houses; that you would think Antwerp had em­ptied it self of all the inhabitants. Yet the Prince of Orange seemed not to be elated in his looks, perhaps conceiving it to be a point of magnanimity: or rather, fearing that immoderate popular applause, might offend superiour Powers.He silences their shouts, and the Hereticks accla­mations. And therefore, when that huge crowd began to sing Psalmes in French, he commanded them presently to hold their peace. Others in divers places crying, Long live the Gheuses: he often silenced them with his hand. Nay, those that were got upon the walls, louder then before shouting out the same wishes for the Gheuses; when he could not rule their tongues by signes, he grew in choler, and swore by God, they were best consider what they did; for if they proceeded, some of them should repent it. But the greatest presumption of the people was, when he entred Antwerp; and rode through the streets, then in many places they clamoured in this manner, Behold the man that brings us liberty. Behold the man that brings us the Confes­sion of Auspurg. We have no more need of the Covenanters. This is [...]e whom hereafter we will follow, this is he whom we will petition to. But the Prince of Orange appeared much offended at these expressions, especially in Brederods [Page 119] presence.Consults about a remedie for the present mischief. He lighted at the Palace, and that night consulted with the Magi­strate, how to reduce the people to their former duty and obedience; how to hinder the Merchants from leaving the Town, which they resolved to do; and how to break the meetings at seditious Sermons; for these were his in­structions from the Governess.Sermons in the fields frequented as much as ever But whilest the remedies were referred to the Senate, the disease abroad being fed with the same humour, increased, and it was thought, seldome less then 4000 men met at one Sermon, which exceedingly grieved the Governess, who by many Letters, sometimes re­membred the Senate and People of the promise, wherein they obliged them­selves to the King,For which she justly reprooves the Senate of Antwerp, and tries severall wayes to make the Prince of Orange. when (to avoid the imposing of a Bishop) they under­took to be more tender of Religion, then ever any Bishop was. Sometimes she praised and encouraged the Prince of Orange for his industry in prevent­ing mischiefs; and withall remembred him of the Duty of his place, his faith to the King, and ingagement to her self in this present Office; that ma­ny had ill thoughts of him, and the occasion was now in his own hands ei­ther to enflame, or extinguish them: When behold, upon the sudden, new troubles call away the attention of the Governess to another quarter.

News was brought, that the Confederate Gheuses had a new designe, and were about two thousand. to meet at Centron, and in that Citie,A meeting of the Gheuses at Centron, or San-Truden. belonging to the Bishop of Liege, to resolve whether they should take up arms, whereun­to in every place they had animated the people. The report of the taking up arms was false, but their determination to meet proved true. And Bre­derod with the chief of the Covenanters, wrote Letters to the Towns about them, in the end of Iune, summoning them to convene the 14 day of Iuly. Lewis of Nassau undertook to make the Bishop, sending unto him the Lord of Villers, They desire the use and freedom of the Town, from the Bishop of Liege, Ge­rard Grosbech. Which he denies who in the name of Lewis and his companions of the League, should work him to give way to their holding an Assembly at Centron. The Bishop excusing himself, as bound by the Imperiall Laws, not to suffer any such meeting in an Imperiall Town; wrote all that had passed, in cypher, to the Governess, and commanded the Governour of the Town, not to admit them if they came. But the Townsmen fearing,But the Towns­men let them in. that if they did shut their gates against them, they would spoil their Harvest, and fire the houses and Villages round about; without contest received Brederod and his men into the Town.They convene in the City. In this convention (begun about the middle of Iuly, and end­ed the last day of that moneth) two things were put to the question: The first, How they should be secured, in case the King were minded to revenge himself upon them: and then, Whether they should move for more, then was expressed in their Petition delivered in April, touching the Edicts and Inquisition.Where they una­nimously agree to petition for their Indemnity. The generall vote was, that security should be demanded of the Governess; but the other passed in the negative: some affirming that upon the grant of those particulars for which they took the Covenant, they ought to proceed no farther. Others said, That if they had success in their first Petition, they would enlarge it, and desire, that no certain form of Religion might be prescribed the people; but that every one might be left free, to serve God his own way.Touching Liber­tie of Religion they differ among themselves. Many were extreamly offended with that abominable opinion, and thereupon by degrees disengaged themselves from the Covenant (among which was Charles Mansfeld sonne to Count Ernest) so as nothing was determined in that point.A few Pages lower. But whether the Hereticks a­mong themselves,The Governess sends Count Eg­mont and Count Horn to break off the Conven­tion. unknown to their other complices, resolved upon that which presently followed in the Netherlands, that is, the violation of holy Images, I shall in its proper place deliver. Whilst these things were in agi­tation, the Governess sent Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange, to [Page 120] fright the Covenanters and these Assemblies; not that she was ignorant, how farre either of them was to be trusted, but that by such expressions of her confidence, and by making them of Counsel with her, she might oblige them, and put it in their power to set things right, and consequently to me­rit the Kings favour. They appointed Brederod and the heads of the Cove­nanters to meet them at Duffle, a village hard by Antwerp. And among other things, they admonished them, in the Governesses name, tha [...] they should forbear by those kind of Assemblies to make any Innovation, till his Majestie sent his absolute determination concerning their demands: but ra­ther,These Lords re­member the Covenanters of their promise. that by their authoritie with the Commons they should restrain them (as they had promised) growing dayly more and more stubborn and con­tumacious. Brederod wrote the heads of this conference (which were nine) to his confederates at Centron; who agreed among themselves,But they by a new message from S. Tru­den make high demands from the Governesse. to send Lewis of Nassau with twelve Gentlemen to present the Governesse a new Petition, consisting likewise of nine heads, wherein partly they stood upon their justification; and that so absolutely, as they refused the act of Oblivi­on promised them by the Governesse, affirming what they had done was more worthy to be published, then forgotten: partly they desired that the Governesse, by her own letters and under the hands of the Knights of the Golden-fleece, would secure them from force of arms, which as it was said were preparing against them. Moreover, that she would give Commission to the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, and Count Horn to hear the Grie­vances of the Covenanters, and to mediate betwixt his Majestie and them. Lastly, they moved for a generall Convention of the Estates, as the best ex­pedient for restoring peace to their Countrey. Otherwise, though against their wills, they must be necessitated to have recourse to forrein help. These letters being read in Senate,She puts them off for the pre­sent. after every man had delivered his opinion, the Governesse answered Lewis and his companions (that were called, by jeering people, his twelve Apostles) that upon the twenty sixth of August the Knighrs of the Golden-fleece were to meet at Bruxels, and she would ad­vise with them about it.The Prince of Orange would be made Go­vernour of Ant­werp, to enable him for ruling of the Town. And is made Governour ac­cordingly. with power to chuse himself a Guard. In the interim, the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp; when no good could be done there, certified the Governesse, that the Citizens had been earnest with him to receive the Government of Antwerp, and for his securitie to put a Garrison into the Town. The Go­vernesse consenting to it, he not onely raised men, but was so bold, as to ask leave to have a Guard about his person, which she likewise granted. And so to his great contentment he was made Governour, meaning shortly to make himself an absolute Prince, by the too much indulgence of the Go­vernesse, who with these favours endeavoured to ingage the Prince of O­range, or at least would have him believed to be of the Kings partie.But this conces­sion was a great weakning in her Excellence. But the despair of succours long looked for out of Spain, together with her fear, increased her indulgence. Now at length, upon Montinyes sollic [...]tation, the Kings letters came,The Kings let­ters wherein he grants the Go­vernesse her de­sires. wherein those three particulars the Dutchesse had so often requested of his Majestie, were all granted, but upon certa [...]n con­ditions. For his Majestie gave way to the remove of the Ecclesiasticall In­quisitours; provided the Bishops were first placed in their stead: for he was resolved and fixed, not to leave Religion naked, without a guard of those that should take cognizance of her cause, and revenge her injuries.So limited, as gave the people no satisfaction. It was his pleasure likewise, that the Imperiall Edicts should be somewhat moderated by his Councell in the Low-countreys; but it must be certified to, and approved of by, his Councel in Spain, before it should be published in the Provinces. In the last place, his Majestie was contented that [...] Co­venanters [Page 121] and others should be pardoned;And so long a coming, as ren­dered them un­usefull to the King. but the other two heads were first to be dispatched. But these remedies came from Spain too late, when the face of things was altered in the Low-countreys: When the fury of the Hereticks, plundering the Churches, and openly defacing all venerable and sacred monuments of Religion,Of the plunder of Churches. was to be incountered in another way.

And indeed that destruction (which I think was one of the greatest that ever happened, if we consider the sudden mischief to Religion, the rage of the People,From whence that Mischief came into the Low-coun­treys. their small number, and mean qualitie) from what parts or by whose Counsell it was brought upon the Low-countreys, is no more cer­tainly known, then the causes and originall of a sudden plague. I should think by many letters I have read, that in all probability it came thither from the Geneva Calvinists, their next French neighbours: perhaps by acci­dent, perhaps upon design; for so Peter Ernest Count Mansfeld informed the Governesse, and she the King. The very same intelligence she received from Pedro Ceballio, August 28. an old Spanish Commander, who assured her, that the Prince of Condegrave; and the three brothers of the Colygn the heads of the Hugonots, What forreiners incouraged them. to advance their own partie in France while Heresie reigned in the Low-countreys, by their Emissaries, dayly solicited the Hereticks in these Provin­ces to make some attempt, wherein they promised sufficiently to furnish them with men and Arms. The like hope they had of the Queen of En­gland. This agrees with what was resolved upon at Centron by the confede­rated Gheuses, in which number the Admirall of France and others of that nation being comprehended, it was easie for them, upon this occasion, to trouble the Low-countreys. Besides these mysteries of State,Why the Low-countreymen joyned with them. other things were plain to be discerned. For the people, partly corrupted with Heresie, part­ly dreading the Inquisition, exceedingly favoured the Hereticks that sought to overthrow that judicature. The confederated Gheuses willingly took up­on them the protection of the Commons, because many of the Covenan­ters were birds of the same feather, and all of them ambitious to be Ma­sters and Tribunes of the people. The Knights of the Order, and the Lords, were divided among themselves. Those that continued faithfull to their Religion and their Prince, were the weaker party: the stronger either de­clared themselves for the Conspiratours, or at least were of their chamber-counsell. And now the Governesse wrote to the King,August 28. that she had certain knowledge of the Prince of Orange's design, by those tumults to invade the Government of the Low-countreys: and share it with his fellow-rebells. Therefore, upon Assumption-eve,The day ap­pointed for the Picture-scuffle. The Place. they began to rifle the Low-countrey Churches: first rising in the lower Flanders, which lies between the river Lys and the West Sea. In these parts a few of the raskall sort of Hereticks met and joyned themselves with some companies of thieves,The quality of the Image-breakers. Their Instru­ments. upon the day appointed for proclaiming warre against heaven, lead on by no Commander but Impietie: their Arms were staves, hatchets, hammers, and ropes, fitter to pull down houses, then to fight withall: some few of them▪ had swords and muskets.First the Vil­lages are plun­dered. Thus accoutered, as if they had been furies vomited from Hell, they broke into the towns and villages about St. Omer, and if they found the doors of Churches or Monasteries shut, forced them open, frighting away their religious inhabitants: and overturning the Altars, they defaced the Monuments of Saints, and broke to peices their sacred images. Whatsoever they saw dedicated to God, and to the Blessed, they pulled it down and trod it under their feet to dirt, whilst their Ringleaders clapt them on the backs, and incouraged them with all their force to destroy the Idols. Then the Cities. [Page 122] The Hereticks glad of this successe to the first that ever they sent out upon a party, left the place with speed, and with unanimous consent, shouted and cryed aloud, Let us to IPRES, that being a citie much frequented by the Calvinists. And they were drawn thither, as well out of hope of protection, as out of hatred they bare to the Bishop of that City, Martin Rithovius, an eminently virtuous and learned man, and therefore meriting the spleen of Hereticks. Whereupon they ran violently thither, gathering upon the way such vagabonds and beggars, as joyned with them out of hope of plunder. And as a snow ball rolling from the top of a hill, grows still greater, by the accesse of new snow, through which it passes, and wherein it is involved: so these thievish vagabonds multiplying by the way, the farther they go, the more they rage, and the more considerable their thievish strength ap­pears.They are re­ceived at Ipres. And when they had pillaged a few small villages about Ipres, upon the very day of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin, the citizens of Ipres opening their gates unto them,Deface and pillage the great Church. they entered the town, and went directly to the Cathedrall Church, where every one fell to work. Some set ladders to the walls, with hammers and slaves battering the pictures. Others broke a sunder the iron work, seats, and pulpit. Others, casting ropes about the great statues of our Saviour Christ, and the Saints, pulled them down to the ground. Others stole the consecrated plate, burnt the sacred Books, and stript the Altars of their holy ornaments: and that, with so much securitie, with so little regard of the Magistrate or Prelates, as you would think they had been sent for by the common Councell, and were in pay with the citie. With the same fury they likewise burned the Bishop of Ipre's library,Burn the Li­brary. Violate all things sacred. and de­stroyed the rest of the Churches and Religious nouses of the town, react­ing their villanies, and because the first prospered, still presuming. This sacrilegious robbery continued a whole day.The People, and the Magistrate, diversly af­fected. Part of the people being a­mazed to see them, not taking them for men, but devils in humane shapes: and part rejoycing, that now those things were done which they them­selves had long ago designed. Nor had the Magistrate and Senatours any greater care of Religion. Perhaps this sudden inundation took away their sense and judgement; perhaps, being privy to the plot, they, idle and carelesse, kept their houses. Indeed the whole Citie fright­ed, like passengers in a Shipwrack, beheld the destruction, never put­ting to their helping hands.A new Party of Image-breakers in other Towns. The next day, another party of Church-robbers, either kept for a reserve, or taking example by what was done about St. Omer, S. Omer, had orders to plunder Menin, Commines, Vervich, Menin, Commines, Vervich. and other Towns upon the Lys, which they did with the like violence. All things holy that were portable they carried away: the rest they cut in pieces and burned. Thence passing the River, they came within the Liberties of Lisle, many of the Townsmen joyning with them; and having robbed a rich Mo­nastery, which they call Marquet, mad and drunk, some went to Doway, some to Seclin: Encountred by the Secliners. But the Secliners and other neighbour Towns, catching up any weapon that came to hand, faced them upon their march, and shewed themselves ready to punish the injury offered to Religion, unless those thieves would take another way.And defeated. But they with the same impudence, striving to go forward, and to break through them, the Countrey came in, and falling upon them, slew a great sort, and routed the rest, making them flie in great distraction, forcing many into the boggs, drowing some in the river, and carrying others into the Town in triumph. But this was a slight revenge: when at the same time, almost all Flanders did as furiously assault God him­self, and all his Saints, no man resisting. The news whereof much afflicted [Page 123] the Governess, who, in great grief of heart, turning to Count Egmont, The Governess's words to Count Egmont. that waited on her from the Sermon to her Privie-chamber, said, Do you hear, Egmont, what good news comes from your Province of Flanders? Unhappy Wo­man that I am, to see in the time of my Government, such indignities offered to God, and to the King. And will you, in whose worth and fidelity his Majestie hath alwayes put such confidence, suffer these foul villanyes to passe unpunished, in the Province committed to your charge? His Answer. and when he answered, That in the first place the Kings Authority must be carefully maintained, and then Religion would easily be restored; the Governess not without indignation replied,Her reply. that his counsel was not just; but rather before all humane things, the honour and worship of God ought to be preferred, the neglect whereof would be a farre greater misery, then the losse of any power or fortune whatsoever. This was her opinion, and like­wise the Kings, His Rejoynder. who resolved to put nothing in ballance with Religion. And when Egmont added, That men were of another mind, who had estates in these Provin­ces, which they feared to loose: Her Conclusion. she concluded with the same constancie, that it was indeed to be wished, and would be a more prudent course; to preserve both Re­ligion and temporall Power: but if one of them must go to wrack, the safetie of Religion ought principally to be respected; which, once lost, would never be repaired with the addition either of Wealth or Empire. To this purpose her Excellence spake in Senate also,The Senates re­solution upon the Exigent. which she speedily summoned. Wherein it was decreed, that Maximil. Rassinghem, who succeeded Iohn Currier deceased, in the Go­vernment of French Flanders, should immediately enter Lisle with the horse commanded by the Lord Montiny, who was then in Spain, and not suffer the people, that had been plundering consecrated Goods, to return into the town, before they had yeilded up their Arms, and that he had carried them to the Magazine. And notwithstanding Egmont did not well approve of this kind of proceeding, but affirmed, that if the Governess went by the way of Arms, this Insurrection would not be quieted, till 200000 men hast lost their lives, yet she gave not off her resolution, but answered, It were better that Roat, the dregs of mankind (if they would not renounce their heresie) should be banished or destroyed, then they should be suffered to commit such execrable wicked­ness; lest the good men of the Low-countreys should, at length, either be infected with their contagion, or forced by them to flie their Countrey, in case the multitude prevailed.

Whilst these preparations were made at Court,A new Iconoma­chy at Antwerp the rage of the Low-coun­trey Hereticks was not laid, but like a storm, now violently carried into this, now into that quarter,Begun with scorn put upon the holy P [...]oces­sion. terrified every Province, especially Antwerp. Where upon the day of the Assumption of our Lady (for the Antwerpers have the Blessed Virgin for their Patroness) whilst her Image in solemn Procession, was carried upon mens shoulders, from the great Church, through the streets, the symptomes of that disease appeared, which brake forth soon af­ter. Some jeering rascals of the meaner sort of Artificers,Mockerie. first laughed and hissed at the holy Solemnitie: then impiously and impudently, with mimick salutations and reprochfull words, mockt the Effigies of the mother of God, and had presumed to lay sacrilegious hands upon it, but that by the care of those that ordered the Procession, it was set down, not (as was usuall) in the middle-Isle of the Church, but speedily conveyed into the Quire. And next day (for base people grow bolder if they find themselves feared) many came into the Church, and some playing their gambols before our Ladies Chap­pel, asked her in scorn, why she had so early flown up to the roust. Others ran about the great Church, threatning the Altars and Images; among whom an impudent Rogue, a Sadler, got up into the Pulpit, and when this [Page 124] impious Mimick had counterfeited the tone and gesture of a Preacher, de­siring them to reach him a Bible,And quarrelling in the Cathe­drall Church. he challenged any of the Catholick Priests to come and dispute with him: and whilst they received him on the one side with applauses, and on the other with casting faggot-sticks and rubbish at him (which he threw at his audience again) at length the scuffle increasing, as if they had been in the streets, a Catholick Spipper, not able to endure the insolence of the fellow, ran up the side of the Pulpit, and catching the Buffon about the waste, lustily tossed him over to the ground; and he him­self, in the heat of the brawl, avoiding many blows made at him, was shot in the arm with a pistol-bullet, the rest, when some cryed, that the Officers were coming for fear of being taken, slipped out of the Church. Not­withstanding the quarrell continued, and they met every day, like Gladia­tors upon the stage,Whereof the sa­crilegious people, shutting out the rest, possest themselves. to cut and hack one another. Untill upon the 21th of August, the Hereticks increasing in their number, came into the great Church with concealed weapons; as if they resolved, after some light skirmishes for a few dayes past, to come now to a battel. And expecting till Even-song was done, they shouted with a hideous cry, Long live the Gheuses; Nay, they commanded the Image of the Blessed Virgin to repeat their Acclamation, which if she refused to do, they madly swore they would beat and kill her. And though Iohn Immercellius Pretour of the Town, with some Appara­tours, came and commanded them to keep the Peace, yet he could not help it; but the people running away to get out of the tumult, the Hereticks shut the doors after them, and as Conquerours possessed themselves of the Church: Now when they saw all was theirs; hearing the clock strike the last houre of the day,And singing Psalmes fall to work. and darkness adding confidence, one of them (lest their wickedness should want formality) began to sing a Geneva Psalme, and then, as if the Trumpet had sounded a charge, the Spirit moving them alto­gether, they fell upon the effigies of the Mother of God, and upon the pi­ctures of Christ and his Saints,Breaking all things consecra­ted. some tumbled them down, and trod upon them; others thrust swords into their sides; others chopped off their heads with axes; with so much concord and forecast in their Sacriledge, that you would think every one had his severall work assigned him. For the very harlots,And defacing the whole Ca­thedrall. those common appurtenances to thieves and drunkards, catching up the wax-candles from the Altars, and from the Vestry, held them to light the men that were at work. Part whereof, getting upon the Altars cast down the sacred plate, broke a sunder the picture-frames, defaced the paint­ed walls: Part, setting up ladders, shattered the goodly Organes, broke the windows flourished with a new kind of paint. Huge statues of Saints, that stood in the walls upon Pedistalls, they unfastened and hurled down among which, an ancient and great Crucifix, with the two thieves hanging on each hand of our Saviour, that stood right against the high Altar, they pulled down with ropes, and hewed it in pieces; but touched not the two theives, as if they onely worshipped them, and desired them to be their good Lords. Nay,O Profane! they presumed to break open the Conservatory of the celestial bread; and putting in their polluted hands, to pull out the blessed Body of our Lord, those base off-scourings of men, trod upon the Deity adored and dreaded by the Angels. The Pixes and Chalices which they found in the Vestry, they filled with wine prepared for the Altar, and drank them off in derision. They greased their shooes with the Chrisme or holy oyl; and after the spoyl of all these things, laughed and were very merry at the matter. My meaning is not, lest I should scandalize mankind, nor suits it with Histo­ry, to repeat all the foul actions wherewith in this destruction of holy things, [Page 125] these traitours to God and his Saints glutted their cruelty.What a great stately Church was this. But the greatest wonder was, to see them make so quick dispatch: that one of the fairest and greatest Churches of Europe, How small a number defaced it. full of Pictures and Statues, richly adorned with about seventy Altars, by a few men (for they were not above one hun­dred, as the Governess wrote to the King, that she was certainly informed) should before midnight,In a few houres. when they began but in the evening, have nothing at all left entire or unprofaned. Truly, if the hundred men had not an hun­dred hands apiece, that in so short a space demolished such a multitude of things,Some thought the Devil helpt his Children. it is not unreasonable to believe (which I know some at that time suspected) that devils mixing with them, joyned in dispatching their own work; or at least that the furious violence, which (in scorn of Religion) stript the Altars, mangled the Statues and Pictures, defaced the tombes, and in foure houres time robbed and layed waste so rich and goodly a Church; could not have any other cause, but the immediate impulsion of those re­bellious and infernall spirits, that add both rage and strength to sacrilegious villains,Because none of the Sacrilegious were so much as hurt in the do­ing it. offering an acceptable sacrifice to hell. Especially because in such a hurry and crowd of hasty labourers, whilst they run about the Church like Bacchanals and Bedlams; whilst they mount the rounds of their lad­ders; whilst they with great pains loosen the brasse and marble; whilst they endeavour to spoil and steal the richest things; none of all their number had so much as a fall, or a knock, though such loads of stone and wood came tumbling down, and so many fragments and splinters flew about; nor recei­ved the least hurt by the workmens tools, which they ran with in their hands: it is no slight argument (as I said before) to prove that by Gods per­mission, the Devil was the Surveyour of their works, and by the assistance of his evil Angels, that enterprise, no less difficult then impious, was in­stantly, without harm to any of them, and therefore prodigiously ef­fected.

But these sacrilegious thieves committed yet more villanie in the Town,From the Church they fall upon the City. presuming upon their fortune: For running out of the Church with hal­lowed candles,And their num­ber encreasing, triumphantly singing and crying, Vive le Gueux; they were received by others that had lien concealed near the Church, exspecting en­couragement from the success. Their Companies therefore joyning (for Bootie invited them)Plunder all the Churches, still as they came to any Church-doors, they broke them open, spoyling and carrying away all their consecrated furniture. They climbed into Monasteries, And Religious Houses in the Town, With incredible security. searched them, entred their store-houses, seized upon their meat, drank off their wine, and took from them all their money, plate, and wardrobes, both sacred and profane. And this impiety was act­ed with such impudence and impunitie; that truly I knovv not vvel, vvhether the Reader vvill conceive more indignation against those impious Ruffi­ans, that vvithout any reverence to God or man, plundred consecrated places, and other mens houses at their pleasure, destroying and steal­ing Church-ornaments, and Religious mens goods; or against such as ought to have protected those sacred things,Terrifying the Inhabitants. The Merchants keep their own houses, and there stand upon their guard. and against the Religi­ous Houses themselves, that looked on, whilst these Rogues with pol­luted hands abused and profaned all. But fear had possessed the generalitie, this hapning about midnight, when the Citie was in their dead sleep, and so the more affrighted, being awaked with sudden and severall kinds of Out-cryes. And therefore, as unexspected and doubtfull accidents ever strike the greatest terrour,Those that had the custodie of things sacred, run away from their charge. many of the Merchants, fearing an universall plunder, shut their doors, and barricadoed them. The Clergie, knowing themselves unable to resist a multitude of thieves (not discerning how few [Page 126] they were) forsook the Churches,Religious men dare not appear. All the Town in a fright. and provided for their own safetie. Nor had the religious Orders time to collect their spirits in this common trepi­dation, when so many fled. In a word men had no more consideration to defend themselves against this misfortune, then against a thunderbolt, which every one wishes to avoid, but none labours to oppose,The Nuns flie to their fathers Houses. But the poor Nuns were in the greatest fright and amazement, whose Cloysters were broke by these Hobgoblins, which making havock of all things in their way, and prying into every secret corner; whilst their furie or theivery kept them imployed, it was the onely preservation of the holy Virgins, that getting on their clothes of any fashion, escaped these sacrilegious dogs, and fled most of them into their Parents houses. By which means, lesse mischief was done, then uses to be committed in night-robberies. Their principall aim being to make haste,The Sacrilegi­ous make but one nights work of it. and ruine all things in an instant. And truly their hast was so great, that the noblest Churches and Religious houses of Antwerp were profaned and pillaged by the severall parties of these infamous Ras­calls. Nay, when it was day light, and that they saw the citie, amazed with sudden fear,Both Catholicks and Hereticks conceal them­selves out of mutuall distrust. had made no preparation to suppresse them: for both Catho­licks and Hereticks kept within doors; those fearing the Hereticks, which they believed to be masters of the Town: and these, in regard they knew the odium of the fact would reflect upon themselves, and therefore feared the Justice of the Magistrate, and to be assailed by the Catholicks: but all were of opinion, the libertie taken by these base Artificers, depended upon some superiour causes;The Church-robbers plunder with more li­centiousnesse then before. the Church-robbers secured by other mens terrour, fell to plunder in the day time, returning to the Churches and Mo­nasteries, unworthily and basely fouling the pure ornaments with their filthy souls and bodies; and buttering the Books in the library, set them on fire. Then in mockerie, arming the Saints statues, they ran a tilt, and overturn­ing them, insulted over them. And every where like Conquerours, having as well surprised, Religion as the Town, they bore the spoils in triumph.The Pillage continues for three whole dayes together. At last the drowsie Citizens awake. Three dayes together in Antwerp lasted that spoil and destruction of things sacred: with so great a losse of rare pieces, drawn by the hands of Masters, that some writers stick not to say, the great Church alone was damnified to the value of four hundred thousand Ducats. But it being strongly suspect­ed, that after the spoil of Churches, hope of prey having multiplyed this wicked rabble, they would at last plunder the rich Merchants (as many times men fight more eagerly for their houses, then for their Altars) the Townsmen thinking it their best, no longer to stand neuters, especially perceiving the small number of these Rogues,And taking Arms, Fright away the Sacrilegious. appeared at their doors in arms, and (as if they meant to revenge the Commonwealth) shut up all the Ports but one, out of which that damned pack of villains ran, and poured out their furie upon the adjoyning towns and villages, where they exercised the same kind of sacrilegious freeboot.

While this was done at and about Antwerp, The like mis­chief at the same time, Shaked all the seventeen Pro­vinces, like an Earthquake. the rage of these Traitours was no lesse, upon the very same dayes, at Gant, Ondenaerd, and other towns in Flanders, from the river of Lys as farre as Schelt and Dender, all the Churches and holy Ornaments going to wrack. For this destruction was more like an Earthquake, that devours all at once, then like the plague that steals upon a Countrey by degrees. Insomuch, as the same tainture and whirlwind of Religion, in an instant, miserably involved and laid waste Brabant, Onely sour ex­cepted. Flanders, Holland, Zeland, Gelderland, Friesland, Over-Isell, and al­most all the Low-countreys except three or four Provinces, viz. Nemure, Lucemburgh, Artois, Tac. l. 2. An­nals. and part of Haynolt. And as of old, in the reign of Ti­berius [Page 127] Cesar, they tell us that twelve cities were swallowed by an earth­quake in one night; so in the Low-countreys, not the like number of Cities, but Provinces,To an infinite losse. by the Spirit, struggling and bursting out from hell, were devoured; with so sudden, with so great a ruine, that the Netherlands which had as many populous Cities, Towns, and Villages, as any part of Europe, within ten dayes, was overwhelmed in this calamitie: the particular Pro­vince of Flanders having four hundred consecrated houses,Especially in Flanders. either profaned, or burnt to the ground.Some thought this Pillage, a design to betray the Low-coun­treys. So as indeed the Governesse could not but believe Count Mansfeld, who called that conspiracie, a plot laid to betray all the Low-countreys, by the Heads of the hereticall party in France: from whence came almost all these cryers of the new Gospel. For by their practice the state of the Low-countreys being troubled,Martin Delrio in Alter. Belg. l. 1. they might the more easily, as when an Army is confused at the first volly of shot, send fresh men, that assailing the Provinces,Sen. Truden. l. 4. already weakened, might totally subdue them. With this opi­nion theirs agreed,Plotted between the French and Low-coun­trey Hereticks. who thought this impious plunder, acted with such con­sent and such impunity, not to be accidentall, nor the villanie of a few, but to be contrived by the Hereticks, and Orders given at Centron, that by one Massacre they might prevent another, which they feared hung over their heads,With consent of the Gheuses. ever since the conference of the French and Spanish at Baion: the chief of the Gheuses giving way to it, that they might the sooner, by the fright of these tumults, extort from the Governesse all which they had petitioned for. Indeed when the Churches and Monasteries of Gant were rifled, the spoil having continued for three dayes together, the like whereof happened at the same time in Antwerp; An instance whereof, is Lewis of Nas­sau's letter. a letter from Lewis of Nassau, and six others, were delivered to the Ministers, Consistories, and Merchants of the Low-countreys (for so ran the superscription) wherein he advised them, that, in regard the cause of the reformed Religion seemed now to be in sufficient se­curitie, they should oppose themselves against the saucinesse and insurrecti­on of the people, confident that, hereafter, no body would trouble them for the free Exercise of their Religion: and they were to give credence to the Bearer, who was one Giles Clerk a Lawyer of Tournay, his name being writ in cypher in the same letter. Upon receit whereof, they ceased from profaning the Churches of Gant. And his Patro­nage of the Iconomachy. Add to this, the words of Count Mans­feld to the Governesse,Septemb. 8. which she sent in Character to the King, that she was advised by Count Mansfeld, to beware of Lewis of Nassau before all men living for he was the wickedest Traitour in the world; to whom the Ministers and Elders of the Hereticks communicated all their Counsels, and that he carried in his hand the spoil of Churches and religious Houses; and by this means, that turbulent spirited desperate man hoped, to levie warre against the King. And it is evident, that Lewis was one of the first movers in all the Sacriledge committed: it was by his incouragement, that the com­mon sort of hereticks would not obey the Magistrate, but contrary to his command, furiously ran out of the Citie to Vilvord, to hear sermons.

The Governess having notice from all parts, The Governesse calls a Senate or Great Coun­cell. of these sacrilegious actions, no lesse doubting the future, then grieving and amazed at the present, spee­dily called the Senate, that being indeed the ordinary, but many times a post-humous and ineffectuall remedy. Aug. 27. The Prefects of the Provinces and al­most all the Lords were there, but onely Philip Croi Duke of Areschot, and Charles Brimè Count of Megen, he excusing himself that he was not well, and this that he feared his enemies had a plot upon him. Her Excellence spake to them, in these very words (which she inserted in her Letters to the King) Grief and her inbred Nobleness giving them vigour and authoritie. [Page 128] To what condition the Low-countreys are brought,Her Speech. by the wickedness of a few men, we see, the absent will hear, and posterity admire, to my great disparagement and yours. For I know many things will be imputed to me, Princes names being al­wayes registred in the Kalender of publick calamities: and you are famed for so many noble actions at home and abroad, that your names cannot possibly be concea­led. Nor were the Netherlands so intrusted to me, but that you had your parts in the Administration of the Government. The particular Provinces committed to your trust; the Order of the Golden-Fleece, wherein your Oaths and Names are upon Record, the Allegiance due to their Prince from his subjects, amongst whom you are the chief, multiplyes your Obligations to the maintaining and enlarging of his Royall Power. And yet in these your Provinces, while you stand Spectatours, the Churches of God and his Saints, founded by the ancient piety of your Princes, which your Ancestours and your selves have adorned with victorious trophies, by sacrile­gious and impious traytours are burned down, and profaned, your Ancestours tembes violated, the Statues of your Order, and your Coats of Arms, in many places im­pudently thrown to the ground, trod upon, and broken. To omit their barbarity to Virgins consecrated to God, robbing of their Nunneries; and for addition to their contumelies, cruelly turning out of their cities and holy mansions, all the Priests and Religious. But what kind of men are they that have raised this storm in the Low-countreys? What dregs of the people, what vile and abject fugitives, and Apo­states from Religion? cruell, but to those that fear them: cowardly slaves if they themselves be terrified. A few Secliners and Countreymen, accidentally taking Arms, destroyed a multitude of these Church robbers. Did not one man yesterday, catching up a spear, when a great sort of these Traytours were gathered together, fright them not onely from a Chapel which they threatned, but from the Citie it self? Will you suffer this pestilence to rage without opposition, and to ruine the State and Peace of your Countrey, and your Religion, before your eyes, and these troubles to open the way unto a forrein Conquest? Nay, it is commonly reported, these villanies are committed, some of you not onely not resisting, but being also privie and assistant to the plot. I am not ignorant, that such Calumnies use to be spread abroad by wicked men, to make good Subjects less active in doing Iustice upon the enemies to Religi­on. And perhaps they hope to fright me with great names, and so inforce my con­sent to their unjust Demands. What is fit to be done by men of honour, look you to that; for what concerns my self, I religiously profess, that no mans menaces shall compell me, to mix the new figments of these people, with the ancient and Orthodox Religions established in these Provinces. Nay, if the King himself, upon whose Grace and Pleasure I depend, should dispense with the Low-countrey men, to be of what Religion they list, (which how farre it is from his Maiesties intention, none can be ignorant) I would instantly depart the Low-countreys, because I would not be an Agent in, or Interpreter of such Indulgence. But if I were stayed by force of Arms (which I hear they threaten) I call God to witness, I would offer my self to the slaughter, and be torn in pieces, rather then suffer a Profession of Faith, contrary to the Catholick Religion. To prevent all this, be it your care, my Lords, I do coniure you by your duty to God, your Allegiance to the King, and your Love unto your Countrey. And because gentle remedies will not prevail with de­sperate people, and that they trust to the protection of the confederate Gentlemen, let us at last receive the Arms and Assistance which you have often promised, and ought long since to have performed. That when the King shall come, who will be here very shortly,The divers sen­ses of the Sena­tours upon this Speech: some for, others a­gainst a Warre. he may find these Provinces quieted by your means, and no less re­munerate your fidelity with his royall Bounty, then he will requite the perfidiousness of others with severe punishment. This speech, made by the Governess, took according to every ones severall interest and inclination; quickning the de­sires [Page 129] if found in their minds, but not introducing any new Resolve. There­fore the Counts of Mansfeld, Aremberg, and Barlamont, all true to the Kings cause, chearfully offered their services: Egmont, Orange, Horn, and divers others, spake against levying war; whose opinion carried a greater appea­rance of Reason, because of the multitudes of Hereticks, whereof there was above fifteen thousand in Bruxels, it being unsafe for the present to pro­voke them by a warre. Their heat end­ed. But the Governess cut off that dispute, and leaving the mention of Armes out of her Speech, not out of her mind (for she re­solved the Warre should be her Great Councel) she asked their opinions, how those troubles might be otherwise composed. The Senate made this Decree, ne­mine contradi­cente. The result of their two dayes consultation was, That the Gove [...]ness should offer them an Act of oblivion for the time past, and security for the future provided, that the Confederates should first burn the instrument of their Association (they cal­led it the Covenant) and afterwards take an oath to be true to the Catho­lick Religion, and faithfull Subjects to the King for ever.

But the Governess delaying to set her hand to the Act, [...]he Gheuses threaten Bru­xels and the Governess. as if she were yet doubtfull whether it should pass or no, more of these turbulent people hourly gathering together, and being themselves tossed upon the waves of sedition, thrust others on, that else would have sate still. And they were heard to say, prompted by Lewis, brother to the Prince of Orange, that un­less the Governess would secure the Gentlemen Covenanters, unless every one might have liberty to go to Sermons, and no man be punished for Reli­gion; the Governess should with her own eyes see all the Churches in Bru­xels fired,Who frighted, resolves to leave Bruxels. the Priests murthered, her self imprisoned. And because this was said to be as well privately intended, as publickly reported▪ the Gover­ness resolved to steal out of Bruxels and retire to Mons, a city of Hay­nolt, partly that she might not be an eye-witness of the destruction of holy Images in Bruxels, partly that being in a safe place, she might not be forced to accept of unjust conditions.But is stayed by prayers & force. But whilst Orange and Egmont, to whom she would needs bid Farwel, disswaded her from the journey, the news was all over the Town; and some of the Citizens shutting up the Gates, others went to the Governess, humbly beseeching her, that she would not by her flight, adde to the impudence of wicked men, and make the K [...]ng condemn that faithfull Citie, under the notion of Conspiratours against his Majestie. Nor did she alter her resolution for all this, though a great man informed her Excellence,The Prince of Orange ex­presses verymuch trouble. that the Prince of Orange speaking of her going away to some at Court, told them, among other discourse, That if the Governess would leave the Town, and consequently desert the State, he himself was resolved, his Towns and Fortunes should not become a prey to any: That their French neighbours might easily possesse themselves of Flanders: and that long since, they pretended a title to Artois, and Haynolt nor could the rest of the Provinces want new Lords.The Governess more and more threatned. But that which most of all troubled the Governess, was a rumour dispersed in Bruxels, that she was the onely cause why the Gheuses had not their Petition granted, which she might do of her self, having received plenipotentiary Authority from the King, to signe any conditions for quieting the Low-countrey tumults. And that if still she pre­tended to exspect answer from Spain, putting them off with such flammes, there were some in readiness,Ulricus that seizing upon her,Viglius together with Viglius, Keeper of the Seal, and Egmont himself, would extort by force, what they could not obtain with modestie.Yet not suffered to depart the Town. Such reports as these, though at first the Governess accounted them vain threatnings of the Hereticks, which had cunningly named Egmont, to make her think the Conspira­tours [Page 130] hated him:And very much terrified. Yet when she saw the same affirmed by many, that seemed utterly to despair of any good; once more attempting to get out of Town,Makes some concessions to the covenanting Gheuses. and being staid again: Fear overcoming her, she at last was induced to grant some of the Covenanters demands. Which, after other businesse, she wrote to his Majestie, in these words. Now when I come to add what finally I granted to the Covenanters, Giving the King this ac­count by letter. unworthy my Resolution, unworthy your Majesties Religion; truly, the grief of it peirces my very soul, and shame comes upon my face in blushes. I call God to witnesse, who knows the secrets of my heart, that often and with my utmost power I resisted them; many nights together I have not shut mine eyes, being at that very time afflicted with sorrow, and a fever. Of the Causes moving her to do it. At last, besides the spoil of Churches, which I heard of, from other quar­ters; when the storm hung over this Citie, and that so many openly rung in mine ears, that the destructive spight to holy things would never cease til I should grant two demands made by the Covenanters. When my house was besieged, my mind languishing, and my body sick, sending for Orange, Egmont, and Horn, and protesting before them, And of the particulars granted. that my consent was extorted thereunto, I made a conces­sion of pardon and indemnity to the Covenanters, and to the rest I gave libertie to hear their Ministers preach, onely in places where they had been accustomed so to do; provided they came unarmed, and molested not the Catholicks. With a spe­ciall clause limiting these two Grants to such time, as the King with consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys would be pleased to allow. Blaming her own indulgent Act and be­seeching his Majestie not to confirm it. But rather to vindicate Re­ligion. Yet to both these I consented not in your Majesties name, but in mine own, so as when you please you may avoid them, without the least blemish to your Honour, which you have not your self ingaged; and being ill-ingaged by me, you should not, and (I hope) will not make it good. Nay, I beseech and conjure you, Mighty Sir, by that which is dearer to you then your life, your care to defend the Catholick faith; that imme­diately, not exspecting the convenience of the Spring, you will please to come in person, and revenge the wrongs d [...]ne to afflicted Religion, which now sadly and solely addressing her self to your Majestie, exspects relief (which otherwise, she dispairs of) from that right hand of yours, renowned for faith, and power, indeed, unlesse this one hope remained, my life, which lingers in a miserable manner, would soon part from me, though perhaps this hope it self will be hardly able to keep off death. She in the inte­rim secures her self and the Town of Bru­xels. Thus her Excellence (fainting under the burden of her grief) wrote privately to the King, but publickly shewed no womanish passion, and still intent to affairs of State, gave Count Mansfeld Commission to go­vern Bruxels as her Lieutenant, put into the town a new Garrison of horse and foot, fortified the Count; left nothing undone, that either concerned her own or the Cities preservation.And gets time to breath, upon the present al­teration of af­fairs by the en­deavours of the Gheuses at Bruxels. Indeed having made that agreement with the Covenanters, they gave her jealousies a short breathing-space; for, upon the foresaid terms, taking a new oath of obedience to the Gover­nesse, they so ordered the matter, that upon the day appointed the Gheuses attempted nothing against the Church. Nay, the Prince of Orange return­ing to Antwerp hanged three of the sacrilegious villains,And of the Prince of O­range at Ant­werp. and banished three more, setting open the great Church, commanding the Priests to exercise their function, and boldly to instruct the people. Which had not a little rejoyced the Governesse,Who afterwards offended the Governesse, by his grant of Churches to the Hereticks. but that, in the same letter which he about it, he inclosed two petitions, delivered him by the Germans, that desired some Church in Antwerp, where they might freely exercise the confession of Auspurg. This took off much of the Governesses contentment, especially because,Septemb. 3. the day after, she understood, by other letters from the Prince of Orange, that he, and the Senate of Antwerp, had permitted Hereticks to preach in the citie, and to use all the other rites of Luther and Calvin, as­signing [Page 131] them three places for that purpose.For which he gives her rea­sons. The reason whereof the Prince of Orange explaining, affirmed to the Governesse (who very hainously re­sented it) in three letters, sent immediately one after another, that he was extreamly unwilling to make conditions with the Hereticks,Septemb. 4. but some con­siderations inforced him:Septemb. 4. 5. 7. First, that he might by this means restore the Churches and Churchmen to securitie. Then, whereas no lesse then twen­ty thousand men used to go out of Town to sermons, he greatly feared lest, at their return, some pragmaticall knaves, gaping after pillage, might joyn with them, and (the multitude prevailing) plunder the rich Merchants houses. Lastly, because the Hereticks already had sermons in Antwerp, therefore in pursuance of that agreement, he had assigned them places in the citie.But not satis­factory. Notwithstanding, the Governesse liked not the proceedings of the Prince of Orange; perhaps because she her self was guilty of too much in­dulgence, and likewise in fear to be reproved for anothers fault: perhaps, because the Prince of Orange had indeed given further allowance to the He­reticks then they could challenge by their articles, which licensed their Ser­mons within the walls, but not their Baptisme, Marriage, or other Hereti­call ceremonies.The like done at Mechlen and Tournay by the Counts of Hochstrat and Horn who ex­cuse themselves. But whilst the Governesse chides the Prince, and wi [...]s him to revoke his Act, news is brought to her, that the Counts of Hotchstrat, and Horn had followed the example of Antwerp, he at Machlin, this at Tournay, and both, rebuked by the Governesse, gave her an account of their actions. Hotchstrat said, he could not do withall,Septemb. 8. for the law was given to him by the inraged people, whom he found, at his entrance into the citie, barbarously spoiling the Churches. But Horn (of whom her Excellence complained to the King, as of a greater Delinquent then the rest, because when he had made suit for the Government of Tournay, it was granted him upon certain conditions, which he ingaged to observe, yet had broke every particular) laid the fault upon the citie, so full of Hereticks, that of five parts scarce one continued Catholick.The very same at Utretcht. And at Bolduc. The Governesse heard yet worse news from Utrecht, and worst of all from the Bus: those having chased away the Catholicks from the Churches, and these the Bishop from the citie.The Francis­cans, at Ant­werp, endan­gered by the Hereticks. A while after, the Prince of Orange certified the Governesse, that three hundred of the common people at Antwerp, in hope of spoil taking arms, were ready to break into a Monasterie of Franciscans; but that he came in with his horse,Septem. 17. and scattered them. But the same wickednesse prospered better at Amsterdam. And turned out of doors at Amsterdam. Where a few men of the poorest roguey sort of He­reticks, but countenanced by many and potent Citizens, rushing into a Church and Monasterie of Franciscans, and defacing all the consecrated things, beat and stoned out the Religious, hurting the Consull of the town, and one of the greatest Senatours, that opposed them; and so made them­selves masters of the Convent.The pious Act of the Amster­dam women. At which time, the women of Amsterdam did a memorable exploit. For while these impious madmen running to all the Churches in the town, closely followed their victorious beginning, and broke into a Chappell famous in those parts for miracles wrought by the holy Eucharist: where they laid hands upon that heavenly bread; the wo­men, that were about the Altar, took to themselves mens courages, rising up in defence of the blessed Sacrament, and resolving rather to die then suf­fer that execrable rudenesse. And what with threats, and authoritie (for some of them were women of qualitie) what with force and clamour, those barking hell-hounds ran away, without so much as touching the Altar, or tearing the Church-ornaments. These women are indeed worthy the knowledge and commendations of posteritie. Unlesse perhaps their praise [Page 132] may seem a disparagement to the men.The impious act of the wo­men of Delph. But the women of Amsterdam me­rited not more honour, then the same sex deserved infamie at Delph, a town in Holland. For a whole Regiment of them, undoubtedly possessed by the Devil, knowing one anothers minds, upon the sudden, like Bedlams or Fu­ries, got into a Church of the Franciscans, broke the Saints images, towsed and spoiled the holy Altar-clothes. From thence, with like speed and rage, they furiously made their way into the Monasterie it self, with such vio­lence, as if they had been the Snake-haired hags sent from Pluto, running over the house, and rifling every corner; so as the Franciscans frighted with the strange sight of these Bacchides, thinking this to be the prologue to a massacre, (for it was rumoured that within two or three dayes all the Priests should have their throats cut) part of them to save themselves, fled; and the rest hid themselves. I know some were of opinion they were not women that durst make this attempt, but men in womens clothes. Yet, that the wo­men of Holland might be so wicked, it is agreeable to their mannish prin­ciples in mastering of their husbands. And that it was their Act, the Go­vernesse (who shrewdly sifted things out), affirmed; and, among divers such like prodigies,Septem. 27. Octob. 10. and 16. whereof in many severall letters she informed the King; her Excellence laments the desperate condition of the Low-countreys, that had no hope but onely in his Majesties presence therefore she humbly beseeches him,The Governesse beseeches the King to come with an Army. if he meant to keep those Provinces, to cut off all delays; and by the example of his father Charles the fifth, who marched through France into the Low-countreys in the deep of winter, onely to quiet one mutinous city; now, when all the cities were indangered, he would please himself personal­ly to come, and speedily with his Armie to subdue that stubborn people, as his father had done Gant: Gant 1539. and to impose such laws upon them, as should stand, with the pleasure of a Conquerour, and a Revenger. And now the King as appeared by other letters to the Governesse, resolved upon a war.14. and 24. Therefore in two packets sent by his Majestie from Segovia dated in Au­gust, he appoints her, the place, and number of men she shall raise and pay. Yet in his first Expresse,And the King, after he had communicated the joy of his Daughters birth. before he opens his determination of levying for­ces, he acquaints her with the Queens happie deliverie, who having been two dayes in labour, was brought a bed of a daughter, baptized at the holy Font by Iohn Baptista Castaneo the Popes Nuncia, afterward Urban the seventh, by the name of Clara Isabella Eugenia. The first of these names was given her from the Saints day on which she was born,August 12. the second from her mo­ther, the third in honour of the martyr Eugenius, Clara Isabella Eugenia. Bishop of Toledo, whose sacred body, brought out of France, King Philip helped to bear, the same day that he perceived his Queen to be with child. This is the Isabella that, as she was born in the heart of the Low-countrey tumults; so afterwards being married to the Archduke Albert, Brother to the Emperour Rodolph had the Low-countrey Provinces and tumults for her Dowrie.Approves of her advice. His Majestie ha­ving passed these complements to his Sister,Directs her what numbers to raise. commands her to raise three thousand horse, and ten thousand foot in Germany, and giving them two moneths pay, to have them ready, in case they should be sent for into the Low-countreys, And what Commanders to employ. Of these horse she was to order one thousand to be raised, and commanded by Erick Duke of Brunswick, five hundred under his Brother Philip, 250 under Iohn Barnise, the rest under Iohn Valhant. The foot she was to distribute into 33 colours, ten whereof to Count Iohn of Nassa [...], brother to the Prince of Orange, as many to Count Otho Erber stein, eight to Colonell Cremberberg, Sends Commis­sions, the other five to Captain Valdersong. For all these severall Officers, the King sent Commissions the the Governess; to­gether [Page 133] with 300000 Ducats, part whereof she was to distribute among the said Commanders: and part to others, if more should be entertained; or any else thought fit to be nominated;And money to the Governess. in their places that were already chosen. For which purpose, his Majestie sent her divers blanks, signed with his signe manuall.Giving reasons to the Princes of Germany for his levies. Particularly to the Emperour. Finally, lest any of the Germane Princes should make an ill con­struction of his levying those men, he enclosed in her packet letters to them, acquainting them all with the ground of his designe, particularly the Empe­rour Maximilian, to whom he explained himself both by Express, and by the mouth of his Embassadour at Vienna, intreating his Imperiall Majestie, for the nearness of their love and bloud, to assist with his authority those le­vies. But the Emperour,Who disswades him. because he had heard, that the Governess and the confederate Gentlemen were now agreed, commending the wisdome of that policy, diswaded the King from those Arms and Levies. Perhaps, be­cause the Turk then threatning him, he could not spare so many men: per­haps, because he thought it an honour to be the Arbiter and Composer of other Princes quarrels.And offers him­self to the Go­verness to arbi­trate the diffe­rences between her and the Co­venanters. Therefore in his Letters to the Governess, the Em­perour promised her his endeavours, if any thing was yet uncomposed. And wrote likewise to the Covenanters to this effect, That he was much troubled to hear of their difference with the Governess, and of the stirres that daily followed thereupon: which because they were in the confine of the Empire, in the Dominion of the King his Uncle, Octob. 13. in Provinces so much by him esteemed, it concern­ed the Majesty of the Empire, that he should by his assistance and authority assert the obedience of the Subiect [...] to their Prince. That he hoped these his endeavours would be acceptable to the Catholick King, and he was sure, they would be safe for the Confederates. Therefore he advised them in the interim, to attempt no Inno­vation, but as Allegiance bound them, to compell the tumultuous people to be quiet. This Letter, and divers more of the same subject written to the Lords, the Emperour sent the Governess to read, and as it should be needfull, to deliver. But the Governess sending copies of them to the King, a good while exspect­ed his Answer,But her Excel­lence prayes his assistance in the levies. till the stirres daily encreasing, her Excellence receiving new commands from his Majestie to levy forrein forces, gave thanks to the Em­perour Maximiilian, letting him know, that the present condition of affairs was such, as no capitulation could be made with an armed Faction without arms. Wherefore dispatching the Kings letters to the Electours of the Em­pire, and others, especially to those that were to raise the men, she beseech­ed the Emperour, that the Assistance which he had graciously offered in the Low-countreys, he would please to perform among the Germane Princes, and the Commanders there; which would be now more opportune, and a farre greater favour to the King.And obtains more then she re­quested. Whereat the Pr. of Orange chases. And truly the Emperour did not onely this, but likewise by Edict prohibited, and made it death, for any Germane to bear arms against the King of Spain. Which among divers others, how deeply it was resented by the Prince of Orange, though otherwise subtil and close, he expressed at table, wine laying open the secrets of his heart. For being invited by Gresser, Agent for the Queen of England, after he had drunk soundly,And threatens. the Prince began in great fury to inveigh against the Emperours E­dict, That the Emperour, and the King, and whosoever was of their opinion, de­ceived themselves; that not onely the Germans would take arms, but a great sort of other Nations bordering upon the Empire. That the Danes, the Swedes, and ma­ny others would not be wanting, which both would and could help the confederate Low-countreymen.The rest of the Germane Prin­ces return diffe­rent answers. Thus threatning in his rage, after supper he was mol­lified with a song. But the Letters which I have mentioned, sent from the King and the Governess to the Princes of Germany, were by them diversly [Page 134] answered.Triers and Mentz approve of the Kings de­signe, and offer passage to his man. The Electours of Trier and Mentz did much approve of the Kings designe against the Rebels and disturbers of the Catholick Religion; promising their assistance, as befitted good friends and neighbours, both Princes of the Empire, and allies unto his Majesty; they would therefore give free passage through all their Towns, and Jurisdictions, to such forces as upon this occasion should, with the Emperours consent be raised. The like promises were made by the rest of the Catholick Bishops in Germanie. The rest of the Catholick Prin­ces do the like. The Duke of Bavaria added, that all men were bound by force of Arms to oppose such tumults, that as plagues laid cities desolate: and he desired his Majestie would be very vigilant in it.The Landtgrave of Hessen, and others do the contrary. Farre different expressions were re­turned from the hereticall Princes; for the Landtgrave of Hessen, and the Duke of Wirtemberg, excusing themselves in point of Religion, which would not suffer them to prejudice those of their own Profession,Novem. 11. advised the Governess to seek redress without arms, onely by allowing the Confes­sion of Auspurg, Especally the Palsgrave. and Liberty of conscience. But the Count Palatine, Fre­derick the third, who declared himself Defendour of the new Faith in Ger­many, wrote the most confident and longest letter of them all. For he not onely pleaded to the Governess the cause of the Low-countrey men, and maintained their innocence; but defying the Bishop of Rome, the veneration of holy Images, and the tyrannie of the Inquisitours, concluded, that Religi­on bound him, not to oppose his brethren, professing the Faith of Ausburg, and the pure word of God. The Landtgrave of Hessen, and the Palsgrave not thus contented, perswaded the Duke of Brunswick, not to engage in a warre undertaken merely for Religion, and not to accept the Command of horse offered to him. Notwithstanding he took it, nor did any other Com­mander invited by the King, refuse his Commission, but onely Iohn of Nas­sau, brother to the Prince of Orange. Charles the ix of France de­clares for the K. of Spain. Nor did Charles the ninth of France, requested by the Governess, fail to declare himself enemy to these insurre­ctions, commanding by Proclamation, that none of his subjects should presume to assist the Rebels of the Low-countreys, 1565. with relation (as I conceive) to the mutuall promise of Assistance made at Baion: and particularly fear­ing, if the Hereticks should be masters of the Netherlands, France would be overflowed with the same filthy sink.Who writes thanks to the French King, and his intent of coming to the Governess. I am certain King Philip sent him let­ters full of thanks, and likewise signified to the Governess his Intention pre­sently to begin his voyage, for which all things being now in readiness, he onely wanted health; for his quartane Ague had not yet left him; though he meant not to exspect a perfect Recovery,Octob. 2. but to go forthwith to Madrid, that having setled his affairs, he might from thence, contemning any danger to his life,A private meet­ing of the Lords at Dender­mund where they produce Of all which the vigilant Governess had exact intelli­gence, pass over into the Low-countreys. This, which was likewise by Ber­gen and Montiny, writ from Spain in cypher, began to be believed.

The minds of many were exceedingly troubled at the news, insomuch as the Prince of Orange, his brother Lewis, the Counts Egmont, Hochstrat, and Horn, met at Dendermund, betwixt Antwerp and Gant; to communicate the in­telligence which every one of them had received, concerning the Kings co­ming; and thereupon to advise what generall course was to be held. Though this meeting was appointed, and came together with all secresie, yet the in­dustrious Governess knew all their proceedings.Novem. 12. And as multitudes of spies alwayes attend a Jealous Prince,Letters, signify­ing the Kings displeasure and resolution to be revenged on three Low coun­trey Lords. there wanted not that kind of men, Eves-droppers, and Hocus-Pocuses, the summe of whose life is to know and not to be known, which pryed into all their secret consultations and resolutions. And as farre as she could understand, the Governess wrote to the King, that by many Letters sent from Spain, and there produced, it was confirmed, [Page 135] that the King incensed at the plunder and spoil of Churches, was resolved to bring an army into the Low-countreys, to punish such as had either been prin­cipalls or accessaries to the fact. In other Letters it was added, that the Prince of Orange, Egmont, and Horn, were believed at Court to be the Advisers and Protectours of all these commotions, and therefore the King aimed chiefly at their Heads. To this effect were read the Letters of Francisco Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to Charles the ninth, writ­ten from Paris to the Governess, and pretended to be intercepted, which cer­tified the Governess of the Kings coming with a potent army of Spaniards and Italians, and of the new League concluded between the Kings, Philip and Charles, A fourth Lord is added, falsely, that his Majestie might be the better able to punish the Rebells, and four Lords, that is, besides the fore-mentioned triumvirate, Peter Etnest, Count Mansfeld, as he himself told the Governess, he heard it from divers reported.but subtily. Whether all this was cunningly given out, to move the people to despair of pardon, or really writ from Spain, and by Alava, I leave to in­different Judges.Novem. 12. Sure I am, that the Governess writing to the King, pro­fessed she had as yet no certain knowledge of the Letters sent her by Alava, and said to be intercepted; and assured Count Mansfeld, that he was in very great esteem with his Majestie, and that lie was onely invented to draw him from the Kings party. The Kings coming being therefore ascertained by many mens Letters read in that private Convention of the Lords, the que­stion was put how the King might be prevented from bringing his Army into the Low-countreys. A Quere made whether they should oppose the King with an army, or admit him. And when on the one part severall wayes of resi­stance were proposed; on the other part a warre was feared, which they could encounter with no proportionable strength; and that a third sort held it the best course to trust to the Kings mercy,Both wayes seem dangerous. from which the major part dissented: herein their different opinions concurred, that to oppose his Majesties pas­sage into the Low-countreys, the treason would be certain, the victory doubt­full; and to admit him, were yet more dangerous. For now the Breach was so farre made, as it would be a madness to hope for mercy, when they had received an angry and an armed Prince. They must therefore either flie the place, and leave their countrey unpeopled to the Conquerour; or they must set up a new Prince, under whose protection they may live in safetie. This last Proposall seemed the best,They resolve to change their Prince. and they might take a singular good oc­casion, if (now that the Emperour Maximilian shewed himself desirous to compose those differences) under colour of making him the Umpire, they secretly treated to put the Low-countreys into his hands; which would be less subject to censure, because in so doing they should not strike at Monarchy, but onely change their Monarch; Especially, since they still adhered to one of the House of Austria. And this advantage would ensue, that the new elected Prince would have so great an obligation laid upon him, as if their Designes should haply want success, howsoever the Emperour would be en­gaged never to desert them, without making their peace with King Philip Having in this manner consulted, they left Dendermond, full of cares and doubts, particularly Count Egmont, who either to draw more of the No­bility to the cause, or that being yet unresolved himself, he had a mind to try how his friends stood affected, wrote a letter to Count Mansfeld, Novem. 9. where­inThe summe of C. Egmonts letter to Count Mansfeld. putting him in remembrance of what they had ioyntly acted in the begin­ing of these troubles, he complained of Mansfelds abandoning their friend­ship without any iust pretence. Then he accused the inconstancie of the Go­verness, who would not see that performed which she had promised to the Covenanters: but that she her self had solicited the King to annull her Act. [Page 136] as forced, and therefore pressed him to come with an Army, and make his seditious and rebellious subjects a formidable example to posterity. Final­ly, Egmont assured him, it was evident by many mens letters, which he had compared at Dendermond, that the King resolved to cut off the heads of four Lords (in which number Mansfeld himself was listed) to keep the rest in obedience. In the last place, he said, he should be very glad by his answer to know what he would advise him to do. This Letter Count Mans­feld privately gave the Governess, and with the same fidelity shewed her what he answered.C. Mansfelds Answer. That no man could justly complain of him, when, from the beginning he went a long with Egmont and the rest, upon no other ground, but be­cause it seemed advantageous to Religion, and their Countrey, that Cardinall Granvel should be removed, the Inquisition taken away, the rigour of the Empe­rours Edicts mitigated, and lastly a generall Pardon granted to such as the Gover­ness would move for to the King. To all which particulars his Majestie having graciously condescended, he saw no colour of a grievance now remaining. He would therefore freely speak his thoughts, (especially at his Request) that things were gone too farre, to the great contempt of the Divine Majesty, and scandall of the Christian world. 1565. That there was time yet left to make some kind of Satisfaction for offences past, that is, by so behaving themselves among the present troubles, that when the King comes, they may meet him, not with a cloudie look, nor such a mind as can be taxed by any. Touching the report of the Kings anger and intended re­venge, for his own part he feared it not. He had ever been, and ever would be so faithfull to his Sovereigne, that if he pleased to command his attendance in Spain, he would instantly go thither, and having rendred an accompt of his actions, hoped to receive from his Royall Master no little Grace and Benefit. Nor spake he this as if Count Egmont could not securely say as much; but that he might daily adde to this security, by cutting off all occasions of suspicion. And having so often affronted the King, with pretending publick Necessity, they would now at length forbear to press their Prince, to govern his Provinces by other mens directions. Lastl [...], (for thus Mansfeld concluded) if Egmont would hear his friends advice, he should re­main his friend for ever; if not, he was resolved to value nothing in this world e­quall with his Honour. Having read these Papers, and highly commended the constancy of CountThe Governess sends abstracts of both Letters to the King, and writes in count Mansfelds behalf. Mansfeld, the Governess sent the heads of both let­ters to his Maiestie, beseeching him, that since he found so much faith in Mansfeld, especially at such a time, he would be pleased abundantly to re­compence him with the grant of his just desires, a particular whereof she had annexed to the Letter. This, moved by the Governess, might perhaps make one suspect these Letters to be forged by Mansfeld, to ingratiate himself with her Excellence, and to obtain with more facility those things, for which he had been a long and earnest suiter to the King; or at least, that he had counterfeited, if not Egmonts Letter, yet his own Answer to it: But many things offer themselves,Assured of the truth of his in­telligence. which absolutely clear this doubt; as, Count Eg­monts hand, well known to the Governess; and her intelligence of the truth of Egmonts actions, which may fright the greatest confidence in the world into a blush, that shall presume to charge him with such a forgery. Add to this, the reputation and manners of Count Mansfeld (which manners either absolve or condemne every one) far from the least imputation of any such deceit;The Governess grievously com­plains to the King, that her letters were be­trayed in his Court. and lastly, his constant adherence to the Kings cause. So as the Go­verness justly confident in his integrity, commended him as much as she could possibly to his Maiesty; one thing she seemed to admire, that she found in Egmonts Letter, the very words she had writ in cypher to the King. She therefore complained to the King, that secrets were brought out of his [Page 137] Court into the Low-countreys. Was any of his Ministers of State so dull-brain­ed, or open breasted, to suffer these mysterious parts of Government to be scrued out of his mouth or hands? or so ill-natured and perfidious, as to reveal the Counsells of his Prince to the enemy? That she certainly knew many copies of Letters she had sent his Majestie for two yeares now past, and divers of the Originalls them­selves, were come to the hands of the Low-countrey Lords. How destructive was this to his affairs? how derogatory to the Royall Dignity? She therefore beseech­ed the King, that hereafter, he would either see her Letters burnt, or give them in custody to faithfull Servants, that would keep them from the knowledge of such as were otherwise. But no course was taken to help it, so great an influence the Prince of O­range had upon the Kings Councell. And yet I find, after this time, the Prince of Orange brag­ged to Christopher Assonvil, that every word the King spake, as well private, as publick, was faithfully conveyed to his ear in the Low-countreys. Indeed these discoveries cost much money; but money cannot be more fruitfully laid out. For it is the Philosophy of Princes to dive into the secrets of men, leaving the secrets of Nature to such as have spare time.For which he paid well. Which being grant­ed, what Councel-chamber can be impervious or inaccessible to royal boun­tie, since the Court of so prudent and circumspect a Monarch was bought by private Persons?

But the Covenanters not content with the ambiguous deliberations of the Lords at Dendermond; A new Con­vention at Am­sterdam. the leading men, and such as could be suddenly got together, met at Amsterdam, unknown to the Prince of Orange, (as he wrote to the Governesse) yet he was near the town, but peradventure he connived.Where they re­solve to beseech the Emperour to be their Ad­vocate to the King. It is believed they agreed, at this meeting, to use their utmost in­deavours to keep the King from coming in with an armie, and that, either by the mediation of the Emperour Maximilian; or by a publick Revolt from their obedience, to petition with swords in their hands. And it fell out ve­ry commodiously, that the Diet of the Empire was then to be held at Aus­burg, And the Ele­ctours to medi­ate for them to the Emperour. where they resolved to petition the Emperour in the name of the Low-countreymen: but in case he denied their request, then to addresse them­selves to the Electours,And if he deny them, then to deny to serve him against the common enemy. who might signifie to the Emperour, that unlesse herein he would over-rule the King, they (the Electours) could not be able to give him assistance against the Turk. Nor was it handsome, whilst the King visited the Low-countreys with an armie,If no good could be done so, to make a league with the Swisse. that they, destitute of men and money, should leave themselves exposed to the injuries of bordering forces. If this succeeded not, they would venture upon any thing, make a league with the hereticall Cantons of the Swisse, and by their assistanceAnd to puzzle the Spaniards in their saith by sending thitherCalvinisticall Books and Mi­nisters. (which some say was promised) stop King Philips passage into Savoy. Nay more, to find the King work at home, they would send to Sivill three thou­sand of those Calvinisticall books, of which they had long since consulted with some Calvinist-ministers (of these twelve were nominated) that should disperse those Volumes throughout Spain, and turn the Kings mind from going into a forrein Countrey.Whereof her Excellence pre­monishes the King. This Expedient was committed to the ma­nagerie of a Spanish Merchant, lying then in Antwerp, a hot-headed fellow, and malitious to Catholicks. So the Governesse wrote to the King, and added,Decem. 18. that she would lay all the Ports to prevent that plague-sore from sailing into Spain. And is her self vigilant in the Low-coun­treys. But these deliberations, because sudden and full of fear, did more terrifie, then hurt. Yet in that Assembly this was resolved. The Gentlemen-Covenanters (for men that are in like danger easily associate) conspired with the Merchants,The Gentlemen and the Mer­chants promise to one another mutuall Assi­stance. and the rest of the hereticall people, and took the Sacrament on both sides to this purpose, That the Covenanters should protect them, against all men, that sought to restrain the libertie of Con­science: and the Merchants ingaged to furnish them with money, and their ut­most [Page 138] indeavours,The Confession of Auspurg onely to be held forth.for the common securitie. But lest the Hereticks should be distracted with multiplicitie of Sects, Lewis of Nassau wrote to the Ant­werpers, perswading them, for a while till things should be settled to lay aside private opinions in Religion, all to give way to the confession of Auspurg; Novemb. 7. for so, not onely the Electours, who professed that Religion, would be their earnest Advocates with the Emperour: but likewise the Germane souldiers would be hardly drawn to fight against the Low-countreymen, their brethren in Religion; and it was done accordingly. For though the Calvi­nists hate the confession of Auspurg, yet (as Religion among Hereticks is not their own, but accidentall and translatitious) asking advice as far as Ge­neva of Theodore Beza, and he approving this truce of opinions, they sub­scribed a new form of discipline like that of Auspurg, which was to be pre­sented to the Emperour at the next Session: together with a Petition, where­in they prayed, that his Imperiall Majestie would please to patronize, and reconcile them to the King.Consistories and the Hereticks Republick set up. Moreover they instituted Consistories (which are a kind of Parliament or generall convention) in many cities, according to the pattern of that now begun at Antwerp, creating Magistrates and Se­natours, by whose advice (it being first communicated to the Court of Ant­werp to which they gave the preheminence) the whole Republick of the Hereticks was to be governed.They enter into league with the Hereticall Prin­ces of Germa­ny. They likewise made a confederation with the Prince Electour Palatine, and the rest of the Hereticall Princes of Germa­nie, enemies to the house of Austria, and therefore ready to enter into any league, whereby they might hope, by such troubles as these, to dispossesse the King of Spain (as the Governesse informed him) of the Low-countreys.Novem. 21. The Governesse was likewise privately informed by the Count of Megen, Novemb. 4. that Vesterholt was raising one thousand two hundred horse in Saxonie for the Prince of Orange. Arms promised them from France. At the same time the Hugonots in France set on by Gaspar Coligni, consulted about sending aid to the Low-countreymen, which was re­ported to be ten Cornets of horse, and thirty foot colours; and these le­vies were to be made in Germanie, by reason of King Charles his Edict com­manding that none should be raised in France. Nay even from Constanti­nople. All this the Governesse knew by private letters out of France. Lastly, at the very same time, in the Con­sistorie of Antwerp, letters were read dated at Constantinople (from so many and so remote places were the Low-countreymen incouraged to rebell, either out of malice to the Catholick faith, or to the house of Austria) sent from Iohn Michese a powerfull man,From whence, Michese the Jew incourages the Low-coun­trey Hereticks. and highly favoured by the Turkish Empe­rour. Wherein he advised the Calvinists of Antwerp, and inflamed their zeal, To proceed as they had valiantly begun, in rooting out the Catholicks; that the Turk had great Designes a foot against the Christians, and shortly Philip King of Spain would be so ingaged in a Turkish warre, that he would not have leasure to think of the Low-countreymen. And indeed Michese spake not this at randome.Who this Mi­chese was. He was born a Iew, (for it will not be amisse to speak somewhat of the man,A Jew that fled from Spain to Antwerp. illustrious for mischief, and often mentioned in the history of Cyprus, and other destructive warres) and when he was a youth, fle [...] out of Spain, for fear his ill-dissembled superstition might be discovered; and li­ving long in Antwerp, From thence to Venice. he was much esteemed by many persons of honour, particularly by Mary Queen of Hungary, then Governesse of the Low-coun­treys; from thence impudently stealing away a maid of noble parentage, he went to Venice; and there had the confidence to treat with the Senate, about assigning a place for the Jews,And from Ve­nice sailed to Constanti­nople. in some of the Islands belonging to that Si­gniorie: his Suit being with scorn rejected, first he made a voyage to Con­stantinople, and there married a rich Jew; then he passed into Cilicia, to Se­limus, [Page 139] the sonne of Soliman, Where he in­gratiated him­self with Se­limus. and finding the Prince in a vacancie of affairs, or not disposed to serious businesse, being altogether inslaved to his pleasures; Michese, as he knew all the points in the compasse of Luxury, feeding him every day according to the variation of humour, to the height of appetite with exquisite and new delights, became one of his Minions, or Privadoes: & by how much he excelled in the art of flatterie, or the artifice of pleasures, by so much he preceded all others in the Princes favour. Therefore Sul­tan Soliman was easily intreated by his sonne, to grant (what the Venetians had denied) a Citie and Territorie for the Iews. Nay Selimus after he came to the Crown, made him of his Councell of Warre: much about the time, when the Moors in Spain resolving to take up arms, implored the assistance of the Turkish Emperour, to a people of the same Religion, that in hope of aid from the Turk, intended a warre against King Philip. Nor was the Em­perour Selimus averse from sending an armie into Spain; And moved him to assist the Moors in Spain ready to begin a warre. and whilst Michese advised him to it, because he saw it pleased Selimus, his sonne in law, Achmet (who had infinitely indeared himself to Selimus, by his rare policie used in concealing his father Soliman's death at Zighet) he doubted not but the de­sign would shortly take;Of which he advertises the Low-coun­treymen. and therefore, by that which I have mentioned, animated his friends at Antwerp, putting them in hope of a rebellion of the Moors. But Mustapha and others voting for a warre with Cyprus, Michese came over to their opinion,And promoves a warre with Cyprus. and when the Emperour was doubtfull which way to incline, Michese alone turned the scales, and carried it for Cyprus; so great was his envie to the Venetians, In hatred to the Venetians. whose incivilities and scorn he often with much passion mentioned.And in hope to be King of Cy­prus. Besides he had a foolish hope to be created King of Cyprus, vainly grounding upon some words spoken by Selimus at his table. And that his endeavours might be answerable to his Counsell, they that wrote the historie of that warre affirm,De [...]gneth the siring of Ve­nice Ant. Mar. Gratian. de bel. Cypr. it was he that laid the plot for blowing up of the Arcenall at Venice, which not onely shook the foun­dation of the citie, and beat down the buildings round about it, with a huge destruction of men; but even the neighbouring towns and cities were af­fraid they should be shattered with that Earthquake. Those that gave fire to the powder, being sent from the Turk, by advice of Michese, to the end that so great a losse might weaken the Venetians, and render them in no ca­pacitie for the warre. And if, a few dayes before, the better part of their powder had not been shipped away for Corcyra that Citie, the fairest in the world, had been utterly ruined: and one man had, in a moment, ended the warre of Cyprus. So great a fire can spleen kindle in any mans bosome, raised even in the midst of the water.The Lowcoun­treymen by his letters ani­mated. Among the Low-countreymen Mi­chese his letters and incouragement did no little mischief. For this news put­ting them in heart,Begin to collect money. it was decreed by the Consistorie of Antwerp, that whereas an opportunity was now offered to strengthen their partie, they should make up among themselves as great a summe as possibly they could, to be ready upon all Emergencies; which was with great zeal immediate­ly put in execution.Which they sub­tilly offer to the King. At which time Count Hochstrat (Lieutenant Gover­nour of Antwerp for the Prince of Orange) sent a Petition to the Governesse, delivered him by the Hereticks of that citie, wherein they desired libertie of Conscience for themselves, and their brethren, for which they offered the King three hundred thousand Florens, which was supposed to be the Arti­fice of some, that they might with lesse suspicion go to and fro to gather money; and in the mean time, both deceive the Spaniard, that would be easily tempted with so much gold, and likewise their own partie, that would more willingly open their purse for obtaining the free exercise of Religion, [Page 140] then for the maintaining of a warre. Unlesse perhaps that vast summe was offered to set forth the greatnesse of their faction. And therefore many co­pies of the Petition were sent about the Provinces, subscribed by the Gen­tlemen and Merchants that ingaged for payment of the money: thereby to advance their reputation and to fright the Governesse with so great a power. But her Excellence,The Governesse contemns their offer. nothing moved with the vain noise of their wealth, did not so much as vouchsafe an answer to Hochstrat. The Petition it self she sent to the King,Novem. 18. to quicken him upon so many provocations.

In the interim she her self,The same of the Kings coming staggers the Conspiratours. Whom the Go­vernesse endea­vours to work upon with letters and promises. knowing all that passed in their Consistories and Assemblies, when she saw that divers of the Conspiratours, believing the news of the Kings coming, grew very fearfull, thought it best to make her advantage of that fear; and therefore writing letters to them, full of af­fection and confidence, instructed the messengers to make them large pro­mises to some, which she knew were no enemies to Religion, she wrote letters upon those blanks the King had sent her signed with his sign Manual; where­in suiting her words to the times, she exhorted them to defend the Cause of Religion to keep the people in their antient Duty and Obedience:Not without Artifice, and these were to be so delivered, that they should not be altogether concealed from such as were not invited, whereby jealousies and differences might arise among them.And successe. And it happened very conveniently, that at the same time, the Governesse received some letters from the King writ with his own hand to the Prince of Orange, and some other of the Low-countrey Lords, ex­pressing much affection to them, which she presently sent to the presse, and had them published; the result of all this was, That partly out of fear the Lords would desert them, whose resolutions the Confederates perceived to waver: partly out of hope, which they were full of, because they saw them­selves courted and honoured by the King: partly out of malice to others, which as they thought suspected and hated them; divers of the Covenan­ters, leaving the publick meetings of the Conspiratours, returned to their own houses, to follow their private businesse: or came over and submitted to the Governesse,Whereupon, the Governesse ha­ving recovered her spirits, striving rather to merit the Kings favour, then his indi­gnation. Which great defection elevating her spirits, the Governesse re­solved to use her utmost force and policy to scatter their seditious Congre­gations.Begins her great businesse with Prayer and Fasting. And to begin the right way by craving a blessing from God, she wrote letters in the Kings name to all the Bishops and chiefest Prelates, to appoint in all their Cities Fast-dayes, and publick Prayers, and to use all other means for appeasing the Divine wrath.To the French King she noti­fies the Hugo­nots prepara­tions for a warre. She likewise sent an Agent into France to Francis Alava, the King of Spains Embassadour, to inform him of the preparations made by the French Hugonots: and another into Germany, to the Emperour, to pre-acquaint him with the Petition, that was to be presented at the Diet, To the Empe­rour the Low-countreymens intentions to petition him at the Diet: and how the Ele­ctours threaten him. and to give him intelligence how he was threatened by the Electours, Augustus Duke of Saxony, and Frederick Count Palatine. And truly Count Mansfeld would have offered the Emperour, that he, him­self would either convert the Duke of Saxonie to his Allegeance; or take away the power of his disloyaltie, by imploying the sonnes of Iohn Fre­derick, that bore an inveterate malice to Duke Augustus, for depriving their Father of the Electorate: and if they should be incouraged to take arms, no doubt but they would involve all Saxony in a War,Count Mans­felds advice upon this point. Which the Go­vernesse com­mends but makes no use of. and Augustus would have enough to do, to extinguish the fire in his own Dukedome, without scattering it in anothers Dominions. But the Governesse could not at that time spare Count Mansfeld, she therefore held it sufficient to commend his design, and to inform the King of it, and his readinesse to serve his Maje­sty, [Page 141] pretermitting no occasion to name him for the advance of the Counts former Suit; and perhaps he himself had an eye upon it, when he made this offer, which undoubtedly would more advance his favour with the King, then his trouble in Saxony. Thus many proffer huge service to such as they know will not accept it; especially if they think themselves able to do their businesse without the profferer's help.She increases the souldiery. Moreover it was Mansfelds plot (the Counts of Aremberg, and Megen, being of the same opinion) that the number of souldiers should be increased in the Low-countreys, and the Governours attended with greater Guards: and presently the Governesse directing her Letters to them,Decemb. 15. advised them severally,And writes to the Governours of Provinces, to take away the Hereticall meet­ings and exerci­ses, in this man­ner. Not to suffer the Here­ticks to have any more meetings. That she knew besides their Sermons, that were with limitation permitted, they held I know not what Consistories, and setting up Schools for Children, bred them to impious Opinions. That they married, buryed, and baptized in a new manner, published filthy Books, and posted up Pictures in mockery of God and the King: and at their Calvinisticall Suppers, the multitude then meeting, solemnly professed, that they had broke the League with Catholick Re­ligion, and were resolved never to make a Peace, but constantly to endeavour the ex­tirpation of it, Root and Branch. And yet, was it possible, men should so far for­get all Modesty and Shame, as to affirm that these abominations were licensed by the Governess, when she permitted them Sermons? That she was not so foolishly wic­ked, as not to distinguish things so distant, or to suffer so execrable impiety. There­fore in the Kings name, she commanded the Governours of the Provinces, that as many as they should apprehend at any Hereticall meetings, Sermons onely excepted, they should proceed against them as Traytours to the King, and disturbers of the publick Peace. Which Letters she seconds with an Edict some­what severer then her custome was. To these Letters she joyned an Edict, which clearly explain­ed every particular thereof, and imposed penalties upon the contumacious, somewhat more sharp and severe, then well consisted with her nature. I sup­pose, Grief made a deep impression in her mind, as if all that mischief came of Sermons, which her too much fear and lenity had toleratrd. Where­fore her Excellence,Decem. 16. sending the King a Transcript of the Edict, said, She was forced to use that rigour, because the detestable carriage of the Here­ticks, contrary to agreement, so required. And she hoped, if their other exercises were once suppressed; that Sermons, whensoever the King would declare the grant to be void, and disallow them, would be likewise banished the Low-countreys. Egmont onely dissenting. She added, that when the Edict was penned, all the Pri­vie Councel consented, but onely Egmont, who said that Edict would be an Alarum to the Low-countreys: Whereupon the Conspiratours hasten their de­sign for a War. and indeed either upon that occasion, or be­cause the Church-robbers, and such as met at Sermons in prohibited places were punished; they hastened the warre which they meant not should begin, till a long while after. To this end, they met more frequently in their Con­sistories and Committees, many Letters passing by the hands of Gyles Cleark to the confederate Gentlemen, and from them to the Merchants and Consi­storians. By all which it was finally resolved, that whensoever the Gover­ness should use force, they would be ready to take the field, making their levies partly in Saxonie, Brederod made Generall. partly in the Palatinate: but the Palsgraves offer should be first embraced. Commission for Generall was given to Henry Brederod, 1567. with a list of the names of Antwerp Merchants that engaged for money to raise men.With Lewis of Nassau, who solicits friends, and collects mo­ney in Germa­ny and the Low-countreys Brederod immediately named Collectours, and made Philip Marnixius of S. Aldegund, Treasurer of the Army. Lewis of Nassau undertook to solicit Augustus Duke of Saxony. For though Saxony was then embroyled in a Warre between Iohn Frederick (sonne to the late Electour Iohn Frederick) and his cosin-germane by the fathers side, Augustus [Page 142] Duke of Saxony, de facto; yet Lewis liked the employment, because he ho­ped by authority of the Germane Princes (that were active in it) the diffe­rence would be soon composed, and he should from thence be furnished with stout and well armed souldiers for the Low-countreys. But because the war continued,But the Gover­ness puts rubs in their way. Iohn Frederick despising the conditions of Peace, and that the Governess (knowing the Covenanters designe) to trouble Lewis his negoti­ation kept some faithfull Agents in Augustus his Army, which lay before the city of Goth, therefore the Covenanters not relying upon this slow assistance, met at the Prince of Oranges City Breda, They meet at Breda. where these three things were de­creed, as the Governess sent the King intelligence by Alphonso de Lapes a French man;Endeavouring to draw Egmont into their new League. By Letter. That they should frame a Letter to invite Count Egmont to joyn with them; give an account of their proceedings to the Governess by a new Petition, and in the mean time levie men even in the bosome of the Netherlands. And a Letter was writ to Egmont, by the Prince of Orange, Hochstrat, and Breder [...]d, desiring him to give in his name to their Association: for by this new conjuncture, they promised to silence the preaching Mini­sters in the Low-countreys; whereby they would either take away any pre­tence of the Kings coming with an Army, or else, if when all things were quieted, his Majestie (though intreated) should come armed into the Provin­ces; they might justly unite their endeavours and forces to stop the Kings passage, and preserve their Countrey from Tyrannie, which by the rigour of punishments, building of Forts, Spanish Garrisons, and forcing of the Low-countreys was certainly intended.But they per­swade not. Egmont imparted this to a friend, ei­ther out of love, or for advice, or perhaps that he might acquaint the Go­verness with their letter, and his answer; for he likewise shewed him h [...]s ab­solute deniall to joyn with them. Notwithstanding the Governess confided not in Egmont, who, as she now feared all things, suspected this to be merely artifice and deceit. But Brederod, They offer to bring a new Pe­tition to the Governess. who was to present this Petition from the Covenanters, desired a safe conduct from the Governess, for himself and fourty horse; which she, long since offended at such Treaties, absolutely de­nied,Feb. 2. and commanded that if he came to the gates, they should give fire up­on him.Not admitted. It is sent. Whereupon Brederod contented himself with sending the Petition; and with it his particular complaint.Containing ma­ny complaints. The Covenanters remembred the Dutchess, that in August last they met by her command, to disarm and quiet the people. They complained, that by letters directed to the Magistrates from her Highness, they were prohibited to exercise the Ministery of the Gospel in those places where they were allowed to have Sermons; when notwithstanding that under the notion of Sermons, all other rites were comprehended. For it is the solemn custome where Sermons are permit­ted, there likewise to tolerate all appendences to the same Religion; and they accordingly explained the toleration to the People, and promised them the free use of Sermons, and all their other Rites, of which freedome the People being now debarred, they claimed promise of the Covenanters & every day implored their faith, by new Expostulations and Letters, some of which they had annexed to this Petition. Lastly, they were amazed and grieved to see the Low-countreys every day frighted with great forces, themselves expel­led the Cities, watched in the fields, and every where reputed for enemies to the State. All which being inconsistent with their own Loyalty and Honour, and the Tranquillity of the people; they humbly prayed her High­ness, that according to her Princely word obliged under her hand and seal, she would both secure the Covenanters and suffer the People to hear Ser­mons, and those things which alwayes go along with Sermons. For the [Page 143] better effecting whereof,1566. they humbly desired, that her Excellence would please to disband the souldiers lately raised, and call in her Edict contrary to the capitulation.And many de­mands. For which they should be so much bound to his Maiestie & her Highness, that both their Dignities should by them be ever valued far above their own lives or fortunes. But otherwise, in spirit they foresaw a great destruction of the people and the imminent ruine of the Nation; the foretelling whereof, and labouring to avert it as much as in them lay, would hereafter free them, if not from sorrow, yet from any crime. This Petition the Governess communicated to her Privie Counsellours,Febr. 16. and a few dayes after, by their advice, returned answer to Brederod (withall commanding it should be printed and published) the heads whereof I shall briefly give you. She understood not, But the Gover­ness in her An­swer grants them nothing. she said, who those Gentlemen were, or those People of the Low-countreys, in whose name this Petition was presented; when many of those Gentlemen that petitioned in April last, did not onely profess themselves to have re­ceived satisfaction; but daily came to offer their services to the King. That she one­ly tolerated Sermons, and that so much against her will, as may testifie how farre she is from giving them power to appoint Consistories, create Magistrates, to levy taxes, to collect above twenty hundred thousand Florens, to confound the marriages of Catholicks and Hereticks, and consequently their Successions and Honours. Be­sides the Calvinisticall Suppers which they had, and Congregations; in most part whereof, since they detracted from the Authority of the Prince, and his subordi­nate Officers, and sought by degrees to introduce a new Commonwealth, they might see how likely it was that these things (which they call onely Ceremonies of Religi­on) should be permitted by the Governess, to the so great Dishonour of God and the King. That indeed she had capitulated with them, and that the capitulation was and shall be observed; but not in things prejudiciall to Religion, and the Royall Au­thority. But why should they, that complain of the breach of Articles, passe over in silence, That since their own agreement in the moneth of August, so many faithlesse and sacrilegious Villanies have been done; Churches destroyed, Religious Persons turned out of their Monasteries; Hereticall Gospellers from forrein parts, by force of Arms brought to preach, in places where their Sermons were never heard before; Cities a [...]d Provinces by their Letters or Emissaries solicited to mutiny and rebell; and diverse other foul things committed, whereof the Petitioners themselves were Authours: for under their Protection, the people have presumed to seize upon his Majesties Magazines; to expell his Officers; at the ringing of a Bell, to muster in the fields; to destroy Monasteries and Gentlemens houses with fire and sword; to possesse themselves of Towns, and marking out all Catholicks for the slaughter, the Governess her self not excepted: they would have made a generall Massacre in the Low-countreys, if the Traitours Letters to them of Valenciens had not been in­tercepted, and so their horrid Designe by Gods goodness prevented. That by the premisses they may perceive how unseasonably they petition for her Edict to be revo­ked, and the Souldiers disbanded, that is, in other words, for Iustice to be disarmed, and exposed to the injuries of the wicked. Let them not cozen themselves, she would do neither of both; but was resolved to guard the Commonwealth, if need should be, with new Laws and Souldiers: and not to lay down, especially at this time, the sword that God puts into Princes hands. She therefore advised them to forbear meddling with Publick Affairs, and every one to mind his private business, that they may not shortly force the King at his coming to forget his native Clemency. That she her self will use her utmost endeavours, to save the Low-countreys from the Ruine threatned by these popular Tumults, which they have raised.

The End of the fifth Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The sixt Booke.

BUT whilst the pen was thus imployed,C. Brederod prepares men and armes. Brederod raised some Forces at Antwerp, and upon receipt of these Let­ters from the Governesse, made hast to increase his num­ber; of which he carried with him above 1400 to Vi­ana, a Towne of his own in Holland, fortified to that end a little while before.So doe the rest of the Confederates. Part of these men marched by land, part was transported in seven Shipps, followed with a Uessell laden with Armes and Ammunition. It was said that William Count Lumè a Marcha, Escanbechius, Villers, and Malberg were to bring thi­ther 1500 horse from the Covenanteers; and that Lewis of Nassau was like­wise expected there, with the German Forces under his Command; that having mustered the Army at Viana, they might send them into severall parts, as occasion should require.

This rejoyced the Hereticks,The Hereticks rejoycing who now openly bragged that at length their cause was well followed, and the Nobility revolting from the King, had cut off all hope of pardon; That it was not to be doubted, but that be­sides the Counts Hochstrat, and Horne, Orange himselfe would declare for them; nor durst Brederod presume as he had done, but that he relyed on higher powers:And many flat­tering up Count Brede­rod. though it was conceived, that amidst those troubles, he aymed at the Principality of Holland, whereunto he pretended a Title, and to that private end used the Assistance of the Lords. His Ambition was flatter [...]d by the Covenanteers, but in the mean time every one had their par­ticular Designe.

Wherefore a while after,The first revolt of the Cities. most of the principall Cities of the Low-coun­tries,Bolduc. Antwerp, the Bus, Vtrecht and Maestriecht, Amsterdam, Groeningen, Tournay (besides Valenciens and others) by the increase of their Souldiers seemed to threaten a desertion from the King.Vtrecht. Anthony Bomberg of Ant­werp fell upon the Bus, Mastriecht. a Towne of Brabant, Bomberg one of the Conspi­rators invade Bolduc. and tooke it by the helpe of the Hereticks that were the stronger party: he was lately fled thither, out of the storme of the French commotions, wherin he served under the Prince [Page 2] of Conde; from thence being rebandied to his Country, as he was of an Vn­quiet restlesse Spirit, he bounded againe into the Belgick Tumults; and increased the number of the Covenanteers. But the Governesse having for­merly sent Merodius, Lord of Peter Semy, and Scheiff Chancellour of Bra­bant, to settle the Motions of that Towne, when she heard they Could not do it, her Excellence commanded the Count of Megen, to draw towards the Town with some Troopes of Horse: directing withall Her Letters at the same time both to the Citizens of the Bus, and to her agents there, Graciously conferring with the Citizens about receiving a Garrison into their City, and restoring it to the antient Priviledges; and giving Instructions to Her Agents for pressing it to the Magistrats. The Letters were intercepted by Bomberg, And coz [...]ning the Citizens enrages them against the Governesses Agents. in place whereof he coun­terfeited two others, as written from the Governesse proudly to the Citi­zens, and deceiptfully to her Agents: and when he read them to the Ma­gistrate, having given out among the people, that the towne should have beene betrayed by Merodius, and the Chancellour, the furious Multitude flocked about their Houses, railing vpon them for Traytours, and besie­ged them a day and a night, till Bomberg had ripened his Plot. Who tak­ing the incensed Rabble before their fury cooled, the rarest time for Mis­cheif, perswaded them that Count Megen was the principall Traytour,And against Count Megen. and that they should therefore come upon him whilst he expected but the word for entering of the Towne. They easily believed that Count Megen would attempt it, to revenge the private Iniuryes done to his Towne of Megen by those of the Bus: which being their neighbours and the stronger, had oppressed them. Bomberg therefore takes vpon him the Command in cheife; and instantly raising 800 men, and planting some great Cannon on the walls when the Count march'd up, he unexpectedly fired and beat him back,Whom they beate from the Walles. with the losse onely of his Plot upon the Towne, and an affront received, which he deepely resented.

Count Megen, C. Megen en­ters Vtrecht, not having then sufficient forces to lay seige to so strong a place, marched to Vtrecht; for this was in his Orders from the Gover­nesse, and the charge was stricter, because she feared that Towne, by rea­son of the neighbourhood of Viana, which was the general Rendezvous of the Covenanteers. And they of Vtrecht, because their lands daily s [...]ffered by the incursions of Brederods Souldiers, willingly received a Garrison from the Count, and by his directions presently built a Fort upon the banke of the River Leck, right against Viana. Nor was Brederod lesse acti [...]e, but in the interim having setled Viana, and C. Brede­rod Amsterdam and being called to Amsterdam by the Gheuses, he came thither disguised, and then in his owne opinion his hope stood faire for the Principality of Holland.

At the same time Iames Marnixius, Tholouse aymes to be Lord of Zeland Lord of Tholouse, one of the Cove­nanteers shipt 600 men at Antwerp in three bottoms, and sent them downe the water into Zeland; March. 2. hoping, whilst other parts were in combu­stion, unobserved in the Tumult, & assisted by the Pretour of Middleburgh, to possesse himself of Vlushing, and the whole Island of Walcheren, which is the Head of Zeland. But the Governesse was before him, for she had made Cattey a faithfull and valiant Gentleman, Governour of Vlushing, and com­manded him to carry some Regiments from the Marches of Flanders, and draw them out in order of battaile before Walcheren. Therefore when the Tholousians came within sight of the Island,But is disop­pointed. they were easily beat back; and vainely expecting Brederod, who was kept in action by Megen, (t [...]at ap­peared with his horse sometimes before Amsterdam, sometimes before Vi­ana) [Page 3] they fairely passed the River againe into Brabant, but at Ostervell, a village neare Antwerp, He makes a stand neere Antwerp. they made a halt; and ayming at things above their strength, pitched their Tents upon the banks of Scheldt, and there intren­ched:From whence he frights the neighbours. and daily increasing with multitudes of Exiles and Outlawes that fled unto them for protection, they sent them out in partyes to the adjoy­ning Townes and Villages; where they robbed and fired the Churches, returning to the Army loaded with spoyle; and frighting or incouraging Antwerp: according to the severall factions within the City. But the Go­vernesse particularly fearing Antwerp, Beavor is sent against him with this com­mand. lest Tholouse might bring in his Ar­my, and strengthen the Gheuses, calling to her Philip Lanoy, Lord of Bea­vor, a noble and industrious commander, she said, ‘I call God to witnesse, I am unwilling, and with much reluctation forced to a War; the Fame of Uictory, (a glory, that hath wrought with many Women, and might with me, out of the sense of my Fathers invincible and martiall Bloud) I never aspired unto, in my Province of the Low-countries. But since with stub­borne-natured and implacable wicked men, neither by indulgence nor pardon I have beene able to effect any thing, but onely the lessening of my Authority and their feare; truly I should not lay to heart either the cause of Religion, or of the King and Country, if I should not at last, by making new examples, punish their perfidiousnesse, imboldened by my too much Lenity; and by force of Armes (which through your valour I may easily effect) endeavour to destroy these Enemies and Rebells, some­times bringing in Heresie to raise Tumults, sometimes plotting to take Armes and breaking into open Hostility. Courage therefore, Beavor, for I have chosen thee, to revenge this Treason to Majesty Divine, and Humane. And since it is necessary to be speedily at Ostervell, take thy Commission and be gone; fight with Tholouse, whose tumultuary Forces without opposition plunder the Country, terrible only to such as en­tertaine them. Be sure that pitty move thee not to give them quarter up­on any termes; but those wicked men that have committed unpardonable Villanies, do thou, without pause or mercy, destroy with fire and sword.’ Having thus instructed the Generall, her Excellence command­ed him to take out of the Garrison of Bruxells 300. Musketteres, and joyne to them the Flanders Horse, lately called back from Wallacron, un­der the command of Valentine Pardieu Lord of Mott, Valentine Pardieu. with the Foot com­panies of the Counts Aremberge, and Barlamont. Besides, she gave him many of her owne Life-Guard, and enjoyned him with this Army to march against Tholouse. The Prince of Orange hin­ders the Ant­werpers from Sal [...]ying. The Prince of Orange that governed Antwerp, imagining what the Governesse would doe, had tooke order the day be­fore Beavor came to Ostervell, that the Bridge between that and Antwerp should be broken: lest the Gheuses sallying out of Antwerp, should help the Tholousians (as he signified to the Governesse by Marius Carduin) or more probably lest, to succour Beavor, the Bridge should give passage to the Catholiques, whose cause he could not desert, nor would defend. Also by his command, the next day, all the ports of Antwerp were shut, the Citizens wondring what should be his reason;They fight at Ostervell. when on the suddaine hearing the thunder of Cannon hard by the Towne,The Citizens of Antwerp. they ran to the wals, and saw a Battaile fought at Ostervell. They knew the Ensignes of both Armies,See the Battell from the walls. They act their different wi­shes to both sides. displayed alongst the River side, and almost heard the cryes both of those that charged, and fell. Nor did all the Towne behold that Martiall Scene with the same wishes, but shouted according to their seve­rall inclinations, with divers kinds of clamour, as if they had been upon a [Page 4] Stage: sometimes chearefully incouraging their Partie, sometimes doubt­full, and crying shame upon them, they shooke their hands and mo­ved their bodies, as if they themselves were really in the Feild, strik­ing or avoyding Blowes. Till the routed Tholousians fled. For Beavor had been so quick in his march, that comming upon them before they could well arme themselves,The Tholousi­ans defeated. and repaire to their Colours, they had scarce time to put their men in Order of Battaile. Yet for a while they stood. At first their number imboldened them, and at last their Houses and Fortificati­ons saved them. But those being fired, part of them were burnt in their owne dwellings; some few slaine in the Field, but the most forced to leap in the River, and either drowned, or as they swam, shot in the backs. Tholouse himselfe despairing of Releife or Pardon tooke a Barne, and was there burnt.Their Generall burned. There fell at this Battaile (the first that was fought with the Low-country Rebells) 1500. of the Gheuses. About 300. were taken prisoners, and all put to the Sword by Beavors command, because it was conceived the Antwerpers would sally out, and assist the Remainder of their conquered Friends. And indeed when the Calvinists saw their Brethren routed,The Calvinists would have sallyed out of Antwerp to helpe their Fellowes. But finding themselves lockt in they grew rageous. and put to flight (for it troubled not the Lutherans, who hate Calvinists farre more then they doe Catholiques) presently taking up Armes, they marched directly to the Bridge to succour their distressed Party. But when they found the Bridge broken downe, and saw the Ports shut up, they ran through the Streets, as if they had been drunke, and cryed Arme, Arme. And in foure houres space 14000. men were come together, having neither any certaine Generall, nor resolution whether to make way through the Ports, or turne their fury upon those that kept them in. They say Tholouse his Wife, in Antwerp, helped forward this combustion. For understanding the Defeate and Danger of her Husband,Tholouse's wife sets them on. (his Death as yet she knew not) almost out of her wits, she ranne about the Towne, howling, and crying to the Calvinsts for Assistance or Re­venge. And now the Prince of Orange (with Count Hochstrat (meet­ing these furious Rebells,The Prince of Orange oppo­ses them with danger to him­selfe. doubted not by the Majesty of his presence, and their great opinion of him, easily ro quiet this Distemper, and began to give them reasons why the Bridge was broke, for feare the conquering Army, having a Party within the Towne, should make themselves Masters of it. But the rest of his words were drowned with hideous cryes and Railings. They called him Traytour to the Cause, and then he found by experience,The Insurrecti­on of the Cal­vinists increa­seth. that Majesty without strength is not safe among the incen­sed multitude. Nay one of those Calvinisticall Rogues set a Pistoll to the Prince his brest, as if he would give fire upon him: so much dares the ba­sest Rascall animated by his contagious Fellowes. The Prince of Orange therefore thought it well for the present, if he could get off; for the num­ber & boldnesse of the Calvinists increased. And now seizing upon the Me­rian Bridge, and taking the Cannon out of the Magazine, they drew them upon their carriages,They take up Armes. and planted them against the Court, resolving to set up a new Magistrate; madly and barbarously proclaiming that all the Clergie and Religious should be turned out of the Towne. Nor lesse active on the other part,The Catho­licks and Lu­therans march against them led by the Prince of O­range. was the Prince of Orange, who taught by his late danger, commanded sixe Companies of the Garrison Souldiers to guard the Pi [...]zza, and the Mint, and drawing after him a huge sort of Lutherans, joyned them to the Catholiques, whereof no lesse then 8000 had armed them­selves. The Catholiques and Lutherans formed into a Body, with Colours flying marched to the Pallace of Justice, and there made a Stand, ready [Page 5] to defend it, if the Calvinists should attempt any thing; and these, as if they would fight, came on, and presenting their Muskets seemed to ex­pect the word. When the Prince of Orange, attended by all the Senate, and a strong Guard of Souldiers,The Calvinists terrifyed. came to the Calvinists, and with a commanding countenance, advised them to lay down Armes, if they had any Demands to make, they might be more easily obtained without Tumult: if they did otherwise, he swore he would be a perpetuall Ene­my to the name of Calvin. Whereat the Calvinists seeming to be dismay­ed submitted, as if it were in Honour to the Prince; when indeed they found themselves much too weak for the Catholique and Lutheran Forces, to which the Italian and Spanish Merchants flocked in great numbers armed, fearing they should finally be plundered by the Calvi­nists, who had either to that end begun the Tumult, or at least would so conclude. Therefore Hostages being given and received on both sides,and quieted upon conditions the Calvinists upon certaine conditions (which both they and the Prince of Orange took their Oaths to see observed) for the present laid downe Armes: which notwithstanding were shortly taken up againe, both by the Calvinists and Lutherans, when they heard of the Siege and Danger of Valenciens, The seige of Valenciens. occasioned in this manner.

Among the towns that after the Church Robberyes, refused to sub­mit unto authority, one was Valenciens, animated by a strong faction of Hereticks,The Condition of the City. and by their owne nature; being like the rest of the people of Haynolt, impatient of Subiection; insomuch as they have a proud Proverb, that Haynolt is only subiect to God, and the Sun. And they were the freer, because of their Vicinity to France, which being considered the Valen­cenians were ever ruled with a gentler hand, but with a more attentiue eye. The Governesse was very fearefull, lest the French if they stirred at that time might first lay hold vpon this key to the frontiers, especially because they knew that one Grange of Narbon a Calvinist Minister by his French Lectures had now confounded all in Valenciens, and much increased the commerce betweene the Valencenians, The Valence­nians comman­ded by her Ex­cellence to receive a Gari­son. and the French. The Gover­nesse having many times written to the Magistrate about it, at last, when she found her selfe strong enough, she sent an expresse commanding him to receiue a Garrison into the Towne, of those men commanded by Phi­lip Norcarmius of St Aldegund, Lieuetenant Governour of Haynolt for the Marquesse of Bergen then Ambassadour in Spaine: December. 1567. And that by these Souldiers nothing was intended but the Authority of the Magistrate, and Concord of the People.They seeme willing, Norcarmius coming to the Towne in the Evening was met by Commissioners from the Magistrate of Valenciens, affirming they had ever beene and ever would be faithfull to the King, and to the Governesse; withall they demanded, how many men he would quarter in in the towne, desiring him to be contented with as few as might be. But in the morning,But at their appointed time fly off. at the time when they had promised to receiue his Gar­rison, new commissioners came from the Burghers and told him, that by the industry of the Hereticks running all night from house to house, the People had changed their minds, & were resolved not to admit the Garri­son, and to write their Reasons for it to the Governesse. But Norcarmius terribly offended with that Inconstancy and affront departed, threatning Ruine to the City. Their Messengers he carried away Prisoners, but be­cause that was against the Law of Nations, four dayes after he sent them back, by command from the Governesse.For these Reasons. And indeed the Towne presen­ted her Excellence their Reasons for not admitting a Garrison of Norcar­mius [Page 6] his men, as well because they feared he would Vse them cruelly, and like Enemyes, by reason of his different Religion; as likewise they were perswaded that Garrison was to have come in, without the consents of the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, Horne, and Hochstrate. But if those foure Lords would ingage, for the Security of the Towne, it should im­mediately submit.Which offended C. Egmont. This touched Egmont to the quick, who of the foure was only present when these Letters were read in Senate, he therfore pro­fessed, that he and his Collegues had greivous Iniury done them by these men.And much more the governesse. But the Governesse thought her selfe most iniuried, her Power be­ing looked upon as inferiour to the Authority of these Lords. Therefore implacably offended,Who resolves to beseige them she resolved to revenge this Scorne, and no longer expecting the kings Presence; sent for Norcarmius, and Cressonerius an excellent Engineere, determining by their advise to lay speedy S [...]ege to Valenciens, appointing Commanders, and giving Order for all necessaryes.But first sends againe to them to receive a Garrison. By Norcarmius she sent a Letter (writt in the Stile of Anger) briefe and decretory, to be delivered to the Magistrate, before he should at [...]acque the Towne; wherein she commanded the Valencenians in the Kings name immediately to receiue foure Troopes of Horse, and as many companies of Foote yeilding Obedience to Norcarmius, Governour of their province; which if they refused to doe, she declared them Enemies to their King and Country.And upon their refusall de­clares them Rebells. They obstinately stood out, and therefore, by the Kings Edict, were proscribed, and their Goods confiscated. The Reasons of this Proceeding the Governesse wrote severally to the Provinces; That she had often admonished the Valencenians,Writing to the Provinces. not to suffer the Hereticks, Decemb. 14 co [...] ­trary to her agreement with the Covenanters, 1566. to possesse themselves of Catholique Churches, and to preach within the City: nor to protect the Heads of the Conspiracy, Guy Brare of Mons. especially Grange and his Companion, five yeares before condemned at Tournay; if they could not doe it of them­selves, 1567. then to receive a Garrison from Norcarmius to that end; but they contemning both these Proposalls, SHE in the King [...] name declared them Tratours, and besieged them, to bring downe their pride: Commanding upon paine of death, that no one, either with Advise, Armes, money, or otherwise should presume to assist them, or goe ar­med within their Liberties, or be present at any of their Meetings; and that whosoever should doe the contrary, did it against his King and Country. The Gheuse [...] every where perplexed. This Newes troubled the whole Faction of the Gheuses, and be­cause it much concerned them to incourage their Friends in such an Ex­igent, presently Letters were directed from the Consistories of diverse Cities to the Valencenians bidding them be resolute, and fearelesse, for shortly the besieged should be relieved: and the besiegers called away to quench a fire kindled in another place.

Nor were these vaine Brags.The Tournay-Gheuses take up armes. for a few dayes after, not farre from Tour­nay, 4000 of the Gheuses tooke the Field, Vnder the command of Sorean. Their Designe was to take L'isle the chiefe City of French Flanders. They were put vpon it by certaine Consistorian Merchants,With a designe to surprize [...]isle. great rich men and dwellers in that City. The Plot was so laid, that vpon a day when Max­imilian Rassinghem Governour of L'isle must necessarily be out of Towne,Decem. 22. the calvinists should goe, as they were accustomed,1566. to their Sermons in the Fields, and in their Returne the Souldiers of Tournay should come in mingled among them,1567. the Merchants undertaking to have an eye upon the Citizens of L'isle, that they did not in their Comming back shut the Gates against them.The Armente­rians conspire. In the meane time, to keep Rassinghem, away, some [Page 7] Foote Companyes, of the Towne of Armenter, Their Plot dis­covered. had Orders to plunder the Country about Lisle The Governesse having intelligence of the whole Designe, writt in good time to Norcarmius, (Lying before Valenciens) with part of his Forces to oppose the enemyes Practice, first acquainting the Governour of Lisle with his advance.Rassinghem falls upon the Arment [...]rians. Rassinghem had already heard of the Souldiers of Armenter, and without further delay, chusing out 150 Foot, and about 50 Dragoones, fought with them neare the Village of Waterloch. The Armenterians were 300 and odd, most of them fresh water Souldiers, with a Captaine more ignorant then themselves, one Cornelius a Calvinist Minister, that from a Smith, was become a Preacher, and from a Preacher a Souldier:1567. Nor did he then with any more skill handle his Armes, then he used to do his Text.Destroys them. For at the very first Charge, being frighted, relinquishing his men, this hare in a Helmet fled out of the Field. Two hundred and thirty of his Disciples were slaine, and presently stripped of their armes, leaving Rassinghem Victorious without bloud.And following his Victory enters Lisle. Who with his Triumphant Souldiers laded with the Spoiles of the enemy entering into Lisle, the newes of that sudden execu­tion made the feare of the City greater, then his honour by the Defeat of such an inconsiderable Enemy. Their consistoriall Counsell was therefore now at their witts end; and the Souldiers of Tournay hearing of the Ar­mentarians Overthrow,From thence pursues them of Tournay. retreated from Lisle to Lanoy, which shutting their Gates against them, their Generall Sorean indeavouring to take the Towne, gave Norcarmius time to overtake him. But before Norcarmius came vp, Rassinghem vnderstanding by the Armenterian Prisoners that the Gheuses of Tournay were marching towards him, raising as many of the Country as he could upon the suddaine, resolved instantly to fall upon them, not imagining that Norcarmius besieging Valenciens had the same Designe.T [...]e Errour. And it fortuned that Rassinghem sending out some Scouts,1567. as the manner is, to discover the strength and motion of the enemy, they fell vpon the like number of Horse sent by Norcarmius to the same intent, [...]. and as night and suspicion doses the mind, either Partly mistaking their fellowes for the enemy, fired upon one another, and one or two being shot, retired, frighting and affrighted. While this Accident held Rassing­hem in suspense,Norcarmius comes first up­on the Place. Norcarmius, by other meanes understanding the Enemy to be neere Lanoy, presently marched thither, and going to order his men for a Bataille, her perceiued the Gheuses too weake for the open Feild, by little and little fell backe into the lanes trenched with Ditches, and bul­warkt with Woods. Wherefore he sent thither three Companyes of mus­ketteers,Fights with the Gheuses of Tournay. with some Pikes mixed among them, which he him selfe follow­ed with the Horse. The Gheuses stood the first Charge indifferent stoutly, and shot off some small Field-Pieces that guarded the mouth of the Lanes. Nay, thought many fel, they filled vp their places with fresh men, & without much Difficulty taking the Advantage of those Straits beat back the Nor­carmians. Makes a great slaughter of them. But at last, the Avenue being opened by the Pikes, the Horse and Foote breaking in, they gaue back,1567. were routed, fled, and in the Flight (more Dangerous then in the Battaile) were killed like sacrificed Beasts: A few, with their Generall Sorean, but dividing themselues, es­caped through the woods. Norcarmius, with the Losse of only six men, having taken nine of the Enemyes Colours, twentie Field-Pieces, and two Barrells of Powder, though it best to follow the Opportunity,C [...]mmand [...] Tournay to receive a Garrison. and to march with his men (now fleshed, and, desirous of Victory) up to the Walls of Tournay: and sending a Trumpet to the Towne, commanded [Page 8] them, in the name of the Governesse, to receive a Garrison of his men: if they denyed, or paused, he would use his Victorious Armes. The Towns­men hearing,The City obeye [...] by such as fled out of the Battaile, that their Army was de­feated, being struck with the suddaine and armed Summons of Norcar­mius the Conquerour at their Gates, and Feare within their hearts, depri­ving them both of time and reason for consulting, they yielded to mercy. He entered the Towne triumphantly,He enters as a Conquerour. and forthwith disarmed the peo­ple, sending Souldiers from House to House (which he did afterwards through all the Signiory of Tournay) that tooke away their Armes, and carryed them to the Magazine. Then he imprisoned the Incendiaryes,Punishes the Citizens. and restored the Bishop and Clergy to their Honour and Authority. Lastly he put downe the Consistoryes, and prohibited all such kind of Meetings, the common Forges of Sedition, thereby absolutely disinabling the Here­ticall Faction in that City. This done, by Command from the Gover­nesse he made Iohn Croy Count of Reuse Leiutenant-Governour of Tour­nay for Montiny, who was yet in Spaine; soe leaving eight Foot Com­panyes in the Towne,Returnes to the Seige of Valenciens. besides 450 Garrison Souldiers in the Fort, he returned to the Siege of Valenciens, and was ready to storme it when the Governesse should command. But she being to consult the King, presently after the render of Tournay, The Governesse consults the King about storming of the Town. with the Newes of the Victory, writt to his Maiesty her Resolution to take Valenciens by assault, because the beseiged adding Obstinacy to Rebellion, had made diverse Sallyes out of the Towne, and beate vp the Quarters of his Maiestyes men, as in Contempt of the King.His Majesty will not give way to it. His Maiesty though he disliked not the Siege, yet intimated, that he should have better liked noe Siege; now since it was gone soe farre,February 1 it concerned his Honour to continue it: but it likewise concerned his clemency and Affection to his Subjects, to for­beare the Battery of the Towne, a [...]d putting them to the Sword: lest the fury of the Souldiers should destroy the Innocent, together with the guilty. The Governesse should therefore try all wayes to win the be­sieged to yield without fighting, which was feizible, witnesse the example of Tournay. But if the Rebells stubbornesse could not be broken, but on­ly by Armes; his Majesty would not have the Town stormed, before his pleasure was known, and two Regiments come out of Germany. But these cautions were given to no purpose, the besieged growing every day more obstinat.Whereupon the Governesse pro­tracts the siege and drawes a line about the Towne. Therfore the Governesse commanded Norcarmius to make his ap­proches neerer, to look more narrowly unto the cutting off all Victua [...]l, and commerce: and to present his Cannon and Army as prepared for a generall Assault; so by frighting and wearying the Enemy, to spinne out time, till the German Regiments should arrive, commanded by Oberstein, and Scouwenberg. She likewise writ to the King, that Mercy was fruitlesse, that she and the Senate thought it necessary before they were better for­tified or relieved to take the Towne, Febr. 17. which Norcarmius was of Opini­on might be effected in eight dayes; She Presses the King by Let­ters. and that Delay would be dange­rous, lest the Gheuses (being inraged all over the Low-Countryes, and upon the Borders of France) might have time to raise an Army. 1567. But all this moved not the KING,March 13. who dispatched back his Adviso with more then ordinary speed,The King wishes her to deal more gent­ly with the besieged and gives a rule for it. that they should hold off, and rather take the Towne by Feare, then by the Sword; perhaps starved and wearyed, they might yield: yet if there was no remedy, but to force them (which he must leave to their Iudgement that were upon the Place) then he would have these commands principally observed. First, that raising [Page 9] their Batteries and planting their Cannon, they should prove them with the [...] Preparations and Fore-runners of a Storme; leaving them in the meane time some space of Repentance. Then if they yielded not, they should storme the Towne, and do the Duty of Souldiers: but yet forbeare to do execution, not only upon Children, Old-men, and Women, but that no Citizen whatsoever,She obeyes.should be killed in cold bloud. The Governesse well weighing this letter, though she knew it was more mer­cifull then opportune (because about the same time a Company of sa­crilegious Villaines, sallying out of Valenciens, had fired cerraine Mo­nasteries that stood neere the Towne, and brought the plunder of them into Valenciens) yet mindfull both of his Majesties, and her owne mo­deration,And sends to them Count Eg­mont, and Duke Ar [...]chot. she resolved to leave nothing unattempted. It was told her, the Valencenians bore an implacable hatred to Norcarmius; she therefore sent to them two of the Lords, Lamorall Count Egmont, and Philip Croy Duke of Areschot: to see if they, by their Authority, could bring the Towne to consider of their Safety.Who perswade [...]hem to obe­ [...]ie [...]ce. These Lords sending for the Valence­nian Commissioners gently admonished them, to lay downe their Fury and Obstinacy that would not secure them, when their Walls should be bat­tered with the Cannon; for to that day, their City had stood, not by their strength, but by the King's and Governesse's Mercy. That they found by sufficient experience, how vaine it was to expect forreine Ayde. That the French stirred not in the Quarrell, and if they should, it would bee neither handsome nor advantageous, for the Low-country-men to be assisted by their antient Enemies. The Consistories of Antwerp, being distracted into factions; what had they yet done? These of Tournay had taken Armes, but were withall suppressed. They of the Bus and others, had e­nough to do to looke to themselves; all the hope left them must be in Tho­louse, but he and his whole Army (let them not deceive themselves) were destroyed by Beavor, in the sight of Antwerp. Who cou [...]d be now expected or from whence, to come and raise the Siege? They ought therefore to re­deeme their pride by their Repentance, and by their Duty, and Obedience to prevent (whilst yet they might) their Princes Indignation, and their Countryes Ruine. Proposing con­ditions Having premised this, they read the conditions of­fered by the Governesse; that the Valencenians should render their City, and receive a Garrison, That after their rendring the Towne, and re­ceiving a Garrison, those that would obey the King, should have Liber­ty to remaine in Valenciens; the rest immediately after the Surrender were to depart the Towne,but in vains. carrying with them all their portable Goods. The Commissioners reported this Offer to the Senate and the People, which were prepossessed with wicked Counsels; their hearts hardned, es­pecially with Grange's Sermons, a man eloquent with a mischeife to the Publique; They were confirmed in their Obstinacy by a Rumour that Tholouse had the Day, and Beavor was fled, cunningly given out by the Hereticks, to amuse the Towne, and hinder them from crediting Tholouse his overthrow, at least to suspend their beliefe, so long as the Commissio­ners treated. Who returning to Areschot and Egmont, they, when they saw nothing was done by the Valencenians, and themselves slighted, in great fury threatning the Towne, presently dismissed the Commissioners. And Egmont (whose military heart, and therefore more sensible of a Pro­vocation, was grievously offended at the Obstinacy of the Besieged) that very day and the night following, with Cressonerius in his Company, viewing the Walls, and sounding of the Ditch, assured the Governesse, [Page 10] that Valenciens might be taken in a very little time.A gene [...]all Ass [...]lt resolved [...]. But for as much as the King [...]s commands were obeyed in admonishing and terriying of the Towne, and that her Excel [...]ence heard the German Forces were at hand, specially being vexed with the Newes of a Sally made by the Valencenians in the night to beat up Quarters, she commanded Norcarmius, that ma­king his Approaches still nearer, without further Delay, yet according to the King's Instructions,The [...] of Valenciens. he should storme the Towne. Valenciens is no lesse strongly then pleasantly situated, part thereof standing on a rising Ground, and the rest lying on a Levell, invironed with Walls, Towers, and Ditches; the River Schelt running through the midst of it, and fall­ing into the River of Rouell, 1567. they flow round about the Walls: and make the Place almost inaccessible. But Norcarmius, knowing he had to do with an ignorant Enemy, and that the Towne was like a strong Body governed by a weake Soule; finding the Ditch to be narrow in some places, and the Bankes by negligence fallen downe: with a great and gallant Resolution began the Assault; and calling in part of his Forces, that were set to keep the Pas [...]es,Norcarmius. takes the S [...]b urb [...]. and to cut off Provisions, under the C [...]mmand of G [...]spar Lord of Bill, Gaspar [...] Lord of Bill. he tooke M [...]ns-gate, a Port of the Suburbs, in the [...]ight. From thence, with some Companies of Haynol­ter [...], piying those that came upon the Walls with Musket-shot, so as none du [...]st put out their Heads, Cressonerius with wonderfull dexterity raised a M [...]unt, scaled the Walls, [...]. and with the losse of very few of his men, ob [...]erving the discipline of Warre, he faced and beat the Enemy f [...]om their Workes. And so dividing his Forces under the Commands of M [...]ximilian Count of Bolduc, [...] Charles Mansf [...]ldt Son to Count Ernest, and Egidius Lord of Hierg, [...] he gave the generall Assault; first making his Battery with 10 pi [...]ces of great Cannon, then with 20. besides other lesser Guns, with so great an Impression, that within lesse then foure houres space their prime Workes about the wall were beaten down. The Citisens terrified with such a beginning, sent two Trumpets to intreat, [...]hat Norcarmius would please to give safe Conduct unto their Commissi­oners to treat for the present Render of the Towne.Th [...]y sen [...] Com­miss [...]ners [...] of sur­render. He gave them leave to come, but neverthelesse the Cannon still played upon the Battery; which hastened the Commissioners, that were 20. who came about Sun­setting to the Generall, promising to yield up the City upon the same Termes, which three dayes before were offered by Areschott and Egmont. Which are not accepted. But Norcarmius laughing at them, said, Belike you think your condition to be as good to day, as it was three dayes since. Valencenians, you are wise too late. I never use to article with a conquered Enemy. All that night he continued the Battery, giving them no time to repaire the Breaches made in so many place [...], that now the Ditch being filled up with the ruines of the Wall, the Souldiers might enter on even ground. But about two a clock in the after­noone the Valencenian Commissioners returned,They yield to mercy. and without any excep­tion yielded the Towne and themselves to mercy. Norcarmius sounding a Retreate, just when his men were got up the Wall, and in hope to sacke [...]he Towne, sent a Countermand, enjoyning them to containe themselves within those Bounds of Modesty, which by Order from the King the Governesse had set downe. The Battery held 36. houres without any in­ [...]ermission. It is reported, that 3000. Cannon were shot into the Towne, doing g [...]e [...]ter Execution upon Walls, then Men. The same day, being Palme Sunday, and making good the Omen of that victorious name un­to the Conquerour,Norcarmius ent [...]rs the Towne. Norcarmius entred the Towne, with 13. Companies [Page 11] of Foote: and was met in the Streets with multitudes of women and Chil­dren with greene boughs in their hands, lamentably crying to him to have Compassion upon the Towne. He sent them away, with gentle Language without the death of any man, or plunder of any house, though the Wealth of the Towne was a great Temptation, their Contumacy me­riting Destruction.Disarmes the Citisens. The Generall went to their Court, and first according to his Instructions, disarmed the Townsmen, and tooke from the City their Cannon (which were 50) and all the rest of their Munition.Punishes them. Then he caused Inquiry to be made for the Boutefeu's and Ringleaders of the Rebellion, with the Hereticall Preachers, and immediately laid 36 Prin­cipall rebels by the Heels: but could not take any one Minister, for they were slipt out of the Towne, though the Ports had presently been shut up, or guarded with Souldiers; but being apprehended at St Amands, they were brought back, and committed to prison. Afterwards, the Citisens were beheaded, their Teachers and some of their Souldiers han­ged. Lastly the Magistrates, and Treasures, and all other publique Offi­cers were removed from their places;Takes away their privi­ledges. their Charter and Priviledges for­feited, till the King pleased to restore them.2. Aprill. The Governesse, writing all these Particulars to the King, and annexing a List of the Commanders and Souldiers Names,The Governesse commends the Conquerors to the King. that had done most gallant Service in the Siege, humbly craved Leave to remunerate their Valour and Fidelity out of Delinquents Estates, that the Souldiers might reap the Fruit of their Victory and Modesty, and others be taught their duty.How highly Norcarmius was famed for restoring the ci [...]i [...] and sacred State of the Towne. Valenciens being in this manner settled, and all consecrated Places restored to their pious Vses, the Bishop of Arras likewise sent for out of Artois, and eight Companyes charged vpon the Towne, that He might keep the people in the feare of God, and they in Obedience to the King: it was won­derfull to see, what a glorious name Norcarmius had got, and what an alte­ration it made among the Rebels, and Hereticks of all degrees, when they heard Valenciens was taken; insomuch as it was commonly reported, that in this one Town were found the keyes of all the other Cityes.

In the meane while,15. March. her Excellence receiving a new expresse, signi­fying that Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva, was to come a little before his Majesty. Whilst in the Lowcountryes all went as well as she could wish, she thought it best to press, what she had long since designed, a Prote­station from the Magistrates and all Officers of Peace and Warre,The consterna­tion of the Rebels. wherein they should sweare, without exception to obey any that should bee ap­pointed in the Kings name. The Oath re­quired of the Lords. Which she did; not to sound any ones mind,Why the Go­vernesse impo­sed it. for she could well distinguish the Kings Friends and Enemyes; nor in hope to oblige the Vnfaithfull, which she knew was not to be done by any Tye; but that shee might with lesse envy displace such men as should refuse the Oath, or put them to death if they broke their Faith: by which meanes the King at his coming might finde all parts of the Lowcountryes pacifyed. The Governesse set this afoote in the begin­ing of the yeare, and acquainting the Senate with it, told them, she would take it as a speciall Service, if the Lords would give Example; which the rest would easily follow.Who tooke it. The first that Voted for it, and promised to take the Oath, was Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt, then the Duke of Areschott, and the Counts Egmont, Mela, and Barlamont, who after­wards performed what they then promised. But Henry Brederod, whom the Governesse,C. Brederod re­fuses, by expresse Messengers, and afterwards by Letters, vrged to take this Oath of Allegeance,2. Febr. as he that was both the Kings [Page 12] Subject and a Commander under him of a 100 horse, of those 1400 rai­sed for the Saftety of the Provinces, a great while kept off, at last, because he was commanded to lay downe his Commission,And his com­mand of horse is taken from him complaining that he was unworthily and injuriously dealt with, refused the Oath, and sent back the Horse. The Oath was likewise refused, but with more Ci­vility, by the Counts Hochstrat, and Horne, because they said they had sworne their Allegeance some yeares before, and that they hoped was sufficient. Hochstrat was at Antwerp Lieutenant Governour there for the Prince of Orange, who was then in Holland, and from this City gave Orders for Machlin, And from Count Hoch­strate the Go­vernment of Mechlin. whereof he was Governour in his owne right. Therefore her Excellence that had long had an eye upon Hotchstrat, as a man not to be trusted, gave away the Government of Machlin [...]o the Lord Semer, 6. Ian. one that was sound in Religion and Fidelity: and wrote to Hochstrat, 1567. how she had provided for that City; which, the Gheuses having lately had a plott upon it, required a Governour that should be there resident.Who dissembles his indignation against the Go­vernesse. Hochstrat, as if he Vnderstood not the Governesses Anger lest he should seeme likewise sensible of his owne Offence, in his Answer gave her infinite thanks that she had then eased him of that burden, only whether he should lay down his Commission before the Senate of Machlin, 12. Ian. or by Letter signify so much unto them, he expected her Highnesses Commands: and if she further pleased to substitute another at Antwerp in absence of the Prince of Orange, he should take that also for a speciall Favour.But discovers it to Count Man [...]feldt. But writing to Count Mansfeldt he layd aside dissimulation.15. Ian. For when the Governesse had returned, that she better liked his writing to the Machliners about the Resignation of his Government, & that Count Mansfeldt at the same time wrote him a Letter to the same effect, coun­selling Hochstrat as his Kinsman (for they were married to two Sis [...]ers of the Momorancyes, In these words Hochstrat to Elionor, 20. Ian. and Mansfeldt to Mary) by all meanes to pacify the Governesse, he answered jeeringly, That he was much bound to him, who having so many Imployments, whereby he much eased the Dutchesse in her Government, 1567. could yet descend so farre as to thinke of his poor Kinsman, and to Vouchsafe him his Advise; which Advise notwithstanding, he needed not, knowing well enough what was to be done. In the meane time, he joyed him, of those great Imployments, which shortly would be increased beyond his ambition, 18. March. by the coming of so many Whelps out of Spaine and Italy. The Prince of Orange like­wise ref [...]ses the Oath, and of his own ac­cord resignes his Govern [...] ­ments. The businesse with the Prince of Orange went slowlyer on, and with more trouble. For he refusing the Oath, among other Passages wrote to the Governesse, that she would please to appoint a Governour for Holland, Zeland, and Burgundy, since he understood it was the King [...]s Pleasure that he should resigne. This held the Governesse in Suspense, because she was not willing he sould de­clare himselfe an Enemy before she had sufficient Forces to subdue him.The Governesse sen [...]s Bertius to him. She therefore sent to Antwerp, Iohn Baptista Bertius, her Secretary, that found the Prince of Orange onely imployed about his private Occasi­ons, and having presented his Letters of Credence from the Governesse,Wh [...] gives him Reasons for taking of the Oath. He made it appeare by many Arguments, that the Prince of Orange's determination to resigne his Commands, could not be approved, either by the Governesse or any of the Lords, not only because it would be disadvantageous to the Lowcountryes, and dishonourable to the Prince of Orange himselfe, but likewise because such kind of Gover­nements confer'd by the Kings immediate Commission, can neither be taken away by the Governesse, nor resigned by him, without the King's [Page 13] Leave. That therefore he should presently resume his Offices, and consider it was no rash Determination of his Majesty, in this common Disturbance of the Provinces to require, that their Governours, by a new Oath, should testifie their Fidelity and Allegeance.The Prince of Orange heares and answers him with Rea­sons. The Prince of Orange re­plyed (in the presence of Count Hochstrat, who came in by chance) that for many and serious considerations, which he had as yet communicated to no man, he refused this Oath. First, because the like was never requi­red of any former Governour;The first. then,The Second. for as much as he had long agoe taken an Oath of Allegiance to the King, as other Lords did that lived within his Majesty's Dominions, it might be thought he had broke his first Oath,The Third. in regard he was put to sweare againe. Moreover, because he had sworne to preserve the Priviledges of his Provinces, if peradventure he should be commanded to the contrary, he could not obey the Order, being tyed by Oath not to doe it: and yet he bound himselfe to obey it, if he should now sweare to doe what he should be commanded in the King's name against any persons whatsoever.The Fourth. Add to this, that in the Forme of the Oath the Emperour was not excepted, to whom as a feudatary he was obliged, and would not beare Armes against him; Nay more, there was no exception of his Sons and Friends, as the Duke of Cleve, and diverse others,The Fifth. against which he would not fight. Another Reason was, for that many Edicts were daily published, making it capitall for all such as were not Catholiques; which Edicts should never be executed by his Authori­ty, for his Heart would not suffer him to inflict such punishments, as men were now liable to, for their Religion. Nay, if he should take this Oath, he might be compelled, in the last place, to put his Wife to death, be­cause she was a Lutheran.The Last and indeed the true Reason con [...]rned the Duke of Alva. Lastly it was to be considered, that he who commanded in the King's name, might be such as it would not be con­sistent with his quality and Honour to obey; and here, with Indignation, he named the Duke of Alva, and said no more. For as it was reported, the Duke of Alva's coming troubled him exceedingly, his other Reasons on­ly were pretended, and because invalid, therefore multiplyed. Nor would the Prince of Orange have lost his Government for an Oath, but he thought it unsafe to trust himselfe in the hands of that Spanish Duke, by nature melancholick and cruell; and out of an ancient Emulation be­twixt them, too likely to carry himselfe proudlier in his Command; or if he should be civill, yet the Prince of Orange could never brooke a man, from whom he must receive Common Civility in the nature of a Pardon. But Bertius sufficiently instructed as well by nature, as by the Governesse,Bertius replyes to every Par­ticular Alle­gation. answered him prudently to every particular, He said, it was no wonder, in regard the Provinces were not troubled in the time of their former Governours, that no such Oath was required of them, That to take the same Oath againe, was not by a new Profession to repaire the Violation of an old Vow, but to raise greater Alacrity in new Dangers. That to pre­serve the Priviledges of the Provinces, the King had noe lesse obliged his Faith, then the Prince of Orange his, and therefore it concerned his Ma­jesty to be careful, that nothing should be commanded, which was Breach of Priviledge. Nor was the War in agitation, against the Emperour, or Empire, or the Duke of Cleue, all which he was assured the Governesse would very willingly let him except in his Oath. That the Care of the Edicts and Pe­nall Lawes against Hereticks should not be committed to him, much lesse should he be inforced by any ones Command to Punish his wife.But perswades not. Thus Ber­tius endeavoured to overthrow the Prince of Oranges Reasons without [Page 14] mentioning the Duke of Alva; perhaps doubtfull how to answer that Point, perhaps because, vpon the naming of his Wife, the Prince of O­range replyed (not expecting till he came so farre as Alva) that he knew the King, when he arrived in the Lowcountryes, would not suffer any mans Wife to be of another Religion; therefore, for his owne part, he was re­solved to remoue into Germany with his Family, before the King's Com­ing, lest if he did it after, it might be supposed he was rather banished, then that he departed of his own accord: neverthelesse in what place so­ever he remained, he would live as became a Subject to his Majesty, ne­ver omitting any thing that might conduce to the Kings Honour.Yet brings him to a conference. Bertius seeing him not to be wrought vpon, at least, not able to make a Peace, de­sired a Truce, praying him (for this was part of his Instructions) that be­fore his Departure he would giue a meeting to Count Egmont, a [...]d any other of the Lords that he himselfe would name: whereunto he willingly condiscended, and appointed Willebroc, a Village betweene Bruxells and Antwerp for the Place of Conference.Nothing done. Where on the one part the Prince of Orange, The Prince of Orange's fare­well admoniti­on to Count Egmont. on the other Egmont, Mansfeldt, and (by Command from the Governesse) Bertius also met; and after they had treated diverse times of the same things, they departed, having concluded nothing. They say, the Prince of Orange, before he went, taking aside Count Egmont: spake of the present Dangers, and intreated him to withdraw, and by no means to stand this bloudy Spanish Tempest that hung over the Low-countryes. And when Egmont, confident in his owne merits, and scorning Danger, disputed against his opinion, and how the King's mercy would pardon all, if he found the Low-countries quieted; This Mercy of the King (said Orange) that you trust to, will be your ruine; My Soule presages (I wish it may be false,) that you are to be the Bridge the Spaniards will tread upon in their coming over to the Low-countryes. At which words, as assured of his Prophesy, and that he should never see Egmont againe, he held him hard in his Armes, and so, both weeping, tooke their last Fare­well. Next day,His Letter to the Governesse he wrote a Letter to the Governesse, Intreating her, that she would please to remember the King, April 4. and make a gracious Inter­pretation herselfe of the Paines he had taken now, and long since, both in Peace and Warre for his Majestyes Honour and Advantage. And that he himselfe wheresoever he lived would alwayes be her Highnesses most faith­full Servant. Immediately he removed with his wife and Children (all but his eldest Son,He leaves the Low countryes. Philip whom he left a Student, in Lovaine) to his City of Breda, many of the Nobility waiting on him. Having staid there awhile, he retired to Cleueland, and about the end of Aprill, to Dilemburg, the antient Seat of the Nassau's. And Egmont, though he was troubled at the Parting of his Friend, soone after grew cheerefuller then ever. For now being quit of his old Rivall, and therefore assuring himselfe of the first Place in the Governesses Favour, he began to offer his Service, and to be active in publique Affayres. First taking the Oath, as he had promised, in the forme wherein it was administred,Egmont takes the Oath. and putting downe the Consisto­ryes in the lower Flanders, Ioynes with the King's Party, declares him­selfe an enemy to the Cove­nanters. he in person, with six Companyes of Foote disarmed diverse Townes, and shewed himselfe so averse to the Designes of some of his Collegues, that by Count Hochstrats Servant, thei [...] vsuall Messenger, he advised them to attempt nothing against Religion, the King, or their owne Honour; if they did, he would hate them worse then a white Scarfe,Their Friend­ship with him is broken. which was the ordinary Weare of the French Horse. This made Hochstrat and the rest send to him for the Originalls of all the Letters [Page 15] and Petitions which he had at any time received from them, returning him those he had sent to them, an undoubted Argument that their Friendship was dissolved. Notwithstanding, the Governesse was feare­full,Whereupon followes a great change. that all this might be cunningly dissembled. But whether Egmont did it bonâ fide, now hating the proceedings of the Covenanteers, or whether he complyed with the Governesse, to take off the ill opinion conceived of him, now upon the King's Approach, certainly it was of much advantage to the Catholique cause.Many renounce the Covenant. For many of the Covenanteers, the Prince of Orange having left them, and frighted to see Egmont with some of the greatest Lords fall off, the rest growing jealous of one another, every man shifted for himselfe, and either personally or by friends peti­tioned the Governesse for their Pardons, and bound themselves, as they were required, by a new Oath. Not long after, Hochstrat and Horne wrote to the Governesse, promising to take the Oath in her presence, nay the last named sent a Copy of the Oath inclosed in his Letter.The Conspira­ [...]u [...]s leave the Low-countryes. The Counts Culemburg and Bergen had now left the Low-countryes: Lewis of Nassau followed the Prince his Brother. So, that Feare had severed the foure principall Confederates, excepting only Brederod, who still lived in hope. This caused an universall dejectednesse and consternation of the Mer­chants, and Hereticks, complaining they were deserted, contrary to the Covenant;Especially the Hereticks. and crying the Nobility had betraid them. This caused di­verse, especially Ministers, to fly; this incouraged the Governesse to use expedition, that whilst the Heads of the Conspirators were timerous and at difference among themselves, she might the more easily reduce the stub­borne people to their antient Obedience.

And now by command from the Governesse,The Recovery of Maestricht. Norcarmius with [...]1. Com­panies of Foote, and 10. piece of Cannon was to attaque Maestricht, in Brabant. But they of that City hearing of the Surrender of Valenciens, immediately turned out of Towne all the preaching Hereticks, and facti­ous Teachers. Then, understanding that Norcarmius drew neare, they forthwith sent Commissioners to the Governesse, to beseech a pardon for what was past, promising for the future to continue faithfull to the King, and Bishop. For part of Maestricht is subject to the Bishop of Liege, and part to the King as Duke of Brabant; The Governesse gave them a short Dispatch, and referred them (soundly chidden) to be an­swered by Norcarmius. The Bishop of [...]iege inter­cedes for the Towne. The Commissioners were no sooner gone, but Messengers came from Gerard Grosbeck, Bishop of Liege, assuring the Go­vernesse that the Hereticall Sinke at Maestricht w [...]s now cleane swept, That many of the Citisens with the Magistrate, even when that Plague was hottest, kept themselves uninfected, That the Gentry and Com­munalty were not past Cure, as plainely appeared by the suddaine change made in the City, converted, chiefly by the endeavours of one of the So­ciety,He [...]ricus Dio­nysius. sent for from Colen by the Bishop; which Father dayly chalenging the Hereticall Doctours to dispute, and dayly confuting them, had brought them to a perfect Recovery of their old Religion and Allegeance. And therefore the people, if they might but have a pardon, would satisfy for their Delinquency with more earnest Observance, and were now ready to receive a Garrison: though the Bishop himselfe did not conceive any necessity for making it a Garrison, the Firebrands of the Rebellion being now extinguished. Or if her Excellence were concerned in honour not to alter her Determination, that one or two Companyes would be suffi­cient. That he himselfe for his own part, had pardoned those of Mae­stricht, [Page 16] with promise to be a Suiter in their behalfe for the like pardon from the Governesse; the rather because he considered himselfe not only as their Prince, but as their Father, well knowing the mercy of the Governesse.Why the Go­vernesse denyes him. Who thanking the Bishop for his message full of kindnesse and charity, told them, it was not in her power to imitate their Master's Example: the King having taken from her all Authority of pardoning Offences of this nature: but she was confident, they might hope no lesse from the Kings Clemency. In the meane time, it was necessary, that a new Garrison, which she might confide in, should be put in into Mae­stricht to prevent the practice of Traitours, that made sure account of that Towne, lying no lesse convenient to receive Succours out of Ger­many, then Valenciens for Ayde from France. She had therefore com­manded Norcarmius to take Maestricht; but first to advise with the Bi­shop: and to that end, she had sent Turius Secretary of her Privy Coun­sell to give him notice of their March. The Messengers replying, that Maestricht was not like other Townes of the Low-Countryes, because part of the Jurisdiction appertained to the Bishop. The Governesse answered not that particular, for she used sometimes to returne Silence for an An­swer, saying, these that had not ill eares, would be sufficiently answered by not being answered. The Army in the meane time made long Marches, with cheerefulnesse proper to Conquerours, and invited forward by the hope of Plunder.Maestricht yieldes. But the Maestrichers were as quicke in yielding, and excepted against nothing which Norcarmius, in the Governesses name, commanded. Who entring the Towne,Norcarmius punishes them. tooke the keyes from the Magi­strate, and all their great Cannon and Munition from the City, disarmed the Townsmen, hanged the Author of the Rebellion in the Market-place: and leaving Egidius Barlamont with part of his Forces in Garri­son, he with the rest marched towards Holland, as the Governesse had appointed, to joyne himselfe with Charles Brimey Count of Megen.

The Citizens of the Bus, Of the Render of Bolduc and Antwerp. doubting which way the Conquerour would take, were so much the more fearfull of the Governesse, by how much they knew they had more justly merited her indignation. For by her Edict she had proclaimed them Enemyes to the King, for their uncivill usage and detaining of Merodius, and Scheiff Chancellour of Brabant, which she had sent unto them; for expelling Count Megen, and admitting Bomberg: which Edict confiscated the Wealth of the City, and deprived them of all their Priviledges, till such time as they should returne her Commiss.They of the Bus feare the Governesse's Army. The Townsmen though at first they slighted her Decree,And labour to appease her. yet at length better advised by the nearnesse of the Danger,But cannot d [...]e it. unknown to Bomberg, beseeched the Governesse to grant a safe Conduct for certaine Commi [...]. of theirs to attend her Highnesse in the name of the City. Which she denyed to heare of, unlesse they brought along her own Commissioners that were kept Prisoners at the Bus. Shortly after, the Chancellour and Merodius, being set at Liberty, arrived at Court, and told the Governesse, that Bom­berg distrusting his Faction, daily mouldring away, had left the Towne with a band of men, the Citisens being compelled for what he had acted to give their Approbation, and to pay a thousand Florens in the name of a Donative. As they were speaking, came in Commissioners from the Bus, desiring a generall Pardon; that the Edict might be revoked; and that a Garrison might not be imposed vpon them. But the Governesse, offen­ded with those proud Demands, answered, That their Message looked not like a Supplication made by Delinquents, and so put them off, till another [Page 17] Nor suffering them to come any more into her presence, she commanded them, by the Chancellour and Merodius, to returne home, and teach their City not to Article with her for a Surrender, but to receiue a Garrison as she commanded. And that remembring their Offences, they should leave themselues & their fortunes to the Kings Mercy.They yeild to mercy. The Governess was anima­ted, as wel by the late Victory, as by the present Forces come from Germany, wherewith the Bus being terrifyed, sent back their Commissioners ren­dring themselues to the Governesse without Conditions, only they besee­ched her, that to prevent quarrell betweene the Townsmen and the Soul­diers, they might haue a Garrison of their owne Countrymen. And they receiued part of the German Army and their Generall Col. Schovenburg, who, together with a Senatour ioyned in Commission with him by the Governesse, ordered the Common wealth; repealing indeed the Edict, but suspending both Punishment and Pardon till the King's Coming. At the same time the Governesse was attended by Commissioners from Antwerp, 18. Aprill. craving Pardon for their past Delinquency,Antwerpe sues for pardon, and promising that the Towne, now freed from the factious Inhabitants would hereafter be obe­dient Subiects. And truly,which they deserve for turning the Hereticks out of Towne, It being a very difficult worke though the Antwerpers were the last that came in, yet they deserved the greatest Commendations, and much more their Pardons; because the best of the Towne were forced to sweate hard for it, before they could remove the swarme of Hereticall Preachers. For albeit most of them were ignorant people, rather wicked then subtle, their Greatest understandings reaching no higher then Taverne-Politicks; yet they were growne so numerous & so strong by the Assistance of wicked and factious Persons, and had so captivated the affections of the Com­mons, that they were become absolute Masters of the Towne, and could not be outed but with greate paines and Trouble, and with a miserable and manifold vexation of the City. The Body of one that is possessed with the Devill is not more deadly tormented, when the evill Spirit is expell­ed by the power of the holy Exorcist, then all Antwerp was shaken by the Threatenings and Curses of this Legion of Ministers and Fugitiues: that long strugled,The Governesse will not grant their Pardon unlesse they take a Garri­son of her men. and at last was forced to leaue it. But the Governesse though she was glad at heart to see Commissioners from so great a City, yet dissembling her Ioy, grievously rebuked them; and said, there was no talking of a Pardon, till they had received a Garrison: that done, she promised them, to use her best endeavours, in preferring their Sup­plication to the King. In the interim she would forbeare to punish that contumacious and rebellious City, excepting only the chief Rebells, and the Sacrilegious people. As soone as the Commissioners were returned with this Answer,They yeild up­on her Excel­lencies owne termes. they were sent back from Antwerp to offer the Towne, and said, the Citisens were in the power of the Governesse, if she pleased to Command a Garrison they would receiue it. Her Excellence, much commending their Resolution, replyed (as if she meant it for an Honour to them, which she intended for securing of the Towne) that she would come in person to Antwerp, and honour with Her Presence the Rendition made by her dearest Subiects.She sending her Army be­fore [...] The next day she commanded Count Mans­feldt to goe before with 16 Ensignes, of her best Foote, And he for feare of a Mutiny among the people, being to guard the Passages, with Cannon planted at the turnings of the streets, entred the Towne, as if he were to storme it: and securing the Market-place and every part of the City with Musketteers and Cannon, he receiued the Governesse; who came about the end of Aprill, with great pomp, not only waited upon by his Souldiers [Page 18] that were 1200. but by the Magistrates, Gouernours of Provinces, Knights of the Golden-Fleece, and Senatours of the three Estates; Entring the Towne in manner of a Triumph,Enters the Towne Trium­phantly, with great concourse and Acclamations of the people; Attended with all those eminent persons, her Highnesse went directly to the great Church, dedicated to the blessed Virgin Mary, where she beheld the mischiefe done by those damned Villaines, which had defaced that goodly Building. The sight wereof drew teares from her eyes; but now, occasion being offered for some kind of reparation, it partly qualified her griefe. Therefore causing Te Deum to be sung, she publiquely gave thanks to God, and privately to the blessed Virgin, that without warre or bloud so great a City was returned to their Religion and their Prince.Restores things sacred, Then she applyed her selfe to regulate the Common-wealth; wherein her first care was to do right unto the Church: and sending for the Bishop of Cambray, the Altars and Churches, which the sacrilegious had either pulled down or prophaned, began to be new built and purified with Canonicall Ceremonies, and (which was best of all) furnished with active men,And orders the Civill Govern­ment of the City. fit for the Cure of Soules. Afterwards looking upon the Government of the Towne, she examined who were Authours of the Rebellion, and what Magistrates had been negligent, or false: and a Particular was brought her of all the Armes, which she tooke from the People.

While the Governesse was thus imployed,An Embassage sent from the Princes of Germany, she heard, Embassadours were come from the Electours of Saxony and Brandenburg, from the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Marquesse of Baden, and the Lantgrave of Hessen, which Princes the Hereticks, that had lost all and fled out of the Low-countryes, used as their last Refuge for Assistance.Which the Go­vernesse would gladly have put off, The Governesse imagining what their businesse was, sent Scaremberg her Secretary for the German tongue, to meet the Embassadours, and to desire, that they would passe no further, because their coming could not, at that time, be seasonable, either for the City, not yet throughly quieted, or for the Governesse, taken up with the Care of setling it. That for the present it would be best to acquaint him with the heads of their Embassage, and they themselves might come at another time more opportunely.But they are admitted, But they, affirming that would not consist with the Dignity of their Masters, were admitted: and under pre­tence of attending them, Courtiers and Souldiers were put upon them for Guards and Spyes.And heard, The next day, they had audience, before the Lords, and one of them, after he had spoke a formall Preamble,Speaking out of a Booke, read a Booke, written in High Dutch, that with many tedious and odious calumniati­ons, concluded; that the profession of Auspurg, being more agreeable to the word of God then the Catholique Religion, ought to be received in the Lower Germany, at least not prohibited by Edicts and penall Lawes; The Governesse was therefore desired by the Princes of the Higher Germany, that the People, otherwise inoffensive, might not be troubled for their Re­ligion, and exposed to the Tyranny of the Spanish Inquisition and other censures of Law. The whole Presence being moved with indignation at his words, he gave the Booke to the Governesse. Her Excellence, when the Embassadours withdrew; advising about it in Councell, infinitely dis­pleased, delivered her opinion, that they should be returned without Answer. But it was thought more civill, that Secretary Scaremberg, should answer them in these words.To whom she returnes this Answer. That the Embassadors preamble con­cerning Religion, was not worthy of a Reply. What they had said in ex­cuse of the stubborne Rebells and Church-Robbers, demonstrated, that the [Page 19] German Princes gave lesse credit to the King of Spaine's and the Gover­nesse's Letters, then to the complaints of seditious men; whose innocence belike appeared in Sacriledge, forcing of Magistrates, and stirring up the People to Rebellion. Therefore from the Governesse, they should admo­nish those that sent them, to give the King leave to govern his owne Sub­jects, and not by their patronage of Rebells to foment discords within ano­ther Prince's Iurisdiction. The Embassadours replyed, they came only to intreat for their Brethren of the confession of Auspurg, that were not Rebells; but they had no answer to that point.They are dis­missed, all of them unsatis­fied, And foure dayes after their Arrivall, they returned, seeming very much discontented all, but the Embassadour of Saxony, who, unknowne to the rest, told the Governesse,Save the Sax­on Embassa­dour. that his Master by others perswasions was over-ruled in the sending of this Embassy, for he himselfe was affectionate to the House of Austria, and it was his desire to be so accounted.The Covenan­teers go downe the wind in Holland, The Embassadours were not gone out of Towne, when newes came that the Covenanteers were overthrown in Holland, and Brederod forced to depart the Country, 4000. of those Rebels under the Command of Andelot, Vinglius, and Lefdale, had possessed themselves of Holland, vexing and plundering the Country: Most of which,Out of which they are beaten by Count Megen, thinking to surprise Amsterdam, were met by Count Megen with 13. Companyes of valiant Souldiers that not only spoyled their project of taking the Towne, but also pursued and forced them into Waterland, a marish part of Holland, and therefore inaccessible. Yet they were affraied that to this very place they should be followed by Megen, with whose Forces it was reported Norcarmius would joyne. Therefore they tooke shipping for Frizeland, but were caryed, the wind lying against them, into Gelderland: from thence dispersing themselves into severall Countryes, they all escaped out of the King's Dominions. Only one Ship,Their Plander­shippe taken by Count Arem­berg's men. laded with the Spoyle of the Holland-Churches, and manned with 120. Souldiers (aboard which was Andolott, Vinglius, and the two Brothers, Gisbert and Theoderick Battinburg) either by vio­lence of the Storme, or practice of the Master Duncher Harling, came into the hands of Ernest Mulart, who had Count Aremberg's Commission to give chase to the Fugitives with a nimble Pinnace. The Souldiers lost all their Armes and plunder, some of them their lives. The principall Commanders were by warrant from the Governesse imprisoned, some at Harling, others at Vilvord, and a few Months after, when the Duke of Alva was Governour of the Low-Countryes, they were put to death. Of all the confederates only Brederod yet remained, proud in the hope of recovering Holland: C. Brederod the remaining Con­spiratour at first braves the Governesse, and glorying that he alone was head of the Covenan­teers. The Governesse sending him a command to depart from Amster­dam, Brederod not only refused to obey, but likewise detained the Mes­senger, her Secretary Turrius, who in the King's name charged him forth­with to leave the Towne; but he would not so much as heare the Royall Edict read, and taking away the Secretaryes Letters and Notes kept him in his House. But the Magistrate offended at his dishonourable proceed­ing, and frighted with newes of the Render of Valenciens, sent away Turrius by night,At last his heart failes him, without acquainting Brederod. Who, seeing the Gheuses every where beaten and destroyed, the Covenanteers flying or making of their peace; and all the burthen both of the Danger and Ha­tred to lye upon himselfe, trying to get his pardon, but in vaine; and lastly, hearing how the rest of their Forces in Holland were either routed, or slaine; out of heart, and frighted with the Report of the King's [Page 20] coming, he fled his Country, and for the present waved his hopes of the Principality of Holland. And he departs the Low-Coun­tryes, With expedition thereof setling his Affaires, and leaving a few of his Servants in the Fort at Viana, his patrimoniall City; with his Wife and the rest of his Family, he arrived at Emden, a City of East-Frizeland, at the mouth of the River Eems: Being received with no great honour at Emden, May 1. he went to Breme in Westphalia. Desi­rous to change place againe; and uncertaine as well in his Resolutions, as in his Journeys, because he found himselfe mockt with the Hope of a Crowne, and not able to digest the disgrace of being only titulary Prince of the Covenant:And this life. whilst he was raising some Forces in the County of Schouwenburg, and solliciting the Count of that place, Iustus, to declare himselfe against the Low-Countryes, he sickned, and falling into a distra­ction, dyed raving,Holland sub­mits. in the Towne of Schouwenburg. After Brederods Flight all Holland was reduced. For not only Viana by speedy Messengers sued for their Pardon and a Garrison, though they obtained neither: (their pardon being deferred till the King's Arrivall, and the Governesse signifying her pleasure that the works of the Towne should be slighted and the Fort dismantled, that was built contrary to her command) but like­wise Amsterdam, Leyden, Harlem, and Delph made it their humble and earnest Suite, some to Count Megen, some to Norcarmius, to send them Garrisons.So doth Ze­land, The like did Middelburg and the other Townes of Zeland, as also Groening, The Groine and Frizeland, Daventrey and all Frizeland, submitting to their Go­vernour Aremberg. Lastly, there was no City, Towne, Fort, or village of the Low-Countryes, And all the in­fected places of the Netherlands that did not strive to turne out the Hereticall Doctours, and seditious Incendiaries, yielding themselves to the King's Pleasure and Mercy. Yet was the Governesse no lesse vigilant or secure, notwithstanding all this prosperity, having for many yeares had the Experience of good and bad Fortune:The Governesse puts Garrisons into all the Townes rendred fines them, designes Forts, Wherefore being more care­full to establish, then, for the present, to enjoy her Felicity; she placed Garrisons in the Townes, that were rendered, ordering the Cityes to pay the Souldiers, as a Fine for their Delinquency. In some places she modelled Forts, particularly at Antwerp, where she her selfe designed the Situation,Executes the principall Re­bells, repaires the Catholicks­Churches, de­stroyes the here­ticall Temples. nor was it altered by the Duke of Alva. The Church-Thieves and principall Rebells were arraigned, condemned, and hanged, and the Churches repaired with their confiscated Estates, or with the re­mainder of the publique Composition-money. Hereticall Temples built in diverse Cityes, she commanded to be pulled downe, which the peo­ple did with so good a will, that at Gant (which is almost incredible) a great Lutheran Synagogue in one houres space was levelled with the Ground.And this with wonderfull contention and alacrity of the People. You would think these were new Cityes and new People, which a few months before, having been zealous to the cause, and stood Body and Soule in defence of the Hereticall Party, were so changed, as to offer their service in pulling downe of their Temples, as if that could excuse. Indeed they destroyed the Monuments and Memoriall of their Fault with such speed, especially in the Province of Flanders, that the beames of the Churches which they ruined, served for Gallowses to hang their late Worke-men and Audience. Thus,Lastly she re­stores the Low-countryes to their former tranquility. the fire kindled by the peoples discontents, blowne to a flame by the Bellowes in the Pulpit, fed by the Emulation of the Lords, and finally scat­tered abroad by the faction of the Gheuses, devouring and destroying the Lowcountries, was so damped and extinguished by the Governesse; that Religion and Obedience were every where restored, the Hereticks restrai­ned [Page 21] by punishment, or forced to fly the Country; some few getting their Pardons, others forfeiting their Estates,The Gheuses were made Gheuses indeed and living in Banishment: so as the Covenanteers were reduced to poverty and the wallet, that is; they were made true Gheuses, and at last all the Lowcountryes enjoyed their an­tient Peace and Tranquility.Many Families leave the Lowcountries which very much troubled the Governesse, One thing amidst so many happinesses did not a little afflict the Governesse, who observed that multitudes of Lowcountrymen, which could not make their peace, frighted with report of the Army comming out of Spaine, daily left their Habitations, and to the great dammage of the Cities, carried away their Merchandise, & Manufactures, and consequently the Gaines, into other Nations. Wherefore she had of­ten intreated his Majesty,For remedy whereof she sollicits for the Kings presence there. that either he would give her Authority to pardon and settle the Provinces, or else (which she thought would be best) to come himselfe among his Subjects, now quiet, and willing to obey: not terrifying them with an army, but receiving them to mercy. And the Later of these two Courses the King indeed in many of his Letters to the Governesse promised to make use of. But how he came to alter this reall or pretended Resolution, and in stead of Coming in Person to send Ferdi­nand Toledo Duke of Alva, his Lieutenant thither, because it was the great businesse of Spaine, and for a whole yeare agitated at the Councell Board; I will here with my best industry give you a full view of those Procee­dings.

The Governesse from the very begining,Touching the Kings expedition for the Netherlands which the Go­vernesse holds necessary. desired the Kings Presence, and wrote out of her experience of the present Evill, and her foresight of a greater yet to come, that it was incurable without an Application from his Royall Hand; which the Lowcountrymen would take for a Favour, lest they should be forced to indure torments inflicted by a Servant. Many Spanish Lords of the Councell were of the same Opinion, nay Pope Pius the fifth wrote Letters, and sent Peter Camaianus Bishop of Ascu­lum, to perswade him to passe with an Army into the Lowcountryes, Pias the 5th. Perswades the King to goe, where, no doubt, his presence would compose the Motions of his Subiects, and timely prevent the private Designes of some great Persons. But if,1566. in such a precipitate Mischeife,And Prophe­sies. he should either delay his going; or act there, by any of his Ministers of State: he much feared the Lowcountryes might change their Religion, and the King lose the Lowcountryes. K. Philip as­sents and pre­pares for the journey. His Majesty upon these and the like Advises from the Netherlands, Spaine, and Rome, resolved to go in person, Commanders were listed, Shipping provided, and his meniall Servants, that were to attend him, named.Whereof he gives notice to the Princes of Europe, And lest this warrelike Preparation might be get a Ielousy in the minds of princes, his Majesty satisfied them by his Ambassadours of his true Intent in that Ex­pedition against the Lowcountrymen. The King of France was desired to giue the Spanish Army Passage through the Provinces of Narbon and Li­ons. particularly To Emanuell Filibert Duke of Savoy, upon whom he much relyed; the King sent Iohn Acugnia, to advise with him, what time, & by what way, he he would direct him to bring his Army; and which were the most dan­gerous Places for Ambuscadoes: and to intreat him to send his Majesty a Chart exactly describing the Cityes & Forts, by which every day his Soul­diers were to march, with the locall intervalls & dimensions; who therfore desired the whole Country between Savoy & Burgundy might be accurately measured and put in Colours;To the D. of Savoy, whose directions His Majestie de­sires for the safety of his March. to which end Gabriell Cueva Duke of Al­burcher Governour of Millaine, should send him Captaine Campin an exquisite Enginere, with a painter and a Surveyer, lest his Majesty might might upon the way encounter any thing new, upon which he had not [Page 22] preconsidered.1567. But the more earnestly and formally the Particulars were requested,Yet all this was dissembled as Strada con­ceives, the lesse they were intended for Security, being only to amuse the world: and in all these Punctualityes and curious Accommodations for his March, there was nothing of substance, all meerly Show and Co­lour. Nor can any man perswade mee that King Philip, For these rea­sons. a subtill and am­bitious Prince, would at that time, leave his chiefe strength, when he found some beginnings of the Rebellion of the Moores, and was inwardly so much offended with his Son Charles, Prince of Spaine. For should he take his Son along into the Low-Countries, and bring the Lords a Patron for their cause, which the Prince was thought privatly to favour? or leave him behind, and trust him with Spain, which it was likely he would in­volve in Tumults when he was left to himselfe, whose fierce nature even his Majesty could hardly moderate in the time of peace. But the King con­cealed these Reasons,How the King was advanta­ged by this dissimulation. and with new Preparations fed the Rumour of his Voiage, thereby to keepe the Lowcountry-Lords in more obedience, and to have the fairer Pretence to put off the Emperour (whom the Lords as it was said meant to make Arbiter) from interessing himselfe in the bu­sinesse of the Lowcountryes: and by the fame of an Army to deterre others from fomenting the Faction of the Gheuses. The King was h [...]lpen in his dissimulation by a quartan Ague,A part well acted. which holding him long, was thought to be the Cause of his Delay, especially for that he still continued his care and provisions for the Voiage.Yet not so well but some saw through it. Though some of his nearest Servants knowing all this to be but Pageantry, suspected his Ague likewise to be fained. But when the King was recovered, and that by Letters from the Governesse his Majesty was certified of the Rebelli­on of some Townes,The Governess presses the Kings comming with new Arguments. and Danger of all, unlesse prevented by his Com­ing: quickned with Griefe and Anger, he made all things ready with such formall Hast,And perswades him, as not a Servant in his Court, no not the Lowcoun­try-Embassadours, the Marquis of Bergen and the Lord Montin, tha [...] had often Laughed at the Comedy of the Royall expedition, did now doubt the truth of it:Though Strada is of opinion that all was but jugling for these Reasons. yet still the King did but act his part, & was not serious. For among other dissuasions from his Voyage, Letters came from the Gover­ness giuing him intelligence; that the Lords were resolved, if the King (as they heard) would bring an army into the Lowcountryes, that they them­selves would call in forreigne Assistance, and casting off their Allegeance oppose his Entry. Which howsoever he dissembled, or publiquely seemed to slight, questionlesse he that was so jealous of his Crowne and Honour, must needs be very sensible how much both would be indangered, if by carrying an Army thither he should teach the Lowcountryes how to arme, so render himselfe contemptible to his Subiects; and to the neighbour Princes, that would looke on, or perhaps secretly assist the Rebells. Therefore in the last Consultation which he held about it at Madrid, A Councell about the Kings going. his Majesty would only have it put to the question, Whether he should goe without an Army, which some perswaded: or take his Forces along: which the Popes Nuntio earnestly advised.The Councel­lors and their Characters. Among his Privy-Councell, which then were numerous, and great Statesmen, because the King greatly relyed vpon their Iudgements; there came to the Board Ferdi­nando Toledo Duke of Alva, Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebora, both of them very powerfull with the King:D. Alva. Rui. Gomez. P. of Ebora. but as Favour tooke place of Estimation, he was greater in his Majestyes Account, this had the greater Honours conferred upon him.Cardinall Spinosa. There was likewise Cardinall Spinosa, who from very meane beginnings, was advanced to be chiefe Inquisitour and [Page 23] President of the Councell of Castile, and had beene of so high Authority in King Philip's Court, that he was called the Spanish Monarch. There was also Gomez Figueroa, Duke of Feria Manr. de Lara. Antonio de Toledo. Duke of Feria, Iohn Manric de Lara, and Anthony de Toledo Knight of St Iohns of Hierusalem and Prior of Leon: all excel [...]lent and active wits. But Feria, besides the vast indowments of his mind, exceeded them all in handsomnesse and sweetnesse of disposition. Manric was conspicuous for Prudence: the Prior for Religion.Fresneda the Kings Con­fe. or. Antonio Perez. Then sate Bernar­do Fresneda the Kings confessar, a Franciscan; Anthonio Perez Privy Seale, and diverse others, most of them Councellours of approved integrity, and such as seriously intended their Prince's Honour; which notwith­standing, as every one was of a sowre or gentle temper, they interpreted according to their owne inclinations. Thus it is that all men forme their Opinions; and the Vote which nature extorts, we thinke is given to the Cause, when indeed we give it to our Humour.Why the King was there in person. The King himselfe sate in Councell, to moderate by his presence the publique and continuall Iarres between the Duke of Alva, and the Prince of Ebora, contending no lesse for superiority at the Board, then for preheminence in Court. Or rather his Majesty came in person, that if any one (which he heard was design­ed) should move for his Son to be Generall, he himselfe might breake off the proposall.Manric. de Lara. And there was one that perswaded the sending of an Ar­my, remembring his Majesty of Tiberius Caesar, that left forrein Warres to the Managery of his Sonnes.The Prince of Ebora's opinion. But immediately Prince Roderick, who very well understood the King, as if he approved that part of the Advise for the King's Security; tooke the Speech out of the others Mouth, and by degrees brought it to this, That he could not but think it unseasonable to exasperate quiet and obedient Subjects with an Army: thereby ingaging the Hereticks their Neighbours to assist their Brethren; That the Fire of Civill War is carefully to be watched, especially in such a place where they are neere, that feed the flame, and they farre off that must extinguish it, though in­deed it can never be extinguished without the Conquerours's Losse. For in the civill Ruine of Cityes, Men, and Fortunes, the Prince loses whatsoever is taken from the conquered. The Offences till that day committed by the Low­country-men, were sufficiently punished and subdued by his Majestyes Sister: and if any thing were unsubdued, it was their minds, not their their bodyes, but those should be conquered not by Armes, but Favours; be­ing more agreeable to the King's Clemency, and to the nature of the Low­country-men, of whom his Father Charles the Fifth was wont to say, There is no people under Heaven (so they be fatherly used) that more abhorre ser­vitude, or more patiently indure it. Then summing up the expence of an Army, the Dangers, the Jealousies of Princes, he concluded. That nothing was so intricate in the Low-countryes, or ravelled into such hard knots, but might be easily, and gently untyed, without drawing of a sword to cut it. Certainly forrein Troubles might be composed at distance by a Prince, with­out diminution to his Authority, reserving his presence for cases of extreame necessity; This Counsell of Roderick Gomez was the sense of a man po­tent at Court, whose principall Aime was peace and quiet; and his great­est Policy to prevent a Warre, where the businesse,Fresneda and Perez vote with the Prince. and consequently the Power should be transferred to others. Of the same opinion was Bernardo Fresneda a plaine and sweete-natured man: and Anthonio Perez a Creature of Prince Roderick's. But the Duke of Alva was for Armes and Revenge,The Duke of Alva's judge­ment quite con­trary. as the only cure for Wounds given to Religion and Royall Authority. For by other Artifices and facility nothing was effected, but the taking [Page 24] away obedience from the King, and feare from the Rebells. At first the Low-country-men desired only to be freed of the Spanish Garrisons, and protested nothing else was wanting to quiet the People. But when our Souldiers were disbanded, were the people quieted? or the rather, and with the more confidence did they not demand that Granvell should be re­moved from the Governesse and the Helme of State, which he protected: never desisting, till with base Libells, ridiculous Fooleryes, and traiterous combinations, at last they extorted their desires. But peradventure when one man was cast overboard, it laid the wind which raised that popu­lar Tempest? No rather, as Licentiousnesse more easily increases then begins, having now got ground, as men imboldened by our Gentlenesse, they publish scurrilous Pamphlets against the Multiplication of Bishopricks, the Revivall of the Emperours's Edicts, the Councell of Trent, and the Pontifician In­quisitours; they petition, but with their swords in their hands; they fright the Governesse with Threats, and weary the King's patience with obs [...]inate and impudent Messages. Whereupon the King, out of his clemency, con­sidering himselfe as a Father, was pleased to moderate some of his Decrees: and the Governesse to grant something more then she should have done to such base Petitioners. For what wrought her Indulgence, but only, that when they had obtained their Requests, by not obeying they forgot themselves to be subjects, unlearned their Principles of Obedience, and shaking of Alle­geance to their Prince, made an Association of the Provinces, as if the num­ber of offendors should secure them: and undervaluing all things humane and divine, in comparison of the Liberty they had once tasted off. Indeed his Father Charles the fifth, who was not ignorant of the Low-country-men's natures, had then demonstrated how they should be used, when omitting all milder remedies he chastised his rebellious Country-men with Armes, [...]nd so reduced them. But now it was not one City, but all the Provinces had con­spired against God and the King. Nor because the Rebells sit still for the pre­sent, are their hearts therefore brought downe, but will resume their Armes, when they are not awed by the Terrour of Revenge. For the most venemous Serpents may be safely handled in Winter: not that they have lesse Poyson, but because they are more unactive; it being now known by experience, that for the same man to be an Heretick and a good Subject is incompossible. Thus his riged disposition argued; particularly discoursing how an Army might be raised and conducted, and disputed all the policies advantage­ous for that Expedition, which he, being an old Generall and the rest of the Lords no Souldiers,Spinosa and many others go along with the Duke. was of all the councell only able to argue. And his Judgement was confirmed by Cardinall Spinosa, who made a grave Speech, complaining how the Holy Court of Inquisition was violated in the Low-countryes: The rest were of the same Opinion; all but the Duke of Feria, The Duke of Feria opposes him, who being nearer in Bloud then Affection to the Duke of Alva, and of a milder nature, differed from him altogether: not denying but the Low-countryes needed some kind of Remedy (wherein he dissented from the Prince of Ebora, The summe of his Speech. with whom in the rest hee concurred)

but that Remedy should rather be applyed by dexterity of Counsell, that by force of Armes; which would be more honourable to the Prince, as if he made it not a businesse to settle his Dominions, not making himselfe a party, & whilst fought with his subjects allowing them for his Equalls: and more safe in re­lation to his Neighbours, and Enemyes, that would no doubt, make use of the Low-country-Insurrections to moulder away the Spanish Power by their owne Victories. Nor did that Allegation of the Emperours taking of Gant, [Page] [Page]
Ferdinand of Toledo Duke of Alva Governour of the Low-countreys.

Ro▪ Vaughan sculp[?]

[Page 25] sufficiently conclude; the Stubbornnesse of one City might be easily broken, when the rest of the Low-countreys were obedient: now almost the whole be­gan to waver, and in the same common cause and danger were ready to as­sociate in their defence. Many circumstances made for that warre, which disswade from this. Then the Germans were the Emperour's Subjects, the English his confederates, and the French his Inviters. Now, all those be­ing obliged by no Right of Empire, or tye of Alliance, many of them diffe­ring in Religion, all concurring in envy, as they will quicken our troubles, so they will retard our Assistance. Therefore for the present omitting the thoughts of Punishment and Warre, let some be sent into the Low-countryes, that may narrowly observe and bring us a true Account of the present con­dition of the Provinces: and let us in the interim give the Subjects Rest, and time to come to themselves; and take heed, we doe not unseasonably teach them to use those Armes against his Majesty, which they have imployed so often in his Service.

Prince of Ebolo. These considerations nearly resembling those offered by Prince Roderigo, I suppose the Duke of Feria purposely kept back, till the Duke of Alva had spoken; that bringing them in as a new opinion, he might side with Roderic Gomez whom he much affected.The King seemes to sus­pend his sen­tence, till their severall Inte­rests had brought them to be of o [...]e Mind. But the King, though he plainly favoured the Duke of Alva's Resolution, yet being many did oppose it, deferred or seemed to deferre the declaring of himselfe so long; till every ones benefit should reconcile their diverse and clashing Opinions. Thus bodyes are dayly formed, when after long con­tention of the Elements, some parts being remitted, others consumed the whole is made adequate. For Roderick Gomez laboured to keep the King in Spaine; but though he disliked his going into the Low-countreys with an Army, as dangerous, howsoever unnecessary, yet he found this advan­tage in it, that if the Duke of Alva should be Generall (which he easily supposed) it would remove his Rivall from Court, and ingage him in no slight Difficulties. But Alva though, in the first place, he indeavoured to draw the King from Spaine, making sure account he should wholly governe him in the Army: yet he was well enough pleased to be trusted by the King, though absent, with the whole Warre; and to leave Roderick Go­mez behind in whatsoever degree of place or Favour. For as it troubled him to see the King value his Merits, lesse then the others person: so was he ambitious of some Imployment, where Warre and the Field might put a difference between those whom Peace and the Court had equalled. Their Opinions therefore meeting in this point,The King re­solves to send one before, to make way for his owne march the King without further delay, declared, That he had long thought of a Expedition into the Low-countryes, and whatsoever was alledged to the contrary, altered not his Resolution: but yet hee would not goe, till some one sent before him, should enter the Provinces with an Army; not to affright the Obedience or Peace of his Subiects with those Armes, but to use them as a Guard and Ornament to the Prince.Names the Duke of Alva for the imploy­ment, Shortly after calling for the Duke of Alva, he gaue him the Command in Chiefe for that Expedition, the rest of the pretenders willingly yielding to him, an old Generall, famous for many Victories. When he had received his Commission,Provides him an Army in Italy, the King immediate­ly wrote to the Viceroyes of Sicily, Naples, and Sardinia, to draw out three Regiments from their Spanish Garrisons, to be sent to Millaine in the Gal­lyes of Garcia de Toledo. To the Governour of Millaine his Majesty wrote to io [...]ne unto them a Regiment out of that Province, whither the Duke of Alva would shortly come with his new Spanish Levies, that should sup­ply the Garrisons from whence the old Souldiers were selected. Likewise [Page 26] to the Duke of Savoy the King had formerly sent Iohn Acugnia, and now dispatched Francis Ibarra: that,Writes to the Duke of Sa­voy to victuall his men, as the other desired a passage, so this might procure Victuall for the Army. Moreover Count Iohn Anguisciola went Embassadour to the Swisse, and Anthonio Mendoza to the Duke of Loraine, To the Switz and the Duke of Loraine to give them pas­sage. acquainting them with his Majestie's Intentions, and desiring Leaue for the Royall Army to passe without Molestation through their Territoryes. For the King had changed his Resolution of sending them by Lyons, Charles the ninth of France excusing himselfe, pretending the Civill Warres, and consequently the unsafenesse of the Passage. Indeed the Report of the Spanish Army terrified many Countryes, particularly Geneva, Lyon. Car. ix. Geneva terri­fied with news of the Spanish March. who were made believe that Pope Pius had agreed with the Duke of Alva, in his March, to turne his Forces, as he might easily doe, upon the Geneveses: and they were assured the Duke of Savoy would not lose so good an Opportunity. That which I imagine bred the Suspicion was the suddain Embassage of Bernardino Mendoza sent to the Pope from the Duke of Alva, Ber. Mendoza l. b. a. whilst he stayed in Millaine. Wherefore Geneva not only request­ed Aide to the common Cause from Bearne, They send for assistance from the French Calvinists. whose turne would be the next, but likewise from all the Calvinists of France, as from a Plantation of Ge­neva; especially from the Prince of Conde, Head of the Faction. Who g [...]ad of that Occasion to make Levies,The Prince of Conde and the Colligni pro­mise them pro­tection. promised and sent Assistance to Geneva under the Command of Mombrune. And the Prince himselfe with Gaspar Colligny began their publique Musters in France, pretēding to King Charles a feare the Spaniards, Raise men and perswade the French K. to fight the Spa­niard. that accounted them as Enemies, had a designe to take them unprepared. Nay they would have perswaded the King to raise an Army, and not let slip such an Opportunity (as fairer could not be) to revenge himselfe of a Nation that ever hated France. It was true, that the Spanish Army, both for the Goodnesse of Souldiers and Noblenesse of Commanders, was a most select and considerable one, yet in their passage through the Straits and over the Mountaines; on the one side by the French, on the other by the Geneveses and Swisse, they might easily be distressed and cut off. And then all King Philip's Spanish and Italian Forces being overthrowne, as it was not to be doubted, but either a way might be opened to recover Millaine, left naked of old Souldiers: or it was but marching into the Lowcountreys, and that people willingly would receiue the French, to whose Armes they must acknowledge themselves obliged for their delivery from the Spanish. But if neither of these Projects tooke effect; yet certainely for many years a warre was not to be feared from those, that having lost such an army could not in a long time recruite. The Prince of Conde added, that if it would please the King to raise forces for that warre, he would bring his Maiesty 50000 men. Thus under a specious colour for the publick safety, they offered his Maiesty the Army which they had privately designed for their Rebellion, like true Hugonots, who call that the Kings Security,The King of France finding the Hugonots designe, stirrs not. which is indeed his Captivity. But the French King knowing what they aymed at, lest by provoking a Potent Prince, he might at one time be ingaged in a Forreine and Civill Warre, replyed it was neither a­greable to the Honour nor Valour of the French, to circumvent a King, neare to him in Affinity and Freindship. But to secure his Kingdome from the Spaniards, in their March, he would giue Order for the raising of a new Army. Withall, he signified to King Philip the Condition of his Civill Discords, by reason whereof, he could not promise Security to his Forces if they came. And now the Duke of Alva transported in the Galleys of Andrea Doria and Cosmo Duke of Florence, with his new Spanish Souldiers [Page 27] that were to supply the old Italian Garrisons, arrived at Millaine; where falling into a Feauer he was forced to remaine.Falls sicke at Millaine. At which time upon no­tice of the Army which the Duke of Alva was to bring into the Lowcoun­tryes, The Governess likes not the comming of so great an Army, whereupon she writes thus to his Majesty. and that the King himself would follow (for so it was reported) the Governesse endeavoured to disswade his Maiesty from coming in a Warlike manner, which would be of no use, but to imbroile the Provinces againe. That the Lowcountreys were at present in a peaceable condition, returned to their Religion and Obedience; nor wanted they strength and Men, 12. Aprill. by which as this Condition was acquired, so it might be preserued and increased by the King's presence if he came alone: but if he brought a new and mighty Army, what would it import, but great Expences to the King, and noe lesse Poverty to the Lowcountryes? Vpon the very Rumour of a forreine Army diverse Tradesmen and Merchants familyes were now de­parted; and when they heard of the Armyes nearer Approcahes, more would leave the Country, because they knew there would be noe Trading in a time of Warre and yet they must pay Sessments and great Taxes for maintaining Souldiers. Besides the Feare of the People, that cannot but thinke these Forces to be their Executioners; the indignation of the Nobility, whose good Service, in quieting the late Commotions would seeme to be slighted; and the certaine Relapse of the Place into Heresy, that would returne into the Lowcountreys with a Lutheran Army out of Germany: and (which out of the premisses she prophetically concluded) it would cause, by that inexpiable Hatred & anti­pathy betweene the two Nations, a bloudy Civill Warre for many Ages. Wherefore she earnestly beseeched his Majesty, that laying aside this unsea­sonable Designe of Armes, he would come peaceably into the Provinces, more like a father, then a King: and that by his presence and Wisdome he would add to these happy Beginnings what was only desirable, Continuation.’ This Letter the Governesse sent by an Extraordinary, Gaspar Robley Lord of Bill and Governour of Philipvill, that being presented by a person of Ho­nour, it might have more Authority with the King.The King. But it neuer moved him, who replyed his Army should come into the Lowcountreys for no other End but to establish peace.Madrid. And this was writ to the Governesse, in the King's name,21. May. by Rui Gomez a Sylva Prince of Ebolo, who likewise sent her Excellence Newes of the Marquesse of Bergen's Death,Returnes his reason for sen­ding of an Ar­my. which happened in the Kings Absence from Madrid.

Iohn Glimèe Marquesse of Bergen Op Zoom, Of the Mar­quesse of Ber­gens death. a City in the farthest part of Brabant, was the last yeare, sent from the Low-countreys into Spaine, with Florence Momorancy Lord of Montin, nor was his Embassy very well re­ceived, the King being excessively inraged at the Violation of their Churches and Defection of their Cityes.His unfortu­nate Embas­sage. Therefore the Marquesse beg­ging leave to returne very often, but still in vaine (because the Governesse had privately advised the King not let the Embassadours goe, so long as the Troubles lasted) when he had now sufficiently discovered the Plot up­on him, both by his Delayes at Court, and his mock-hopes, as if he should every day returne into the Low-countryes with the King; weary of the Imployment, and struck with the Duke of Alva's being chosen Generall, he fell sick: and despairing of his Recovery, sent for the Prince of Ebolo, His sicknesse. his old Friend, to whom (they say) he grievously complained of the King, and prayed he would deliver to his Majesty these words, from a dying man that should no more speake for himselfe. That it much grieved him, His complaint of the King. not only to have no value put upon the many painefull services hee had done, but likewise to see himselfe suspected, and looked upon as an [Page 28] Enemy; yet he hoped that his Fidelity, and the perfidiousnesse and calumn [...]es of his Maligners would once, though too late, appeare. A while after, ha­ving settled all worldly businesse,May. 21. on the one and twentieth of May he dy­ed, some say poysoned as if no man frowned upon by his Prince could dye a naturall death.His death, whe­ther poysoned or no? For my part, I meane not to affirme it, otherwise then as a Conjecture. He was equally beloved,His Title, Offi­ces and Im­ployments. by Charles the fifth, and his Son Philip: from him he received the title of Marquesse; this for his gallant Service at Saint Quintin chose him out of all the Low-countrey-Lords to go over with him into England to his Marriage with Queene Ma­ry: at his returne, he created him Knight of the Golden-Fleece, and made him Grandven [...]ur (or Justice in Eyre) and Governour of Haynolt. In which Province, because he seemed not, according to his duty, seriously to advance the Catholique cause (though he himselfe was seriously a Catholique) the Governesse was then much displeased with him;His impeach­ment, after his decease, found guilty of High Treason, and a few months after his Decease, being for the same attainted of High Trea­son, he was condemned by the Duke of Alva. The Governesse receiving the newes of his Death,Her Excellence in the King's name takes Bergen op Zoom. speedily, that is within eight dayes, written, as I said, from the Prince of Ebolo; immediatly, before the Report could be divulged, sent Mandevill with a select Company of Fire-locks, fram­ing a Letter to the Lady-Marquesse of Bergen, That she heard the Here­ticks of that Towne offended with the late Edict, May 30. endeavoured some Inno­vation, therefore she had in haste dispatched Souldiers to guard her, and the City: & to make them the welcomer, had chosen out of her Ladiship's Vncle Beavor's Regiment Captaine Mandevill, whom She had commanded to re­ceive Orders from her Ladyship. The businesse is not toucht. Her Husband's Death she mentioned not, lest it might lessen the Favour, and move a suspition of the thing in­tended. But when she sent away the Captaine, being a man of approved Fidelity, she discovered to him, that hee was, in the King's name, to possesse himselfe of the Towne. He should indeed serve the Lady-Mar­quesse, in any thing that might be for her safety; but if she refused his Souldiers, or commanded them to depart the Towne: he must tell her, he could not doe it, without acquainting the Governesse: In the meane while, by writting Letters and expecting Answers, he should spinne out the time,May 21. till his Majesty expressed his absolute pleasure. For the Prince of Ebolo from the King,May 31. and afterwards the King himselfe, had writ to the Governesse,The Kings pleasure touch­ing the Estate and Heyre of the Marquesse of Bergen. that she was to bring the Marquesse's cause to a Triall, and if he were found to have been privy to the Tumults and Rebellion, his Estate should be confiscated, otherwise it should descend to his Heires. The King added, in his own Hand, That whereas the Marquesse had de­clared his Sister's Daughter his Heire, who was said to have no good Ca­tholique Education; the Governesse should find meanes to get her out of her Father's hands, and breed her, till she were married to that Kinsman, unto whom the Marquesse had by his will disposed her. The City she forthwith seized, but the young Lady her Mother was a great while fearefull to deliver.A solemne Pro­cession at Antwerp. And after the Governesse had been present at the Procession, wherein the Body of our Lord and Saviour was carryed through Antwerp, then solemnized with more exquisite preparations and Pompe then ever, and followed with such multitudes and Reverence, that one would thinke they had not so much as conversed with Hereticks;The Governesse troubled at the Duke of Alva's coming, many aggravating her displeasure. her Excellence, leaving Count Mansfeldt and 13. Companies in the Town, with the rest and a great Traine of Lords returned to Bruxells, there to expect the Duke of Alva, whose coming every day more afflicted her; and [Page 29] many that loved him not aggravated her distaste, telling her that by his Pride, all which she had with so much paines and wisdome reconciled and composed, would be presently put into confusion, and he would make Troubles, which it might be thought he was come from Spaine to quiet: whilst the Honour & Settlement, only due to the governesse, would by his vaine-glory be numbred among his Triumphs. The Governesse therefore not only expressed to the King her Resentment, in her Letter by Gaspar Robley: She writes to Alva to dis­band part of his Forces. but likewise writing to the Duke of Alva to congratulate his Ar­rivall at Millaine, Iune 15. she let him understand the State of the Low-countryes, and wished him to advise, whether it would not be a greater Act of pru­dence to disband part of his Army, then by those unseasonable Forces and Expences to irritate the Low-countryes, which were now reduced to Obe­dience: such a Remedy in most mens Iudgements being too strong for the Disease. But the Duke of Alva pretended the King's command.He answers that 'tis not in his power, Rui Gomez. And the Prince of Ebolo by Robley, who was dispatched from Spaine, Iune 30. about the end of Iune, answered her; That the King was carefull of his Sister's Estimation, purchased of all the world, for governing the Low-coun­tryes with so singular wisdome in so dangerous times, Writes to the Governesse the cause of the Duke's coming. taking Cityes, sub­duing Rebels, and at length, vigorously reducing all the Low-countryes to their Religion, and Loyalty. Nor was Alva sent to rob her of any part of that glory, wholly appropriate to her Highnesse, but that by serving her with his endeavours and counsells, what was gained might be preserved, with lesse troubles to the Governesse, and no envy that could reflect upon her for punishing of Delinquents. But nothing so much satisfied her, as the King's-Letter sent by Lopius Gallus, after Robley's departure, wherein giving thanks to his Sister for so industrious and wise an Establishment of Peace, Iuly 1. he said, he would shortly better expresse those thankes, The King pro­mises his per­sonall presence. in person, longing exceedingly to be an Eye-witnesse of her vertue. And, among other commands, injoyned her to have in readinesse at least eight Sayle of Ships to meet him, whensoever an Expresse came of his weighing Anchors. A Fleete made ready to trans­port his Ma­jesty. And the Governesse in good earnest provided the Shipps, the Senat decreeing, that for the King's happy Voiage publique Prayers should be made; which neverthelesse his majesty mean­ing to stay at home, needed not, as some said;Publick Pray­ers for his hap­py Voyage, All to no pur­pose. comparing him to Tiberius Caesar, who gave out from day to day, that he would leaue Rome; and suffered the Empire diverse times to make the like supplications for his good Journey and Returne, long busying the Roman Provinces with that Expectation.Suetonius in Tiberio. But the beliefe of the King's Expedition was to be main­tained with such new Scenes, or else the Play would have been spoyled. Howsoever the Duke of Alva, equally distastfull to the Nobility and the People, would have been much worse received by the Low-country-men, if they had not perswaded themselves by these appearing hopes, that the King himselfe would shortly follow.

And now the Duke of Alva having perfectly recovered his Health,The Duke of Alva musters his Army. when he came to Ast, Asta in Pie­mont. tooke the generall Musters of his Army; which being greater in worth, then number (though feare among the timerous had multiplyed the very number) he found to consist of 8700. Foote, and but 1200. Horse. For the Duke cared not for multitude,What Horse and Foote. which commonly is a hindrance to the March, but desired to have stout men, and valiant hands, not many names: meaning afterwards to increase them more op­portunely in the Low-countreys, where without danger he might adde to his old Army, as to a body strong in nerves and bone, as much young flesh, that is, untrained Souldiers, as he pleased. The Foot, in a manner all [Page 30] Spanish, he distributed into foure Legions, in regard they were raised out of foure Provinces,Foure Spanish Colonels, commanded by so many Spanish Colonels, conspicu­ous for their abilities in warre. Alphonso Vlloa Alph. Vlloae. Sanchio Lodo [...] nius, led the Neopolitan Regiment, consisting of 19. Colours, viz. 3230. men. Sancho Londognios had the Millaine Regiment, comprehending under 10. Colours, 2200. The Sicilian under as many Ensignes contained 1620. commanded by Iuliano Romero. Juliano Rome­ro. The like number of Sardinians were mustered under Colonell Gonsalvo Bracamonte, Ferdinand de Toledo Prior of Castile, Gonsalvo Bra­chamonte. of the Order of Saint Iohns of Hierusalem, Ferdinando bastard-son to the Duke of Alva. Bastard Son to the Duke of Alva, was Generall of the Horse, that were Spaniards, Italians, and Epirots. The Campe-Master Generall was Chiapino Vitelli Marquesse of Cetona, Chiapinio Vitelli Campe-master. an old Generall fa­mous for many Victoryes, and upon the King's request, sent by the Duke of Florence to serve his Majesty; who likewise borrowed of the Duke of Savoy Francisco Paciotto of Vrbin, Melzius l. 1. c. 7. Count of Montis-Faber, an admirable Engineere and rarely skilled in fortification.Francisco Pa­ciotto Engineer Gabriel Serbel­lio, Master of the Ordinance. Antonio Oli­vera Commis­sary Generall of the Horse, who first brought this Office into the Low-countryes. The Generall of the Traine of Artillery was Gabriell Serbellonio, a Knight of Saint Iohns at Hierusa­lem, Prior of Hungary, a gallant Souldier, and a most excellent Canno­neere. To these great Field-Officers was added Commissary Generall of the Horse, a new command lately instituted by Ferdinando Gonzaga Gover­nour of Millaine, and Generall for Charles the fifth: and at this time, the Duke of Alva first brought that Office into the Low-countryes, bestowing it upon Anthonio Olivera, descended from that Marino Olivera, whom Pe­dro King of Castile sent for out of France with some other Commanders, to beat the Moores out of Spaine, and Anthonio was well able to discharge the place, having been an old Souldier both in Italy and Africa, and being then a Colonell in Millaine, from whence he first brought into the Low-countryes the Name and Office of Commissary-Generall of the Horse. No lesse gallant men were the Captaines of every Troope and Company, Charles Davalo Son to Vastius Commander in chiefe,Charles Davalo with his Brother Pis­cario in the Battailes fought in Piemont and Millaine, emulating therein the antient Glory of his valiant Ancestors.Bernardino Mendoza. Bernardino Mendoza, then fa­mous for his valour,Camillo a Monte. afterwards for his History. Camillo a Monte (Brother to Iohn Baptista Marchio sent before into the Low-countryes) who tray­led a Pike under his Vncle, Chiapinio since he was twelve yeares old. Chri­stopher Mondragonio, Christopher Mondraegonio. that had served under Charles the fifth in his Italian, African, and German Warres, and is said to be one of those ten Spaniards, that with memorable Bravery, holding their Swords between their teeth, swam the River Albis, taking the Boates from the farther Shoare, and bringing them back to the Emperour through a Tempest of Shot, made a Bridge of them to passe over his Army, a very advantageous Service that hastned the Conquest of Saxony. Sancho Avila, Sancho Avila. Curtio Marti­nengo. bred up to the Warres from a boy by the Duke of Alva, and till death his constant Follower. Curtius Comes Martinengo, Nicholao Basta, Francisco Verdugo, Nicholao Basta Francisco Verdugo. and diverse others, almost all old Souldiers, that had seen many severall Services, and won as many Victoryes.The Army di­vided into Tertiaes. Having mustered his Army, he divided it into three parts, and so marched over the Cenisian Mountaine, the highest ridge of the Appenine, into Savoy. The Van, wherein was the Neopolitan Regi­ment with five Troopes of Italian and Spanish Horse, was led by the Duke of Alva himselfe; The second Division consisting of Londognio's Regi­ment with foure Troops of Spanish horse, was commanded by his Son Fer­dinando. The Marquesse Vitelli brought up the Rere, containing the Sicilian and Sardinian Regiments, and two Troops of Epirots. The Front [Page 31] of every company, by a new invention, was flanked with 15. Supernume­raryes, armed with Musketoones,A new Inven­tion. and Rests, wherein they layed the bat­tell, that could not be managed by the hand. For before his time such huge Muskets, as unmanageable, were drawne upon Carriages, and only used at Sieges, from whence being translated into the Field, and those that carry them mixed with the lesser Musketeers, they have been found extraordinary serviceable in Battailes. Gabriel Serbellonio and Frances­co Ibarra were sent before with some Companyes of Souldiers and Artifi­cers: this to provide Victuall, he to examine the way, and to prepare Quarter. They had Orders from Vitelli, Their March. that the Army marching in three Divisions, the second should still lodge upon the place from whence the first was moved, and when this dislodged, the last should have Quarter there. And thus in Iune, by short Marches, over the Alpes and through Savoy, the Army came into the County of Burgundy, where it was increa­sed with 400. Horse, all young Burgundians. Passing through Loraine, a­bout the beginning of August, Strict disci­pline. the Duke arrived in the Low-countreys, offending none in his Passage, nor being himselfe offended by any one. Though the French appeared in Armes upon the Marches of Burgundy, and Colonell Tavan by command from the French King, with 4000. Foot and some Troopes of Horse for defence of the Borders, still costed the Spanish Army. Indeed I doe not thinke, that ever any Army marched so farre, and kept stricter Rules of Discipline. So that from Italy even to the Low-countryes not only no Townes, but not any Cottage, was forced or inju­ried.Exemplary P [...]nish [...]ent. Only one crime in their Entrance to Loraine was committed by three Dragoones, driving away as many Weathers from a Flock of Sheep, who, upon examination of the Fact by the Duke of Alva, were immediate­ly condemned to be hanged, & the Sheep sent back: yet upon the intercessi­on of a Loraine Captaine sent from his Duke to meet the Duke of Alva on the Borders, two of their lives were pardoned, in honour of the Duke of Loraine: and the third was hanged up by lot, for they cast Dice upon the Drum-head, and it was his fortune to dye, that inticed the other two.

When the Duke of Alva came to Theonvill in the province of Lutzenburg the Counts Alberick Lodronio, Otho Oberstein, The Duke of Alva enters the Low countreys and Schowenburg received him in the head of their German Regiments with Volleys of Shot, and generall acclamations.He is saluted from the Governesse, To whom he had sent, There was present Charles Barlamont and Philip Norcarmius, he Governour of Namure, this of Haynolt, both come from the Governesse to salute the Duke of Alva; who had sent Francis Ibarra to present his Service to the Governesse, and to receive her directions, in what Towns the Army should be quartered. Wherein though the Gover­nesse differed from the Dukes Opinion, because she would haue Bruxells a City allwayes faithfull to the King,He quarters his men in the Low-countries. exempted from this burden; yet he pretending the security and honour of the King, who was to be resident in that City: lodged his Army part in the suburbs thereof, part at Gant and in other neighbouring Townes, Lodronio with his Regiment (which had twelve Ensignes, and under every Ensigne 300 men) was sent to Antwerp, and Count Mansfeldt, whom the Governesse by order from the King had made Generall of the German Horse, was comman­ded to disband his Lowcountry-Souldiers, and resigne his Goverment of Antwerp to Lodronio. A little while after, the Duke of Alva, attended with many Lords that met him on the way, entered Bruxells, and went directly to Court, where he cursorily kissing the Governesses Hand, retired to Cu­lemburg-House, [Page 32] leaving the Pallace to the Governesse. The next day he sent her the Kings Letters, and a Copy of his Commission, wherein the Command in Chiefe for the Militia of the Lowcountreys was conferred upon him, the administration of civill Affayres remaining wholly in the Governesse. The same day waited on by a great traine of Horse and his House-hold Servants,22. August. he went in that state to visit her Excellence; the Courtiers (that found the Governesse was,His visit to the Governesse in great state and with much Reverence. or would have had her dis­contented) observing how they looked at this first Ceremony. Indeed the Governesse that had, for some dayes before, the grudging of an ague, having made an offer of going forward to Receive this stranger, pretended her Fitt, or else it was thought to come very opportunely to take downe Al­va's Pride: who in publique omitted no Complement or Veneration due to the Daughter of Charles the fifth,He shewes her part of his in­structions. and Sister to his King: but when they were alone, he produced somewhat a larger Commission; not only giving him power over the Militia, but Authorizing him to fortify what Places he thought fit;Omitting his larger Commis­sion till a fitter time. to displace Magistrates and Governours; to ex­amine and punish the causes of the late Tumults. And when the Gover­nesse demanded if he had any further Instructions, he said yes, a few more then could be opened at one meeting, but according to future Emergencies they should be imparted to her.She appeares satisfied, This Answer seemed not to move her, she then commended the Kings designe, in case it were so handled, that Peace newly restored to the Lowcountries like a tender plant were not spoyled with diging too deep about it▪ She added, that she thought it would do well if next day Copyes of the King's Letters should be read in Senate, which was done accordingly. But writing to the King, she complained, that the Duke Alva should come with such absolute Authority, But complaines to the King. and so great an Army, that being greatly preiudiciall to her Honour, 8. Septemb. this to the newly settled State of the Lowcountreys. For already about 100000 men were fled out of the Provinces, carrying their money and goods into other Princes Dominions; either fearing to be oppressed by Forreiners, or dispairing of mercy, or think­ing to avoid future calamity. One thing both comforted her and the people, that is the King's Coming, who was so certainly expected by the Lowcountry­men, that foure dayes before, she had sent into Spaine Wacken, Admirall in the place of Count Horne, with nine Ships well manned, to attend his Ma­jesty: but if peradventure he should alter his determination, and thinke it better to deferre his voyage till another time, she humbly from her soule be­seeched him, that he would please of his goodnesse to free her, (that now for nine yeares had governed the Lowcountries) from further care and charge of those Provinces.’ But that which made her much more earnest in the same suit, was the suddaine Imprisonment of Count Egmont, and some others.

The Duke of Alva resolved to begin his Governement with the Attain­dours of some of the Lowcountrey Lords,Of the Attain [...]dor of Count Egmont. that when the eminent persons were removed, the People might have nothing whereon to fix their eyes. At first therefore he carried himselfe obligingly to the Lords,Alva uses him to draw in Count Horne. in particu­lar to Count Egmont, by whose example, he aymed to bring in Count Horne, that stood upon his guard, and was desirous to heare of Alva's Beginnings at a distance. They say, when, presaging his owne death, he shunned the sight of Alva, Count Egmont chid him for his feare, and un­dertooke he should be no worse used then he himselfe.He summons the Lords to advise about the publick. The Event shortly verifyed these his ominous words. But when Alva saw that Count Horne was wrought upon, he sent for Hochstrat and the rest of the Lords to Brux­ells [Page 33] to consult about regulating the Common-wealth: and he set forth, but being newly recouered of a Sicknesse, whilst his Coachman went an easy pace, as he was Commanded, hearing what had hapned, hee droue back againe with a powder. The rest of the Lords came to Bruxells the ninth of September.The rest he sur­prises by other meanes. That very day, the Duke appointed two Cap­taines, Andrew Salazar, and Iohn Espuc without tumult to arrest Iohn Casembrot Lord of Backersell, Especially Casembrot one of the Covenanteers, who could in all probability make the greatest Discoueries, as being Secretary to Count Egmont. The Colonells Count Alberick Lodronio and Sanchio Londognio received Orders,And Strall. on the same day to bring to Bruxells Anthony Strall, Consull of Antwerp, one very intimate with the Prince of Orange. And lest the City, wherein he was one of the most popular and richest men, should mutiny, and rise in his behalfe, Alva desired the Governesse to write to the Magistrate of Antwerp, that the Consull was sent for to Brux­ells to aduise with the Duke of Alva concerning the State of Antwerp; she did so, and Lodronius after he had taken the Consull, delivered the Letter to the Magistrate, who fearing himselfe made them lay him in a Cart couered with many Pieces and packs of Cloth: but he was scarce out of the port,The Lords ad­vise with the Dukes very unadvisedly. when Lodronio advertised by a Spye, seized on him. While these things were acting, the Duke at Culemburg House sate in Counsell with the Lords Areschot, Egmont, Horne, Mansfeldt, Aremberg, & Barlamont. There was present Ferdinand Son to the Duke of Alva, Vitellius, Serbel­lonius and Ibarra. Alva purposely spun out time in Consultation, expect­ing newes of the taking of the Consull, and Cassembrot, and therefore, sent for Count Paciotto into the Senate, to resolve them about the plat­forme of the Castle at Antwerp. When he knew his Commands were ex­ecuted, he dismissed the Lords. As the rest were going out, the Duke tooke Count Egmont aside,Count Egmont arrested and disarmed. as if he had private businesse with him: and many Commanders shewing themselves out of the next Roome, Alva said Egmont I arrest thee, thou art the King's Prisoner; in his name diliver up thy sword. The Count struck at the suddaine Arrest and seeing such a Company of armed Men about him, yielded his sword saying and yet with this I have often, not vnfortunately, defended the King's Cause, ad­ding noe more words, the Captaines had him into a drawing Roome. At the same time,So is Count Horne. Count Horne was by the Dukes Son, who seemed to waite upon him downe the Stairs, commanded to resigne his Sword, and yeild himselfe Prisoner to the Duke of Alva by the King's Command; immediately the Captaines that stept in, disarmed and carried him to the other side of the House. In the meane time Sanchio Avila Captaine of the Dukes Lifeguard, had drawne up his men to Culemburg-House, and secu­red the Streets: the City being amazed,The City in a Maze. not knowing what this Face of Terrour meant. But when they understood that Egmont and Horne were imprisoned by the Duke of Alva: at first Griefe tooke away the People's Tongues, then they found the Duke of Alva's Plot, and were angry at Eg­monts Credulity. Many said, that in the Captivity of those Lords the Lowcountreys were inslaved. This wrought in them a greater admiration of the cautelous Course held by the Prince of Orange, and they ioyed in his Safety, as if thereby the Lowcountreys were not left altogether Destitute. Nay Cardinall Granvell at Rome hearing of the doings in Bruxells, asked the Messenger, whether the Duke had taken Silence (so he called the Prince of Orange) when he answered,Cardinall Granvells▪ say­ing. no, he was not taken, Granvell (they say) replyed, If that one fish hath scaped the net, the Duke of Alva's [Page 34] Draught is nothing worth. But because all this was done without ac­quainting the Governesse before it could be divulged,The D. of Alva sends his ex­cuse to the Governesse, the Duke sent the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont (whom he knew she Favoured, and were yet in his House) to tell her Excellence what was past, and to excuse his secresie; for he had concealed it by the Kings command, to the end that no part of the Odium might reflect upon her, who was concerned to pre­serve the love of the people under her Governement. But this gave no satisfaction to the Governesse,Not satis­factory. and though whilst they were present shee smothered her indignation, yet deepely resenting it, shee began to doubt, that many such actions might happen for the future; and the power be­ing transferred to Alva, she her selfe should only retaine the title and for­mality of Governesse; that the Governement might appeare to be in one of the House of Austria. Therefore upon receipt of new Letters, signify­ing the King had put off his voyage for Sixe moneths longer,20. August. that is, till the beginning of the Spring: her hope then failing, and being daily tor­mented with sore fits of the Colick, she sent her servant Machiavell to the King, and disputing the imprisonment of Egmont and Horne briefely with­out complaint (lest she might seeme distasted at it) she beseeched his Ma­jesty in regard of her Infirmities, 11. Sept. which made her unfit for cares of State, She sues again to bee dischar­ged of the Governement. to license her departure from the Lowcountries rather then stay her there with such limited and almost no Authority. Whether it were advantageous to the King, or handsome for her whom the King vouchsafed to call Sister, to be subordinate to another, She humbly submitted to his Majesties Considera­tion; For her part, she resolved, so long as she lived, to be wholy Governed by his Majesties Pleasure, as became his most humble Servant. This notwithstand­ing, the Governesse omitted nothing which appertained to Civill Affaires.In the interim shee is very active in it. For by resolution of Senate, which she summoned, the Duke of Alva be­ing present,By her Edict she stops such as were lea­ving the Lowcountries. she endeavoured to stoppe the Lowcountry-mens Flight, which daily and still in greater numbers slipt away; and tenne of the richest Merchants of Tournay intending to go into England, by her Com­mand weere clapt up prisoners, and their Goods in the Port of Vlushing imbargoed and confiscated. A while after, the French Embassadou [...], as she lay upon her bed, coming to kisse her Hands, and making a grievous Complaint that Multitudes of Lowcountrymen flocked to the Prince of Conde, She publishes another in fa­vour of the French Em­bassadour. and others that intended a Warre against the King, she published an Edict against all Lowcountrymen that should assist the French Rebells. The Embassadour not thus contented (by Command from King Charles, who was now almost ruined by his rebellious Subiects) moved the Go­vernesse for some present Forces out of the Lowcountreys. Who likewise moves for for­ces out of the Netherlands to suppresse the new Troubles of France. And indeed it was but a reasonable Request, for though the Causes of this Warre (which the French Historians call the second Civill Warre of France) were not all different from those of the first, yet the Prince of Conde and Colligny, Occasioned by the Duke of Alva's March. the heads of the Faction, grounded their pretence upon the Passage of the Duke of Alva's Army, who faining to march another way, intended the Invasion of France, to destroy those of the reformed. Reli­gion. For, in the Conference at Baion, they said, it was so articled, be­tweene Charles the French King, his Mother Katherine of Medices, and his Sister Isabella Queene of Spaine; where the Duke of Alva was in per­son; In pursuance of which Agreement the Governesse formerly had per­secuted and quelled the Hereticall Party in the Low-countryes, and now Alva himselfe was come with a strong Spanish Army; that at the same time King Charles might ruine the Hugonots [Page 35] in France, and the Spaniard their Brethren in the Low-countreys. Wherefore the French Hugonots raising great Forces, as if they would revenge wrongs received,Great Mischief done by the Rebells. or at least stand upon their guard for the fu­ture, first, they seized diverse Townes and Cityes, then laid a Plot to take the King himselfe, lying at Meaux: who very hardly escaping in the night, and received into Paris, there they straitly besieged him, and cut off all Supplyes by Armes or Victuall, endeavouring to bring their Prince into their Power. At last drawing out their Army, they gave him battaile at the Towne of Saint Denis, and though they left the Field and fled, and the Catholiques, by consequence had the victory, yet it was a bloudy one, the King's Generall Annas Momorancy being slaine. Notwithstanding, they made greater Levyes (for Heresie dayly increased) and receiving strong Recruits from Germany reviv'd the Warre. Which moved the King of France, besides the men raised through his whole Kingdome, to desire ayde for the defence of Religion, out of Italy, Germany, and (as I said) out of the Low-countreys. The Governesse doubts whether she may grant the Embassa­dor's Request, But the Governesse not willing to grant Assi­stance, without knowing the King's pleasure, gladly referred it to the Duke of Alva; who remembring the Agreement for mutuall Succours made at Baion, and thinking the French Embassadours' Motion both ho­nourable to the Spaniard, But the Duke of Alva makes no difficulty of it, and opportune for kindling Enmity between the Low-countrey-men and the French Hereticks, whose minds would be distracted to see an Army come against them from the same place whence formerly they had supplyes, he answered the Embassadour, that the Se­nate had decreed Auxiliaryes as he requested, which should forthwith march away: and acquainting the Governesse with it, he gave the charge of 2000. Spanish Foot, and 1200. Horse,Who furnishes him with men makes Count Arem­berg their Ge­nerall, most of them Gentlemen of Haynolt and Artoys, to Iohn Lignius Count of Aremberg. Some write, that the Duke offered himselfe to be their Generall, but such Assistance (as it was likely to do) would have begot a jealousie in the French, that he came not as a Friend, but as a Spy: therefore as not expedient for either Kingdome,And offers himselfe to lead them, that he should be absent from the Low-countreys, it was by the Embassadour modestly refused, and then Alva substituted another in his place. Howsoever it were, about the end of November, But the French decline that Offer from a Spaniard. Aremberg departing from Cambray (three dayes supplications being made before he went, for his happy Expedition) joyned his Forces with the Marquesse Villeirs at Amiens, from thence marching up to the King's Army, he did his Majesty great Service in many Battailes; till the French Differences partly settled by a Treaty, he was commanded back to the Low-countreys by the Duke of Alva, who then especially needed such a Generall, and such an Army.

About that time Machiavell returning from Spaine brought her Excel­lence the King's Letters,Of the Gover­nesse's depar­ture from the Low-countreys wherein after he had signified, that three dayes before,October 10. his Queen was brought a bed of a Daughter (this is the Infanta Katherine, married to Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy) he consented to her Departure from the Low-countreys; The King gives her leave to go, professing he allowed of it, as his Sister's desire, not for the benefit of the Provinces; for the govern­ing whereof wisely and undauntedly in times of the greatest difficulty, hee gave thanks to her vertue in selected Words,She delivers to Alva his Commission, promising aboundantly to remunerate the Service. Vpon the receipt of this Expresse, her Excellence delivering to the Duke of Alva his Commission for the Government of the Low-countreys, And signifies her departure to the Princes her neighbours sent by the same Machiavell out of Spaine, and giving notice to the Spanish Embassadours, with the Emperour, the French, [Page 36] King, and Queene of England, that they might informe those Princes of her going,Decemb. 7. she wrote to the Estates of the Low-countreys, that some things, which she could heartily have wish'd to have spoke in a publique conven­tion,Writes about it to the Estates, before she departed from the imbraces of her people, must be supplied (since now she had no further Power from the King to summon them) by her Letter; wherein setting down briefly, but not sparingly nor falsly, all she had done in her nine yeares Government, and by what meanes the Troubles, continuing for two yeares past, were before the end of April so composed, that she had reduced all the Low-countreys, by the Help and Advise of the good Subjects, to the King's Obedience: She prayed them, unanimously to endeavour the preservation of the State in the same con­dition, and to persist in the Religion of their Ancestours, and their Alle­geance to their Prince: from whose merey it was to be hoped that even the Tratours themselves would be gently punished. That she had in her Letter to the King delivered her Opinion concerning it, and would write againe to the like effect, before she departed from them: nor would she heareafter faile to use her utmost power with her Brother for the Good and Peace of the Low-countrey-men, whom she so intirely loved. And ac­cordingly, a while after she wrote in this manner to his Majesty. Sir, The happy Delivery of my Lady the Queene (for which good newes I humbly kisse your hand) rejoyceth me beyond expression, And answers the King thus. to see the propagation of that great Bloud, Decemb. 20 worthy of immortality. But that whilst you give me leave to depart, you are pleased to increase your royall Favours, by adding, that for my Governing these Provinces to your mind, you your selfe (so much it pleases your Clemency to descend) are greatly obliged to me; I must confesse, nothing could more content me: since in all I have done, I only proposed to my selfe your Majesties satisfaction, that being the Rule to all my actions. And if I have my End, I must accompt my Labour gloriously bestowed. I will not deny, but in this almost nine yeares space, I have gone through many and grievous Difficulties, most of my Counsellours being either at variance among themselves, out of their ambitions Emulation: or their Fidelities by me suspected, at least their Enmity to the Spaniard, so that it was inconvenient for me, not to heare their Advise, and not safe to follow it. Yet that amidst all this darkenesse, and the subsequent Tempest of Re­bellion, the Common-wealth was steered and peaceably brought into the Har­bour by a woman's hand, but by no humane influence; it is only, (which I I must acknowledge and reverence) your Piety, for whose sake the Divine Goodnesse hath assisted me in governing the Low-countreys for you. But now since by Gods grace things are reduced to such a condition, that nothing re­maines but to punish the Authors of the Troubles, I cannot omit to signifie to your Majesty, what it is that may chiefly overthrow this present happy State. Feare of punishment threatned by such an Army, as it hath caused many, despairing of Pardon, to fly into other Countreys, to the great pre­judice of this; so I doubt, it will force the rest, whilst their flight is stopped and they as it were besieged in the Low-countreys, to breake out into more dangerous Factions and Insurrections. Terrour is not the way to beget re­verence in the Low-countrey-men. They that advise this rigid Course (I wish I may be deceived) will purchase Spaine more Envy, then Authority. I am sure it will bring to the Low countreys, first, eivill Warre, then for­reiene Forces, and finally Desolation. Therefore I most humbly beseech your Majesty, that, in contemplation of God's Mercy and your own, you will con­tract Revenge into a few Examples; and rather desire the Repentance, then [Page 37] the Punishment of your Subjects. So God Almighty long preserve your Ma­jesty, and the Queene, my Lords the Princes, and your little Daughter. In the meane time the newes flying about that the Governesse was to goe away,Complements sent to the Dutchesse of Parma, By the Pro­vinces, And neighbour-Princes, Especially by the Queene of England. there came dayly from all parts of the Lowcountreys men of the best quality in the name of the Provinces, professing their own Griefe, and the generall Losse; and praying earnestly, as the manner is, for her happy Journey. The neighbour Princes by their Letters and Embassadours did the like; but they were all exceeded by Elizabeth Queene of England, who should hereafter (as she writ) want the neighbour-hood of so good and deare a Sister; perhaps out of love to the Governesse, or it may be out of hatred to her Successour the Duke of Alva. Febr. 10. In February, when she was ready to set forth, the King having assigned her a Pension of fourteen thousand Duckets,She departs the Netherlands having a Pen­sion assigned her by the King And leaving a great desire of her Returne in the Low-countrey-men's hearts, Which they expressed in their discourse. and the Duke waiting upon her to the Marches of Brabant, the Low-countrey-Lords into Germany, she arrived safe in Italy: where in a mighty concourse of People, her Husband the Duke of Parma in great State received her; who left in the Low-countrey-mens hearts a deep Impression of her goodnesse, which the following calami­ties so much augmented, as they stuck not in the presence of Alva and Re­quesenes (which Princes Successours seldome heare) to make an honou­rable, glorious, and almost upbrayding mention of her Actions. Nay at Doway, when Margarett Dutchesse of Parma out of her love to Learning repaired the Franciscans Colledge, and that her Armes, as the Custome is, were set over the Gates, the People never passed by but they bowed, and put off their Hats. But their Longing then principally shewed it selfe,1574. when the Low-country-men, Out of the Letters of Juan Gang. Fransi­can, and others. writing to the King, earnestly desired to have the Dutchesse of Parma for their Governesse againe, as there only Stay and help, in their Afflictions: And soone after the Death of Don Iohn of Austira, she, with her Son Alexander joyned in Commission, returned to go­verne the Low-countreys.

The Historie of the LOW-COVENTREY WARRES. The seventh Book.

THUS farre I have writt of the Lowcountreys, though not flourishing in Peace,1568. yet not imbroyled in con­tinued Warre.A proposall of the following [...] Howsoever, their Troubles were com­posed at last, and their antient Tranquillity restored. Now I must open the prospect of a History, where you will read the publique Rebellion of the Provinces, great armies on both sides, greater Hatred, & many Generalls & Souldiers falling in the Quarrell. Nor am I ignorant,The couse is [...]mmo [...] he [...]ged upon the Duke of Alva out of [...] to him that the Cause of all this Mischiefe is vulgarly imputed to the Duke of Alva; for before he came Governour to these Provinces, his name was hatefull to the Lowcountry-men. It is reported when the Emperour Charles the fifth, meaning to re­venge himselfe upon Gant, asked the Duke of Alva what Punishment, in his Opinion,For his words to the Emperour. they deserved? He answered, that his Majestyes stubborne Country deserved vtter Ruine. The Emperour offended at this cruell Answer, com­manded him to go to the top of a Tower, & from thence take a View of the whole Towne, then he asked him, how many Spanish Skinnes would goe to the making of such a Glove (for Gant in French is Glove) but fin­ding the Emperour by his looke to be displeased, Alva durst make no Reply. This Passage, because interwoven with the Honour of the Prince and City (whether true or false,) was easily believed by the Gantois, and from them dispersed with an Odium upon Alva, through the rest of the Lowcountreys. And by the manner of his Coming he increased the Opi­nion of his Severity, entring the Provinces with an Army, as if his designe were to Conquer them:For bringing againe the Spanyerds. bringing Spanish Souldiers againe into the Low-countreys, awing the Townes with them, and with the Forts he built; sentencing Count Egmont, For con [...]en­ning and ba­nishing the Lords. a man generally beloved; and Count Horne▪ Admirall of the Seas; summoning the Prince of Orange with other of the Confederates to answer their Impeachments. And, it is said, he per­swaded the King, that he should not out of Lenity, (of which there had beene too much allready) pardon any man for the future. And indeede [Page 40] if his Majesty had granted the Petition made by the Prince of Orange, that his owne and his Friends causes might be heard by the King, as Master of the Order of the Fleece, not by the Duke of Alva and his Councell, many thinke they had hardly at this time begun the Warre. But the sentence of the inraged King (condemning the Prince of Orange and his confederates of High Treason, and confiscating their Estates) being pronounced by an odious Minister,Out of all which some de­duced the Cause of the Warre. and so the Odium reflecting upon the Judgement it selfe, may seeme to have constrained their taking of Armes, upon a just resent­ment; and consequently, that the miserable and long Warre ensuing, should rather be charged upon the Spaniards, then the Low-countrey-men, as some say; but what are they? men of that number, which, saith Po­lybius, conceive the Causes and Beginnings of a Warre to be the same.l. 3. Hist. For my owne part,But improperly. as I will not deny, but that Alva's cruell and hatefull Go­vernment was the Occasion and Beginning, so I assure my selfe it was not the Cause of the Warre:A more proba­ble deduction. For the cause was much deeper grounded. In­deed the Prince of Orange's Ambition to command in chiefe, exasperated with griefe and Anger, heightned by the accesse of Hereticks and oppor­tunity of a Party, men of all qualities ingaging; this was the Cause, which, if it had not then and from that Originall taken fire to kindle a Warre in a little more time, and from another Place, would have found combustible matter. Nor can occasion be long wanting to Improbity. But the Prince of Orange his Fact was so fortunate, as to find Patronage in the Hatred of another. For he, upon the Sentence pronounced by the Duke of Alva against him, his Brother, and many great persons, tooke up Armes, with so much the fairer pretence, by how much it seemed not only just, but glorious to defend himselfe, to recover his owne, and to vindicate his Associates, his Son, and Countrey in their Rights and Li­berties. In the Relation of which Warre managed by the Duke of Alva, and his Successour Ludovico Requesenes, How the Au­thour meanes to write the Go­vernments of Alva and Re­quesenes. I shall contract my selfe; especi­ally where I have no more, nor no certainer Intelligence then others. For which two Reasons I have inlarged my discourse in the Dutchesse or Par­ma's Government and shall doe, in that of Don Iohn of Austria, and of Alexander Farneze: For I can promise many Animadversions concerning them, out of the Monuments of Letters in my hands, which are not common. Yet in this Summary, if there be any thing, (as I presume there will be diverse) which I know, and is unknowne to others; I shall not faile to give it you at full.

Some thought the future Calamities were presaged,Presages of the future. by a Boy borne at Liege, A monster born at Liege. with two Heads, foure Feet, and as many Hands, portending as they said, the Monster of a Confederation to be made out of the joynt Forces of sundry Nations; which soone after came to passe. This Terrour was increased in minds already disposed to feare, by a Fire immediatly af­ter happening in the City of Machlin. A Fire at Mechlin. For a sparke falling among the Gun­powder, at the Mills, by accident, or perhaps upon designe, tooke hold of 60. Barrels, with such a horrid thunder and Earthquake, that in most of the Cityes of Brabant the men and houses trembed at the dreadfull noyse. Though in regard these Powder-Milles used to be distant from Townes, there were but few men slaine; yet there might have been fewer, and would be daily, if as we sever seditious persons, lest by coming together they set the State in a Combustion; so the Elements that make Gun­powder were kept a sunder.The Fort at Antwerp. But Alva more moved with the Losse, then with the Prodigy, laid the foundation of a Fort at Antwerp, modelled by [Page 41] the great Engineere Paciotto, approved of by the Judgment of Serbellonio, raised by the hands of 2000. Workmen, with extraordinary Speed and Successe, because he used but one man's contrivance, and one man's coun­sell.It's Figure, of five sides, It was built in the forme of a Pentagon, at every one of the sides was a large bulwarke, to foure of which, the Governour gave his owne name, and titles, Ferdinando, Toledo, Duke, and Alva, the fifth he suffered to be called Paciotto. But this Fort, though it long continued a patterne to all the new Plat-formes of Europe: The Architect. and that Paciotto got himselfe a great name by it, being from thence called the Inventour of the moderne For­tification; yet it was not by all men equally esteemed, as for other Causes,The Site by some disliked. so particularly for the Situation, upon that banke of the Scheldt which looketh towards Brabant, in so much as when the Enemy from Holland attacques the Towne, it cannot beat them off; as it would have done, had it been placed on the other side the City, against the mouth of Scheldt, Hier. Conestag. li. 2. opposite to Holland. But 'tis excused by some, that say, when Alva built this Fort,Defended by others. he rather considered how he might defend himselfe from the Towne,Adrian. Sro­pernus contra Conestag. then the Towne from the Enemy. And they add, that the place was discreetly chosen, as opportune for the bringing in contribution from those Provinces subject to the Spaniard, which indeed is most considerable in the building of Forts: a convenience they had wanted in case it had looked towards Holland. But with argu­ments ill suited Though, I suppose, Serbellonio had not this in designe. For when he raised this Fort, Holland was no lesse obedient to the King, then Brabant: and therefore he would have provided for contribu­tion from both. But I conceive by that Site he intended the Security of the Fort it selfe.The reason why it was built in that place. For when all the Levell between that and Holland lyes so much lower, that the River is kept off by huge Piles of wood, lest it should o­verflow the Fields and Villages; it had been very inconsiderate, to have fortified where the Enemy tearing up the Wood-piles, the very water would have besieged the Place, and have forced it to yield. To which danger it is not subject, being seated on the higher ground. Though af­terwards when the Low-countreys were divided, and Holland brought in­to the power of the Enemy, that fell out, which was not at first thought of, the Advantage of bringing into the Fort Supplyes out of the Provinces in obedience to the King of Spaine.

At the same time,The Councell for examina­tion of the Tu­mults. from the councell of Twelve, nominated by Alva to determine without Appeale the causes of all Delinquents in the late Tu­mults, by reason of their frequent Sentences of Death, called the Coun­cell of Bloud,The Duke of Alva summons the Belgick Lords to an­swer their Im­peachments. William Nassau Prince of Orange, Anthony Lalin Count Hoch­strat, Florence Pallantius Count Culemburg, William Count Bergen, Henry Brederod, and the other Lords fled out of the Low-countreys, were upon Alva's command, summoned to heare their Accusations and Impeach­ments, read by the King's Advocate, and to cleare themselves of the crimes charged against them.They protest against his pro­ceeding. But they, presently sending a Paper to the Duke of Alva, wherein they denyed his Councell to be a lawfull Court of their Companions of the Golden Fleece, held it their safest course at a distance to defend their Common cause.The Prince of Orange sues for the Patronage of the German Princes. The Prince of Orange made suite to the Emperour Maximilian, and implored his and the German Princes Assistance, that by their Authority, the Difference wit the Duke of Alva might be composed. Unlesse perhaps he did it, that under pretence of making his Peace, the Spaniard might not looke into his preparations for a Warre.Who treate with Alva, But in vaine. Nor did Caesar, or the Princes of the Empire deny their Patro­nage to the Low-country-men. But the Duke of Alva answered to the [Page 42] Letters written by Maximilian, and to the Duke of Bavaria's Embassa­dour, (whom the rest of the German Lords, as one respected by the King, had chosen to represent their Desires to the Governour) that he did not this of himselfe, but by command from the King; and so hastning their cause to a Hearing, yet expecting the number of dayes given for their Ap­pearance, when within that time none of them came in, the Duke of Alva, The Duke of Alva gives sentence against the Lords, according to the power deputed to him by the King in that case to heare and determine, pronounced the Prince of Orange, his Brother Lewis, and the rest that were summoned by Edict, guilty of High Treason, and confiscated their Estates. Likewise he put a Spanish Garrison into Breda, a Towne of the Prince of Orang'es, Sends the Prince of Orange's Son into Spaine, where Amb. Morales was his Turour, a great Philoso­pher and Di­vine. and taking his Son Philip-William, a Child of thirteene yeares old, from the Vniversity of Lovaine, where he was a Student, sent him into Spaine: where under the name of Catholique Education, the name of Hostage was concealed. This the Prince of Orange seemed passionately to resent, execrating with continu­all and publique Exclamations, the cruelty used to a boy of thirteen, whom neither his own Innocence, nor the priviledges of the Vniversity of Lovaine, could protect from Injury.The Prince of Orange ap­peares inraged. In his Apology Yet many, upon very good Grounds con­ceived his Son's Captivity was pleasing to this subtill Prince, measuring all things by his own Advantage. For if the King of Spaine prevailed, and consequently he himselfe should lose all he had, yet his Majesty might be mercifull to the boy, bred up a Spaniard; 1581. but if,But is not so, as he hoped, it should otherwise fall out, he had a younger Son, Maurice, Companion in his Father's Fortune,The Councell of twelve con­demnes diverse others. and Heire to his Estate. By the said Councell of twelve, all such were particularly condemned, as the Duke of Alva, upon Exami­nation by Inquisitours sent through the Provinces, found to have violated Churches or holy Pictures, or to have assembled at Sermons, Consisto­ryes, and turbulent meetings, or to have conspired against the King; either by wearing Cognizances, and owning the names of Gheuses, or by taking Armes, or lastly by assisting the Rebells with their Endeavours, Counsels, or Forces. Yet the wiser sort thought this to be an unseasonable Course: and that rather, till the Heads had been cut off, the Body should have been gently handled and laid in a sleepe lest if it should be in moti­on,Alva razes Cu­lemberg-house. that agility might easily decline the blow made at the head. With the like fury the Duke of Alva commanded them to pull down Culemburg-House, Where the Gheuses first received their Denomination: and upon the place setting a Marble-pillar, writ upon the Basis, as a monument to posterity, in foure Languages, these words, In this Area stood the House of Florence Pallantius, ruined in memory of the execrable Treason hatched therein at sever all times, against Religion, the Roman Catholique Church, New terrour from Spaine, By reason of Prince Charles his misfortune. their King, and Countrey. This Spectacle was rendred more hor­rid by the late newes from Spaine, that Prince Charles was imprisoned by the King his Father's command; and that Florence Momorancy sent (as you have heard) into Spaine by the Governesse, was by warrant from the King a Prisoner in Segovia. It was thought the same objections were against him, that were against his Brother Count Horne: but the Prince lost him­selfe by his Favours to the Low-countrey-men.And the Lord Montiny [...] death. Of Charles Prince of Spaine. Indeed the Judgement upon Montiny was certainly known, he being condemned a yeare after, to lose his Head; but the cause of Prince Charles his Death, which hapned in this yeare, the more uncertaine and obscure it was, the more litigiously do Writers strive to examine it, most men having a naturall Ambition to search into Secrets, and passe by things before their eyes. Whatsoever I my [Page 43] selfe have by my Industry discovered that concernes Prince Charles, I shall impartially unfold, not regarding the conceptions of others.

Charles prince of Spaine was of a furious and violent nature,His disposition. and noted to be so from his Childhood, at which time being presented by some Hunters with Levorets, he killed them with his owne hands, that he might have the pleasure of seeing them gaspe and dye. The Venetian Em­bassado [...]r tooke notice thereof,What con­jectures were made from it. and from thence made a Iudgment of the Child's barbarous inclination; with as much probability, as long agoe the Areopagites censured the Boy that put forth the eyes of Quailes.Quint. 5. [...]9. This I have read in the Letters touching the Affayres of Spaine, writt by the said Embassadour to the Senate of Venice And the Prince himselfe dayly manifested the truth of these coniectures, by his cruell and monstrous dis­position, not being at many times Master of himselfe; as the Archbishop of Rossana the Popes Nuntio affimed, writing to Cardinall Alexandrino. I. B. Castanco afterwards Vrban VII. And the Child grew more headstrong by reason of his Father's absence; and the indulgence of Maximilian King of Bohemia, Feb. 4. who, with his Queene, Mary Daughter to Charles the fifth,Aloys. Cab in Philip the 2. l. 2. 6. and 8. and Adrian l. 19. and 20. Hist. governed Spaine for King Philip. This his Granfather Charles the fifth perceived, when after the Resignment of his Kingdomes, returning out of the Lowcountryes into Spaine, he grieved exceedingly to see the Nature and Education of his Grandchild,Charles the 5. liked not his Grandchild, Aloys. Cab. in Philip. the Second. 2. l. 6. P. Charles sent To Alcala to study. then but eleuen yeares old. But King Philip having tryed ma­ny Remedyes, at last made experience of the Vniversity of Alcala, sending his Son Charles thither, accompained with Don Iohn of Austria, and Alex­ander Farneze, Prince of Parma; in hope that conversing with such a con­fluence of learned men, as his body by the change of ayre, so his mind might recover by the change of Company. but Prince Charles being re­moved from his Father, not from himselfe, the sicknesse of his mind alte­red not with the Place, but somewhat increased by an accident: for fall­ing form a high Ladder,Lyes at the point of Death. he pitched upon his Head, and hurt his braine so dangerously, as the Physicians despairing of his life, they were ready to lay him out,Recovers mi­raculously. when the Body of the blessed Didacus being brought into his Chamber, as he was a dying, King Philip (who had come post from Madrid) vowed, that if the already beatified Didacus recovered the Prince, he would be an earnest Suiter to the Pope to give him the title of Saint. Whereupon immediately, beyond all expectation, he was re­stored to life.How unlike to his Father. But this wrought no cure upon the Manners of the phan­tastique youth, altogether differing from his Father. Which made King Philip more harsh towards him,Their mutuall aversion out of the Letters of Castan. the Popes Nuntio to Car. Alex. 30. Aprill. and the Prince better pleased with any thing then his Fathers Sight. This Aversenesse grew as the Prince did; and the King dayly more offended and distrustfull of his Son, from time to time put off the Match concluded beweene Prince Charles and the empe­rour Maximilian [...]s Daughter; forbidding him to meddle with Affayres of State,Vpon these two points. in that point of time, when the Prince thought it but a modest Ambition for a youth of twentie two to expect the Crown. From hence sprung his Hatred to his Father's Favourites and Counsellours which he thought were Spyes over him,Out of the same Letters to the same person, 4. Feb. and told all he did to the King, advising his Majesty to deferre the Match, and to lay Commands upon him not to act in publique businesse:His hatred to his Fathers Servants. for which hee somtimes threa­tened them with Revenge. From hence likewise sprung his Fa­vour and Patronage of such as hee knew had offended his Father, and were by him deserted, especially the Low-countrymen; His Patronage of the Low-countreymen. whose Em­bassadours, the Marquesse of Bergen, and the Lord Montiny were very [Page 44] gratious with him, and often privately called into his Bedchamber; and it is reported he defended their Cause more passionately,More violent then it ought to have been, His purpose to go for the Low countreys then became him: making them a Promise that he would himselfe goe into the Low-countreys to settle those Provinces. And whereas the Governesse formerly complained to the King, that many Letters of high concernement, writ­ten to his Majesty in Spaine, were returned into the Low-countreys to their hands against whom they were written, I thinke it not improbable, that it might proceed from that Familiarity betwene the Prince and the Low-country-Embassadours.His Endea­vours to hinder the Duke of Alva's Belgick Expedition. Sure I am, when the Duke of Alva being to goe for the Low-countreys tooke his leaue at Court, and came to kisse the Prince's Hand, his Highnesse cast a terrible frown upon him, and replyed, No man should go thither but himselfe. And when Alva said that he was sent before by the King, to quiet the Tumults raised in the Lowcountreys, where it was not safe to venture the Heire apparent to the Crowne, The Prince in a rage drew his Dagger, saying, I will pre­vent thy Iourney. The Duke hardly declined the Blow, and, when he saw the furious youth strike at him againe, grasped him hard betwene his Armes, in the posture of a suppliant, kneeling, and beseeching him not to offer Violence to an old and faithfull Servant: but still notwithstanding his youth and fury, the Duke held his Hands: till the noise of their Strug­ling brought in the Waiters, that were but on the other side the Hangings, then the Prince withdrew. From this time, he resolved, whether his Fa­ther would or no,Out of the said Letters to the same man. to passe into the Low-countreys, and from thence to Germany to his Mistris;April. 30. acquainting his vncle Don Iohn of Austria and two others with his Resolution, earnestly desiring them to go along. Don Iohn shewing him how difficult it was,He reveales his Designe to Don Iohn, Mar­quesse Pescaria. and indeed impossible to be effect­ed, when he saw his perswasions wrought not, and found the Prince obsti­nately bent upon the voiage, imagining the King would know it by some other,Duke Mid. Riosiou. to whom the rash inconsiderate youth would impart his Counsell, he himselfe ingaged the King by the Discovery,Who first dis­swades him. Afterwards acquaints the King with it. fearing if he kept it secret, he might be held accessary to the Princes Flight. The King commending Don Iohn's Fidelity, and being informed of his Son's Intention by many others, and lastly by Raymont De Tassis his Majesty's Principall Secretary, hearing that he had layed Horses at severall Stages for the Speeding of his Iourney,The King seeks helpe from God, And Counsell from prudent men what to do in the Case of his Son. remained in a sad suspence: yet before he would fix, his resolution, his Majesty commanded Prayers and Supplcations to be made in all Churches of the Towne, and desired the Advise of certaine great learned men, well knowne unto him. The Opinion of Martin Azpilcueta Doctour of Nav [...]rre the famous Casuist (for this of all the rest I have only seene) was briefely,1456. Paul. Aemil. in Gar. 7 and Haraeus in [...]hilip the Good, Who being to take [...]ost by breake of day, Was seized at midnight. that the King could not, without grievous sinne, neglect the safety of his Kingdome; but it would be neglected, if he permitted the Prince to go away, who afarre off, and therefore more confidently and and publiquely handying against his Father, would distract the Kingdome into Factions and Partyes; just as it hapned to Charles the seventh of France, upon the difference betweene him and his Son Lewis, when he fled into Burgundy. But the Father was put out of his doubts by his Sons hast, who, as Raymond brought word, had appointed the next day for his Departure.Rui Comez. Prince of [...]. Comez Figue­roa Duke of Feria, Anthonio de Toledo Pri­our of Leon, and Aloysio Quisciada. Therefore the King would no longer deliberate; but ta­king a long the Prince of Ebora, the Duke of Feria, and two others, about tewlve a clock at night entred his Son's Bedchamber, who was fast asleepe, and taking away his Sword, which he had laid under his Pillow, ba [...]e him rise immediately, and blaming him that having frustrated so many [Page 45] gentle Remedies used by his Father, he had forced him to a sharper course, but more seasonable for his Son, he opened his Cabinets, and tooke out his papers,A guard set upon him in his Lodgings, his Infelicity, discharged his old Servants, and gave the Prince in custody to some of his owne chusing And now the unfortunate Prince, who but a while since was continually waited on by the Lords and Grandees of Spaine, striving to kisse his Hand; seeing himselfe guarded by a few men, and those Enemies, that observed his words, his looks, and almost dived into his Thoughts: after six Months, when he found his Father not moved with Embassages in his behalfe from the Princes of Europe, and Petitions presented from his own Kingdomes: falling into a Sicknesse, caused partly by an obstinate Refusall of his Meate, partly by his sometimes intempe­rate eating, and drinking Wine too much cooled in Snow, besides the distempers of his mind,His religious D [...]ath. if he were not poisoned, he dyed upon Saint Iames his Eue.Out of the Let­ters of Castan the Popes Num­cio to Card. Alex. 27. July. Didacus de Chiaves. Foure dayes before (having for a long time equally slighted the cure of Body and Soule) God turning his Minde, he called for his Ghost­ly Father, and confessing his Sinnes, with great compunction, sending one to his Father to begge pardon for his Disobedience, holding a hal­lowed Candle in his hand, gave up the ghost. I know this Relation will not please some,Causes, that might sound probable, for the imprison­ment and death of Prince Charles. that greedily swallow downe the foulest Surmizes, with­out any distinction or respect to Truth or False-hood: for whose palates, if I were minded to dresse my Discourse, I might instance the Rebellion of the Moores at this very time, and make Prince Charles their In­courager, and say, that he sollicited Selimus the Turkish Emperour, by Michesius the Jew;The Rebellion of the Moo [...]es in Spaine. fled out of Spaine, as I have formerly related. I might like-wise move a jealousie, that the Faction of the Low countrey. Covenanters was assisted by Prince Charles, The Belgick Faction counte­nanced by him. and might interpret that to be the reason why they resolved to send into Spaine many thousands of Calvins Catechismes translated into Spanish, whereof the Governesse (as I told you) sent Intelligence to King Philip: & Pope Pius the fifth wrote to his Majesty,Ant. Gabie. in [...] l. 3. c▪ 3▪ that some Chest fulls of them were found at Lyons and Tho­louse. 1566. Nor should I passe over the Death of Queene Isabella, Wife to King Philip, Too much fa­miliarity with the Queen his Step mother, A Plot to mur­ther his Father there being but a few moneths between the Prince his Death and her's, as if their too much Familiarity (for Isabella should have beene marryed to Prince Charles) had been the cause of both their fates. Lastly, I might tell you, how the Prince had a designe upon his Father's life, either out of affection to the Crowne, or hatred to the King, grounding my con­jecture upon common fame, which spread to farre, that to my knowledge this verse of Ovid was used to that purpose in the Low-countreys; first applied, as they say, by Opmerus: ‘FILIVs ante DIeM patr Ios InqVIrIt In annos.’

Wherein both the Prince's Fact,Lib. 1. Meta­mor [...]h. and the yeare of his Death,MDLXVIII. are ex­pressed in numerall Letters. But this kind of learning, as darke and intri­cate, I willingly leave to those Writers,But all these Causes were uncertaine, Or rather false that by Interpretation of such Ora­cles are ambitious to be famed for acutenesse of wit, and divination; they seeming to me, besides their uncertainty, to have no colour of Truth. For not to speake of the Love betwixt the Queene and Prince, which if it had been true, the King to breake that League would have hastned, not put off, the Princes Marriage with his Cosen-german; if the Prince had plotted any thing against his Father, he might every day have executed it by himselfe, and with his owne hands: as being young, and coming re­solved against an unprepared old man: or if he would have raised Tumults [Page 46] and called in help, no doubt but he had needed many hands: and conse­quently, when the Prince fell, those of his Party (I suppose) could not have stood; yet the Princes Death was the losse of no mans Life. Nay the King to lessen the envy both of his Son's Imprisonment and Death, know­ing himselfe aspersed by diverse persons, in particular, by Mary the Em­presse, the Prince's Aunt, and desirous to match her Daughter to the Heire of so many Kingdomes, would he not have pretended the cause of such Severity to have been his Son's impious Designes? Notwithstanding, in his Letter to the Empress,Ianuary 21 he denyed that his Son was found guilty of any [...]rea­sonable Intention, but said, it was fit he should be imprisoned for his own, What the King wrote concern­ing his Son's Imprisonment. howsoever for the Kingdome's Good. And a few dayes after his Son's Com­mitment, sending the President of his Councell of Castile to the Archbishop of Rossana, the Popes nuncio, Didaco Cardi­nall Spinosa. he assured the Bishop from the King, there was no other reason of that ChangeIanuary 24 (as the Bishop himselfe wrote to Cardinall Alexandrino in the President's wrods) then his Majesties Resolution to prefer Religion and the Safety of his Subjects before his owne bloud,What he caused to be divulged privately. which compelled him in a manner, to sacrifice his only Son: lest he should have been more than ingratefull for the great benefits God had bestowed upon him.And publiquely The said Nun­cio to the said Cardinall. Afterwards his Majesty inserted in his Letters to forreine Prin­ces and to his owne Kingdomes, that the Rumour spread abroad of a Plot which his Son had upon his life was idle & false. But this fortune pro­ved peculiar to the two Charles'es, Ianuary 27 the Grand-father & Grand-childe▪ that the one's Desire to resigne,Charles the fifth, & Prince Charles. and the other's to invest the Soveraignty, very much busied the wits of Writers. The Low-countrey-Lords and Commons affrighted with the King's forrein and domesticall Severity; every man as his conscience accused him,The Low-countreys in great feare, An Ambuscado layed for the Duke of Alva. shifted for himselfe, few hoped for Pardon, many thought of Armes and Revenge. In so much as Alva himselfe hardly escaped at the Monastery of Greene-vaile, to which he was going in devotion: an Ambush being laid in the woods, by Ressorius Nohott to surprize him by the way. And when he came thither, he was in danger to have been murthered in the very Monastery by Charles Ressorius, his Bro­ther, who had taken the habit of a Monke, pretending feare of the Duke.

But now the Prince of Orange professing himselfe the King's Enemy,The Prince of Orange's first Expedition out of Germany in­to the Low-countreys. made his Addresses to the Princes of Germany, and partly for Religi­on, partly for Kindred's sake, moving them to take Armes, with his Friends in the Low-countreys and France; it was so ordered, that the Pro­vinces were to have at one time a tripartite Invasion. From Iuliers the Nohots the Brothers, Dui, Forces sent to begin the War. Out of Iuliers. Out of Artois. Out of Frisland Villers, and others were to passe the River of Mose, under the Command of Count Hochstrat. Francis Cocquevill that to the Low-countrey-Exiles had joyned some forces raised upon the Borders of France, was to fall upon Artois. Frizeland was committed to Lewis and Adolph Brothers to the Prince of Orange, and to Iustus Schouwenberg. The Prince himselfe being, after these Beginnings, to follow with a strong Army; had chosen Brabant for his head-Quarters, many having great hopes, that he would shortly beat Alva and the Spaniards out of the Low-countreys. But Hochstrat's Forces received first a Repulse by Sancho Avila, The first Army defeated by Avila. beyond the Mose, and afterwards, joyning Battaile with him, a Totall o­verthrow: Villers and Dui being tooke Prisoners. Cocquevill's Army,The second by Colonel Cossè sent from King Charles of France. a­gainst whom the French King at Alva's Request, had sent Cossè a Colonell of Horse, was forced to retreat into the Towne of Saint Valery, and there defeated, the Commanders carryed to Paris and beheaded. Thus was [Page] [Page]

Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg Governour of Frisland Generall at ye Battaile of Hilligel.

[Page 47] thanks returned by the King of France to the Duke of Alva for sending Count Aremberg with his Auxiliaries into France, and the agreement made at Baion on both sides religiously observed. But in Friezland the businesse began in a farre different manner,The battaile between Count Aremberg and Lewis of Nas­sau. Lewis and Adolph of Nassau, with other Commanders, had entred that Province, and Possessing them­selfes of Dam and some other Townes made a halt neare the Bay of Dullart, which Bay was gained by the Sea, with a memorable destruction of thir­ty three Villages swallowed up by the salt water at one time.1277. To stop them here,Aremberge's men victorious at first. Count Aremberg Governour of Friezland met them with the Sar­dinian and Spanish Forces, of Gonsalvo Bracamonte, and his owne Ger­man Regiment, whereto were added some Companyes of the Gentry of Haynolt, and Artois, newly arrived from France: And indeed he was very fortunate in his first Skirmishes,Commanded by Scemkey. Charles Duke of Gelders. the Spaniards being particuarly incou­raged at the sight of Dam (out of which thirtie yeares before the Empe­rours Army had beaten the Duke of Gelderland, and won a famous Vi­ctory) with like valour they regained the Towne, putting to flight the Nassavians. The next day Aremberg coming up to them, lodged his Ar­my neare Winschot, and the Abby of Hilligel, The place where they fought. well knowing the place was full of blind Pits covered over with Rubbish and the water standing in in them.Aremberg would have put off the fight. Curtius Comes Mar­tinengho. The Span [...]ards raile at him. Therefore considering himselfe to be the weaker in Horse, and that Nassau had the advantage of the place, he only skirmished with them, & though Lewis offered him battaile, yet declined it, expecting the Count of Megen with Martinengho's Horse which lay at Groening. But in the mean time, whilst Aremberg, as if he did but play with Nassau and meant not to hurt him, was publiquely censured by the Spaniards, desirous to fight a Battaile: the Generall not able to indure ill language, professing that such precipitation would hazard all, regarded Rumour more then Safety, and leading out his men (rather following them) avoided as much as he could the Pits of water;He joynes battaile. but not aware of an Ambush laid by Count Lewis at the bottome of a hill, set his men in battaile and began the fight. Where resolving to stop the mouthes of those base Detractors,Out of the Let­ters of Mic. Barbanson to the Dutchess of Parma. by a cleare evidence of his Courage and fidelity, beholding Adolph of Nassau vali­antly rallying his men on the other side the field, he put spurres to his Horse,30. May. Delr. l. 1. Alt. Belg. and charged him; and though he was shot by the way, yet the fiercer for his wound, first discharged his Pistoll at Adolphus, and then ran him to the heart with his Sword;With his owne hands kills A­doph of Nassau. By whom he himselfe is mortally woun­ded. and Aremberg himselfe, his Horse being first killed, and he mortally wounded by Adolph, reviving the ex­ample of Brutus and Aruns Tarquin's Son, fell dead to the ground, Adol­phus dying not far off. The rest of Count Aremberg's Army, ignorant of the wayes, falling upon Ambuscadoes, were by the Nassavians either cut off, or miserably shattered, dearly paying for their unseasonable Valour.Ti [...]. Livy. l. 2. The Spaniards put the sword. And though upon the place was lost the flower of the Spanish Army, seven of their Ensignes, and five Captaines being slaine, and the six Cannon of the Groine taken (which had their names from the first six Elements of Mu­sick) with great Summes of Money for the Souldiers Pay. Yet all the rest was nothing,V [...] Re Mi Sol Fa La. The merits of Count Arem­berg. compared with the sole losse of Iohn Count of Aremberg. He was of the House of Lignius, called Lord of Barbanson, before he had the Title of Count of Aremberg by his Wife, a German Lady. No Com­mander was ever famed for more Valour and Fidelity, which moved the Emperour Charles to make him Knight of the Golden-Fleece: and King Philip, to trust him with the Governement of the Provinces of Friezland and Overysell. Lastly the Emperour Maximilian created him a Prince of [Page 48] the Empire. Yet the Constancy of a Generall which he ever maintained in all former Battailes, he quitted in this last, not being able to suffer abu­sive Tongues. The like impatience a few Months before caused the Death of Momorancy Constable of France, a man equall to the greatest; only that he might not be suspected, as some taxed him, to spare his Cosen the Prince of Condè, or his Kinsmen the Colligny's. Iust so Count Aremberg to silence the Slanderers of his Fidelity, cast himselfe away, fighting and dying more valiantly then wisely, lest there might be a Jealousie upon his Faith.His death di­versly reported I know some relate it otherwise, and impute this unhappy successe to Count Aremberg himselfe; who either in contempt of the Enemy, beaten in the last dayes Skirmishes, or ambitious of the whole honour which he would not share with Count Megen, precipitated his owne and his Armyes Fate: as it is likewise written in vulgar Histories, that he was slaine not by the hand of Count Adolph, Thuanus l. 41. and others. Count Megen dyed not at this time. but of a Common Souldier. But I follow Authours that were present at the Fight. And easily I shall prove their mistake, who affirme in their Writings that a few dayes after, when the victorious Nassavians were forced to raise their Siege from the Gr [...]ine, Count Megen dyed shot with a Musket-bullet; who, notwithstanding, foure yeares or there about after this Battaile, governed Friezland by com­mission from the Duke of Alva, in the place of Count Aremberg deceased. The name of Charles Brimè Count of Megen is read in the Inscription ofAnno. 1572 a votive Monument erected at Leovard, Ianuary 8. when he was Governour of Friz­land, Pierius Vinse­mius in his Hist. of Friez­land, in memory of his escape from that fearfull Deluge of water in the yeare 1571. And not till the 8 of Ianuary, the yeare following the Inun­dation (as I find recorded in the Annals of Friezland) dyed Charles Brimè, But foure yeares after, a great Souldier, and for his knowledge in civill businesse much esteemed by the Governesse Margaret of Austria.

The death of Count Aremberg incouraged not the mind of the Prince of Orange and the Confederates more, then it exasperated the Duke of Alva, and hastened his March into Friezland, to prevent Lewis of Nassau from joyning forces with the Prince of Orange. The Duke of Alva proceeds against the im­peached Lords and Gentlemen, But the Duke fearing that in his absence some Tumult might be raised in favour of the Lords his Prisoners, freed himselfe of that suspicion: especially being inraged for the losse of Count Aremberg, & at the newes brought him that Grave Lewis had hanged many Spaniards in Revenge of his Brother Adolph's Death. And though diverse of his Friends did not so well approve his Resolution,His friends disswade him, but indeavoured to perswade him there was no danger of a Tumult in the Low-countryes, so long as he had for his Security such Hostages as those Prisoners. And that it was no more to be doubted, that the Low-countrey-men would out of their affection forceably attempt any thing for the Li­berty of the impeached Lords; then it was to be hoped, that the same affection would disswade them from stirring, lest by a popular offence they might wrong those Noble-mens private cause. Yet the Duke of Alva despising this Advise, as one that long experience had made jealous, and of his owne nature was averse to other mens counsells, which he looked upon with the aspect of a retrograd Planet, especially when they offered themselves; on the first of Iune, First, he puts to death 19. Nineteene noble Covenanters were condemned of High Treason, by the Councell of twelve, and by the Duke of Alva's Order beheaded in the Sand-market at Bruxells. Eight whereof dyed religiously, the other Eleven like Hereticks as they were, obstinately; and therefore the bodyes of those were buryed, but the other (all but foure Lords) being tyed to Stakes, and their Heads set upon Poles, were [Page 49] left in the Fields, and the same course was afterwards taken with the rest. For the next day, in the same place,Then others, Risorius. Carloi. Dui. Villers. foure Gentlemen more suffered the same death, in which number was Villers and Dui, Commanders lately taken at the Battaile of Iuliers: and though both of them dyed equally good Christians, yet not with equall sense, for Villers publiquely pro­tested, that Alva had condemned him to free himselfe of the Obligations Villers had laid upon him: but his Judge himselfe should not long be un­sentenced. Contrarily, Dui gave humble thanks to the King and the Duke of Alva for that end, and prayed the people to pardon and pray for him. Likewise at Vilvord, Anthony Stral, late Consul of Antwerp, Yet more. Casembrot Secretary to Count Egmont, and others, imprisoned for the same Fact, were in the same manner condemned and beheaded. The Provost-Marshall that gave order in the Duke of Alva's name for their Execution was Iohn Spel, John Groneit Spel, Prevost de Campagna, on Drossart rural. a great stickler in Causes of Life and Death, who, a while after, being found guilty of many hainous crimes, was by the Duke of Alva's com­mand hanged up, to the great Joy of the Low-countrey-men. But these punishments seemed only to usher in the Death of the two Counts; the last Scene of whose sad Tragedy was acted with a great Terrour to theFammianus Strada. Spectatours, and (which the Authour wishes had not been) with their greater Indignation.

The Counts Egmont and Horne had now been prisoners for nine months in the Castle of Gant. Many intercede for the Counts Egmont and Horne. In which time I find all possible meanes used to the Duke of Alva, to the King, to the Emperour, to the Princes Electors, and to all the Companions of the Golden-Fleece, without whose joynt consents it was pretended none of the Order could be put to death. But they that most earnestly sollicited the cause were Mary Momorancy, Sister to Count Horne; Mary wife to Count Mans­feldt. and Sabina Palatina of Bavi [...]r, Count Egmont's Lady. And indeed her Petition,Sabina Coun­tesse of [...]g­mont. sent into Spaine by Octavio Duke of Parma and his Wife Margaret of Austria, cannot well be read by any one without commiseration. Either where she remembred the King of the Customes observed in the causes of his Companions of the Order; October 1. quoting the Lawes, and instancing Examples; or where She puts him in mind of the severall painfull services done by her Husband, Her humble Petition to the King. even before he was 18. yeares of age, both for the Emperour Charles, and for King Philip himselfe: The many undaunted hazards of his Life at Algiers, in Gelderland, and in his warres with France. Lastly, she humbly prayed his Majesty, to be mercifull, and not suffer an unfortunate Mother, and eleven innocent Children, with so sad a losse and Disgrace, to wander through the World, a miserable and continued example of humane Calamity. Notwithstanding, the King's Advocate pro­ceeded to the Examination of witnesses,The King's Ad­vocate still fol­lowes the cause against the Prisoners. Charges them both, taking foure moneths of the nine to prove the Impeachment, and leaving to the Prisoners the other five moneths, for their defence. The whole processe, if I had time to give it you as it lyes by me, in a volume: I doubt not but I should in this place satisfie many, covetous of such novities. But I hold it more agreeable to the History's Honour, and the Reader's hast, to set down only the heads. It was charged against the Counts, Egmont, and Horne, Among diverse other things, With these Particulars. The summe of their Indict­ment. ‘that they had plotted with the Prince of Orange and other Noble-men, to dispossesse the King of the Low-countreys, and to divide the Provinces among them­selves. To that end, were their indeavours of expelling cardinall Gran­vell, who looked into their Designes. Nor would they leave off their Aenigmaticall Cognizances of Hoods, and Arrowes, the manifest signes of their Conspiracy, till they had inforced his Majesty to call the Car­dinall [Page 50] out of the Low-countreys. That they did not onely know of the Covenant; but that Casembrot, Egmont's chiefe Secretary, who had made his Lord privy to his taking of it, was not only not turned away, but did his ordinary meniall Service, as before. And Horne, who was ob­liged, as Governour of the place, to have assisted the Generall Bea­vor, sent by the Governesse to drive Villers and the rest of the Cove­nanters out of Tournay, had consulted with the Magsitrate about the expelling of Beavor. That both of them were professed Patrons to the Covenanters, the Consistorians, and Merchants, promising them to live and dye with them. That they treated at Dendermond with the Prince of Orange his Brother Lewis, Count Hochstrat, and some few consede­rates, to stop the King's passage into the Low-countreys, and were often present at such Meetings. That they opposed not the Gheuses, when they plundred Churches, which Picture-scuffle was begun in Flanders Count Egmont's Province. And that Count Horne had suffered some of them at Tournay to escape out of prison; by name, one of the chiefe In­cendiaries, Ferdinand Martin, more then once committed to the Jayle for Sacriledge. That they had not been adying to Magistrates of Townes (whereof they themselves were Governours) requiring their Assistance against those Violaters of holy things. That they had explained the Governesse's Commands against Hereticks, contrary to the Gover­nesse's mind, granted them Churches to preach in, and done other things (of which many Particulars were instanced) contrary to the Duties of such persons as were Governours of Provinces, Privy Coun­sellours, Knights of the Golden-Fleece, and Subjects to the King of Spaine. For all which, lawfully charged, and proved against Egmont, and Horne, He concludes this to be mat­ter enough for Sentence of Death to passe upon them. the Kings Advocate earnestly moved the Court, that Sentence might be pronounced against them, as Traitours, their Estates consis­cated, and they condemned to lose their heads.’ To this Egmont and Horne (as both their causes were of the same nature) premised, that ‘saving to themselves all advantages in Law, which bound them not to render an accompt of their Actions to any, but to the King, who together with the Companions of the Order, was the legall Judge over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece; they answered severally, but so, as to the greatest part of the Charge they pleaded, not guilty. Many things they interpreted; some they confessed, but alledged they were done le­gally. That they had consulted about changing of their Prince they ab­solutely denyed; and Horne very much complained, as if he were wrong­ed with such an imputation. As to that of consulting to barre the Spa­niards entrance into the Low-countreys; Egmont denyed not, but that in the meeting at Dendermond; some such thing was spoken by Lewis of Nassau, the rest dis [...]enting; and therefore it was not necessary he should advertise the Governesse of a conference, wherein nothing was conclu­ded. How they proceeded with the confederate Gentlemen, they ex­plained. That they made some Concessions to the Covenanters, the Picture-breakers, and Hereticks, but such as they were forced to, by necessity, and the good of Religion, which without doubt had been otherwise subverted in Flanders, C. Egmont's Province. wherein no lesse then threescore thou­sand men went armed to Sermons. Nor without a Toleration would they ever have restored their Churches to the Catholiques, as they did▪ No [...] was it lesse needfull to give some way to them at Tournay, and in Tour­nacese, Count Horne's Province. the Hereticks being there the stronger party. That they justly [Page 51] opposed the Cardinall, as pernicious to the Government of the Provin­ces. That Casembrot was retained in Egmont's Family, for the Service he undertooke to do against the Church-Robbers. That Tournay being then well pacified had no use for Beavor, and therefore they consulted about sending him away, especially being requested so to doe, by those of Flanders. Thus in order severally, and respectively, they answered to the other parts of their Impeachment; which if I should but run over, would be an infinite worke, Count Hornes particular charge consisting of 600. heades. How they cleared themselves I define not.Some of these Heads the Go­vernesse had objected a­gainst them to the King. Truly I know many of those very Objections were made against them both, to his Ma­jesty, by the Governesse. Nay their designe of dividing the Provinces I find to be discovered euen by the Bishop of Osnaburg, in Westphalia, who gave intelligence thereof to the Governesse by Cobell one of his Councell; ad­ding that he heard it long since from Count Suarzemburg cosen to the Prince of Orange, August. 20. 1566. and by George Holly a German Colonell, when they were merry at Supper, where they said the King of Denmarke would put in for a share. All which the Governesse inserted in her Letters to the King, as we have related in the yeare 66. Notwithstanding the people giving their Judgement,The People doe not thinke them guilty but conceive all this to be the malice of C. Egmont's Ri­vall, Alva. Whom the Count had foyled. either out of hatred to the Duke of Alva, or out of love to Count Egmont, acquitted him, and laid all the fault upon Alva, as one that envied Egmont, his old Rivall in the Warres. They likewise reported, that he bare a grudge to Count Egmont, because, long since, the Count won many thousand Crownes of him at Dice: and afterwards, in a publique Solemnity, when they shot at markes for a wager, the Duke of Alva lost it, the Low-countrey-men shouting for Joy, that one of their Nation had the victory over a Spanish Generall. Which Stories either false, or little tri­fling matters, yet remembred by the vulgar, were brought in, to foment their pitty. And I verily believe in the processe of this Triall,The Duke of Alva not so culpable in this, as some imagine. In Adriaenus Stope [...]s. a greater Odium was cast upon the Duke, then he deserved. Nay I have read, how it was affirmed by very worthy men, that after their sentence was brought out of Spaine, Alva wrote to the King; that he was every day slower to put it in execution, because he fore-saw what mischiefe would insue: and that the King, incensed against Egmont (partly for the pro­mise of his Faith made when he was in Spaine, but not performed, part­ly for the many complaints against him,See the yeare, 65. writ to his Majesty by the Gover­nesse, and aggravated by Cardinall Spinosa, then the great man at Court) blamed the Duke of Alva's Slackness, & commanded him according to for­mer Order, forwith to dispatch him. Yet the Duke deferred execution, til the Prince of Orange invading Brabant, he was forced to meet him with his Army. Perhaps this Relation may not gaine like credit with all persons; but howsoever no man's Malice to Alva, shall deterre me from writing what I have from good hands receive'd As also the peoples Favour to Egmont, Whether Count Egmont bribed by the Rebells, connived at them. shall not make me omit the clearing him of a Crime, which I find by many obiected against him, That he received great Summs of money, which made him winke at diverse things acted in his Provinces, such as he being a military man, and not considering of what dangerous conse­quence they were to Religion, did not imagine to be so preiudiciall to the Church. Yet this offence, not touched in his Impeachment, wherein nothing was pretermitted,The Duke of Alva pronoun­ces Sentence of death upon the Counts Egmont and Horne. either by negligence, or out of Favour, I sup­pose to be a Fiction. Howsoever Egmont and Horne were brought from Gant to Bruxells the third of June, and by the Duke of Alva President of the Councell of twelve (the King having inabled him by peculiar Com­mission [Page 52] to exercise Authority over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece) Sentence of Death was pronounced against them, and Martin Rithovius, Bishop of Ipres sent to acquaint them with it, and assist them in their [...]ast necessity. And Egmont, though it much troubled him he should come to an end so farre below his Merits, yet collecting himselfe, as became a Va­liant man:Iuly 1. and only carefull of his Wife and Children, wrote in French to the King.Count Eg­mont Letter to his Majesty after Condem­nation. The Copy of which Letter sent by Christopher Assonvill, to the Governesse, I here give you; Sir, since you are pleased that Sentence of Death must passe upon your humble and faithfull Subiect and Servant, who never aimed at any thing but your Majestyes Service; for advancement whereof, as my past Actions testify, I neither spared my paines nor fortunes; but to a thousand dangers have exposed my life, which never was so pretious to me, but that if it might any way be offensiue to your Majesty, I would a hundred times before this have exchanged it for death. Therefore I doubt not, but when you shall fully understand the Carriage of Businesse in these parts, you will clearly perceiue how iniuriously I have beene used, whilst they have perswaded your Majesty against me, in things that never entred my Imagination. I call God to witnesse; and I pray that he will revenge it upon my soule, that must this day appeare before his Iudgment-Seat, if I have neglected any part of that, which I beleive'd to be my Duty towards my King, and Country. I therefore beseech you, Sir, I, that shall petition your Majesty no more, that for the Reward of all my painefull Services, you will please a little to commiserate my Wife, and eleven Children, with the rest of my Family, which I have commended to some few Friends yet left me And presuming your Majesty, out of your native Clemency will not deny me this, I go to suffer death, which I willingly imbrace, assuring my selfe my end will give many satisfaction. From Bruxells the fifth of Iune, at two of the clock after midnight, in the yeare 1568. Your Majesties most hum­ble, most faithfull, and most obedient Subject and Servant, prepared to dye, Lamorall Egmont. This Letter for the King hee gave to the Bishop of Ipres; All night long Count Egmont prepares him­selfe for death. He is brought to execution the next day a­bout noone. and confessing his sinnes to him, spent the rest of the night in re­conciling himselfe to God, and arming of his minde to suffer. The like did Count Horne, assisted by the same Prelate, and other Divines. In the mor­ning, being Whitsun-Eve a Scaffold, hung with blacks, was set up in the Market-Place, guarded with the Regiment of Iuliano Romero, where­on were laid two Cushions, before a silver Crucifix. About Nooneday Count Egmont was brought thither, accompanied with the Bishop of I­pres and Romero: after some few prayers, he put off his Damaske-Gowne, threw away his Hatt, and speaking a few words to the Bishop, fell upon his knees before the Crucifix, and his night-cap being pulled over his eyes, the Executioner that lurked under the Scaffold,Beheaded and was once (as it is said) his footman,In the same place and man­ner died Count Horne. strucke off his head. Presently after, Count Horne with the same constancy was by the same Executioner beheaded; both their heads being for two houres set upon two speares, for the City to behold. Their Bodyes were immediately carryed into the next Churches, and the day after, together with their Heads, sent to the chiefe Cityes of their owne Provinces, and there honourably buryed. The miserable Death of Count Egmont (for he was generally beloued) was lamented by the Low-coun­trymen Strange lamen­tation for C. Egmonts death with greater Spleene, then Sorrow; Some whereof despising dan­ger, dipt their handkerchers in his bloud, and kept them, either as Mo­numents of Love,Not without Threats. or Incitements to Revenge. Others kissed his leaden Coffin, and without any feare of an Informer, publiquely threatened [Page 53] Vengeance. Insomuch as diverse Person noting the Low-countrymen's Violent affections to his Memory,And presages. and their detestation of the very name of Alva, said, that by Egmonts death the Confederates were first established: and foretold, that all the Lowcountreys would in a short time, contrary to the Duke's Expectation,Confirmed by a portent from heaven as was commonly be­leeved. be involued in Tumults. This Prediction gave credit to the report, that presently after it rained bloud in the Fields a­bout Lovain: the Multitude easily believing, what their Hatred supposes to be done in Heaven.From hence sprang the ha­tred to Alva. And indeed there are that doubt not, but it would have beene more policy in the Duke to have made their Execution pri­vate, and not presented that distastfull Scene and Pompe of Egmont's Tragedy to the people. For they doe ill, that make the Favourers and Pittyers of the Cause Spectators of the Punishsment. But Alva resolving to make an Example of Terrour, which hee then thought necessary, slighted Hate or Envy.A saying of the French Em­bassadour, Charles ix. Count Egmont's Elogie. It is reported the French Embassadour, who privatly beheld the Execution, wrote to King Charles, that he had seene in the Market-place at Bruxells his head struck off, whose Valour had twice made France tremble; intimating the losse of the French Nobility at Saint Quintin and Graueling: the first of which Battailes was almost, the second altogether purchased by the Courage and conduct of Count Egmont. He dyed in the fortie sixth yeare of his age, leaving by Sabina of Bavier (to whom he was married at Spires in presence of the Emperour Charles the fifth eight, Daughters and three Sons; the eldest inheriting his Fathers Vertues; the second nothing but his Hatred to the Spaniard; the third, who was faithfull to the King, only left Issue to the Family. He had a Brother that followed the Emperour Charles into Africa, and dyed in Italy: a Sister marryed to Count Vadamont, Mother to Frances Wife to Henry the third of France. The Nobility of his House was antient, their Power much greater once, when the Dukes of Egmont were Lords of Gelderlandt. He tooke his name from Egmond a Towne in the farthest part of Holland neare the westerne Shore, of which he still wrote himselfe Count; though he was Prince of Gavera a Towne upon the banke of Schelt, not farre from Gant. Charles the fifth created him knight of the Golden-Fleece, King Philip trusted him with the Governement of the most noble Provinces of Flanders and Artois. He was a man for the He­roicall Vertues of his mind and body, worthy a farre better Fate; though the very infelicity of his Death (as Compassion looks upon all things through a multiplying Glasse) did not a Little increase the opinion of his Vertues.The merits of Count Horne. Nor was it any disadvantage to his Children, restored by King Philip to all their Father's personall and reall Estate. But Philip Count of Horne, who was likewise Knight of the Golden-Fleece, dyed foure yeares elder then Count Egmont: his Brother the Lord Montiny being for the same Cause condemned and beheaded in Spaine, whither he was by the Governesse sent Embassadour with the Marquesse of Bergen. Nor was Count Horne of a lesse noble family then Count Egmont, being descen­ded of the French Momorancyes, and had courage equall to his Honour, as appeared at the Battaile at Saint Quintin, and in the magnificent discharge of two great offices, of Admirall and Captaine of the life Guard. Hee first tryled a Pike under the Emperour Charles the Fifth, to whom he was a Subject for Horne, an Imperiall Castle betweene Gelderland and Brabant, whence he had his Title of Count, though he was possessed of many other Townes, and Castles within the Kings Dominions. Indeed his death could not have beene moderately lamented, but that Egmont had consumed all men's Teares.

[Page 54] After this, the Duke of Alva The Duke of Alva's Expe­dition against Lewis of Nas­sau. resolved to move speedily to Friezland, sending before, with part of his Forces, Chiapino Vitelli Vitelli defends Groening. his Campe-Master-Generall, who entring the Groine Valiantly defended that Towne, against Lewis of Nassau that sate downe before it. Then the Duke in person, having payed a Souldiers Duty to Count Aremberg, Count Arem­berg's Fane­rall. and with the sad Military Ceremonies waited on him to his Grave, went about the end of Iune from Bruxells to Antwerp, leaving Gabriel Serbellonio there in Garrison, with eight Companyes of Germans for defence of the Fort and Towne. At the Bus he stayed till Cressonerius came up with seaen­teene Field-pieces; marchingAlva's March. Boldue. thence, in the beginning of Iuly, he passed the Mose at Grave, from thence he went to Arnhem in Gelderland, and so to Daventry in Over-Ysell, where he rested a while, till his ScoutsHe sends out his Scouts. should bring word, if the Bridges wer strong enough to beare the weight of his Cannon: they had not rid farre, but hearing Drummes beate a pretty way off, and presently discovering foure Ensignes, they galloped back to the Duke, and told him, the Enemy was coming hard at hand; though he could not well believe it, yet because his Scouts of several Nations brought the same Intelligence, he forthwith commanded his Colonells and Feild-Officers to set his men in Battalia, and sent out others to discover the En­emyes nearer Aproaches and their number.Their ridlcu­lous mistake. These were no sooner in the Field, but they saw foure gallant Banners displayed, and as many Waggons covered with Canvasse, and greene Boughes, in which a Bride, marryed that morning, who dreamed not of a warre, was riding towards the next Village; with a great sort of countrey fellowes leaping and playing about her. When this Newes was brought to the Army, they made not better Sport at the Folly of the Scouts, then they did, at the simplicity of the Country people, when an Army was so neare them; and all that suddaine preparation for a Warre being changed into Mirth, they enter­tained the Bride in her passage with a Volly of Musket-Shot.Occas [...]oning a military Pro­verbe. The me­mory of this Accident is still fresh in the mouthes of the Wallons, who ever, when they send out their Scouts, if they shew any Feare in their Returne, aske them, in a military Ieere, if they have seene the Bride. But the Duke of Alva, angry at this delay, and sharply rebuking them that were the Causes, entred the Groin Groningen. on the fifteenth of Iuly about Noon­day, and at that very houre without alighting or changing of his Horse, he himselfe, attended with a few others, rode on, to discover the Enemy, that lay three miles from the Towne. At his returne, leaving the Duke of Brunswick to keep the City, by day-breake (for it was time to be quick) he marched against the Enemy. His Foot were almost 12000 his Horse 3000,The number of Alva's Ar­my. most of his Captaines and Officers old Souldiers and Commanders. Nassau Lewis of Nas­sau's Forces. had as many Foot, but was weaker in Horse, and hearing of the Duke's Approach, had retreated six miles, and intrenchedHis Trenches. himselfe with suddaine workes cast up in a watrish Ground. The Duke followed him, and commanded Gaspar Robbley Lord of Bill to take 1200 Spanish Assaulted by the Spanish. and Wallon Mus­ketteers and Dragoones, and fall upon the Campe at two severall Quarters, not so much in hope to beate them out of their Trenches, as to try their Strength, and hold them play, till Cressonerius brought up the Cannon. But such was the Fury of the Musketteers, or rather such was the Cowar­dice of the Enemy, especially being puzzled with a Mutiny of the Ger­mans, The Nassavians run. that running away on both sides from their Cannon, they stroue who should fly fastest. The rest, firing their Carriages retired, and many, while they retreated,Many lost in their flight. observing no Order nor Command, either sunke [Page 55] with their Horses in the Bogges and ditches, or basely casting away their Armes were trampled upon by such as followed the Chase. Above 300 of them were slaine, of the King's men but nine; and doubtlesse the Exe­cution had been greater, if the Duke had not sounded a Retreat, fearing lest in that darke weather his Souldiers, by an errour not to be repaired, might be ingaged in blind cosening holes, and pits, which the Countrey was every where full of. But five dayes after, his Excellence compleated his Victory. For commanding Caesar Davalo, Brother to the Marquesse of Piscario, and Curtius Comes Martinengo with some Horse to chase the Fugitives: he himselfe, with his Army, returned to the Groine, about one a clock at night, and before it was day, the Duke, that could not sleepe out an opportunity, marched againe into the Field, and on the 21. of Iuly pursued the Enemy.

Nassau made a halt in the entrance of West Friezland, Iuly 21. at the Village of Geming, The Battaile of Geming. between the Bay of Dullart and the River Ems, at his back he had Embden a City that tooke part with him: from whence by the River Ems he might expect provisions, and his Brother the Prince of Orange coming out of Germany. About him were many Marshes, and the way so confused, by reason of the water, that it frighted the pursuers Only on his Front, amidst the low and sinking mudd, there was one passage upon the top of a strong Banke that over looked the swelling Billowes, and ran directly into the CampeThe Site of Lewis of Nassau's Campe Dicco. and Village: which a venue was made in­accessible by ten pieces of Cannon planted in the mouth of it. Thus had he chosen and guarded the place where he incamped. But feare can never be sufficiently intrenched. Their feare was increased by a second Mutiny of the Germans, Their Feare made the grea­ter by a second mutiny of their Souldiers. that began to be seditious before their former losse. For when divers Companies of theirs, because they were not payed, came a­bout Nassau's Tent,Which coming to the eare of the Spaniards. railing and crying that some of their Countrey-men were ready to die for hunger, having in two dayes space not eaten a bit of bread: and therefore threatned to go over to the enemy, Iustus Schou­wenberg promising that next day they should have foure French-crownes a man, the mutiny was quieted: but this money (the Duke as I said fall­ing so suddainly upon them) could not be paied; the Souldiers therefore, in their stand at Geming, after their flight, claimed promise, and mutined more fiercely; which the Duke understanding from the Prisoners taken, and the newes being purposely divulged through the Army, so inflamed the Souldiers courages, that almost all the Captaines, with great contest which Nation should be honoured with the Service, begged leave to fall upon their Cannon, the greatest danger of the Warre. The Company of Lopez Figueroa, that Marched on the Duke's left hand when he led the Army along the River Banke,Dicco. was commanded to try their Fortune; the most whereof were armed with those huge Muskets that hardly could be managed upon Rests, which, as we said formerly, were first brought in use for Field-Service by the Duke of Alva. And whilst the Duke made shew as if he would charge the Enemy in the Front,Some make an appearance of charging the Nassavians in the front, covering his men from their Cannon with Gabions, [or baskets filled with earth] in the meane time keeping them in play with some light Assaults, they that were to at­tempt the Cannon falling upon their knees and powring out their prayers to God,Others [...]ss [...]ile them on the s [...]ke. (which they repeated after Figueroa, remarkeable for his devoti­on to the Mother of God,) waded through the Mud and Water, and came upon the Flane of the sleep hill where the Cannon was planted. Few at first guarded the place, as that which secured it selfe: present­ly, [Page 56] fresh men coming in to help their Fellowes, after a sharpe conflict, they tooke the Cannon, and opened the only Avenue by which the Spa­nish Army could march up to Nassau. And take their Cannon, open­ing the way for their fel­lowes to doe execution. This advantage being close followed by the Duke, he sent men, that not only tooke their Campe and beat them out of their Workes and Trenches, but that in their Flight, along the higher and lower grounds, as farre as the River Ems, for six houres toge­ther did execution upon them,Iuly 26. for (as Hubert a Valle that was pre­sent at the Battaile wrote to Margaret of Austria) never men fought either with greater Cowardice,The greatest that ever was, Equall to the Enemy's cow­ardice. or stubbornesse: if it were a Fight, and not ra­ther a meere Slaughter. Many of the Germans throwing their Armes to the Ground, as if they meant to strike, were killed so much the sooner; Many were swallowed in the Bogges and Fennes, into which they crowd­ed and thrust one another as they ran; Many were cut to pieces offering their backs to the Sword, as guilty slaves doe to the Whippe. But the greatest part were drowned in the River Ems, whereinto they leaped, though they could not swim, and were loaded with their Armes, which immediately sunke them. Onely a few good Swimmers made sport to the Spanish Army, that from the banke-side shot them with their Muskets, like so many Ducks.The newes of this Victory in a wonderfull manner comes to the Groine. They say, those that accidentally sailed in the Bay of Dullart, seeing such abundance of Montero's swimming downe the water (for the Sea, that ebbes and flowes at certaine houres, when it was low water drew away from the River the Spoiles of the dead bodies) knew that a Battaile had been fought and great execution done, in the adjoyn­ing Fields: and by the fashion of the Montero's much differing from other mens hatts, and worne by the German Souldiers instead of Helmets, they supposed the Spaniard to be Master of the Field.Bern. Mend. l. 3. By which meanes, when the messenger presently dispatched from the Duke of Alva, came to the Groine, Groningen. beyond all expectation and Faith, he found the Towne already acquaint­ed with the newes, the Merchants and Mariners having told them of the victory.Tit. liv. [...] 1. Thus, long ago when the Romans The like hap­ned among the old Romans. fought with the Sabines by the River of Anio, they at Rome seeing the Sabines Armes floating upon Tiber, into which the River Anio falls, prevented the Messengers by their fore-knowledge of the joyfull Tidings. Touching the number of the slaine,The number of the slaine, the Reports of those, present in the Fight, were diverse; The most credible is, that there fell six Thousand of the Enemy, and no more then Seventy of the King's men. Though twelve miles in length being strewed with Carkasses of men and Horses, presented it as a huge and hor­rid Slaughter to the eye. The SpoileThe Spoile, was likewise great, twenty of the Enemies Ensignes taken, ten great Cannon, and those six musicall Field-pieces lost by Count Aremberg, with a vast quantity of furniture belong­ing to Nassau, Hochstrat, and Schouwenberg; in a word, all their Carriages and Baggage came into the Spaniard's hands. Hochstrat, the day before the Battaile was carryed sick out of the Field. Schouwenberg fled in the begin­ing of the Fight. Of Nassau the Rumour was at first uncertaine,The subtill Flight of Lewis of Nassau. for his Armes and the Suite he wore that day, were brought to the Duke of Alva: afterwards, it was knowne, that changeing his Cloathes he swam the Ri­ver; and left those he put off; purposely in the Field, that they might ima­gine him slaine. In this Province of Friezland Germanicus Caesar conque­red Arminius, Tacit. l. 2. An­nals. The Re­semblance of this Victory over Nassau, to that of Germanicus Caesar over Arminius in the very same place. by the banck of Visurgus, another River of Friezland, the memory of which overthrow was now revived. Iust so, the Romans for their Sport killed the barbarous people swimming the River, till they were weary with the Sport; so Arminius fled disguised; so the Battaile [Page 57] continued till darke night; so the Fieldes, for as many miles, were co­vered with dead bodies. Nor was the Monument lesse proportionable, which either Generall out of the Enemies spoyles erected for Posterity to behold. Only when the Roman set up a Trophy, his modesty omitted to name himselfe:Of this Spanish Trophey you will read m [...]re in thi [...] booke and in the be­ginning of the eight. the Spaniard boldly put in his owne Title. Fame there­fore in that Inscription inserted the title of Germanicus, but envy in this, soone blotted out the name of Alva. I know some that accompt this victory a miracle, wrought by the Prayers of Pius the fifth, who both by Letters and Supplies of money had animated the Duke of Alva against the Gheuses. Indeed Christopher Assonvill, This Victory attributed to the prayers of Pins v. an intimate Counsellour of the Duke's, de­scribing the Battaile writes, that when he considered the place chosen by Nassau, on the one part to be so fortified by nature and Art, as might well have contemned a greater Army:Iuly 27. on the other part, to be taken by so sud­daine a storme, and so few men, he could not thinke this victory lesse then a Miracle.Who gives God thanks for it with great so­lemnity, And the Duke of Alva, after he had won the Field, the first think he did, dispatched away a Messenger that very night, with the newes to Pope Pius; who, as he had devoutly prayed to God for good Successe, so now having obtained his desire, commanded three Thankes­giving-Dayes to be solemnly kept in three of the greatest Churches of Rome, which was accordingly performed with great Solemnity, and the addition of Cannon-shot and Bonefires.Whether it may be thought a Miracle, But though I will not say this was miraculous, in regard a farre lesse mutiny and consternation uses every day to worke stranger effects: yet when I looke upon the attempt of the Spa­nish Forlorne-Hope,The Piety of the Span [...]sh Souldiers, how they being to run the apparent hazzard of their Lives, when Lopez Figueroa advised them to call the Communion of Saints to their Assistance, falling on their faces and imploring, after an extraordinary manner and with many zealous Prayers, the Patronage of the Blessed Virgin, and the Tutelar Saint of Spaine, fearlessely and fortu [...]nately among the enemies Cannon began their Conquest; truly out of these premises I may boldly conclude, that if at this Battaile there was more then humane help, the Devotion of the Spaniards called downe Victory from Heaven, and their heroicall courage merited such a Day.

In the Returne of the conquering Army, a bold and wicked fact was committed, that greatly tooke off the Generalls and his Officers Ioy. The Sardinian The fury of the Sardinian Legion, Brigade marching in the Reare, when they came within sight of the place, where awhile before many of their fellow Souldiers were lost vnfortunately, together with Count Aremberg; their Bloud rising, they resolved to be revenged, and leave a memorable example of their fury; For before day-breake they fired they fired the next Villages:Revenging Count Arem­berg's death with the firing of many Villa­ges. beginning at the Towne where they heard the Spaniards in their flight were by the Countreymen betrayed to the Victorious Nassavians. From thence divi­ding themselves, they dispersed the fire among the Townes adjoyning, which so kindled, the Houses being built of combustible materialls, especially the wind conspiring with their Wickednesse, that from the Bay of Dullart to the farthest prospect of West-Friezland nothing was present­ed to the eye but dreadfull Flames.1566. The Duke of Alva The Duke of Alva punishes this burning Brigade. amazed to see the Countrey burne, and suspecting it to be a Stratagem of the enemy, when he sound that it was the Villany of his owne men, commanded the whole Army to stop the Brigade that had fired the Countrey, and calling before him their Colonell Gonsalvo Bracamonte reproved him for suffering at the present that Mischiefe to Friezland and the King, (for they had burnt [Page 58] some Townes that were his Majestyes Patrimony) and for their former Contumacy, whereby they had importunely forced their valiant Gene­rall Aremberg to fight Some of the Souldiers which began it,According to the old milita­ry forme. he com­manded to be hanged upon the place; others, especially the Supernume­raryes of the Brigade, which seemed to be accidentally involved in the Fault, and Colonell Bracamonte himselfe, he adjudged to change their Militia, Val. Max. l. 2. cap. 2. de Dis­cipl. milit. for this was a kind of warlike penalty, still retained out of the Discipline of the Antients, that often degraded their Souldiers, a Horse­man to a Footman, and a Footman into an Archer, to make them sen­sible of their Errours by disgrace. But this was no great Punishment to the ordinary sort, that were received into other Regiments with little or noe disadvantage. The Captaines, Lievetenants, Ensignes, and above all the Colonell was aflicted with the Igno [...]iny, who were all to be re­duced into the Ranke of Common Souldiers. Therefore some of them, particularly the Colonell resolved rather to leaue the Warre then fight with such dishonour. But the Duke of Alva, satifyed with what they already suffered, a while after restored the Colonell to his Command. The Brigade being in this manner punished, but the Losses of the province unrepaired, which were rated at no lesse then a Million of Crounes;How great a losse the Coun­trey hadby this fire. Victorious Alva entred the Groine upon Saint Iames his Eue, whose assi­stance he had found in the day of Battaile:Alva returnes victorious to Groningen. Orders the af­faires of that City. and commanding the Towns­men to receive Gniffius long since designed Bishop of the place, and Count Megen Successour to Aremberg in the Government of their pro­vince: for defence of both by the directions of Vitelli and Paciotto, the Duke began to build a Fort like that of Antwerp. Things thus ordered in Holland, he was met in his returne to Bruxells by his eldest Son Federico The coming of Duke Federico Alva's Son. Duke of Oscha great Commander of the Order of Calatrava, who brought him from the King 2500 Foote, and a good summe of money, a necessary Supply against the Preparations of the prince of Orange.

For now the Prince of Orange was upon his March with a vast Army raised in Germany, The Prince of Orange's Army raised by the joint assistance of the Princes of Germany. diverse of the hereticall Princes willingly associating in hatred to the Spanish House of Austria. This League was advanced by by a generall indignation upon the newes of Count Egmont's and Count Horne's death: the Envy to Alva thereupon increasing: and much aggra­vated, by a Booke against His Tyranny, written and published by the Prince of Orange. How great this Army was, There was in his Army when he mustered it at Aquis-Grane 28000 men, that is 16000 German Foot, and 8000 Horse; French and Low Dutch 2000 Horse; and very neare as many Foot.How payed, To the Germans the Prince Elector Count Palatine, the Duke of Wirtemberg, and the City of Strasburg had promised foure Months Pay; to the French and the Low-countreymen a Spanish Merchant at Antwerp had ingaged for 1800 French Crownes a month, during the said terme. To maintaine the Horse was undertaken partly by the Prince of Orange and his Brother, partly by the very Commanders of Horse, Casimire Son to the Palsgraue, Count Suarzemburg, two of the Dukes of Saxony, Count Hoc [...]strat, and William Lumè William Lu­mè's Vow. one of the Counts de Marca; the last of these, a deadly Enemy to the Catholiques is said to have made such a barbarous Vow as once Cl. Civilis (who likewise commanded the Hollanders) that he would never cut his haire till he had revenged the Deaths of Egmont and Horne. The fame of this Army, With these Forces the Prince of Orange, sooner then could be imagined, passed the Rhyne, and incamping along the banke of the Mose not farre from Maestricht filled the Low Countries, with strange Re­ports [Page 59] and Terrour.Which Alva seemes to con­temne. Indeed the Duke of Alva in appearance extreamely slighted such Rumours, being a notable Dissembler of military Dangers, and one that feared nothing more then to be thought to feare. So that when a Captaine with very much Trouble in his Face, amplifyed the Newes, and told him, how many Princes and Kings had entred into League against Spaine: His answer to a souldier frighted at the number of Princes confe­derate against the King of Spaine. among whom he numbered Denmarke and Eng­land; the Duke answered merrily, he knew what accompt to make of that League, nor was such a conspiracy of Rebells any way formidable: the King having more Princes that tooke part with him.1565. For with the King of Spaine was confederated the Kings of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia,, the Duke of Millaine, Prince of Burgundy, and the Low-countreys, besides the King's of Peru, Mexico, and New Spaine: but herein the Confederations differed, that in theirs the dissimilitude of Nations and dispositions and (if no other obstacle) their severall Intersts must needs cause disagreement, and in a little time dissolve the union. Whereas in this, what pleased one pleased all, and consequently it would be eternall. And truly, Alva was not so jealous of a forreigne Enemy, as of the Natives, knowing himselfe hated by a great sort of them;Alva suspects the Lowcoun­trymen in ge­nerall. nor could he thinke the Prince of Orange durst ever have attempted to bring a Warre into the Lowcountreys, if he had not beene invited and assisted by the Low-coun­treymen. Particularly the Wood-Gheuses. Especially when so many Robberies and Murthers had been done upon the high way by the banished Gheuses. Which because they sheltred in the Forests were called Wood-Gheuses. Wonders in Heaven. The common Terrour was increased by a fearfull apparition in the Aire of two Armyes in Battalia,Christ. Asson. vlt. Se. seen on a cleare night to brandish their glittering Pikes, as if they were ready for a charge. The Prodigy, because seen in di­verse places, was beleived; and therefore more such stories were dayly told;The D of Alva s [...]a [...]es at Mae­stricht to attend the Prince of Orange's Mo­tion. which made Alva looke to himselfe. So that fortifying the Froatier Townes and those he most doubted, he hastened with his Army to Mae­stricht, that from thence he might incounter the Prince of Orange's De­signes, and by keeping the banke of Mose hinder him from passing the River.But the Prince of Orange pas­ses the Mose With rare Ar­tifice and cele­rity. But the Prince's subtilty and boldnesse carryed it. And this was his first Stratagem in the Low-countrey-Warre, wherein he plainly shewed, how great an Enemy declared himselfe against the King. For his Horse finding the River foardable between Rurimond and Maestricht; the Mose being then accidentally at a low Ebbe, the Prince helped his Fortune with Art, in this manner. He tied his Horse together, and made them stand crosse the River,l. 7. bell. Gall. l. 1. bell. Civ. to breake the Streame (as Iulius Caesar did, when he passed Ligeris and Cicoris: and some others of late time have done) by this meanes the force of the Current being abated and repelled, he com­manded his Foote to wade over silently in the Evening: and that night with inobserveable speed, or rather by an incredible Attempt he deceived the Kings Guards, and safely arrived on the father Shore with his Army. which was so suddaine and unexpected newes to Alva, Beyond the D. of Alva's ima­gination. that when Barla­mont told him the Enemy was come over, the Duke asked him, if he thought them to be an Army of Birds, that had flowne over the Mose. But the Prince of Orange entring Brabant, The Prince of­fers battaile to the Duke. and confidently incamping within six Miles of the Spanish Army, the next day drew out his men, and with Drummes beating and Trumpets sounding, faced and offered Bat­taile to the Duke of Alva, Vitelli holds it best for the D. to fight him. whose Campe-Master Chiapino Vitelli was of o­pinion, that the Enemy, wet with the River, and weary with their March, should have beene fought, before they had incamped; nor did he as yet [Page 60] thinke the fight was wholly to be declined: but that it concerned the Spaniards in point of honour to make some Attempt upon the now ins [...]lt­ing Germans, The Duke is otherwise re­solved. and let them know the Valour of the Royall Army. But the Duke (foreseeing that money could not long hold out to pay so great an Army, which would therefore moulder away, especially upon the approach of winter) resolved, with the least hazard to himselfe, to e­lude the enemy. His principall designe was to keep them from getting in­to any strong Towne, lest they should make their Pay out of the Plunder of the Countrey.And will go no higher then light Skirmi­shes, yet scarce any day passed, but (as the Armies lay close to­ther) they had some Skirmishes, and Fights, commonly about victuall; the Prince of Orange's men being still the Challengers. Which Fights how they were managed, and with what daily successe, I could particu­larize.How Strada comes to know the particulari­ties of those little fights. For Raphael Barberino Knight of Saint Steven, an eminent Com­mander, & a very great Mathematician, sent to Rome Diaries of all Actions in the Campe, directed to his Brothers Francesco Barberino, Proto-Notary Aposticall, and Anthonio Barberino Father to Pope Vrban the Eight: under which Prince, no lesse supreame in Learning, then Religion, it is my happinesse to write this History. But out of those Letters, whereof I have Copies, I hold it best to give you only some choice Passages; omitting the rest that were either of the same kind, or not so remarkable.

The third day after he had passed the Mose, the Prince of Orange ad­vanced to Tongeren: thither presently marched the Duke of Alva to de­fend the Towne; neither incountring nor declining him, only having an eye upon his Motion and Designes. It fortuned, that Vitelli, with two Troopes of Horse,Two Troopes of Vitelli's horse inter­cepted. about Sun-set going to discover the Enemy, fell upon an Ambuscado, and with a rout and the losse of some men, returned safe to the Army:Vitelli himself escapes, only the Mare he rode upon, had a slight hurt, and because he loved her above all the Horse in his Stables, she being an excellent gal­loper; that night, when he was set at Supper with his old Friend and Companion Raphael Barberino, Chafes at the mischiefe done to his Mare, telling him with much vexation how fearefull he was to lose her, he threatned,Threatens to be revenged for it, if he liued one day longer, to make the Enemy repent that ever they hurt his Mare. Nor was it a vaine bragge: for next morning by breake of day drawing out some horse, most of them Spaniards and Burgundians, And accordingly falls upon the Prince of Orange's Rere, Does very great execution. when he observed the Prince's Rere to March at a distance from the Army, dividing his Forces and giving halfe to Camillo Gonzaga Count de Novellaria, he fell upon the Enemy, with such a suddaine violence, that he killed about 400. of their men, lost only fifteene of his, and tooke, besides diverse Waggons loaden with Armes, and Ammuniton, 150. of their Horse;Takes 150. Horse, and bringing in triumph to to the Duke of Alva, said,His Merry say­ing to the Duke Still the P. of Orange uses all provocati­ons to bring Alva to a Bat­taile. Looke you, Sir, how many Horses my Mare hath foaled. Notwithstanding, the Prince of Orange the very next day offe­red battaile to the Duke, but he assuring himselfe, the enemy would sooner want meate & mony then confidence, held it his safest course to break them with delaies; which inraging the Prince, sometimes with Crosse-Mar­ches he turned upon the Duke, sometimes, to draw him on, sounded a Retreate, as if he were affrayd his men had gone too farre; and a while after, fired the Townes and Villages, in sight of the Enemy, to bring the demurring Spaniard to a battaile. But this Hannibal found a Fabius Cunctator,Who is not moved, but pla­ces the assu­rance of Victo­ry in Delay. Chiap. Vitelli. one that could be moved neither by the desperate fury of the Enemie, nor by his own men's impatience, and almost downe right Rail­ing (for this Dictator had likewise his Master of the Horse, that was eager to fight) nor lastly, by the invitation of any prosperous fortune. But as [Page 61] a prudent man looking upon the Future, he preferred not Rumour be­fore safety, and would rather have the victory, which he promised him­selfe, slow and secure, then dubious and bloudy. Especially, after he had intelligence that shrew'd signes of discord appeared in the Prince of Orang's Army.The Orangians mutiny. Nor was the Duke of Alva deceived in his conjecture. For the Prince of Orange having, but to no purpose, sounded the affections of many Cities, from whence he hoped for Money and Ammunition, had not been a full Moneth in Brabant before his Souldiers mutined, Captaine Malburg being slaine in a heate by his own Company,The Prince of Orang's danger and the Prince himselfe had a Pistoll discharged upon him, but, the bullet lighting upon the Scabberd of his Sword, escaped the Danger. The rage increased in the Campe,Recruites sent him out of France. and would not easily have found a stop, but that newes of Suc­cour out of France gave hope to the Prince of Orange, and struck feare into the Mutineers. His Army therefore moved with all possible speed to receive the French Forces, conducted by Francis Hangest Lord of Ienlis, consisting of 500. Horse and 3000. Foot.

In his March,Of the Fight [...] the River Geta. the Prince of Orange tooke Centron, in the Terri­tory of Liege, The Prince of Orange having taken Centron or San Truyen intends to passe the River, and joyne with the French Auxi­liaries. where he found plenty of victuall, besides the great summes of money for Fine and Ransome paid him by the Abbot of that Monastery,Thienen. and diverse other persons of quality. From thence he went directly to Tienen, to joyne with Ie [...]lis that was come within three miles of the place. But because the River Geta ran between them, to secure the passe, he placed some light horse upon the banke mixt with Musketteers. The Duke of Alva that never left the Enemy, was at his back with an Army of neare upon 16000. Vitelli led the Van, and finding the Prince of Orange his Designe, sent Barberino on the spur to the Duke, who brought up the Rere, to let him know in what condition the Enemy was▪ and how easily he might be routed as he passed the River.Alva commands Vitelli not to ingage. The Duke com­manded him not to fight,The Prince passes the Ri­ver leaving part of his For­ces behind. till he had more certaine intelligence. But the Enemie wading over with part of his Army, was now possessed of the farther banke, and had left behind, under the command of Colonell Philip Marbet Lord of Lovervall, two thousand Fire-locks and 500. Horse, most of them Gascoignes and Wallons, men chosen out of his whole Army, to keep the King's men in play with continuall skirmishes, till their fellowes were got to the other side the River.Which Vitelli charges. Vitelli, angry to see the Victory slip out of his hands by the Generall's Delay, with a great part of his men fell upon the Regiment lest, commanding Barberino to gallop to the Duke, and acquaint him with his Resolution. The Duke of Alva disliked it not (rather because it was already,Alva sends to his assistance his Son Duke Federico, then that he wished to have it done) and turning to his Son Federick said, thou seest that Hill made good by their Horse, thither thou must; fire upon them from this opposite Hill with six Field-Peices, and with some commanded men chosen out of that Wing of Spanish-Horse and Foot, beat them from their Post. Federico did more than his Father bad him,He takes the Hill. for he drave them from their Vantage­ground, and joyning with Vitelli turned his Cannon upon them, which very much contributed to the Victory.The Fight. For now they fought with like but not with equall Forces, because such of the Princes men as had not yet passed the water, terrified with the charge, and fearing Alva had come on with his whole Army,Vitelli would gladly have pursued them beyond the Ri­ver. sometimes resolved to take the River and fly: sometimes incouraged by better men, returned and fought, that between the irresolution of fighting and flying, so many were slaine, as Vitelli doubted not, but if all the Spanish Army might passe the River, the Ene­my [Page 62] that day would be totally destroyed, and therefore tooke great care to let the Duke of Alva know so much; who standing on a higher ground very sparingly sent downe his men. Nor was Barberino (that of himselfe, as well as on Vitelli's Command desired to fight) lesse carefull to deliver his Message,Barberino sent to signifie his desire to the D. of Alva. and use his best perswasions to the Duke for the taking of that opportunity. He told him, the valiantest of the Enemy were slaine, and the rest apparently conquered, for their hearts were gone; therefore if the whole body of the Army advanced, before they were reincouraged by joyning with the French, no doubt they would be clearly routed. But Alva angry at the hast made by Vitelli, Who orders the cont [...]ary, very much offende. as if he meant to force him to a battile, like one that loved his owne wayes, and therefore brooked not another man's Advise, said to him, you will not then let me dispose of the Warre? get you back immediately to Vitelli,The Fight re­nued upon the River-bank, and command him to stoppe his men upon the banke, and no more send to me about fighting; for thou, or any man else that shall presume to advise me in this kind, I sweare by the Kings head shall never returne alive. Vpon this Answer Vitelli and Federico ordering their men to passe no further, turned all their fury against such as stood, strong­ly maintaining the Fight with Hochstrat, nor was the face of the Enemy's battaile alike in all places, here they were frighted and fled, and both sorts being slaine, despaire making them valiant they renewed the battaile, and retarded the Victory.The Orangians cut to pieces. Some of the prince of Orange's Men, that followed, Colonell Lovervall's Colours, looking like fresh supplyes, tur­ne'd head, and with the violence of dying persons desperately charge'd Vitelli with a strong Impression opening and shattering the Body of Horse that stood close about him, Vitelli, Vitelli's vali­ant gallantry, that neither stirred from his Re­solution, nor his ground, charged Colonell Lovervall, in the Head of his Men, grievously wounding him; then fell upon his Cornet, and wresting the Colours out of his hand, lifted them up adding fresh courage to his men, and not only cryed, Victory, but won it; they say, when he brought the Cornet to the Duke of Alva, the devise whereof was pillar a with his motto,Highly com­mended by the Duke of Alva. Valour cannot fall, till Conquerd by a greater Valour, the Duke before many great Commanders,The number of the slaine. said, truly Valour it selfe is this day conquer'd by the valour of Vitelli.’ In two hours were slaine no lesse then two thousand of the Enemy, most of them by the Sword, the com­mon end of battailes. Some men of quality were taken prisoners; among whom was Colonel Lovervall, hurt in three places, afterwards put to death at Bruxells. Count Hoch­strat's death. But he whose losse more troubled the Prince of Orange, then all that fell that day, was Anthony Lalin, Count Hochstrat, shot in the bat­taile, and presently set upon a fresh horse, who being carried off by his owne Souldiers, not long after, publiquely professing himselfe a Catho­lique, dyed. Of the King's men very many were wounded, but it is suffi­ciently known that only fourescore were slaine. A hundred and fifty of the Enemy still kept in a body,The remainder of the routed Forces surroun­ded in a house, Which the King's men fire, & possessed themselves of a house hard by; resolved, as if they had beene in the Fort at Antwerp, not to yield, but upon Treaty and Conditions. And when the Royalists, that were to march away, could not get them out, the Duke commanded them to make a Ring about the house, and set fire upon it; immediately two Souldiers drave to the doore a Cart loaded with hay, under which they secured themselves, and firing it with their Matches, the house was easily burnt downe,Their severall kindes of death involving those within it in unavoydable Ruine. It was a cruell and miserable Spectacle to see some stifled with the flame, fall with the house: whilest others striving to make their way, ran furiously upon the [Page 63] Souldiers bended Pikes, like wild Boars upon the Huntsmen Spears; many reversed their Muskets and Swords shooting and killing themselves,Some of them dispatch one another. or one another, to prevent the Spaniards Triumph, or glory in their deaths. In the meane time, part of the beholders of this Gladiator-like madnesse pitied, part hissed at them, and laughing gave the Enemy thanks for saving them so much labour and losse of Powder and Bullet: wishing all their Foes might die as gloriously.Opinions touch­ing the Enemy [...] being suffered to passe. Many of the Royall Army were of opinion, that if their whole forces had fought, as Vitelli proposed, the Enemi's strength would have been broke in that one battaile. But Alva, besides that he was naturally selfe-opinioned, doubting the situation of the place, and faith of the Low-countrey-men, resolved to play his game warily. And now the Prince of Orange recruited with Succours out of France, might probably have repaired his Losses, if he had not found by immediate experience,The Prince of Oranges Army growne greater, and likewise his Necessities, that his Souldiers were increased, and likewise his misfortunes: as being daily more and more straitned for want of Victu­all. Wherefore his hope failing, which had perswaded him and his, that if he could enter Brabant with an Army, diverse Cities that favoured his quarrell would presently revolt; nay finding those very Cities as well provoked as fortified against him,Strange to see how oft he changed his Quarters st [...]i­ving to take some Towne or to circum­vent the Duke, But all in vain. He thinks of goi [...]g f [...]r France, It kept out of [...]ege, [...]lunders the Countrey about it, And diverse Villages in Hayno [...]t, Does some mischi fe to the D. of Alva. after he had incamped himselfe nine and twenty severall times, and still saw the Duke of Alva marching on his Flanke, who being an old Souldier still got the advantage in ground, and might at his owne pleasure hinder him from coming to any City, but by no force nor policy could himselfe be drawn to hazard the fortune of a battaile: advised by Ienlis and the rest of the French Commanders, he re­solved to joyne himselfe to the Prince of Condè, at that time reviving the third Civill Warre of France▪ Especially because Gerard Grosbeck, Prince of Liege, not only denyed him passage into Germany, but commanding his souldiers to man the Walles & discharge their Cannon, frighted the Prince of Orange from the Suburbs; Which Affront He barbarously revenged, by firing certaine Monasteries, and so marched with his Army into Hay nolt, where he plundred with extraordinary cruelty, the Villages and Houses of many Gentlemen that had signed the Covenant. It was sup­posed he did it, because they promised to serve in the Warre, and came not. But at Quesnoy, fighting above the rate of his usuall Skirmishes with the Duke of Alva, that constantly followed him, ever cutting off some part of his Rere: he routed some Companies of Spaniards and Germans, and slew many of them, Sancho de Avila, & Caesar Davilo that indea­voured to make them stand,Is prohibited to enter France. being themselves sore wounded. This was some revenge for his former Losse [...]. But at his entring into France, by a threatning Message from King Charles, delivered by Colonell Arthur Cossè, who with his French Brigade guarded the Borders, he was commanded not to come upon French ground with his Army. Which notwithstanding, he march­ed on, but was constrained to alter his determination by a furious mutiny in his Campe, his men refusing to beare Armes against the King of France, and demanding pay of the Captaines with their Swords in their Hands The Prince afflicted with so many Miseries at once,And his hopes there f [...]iling returnes into Germany. increased by the extraordinary sharpnesse of the Winter, and considering his uncertaine condition, that had neither any place of strength, nor money to pay the Army, as he had promised: selling part and pawning the rest of his House-hold-stuffe, and Ammunition (which was all he had now left) the Soul­diers were by that meanes somewhat pacified, and he, with part of his Forces, having disbanded the rest, about the yeares end returned into [Page 64] Germany, to waite a more auspicious time for renewing of the Warre.

But the Duke of Alva, now freed from the warre, sent into France to the Assistance of Charles the ninth against the Hereticks, 2000 Horse, and 3000 Foot under the Command of Ernest Count Mansfeldt to returne thankes to the King,The Duke of Alva having [...] himselfe of the Prince of Orange, sends an Army into France under the command of Ernest C. Mansfeldt To very good purpose. Ber. Mend. lib. 4. for declaring himselfe against the prince of Orange. And Count Mansfeldt's Service did not a little contribute to the Victory at Monconture, where his valour was particularly inflamed with Emu­lation of Lewis of Nassau; who that day leading the maine battaile of the Hugonots, Count Mansfeldt that had the opposite Command, though his Right Arme was shot, first forced Nassau's Horse to make a stand, and then routed them. But the Duke of Alva having as he designed it, beate the Prince of Orange out of the Lowcountreys, without a generall day of battaile, and with little Losse to himselfe: in the beginning of Ianuary made his triumphant entrance into Bruxells appointing a publique Thankes­giving-day for his fortunate Successe. His Glory was increased by the Honour of an Embassadour from Rome, who presented him from Pius the fifth a Helmet and Sword richly sett and inchased with Gold and pre­tious Stones, solemnely consecrated by his Holinesse, and sent to the Duke of Alva, He enters Bruxells tri­umphently. The Pope sends him a Helmet and a sword. as to the Champion of the Catholique Religion. This ext [...]aor­dinary Present he received with great devotion in the Church, at the hands of the Bishop of Machlin, Which he re­ceived with great state. whilst he was celebrating divine Service. The rest of the day was spent in tilting and such warlike Sports.May 1. But all the Beholders were not joyfull at heart,And as great Envy. many being touched either with Griefe or envy, and some that wished the Prince of Orange should have lost the Victory, would not have had it won by the Duke of Alva. It added to their indignation, that a Tilt-yard was made of that very place, where a few Months before the Low-countrey Lords were beheaded. They stomackt him yet more, because, being more ambitious of Honour with Posterity, then fearfull of Hatred from the present times, he com­manded the Cannon taken from L [...]wis of Nassau, He erects his owne Sta [...]ue. [...]s F [...]shion. in the battaile of Gem­ing to be melted: and made himselfe a Trophey of the brasse, to be set up in the Fort at Antwerp. It was his Effigies in compleat Armour, bare­headed, his Right Arme naked, and his eye upon the Towne, treading upon two brasse-Statues, signifying two of the three Estates of the Low-countreyes, the Lords,Signification [...]n Apolog. An 1581. Designer. and Commons; as the Author of the Designe, A­rias M [...]ntanus affirmed, and the Prince of Orange interpreted, laughing at the Pride of Alva, that erected himselfe a Statue trampling upon the Nobility and People of the Low-countreys. These two prostrated Figures, had many Hands, and were armed with Petitions, Purses, Axes, and Torches: their faces Vizarded; their Eares and Necks hung with little dishes and Walletts, the Accoutrements of the Gheuses. Vpon the Marble pedestall was this Inscription.Inscription. To the most faithfull Minister of the best of Kings, Ferdinando Alvarez, Duke of Alva, Governour of the Lowcoun­treys for Philip the second King of Spaine, because extinguishing Combusti­ons, beating away the Rebells, restoring Religion, executing Iustice, he settled Peace in the provinces, this Statue was erected. The sides of the Basis were cut into diverse Emblems, below was written, Iungeli [...]g his Workemanship out of brasse taken in the Field. It was wonderfull to see with how generall a Hatred and Envy this Statue was looked upon. The Low-countrymen inwardly fretting, as if they were daily conquered in that Monument,W [...]l [...]man James Junge­ [...]ing. and their Nation daily triumpht over. The very Spaniards themselves were angry at the Duke,This rendered him extreame­ly o [...]ous to the Lowcountry­men. And to the Spanvards Ho Gabr. l. 8. c. 12. that chose rather to sing his owne [Page]

Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt Governour of Lucembure Campe-master at ye Battaile of Gemblac Generall of the French Expedition.

[Page] [Page 65] Praises,The Court of Spaine scornes him for it. Rui Gomez. then to heare them spoken by others. Nor was there any subject of discourse more frequent in the Court of Spaine. The Prince of Ebolo deriding his old Competitour, for calling himselfe most faith­full Minister, because he inverted the Honour due to his Prince, and transfer'd it to himselfe. This made some cry up the modesty of the King, who a few months before, when a rare Italian Statuary offered that, with­out expence to the King, he would set up his Majesty's Armes, and Por­traiture over the gates of every City in Lumbardy; the King, commend­ing the man's good will, answered,The more, com­pa [...]ing his con­fidence with the K [...]ng's Modesty. Ant Herrera l. 3. 2. part of his History. he had rather have a Worke-man that, with any expence whatsoever, could set up his Image in Heaven. Which words of the Prince were infinitely extolled by the Court policy, that Alva for setting forth himselfe so vaine gloriously, might be the more eminently scorned. Nay the structure was not very pleasing (as it is said) to King Philip, by whose command, foure yeares after,The King him­selfe is dis­pleased. it was removed. Perhaps the King did it, to take away the Low-countrey-mens Distast; or rather his owne, offended that another should have a Monument raised out of a Victory won by his Majesty's Army, and which his owne purse paid for. And it was conjectured, Alva had knowledge of the King's dis­pleasure, because the other Statue (for he had two of the same model, cast by the same Worke-man) was not sent into Spaine, Which Alva was not igno­rant of, Mich. van Is­ [...]elt in his Hist. and met. l. 3. 6. Belg. as he once resol­ved.

But nothing so much incensed the Provinces against the Duke of Alva, and the Spaniards, Of the Taxes he exacted, The tenth, The twentieth, And 100. part The cause of these impositi­ons, as the new Taxes, being the tenths of all commodi­ties to be sold, and the twentieth part of goods immoveable; but the hundreth part of all, the Low-countrey-men were to pay at once. For thus they said the Exchequer might be replenished, which the Warre had emp­tyed; and likewise the Provinces secured. Because Spaine, ingaged in a long Warre with the Moores, and now setting forth a chargeable Fleete against the common Enemy, could afford small supplies. Nor was it rea­son to expect any thing from King Philip, and unseasonable to divert him, wholly applying his Indeavours and Expences for the Defence of Chri­stendome. But the Estates, that to settle these Taxes were summoned to Bruxells, would not yield to the Tenths,The Estates de­ [...]re him to re­mit the tenth part. because they should thereby lose their Traffique, the only subsistence of the Low-countreys. Indeed how could the Merchants and Artificers brooke the payment of many tenth parts out of one Commodity? for before Cloth, or Hangings, and other Stuffes were woven and put off their hands, they must pay the Tenths of wooll, so for thread, then for weaving, and dying, and such like parts of manufacture, and thus the price of Commodities being enhansed, they should have no buyers: the Worke-men would go to other Nations, and the Low-countreys be reduced to extreame Poverty. The Duke of Alva might consider what ad­vantage it had been to England, since the Low-countrey-men, above 200. yeares agoe, But Alva is not to be mo­ved. forced by an inundation of the Sea to leave their Countrey, had taught the English the art of Weaving, which before they understood not. Many other Manufactures were yet in the Low-countreys, not known to their Neighbours, A contest be­tween the D. of Alva and the Queen of England. M. Isselt's Hist and Me [...]eran. l. 3. & Thuan l. 44. and Meurs. l 5. and B. Adrian. l. 20. & Aloys. Caberera. l 8. Hier. Conest. l. 3. whereby they would be greatly inriched if the Worke-men should go and live among them. All this prevailed not with the Duke in the midst of his command, victorious, and no enemy appearing; who therefore assured himselfe the Low-countrey-men would easily obey.

But the Queene of England in the interim somewhat startled him, and made Alva thinke of a new enemy. A Biscaine man of warre with foure Pinnaces sayling out of Spaine, and bound for the Low-countreys con­voying [Page 66] of money to pay the Duke of Alva's Army, a vast summe (200000. Ducats, as some Writers affirme, according to others 40000. nay there is one that saies 800000.) forced either by a tempest, or for feare of Pyrats, came into an English Harbour. The Queene resolving not to part with that Treasure,Occasioned by her intercepti­on of his Moneys, first commanded an accoumpt of it should be taken, then causing them to unlade; under pretence of the Kingdome's necessity, it was carried to the Exchequer: Guerrao Despeo the Spanish Embassadour, and his Majesties Admirall Stephano Serra protesting against it, to no pur­pose. The Duke of Alva bitterly resenting the Injury, made an Imba [...]go in the Low-countreys, He seizes the goods and ships of the English in the Low-countreys, So doth her Majesty, the Low-countrey-men and Spa­niards commo­dities in Eng­land, The Queene will not admit of his Embas­sadour. arresting all the English Merchants Goods, and Shippes:May. 20. 24 the like was done in Spaine. On the other part, the Queene of England seized upon all the Commodities of the Low-countrey-men, and Spaniards; so as they were upon the very point of Proclaiming Warre on both sides. And Christopher Assonvill sent into England by the Duke to demand the money, and to compose the matter in controversie, found the Queene so offended and inraged, that he was commanded backe to the place from whence he came, the Queene refusing to treat upon condi­tions with Alva, or any man else, but the King himselfe. She was so pe­remptory (as I have read in Assonvill's Letters) because shew knew the Moores intended to rebell in Spaine, and the Germans were againe pre­paring to invade the Low-countreys: she her selfe, in the meane while, being inriched with dayly Prizes taken from the Low-countrey-men and Spaniards. At the very same time 14.The Portugall-Fleete with their Indian Frieght taken by the English. Portugall-shippes, laded with In­dian Merchandise, Ignorant of the Quarrell between the Nations, think­ing they might passe securely, were surprized by the English: and it is not to be imagined how much that Booty inflamed those Islanders with a desire to continue a difference so advantageous. Which made the Spaniard the more earnestly to labour the composing of it.A new Embas­sage from the Duke. And to this end Thomas Raggeus was sent into England, on whose prudence the Duke of Alva much relyed, who was afterwards, when the King knew him better, made his Treasurer. Raggeus, though he could not prevaile with the Queene, that was resolved to keep the money, yet so won upon her, as she was no longer deafe to an Agreement.The Queen's Answer. Then the Duke sending over the Marquesse Vitelli with Raphael Barberino, and his Secretary Turrius, the Queene received them more gratiously, and publiquely explained her selfe, that she understood the money appertained not to the King, (whom she ne­ver had any Intention to wrong in any kind) but to the Genoa-Merchants: that she had use for it at the present, and would hereafter returne it to the owners faithfully,Barberino's Relation. and with interest. This Answer was reported to the Duke of Alva, from the Spanish Embassadour and Vitelli, by Barberino, who advised him (notwithstanding the Queene intended not Repayment, since no Merchant could demand the Money) to take into consideration whether the Low-countrey-men or the English would be more prejudiced by the Quarrell. And further told his Excellence, that he had taken notice of 80. Low-countrey and Spanish Ships under Arrest in the English Ports, their lading dayly decaying, and imbezelled. And therefore the Em­bassadour and Vitelli held it best, that matters should not be aggravated with new causes of offence, for they hoped that in a little time, the fury of both sides being allayed by mutuall Losses, at last with equall Dissimulation they would fall to their antient intercourse. For the Duke's better satisfaction therein,The Originall Strada saies he hath by him. he delivered him a Breviate, wherein he had stated the controversie. All this was truth, as afterwards appeared when [Page 67] the contestation being ended, the losse of the Low-countrey and Spanish Merchants was found so farre to exceed the damage of the English, as these were forced to refund above 200000. Florens. Neverthelesse Alva would not desist, either from revenging the Injury done by England, Nothing is con­cluded. or from exacting the Tribute he had begun to demand of the Low-countreys. That, he thought, concerned the King in point of honour: and though he knew this for the present would hinder the Exchange and Traffick, yet he hoped those Losses would be soone repaired. Especially, since his mony was interecep [...]ed by the English, he held it just to aske Supplies from the Low-countrey-men, for whose benefit that money should have been im­ployed. When the Duke therefore to his Requests and Admonitions ad­ded Threats, & the Estates pretended the People's wants; there was a note subscribed with an unknowne name scattered in the Presence,The D. of Alva proceeds in ex­acting Tribute from the Low-countrey men. directed to the Duke of Alva, Who refuse to pay Taxes. in these words; that if he acted Themistocles, & to raise money brought two Goddesses, Perswasion and Violence; they would play the Andrians,Plutarch, in Themestocles. & to prevent Payment, interpose as many, & as great Goddesses, Poverty & Impossibility.’ Thus while the Contest was kept a foot, on the one part with Petitions and Complaints; on the other, with often varied Edicts,Feb. 1570. & Commands; & yet, the yeare ended without any thing conclud­ed; at last, the Duke of Alva in a Rage advertised the Provinces,Whereat he in­raged writes threatningly to the Provinces. That the State was committed to him alone, and he only would be carefull of it. In the meane time they ought to obey his just Commands; and call to mind, that diverse Cities ingaged in the Rebell's cause might be fined, if he so pleased, in farre greater Summes then he demanded. Now therefore with cheerefull obedience they should redeeme their Delinquencies; the rather, since he looked not after the money for his owne use, or to send it into Spaine to the King, but only therewith to defend and secure the Low-countreys against the danger of the times. He likewise tooke away the priviledges of diverse malignant Cities,And proves as good as his word, charged others with Garisons, and struck feare into them all.They yield to the Duke in some things for the rest they p [...]tition the King. In so much as most of the Provinces con­sented to the 100. part; some commuted, and bought out that Tribute with ready money: But many taking time to deliberate, dispatched Agents into Spain [...], petitioning to be eased of the tenth part: but the hundreth part (more they were not able) they offered to pay. Which Affront though Alva deeply stomackt; yet fearing the power which his Enemies at Court had with the King,Iuly 16. he thought it best to dissemble his indignati­on. And to win the Peoples hearts,Sent to him he resolved at that instant to publish, what he had long deferred,March 25. a General pardon for the late Tumults.

Three yeares before, Margaret of Austria had earnestly sollicited the King to grant them This Pardon;A generall Pardon long since desi [...]ed by Margaret of Parma. because she saw, that every day many Low-countreymen in feare of punishment, either left the Provinces, or there conspired with some of their own Faction; as if with their Number their Safety would increase, because a Multitude is easiest pardoned, and where all offend, none suffers. But the King,Sent too late by the King to Alva. not sending the Pardon un­der Seale, till two yeares after, to the Duke of Alva; and he delaying Publi­cation till another yeare;And yet the Promulgation by him deferd. The Fore n [...]one Ceremonies at the Promulga­tion. both of them lessened the favour, by protraction Howsoever Alva omitted nothing that might gloriously set off that be­nefit to the Lowcountrymen. For going to Antwerp, he commanded Sup­plications to be made in the great Church of our Lady, he himselfe in a rich habit (after Sermon,Pra [...]ers. Sermon in Low Dutch Ma [...]e. which was preached in Low-Duch by the Bishop of that City) being present with all the Lords of the Councell, at the Archbishop of Cambray's Masse. Towards the end of the Sacrifice, the [Page 68] Archbishop read Pius the fifth his Letters, wherein he absolved all those that had complied with the Hereticks.The Popes Letter read. An Oration in French. Vpon which subiect-matter the Bishop of Arras made a Speech in French, exhorting the people to give thankes to God for that mercy of the Pope and King, and for the indea­vours therein used by the Duke of Alva, their Governour. Whilst he am­plified this point, he was taken with a suddaine qualme, and carried out of the Pulpit,Interrupted. diverse persons making a superstitious Construction of the Accident, as if he had undertaken a cause that Fortune favoured not. In the Evening the Duke, attended with a great Traine of Lords and Gen­tlemen,The afternoone Pompe. came into the great Market-place, filled with an infinite Crowde (his Souldiers guarding the Streets,Out of Count Mansfeldts Letters to Marg of Parma 9. of August. A stage in the Market-place. The Duke upon a Throne. The Cryer reades the K. Letters in Low-Dutch and French, But so low that few heare him. Out of the Letters of Christ. Assonv. to Marg of Parma. Iuly 17. And fewer like of what they heare. and standing mixt among the Towns­men.) Then his excellence ascending a Theater sate downe in a golden Throne, (having on, his hallowed Sword and hat, which I told you were sent him by the Pope, pretious both for their Consecration, and their Iewelles,) and commanded the Cryer, that stood by him, to read the King's Decree; wherein his Majesty granted the Low-countreymen an Act of Oblivion, and Indemnity, The man read it in French, and Low-Dutch, but with such a hoarse vnaudible Voyce, that very few understood him. Which was perhaps an Accident; perhaps, so ordered by the Duke, who had rather the Low-countreymen should measure the benefit by the greatnesse of Pompe, and the glorious Newes of a Generall pardon, then by the Decree it selfe, containing so many Exceptions. But the just con­trary hapned. For the people upon sight of so magnificent a preparation, promising themselves all they could desire: whatsoever fell short of their Expectation, they accounted as taken from them. Besides, the Multitude that looked on, and could not get neare the theater, not knowing how farre the Pardon extended to particulars, were easily deceived by such as watcht there, on purpose to extenuate the Kings Favour. And many of those that stood neerest, by reason of Clauses of Exception, not yet thinking themselves sufficiently secured, were observed to depart very melancholique and doubtfull: and contrary to the Duke of Alva's Ex­pectation, no bonefires were made that night, to signifie their Joy and thanks. In the mean time Princesse Anne, daughter to the Experour Max­imilian, Princesse Ann Espoused to K. Philip. August. 11. Anne Daughter to the Empe [...]rour Ma [...]imi­lian and Isa­bella Daughter to King Henry. The Duke of Alva desirous to attend her Highnesse into Spaine▪ and to leave his Go­vernement of the Low-countryes. came into the Low-countreys, she having beene after the death of Charles Prince of Spaine, 51 Septem. to whom she was promised,The King as­sents. espoused to his Fa­ther Philip; And nominates his successour Who was long a comming. it being fatall to that Prince to have his designed W [...]ves, either taken from him in his life time, or after his death enjoyed, by his owne Father. The Duke of Alva was an earnest Suiter to the King, for leave to waite upon the Princesse into Spaine, thinking it would be an honour on so good an occasion to quit the Low-countreys, which, by beating the Enemy, he had sufficiently preserved for the present: and secured, as he thought, for the future, by the Forts which he had built. And though at first the king consented not, yet in the end, displeased at some thing done by Alva in his Governement, and that he had not, as he was commanded, published his Royall Pardon for those Tumults (if Count Mansfeldt, long since alienated from Alva, wrote truth to the Dutchesse of Parma) his Majesty resolved to call him away from the Low-countreys, and named his Successour, of the Bloud Royall, Iuan de la Cerda Duke of Medina Celi, Viceroy of Navar, who notwithstanding, came not till two yeares after, and then presently resigning the burthen of the Low-countrey Warre to another, he himselfe returned into Spaine. At which time it was the common newes, that Cardinall Granvell, ioyned in commission with Mary [Page 69] Princess of Portugall, Wife to Alexander Farneze, should succeed in the Governement of the Low-countreys: though all their Wishes were fixed upon her mother in Law, Margaret of Austria Dutchesse of Parma. But the Duke of Alva (before the designation of his Successour) leaving the businesse of conducting the Queene into Spaine to Maximilian Count of Bolduc, Admirall of the Belgick Seas; and sending in his owne Place, his Sonne Ferdinando de Toledo, Caesar Davalo and Mondragonio with his Re­giment, (all of them a while after returning into the Low-countreys, but only Caesar Davalo, who served Don Iohn of Austria in the battaile of Le­panto and the Warre of Tunis) In the meane time the Duke himselfe fellIn the interim Alva returnes to his Demands of the 10 and 20. parts. againe upon his demands of the tenth, and twentieth part; on conditions, which he had often altered, and the people as often refused, with like willfullnesse of both sides. The Low-countreymens obstinacy was increased by their intelligence, that Alva had but a little time to stay among them, which the People wished, and therefore easily believed: so as their feare of a falling man was lesse; and his indignation greater, in regard he thought they insulted over his departure.

Another cause of their dissent,An Inundation in the Low-Countries. November. 1 was the new and suddaine Calamity of the provinces. For upon All-Saints Eue, the Sea excessively swelling and in some places overflowing, in others bearing downe the banks; such a prodigious and unheard-of Deluge covered certaine Islands of Zelandt, a great part of the Sea-coast of Holland, Greater then any in mans memory. and almost all Friezland: as that Inundation which forty yeares before is said to have swallowed up threescore and twelve Villages, was not so high as this by a foote. There was not only an incomparable losse of Fortunes,What a de­struction is made. but of men. In the very compasse of Friezland twenty thousand persons were drown'd,See Pier. Win­sen. l. 2. Hist. sunke and swept away, at the rising and falling of the water, (which at both times was alike mercilesse) whose bodies with the Carcasses of Cattell, House-hold-goods, and broken ribbs of Ships, floated over the Fields, the Land now being indistinguishable from the Sea, and, as they affirme, presenting to the eye a modell of Noah's Flood. I find in the History of Friezland that many men, who had climed to the tops of Hilles and Trees, ready to give up the Ghost, were timously saved by boates, which the Magistrate sent out to gather up the remainder of the Ship-wrack. Among the rest, upon a hill by Sneace they found an Infant, car­ried thither in the Cradle,A rare Acci­dent. lying besides a Cat, and soundly-sleeping, nei­therin feare of Ship-wrack,This calamity drawes off the Duke from in­ [...]isting upon the Taxes. nor the Flood. The Duke of Alva moved with this losse of the maritime parts of the Low-countreys, Some perswade him to desist altogether. for some months forbare to presse the point in Controversy, not resolving absolutely what generall future Course to hold. For his Court was divided in opinions, Arguments were held on both sides, the wiser sort disputing, That his reason deceived the Duke, who perswaded himselfe, the Treasury could be supplyed by the Excise, which would impoverish the Provinces, therefore was not likely to continue long. That the Duke had done ill, to boast in in his Letters to the King, how he by a compendious way, by Excise had found out the Golden Mines of Peru: for, he would have noe better fortune then King Antigonus his Treasurer, Arh [...]n. l. 3. Dipnos. who upon the discovery of a Kind of Spaw at Edepsus, which cured such as dranke the water, when he imposed a Tribute upon all that used it, his Coveteousnesse was immediatly deluded; the Well and impost drying up together. And the like Tribute, being set upon Merchandise in the Lowcountreys, would in like manner lose them all the benefit of Trading. How much more considerate was Charles Duke [Page 70] of Burgundy, that when he thought to impose the hundred part upon all vendible Commodities; being told what prejudice would follow by the de­parture of the Merchants transferring the Mart into some other Coun [...]rey, abrogated the Innovation. And when Commerce was gone, what could remaine to the Netherlands, but solitude from their owne poverty, and slavery from their inriched Neighbours. Others argue, that it was just and Necessary, On the contrary some arg [...]ed, that the Treasury being exhausted by a Warre maintained by the Spani­ards not willingly but upon compulsion, necessitated by the Tumults raised within the Provinces, it was therefore requisite the Provinces should de­fray the Expence, especially at this time, when the English threatned them with hostility.And diverse meerely put a trick upon the Duke of Alva, Others, as they had put the Duke upon the Project of the tenth part, so they affirmed, that it concerned him to be constant to his resolution: pretending it was for his honour, but indeed aiming to bring upon him the Envy and hatred of the Low-countreys, in order to his Ruine. Whose Counsell, as sutable to his rigid nature, he obstinate­ly followed.At length He qualifies the Edict and pro­poseth it the third time. Wherefore threatningly complaining, that the Low-countrey-men were so stubborne meerely in contempt of the King's Majesty;April. with­out further delay,The City of Bruxells re­fuse it with notorious con­tumacy. he commanded the Edict tempered and qualified with new moderation,Alva. provides against them Forces and Halters. (but now immutable) to be published at Bruxells, where by reason of his presence he expected their rediest obedience.See further in the Prince of Orange's Apo­logy. 1581. But they unanimously resisted.But suddaine Newes diverts him, In so much as they shut up their Shops, and all that day the Bakers,So that he is forced to leave the designe of Taxes, Which had in­finitely preju­diced the Duke, and occasioned the Rev [...]ls of the Low-coun­treys farre more then all his cruelty. Butchers, and In-keepers would sell nothing. The Duke passionately inraged to see before his eyes, in the principall city and place of terrour, such confidence in the people; that very night, com­manded some of them to be hanged, upon their Signe-Posts. And now the Souldiers were in Armes, and the Hang-man ready with a Rope, when the Messenger that brought newes of the taking of Brill by the Gheuses, like a god coming downe upon the Stage, untyed the knot of that intri­cate and dismall Tragedy. For Alva struck with that unexpected losse, at last gave over the odious dispute; for two yeares together continued with no other fruit, but that, aggravating their hatred to the Spaniard, it ri­pened the Plot of their Revolt. Indeed it plainely appeared, how great a provocation to Rebellion Taxes are, when people having other grievan­ces, have that burthen added. For the Low-countrey-mens complaints of Alva's Pride and Cruelty went no further then hate and execration; so that lately when the Prince of Orange came with an Army, the Cities, though offended with the Duke of Alva, sent no Assistance to the Prince. For punishment falls but upon a few; and by how much it spurrs on the multitude with hatred, by so much it curbes them with feare. But Taxes are accompted every man's particular Losse, and they that be therewith grievously oppressed, lose their feare together with their fortunes; and not regarding future prejudice, seeke a Generall, meerely to defend them­selves from present injury and dammage. This hath beene the familiar practice of other Nations,The Hollan­ders anciently free from Tri­bute, Taci [...]us de Moribus Ger­manorum Idem l. 4. Annal. but particularly of the Low-countrey-men, whereof the major part,The exaction whereof caused their Rebellion against the Romanes. especially the Hollanders, were antiently exempt from all Taxes and Contribution; being reserved by the Romanes, like their armes, only for the warres, as we read in their History. Nor of old was there any other cause of their Rebellion under Tiberius Caesar, but that O­lennius their Governour inhaunsed the small Tribute which they former­ly paied, and when it was inhaunsed did severely exact it. With whom their prayers and petitions not prevailing, their refuge was a Warre, which for many ages they obstinately maintained against the Roman Generalls. [Page 71] And truly when I looke upon the Counsells of the Prince of Orange, 1570. that so often cast the Dice in hope to win the Government,And now for the same rea­sons the P. of Orange solli­cits their De­fection, Having often tryed other waies to bring them [...]. it seemes his For­tune never smiled, till the occasion of this Tribute was presented. For he stirred a little in the time of Margaret Dutchesse of Parma, raising those Insurrections about the Bishops, the Inquisitours, and the Councell of Trent. Yet these being composed by the King's grace and goodnesse, and the greater part of the Lords adhering to the Governesse, fearing Count Egmont especially would not suffer him of his Friend to become his Prince, he durst proceed no further at that time. But when the Duke of Alva by his Severity lost the hearts of the Lords, and among the rest had impeached and condemned the Prince of Orange, then he joyned the com­mon cause, as he strove to make it, with his owne: and openly tooke up Armes, safe in point of reputation, because there was one to whose exe­crated name the Warre would be imputed.As last he com­passes his desire But the Cities being terrified with the suddaine punishment inflicted by the Duke, the Prince of Orange found by experience, that in the new Impression of a feare (whose first Fit is the strongest, and by continuance lessens, till it be shooke off) it is to no purpose, so long as the humour that hath weakened the people, is undigested, to sollicit them to rebell.The People be­ing imboldned upon the newes of the Duke's present depar­ture. But when the Cities, as well those that continued faithfull to the Spaniard, as those that stood suspected, were pressed to pay Taxes, the hatred of the Generality increasing, over­came their Feare; the people growing more confident when they heard that the Duke of Alva must be gone. Then the Prince of Orange knew his time was come for maturing a Rebellion; and founding of that Govern­ment which he had long designed. Therefore whilst Alva fixt all his Care upon raising the Taxes, the Prince of Orange laid hold of the opportu­nity to draw the people from their obedience to the King: and incourag­ed by the secret Intelligence which he had with many Townes, ready to revolt, levied Souldiers at his leisure; and kindled such a fire of Warre in the Low-countreys, as for so many yeares space could never be put out with the ruines of battered Cities, nor extinguished with a torrent of bloud.

The Warre was begun upon the Sea of Holland, The Duke of Alva's Losse at Sea. as if they had now already found their strength, and were sensible from the very first in what part they should establish their Dominion. And notwithstanding this Rebellion was often intended and attempted by the Gheuses, as well those of Corporations called the City-Gheuses, as the High-way-men called the Wood-Gheuses, The Water-Gheuses, Their Generall, yet the Water-Gheuses (for so they were commonly called) were they whose fortunate Audacity carried it. The Commander in chiefe of these Water-Gheuses was Count William a Marcha, Baron of Lumè, professing his enmity to the Duke of Alva, in his Colours; where­in was painted ten pieces of money, to inflame the fury of his men by putting them in mind of the tenth part.His Principall Officers, The first that tooke Commissi­ons with him were, William Blosius Treslong, Lancelot bastard Son to Bre­derod, They turne Pirates, Bartholomew Entese, Sonoi, and diverse others. These had Letters of Mart from the Prince of Orange, and orders to scoure and rob the Sea-Coast of Holland, and Friezland. And out of hatred to the Spaniard, and desire of Free-boote, whereof the Prince of Orange was to have a fifth part, they executed their Orders, and robbed from the mouth of the Ems to the English narrow Seas: where if at any time they met with Ships too strong for them, or fled before a Tempest, they commonly secured themselves in some English Harbour.Are prohibited the Ports of England. But the Queene her selfe refusing to protect them, as common Enemies, upon request made to her by the Duke [Page 72] of Alva they, having boarded and taken a Biscaner, were by tempest driven into Vorna an Isle of Holland, Vorna. the People supposing them to be Merchants cast upon that Coast by the Storme.They take the Towne of Brill. Where, imboldened by their late perills they fell upon the Brill, a Port-towne of Zeland, and be­fore the Townsmen were aware that they brought Warre, not Merchan­dise, with unimaginable successe, no man resisting, they tooke the Place, upon Palme-Sunday: and Lumè leading them on, broke the Saintes I­mages, in pieces;April 1. and omitting no kind of Irreverence to holy things or Or­ders,Destroy all things Sacred. Beate the Spa­nish forces. Gulielmus Blosius Tres­long. so fortified the Ports, that when Count Bolduc Governour of Holland by Alvas Command came against them, they not only gave him a strong Repulse, but likewise Willam Treslong with incredible Confidence fired some of his Ships accidentally severed from the Fleete. Vpon report of the taking of this Isle, as if the Scarlet Colours had beene hung out for Signall of battaile to the Provinces,A wonderfull change fol­lowes. tis not to be told what wonderfull changes through all the Low-countreys immediately insued. For many Ci­tyes favoured the Covenanteers, some invited them, others stood neutrall, and would neither admit of Alva, nor revolt from the King. A few were sensible of their Allegeance,Durdrecht or Dort revolts from the Spa­niard. and tooke armes for the Spaniard. Dort, the Chiefe City of Holland, when Count Bolduc fled thither, and demanded entrance for his men; it being cunningly given out, that the Spaniards were upon their March to distraine for the tenth part; would not let him in, but shut their Gates against him as an enemy. Vlushing a port Towne of Zeland, And Vlushing. and the bulwarke of the Ocean, upon an Exhortation at Masse made to them on Easter day in the morning by the Parish Priest, who hated the Spaniard, & perswaded them to maintaine their Liberty, turned out the Spanish Garrison, with such a popular fury, as they hanged Colonell Alvarez Pacecho, John Treslong. Kinsman to the Duke of Alva at Treslong's request, in revenge, as hee said of his Brothers death, foure yeares before, beheaded by Alva's Order: and the Hereticks themselves were earnest to have him put to death, that Vlushing might not hope for pardon, from the Governour's just Anger. A while after Enchuysen lying over against Friezland, And Enchuy­sen. which among the chiefe Ports of Holland had till then continued loyall, revolted from the Duke. Enchuysens example was follwed by Horne, And almost all Holland. Alcmar, Edam and other Townes of North-Hollandt. And in South-Hollandt, And a great part Zeland being now out of feare of the Duke of Alva, and jeering him for the losse of Brill. Goude, Oudewater, Leyden, Gorcom. So that besides Amsterdam and Schoonhoven, that were still faithfull to the Spaniard, the Duke of Alva lost almost all Holland, and a great part of Zeland, which had so shaken off the terrour of his name, that they wrote publique Libells against him; and assoone as Brill was taken, pictured him with a paire of Spectacles put upon his Nose, by Lumè standing behind his back: for the Low-Duch call Spectacles Brills, and they have a jeering Proverb when they hamper a man, that they put Spectacles on his nose, and a Snaffle in his mouth. These Figures therefore signifyed, that Alvas Severity was now bridled. But they that made them little dreamed, what a world of Mischiefe hung over their heads,The revolted Townes put themselves into the Prince of Orange's power. in the hand of this great Ge­nerall, one that despised such ridiculous toyes. And though some of the Cityes I have named, wavered at the very first, resolved to rebell, not re­solved to whom they should submit: yet partly despairing, out of the greatnesse of their crimes committed against the Church and Churchmen; partly out of an obstinate determination never to indure the new Taxes, they finally came in, to the prince of Orange; and as if he had beene their Kinge, Lumè moving it, tooke an oath of Fidelity to him. From him they [Page 73] received their Garrisons,Their new Commonwealth Shipping, and Armes: he disposed of all places of Government, made Lawes, bestowed an ordered the Revenues ta­ken from the Clergy; such Multitudes out of France and Great Britaine flocking thither in hope of plunder, that within lesse then 4. Months, in the Port of Vlushing lay a Fleete ready rigged,The predatory Fleet very much increa­sed and con­stantly victori­ous. and manned of a 100. & 50. sayle, which made diverse bold Attempts upon Townes and Shippes of the Spanish party; wherewith in ten yeares space, during which time they had many Sea-sights, the Hollanders were but once overcome, to be for ever after Conquerours, as the Spanish Historians themselves affirme.Bernard Mend. l. 16. So that it seemes these were but prelusory Victoryes, by which at this time the Hollanders Strength by Sea exceedingly increased. Thus at last the water brought forth this new Common-wealth; Ambition being the Mother, Heresy the Midwife: and Terrour like Thunder, making her fall in La­bour before her time. Truly when this last Occasion of Rebellion was controverted,Making the Taxes their Pretence. the Bishop of Namure, writing to Margaret Dutchesse of Par­ma, concludes, that the tenth and twentieth part was the price wherewith the Prince of Orange purchased the Maritime Provinces,Iuly 24. Anno 74. and his new Principality. But in this so thick and suddaine a Defection of Cityes, though the newes of losse upon losse extreamely vext the Duke of Alva, Many other Townes revolt. Doesburg Zutphan, Har­derwick, Old­den sal, &c. Lewis of Nas­sau takes the City of Mons, assisted by the French. for in Zupthen, Overysell, Gelderland, and Friezland, the Successe of the Prince of Oranges Kinsman William Count Bergen was no lesse fortunate; the Cityes and Townes there being partly taken by storme, partly sub­mitting out of Affection, or Feare. Yet whilst the Duke of Alva only thought of keeping out the French and prepared against a Land-Winde, not against a storm from Sea; nothing more amazed him, then to heart that Lewis of Nassau had taken Mons the chiefe City of Haynolt, by the assi­stance of the French: May 25. because he doubted this was the beginning of a war which (it was cōmonly reported) Charles K. of France, With their Kings leave procured by Gaspar Colig­ny. perswaded by Lewis of Nassau and Gaspar Colligny, had designed against the Low-countreys. For King Charles having concluded a Peace with the Hugonots, and received the greatest of their Faction into his Favour and Grace at Court, suffered himselfe,Who with too much confi­dence trusts himselfe to the King. as it was said to be overruled by the Admirall Gaspar Coligny, so farr, as to send forces into the Low-countreys to assist the Nassaus. And now the Drum was beat for them in France, and because Colligny was to be Generall by the Kings appointment, he invited to Paris the Flower of the Hereticall Nobility, under pretence of doing honour to the King of Nauarre at his marriage with the King of France his Sister, but indeed ho­ping to strengthen himselfe by the accesse of those Lords; diverse of which, and those the subtillest of the Faction, were loth to trust them­selves in the Kings power, and wondered that Coligny who a few yeares before, when the King sent for him to Court, returned answer, that in France there was no Count Egmonts, should now with so much confidence come in person, and be the Decoy to bring his fellowes to the Royall City, and into the King's hands. Notwithstanding the Admirall, because he saw Mons taken by the French, the Peace with Spaine broken, and a Peace for that end concluded with the Queene of England: not doubting but the designed warre would follow,Endeavours to win the Low-Country Lords. And makes high offers to Vitelli. raised as many forces as he could possibly get among the German P. laboured to undermine the faith of the Low-countrey L. & by a certaine Instrument of his tryed to corrupt Alva's Campe-Master Vitelli, promising him the place of greatest honour and benefit in the French Army, if he would in time come over, and serve the King of France, ready now to possesse himselfe of the Lowcountreys. And [Page 79] And after his first Repulse, when Coligny sent againe, and shewed him­selfe as impudent a Buyer of anothers faith, as he was a Seller of his owne:The Marquesse Vitelli's noble carriage. Vitelli, inraged at the receipt of more Letters, by the fame Mes­senger; in his presence, sealed as they were, threw them into the fire, and bad him get out of his sight, and carry back that Action for an Answer to the Admirall his Master.

The Duke of Alva informed by Vitelli, Of Mons reco­vered by the Duke of Alva. and advertised from the Spa­nish Embassadour in France, of the Designes and hourely proceedings of the Hereticks at Paris, though he could not at first believe the King of France to be an enemy,J. B. Adrian. l. 18. & Thuan. l. 36. being privy (as some write) to the King's Plot a­gainst the Hereticks: yet hearing of the losse of Mons, he thought it best to confide in the King no longer: therefore neglecting the Warre from Sea, he sent his Son Federico, and Chiapino Vitelli, with part of his forces before, to besiege Mons; he himselfe with the rest of his Army resolving immediately to follow.Duke Federico attacques the Towne. When Federico came neare the Towne, some com­manded French Horse sallyed out, lest the Spaniard should sit downe without resistance.The French bravery. Indeed they conceived it a punctillo of honour to give the Enemy proofe of their valour before they be coopt up within Walles & works; Though in that skirmish Vitelli was shot in the left Thigh, which was no little grief to the King's men:The Spaniards pitch their Tents. yet they lodged the Army in the place he had appointed. The next day, after they had intrenched themselves, they found in their quarters certaine Women of Mons that came,Women-spies. under colour of selling herbes, to discover the strength and resolutions of the Spaniards. Punished. All which, by Federico's Order had their petticoates cut off a­bove the knee,Bern. Mend. l. 6. 2. Reg. c. 10. a military punishment, wherewith the Spanish use to shame that Sex: not unlike the old custome of the Ammonites; and being first carried through the Campe, and laught at, they were with this Disgrace sent back to Mons. The Abbey D'espine taken by the Besiegers A while after the Monastery D'espine, which was for­tified by the Towne, in regard of the neare distance, was twice assaulted by the Spaniards; who at last, after hot dispute, beate out the Garison, and tooke it.The Armyes sent by Coligny to relieve the Towne. The Admirall this while omitted no endeavours to relieve the besieged, listing Horse and Foot upon the Borders, and appointing for their Commander in chiefe (as he said by order from the King, Iohn Hangest Lord of Ienlis (Brother to Francis de Ienlis lately slaine.) Who though advised,Gives battaile to Federico, by a letter sent post from Lewis of Nassau, not to fight till the Prince of Orange was joyned with him: impatient of Delay, and of a partner, that must share the honour of delivering the Besieged, and being incouraged by the cheerefulnesse of his Army consisting of six or seven thousand; at St. Gislen, not farre from the Towne besieged, with more Valour then Discretion he gave Battaile to Duke Federico, who o­mitting no duty of an Active Generall,Is defeated. defated him with the losse of al­most all his men.Vitelli's bold venture. That day the boldnesse of Vitelli was admired, who not being as yet cured of his wound, and neither able to go nor stand, ne­verthelesse could not be perswaded to keep his Tent, but made himselfe be carried upon a hand-barrow which he saw by chance, and so sitting or­dered the battaile with the Generall Federico, planted the Ambuscadoes, and did all that belonged to the Campe-Master's place.Thuan. l. 54. Then appearing in the head of the Army among the thickest of those that fought, his voice,Iohn. Meu. l. 7. & Ber. Mend. reckons but twenty Prisoners put to death. his hand, and even his presence was very much conducing to the Victory: though his wound festring upon the cold he tooke, his recovery was despaired of, and it had like to have cost his life. Ienlis they say, lost twelve hundred men, the Spaniards no more but thirty. Ienlis himselfe [Page 75] and six hundred of his Souldiers, whereof about six score were Gentle­men, coming into the Spaniards hands, part were imprisoned in the Forts next adjoyning,Those that es­caped the [...]ight knockt in the head by the Boores. and the rest hanged up. Such as fled out of that un­fortunate battaile, and hid themselves in the Woods, were by the Coun­trey people whom they had cruelly used awhile before, with like cruelty murdered. But Federico, whose name grew glorious from that Field, re­turned with his Victorious Army to the next Village, to give publique thankes to Saint Leocadia Patronesse of Toledo The victorious Army full of [...]olli [...]y. (whose body at that time was there preserved) spending the day in warlike pompe. And to fill Spaine with the newes, the Duke as haughty in Ostentation, as in Action, sent Captaine Bobadilla to the King to gratulate his Majesty for the victory won by his Majesties Armes and Influence.

In the meane time,The second expedition of the Prince of Orange from Germany into the Low-countreys to relieve his brother Lewis. the Prince of Orange, animated with fame and hope of the rebellious Provinces, was the more confident to march the second time against the Duke of Alva: and bringing into the Field 6000 Horse, and 11000 Foote, in the beginning of Iuly passed the Rhine, and the Mose, & storming Ruremond in a cruell manner, entred Brabant, forcing a passage into Haynolt, to relieve his Brother Lewis. In the way, he traversed his ground to Lovaine, a City faithfull to the King,He takes Rure­mond by storme, Passeth by Lovaine for a summe of money, Mechlin yields. but forbare to use vio­lence against it, upon the Receipt of 16000. Crownes. Mechlin having a while before refused a Spanish Garison, and therefore unable to make resistance, yielded. The same fate had Nivell, Diest, Sichem, Thienen, and other Townes, that either out of Feare or Love submitted to the Rebells. Bruxells, constant to their Loyalty, kept out the the Prince of Orange. He takes other Townes in his March. Bruxells holds out, Guelm a Mar. Lud. Gulielm. Dendermund and Oudenaerd were stormed and plun­dered; Many Villages, not strong enough to resist, redeemed themselves with money. And indeed the Lowcountreys, if ever, at this time were truly miserable, being invaded by forren Armyes, by Sea, and land. The Sea-coast was spoiled and harressed by Lumè. The parts bordering upon France by Lewis of Nassau. Foure Armies of the Enemy at one time harressing the Low countreys Pouring their fury upon things sacred and the Priests Those confining upon Germany by Count Ber­gen; and the Inland-Countrey by the Prince of Orange. Nor did they on­ly take Townes, kill such as made resistance, and rob houses, with the Licentiousnesse and Avarice of Souldiers, but with barbarous Inhu­manity spared no age nor modesty: tyrannizing over the Rest and Monu­ments of the dead, which they spleened as much as the Living: especially holy things and Persons; no money could buy the Lives of Priests, but with exquisite and shamefull cruelty they were tortured to death. Some Writers expressely describe this Priest-Shambles, which the Gheuses, and and Lumè of all the Gheuses the bloudyest Butcher, set up in many Cityes, with as much glory to the Sufferers, as dishonour to the Iudges and Hang­men. And though in some places the King's Army (Sacrilege excepted) used their Victory afterwards with greate Cruelty.Gu [...]ie [...]m, [...] de crudeli [...]. Yet because the Gheu­ses began to them at Brill, and likewise,In 21. Mart. Gorcom. Sur. in com. Arnold. contrary to their faith obliged by oath, had plundred Amorsfort; the severity of the Spaniard seemes to be somewhat more pardonable, as done by Example.Havr. l. 15. de erect. Episc. I am sure, for this very reason, the Hereticks in their owne Annalls doe confesse, the Prince of Orange's men were infamous in the Low-countreys: Johann Meurs. in Orang. l. 7. and others. and he himselfe that was thought at first to have taken armes for Protection of the Netherlands, against the Tyranny of Alva, This makes the Prince of Orange's Army illspoken of▪ He hastens to Mons, now by making no distinction between Friend and Enemy, grew to be generally hated; the people complain­ing that they were fallen among a multitude of Tyrants. But the Prince of Orange, slighting the distaste of the Cities, came into Haynolt, within [Page 76] sight of the besieged, in the month of August; where he found the Towne straitned, and as it was commonly thought, not able to hold out long a­gainst the Spaniards. Admires at Alva's Tren­ches, He wondred much to see the fortification of the Leaguer, no lesse strong for mastering and keeping in the Garison, then inaccessible to the assaults of any that should come to their Reliefe. Di­verse pieces of Cannon played upon Bartimont-Port, from a hill which with a worke running on the left hand, and a line from thence, almost in­closed the Towne; many little Redoubts at convenient distance stand­ing on the Bulwarks, which flanked one another, and secured the whole.Tryes to breake through in vaine. These Intrenchments whilst the Prince of Orange vainely endeavoured to passe, being entertained with some pickeering (for Alva was resolved not to venture a battaile)The Ioy in the Duk's Campe, he heard about evening in the Spanish Campe a great joy expressed by three Vollyes of Shot, and the cheerfull sound of Drums, and Trumpets, the light of Bonefires shining through the Army: whereat being very much troubled, his Spyes brought intelligence, that two dayes before,For the Massa­cre at Paris. by King Charles his Command, the great Massacre of the Hugonots was executed at Paris: which because it hapned at the Mar­riage of Henry King of Navarre Henry IV. (afterwards King of France) and Marga­ret Sister to King Charles, upon Saint Bartholomew's-Eve, the Massacre it selfe was called Bartholomews-Eve or the Parisian wedding.Gregory XIII. A strange at­tempt it was indeed,A Thanksgi­ving day. upon the same occasi­on, at Rome. but a just punishment of Traitours, conspiring against their King. The Pope when he had the newes sent him from the Cardinall of Loraine, set apart a day of publique Thanksgiving to God the just Revenger, in the Church of Saint Lewis, and published a Bull of extra­ordinary Indulgences to such as should pray for the heavenly assistance to the King and Kingdome of France. Which causeth the Prince of Orange his Despaire, The Prince of Orange amazed at the suddaine accident, and doubting the Event of the Warre; because the Admirall Coligny and the rest of the Hereticall Princes being murdered, no Aydes from the King of France could now be hoped for, by these of the adverse Faction; held it his best course to try the fortune of a battaile with the Duke of Alva, before the newes of the Massacre came to his Souldiers eares. But Alva still cautelous kept himselfe within his Trenches,And retreate from Mons, and from thence safely battering the Towne; the Prince of Orange, when he saw he could neither make any impression into his Campe, nor draw him out, fearing lest the French Commanders the chiefe strength of his Army, upon notice of the Massacre at Paris, should change their mindes and leave him; wrote to his Brother Lewis, That hee should provide for himselfe, and give way to his fate; and so retired with his Army to Mechlin: not without some losse received as it com­monly happens in a Retreate.His Campe assaulted in the night by Spaniards in their [...]. For almost 200. commanded Spanish Foot, and about 800. Horse; all of them so habited, as they might bee distinguished by one another in the darke; broke into the enemies Campe in the night, and killing their first Centrees, fell into the Tents that were next at hand, with great Terrour and Slaughter; and before the Enemy could bring their men together, no lesse then foure hundred of them were slaine, or burnt (for they fired their huts that were thatched) and with this victory retired. Doubtlesse the Execution had been greater, but that the fire, which at first affrighted them, presently after discovered the Stratagem;Their confi­dence, The Prince of Orange's danger. whereupon many Spaniards, as they were easie to be known being all in white, were cut off; some of which, running before their Companions, got as farre as the Prince of Orange's Tent, who had a Dogge lying by him on the bed, that never left barking, [Page 77] and scratching him by the face, till he awaked and rose: in the meane time his men came in. The rest of the night was spent in feare and care, by breake of Day his Army moved, and he by long Marches passing the Rhine came to Delph in Holland. Septem. 19. Not long after, Lewis of Nassau (who was the most astonished and stricken at the Admiralls Death,Mons yielded to Alva. because he had perswaded him to trust himselfe to the King upon his Royall word) yielded up the Towne to Alva, upon no contemptible Conditions; and went to Dilemburg, His just com­mendations for that victory. the chiefe Seate of the Counts of Nassau. Alva having taken the Towne ere he had lyen three Months before it, though at the same time whilst he besieged it he himselfe was besieged by the Prince of Orange, it so much advanced his fame, by conquering Enemyes on both sides him,He recovers all the Prince of Orange had taken. that he recovered all the Prince of Orange had gott in Flanders & Brabant, The sack of Mechlin. with more speed, then Clemency; fining some Townes, & sacking others. Particularly Mechlin a very faire and rich City awhile before yielded to the Prince of Orange, was exposed to the fury of the King's men, that pillaged it for three dayes together. But even that Calamity wanted no good Presidents. The Souldiers carryed most of their Plunder to Ant­werp, and sold it, according to their ordinary course, dogg-cheape. Whereupon a priest of the Society of Iesus, Peter Trigose. exceedingly beloved by the Townsmen of Antwerp, meeting some Factours, his Friends, told them of a greate bargaine to be had, and fit for Christian Merchants, if with their money they would redeeme the Plunder of Mechlin, The charity of the Antwerp Merchants towards the Plundered. which the Soul­diers had sold for little or nothing, and returne it to the Owners at the Price they themselves paid for it: for so the men in misery would be lesse sensible of their losse, which, if it came into the Brokers hands,Iohn Boter. in vita Albani & ex Hist. would cost dearer. And in the meane time the Merchants should be no loosers in their money, but great gainers in their fame even among men; but with God no doubt this kind of Traffick was most advantageous.Societ. Iesu These religi­ous Merchants liked the Motion.Ann. 1572. The greater part of the plundered Goods were bought for a small Summe; not standing them in above 20000 Flo­rens, wheras they were prized at 100000. At the Rates, which the Mer­chants paied, the Owners had them againe; only some few Parcells, their Proprietaries not appearing, were distributed among the poore. Nay (as there is a certaine pleasure in relieving the necessitous) the same Mer­chants making a Purse, upon the same Priest's Exhortation, bought great store of Victuall, and therewith lading a [...]hip sent it to the Poore at Mechlin. The Souldiers piety. In that Ship (which is more to be admired) I finde the Soul­diers, perswaded by the same man, besides other household stuffe, laid aboard above a hundred rich Vestments, which they freely presented to the religious men and Women. But notwithstanding the Duke of Alva scaped not the Peoples Curse's for that Plunder.Alva strives to cleare him­selfe from the Infamy of Sacking Mechlin. Though by his Letters, soone after published, he laid the fault upon the perfidiousnesse of the Mechliners, who, to frame a pretence for yielding to the Prince of Orange, had a while before refused a Garison from the King. But in Gel­derland Federick acted with no lesse Valour, then Dispatch,The Victory won by Duke Federico. though with more Cruelty then his Father, His storming and plundering of Zupthen brought such a Terrour upon the rest of those Provinces, that Count Ber­gen, before victorious, within a month after flying, (all the Rebells Gar­risons being mouldred away) left him the whole Countrey. This while in Zeland Colonell Mondragonio with 2000 commanded men,And Mondra­gonio. chosen out of the whole Army, passed his Foote over the Sea, that was about fiue Miles broad, and with admirable Courage raised the Siege before Tergoes [Page 78] at the Mouth of the Schelt; Goes Octob. 20. and partly killing, partly routing the Ene­mies Forces, tooke the whole Island of Zuid-Beverland. Which exploit is rendred much more gallant, because Mondragonio doubled it with a­nother of the same nature, but of more danger, passing his men to Schelt an Isle of Zeland, the naming whereof shall serve instead of a further Relation of this great Attempt.Ann. 72. But the destruction of Nardem upon the Borders of Holland brought a farre contrary Successe to the victorious Fe­derico. The destruction of Nardem, For howsoever that Towne by reason of their foule Rebellion, and [...]iding with the Hereticks, deserved to be made a singular example: yet the Revenge exceeded their demerits: for being all put to the Sword, even the weake and innocent, their houses fired, and their Walles level­led with the ground:Which make the Spaniard odious. Mich. Isselt. in Hist. sui temp. Fran. Har. in Annal. Belg. & a [...] fere omnes. it was not a Punishment, but a Crime. The newes of that Ruine augmented by the cunning of the Gheuses, was told with so much, not terrour,Of the Siege of Harlem. but hatred of all the Hollanders, never to be for­gotten towards the Spaniard; as their mindes being hardned with de­spaire, they were resolved to suffer any thing, rather then do what Alva would command them.

Particularly Harlem, a noble City of Holland (which Federico had at­taqued, invited by the convenience of the faithfull Towne of Amsterdam) not onely with scorne rejected the pardon he offered them, but receiving a new Garrison from the Enemy, to cut off all hope of Reconciliation, publiquely renouncing the old Religion; breaking the holy Images, vio­lating and robbing the Churches, they held out eight months Siege, with equall contempt both of the enemie and their Lives,Federico de­spaires of taking it, His Father chides him. In so much as Fe­derick despairing of successe would have returned into Brabant, but that Alva grievously offended at his Son's Irresolution, wrote to him, that if he thought of going, he himselfe, though he were carried in his bed, would come, or (in case his Sicknesse so increased that he were not able to remove) he would send for his Wife out of Spaine, and give Her a Commission to be Generall instead of her Son. But though the young Duke, out of coun­tenance with this Reproofe, used all kindes of Stratagems to take the Towne; yet they, every day more bold and stubborne, omitted nothing defensive or offensive, dayly shewing their contempt by new reproach­full, and insolent expressions.The Harlemers provoke the Spaniards with new Scorne. Many times they hanged their Spanish Prisoners over the Walls in sight of the besiegers. And when the Leaguer shot into the Towne a ma [...]'s head, with this writ upon it, the head of Phi­lip Conin that came with 2000.The Spaniards jeere to the Towne. men to relieve Harlem: and afterwards another, with this Inscription the head of Anthony Painter, that betray­ed the City of Mons to the French: those of Harlem, in requitall cutting off the heads of eleven Prisoners barrelled them up, and in the night rolled the vessell into the Spanish Campe,Their Answer. with this direction writ upon it The Citizens of Harlem to the Duke of Alva, that he may have no farther pre­tence to make warre upon them for the tenth part, have payed ten heads; and for Interest, because they have been long in his debt, have sent him the eleventh. Moreover with impious Scorne they set up Altars on the Bulwarks, dressed them with Saints Pictures, and putting on Copes and Vestments, sung Hymnes before them, as if they were offering their de­votions; and on the suddaine, their sport turning into fury, they tooke the Effigie: Their mocquery of holy things. of Priests and Religious men made of straw, and first whip­ping, then stabbing them, cut of their heads, and threw them into the Leaguer. There were some that set up Saints Images, and Christ's the Prince of Saints, for markes to the Spaniards, when they were ready to [Page 74] give fire:Not unpunished and by such mockery frighted the pious Souldiers from shoot­ing. But their sacrilegious Pageantry escaped not unpunished.August 1. For it was observed, from that very time Harlem fell into a miserable condition: which grew worse & worse, till in a most wretched manner,They yield to mercy. consumed with famine, they were by God's just judgment, forced to yield to mercy. For 'tis evident, that of 1600. Garrison-Souldiers (to which number they were reduced when the City was rendred, whereas at the begining of the Siege they were 4000.) scarce 700.Very many put to death, escaped with life. The other 900. with almost 400. Townsmen, most of them Incendiaries to Rebellion,Alva's Son. principall Instruments of Heresie, being adjudged by Federico de Toledo to be put to the sword, or hanged, or drown'd (which fatall Spectacle continued many dayes) they dearely payed for their jeering God Almigh­ty. The Siege of Harlem was memorable for many Passages.The remarke­able Accidents hapning at this Siege. They revived the antient invention of Carrier-Pidgeons.Carrier-Pidgeons. For a while before they were blocked up, they sent to the Prince of Orange's Fleete and to the nearest Townes of their owne party, some of these Pidgeons, which afterwards being dispatcht away when necessity required, with letters fastned under their wings, remembring their severall Masters houses and their young ones, they flew back to Harlem. By these winged postes the Prince of Orange incouraged the Townsmen to hold out for the last three months: till one of them, tired with flying, lighted upon a Tent, and being shot by a Souldier, ignorant of the Stratagem, the Mystery of the Letters was discovered. After that accident, no Pidgeon could flie over the Leaguer, though not of that kind, but the Souldiers would strive who should kill her.A Regiment of Women. The Harlemers likewise had a gallant Regiment of Women, that in repairing the breaches, and defending of the Workes, might compare with the industry of the men. Their Colonel was onely Goody Kemava, a woman of a manly spirit, neare upon 50. yeares of age. Under her com­mand and conduct they were imboldened to doe Souldiers Duties at the Bulwarks, and to salley out among the Firelocks, to beat up the Spanish Quarters, to the no lesse incouragement of their owne men, then admi­ration of the Enemy.The wilfulnesse and cruelty of the Harlemers. Yet nothing was more admirable, then the Towns­mens obstinacy, who, notwithstanding they had lost three great Armies, and had hardly any shelter within their Walls, shot through, as they say in ten thousand, three hundred, and sixty places; yet would not heare of a Treaty, or conditions. And when the Garrison was brought to a small number: both day and night upon the Walls they so well performed the dutyes of many, that if at any time the King's men chanced to appeare never so little above their Trenches, they were in a moment taken off with Musket-bullets, and those shot, as for a wager, from many parts at once. Nay, I have heard, that the Spanish Souldiers partly to mocke the enemy, partly to make them spend their powder, would many times put their Helmets upon faggot-sticks, so as they might be seen but to cock a­bove the Workes: which in an instant were shot at and hit by the Besieg­ed. Lastly, though they were inforced by famine, for the two last months to eat Mice, old Shooes, and every nasty thing: yet they lost not their fury, resolving to sally out, and rather die fighting, then, by yielding to mercy, have their throats cut like beasts; and they had done according­ly, but that as they marched out of the Port, their Wives and Children, with pittifull Shriekes and imbraces, stayed them. To conclude,The Siege of Harlem and Sancerre. the Siege of Harlem was rendred Illustrious by the resemblance it bare to the Siege of Sancerre. In the same month, Sancerre in Aquitaine was besieged, [Page 80] and Harlem in Holland. 1573. Both these Cityes were Rebells to their King, and their Religion: both,Compared. because at first they were in vaine attempted by the Royall Party, were no more assaulted, but carefully close besieged. The Women of both Townes, with like courage tooke up Armes: there was a kind of Kennava at Sancerre that perswaded & gave example to the rest. Both Towns shewed like obstinacy, that holding out ten Months, foo­lishly hoping for reliefe from the Rochellers; this as long, & as idly, relying on the Prince of Orange. At last both Garrisons, conquered by Famine, in the same Month of August, almost upon the same day, rendred them­selves: Sancerre upon Articles, Harlem to Mercy. But in that, more were hungersterved, above fiue hundred perishing for want of food; insomuch as a Girle of three yeares old newly dead and buryed, was most horridly digged up, and eaten by her owne Father and Mother. In this, Thuan Hist. l. 55. more dyed by the Sword, for it consumed no lesse then thirteene Thousand, and diverse Persons of great quality.How many Royalists were slaine and hurt at the siege of Harlem. For there was lost of the King's part, the Governour of Graveling Cressonerius, that noble Engi­neire, Generall of the Artillery for this Expedition; Bartholomeo Champio of Pisaura, no lesse famous for his quick designe in fortification, which appeared in many places; but France had the best proofe of his Skill at the Siege of Roan. Roan 1562. Besides those that were carryed off the Field wounded, and halfe-dead: as Norcarmius Governour of Haynolt, Valentine la Mott Successour to Cressonerius, Iuliano Romero, Gaspar Bill, Roderick de Toledo, all great Colonells, and their Generall himselfe, Duke Federico Son to Alva: with about twelve Captaines more, and Multitudes of Common Souldiers; whereof the Spaniards confesse they lost no fewer then foure Thousand.How many Covenanters were killed. Bern. Mend. Of the Confederates were slaine Willam Bronchorst, Baron of Battemburg, Lievetenant Generall to the P. of Orange; Vbaldo, Riperda Go­vernour of the Towne & Garrison of Harlem, Lancelot Brederod, Derdein­dius Gallus, and Peter Iansen, all exquisite in the art of Fortification. Hadrian Iansen, Martin Prutius, Lambert Wirtzemburg, and other princi­pall Commanders.Lumè discon­tented. Whereunto may be added the banishment of Willam A Marcha Count Lumè. For he (as no man will take a fault upon himselfe) when he had fought unfortunately at Harlem, charged the States with his Misfortune,His Commissi­on taken from him by the Prince of Orange. because they were slack in paying of his men, and almost in plaine words threatned to fall upon them with his Army. There­fore by Command from the Prince of Orange, who (as I conceive) looked not with equall eyes upon the man boasting himselfe to be the sole Infran­chiser of Holland; he was put out of his Lieuetenant-Generalls Place, which was conferr'd upon Willam Battemburg, and being reduced to the quality of a private man, with Entesius and others of his Followers, was committed Prisoner.He is impriso­ned. And after his release, being convicted of a Plot a­gainst the States (of whose ingratitude he published his Complaint in Print, That he who had freed the Maritime Provinces, and taught the world by experience that the Spaniards were conquerable, should be re­warded by the Hollanders with such Vsage) he was condemned,Banished the Low-countries. as well by the Prince of Orange's Sentence, as by a generall Odium, to depart the Low-countreys. Arnold Haven­sius l. 1. de nov. Episcop. An. Carner. in Hist. Belg. l. 5 & Fran-Harzus in Annal. And foure yeares after, when he had once more taken up Armes, against Don Iohn of Austria, losing the battaile of Gemblac, he fled to Leyden, and there bitt with a mad dog, or poysoned at a feast, dyed this wickedly stout man. The surrender of Harlem, as it is the common fate of Conquest gained by long Sieges,He dyes. brought more Fame then benefit to the Spaniard. For the Army being not a little wasted, and retarded with [Page 81] some mutiny,D. Federico forced to raise his seige of Alcmar. Duke Federico sitting downe before Alcmar, upon the approach of winter, was forced to leave the Seige. Nor was there any bet­ter fortune at Sea. The confederated Gheuses in a Sea-fight taking Max­imilian Henin, Count of Bolduc, Governour of Holland, and Zeland, and Admirall of the Belgick Seas,Count Bolduc Admirall of the Spanish Fleete beaten at Sea. an actiue Souldier, and very intimate with the Duke of Alva. In that Fight, it is reported Count Bolduc's Admi­rall (the Hollonders called her the Spanish Inquisition) forsaken by the rest of the Fleete, for 28 houres together fought with twentie saile of the Enemy, [...]eute [...] apud Haraeum in A­n [...]l. Gallantly fight­ing. and her men brought from the Number of 300 to 80; and those all but fifteene wounded, at last was forced to yield. Yet this losse was recompenced with some Townes reduced by the Spaniards in South-Holland, Aldegund, the Prince of O­range's inti­mate friend, taken prisoner. and at the Hague they tooke Count Philip Marnixius Aldegund a man of great place and account among the Confederates:Novemb. 17 insomuch as the Prince of Orange threatned, whatsoever was done to Count Alde­gund should be suffered by Count Bolduc.

In the meane time Lodovico Requesenes came from the Government of Millaine into the Low-countreys guarded only with two Regiments of Italian Horse, under the Command of Mutio Spaganio and Pedro Busto. He was by the King appointed Successour to Alva, because Iuan de la Cer­da declined the Government,The Duke of Alva resignes the Lowcoun­tries to his suc­cessour Reque­senes. despairing that any good could be done in the Low-countreys; so leaving both the Burthen and the Enuy upon Alva. And he with his Son Federick returning immediately to Bruxells, delivered the provinces and Armies to Requesenes; and December being now begun, imbarqued for Spaine, after he had six yeares governed the Netherlands. And goes a­board for Spaine. All the Hereticall Commanders were not equally pleased with his departure;The diverse sen­ses touching his departures of the Hereticks. it troubled some of them, who conceived his Fortune was decreasing,The Prince of Orange, And of the Ca­tholickes, and that the people could be moved to Rebellion with no stronger Provocative, then their Hatred to the Duke of Alva. But the Prince of Orange, that Publiquely hated, and privately admired the Duke, was glad to be so ridde of him: never hoping to compasse his Designes, whilst he had Alva for his Enemy. Nor were the Catholiques all of one minde. For some thought his Departure a happinesse, being irreconciliably distasted at him, because (as they sayed) he had found the Lowconntreys brought to a peaceable Condition by Margaret of Austria; and by his Cru­elty to the Lords, & Exactions upon the Commons, had left the Provinces troubled and exasperated; and they feared, that, as from thence Holland and Zeland tooke occasion to revolt, so the rest of the adjoyning Provin­ces, infected with the same Contagion would have shortly renounced their Religion and Obedience. But others, in a kind of middle way; as the Romans said of Augustus Caesar▪ Sextus Aurel. in his [...]ife. that he should either not have beene borne, or not have dyed; affirmed, that it was to be wished, Alva had either not at all come to the Lowcountreys or had not departed at that time, when the Prince of Orange had fortunately matured his Plot, and could not be taken off by an amicable way, nor broke more surely by any Armes, then his; who no lesse prudently then valiantly, when the Prince entred the Provinces with such great Armyes, had twice beat him out. But the King of Spaine, He is gratious­ly received in Spaine by the King. contrary to the Low-countreymen's Expectations, and the De­sires of some Spanish Courtiers,But the Cour­ [...]iers thinke the King dis­sembles. very gratiously received the Duke. Though some were not moved with such Formality, knowing it to be king Philip's Custome, to Countenance before others what his Ministers had done, But supposing, that his Indignation, then raked up in Embers, would in time breake out: and that it did so, some yeares after, when the Duke [Page 82] was confined to Vzeda. Wherein they were deceived. I confesse, I rather thinke the greatest part of Alva's Actions in the Low-countreys was done by Order from the King, and therefore merited not his displeasure: or if he did erre, his Service was more considerable, then his Errour, in the King's account: into whose Favour, as the accesse was rare and difficult, so the possession was firme and lasting.The true cause of Alva's con­finement. And that there was evidently no other Reason for the Duke's Confinement, but because his Son Federico had promised Marriage to one of the Queen's Maydes of Honour, and by his Fathers Advise, mar­ryed another Lady: whereupon the King in a rage, banished the Duke of Alva to Vzeda. His excellent temper of mind in that calamity, Which Misfortune (and what greater could happen to a man in the highest Grace at Court) manifested beyond al mens Imagination, the wonderfull equall Temper and Gallantry of his minde: and though he was accompted a great person whilst he stood, yet being falne like a prostrate wall, was thought greater lying on the ground. Certainely he deserved, that his Misery should at last be turned into his Glory.How great an honour it was to him in the end. For after the decease of Henry the last of the Kings of Portugall, King Philip resolving his Army should move thither, and doubtfull whom to make Generall, passed by many, that stood faire for the Imployment, chusing the Duke of Alva, He is called from banish­ment to be Ge­nerall against Portugall. not without the admiration of the world, to see him trust a man discontented by long Banishment, to command in Chiefe in the greatest Warre he ever undertooke. Nay it is reported, that Alva himselfe glorying to the Messengers that brought his Repeale, said, he wondred, that for the Conquest of a Kingdom his Majesty should have use of a fettered Generall.’ His words to the Messengers, Diverse thought this more proudly spoken t [...]en became an Exile, but the King tooke it well; as he that looking upon his Actions, easily pardoned the freedome of his Words. Nor was the King deceived in Alva, He conquers, who fortunately managing the War amidst the great dis­cords of the Portugeses, forced the Magistrates and Nobility to sweare Allegeance to the King of Spaine. Wherein whilst the Duke overtoyled himselfe, at Lisbon he fell desperately sicke, the King comming often to visit him on his death bed: and the Sacraments being adminnistred to him by Lewis of Granada a wise and religious man,And dyes, he departed this Life. Whose death with many other Funeralls, hapning in the height of that Prosperity,The King's ex­pression. grieved the King so much, that he was heard to say, he ne­never had greater experience of the incertainty of humane things: because, when his fortunes were raised to so high a pitch, by the addition of many Kingdomes; Didaco Prince of Spaine. he was then deprived of the Heire apparent to his Crowne, Anne the Emp. Maximilian's Daughter. of the Queene his Wife, Alva's Elogy, His Father, and of this his great and faithfull Generall. And truely the Duke of Alva, descended from great Warriours, had military Prudence by a kind of Inheritance. His Father was that Garzia, who in the African Warre, being created Admirall, in the Isle of Gerben (where about 3000. Spaniards fell by the Sword and Famine) whilst he together with Pedro Navarr Generall of the Land-forces,1510. endeavoured to stop the flight of his men, wresting a Pike out of the hand of a common Souldier, and valiantly fighting with it,His Grandfa­ther. was slaine by the Moores. His Grand [...]Fa­ther was Federico Cosen German to King Ferdinand, who, as he was more active then his Son Garzia, so he did more gallant things. For he glori­ously put an end to the Warre of Granada, where he was Generall of the Royall Betick Army, and with the same courage defended the Appennine, and all the Borders of Spaine, against the French. Lastly it was his fortune to joyne the Crowne of Navarre to the Spanish Empire.He himselfe greater then his Progenitors But Alva himselfe farre transcended all his Ancestours in the vertues of a Generall. The [Page 83] Age wherein he lived, had not any other that commanded in chiefe so long and in such various places. The common saying among Souldiers, that a good Generall is never long-lived, was sufficiently confuted by the Two great Generalls of that time,Alva and Annas Momorancy parallel'd, Annas Momorancy Constable of France, and this of whom we speak, Ferdinando Duke of Alva. Both of them constantly followed the Warres from their Infancy, even to their decrepit Age: he being almost fourescore, this 74. yeares old, inlarging their honours by continuall imployments. Momorancy under foure Kings of France fought eight Battailes; in foure wherof he commanded in chiefe. Alva serving the Emperour Charles the fifth, and his Son King Philip, in Germany, Africa, Italy, the Low-countreys, and Portugall, was Generall in the greatest expeditions. But the French man was more active by the Genius of his Nation; by his owne, more unfortunate: as being seldome Master of the Field, three times taken prisoner, and at last slaine. The Spaniard oftner by delaies then Fighting, gained glory out of the Successe of his Actions. In warlike Abilities they are accompted rather equall, then like. But Alva was as good a Souldier at Court,The Duke of Alva a good Courtier, as in the Field. Who though he was by nature and continuall con­versation in the Campe, growne rough; and like a Soudier either care­lessely regarded not, or proudly contemned the Offices of Court-shippe, which gave offence to some; yet Princes dislike not their Ministers Au­sterity, rendring them inaccessible to the subtill Flatterer.Much affected by the King. And Alva by that Souldier's freedome, speaking as if he would fight for his Master as well at home, as in the Field; advanced himselfe in the King's favour me­rited by his Fidelity and long service.But rather in­wardly then in shew, Yet by this kind of favour, he got more private estimation, then publique honour. So that when he was called from banishment to be Generall in the Warre with Portugall, though he was an earnest Suiter to the King, that in his March he might kisse his Royall hand, being not yet fully assured of his Pardon, his Request was denyed. And at the same time, when the Nobility of Spaine were sent for by the King to sweare Allegiance to Didaco Prince of Spaine, though the Duke moved for Leave to be present at the Solemnity, yet the same sterne nature of the King would not admit him. So much his Majesty confided in the man,How much the King relied upon his Faith, he thought that Alva might be uncertaine of his Favour, yet He secure of the Fidelity of Alva. Whose obedient Loyalty seemes to merit the Honour he had, to die in the King's speciall Grace, in his Court, and almost in his Armes: and, having to his owne wishes ended the Warre, among the Applauses of victory, to be carried to his Grave, in Triumph. Undoubtedly he was comparable to the antient Ge­neralls, in military Abilities;What soyled his Fame. if the Odium he contracted by too much Rigour, Pride and Scorne of others, as at present it obstructed the Current of his Vertues, had not likewise taken off something of their repu­tation with Posterity.

Lodovico Requesenes, Great Comendador of Castile Governour of ye Lowcountreys

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The eighth Book.

IN the beginning of the year 1574,1574. Ludovico Requesenes, Requesenes begins his Go­vernment of the Low-countreys great Commendador of the Knights of Saint Iago, in the Province of Castile, began his government; most men conceiving extraordinary hopes of him, grounded as well upon his Civil,The hopes con­ceived of him. as Military Prudence, appearing in the course of his great employments both in Peace and Warre. It was likewise believed, that with his fa­cilitie and modestie, virtues set off by comparison with the Duke of Alva, he would exceedingly gain upon the Low-countrey mens affections. Nor was he himself negligent of fame; but partly upon Designe, partly by the Kings Command, endeavoured to make himself popular. And the people were presently much taken with him,Mart. Delr. l. 1. Belg. Turb. for punishing the Insolencies of some Garrison Souldiers, but especially for pulling down and removing out of sight the armed statue of the Duke of Alva; He takes away the Duke of Alva's Statue. To the great joy of the Low-countreymen. his other statue by the Kings Command being sent for into Spain, to the Antwerpers very great content­ment. Insomuch that some were glad his statue had been erected, that they might see his punishment in the demolishing and carrying it away.The Zelanders besiege Middel­burg. But Re­quesenes for all this could not raise the Rebels from their siege of Middel­burgh. That Citie, the head not onely of Walcharen, but of all the Isles of Zeland, was yet kept by Colonel Mondragonio, who with frequent sallies and little fights, rather to make show of confidence, then out of any reall trust in his own strength, had now for almost two years defended it against the Zelanders. To mollifie that people (incensed against Alva, but said to be well-affected to the new Governour) when Requesenes had often sent them very kind Letters, by messengers assuring them of the Kings mercy, all would not do; for having made themselves masters of many small Towns, the successe ticing them on, they placed greater hopes in their own stubborn­ness, then in the Kings unfruitfull mercy; and according to the custome of the world, held it better to be knaves and gain by it, then to be honest gratis. Wherefore the Governour,Requesenes sends a Fleet to relieve the town. lately advertised by Mondragonio, that famine would compell him to deliver up the Town, rigged a fleet of sixty sail at Antwerp, dispatching them away to the relief of Middelburg. And because [Page 2] there were two passages by two arms of the River Schelt, he divided the fleet between Avila, and Glimè Vice-Admirall in the place of Beavor, ap­pointing him Iulian [...] Romero, for his adjutant.That is, Hound. Avila was commanded to take the left hand way to Middleburg by the Hondt (so they call that divi­sion of the River by reason of the barking water) and Glimè to steer upon the right hand down the Schelt. Which is met. The Prince of Orange, understanding this incountred them in like manner. For dividing his fleet, with part of the himself lay at Anchor before Middelburg, exspecting Avila: and sent the rest to the Isle of Thol, under the conduct of Lodwick Boisot Governour of the Sea coast of Holland, Fought with. to fight with Romerio and Glimè. Boisot (for the Prince of Orange and Avila looked on, at a great distance) meeting the Spaniards at the mouth of Bergen, Bergen op Zoom. gave them battell: which at the first was improsperous and bloudy to him, one of his eyes being shot out; the Master of his Admirall slain; and his stoutest Souldiers wounded. But the Zelanders, And defeated. (having the advantage in greatnesse and number of ships and skil­fulnesse of Pilots) at last with multitude oppressed the Royallists: Glimè was slain: Romerio narrowly escaped in a long boat: part of the ships ranne aground, and part were fired in the sight of Requesenes, that from the Peer of Bergen, beheld the event of that unfortunate battell, with infinite greif to see his men so lost. The enemies conquest was followed with the present sur­render of Middleburg, Middleburg rendered. almost the onely town that held out in Zeland. Feb. 18. By which Render Mondragonio gained such honour as we seldome read paral­lelled.The Fame of Mondragonio. For when he had drawn up his conditions so, as that if the Zelan­ders would transport his Souldiers, Mariners, and Engineers, with all their Cannoneers, and Artillery, and the Religious men and secular Priests, with all their sacred furniture (both sorts likewise carrying away all their hous­holdstuff, and baggage) and land them in the nearest parts of Flanders: he would then prevail with Requesenes, that Aldegund, at that time a Prisoner, one the Prince of Orange highly esteemed, and three other persons, such as Aldegund should name, within six moneths, should be returned into Zeland; but if he could not prevail with the Governour, then he, before the exspi­ration of that term,What strange confidence the enemy reposed in him. would render himself prisoner to the Zelanders; They gave so much credit to his Parole, as the conditions being accepted, though without any hostage given, they doubted not, but that, if the Governour disapproved of this agreement,Aldegund and three more ex­changed for Mondragonio Jacob Simon John Pettin Franciso Ci­tadella. Mondragonio would not fail of his promise to return; whose Captivitie they knew would satisfie for many Aldegunds. But the Articles were by Requesenes confirmed to the contentment of all parties. For immediately Aldegund had his libertie, and by his appoint­ment Simons, and Pettin, two Colonels, and Captain Cittadella an Engi­nier,1430. Grandchild to that Francesco Cittadella, who commanding the Citta­dell of Lucca for the Prince,Largil. to Marg. of Par­ma. Paulo Guinichi, when he lost his Principality re­stored the Cittadell to the Commonwealth; for which Act the people, leaving out his Sirname of Iacobio, called him Cittadella, and inserted into his family the remembrance of his merit:March 5. from which, his posteritie were at once both named and praised. What the Prince of O­range made of Middelburg Largil. to Mar­garet of Par­ma. But the Citizens of Middelburg, as it was in their Articles, redeemed the plunder of their town with three hundred thousand Florens paid to the Prince of Orange: who, notwithstanding, is known to have made out of Merchant-strangers goods a million of Florens more. But this losse at Sea, the Spaniard stronger by land, immediately re­venged.March 5.

Lewis of Nassau Brother to the Prince of Orange, The Forces and design of Lewis of Nassau. with his youngest Bro­ther Grave Henrick, and Prince Christopher Sonne to the Count Palat [...]ne of [Page] [Page]

Sancho Avila Governour of the Fort at Antwerp General at ye Battaile of Mooch

[Page 3] the Rhine, brought out of Germany seven thousand foot, and four thousand horse, and having attempted, in vain, to passe the Mose, made a halt in Gel­derland, as if they looked back towards Germany: but indeed, waiting an opportunitie for the taking of Nimmeghen, that they might in that Citie re­ceive the Prince of Orange coming from the Isle of Bomell. The Spanish ar­mie followed him on the other side the Mose, commanded by Sanchio Avi­la, an old Souldier, trained up in Alva's discipline: who thinking it op­portune, before those succours came that were exspected from the Prince of Orange, The Battell of Mooch or Mo­nich, how sud­denly Avila fought him. to fight with the Nassavians (quartered in the village of Mooch between the Vahal and the Mose, intrenched onely with a slight line) passing his armie over on a sudden, and putting them in rank and file presented the ennemie at once with warre, and slaughter. Which was indeed continued,The execution done upon the Nassavians. (by reason of the Royallists anger for the late execution done upon their men) during the space of two hours, with so much fury, that almost their whole army, part killed, part taken prisoners, were destroyed: and their three Generalls Lewis of Nassau, The death of the three Gene­rals. his Brother Grave Henrick, and Prince Chri­stopher, either slain fighting, or trod under the horses feet, or stifled in the Fens (for their bodies never could be found) miserably perished altoge­ther. I find in some Histories,Lewis of Nas­sau's death otherwise re­lated. Franc [...] Haraeus in his Belgick An­nals. His Character. that Lewis, after he had lyen a while among the dead bodies, crept out as farre as the Mose, and there unknown as he washt his wounds, the Countreymen looking for bootie, barbarously killed and stript him. He was a man addicted to warre, endowed with a milita­ry eloquution, but of a turbulent spirit: And as his brother the Prince of Orange and he were twins in affection, so in prudence they seemed utter strangers: this being inconsiderately violent, and making warre rather in hot bloud, then with advice, had often (and deservingly) the experience of ill fortune. The Spaniard took all their Colours, Artillery, Tents and Car­riages, with little or no losse to themselves.To whom this victory is to be ascribed. Now the honour of this victo­ry (as it is common in all good successes) was by many challenged: the Souldiers preferring their Commanders with great contest of severall na­tions. The Spaniards attributed the glory of the day, solely to their Gene­rall Avila, who as wisely as expeditiously gave battell. The Low-countrey­men to Aegidius Sonne to Count Barlamont and Lord of Hierg, who with his Reserve of horse, when a Squadron of their men gave ground, fell in, and restored the battle. The Italians to Giovanni Raptista Marchioni, who di­viding his Lanceirs into many little Troops, galled the enemy so subtilly, and so often, in the Flank, that he overcame by art the farre greater num­ber. For my own part, as I doubt not but every battell is wonne by many mens valours, so I am confident this was chiefly gained by Montius, be­cause King Philip for this very service assigned him a yearly pension of five hundred crowns.The common souldiers valour not to be ex­cluded from their share of praise. Though poor souldiers are but hardly used, when all must be ascribed to their Commanders: as if in a fight, the eyes were one­ly to be praised because they first mark out a place wherein to wound the foe: and that nothing were due to the hands, that dispute and determine the Victorie. I am well assured, that Pedro Antonio Perotti of Sasso Ferrato, The beginning of the battell Petr. Ant. Pe­rotti. a man no lesse noble by descent, then worth, very much contributed to that over­throw, which I find certified to the King both in publick and private let­ters by Francisco Valdez a Spanish Colonell of foot,Lud. & Melz. lib. 4. c. 2. highly commending the Gentleman, because valiantly and no lesse fortunately he began the fight. He commanded that day the company of Comillo à Monte, who had another charge.The Raiters disordered. In the front of Nassaus armie there fought a Regiment of five hundred horse, whereof three hundred were of that kind of Raiters, [Page 4] which from their many pistols and other iron weapons are called Ironists. 1575. Giovanni Baptista à Monte being to encounter this partie, commanded Per­rott with one of those Troops to begin the battell, who chusing out six­score Lanceirs charged them with so much violence and judgement, that the Raiters being disordered in the Front (an accident which hath lost many Fields) sixty of them were severed from the rest, which he (assisted by a fresh Troop) easily mastered, though they in a strong body recharged and fired, in hope to recover their Poste; but their Retreat was obstructed by his pikes, and they to a man all slain. Whereupon the whole Regiment grow­ing into extreme trouble and disoder, it was, no doubt, the first step to the victorie.Lewis of Nas­sau falls in with his horse. But is routed (which seldome happens) by the Lanciers. For Cornet after Cornet falling in, they were routed, and upon the point of flying, when Lewis of Nassau with a selected Troop came up­on the spurre to relieve them; but he being intercepted by Bernardino Men­doza, and Anthonio Olivera, that joyned their Troops to receive his charge, he not onely not repressed the fear of his men, but flying with them, was forced to yield to the impression of the enemie. Some Writers say, this was the first battell,Benard Men­doza. l. 2. wherein the Lanceirs routed the Carabines. But I observe, that in the battell near Renty-Castle in Artois, the Emperours Raiters were worsted by the French Lanceirs.Perotti's va­lour. But Perrotti in this likewise had the greatest ho­nour of the Field, because when he had broke his Lance, going to draw his sword; and perceiving that it was shot from his side, he catched a Raiter in his Arms, wrested his sword out of his hand, and killing him with his own weapon, made his way through the thickest of the enemie; where being shot through the reins, he would not yet leave the field, whilst the victory continued doubtfull, but when it was absolutely wonne, almost dead, he was carried off the Field. Yet within a while he recovered, with so much the greater joy to his fellow-souldiers, because most of them had spoken his funerall praise. To the fame whereof, he added so much by his valiant actions under the Command of Alexander Farneze, that from his excessive strength and courage he was sirnamed the Palladine of Italy.

The fruit of so great a day was almost lost by a furious mutiny of the Spaniards. The first Mu­tiny of the Spa­niards. Out of the Bishop of Namure's let­ter to Marg. of Parma. A great part of the Army had much Arrears due to them, some full three years pay; which Sanchio Avila, before the battell, freely promi­sed; but when the business was done, put them off; not having so much mo­ney, and being naturally severe. For the Souldiers, whose animositie was raised both by their Victory and Cause, the readier they were before in run­ning the hazzard of a battel,Iuly 24. the more implacable they were after in de­manding of their pay.Against Avila who detained their Pay. Wherefore they threatning their Commanders, joyn­ed in a body; and when Avila came and began to rate them, they fiercely asked him,The expostula­tion of the Mu­tineers. Where the faith of his promises was? where the care of a Generall? that not onely not regarded the benefit of his Souldiers, but likewise slighted their Requests. But Generalls and Colonels never fail to preach military obedience. When they command, poore souldiers must run upon the mouth of the Canon, suffer wounds and death, commonly for no other end, but to blunt the enemies swords: ma­ny times if fagots be wanting to fill up ditches, they must do it with their bodies. Nothing it seems is more inconsiderable then Souldiers lives. And is it lawfull for a Generall, every houre to require the souldiers lives, but not lawfull for them to challenge their livelihood, and many moneths Debentures of the Generall? is there any kind of workmen that may justlier demand their wages then they, that serve not under anothers command with ordinary labour and sweat, but with the expence of their blouds and lives? Avila flies. They objecting this against their Generall, with their swords in their hands, Avila not able to withstand the multitude, when by [Page 5] no promises he could appease the once deceived Spaniards, was inforced to flie. Then laying their heads together, almost three thousand of the old souldiers, after the manner of seditions, created them a Generall, whom they called the Electo, casting their Militia into a new model; and dividing the Offices of Warre among themselves,They march to Antwerp in ho­stile manner. Despise Reque­senes his messen­gers. in order of battell marched to Ant­werp, the better sort in vain opposing them. Nay, they despised the Messen­gers, which upon the news of their mutiny, were sent by Requisenes, to as­sure their Arrears, one of which Messengers being a Jesuite (his name was Pedro Trigosio, a very eloquent Spaniard, and in great esteem among the soul­diers) when he had made a very sad and long speech to them, they answered him in short,And onely de­mand money. First tender the money, and then we will hear you preach: we have had Words enough, we require money. And if the Bloud we have spent for the King were in one scale, They enter Ant­werp. it would easily weigh down our Pay put into the other. When the Jesuite would have proceeded, they beat up their Drumms, and with Colours flying, entred Antwerp, the souldiers that were in the Fort not stick­ing to admit them: and quartering themselves in the richest Citizens houses, they peremptorily threatned Requisenes, Their threats. who upon their requests and me­naces had now sent out of the Town the Garrison of Walloons, that if he would not pay their arrears, they would be their own Pay-masters. And when he had appointed a certain day, yet failed; with new fury, as if they had been deluded, they ran armed to the Court of Justice, where their Ele­cto was hearing causes,Their solemn Oath. and there presently setting up an Altar, when Masse was done, they all bound themselves by oath to obey the Electo, and not to lay down arms till they had their pay to a Maravedi. Which very Act pas­sed not tumultuously in that tumult, but orderly and gravely, as if there had been no sedition. So must armed rage be ordered, lest it rage in vain. Nay, they set up a Gallows on the place, and made Proclamation in the Electo's name,Their Edict a­gainst plunder. That whosoever for the future stole or plundred, should be imme­diately hanged: which was so punctually observed by the souldiers, two of them being instantly trussed up, that Antwerp heard of no more such offen­ces. This present form of modesty,They are paid. and their past moderations so won up­on mens affections, that partly the Antwerpers assessing themselves at certain rates, partly Requisenes out of the Kings Treasury, with the pawning of his own Plate and Hangings; the Merchants likewise making up their Pay (for yet there was not money enough)And quieted. with pieces of Silk and Cloth, after 47 dayes abundantly satisfied the souldiers.The pious libe­rality of the mu­tineers. One memorable Accident I can­not here omit, especially coming to my knowledge from the persons by whom it was occasioned. When Requesenes had paid the Army, they being flush of money, were followed, as the custome is, by many poor people for their alms, particularly by the begging Fryers. And most of the souldiers then full of gold (for some had got three years Debentures, some four) either out of that Nations inbred pietie rowards Religious Orders, or that when wealth comes on the sudden it is lesse regarded, were so libe­rall, that the Franciscans for their part got four thousand Florens.How much the Franciscans [...]ad of them. But when the souldiers took notice, that among all the Religious which had tasted of their bonnty, no one of the Society of Iesus came unto them, to which Order, for their constant pains in the Camp, and their extraordinary care of the sick souldiers, they acknowledged themselves chiefly obliged: they sent one of the Army to encourage the Fathers,They invite the Jesuits. in that publick Donation, not to let themselves onely be pretermitted. But the Fathers giving thanks to the Messenger,Who refuse to come at them. when they could not otherwayes put him off, at last ab­solutely denied to take any thing of those men, till they had restored all [Page 6] their plunder to the true owners. The Armie nothing at all offended, or retarded, choosing two of their number for Collectours, gathered a very great summe,They send money to the Jesuites Colledge. and sent it to their Colledge, assuring themselves ready mo­ney would not be so refused, as when it was onely promised. The Fathers admired the souldiers constancie, whom they imagined to have been dis­pleased with their former Answer: and Ceremonies having passed on both sides, held it their dutie to instruct those preposterously pious men, and in a friendly manner to rectifie either their errour, or their contumacie. There­fore one of the Societie, in great credit with the Armie, went to them, and speaking freely,An exhortation made them by one of the Socie­tie. made them understand, That his Order refused not their Libe­rality, as if it would not come seasonably to supply their necessities; but God Al­mighty was not pleased with those that give out of other mens fortunes. They should remember themselves how long, and how profusely they had lived in Ant­werp, keeping possession of the Townsmens houses; how threatningly and licenti­ously in the beginning of the mutiny, some of them had seized upon the citizens Estates. Why then should they seek out persons profusely to bestow their money on, and in the mean time injuriously passe by those to whom it was iustly due? Rather in that distribution, they should use care and method, and relieving the wants of the poor Townsmen, recover the good opinion of the City, and save their own soule, and reputations. The fruits of it. This was not spoke in vain to the souldiers, that likewise by this Argument of Bounty, endeavoured to excuse the necessitie of their past a­ctions.They give and restore very much to the Ci­tizens. Wherefore some of the chief among them, either touched with Religion, or to cancell the Ignominy of Sedition, by a new example, gave largely to the Citizens, and began to restore many things got by violence: with so great admiration and applause of the Magistrates, that they ordered a Publick Speech should be made to the People, wherein the Army should be praised, and the pains taken and moderation used by the Fathers of the Societie, specified and commended. But Requesenes not yet confiding in the Army, having pardoned and buried the memory of their fault, sent them back to the siege of Leyden, Leyden. which the year before was begun by the Duke of Alva: the Governour being now dis-engaged from much fear and care, which out of a vain presumption of the Armies obedience, he had impru­dently brought upon himself, and all the Royall party. Unless perhaps it was done by confederacy,A suspition that the souldiers plunder was Requesenes his designe. to supply the present wants of the Exchequer, as some then suspected, saith the Bishop of Namure, in his Letters to the Dut­chess of Parma. Requesenes therefore detaining the Spaniards a while at Bruxels, Iuly 14. till he in the Assembly of the Estates,March 8. had published an Act of In­demnity sent them by the King:April 6. with lesse preparation then was made by Alva, Iuly 24. but with more Liberality, though for the unseasonableness, not much greater fruit; they commanded by Francesco Valdez returned to Ley­den, A generall par­don proclaimed. Of the siege of Leyden. with more Resolution then Success.

And Valdez at first taking their Out-works, and some Forts near the Town, and cutting off Provision of Victuall, had almost brought the City, full of Inhabitants, to extream necessity. Notwithstanding, he wrote a kind Letter to the Citizens, shewing, that he understood their wants, yet of­fering them very fair conditions.Valdez invites the Town to a Re [...]ndition. But they proudly and barbarously an­swering,They barbarously refuse. that They would not want sustenance whilest they had their left Arms, He draws his line nearer. for those they would eat, and use their right arms to defend their Liberties. Valdez hastening his approaches, daily straitned them so much, that at length [...]t cau­sed a great tumult in the City, the Townsmen in every street dying for hun­ger; insomuch as the people having lost their patience, threatned the Con­suls, that unless they rendred the Town, they themselves would open the [Page 7] gates to the enemie. Valdez, upon notice hereof, that he might fall upon them whilest they wavered in that discord,Resolves upon a generall assault. Why he puts off the day appoint­ed. resolved, upon the third day, to give a generall assault. In the mean time he failed not to go the Hague, a neighbouring city, where his Mistresse lived, a noble Ladie of that Coun­trey (married to him not long after) whom he was then a suiter to, often waiting upon, and courting her, according to the freedome used in the Low-countreys. By chance, the day before he was to storm the Town, Valdez feasted his Mistresse at the Hague: and observing her to look sad, importuned her to acquaint him with the cause; She said, It was not possible but she must be in great anxiety, having before her eies the image of Leyden, desig­ned to spoil and plunder the next day. For so many funeralls of her friends and acquaintance, as must necessarily be involved in the publick ruine, were they not sufficient at the present, with onely Fear and Imagination, to banish all joy from her mind; and afterwards when she had news of the success, to give her heart a wound incurable? Valdez, lest he should loose the hope of his marriage, beseeched her to be more chearfull, and made her a secret pro­mise to recall his orders for storming, and for her love to spare the lives of that obstinate Citie. Which he promised the more freely, in regard he knew the Town would fall of it self, though he held his hand, and saved his souldiers bloud. For very hunger would make them yield, and the thought of it would be taken as a favour from him; though he did it upon his parti­cular designe. Indeed the day after he had omitted the assault, the diffe­rence increasing between the People and the Citizens, they consulted about sending Commissioners to Valdez. When the Countrey-people that had long watcht to help the Leydeners, hearing of their danger and disagree­ment, finding all attempts to free the Town fruitless, resolved to follow the counsell of despair.The site of Ley­den. Through the Liberties of Leyden, and the adjacent countrey, many Rivers flow, with various windings and turnings, the Rhine it self divides and washes the streets, the Ysel and the Mose, this runs as far as Rotterdam, that to Goud, and from thence to Leyden, with swift currents: which with the confluence of those greater chanels, lest at a high tide they should pour the mixture of their own & the seas fury upon the land, are bank­ed in,The fearfull de­signe of the neighbours to Leyden. as if a line were drawn before them,Who breaking down the banks, let in the sea. by the industry of men. The Hol­landers therefore writing to their friends at Leyden, by Carrier-pidgeons, what they intended, made holes through the bank, and slighted that Bul­wark of the Continent, raised against the salt and fresh-water tides, by the labour of so many yeares; and with the Mose, the Ysell, and the Sea it self, rushing as from an ambush on the level, they covered their native countrey with a deluge: So as the ruine (estimated at seven hundred thousand Florens) made way for ships to sail the meadows; overflowed the Leaguer of the Spaniard: and they which dwelt fourtie miles off, (a thing hardly credible) brought supplies of men and victuall to Leyden. And truly that new face of the Sea,They sail over the woods, spread among Groves & Villages, and Fleets sailing through woods, as if trees had grown into ships, might have been delightsome to the Spani­ards, like a Show in a Romane Theatre, where the Scene was miraculously changed, and Ships fought to make them sport; if they had not likewise be­held their danger, from that unwonted spectacle, and the Auxiliarie forces of that confederated element, had not been directed against themselves: so that all hope was cut off for taking the Town,And over the fields to Leyden now victualled by so many Ship-ladings of Provision. For to bring relief, it was wonderfull to see how many sail appeared, furnished with men and ordnance, from the neighbour­ing Ports and Islands, by a generall confederacie; and with no less hatred to [Page 8] the Romane Religion: which many publickly gloried in, wearing half-moons in their hats,How great a Navy came. with this motto, Rather the Turk then the Pope. The Fleet that came in to them, was no fewer then a hundred and fifty sail, well ap­pointed for the war,The besiegers besieged. manned with at least twelve hundred, besides Seamen. Yet the Spaniards wear not at all dismaied; and though the sea beat them out of their lower Forts,Their constancy. they held the rest so obstinately, and wrought so hard, that in some places,Bern. Mend. l. 12. when they wanted spades to cast up earth against the water and the enemie, they digged with their swords, and carried the mould in their breast-plates,The like wonder of old. and helmets. The like, upon the same necessitie, was done of old in the same Countrey,Caesar. lib. 5. de bell. Gall. by the Nervians, when they besieged the winter-quarters of Quintus Cicero, Paul. Oros. l. 6. using for want of other instruments their weapons instead of spades,Sprink. Uloet. and their cassocks for wheel-barrows. But their danger hourly increasing with the water,The Spaniards retreat. which rose to a great height, at the full Moon especially, blown up by a storm, the Spaniards that were rather now the besieged, then the besiegers, upon a sudden fear, apprehend­ed by Valdez, who too late repented the lost opportunitie of taking the Town, about midnight, having nailed their great Canon, and sunk them in the ditches,Not without losse. after four moneths raised the siege. Nor did he flie without loss, the enemie chasing him with Grapples in their hands, that is, long poles headed with iron hooks, or hooks at the end of long ropes, wherewith they angled for the Spaniards, grievously wounding them, and drawing up many of them prisoners to the Ships.Bern. Mend. l. 12. At which time, it was an admirable passage, that of Pedro Ciaconio, The exploit of Pedro Ciaco­nio. Bongia's Lieutenant. This man running before his fellows to defend a Bridge, was struck at from one of their boats with four grapples, which catching hold, drew him up dead to all appearance. But when they had him aboard, and that he saw them (being six or seven) bu­sie fishing for others, he rose at their backs, and taking a hatchet that by chance lay before his feet, with his full strength (for he was onely dragged by his clothes, his flesh being scarce touched) knocked down one, then an­other, so a third; the rest astonished at the fury of the revived man, leaped into the water, Ciaconio left alone in the Hoigh, as it was laded with corn provided for the distressed Town, brought it in for some kind of comfort, to his vanquished fellow-souldiers.

The misfortune of the siege was augmented by a fresh mutinie of the Spaniards; A second muti­ny of the Spani­ards. for having lost their hopes of the Sack of Leyden, promised them, instead of Pay.Against Valdez, as if he had be­trayed them at the siege. And their sedition was increased by a report, that Valdez their Generall bribed by the citie of Leyden, forbore to storm it. And though Valdez was not guilty of that crime, for Avarice never had power over him; and the Hollanders then were simple, and knew not how to treat with bribes; notwithstanding the rumour was believed, or rather forged by such as were ignorant of the true cause, but would not have the improsperous suc­cesse imputed unto themselves. And they were glad of such an occasion to demand pay of their Generall,They take him prisoner. full of money as they thought.Utrecht. The flame of this tumult brake forth on a sudden from the breasts of very near four thousand,He procures money, and therewith paci­fies them. who seizing upon and imprisoning Valdez, The Spaniards prosperous for­tune. substituted in his place another Electo: and though the news of his bribery forthwith vanished, yet they, marching towards Utrecht, entred the Town; nor, till by Valdez his means their pay was sent from Requesenes, would they be quieted. But the Spaniards not long after redeemed their honour, lost by this second Mu­tinie and their flight from Leyden, with taking (near the Isell, and in the bor­ders of Gelderland) under command of Hierg, Mich. ab Isselt. Hist. of his Times. Governour of that Province, the towns of Bura, Montford, Oudewater, and Schounhoven: and a little be­fore [Page 9] that in Holland under the command of Vitelli, between the Rivers of Ukall and the Leck, Lerodam, and the neighbour Towns, Asper, Huchel, and Worcom over against Gorcom, Supplies brought by Al­tempse. with other Towns and Forts round about: to the great benefit of the Royall partie; increased at the same time by the coming of Hanniball Count Altempse, with a Regiment of four thousand foot, raised in Germany by order from Requesenes, who attributed much to the known virtues and warlike abilities of Altempse. An old souldier of great abill­ties He was sisters sonne to Pope Pius the fourth,Clara Medices. Jacob Medi­ces. bred up in the warres from nine years old by his uncle the Marquesse of Melena: in the prime of his youth he served the house of Austria; and was afterwards in many expeditions under the Emperours Charles and Ferdinand, and Philip the second of Spain, in Germany, Italy, the Low-countreys, His danger in his march. and Africa. But he was the more welcome to Requesenes, be­cause Fame had reported him slain by the way, and his Regiment dispersed: and there was something in it. For whilst he rode before his men, onely with two or three in his Companie, just as he entered the Low-countreys, he was set upon, by almost 600 souldiers, which had run away from the battell of Mooch: and being wounded in two places, valiantly charged through, & got clear off. Requesenes therefore opportunely leaving these forces to guard Bra­bant (when the Treatie of Peace was come to nothing, that had been agitated by the Royallists and Nassavians at Breda, & on the Emperours part by Gunter Count of Suartzemburg, the Prince of Orange his sisters son) bent his whole care immediately to make his fleet ready for a voyage long since designed.

For when Requesenes took notice,The expedition into Zeland, why undertaken by Requesenes. that the Rebells (almost quite ex­cluded from the Continent) sheltered themselves in the Isles of Zeland, he resolved to carry the warre as farre as Schelt, not through the open Sea (for in number of ships he was inferiour to the Enemy) but by the Straits lying between the Low countreys and those Islands, where he was told in some places men might wade over.The site of Ze­land. For Zeland being cut into Isles by the Schelt and Mose, the Rivers that divide them are not very deep, and the Sea that mixes with those Rivers ebbes in some parts so low, that they often see a miserable prospect the tops of villages long since drowned and ravished from the Earth,The chief Offi­cers imployed Avila. and consequently at such times no ships can passe. The Land service therefore he assigned to Sanchia Avila, and that by Sea to Chri­stophero Mondragonio, Mondragonio, Vitelli under Alva. the Marquesse Vitelli, Camp-master, commanding in chief. Requesenes by their advice, incouraged likewise by the example of those that foarded the Sea to the relief of Goes, 1572. appointed Guides for the armie consisting of four thousand and the way they should march,Scouwem­burg's men. that is,The souldiers. The way. first to Bergen, Arand com­manded to sound the sea. then to Tole, next to the Isle of Philipland, from thence to Duveland; and so to Schelt, the head of Zeland, and of that expedition. And because they were to have certain knowledge which places would bear shipping, and which might be waded, that charge was given to Iohn Arand, an Ensign of undaunted courage, to get able and honest men to try the Foards:Barbetino to provide ship­ping. and Raphaell Barberino a strong and active Gentleman, was commanded to take the depth of the Seas and Lakes, and to provide Ships that should draw water answerable to the deep and shallower parts. Now Arand (learning of the Skippers and Fisher-men,Arand's Ac­compt of the passage. that under the waters were hills of gravell, on the ridge whereof, those Seas, seeming inaccessible, might be passed on foot) brought a good account of the way to Requesenes, Barberino's inventions, and gave him assurance that it might be done securely; and Barberino not onely built ships for transportation of the souldiers, flat bottomed Boats, Wherryes, and close deckt vessels, all accommodated to the severall fa­thomes of the water: but likewise by Vitelli's Command, who for a few [Page 10] dyes had some fits of an ague, raised for present Service Works and For­tresses at the entrance of Zeland, Who for a while supplies Vitelli's place. in the mouths of the great Rivers, secured the carriage of victuall to the Camp, and did much besides that concerned Vitelli's Office,Commended by Vetelli. so opportunely and expeditously; as Vitelli gave him at once both Orders and Thanks for it: and after the businesse was dispatch­ed, writing to a friend, he denied not, but that many things were attributed to himself,The Army posses to Philipland. which were due to the wit and industrie of Barberino. In this manner the design being dexterously carried, the souldiers weighed An­chors from Antwerp, and passed with the stream down the Schelt to Bergen ap Zoom, thence to the Isle of Thol upon the edge of Brabant, and there went aboard other vessels that conveighed them into Philipland, a desert Island.From thence to Duveland. But how they should get from thence into Duveland, What and how great the pos­sage is between these two Isle­lands. where the ene­mie had a strong Garrison, was a matter of great consideration. This Isle of Duveland (which forty years before was overflowed by the Sea, and not long after drained by the industrious inhabitants) is distant from Philip­land four miles by Sea; which, because at low water it carries no ships, and therefore was not passable to the enemies fleet, the Spaniards were to wade over by the direction of such Guides as knew the Foard.How dangerous for the foot. For though in some places certain parcels of firm land appeared among the waves, yet the way was not altogether firm, but undiscernable hollows, and blind con­fluences of Rivers were said to be interposed.Yet great soul­diers make suit for the imploy­ment. Many souldiers of the Army therefore in a warlike gallantrie offered themselves to undergo the hazzard,Who were cho­sen. seeking glory in the danger. But the principall Captains and oldest souldiers were for the most part chosen, especially, as the custome is, those that were forwardest to advance the expedition; Isidoro Pacecho, Hieronimo Seros [...]ue­quio, this Governour of Bergen, he of Goes: Osorius Ulloa an old Com­mander of Foot. Barberino, Aranda, Guiralto, and others, to the number of 1750,Their number. most of them Spaniards, some Low-countreymen, the rest Italians, and Germans (besides pioners and Smiths almost two hundred) all men of un­daunted Resolutions, such as preferred Honour before Life. Nor was the Prince of Orange, The Prince of Orange way­lays them. (who had intelligence of Requesenes his design) lesse active;With men And ships. but sending for Boisot Governour of Zeland, furnished him with men, part whereof were to keep Duveland, and part Zericzee, against which, the warre was intended. And near to Duveland, where the Sea is narrowest, he placed certain ships to gall the Royallists in their passage. Finally, he con­trived a Fort in the midst of the Sea to oppose their going over.And a fort raised in the water. For some flat bottomed Boats were set forth,With new and wonderfull in­vention. which at a high tide might come up to the Foard where the Kings men were to passe, and running aground upon the ridge of earth the vessels themselves might block up the passage whilst the men in them presented the Spaniard from the Cannons mouth with death inevitable.The Kings men not at all dis­mayed. Yet the selected souldiers not knowing the danger,Their habit. or de­liberately contemning it, when the hour of low water approached, put off their armour and clothes, contenting themselves onely with shoes and trouses, hanging their knapsacks about their necks, or sticking them upon their pikes to keep them from the wet:Their provision of victuall and arms. one end being full of cheese and shipbisket, the other of gunpowder: some besides their swords carrying pikes, others long hatchets, some muskets, some spades or pickaxes. Thus furnished,Alabard. they were brought to the place by the rest of the Army,They make ready for the work of danger and death. that openly incouraged them, but privately commiserated the Regiment devoted unto death. And indeed how could they but be sacrificed, that were in the first place exposed to the crueltie of that mercilesse element; and in case it spared them, yet must be marks for the enemie to shoot at, through whose [Page] [Page]

Chiapino Vitelli Marquess of Cetona Campe-master generall

[Page 13] dismayed at the losse, arrived about the break of day in Duveland. Where instantly putting his men in order for an Assault, with the same courage, encreased by the late danger, when he had in few words animated his men (for it was not difficult to put them upon any resolutions whatsoever, that were resolved to die) he gave them both the Word,The Spaniards fight and his Example to fall upon the enemie struck with admiration of their bold adventure, though he was fresh and had the advantage of his works, the Royallists weary, and their heads giddy with the Sea: yet with incredible valour quickened by the very despair of hope (for the water and the enemies ships had stopt their passage back) they did not onely beat them from their works,And conquer. and scatter them, but at the first onset killing Charles Boisott Governour of Zeland, the rest losing their spirits when they saw their Generall fall, they possessed themselves of the whole Island. By which it appears, there is no such conquering weapon as the necessitie of conquering.The enemies fleet put men into Sceldt. When the ene­mies fleet, that rode close by, saw this; for fear of Schelt, which they knew the Spaniard so much laboured to reduce, and had from Duveland but a short cut thither: presently sailing to Schelt, they left the way free for the Com­manders that staid in Philipland, Avila, Mondragonio, and Peralta; who im­mediately landed the rest of the armie in Duveland. The mutuall gratulation of the Victors. So soon as they arrived,The wounded souldiers pro­vided for. with great joy imbracing their fellows, and as it were welcoming them to life: first they took care for the wounded, most of which were Gentlemen: And after Vitelli had ordered them to be sent by Boat and Waggon to Am­sterdam, presently others, instead of the hurt and slain, offered themselves to wade the Sea the second time,The Kings men wade the Sea again into Sceldt. with greater alacritie then before, because the first voyage had so well succeeded. And Mondragonio (who formerly marched through the Sea to Goes) leading them, and with his old resolute courage conquering the gulfs and quicksands, in the sight of the enemies (that admired him, and called his men Sea-monsters) arrived in Schelt, the principall Isle of Zeland. Fight the Islan­ders. But the Spaniards having with some difficultie beaten the Garrison at their landing in the Island, and with the same vio­lence taken certain Forresses (with the losse of Gabriell Peralta, Take a great part of the Isle. whose too great spirit more stoutly then cautiously ingaged him) they found a little stop at Bommen; The death of Peralta. strong both in situation,Besiege Ze­riczee. and defendants: yet taking it at last, they marched with all their forces in a body to Zericzee, the chief ci­tie of the Island, and head of the warre. Where being often repulsed (for the Town was exceeding well fortified both by the nature of the place, and the late supplies which they had from the fleet) by Vitelli's advice, and Re­quesenes his command (who were now come in person to the Leaguer) they drew a line about the Town, and chained up the ports, that no carriages should passe. Lastly,At last take it. after the grievous incommodities of winter (some­times being almost drowned with the sluces let out by the enemie)Feb. 1. when they had foiled the Prince of Orange, Crimpen. who from the siege of Crimpen, now rendred to him, brought his victorious armie thither out of Holland, mend­ing with massyer links the chains which the enemies ships with their iron beaks had broke asunder, having likewise sunk their Generall Lodwick Boi­sot, after nine moneths siege, Zericze, conquered first by famine, yeilded to Mondragonio, The death of Chiapinio Vi­telli. affording him more Fame,Iuly 1. then Benefit. But Requesenes and Vitelli, so desirous of that day, lived not to see it. Vitelli whilst he was bu­sied at the siege of Schelt newly recovered of a sicknesse, and going from one place to another in his Sedan, by chance or on purpose was overthrown; and falling from the works, the weight of his flesh and years struck the breath out of his body: presently he was carryed to his tent, and growing worse [Page 14] and worse, they conveighed him to the next Fort, where providing, like a Christian, for the health of his soul, which was all that could be done for him,Why the soul­diers were not much troubled for the losse of him. in the fifty sixth year of his age he died: but was not greatly mourned for in the armie, the souldiers being weary of the long and tedious siege, and therefore out of charitie with Vitelli as Authour of it. Yet his corpse brought into the Leaguer was honoured (as the custome is) with military pomp,Requesenes grieved exceed­ingly. and afterwards laid in the ground at Antwerp by Requesenes, with great sorrow, as more sensible of his losse. But the Senate and People of Antwerp expressed the greatest love to him,And much more the City of Antwerp. that ordered his Funerall to be at the publick charge of the Town. decreeing his funeralls to be at the publick charge,His body was carried to his Countrey. and extolling him in an Oration as farre from flatterie, as the necessitie of flattering him. Lastly, his body was carried into his own Countrey, and there by his Countreymen magnificently intombed, in a Chappel of the Franciscans founded by his Ancestours. Cliapinio Vitelli was born at Citta di Castello in the Dutchy of Spalato, his Father, Nicolao Vi­telli, his Mother, Gentilina a Staffa of Perugia; his house it self, a Family of souldiers. For they were his Progenitours that first taught the Italian horse the use of Carabines,His Parents. His first service Harieden Bar­barossa King of Algier. and their foot the discipline of marching in the form of a Cockle. And he himself gave the first proof of a spirit equall to his fore­fathers, encountering Harieden Barbarossa Admirall of the Turkish fleet, when he haressed the Sea-coast of Siena, filling Italy with Bloud and Ra­pine. To oppose him, Cosmo Duke of Florence sent Vitelli Generall of his horse, who not onely defended the town of Orbatello, which others thought untenable, when Harieden having burnt Porte Hercole, was come close to it: but likewise beat the Turks from the maritine parts, and forced them to quit Thuscany. Which styled him the Pre­server of Thus­cany against the Strozzis and the French. For which service he being cried up by the inhabitants as the de­liverer of Thuscany, 1554. was with all military applause entertained at Florence: The Duke himself allowing him to ride through the citie in a Coach drawn with four horses, (the first they say that was ever seen in Florence) in man­ner of a triumph. Answerable to this noble beginning he proceeded in the Florentine warre, sometimes commanding the foot, sometimes the horse, sometimes being at once Generall of the Spaniards and Germans. He was the first that entered Florence in a Coach. Especially at the taking of Porte Hercole, and fortifying the town. Which last victory, being the absolute conquest of Siena, as Duke Cosmo ascribed it solely to Vitelli's Conduct,His severall military offices. so that magnanimous and munificent Prince, bestowed upon him Cetona, The Honours conferred upon him by Cosmo Duke of Flo­rence. a town belonging to Siena, of which place he created him Marquesse; and a few years after when his Excellence instituted an Order of Knights dedicated to Saint Stephen the Bishop, because upon his day the vi­ctorie was obtained, the Duke himself, master of that fraternitie, chose Vi­telli among the first Knights,1556. and made him the great Commendatore of the Order.1561. Whence his fame spreading through Europe, great proposalls were made him by many Princes. Insomuch as the Duke of Alva, when he marched against Pope Paul the fourth, offered to make Vitelli Generall of his horse, but he refused the place, because he said, he had bound himself by vow,His Vow. when he first resolved to be a souldier, never to bear arms against the Sea Apostolick. He is made Camp-Master to the Duke of Alva and marches with him into the Netherlands. And returning from the warre of Malta, for defence of which Island he was, by Philip the second of Spain, sent with 2500 volun­tiers; he was by the same King invited to serve the Duke of Alva, then upon his march for the Low-countreys, and made Camp-master to his ar­mie, so happily, that among all the Kings Low-countrey-forces, in that field of Mars either at a Councell of warre,His nimble spirits notwith­standing his grosse body. or in a battell no man la [...]d or expedited a stratagem comparable to Vitelli. And truly it was a kind of mi­racle to see a man of that corpulency, not only active in mind, but likewise in­dued [Page 11] Fleet they were to passe, with no other Gabeons to defend them, but their bodies; and if they escaped both these dangers, yet a third remained from the Island-garrison, that looked for them standing safely on the Banks and Rocks; a very unequall encounter, wherein if they presently prevailed not, when the tide came they should be drowned, the enemie in the mean time sitting at his ease,This adventure and Cesars of foarding the Thames paral­lelled. Caes. lib. 5. Bel. Gal. and laughing at them. So as this adventure may not one­ly be compared with that of Cesars souldiers; when they, with their heads onely above water, waded the Thames, with such violence, as the enemie not able to resist the force of his Legionaries, and Horse, forsook the banks and fled. But these mens courage is so much to be preferred before the Ce­sarians, by how much fewer the Spaniards were, and had no Horse to flank them, nor the water free; but ventured on the sea possessed and maintained against them by the enemie; and likewise in that they went on so, as in case, they should be routed, there was lesse hope of coming off, the way being impassable, save by boat: and lastly, by how much surer they were (having the enemy on the front, and the sea (a crueller enemie) in the rere) that if they did not forthwith conquer, they must certainly be conquered. And now the magnanimous Battalion, when it was low water about midnight, entred the dreadfull chanel.The Kings men wade the sea Ulloa leads the Van. Iohn Osorius Ulloa led the Van, the greatnesse of whose mind equalled the valour of his followers. Gabriel Peralta, bro­ther to the Marquess of Falcesio, an ingenious and dexterous Commander, brought up the Rere;Peralta the Rere. that consisting of twelve hundred, this of five hun­dred men; the Pioners with one hundred Musketeers marched inclosed be­tween them both.The Pioners in the middle. And because such as knew the foard, betwixt the quick­sands and whirlpits,The order of the march. shewed them certain little spots of solid earth, where­on but a few could rest at once, therefore they went two or three a breast, with incredible confidence,Requesenes on the shore, and by him a Priest pray­ing for them. wrestling with the waves up to the armpits. Re­quesenes stood upon the shore, and with him a Priest, praying for these poor souls to the Prince of the Celestiall Militia, Christ Iesus, that being the night to his own day.Mich. Hernan­des a Jesuite. Nor prayed he in vain: For the blind and darksome night was on a sudden illuminated with clouds kindled in the Air, burning Me­teors, and all the other fiery prodigies of heaven.Prosperous o­stents from heaven. Especially a flame in the form of a Crown, inclining towards Requesenes, attracted the greedy eyes of the souldiours,Issest. in Hist. Belg. Thuan. l. 60. Met. l. 5. ignorant of the cause of such Meteors, and raised their spirits with assurance of success. Osorius taking occasion thereupon, turned to his men and said,Meurs. in O­rang. l. 10. Do you not see, my fellow-souldiers, how the Army of Heaven goes along, M. Hernandes told that of the Crown. how they joyn forces with us, how they guide us to Victorie, and boad revenge upon our foes. Indeed before I embarqued upon this Adventure, weighing in my mind the immensness of the danger, Whence Ulloa takes a hint to encourage his men. I prayed with much anxietie, and was not (I must confess) so ambitious of a conquest, as an honest and not an un­revenged death. But now fully encouraged, I correct and enlarge my wishes, con­fident we can meet nothing impervious to us, or insuperable. Though our attempt be great, my mates, yea so great as almost exceeds belief, that we should pass a foot to an enemies Island, through seas where Ships hardly dare adventure, and have no other Oars to land us, but our hands. Nor can we be censured as desperate, or unad­vised, if every one consider not his own strength, nor the present danger of the Ebbs and Flows; but lifting up his eyes to heaven, take the number of our Auxili­aries, and their confederate colours flying in the air. Let him look how the Ele­ment fires upon the enemy: nor can all the water of the Sea extinguish those Gra­nadoes. We have the day, my mates, wherein the heavens are concerned, as much as we. God is well pleased with our labour: and whilest we have so glorious a Gene­rall yonder, we carrie Victorie with us, and the cause of Victory. Cheared with [Page 12] this Oration,The souldiers animated, hasten their march. the souldiers, who had conceived the same hope of celestiall Assistance, animated likewise with the unwonted aspect and invitation of the heavenly bodies, thought they might safely follow where the elementall torches guided; and with great expedition, left the tide should encrease, hastened toward Duveland. But are retarded by the straits. But what haste could be made by almost two thousand men, through those straits that would scarce hold four a breast. Nor was it a little discouragement to behold the enemies ships appear against them,And by the ene­mie sallying from their ships. which though they shot a far off, and therefore seldome hit; yet the boldest of their Seamen sallying out by the foards which they exactly knew, encountred the Royallists with a new and a mad kind of fight; for both par­ties that hardly saw each other for the waves, now dicharged their Muskets a farr off, the fire flashing through the water; now hand to hand with their spears and staves beat one another from the higher ground, and were [...]um­bled down into the next Gulfs and Whirlpits.And by the ships themselves. But the destruction was greater and more unavoidable from the Ships, that lay crosse the foard, against whose souldiers armed with muskets and long hooks, whilest some of the Royallists skirmished in their passage, others in the mean time got by. But not without much delay. And with no small loss of the Kings men, could these rocks of the Enemy, and this dreadfull tempest be avoided: Wherefore the tide rising and raging,The Rere forced to return. Peralta with the Rere had gone but a little way, when the swelling water, now up to their necks, forced them to return, and the Pioners and Low-countrey-musketeers, marching between them and the Van,The Pioners drowned or shot. in despair to get back, and endeavouring to follow the foremost, were partly drowned, partly slain by those we mentioned in the ships. Nay, the enemies whole Fleet now coming on with the tide, shot them so securely, that the very murderers (sensible of their own frailty sub­ject to the like disasters) commiserated them, as unfortunately and inconside­rately cast away;The enemie re­proves them in this manner. and reproving them, called out, Whither do you go, you wretches? Why ar your undefended bodies so frantickly exposed to wounds? What madnesse, or what hope of gain could hire out your lives to the Spaniards, that they should turn you like water-dogs into the Sea, to make sport for your ene­mies? Thus at once they both killed and pitied them.The number of those that perisht Of all the two hun­dred and fifty in the middle, onely nine escaped. Among the rest that were lost of the first company (being twelve or thirteen) Isidor Pacecho died most gallantly:The virtue of Pacecho. For shot through the body, his souldiers running to take up their Captain on their shoulders,His last words. he coming to himself again, said, Go, fellow Souldiers, go, and do not out of your care of me, that am now but a dead man, hin­der the march of your fellows, with these untimely Ceremonies. I die in a brave attempt, not unhandsomely, nor unhappily, as I hope and pray that you may make it. So this stout man, when his life failed him, yet retained so much spirit, that even dying he encouraged others. Truly, I am not so much affected to the ancient,Pacecho compa­red with Cesars Centurion. and regardless of our modern men,Petieius. that I can easily preferre before this Captain, that of Cesars Petreius, who in the siege of Gergovia wounded to death,Caesar. l. 7. Bel. Gal. falling refused the help of his company, and told them, They la­boured but in vain to put life into him, that had now lost all his bloud and strength: they should rather go to their Countrey-men, and whilest they themselves were yet safe and had time, joyn with the rest of their Legion. Pacecho. For, as the like contempt of Life, and care of the Publick safety was in both, and their last words the same; undoubtedly the Spaniards act was greater then the Romanes▪ since this; when they were beaten from a siege, onely taught them how to flie; he,The Vanlands in Duveland. when his followers were fighting with the Sea, perswaded them to the conquest of a Province. But Osorius with the rest of the forces, nothing [Page 15] dued with great agility of body;1576. so as in the field you could not say, that to the prudence of a great Commander there wanted the dexterity of a common souldier.How he took down his belly. But because he found himself grow so fat in his middle age, that he was glad to have his huge belly tyed up in a scarf fastned about his neck, the man that would loose no part of a souldier, of his own accord gave over wine, and drank vineger all his life time after, which so exceeding­ly brought down his belly, that he folded the loose skin in form of a breast­plate, and was found to weigh lesse by eighty seven pound:His onely fault. but as much as he advanced the glory of his Nations discipline of warre in the Low-coun­treys; so much he detracted from the fame of the Italian modestie, and pietie.

The Marquesse Vitelli's funerall was within a few dayes followed by the death of Ludovico Requesenes; The Elogie of Requesenes, ex Annal. Arag. Hier. Zuri. a man in whom concurred the honours of the House of Zunica by his father, and of Requesenes by his Mother. For from his father Iuan Zunica, His progenitour. great Commendador of the Knights of Saint Iago in the Province of Castile, descended upon him that honourable Office.1440. And from his mother Stephania Requesenes, he had his name and Barony, she be­ing the onely daughter of the house of Requesenes, that had inheritance in Catalonia. For Bernardo Requesenes took his other daughter by the same wife along with him, when he went Vice-Roy into Sicily, and she still con­tinues in the ancient and illustrious family of Anthonio Requesenes Prince of Pantellana. His maternall Ancestours fa­mous Sea-Com­manders. But Ludovico from his mothers side, derived not onely his sir­name, but his skill in Sea-fights proper to the name of the Requesenes: For his Great-grandfather Galcerano Requesenes Governour of Catalonia, King Ferdinand's Admirall, ended the War of Aenare, having in a sea-fight utter­ly defeated the Torellio's Lords of the Island.1480. Another Galcerano sonne to the former, Count De Trivento and Avilino, and his brother Berlinguerio, he in Naples, this in Sicily, succeeded in their Fathers fame and Office of High Admirall to the Catholick King. And Berlinguerio's sonne inheriting both his Fathers Place and Virtue, overthrew Arias Soliman's Fleet at Pantellana; and sent back to Pope Leo the tenth,His own Sea-services. the streamers which Arias had taken out of the Galley of Pope Iulius the second. Ludovico Requesenes furnished with these great domestick examples, when Don Iohn of Austria had his Patent for High Admirall, was by the King chosen under the name of his Vice-Admirall, to be the young mans Superintendent.1569. Soon after, by the same King, in the War of Granado, 1571. he was appointed to defend the Sea-coast of Spain, with souldiers brought out of Italy, against the Incursions of the Moors assisted by the Turkish Emperour, Selimus. Ant. Maria Gratia. de Bel. Cypr. l. 4. & Thuan. l. 48. Hist. And in the battell of Lepanto he was by the King made Vice-Amirall to Don-Iohn of Austria; but with such authority, as Don Iohn was commanded to hear especially and follow his advice. But though Requesenes was active, and a fortunate Souldier; yet I know he was vulgarly accounted a better Gownman,His Civill Offi­ces. and more skilfull in the arts of Peace.1564. Which opinion he gained as well by his gentle and mo­dest nature, as by his great Offices of State,1573. Embassages, and the Govern­ment of Millian, wherewith he was intrusted by the King.His difference with St. Charls Boromaeo. Though some differences betwixt him and St. Charles Boromeo Bishop of the Citie, much blemished his name;Carol. a Basil. S. Pet. l. 3. c. 2. Joan. Petr. Gussan. l. 3. c. 3. Of whom be asks forgivenesse by his servant. and some thought that the cause both of his unfortu­nate administration of the Low-countreys, and of his untimely death. They say, Requesenes in his sickness, sent to the Bishop, earnestly beseeching him (whom he called the holy man) to vouchsafe him the expiration of the sacred Crosse; a passage, which because I do not certainly know, I mean not to af­firm. This I am assured of, when Requesenes went from Millain into the [Page 16] Low-countreys, 1575. without any publick reconcilement with the Bishop, (for to the Church he was reconciled by the Breve of Gregory the thirteenth) upon the way, touched with Religion, he sent one of the principall Gentlemen of his Train, piously and humbly to crave pardon of the Bishop (then Cardi­nall) for what was past. The good man willingly embraced his desire, and promised he would earnestly pray God to grant it.His Govern­ment of the Low-countreys not so unfortu­nate as many think. But among Requesenes his disasters, I cannot justly reckon his Government, wherein he was often Conquerour, and (which was beyond any former victorie) after a memo­rable foarding of the Sea, took Zericzee, thereby separating Holland and Zeland, so facilitating the recovery of both those Countreys to the Royal­lists; and finally, left the enemies forces fewer and weaker then he found them.His great Er­rour. I cannot excuse him of one fault, that to aw the mutinous souldiers, he gave way to the Low-countreymen for taking up Arms, which afterwards they were unwilling to lay down.His souldiers much more to blame that mu­tined so often. But nothing more obstructed Requesenes his successe, then his own souldiers, who demanding their pay, not so un­justly, as importunely, in two years mutinied three or four times, corrupting their own victories,Their third se­dition was the occasion of his death. and occasioning Requesenes his fate. For when Reque­senes heard how the horse in Brabant mutinied, whilest he lay before Zeric­zee, fearing left some of the foot should make the like attempt, which might be the beginning of some great Commotion,Out of the rela­tion of Christop Assonvil. riding thither post, the next day after he came to Bruxells, he was past all hope of life. Instantly there­fore, lest the Provinces might suffer by the intervall of Government,Being near his end he names a successour for the Civil Go­vernment. he na­med Philip Count Barlamont Governour of the Low-countreys; and Peter Er­nest Count Mansfeldt Generall of the Army; commanding his Secretary to draw up and bring him their Commissions,And a Generall for the Army. But dying ere he had signed their Commissions, March 5. of his Age fifty yeare. which though presented to him, yet because he died before they were read and signed, were held of no vali­ditie. And the Government of the Low-countreys, according to their anci­ent custome, remained in the power of those Lords, they call the States, till it should be otherwise ordered by the King: who for some time, doubted whether he should allow that form of Goverment or no.The Govern­ment rested in the great Coun­cell. For Gregory the thirteenth (who had mutually agreed with King Philip to assist the Queen of Scots, then a Prisoner) being to nominate a Generall for that expedition (for it was undertaken in the Popes, Which the King doubts to con­firm. not the Kings name, lest it might distast the Rivalls of the Spanish Greatnesse) his Holinesse made choice of Don Iohn of Austria, The Pope pro­posing Don John of Austra. Mary Queen of Scots. famous for Sea victories: And therefore advised the King, by Ormanetti, who was trusted in the transaction of that businesse, to send his Brother into the Low-countreys, wanting at that time a Governour: who would be in great esteem with the Low countrey men, that honoured the me­mory of his Father Charles the fifth;Nich [...]lao Or­manetti Bishop of Padua. and might from thence passe with a Fleet into England, where he, if any man, might exspect success. He like­wise articled with King Philip, For these rea­sons. that the Queen of Scots (if it pleased God they freed her from captivity) should be married to Don Iohn, with the Kingdome of England for her dowry, which would be a fair title to the Island for the House of Austria to ground a Warre upon. The King disli­ked it not (though he more approved of the Expedition,Notwithstand­ing the King lets the Senate go­vern. then of the Gene­rall) but instantly resolved and promised the Nuncio to send his brother into the Low-countreys. But his Majestie thought it not amisse to protract his Brothers going for a while,Perswaded thereunto by Opper upon these grounds. that he might see how the Low-countreymen would govern the Low-countreys: moved hereunto by Ioachim Opper a Low-countrey man, his Secretary for the Netherlands: who delivered his opinion, that the Low-countrey Lords would no doubt be infinitely carefull of the Common-wealth, and would now themselves apply to the evill, that reme­die [Page 17] for which they had so often solicited the King:1576. Who by confiding in them, would for ever oblige the hearts of the Low-countrey men. Especially, in that his Majestie well knew the Principall Senatours, Duke Areschot, the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont, and the President of the Senate him­self Viglius Zuichom, were men of most undoubted Religion and Loyal­tie. But to govern by a Committee (that I may not accuse the Kings pru­dence from the event) was then unseasonable.An unseasonable resolution de­structive to the Lowcountreys For in the most troubled State, the most present remedy is for one man to rule. Truly this indulgence of the Prince, did more hurt to the Low-countreys, then all his severity, as appeared by the immediate ruine of the Provinces.

For the people freed from a Spanish Governour,The Belgick warre occasion­ed by the Peo­ples contempt of the Senate. would not acknowledge a new one in the Senate; or rather greatly feared not a power divided and di­minished among many. And the Lords despised the government of their Peers, and easily deluded their discordant Votes and Orders. Some ene­mies to the Spaniard, And their pri­vate differences. desirous of revenge, fomented this difference of the Lords; especially the Burgesses for Brabant and Haynolt, whom Requesenes had larely called to Bruxells: For these, as they were chosen under-hand by means of the Prince of Orange, in regard of the Authority wherewith those Provinces intrusted them, hugely distracted the Senate. And though both parties pretended the Kings name and cause, yet their Designes and Counsels were so different, that some of them were vulgarly called Spaniards, others Patriots or Protectours of their Countrey. And as the word Countrey infi­nitely takes the People, with a counterfeit and deceiving image of Libertie, it was not to be doubted but in case of a Warre, the major part of the Low-countrey-men would adhere unto this party.As also by ano­ther mutinie of the Spaniards, from the Rela­tion of Christ. Assonvil. Nor was occasion long wanting to mature the mischief. For when they had taken Ziriczee, after Requesenes his death; the Germans and Spaniards clamouring for their pay (for that Island had afforded very little money) it was resolved on by the Senate for easing the Low-countreys of the burden of forrein Souldiers,Because the Germans were payed, and not they. to pay and cashiere the regiment of Hannibal Count de Altempse; because there having lately been a breach between him and the Governour of Ant­werp, Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin, about the Garrison, it was feared lest publick mischief might ensue.An injury they very much re­sent. Mart. Delr. l. 1. Turb. Belg. and others. In the mean time, the Spaniards, that took Ziriczee under Colonell Mondragonio, when they saw themselves passed by, and the many moneths pay which was promised them, issued out to others, interpreting (not falsely, as some said) that it was done out of ma­lice to their Nation, and they thereby necessitated to an Insurrection; First, as if he looked not into their business,And are exaspe­rated by the complaint of Count Altempse they threatned Mondragonio: then hear­ing of the complaints made in the Senate of Bruxels, by Count Altempse, who publickly affirmed, that he was casheired, not for any danger to the Town of Antwerp, nor with relation to his fouldiers importunity for pay, wch he him­self, a fortnight longer was able to have satisfied: but only by the subtilty & spleen of the Lord Campin that excluded souldiers faithfull to the King, and so weakning the Spanish partie, intended to betray the citie to the Prince of Orange. Whereupon the Spaniards, troubled at the publick danger, and the more exasperated, by their private injury, in regard they demanded but what was due to their extraordinary labours, and unprendented courage in wading through the sea, seized upon their Captains, and chose themselves a Generall in Mondragonio's place. Whereto they were animated by the example of the horse, and recruited by the accession of Valdez his Regi­ment. They sent letters therefore to the Senate at Bruxels, They demand their Pay of the Senate. threatningly pe­titioning for their money. Nor did the Senate deny it, the major part be­ing [Page 18] Royallists. But the Burgesfes of Hoynolt and Brabant, long since bought (as I said) with the Prince of Oranges money,Which being craftily denied. interceded in the name of their Provinces, pretending publick necessitie. And whilst the Senate, part­ly affrighted with their protestations, partly intangled in crosse votes, de­ferred their payment; the Spaniards thinking their menaces contemned, took up their Colours in furie,They march in hostile manner into Brabant. crying, Away for Brabant. And having left Zi­ricze guarded with a few Wallons, quitting Schelt and Duveland, (Islands they had conquered, with so much glory to their Nation) they ran up and down Brabant threatning, but not resolved upon any determinate design, the Cities generally trembling and in amazement, exspecting where that storm would fall.They refuse conditions of­fered. But having first rejected the conditions, which Count Mansfeldt, meeting them near Asc, brought from the Senate: then, sending away Iuliano Romero, who for the same cause came from the Spaniards, with­out so much as hearing him speak: afterward shaking their swords and pre­senting their muskets against Francisco Montesdocha, they commanded him to come no nearer:They take Aelst. and lastly on a sudden possessed themselves of Aelst, a town in Flanders not farre from Bruxels, hanging the King Officer that op­posed them, before the Gates: openly professing they meant to keep Aelst as a pledge,A tumult in in Bruxels. till their Arrears were paid. When this news came to Bruxels, with addition, but false, that they had plundered the Town, and put the People to the sword; the minds of the citizens were so incensed, as that searching the Town for Spaniards, by chance they met a servant of Hieroni­mo Boda, Called Scri­ban by Francis Harve in his Annal Belg. a Spanish Senatour, whom the Low-countreymen hated above all the rest, because he had in many things been the Governour Requesenes his in­strument; and at that time stoutly spake for the King in Senate; this poor Servingman they slew,A Spanish Se­natou's servant slain. fouly mangling his body, and would have fallen upon Roda himself, Alphonso Vargas, and Iuliano Romero, if they had not presently (instructed by the danger) retired to Court.The Senate de­clares the Spa­niards Ene­mies to the State. In like manner i [...] be­ing reported, that the Spaniards bragged they would march from Aelst, and storm Bruxels, unlesse they were paid, by order of the Senate; the Lords (for they said the multitude, would not otherwise be appeased) declared the Spaniards that kept Aelst, Rebells and enemies to the King and State, permitting the people of Bruxels to take up arms in defence of their City. By which example many Cities of Brabant and Flanders, The Low-countreymen permitted to take arms a­gainst them. because they pre­tended to be in like fear of the Wallons, and Germans, in Garrison among them, by like indulgence of the Senate, and incouragement from the Bur­gesses, took arms. But the Spanish Commanders fearing this to a generall conspiracie of the Provinces against their Nation, whilst they busied them­selves in preparing for a warre, suspected and no lesse suspecting, on both sides the causes of mutuall hatred were increased; and each party looking upon the other as an enemie,Avila com­plains of the Senate. they became enemies indeed. For when San­cho Avila, who was the ablest souldier and greatest man among them, be­ing Governour of the Fort at Antwerp, The Senate laies the fault upon Avila, out of Christ. Asson­vill. by letters directed to the Senate, complained, that the Cities were in arms; and tumults, under the colour of remedie, fomented: and the Senate in like manner returned answer, that Avila, An Edict pub­lished by the Senate against the souldiers in Aelst. without making his addresses unto them, had increased his Garrison, and therefore Required him to slight them: in a short time they broke out into open hostilitie. For it was by a new Edict of Senate decreed, that no man should presume to assist the seditious Spaniards at Aelst, with any kind of help or councell:Avila sends ammunition to his Countrey­men in Aelst. notwithstanding Avila, though he was offended with their mutinie, yet for fear they might be circumvented by the Low-countrey­men, furnished them with powder and three field-pieces. But very oppor­tunely [Page 19] at the same time,The Civill warre for a while put off by the Marquesse of Havres ar­rvall. Charles Croi Marquesse of Harve, Brother to Duke Areschot, returned from Spain, with the Kings letters to the Senate, wherein he promised very suddenly to send them Don Iohn of Austria, their Go­vernour. Which not a little retarded the beginning of the civill Warre; especially, since both the parties laboured to avoid that imputation, and therefore severally strove by speedy messengers to prepossesse the mind of their new Governour. Yet, forasmuch as the Royal party in the Senate,In the end of August. knew this truce could not long continue, being opposed by the Burgesses; after Iohn Baptista a Boscho, whom they had sent post into Spain, they carefully dispatched away, Maximilian Rassinghem, Vasseur Lord of Moriemsart. The Senates Letters to the King out of Christ. Asson­vill. and Francis Vasseur, protesting to his Majestie, That the Authoritie of Senate could not bridle the hatred of the people, so much inraged, that scarce a Tradesman in the Town, or a Ploughman in the Countrey, but spent his time in buying armour, and muskets. Nor was the multitude kept in order by the Garrison-souldiers, who wanting pay, and allu­red with hope of plunder, by pillaging Towns through the whole Countrey, and threatning all the Provinces, unmeasurably increased the Tumults. That in the Treasury was not money enough to pay them. That they themselves had received from his Majestie, by the hand of the Marquesse of Havre, seventy thousand crowns: and a little while before, as many: but this sum, which was all that in six moneths could be got from Spain to supply the Low-countreys, would not serve for one moneths pay. Howsoever they themselves had to that day, as well as they could, maintained the Commonwealth, relying upon his Majesties promises, and the late hope of Don John's coming. Who, if he staid a while longer, no doubt the mis­chief would break forth into a publick and irrevocable ruine. For hitherto, they had governed the weather-beaten State, and stopt the leaks whilst they were but one or two. Now, if whole planks were sprung, it was to be feared, that the Ship splitting, all the Masters care will come too late. The King com­mands Don John to take post for the Low-coun­treys. This free expression of the Se­nate, though it moved the King to send Don Iohn post into the Nether­lands; yet as it is commonly the fortune of all Spanish hast, he arrived too late, to the destruction of the Publick. For in a violent sicknesse, there is not a more certain sign of death, then if remedies be applyed sparingly, and out of time; especially if there be somewhat from without, which by fan­ning the inward humours poisoned with immoderate heat, instead of cool­ing, more inflames them.In the interim the Prince of Orange makes use of the dif­ferences among the Royalists. For the Prince of Orange, who conceived there could not be a happier opportunitie for him, then the present discord of the Kings Governours, used all his industrie; and by frequent letters and mes­sengers from Holland, he, that was ambitious to govern, courted the Sena­tours and Governours of Provinces, with the usuall word, that signifies no­thing, Libertie.Solicits the Governours of Provinces. Particularly Duke Areschot. They say his Emissaries moved Duke Areschot, that he be­ing the greatest person in the Senate (for when the King gave the Senatours their Commission for the Government of the Low-countreys, Areschot was first named, as Prince of the Senate) would use that greatnesse for the be­nefit of his Nation, and opportunely lay hold of the honourable Title of his Countreys Deliverer. Nor would there be any great difficulty in the enterprise, if they two united themselves, and to strengthen the tie of friend­ship should confirm it with a double marriage, Count Buron eldest sonne to the Prince of Orange marrying the daughter of Duke Areschot, and his eld­est son the Prince of Cimace, the eldest daughter to the Prince of Orange. It was likewise conceived, that Areschot, Mart. Delv. 1. Turb. Belg. from that time, deserted the Spanish partie.The Senatours opinions touch­ing those of Aelst. But howsoever, it is evident, that diverse Noblemen, and many Se­natours, that were formerly Neuters, moved by the late proceedings of the Spaniards at Alest (for they had taken the Fort of Likerch, near to Bruxels) en­tered [Page 20] into a league with the Prince of Orange, which presently appeared in Senate, that upon news of the Spaniards threats and approaches united them­selves with the Burgesses of Brabant and Haynolt. Some would have them de­stroyed by arms. For when some delivered their opinions, that such frequent mutinies of the Spaniards and their late menaces against the Royall Senate, should be chastised with arms; and others voted on the contrary,Others, not to be provoked, and these spake prophetically. that they should rather be appeased with the money due unto them; that there was no fighting with such men, as would sell their skins at a dear rate; that the Spanish Commanders, which held most of their Forts, would not suffer their Countreymen to be cut off by such a combination, nor themselves and the King to loose the strength of so many old souldiers; nay, that the King would be offended, if a warre, with­out his knowledge,But their sense was rejected. should be raised against his men. It is not to be ima­gined, with what animositie, and almost down-right railing, this suffrage was resented by the people of Bruxels. And being likewise by the Senate cunningly made believe, that some of the house conspired with the Spani­ards, and treated about the Surrender of the town; they all cryed, to Arms, with such fury,The People create a new Governour of Bruxels. as they instantly required to have William Horn Lord of Hese, that mortally hated a Spaniard, declared Governour of Bruxels, and Commander in chief of the Militia. And he, under colour of pacifying the multitude,By his Orders, the Senators that were held to be of the Spanish Faction were taken into Cu­stody. but indeed to strengthen his partie, commanded Glimè Gover­nour of the Wallon-Brabant, with a band of souldiers to seiz upon the Court; who breaking open the gates, took out of the Senate the Counts of Mans­feldt and Barlamont, the President Viglius, Iohn Baptista Boischot, Christopher Assonvill, Aloysio Delrio, and many other Senatours which they commonly called Spaniards, and committed them all prisoners; lest they should (as he said) promote Councels pernitious to the publick Peace. Which being injuriously and imperiously acted, not onely against the greatest persons, but even against the Senate it self, and consequently against the Prince, whose Person that Order represented:The authority of the Senate falls to nothing. the authoritie of Senate absolutely fell, and that day was the last wherein the Royall Senate governed; the foundation of that power being then first laid, which ever since hath remained in the States of the Low-countreys, A new form of Government to Deputies of the Estates. revolted from the King. For though others, chosen in their places that were removed, seemed to carry the face of a Se­nate, yet all the power was in the Burgesses, at whose pleasure they were no­minated and moved, like wooden Puppets with a Vice. Henceforth, most matters were ordered in a hostile manner; the decree of Senate furiously passed for turning the Spaniards out of the Low-countreys; the Estates Gene­rall summoned; the People commanded to take arms, and every one taxed at a Crown,The beginning of the Associa­tion of Gant. that should refuse.

But though all this was done, not onely without consulting his Majestie, but likewise (as they well knew) against his will (for he had often forbid theFour Provinces offer assistance against the Spaniards. summoning of the Estates) and therefore seemed to be no obscure beginning of Rebellion.They crave suc­cours from their neighbours in order to the Spaniards ex­pulsion. Yet it was concluded with so universall a consent of the Pro­vinces, that within a few dayes, Brabant, Haynolt, Artois, and Flanders, sending their Commissioners about it to Bruxels, agreed among themselves, and took an oath mutually to assist each other against the Spaniards. That done, they sent divers noble Persons to entreat assistance of the neighbour-Princes, against the tyrannie (as they called it) of the Spaniards; Their Agree­ment with the Prince of O­range. in the first place to the King of France, and the Queen of England; then to Cleveland, lastly, to the Prince of Orange in Holland, with whom they were to make a League,Who assists them in the recovery of Gant. if he would joyn his forces with theirs, to besiege the Castle of Gant held by the Spaniards. The Prince without delay furnishing them to [Page 21] their desires, the Castle was taken,Other Provinces associated with them. for which they delivered into his hands the Town of Newport, lying upon the Sea-coast of Flanders. With the said Catholick Province, Holland and Zeland, that were of the Hereticall faction, associated, and in all the severall Articles of their League begun at Gant, there was not the least mention of their Sovereign.The Convention at Gant. Into this City in­vited by the Royall Senate, came not onely Embassadours from the Princes their neighbours, and Commissioners for the Provinces, but the Deputies of the Low-countrey Prelates. Who, though of divers factions and Religions, but a while since at deadly feud among themselves, and besprinkled with the yet fresh bloud drawn in the warres of Holland and Zeland; Their wonder­full unanimity against the Spa­niard. all this not­withstanding, to that Head, which of twenty five was the principall, That the Spanish Souldiers, and all forreiners should be forthwith expelled from the rest of the Provinces, for ever confederated with Holland and Zeland; they so una­nimously consented, and so much the desire of Liberty, thereby hoped for, prevailed; that all of them, among whom were diverse Royallists,The Kings party and the Ecclesi­asticks joyning with the Conse­derates. and many Clergy-men, more eagerly then advisedly swore and signed this agreement. So as one would think the Low-countrey men at this day to be the same that inhabited the place in Cesars time, which calling a Councel about ejecting the Romanes, Septem. 30. the consent of the Provinces was so universall to vindicate their Libertie,The like con­sent of old in expelling the Romanes. as they were neither moved with the remembrance of Benefits nor Friendship, but every man followed the war with the utmost abilities of his purse and courage. The Conspiratours were much daunted at the event of the first battel, wherein Glimè, Generall for the States,Caes. l. 7. de Gal. Bel. boldly encountring the Spaniards, The Confede­rates troubled at Glime's slight and losse. betwixt Lovain and Tienen, was routed by Alphonso Vargah's horse, with so much greater disgrace then losse (for not above three hun­dred of the Glimeians were slain) by how much they had confidently pro­mised themselves victorie, inviting their neighbours, no doubt to see the show. But they were yet more astonished at the news which a while after came to Gant, Much more at the recovery of Maestricht by the Spaniards. That the Spaniards had recovered Maestriecht, put the citi­zens to the sword, and plundred the Town: For they of Maestriecht had no sooner corrupted and drawn to their party the Germane Garrison, turning out the Spanish, having by a trick seized and imprisoned their Colonell, Fran­cisco Montesdocha; but Martin Ayala, Montesdocha's Lieutenant-Colonell, Governour of Wiccha (which is the other part of the Town beyond the Mose, joyned to Maestriecht by a Bridge) sent word how things went with the Spaniards to Ferdinand Toledo, who by accident was coming thitherward with some Foot from Dalem, and timously arriving at Wiccha, with united forces they marched up to the Bridge: But preceiving Canon planted in the front of it,A military In­vention. they pitched upon this sudden resolution; As ma­ny women of the Town as they could lay hold of, they took and placed before them for a breast-work, and so faced the Bridge with their Muskets couched under the womens arm-pits, readie to fire upon the enemy. And whilst the Citizens were afraid to shoot, lest they might kill their kinswo­men and friends, before they should hurt the Spaniards, they heard that on the other part of the Town, Alphonso Vargah having burned down Brux­els-Port, had entred with his Horse. Whereupon most part of the men run­ning to defend their houses, the Spaniards took the Bridge, the Germanes yielded, and Maestriecht was recovered.

When this news came to Gant, Of the sack of Antwerp. for fear the like should happen at Antwerp, setting aside the business of the League for a while, the Deputies of the E­states speedily repaired to Bruxells, and with consent of the Senate, ordered new Levies to be made. And at the same time, just as they could have [Page 22] wished, Count Egmont, sonne to Lamorall, with great joy and gratulation of the Estates of Brabant, From the Em­perours Court where he had remained since his fathers death. arrived at Bruxells. To him therefore as, one that would be sure to revenge his Fathers death, they committed the greatest charge of the Army; the rest, part to the Marquesse de Havre, part to Goingny, Caprias, and Bersen, dispatching them away to joyn with Oberstein's Germane Regiment at Antwerp. The Deputies of the Estates send forces into Ant­werp. The Town was governed by Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin, the Garrison by Otho Count Oberstein, both upon late dif­ferences, offended with the Spanish party, and therefore ready to receive the souldiers, sent from the Deputies of the Estates; amounting, besides Count Egmonts Regiment of Walloons, to the number of three and twenty Foot Compaines, and fourteen Troops of Horse. The Antwerpers thus recruit­ed, resolved to guard all avenues from the Castle to the Town.The Town rai­ses a battery a­gainst the Castle And (be­cause the Spaniards had the Fort, from whence they terrified the Town) by the advice of Campin they drew a line, beginning and finishing a Sconce on such a sudden, that within four and twenty hours it was in some places sixteen cubits high; above twelve thousand men and women sweating at the works. Nor was Avila, Governour of the Fort, lesse diligent to call in the Spaniards, at Lire, and Breda, with the rest that quartered nearest to him. The Burgundians, The Spanish from all their Qu [...]iters come to Antwerp. and some other Horse and Foot, immediately marched thither, commanded by Iuliano Romero, Anthonio Olivera, and Francisco Valdez. At the very same time Alphonso Vargas came from Maestricht with his Horse,So do the Mu­tineers from Aelst. though he understood nothing of these passages; and almost at the same hour, as it were by appointment, the Spaniards of Aelst with their Electo (not upon any invitation,Of Cannon and Powder. which they alwayes had rejected, but as I suppose in thankfulness for the Provision lately sent them from Avila) be­yond all exspectation arrived.All received into the Fort. They were every man received into the Fort, absolutely perswading themselves, that God in good time had brought them thither,Christ. Assonv. in his Relation. to revenge the Kings cause, betrayed by the Royall Senate. And when they had refreshed themselves with a little meat, they resolved to make a sallie.The fury of the Mutineers. Onely among all the rest, they of Aelst, though they had marched fasting four and twenty miles, and scarce drunk one cup of wine, yet fierce and implacable, swore, They would never eat till the Town were taken. These furious words were made good by their courage: for upon the signall given by Avila (their number was about five thousand Foot,A sally from the Castle. and six hundred Horse) the Suttlers and Scullions bringing straw and fire behind them,The City-forces beat out of their Trenches. and casting it where it might be usefull; they assaulted the enemies trenches with such violence, the Fort in the mean time thundring against the Defendants, that the ditch and works, manned by very near six thousand men, were ta­ken, chiefly by the incredible valour of the Aelostanians. They entred the Town by three severall wayes;The Spaniards enter the Town. The Garrison at odds among themselves. so as the Citizens being amazed, and the Garrison at variance among themselves, whilst every one provided for his own particular, the publick being neglected, private ruine likewise followed. And though the Spaniards advancing by Saint Michaels street, were valiantly opposed by Count Egmont and his Forces,Count Egmont would have made resistance. yet they being untrained raw men, and their Commander himself no very old souldier, he was not ableto resist the Spanish Veterans,But is taken prisoner. who beat him with a great slaughter of his men, into the Monastery of Saint Michaels, where he was taken prisoner by Iulia­no Romero, and instantly carried to the Castle; more gallantly, as it seems, then fortunately, intiated in the first rudiments of War. But the fight be­ing renued at Court,The Citizens fight stoutly. the Victory for a great while continued doubtfull. For the Townsmen defended their goods and houses with much more resolution then forreiners and mercenaries; so great an incouragement is wealth unto [Page 23] the owners. Whilest they kept the Magistrates houses, and at pleasure shot the Spaniards, without danger to themselves; sometimes fallying, and pre­sently retiring, diverse Spaniards were slain, among the rest Damiano Mora­les, a Captain of great valour. Till such time as Alphonso Vargas having de­feated all that made head against him, brought his Horse through Saint Georges street, and sending them to the Market-place, where the greatest croud of Citizens were gathered; which, part killed, part maimed, were forced to retreat into the Palace of Justice, and the houses adjoyning.Neer the Pa­lace of Iustice. Out of which places whilest they shot and interrupted the course of the Victory, in an instant two of the black guard,Which the Spa­niards fire, and become Masters of Antwerp. with nothing but a little straw fired the Palace, though built of solid Marble; and with an infinite losse of men, that building, one of the fairest in Europe, and about eightie houses, most of them full of rich wares, was burned down;Novem. 4. the spoil being divided between the souldiers and the fire. Count Egmont Caprius Gog­ny. Then the principall Town-Commanders being taken, and their stoutest souldiers slain, whilest the rest either cowardly ran from their posts, or more basely joyned themselves with the Conquerours and Plunderers; the Spaniards possessed themselves of Antwerp, which had none left to defend it. And to whatsoever fury or avarice prompted the licentious souldiers, they acted it upon the enemie, that exceeding rich city, with bloud and rapine.The Deputies of the Estates advance the as­sociation of Gant. In the mean time, the Deputies of the Estates, and the Senatours ignorant of these proceedings, and confident, as if they had secured Antwerp, returned to Gant, and applyed their best endeavours to the framing of a generall Association. When upon the sudden, news coming of the sack of Antwerp, Hearing Ant­werp was lost, they hasten the firm conclusion of their League. it increased beyond measure their hatred to the Spa­niards; and mad upon revenge, they forthwith concluded their League; glad onely of this, that they seemed to be necessitated to it. And then sending back Rassinghem, And send a Messenger to ac­quaint the King with their pro­ceedings. who was lately come from the Court of Spain, to acquaint his Majestie with the sedition and cruelty of the Spanish souldilers: they by him excused the common Confederation made aginst them; which for­asmuch as all the Estates of the Low-countreys, as well the Clergie, as the Laity, accounted the onely remedy to preserve the Peace of their Nation, they doubted not, but (the times considered) it would be approved of by his Royall clemency, that wished the Peace and Tranquillity of his People. Nor were the Spanish Commanders lesse solicitous how to possesse the King;The Spanish Commandrrs likewise send one to his Ma­jestie. but sent a Messenger at the same time, to acquaint his Majestie with the sub­till practices of the Low-countrey Lords, with the violence they had used to the Kings Officers, even in the Senate; with the usurped authority of the Deputies, their summoning the Estates;Who informs the King of these particulars. and likewise to set before his eyes the imminent defection of the Provinces. That indeed the Spanish souldiers had offended, in taking Aelst by way of Caution for their pay. For which offence, but especially for their long and invincible stubbornnesse, they were declared enemies, the Spanish Commanders never interposing in their behalf. Notwithstanding they very well knew, that occasion of taking Arms against the Spaniards, and not pay­ing them as well as the Germanes, was the politick contrivance of some Lords. But whatever end the Lowcountrey men had therein, they had forborn at first to take notice of it. But when they understood that a bloudy League was made against the Spaniards; Souldiers out of France, and England sent for into the Low-countreys; and a Peace concluded with the Prince of Orange, an Enemie to Religion, to his King, and Countrey; truly they held it their duties with united forces to oppose the Confederates, lest they expelling the the Kings souldiers out of the Low-countreys, should likewise shake off (which they had now in design) the Royall Government. That the sack of Antwerp was [Page 24] lamented by all men, but merited by the City, having received, contrary to their faith obliged by Oath, the forces of the League, and attempted to besiege the Castle: so as the Spaniards could not defend themselves, and the Fort, without calling in their fellow souldiers: though some, oneby by divine Providence, came unsent for. Who, if they behaved themselves more fiercely, or cruelly in defending the Fort, and beating the Enemy out of the Town; that was done upon a sad necessi­ty, when they must either kill or be killed. Yet that it is not easie to hold mens hands, when Victori [...] shews them both Revenge, and Bootie. But, howsoever they excused their military licentiousnesse,The Plunder of Antwerp made the Spaniards adi [...]us. common Fame absolved them not, but reported their valour in taking the citie against twenty thousand Defendants,How miserable a pillage it was. to be no greater, then their covetousnesse in plundering that richest Port-town of Christendome, for three dayes together; forcing the richest Citizens and Merchants to redeem their merchandise and goods, out of which they made twenty hundred thousand pistols. Many c [...]using sword-hilts, helmets, and breasts, to be made them of pure gold, but disco­loured, lest they might be taken notice of. And those poor men which en­tered this rich citie, went out rich men and left it a poor town, as the Low-countrey Historians say, with an odious commendation of the Spanish cou­rage. Unlesse in this, as in other things, they have exceeded the truth out of their hatred to that Nation.The principall Actors in it. Though I am not ignorant, that the Captains and common souldiers occasioned for the most part these disorders, the Co­lonells and superiour Officers having all shares in the fault, not all in the spoil. Nay I am assured that Sanch [...] Avila Governour of the Castle re­strained the rage of many both by command and punishment. And Camillo a Monte, The moderation of Camillo a Monte. one of the first that took the town, when he had secured the Flo­rentine Merchants, and might have had a great summe of money of them, out of so much wealth took nothing but a little bitch, as if he strove by his continence to expiate the transgression of their plunder. I likewise know the destruction of Antwerp was not the crime of the Spaniards alone; but the Low-countreymen, Burgundians, Italians, and Germans, had every one their part in that tragick desolation: and diverse of them acted more barbarously, then the Spanish. Indeed some great moneyed men taken by the Spaniards, when Cornelius Vanindems souldiers would have had the prize, were as they say betwixt despair and envie cruelly murdered.The wretched condition of rich men. Among whom Giles Smis­sart a rich Lapidary, and therefore more greedily searched for by the plun­derers, was miserably used, who at last being found out, and buying his life and fortunes of the Spaniards, for ten thousand Florens, could not avoid death so. For a companie of Germans coming in, that saw themselves de­feated of the profit they gaped after, a quarrell growing about it, one of them thrust him through the back with his pike. See the unhappie fate of riches, how much more easily may he avoid the spoilers hands, that never hath allured an envious eye. For no naked man is sought after to be rifled. Little things being by their littlenesse secured. Touching the execution done and the number of the dead, they that were present do infinitely vary. Some affirming them of the Spanish side to be at least two hundred, others not above fourteen. But of the States souldiers, and the townsmen, the Low-countrey men and Spaniards, (which is strange) agree upon the number of six thousand (unlesse perhaps those out of their hatred, and these out of their pride, do over-reckon) whereof they say almost three thousand were killed by the sword,The good for­tune of a Low-countrey trooper. fifteen hundred burned, or trod to death, and as many drowned in the waters thereabout, and in the River Schelt: where they say a Low-countrey horseman pursued by Pedr [...] Taxi [...], as he was armed [Page 25] with his Lance in his hand, leaped from a huge height into the Town-ditch, and swimming it with his horse got off safe,The fate of Count Ober­stein. without so much as breaking of his Lance. And yet at the very same time, Count Otho Oberstein Com­mander of the Germans and Governour of the Town Garrison, when he was taking boat, upon eaven ground, his foot slipping, was in a moment devou­red by the water. Nothing is therefore to be presumed upon, or despaired of; since the Levell precipitates those that stand on plain ground, and pre­cipices save men falling headlong.

The End of the eighth Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The ninth Book.

THe same day that Antwerp was taken by the Spanish and1576. Forrein souldiers,Novemb. 4. Don Iohn of Austria sonne to Charles the fifth arrived,Don John of Austria comes into the Low-countreys. Disguised. but not time enough, in the Low-coun­treys; having rid post through France, with onely two in his companie. To one of which (Octavio Gonzaga, Brother to the Prince of Molphet) he passed for a slave, having blackt his face, and died his hair and beard like an Ethiop. Discovers him­self at Luxem­burg. But at Luxemberg, a Town well affected to him, he put off his counterfeit shape, and discovered himself to be sent by King Philip, Gover­nour of the Low-countreys: where understanding that Antwerp was [...]ackt, he presently directed his letters to the Senate at Bruxels, and to the Spanish Commanders in Antwerp, certifying them of his coming and Commission for the Government: by virtue whereof, he commanded a cessation of arms, between both parties.The Senatours doubt whether or no they should receive him. The Spanish indeed obeyed, but the Senatours and Burgesses either exasperated by th [...] late affront, or unwilling to lay down their absolute authority, made some difficultie of admitting the new Go­vernour, especially before they had consulted their Delphian Oracle, the Prince of Orange: The Prince of Orange ad­vises them, not to admit him, but upon con­ditions. whose opinion was, that Don Iohn They send an arrogant mes­sage to Don John. should not be acknow­ledged for their Governour, nor that their libertie, purchased with their bloud, should be sold: or at least, that they should not admit him, before the Low-countreys were disburthened of the Spanish and forrein forces, and that he had by oath confirmed the pacification of Gant. The Senatours fol­lowing the last part of his advice, sent Ischius to Don Iohn with such proud and peremptory instructions, that he justly fearing the young Princes dis­pleasure doubted whether or no he should undertake the imployment.Mar. Delr. l. 2. Turb. Belg. Be­ing in this anxietie of mind,The Messengers friend gives him most unfriendly counsell. they say, Ischius conferred about it, with a per­son of qualitie, then lying at his house. This friend of his, pittying his con­dition, that must inevitably either incurre the displeasure of Don Iohn of Au­stria, if he delivered his Embassage, or of the Senate, if he omitted any thing; said, that he could yet find out an expedient to disintangle him. Ischius de­manding what it might be, he replyed, I would have you use Alexanders sword to cut this Gordian knot; that is, when you speak alone with Don John, [Page]

Don Iohn of Austria Son to Charles ye 5th Governour of the Low countreys

[Page] [Page 27] resolutely draw your sword, and kill that fraudulent man, who comes to ruine the Low-countreys. The dead will not bite, and the Senate will be sure to thank you. But Ischius both in words and looks abhorring this unworthy Counsellour,Who notwith­standing treats modestly with Don John of Austria. that with an impious ostentation revived the old advice given to Ptolomie King of Egypt by Theodotus of Chios, waited upon Don Iohn, and deliver­ing, with all the qualification he could give, the Commands of the Estates, he offended not the Prince,Plutarch in Pompeys life. and yet fully discharged his dutie. And though, as he was much taken with Don Iohn, Another Mes­senger from the Estates desires him to sign the Pacification of Gant and dis­misse the Spa­niards. by his infinite commendations of him to the Senate, he distasted many, yet those praises so wrought with the ma­jor part, that correcting their former with a new Embassage, they sent Iohn Funch to the Prince with farre modester instructions, and humbly offered to receive him, if he would sign the pacification of Gant.

Don Iohn took time to consider of it, for the disbanding of the Spaniards troubled him.Don John con­sults about dis­missing of the Spaniards. And calling to him Iuan Escovedo, and Octavio Gonzaga, his intimate Counsellours and Confidents very much troubled, he desired their advice. Gonzaga immediately denyed, that it could be either advantagious or honourable;Gonzaga speaks against it. For (saith he) if the Prince of Orange were this day of Coun­sell with you, what else do you think he would perswade, but to send away the Spa­niards, and to establish the Government of the Low-countreys in the love of the Low-countreymen, not in the fear of a forrein and hated souldiery? Which is in effect, that you, dismissing your Garrisons, might with more [...]ease lie open to the Plots and Stratagems of turbulent persons: injoying at present a kind of Govern­ment during pleasure; and upon the first breath of the giddie multitude, none at all. We are deceived if we hope this people, differing from us in Manners and Language, many of them in Religion, all in Resentment of our Countreymens late victory, will be governed of their own accord, without the terrour of our arms. They ar­ticle with an armed Governour, what will they do when he is disarmed? Let them know there is come a sonne of Charles the fifth, lesse then his Father in Power, not Courage; to whom it belongs to give, not to receive the Law. But they are resolved, except this be granted them, not to admit a Governour: Let them be compelled. If it be disputed by the sword, can our men and theirs have other thoughts, then such as are familiar to the Conquerours, and the conquered? If you seek praise by this Indulgence, it is [...]ver hasty, and will be of no long conti­nuence with proud people, made impudent by our modestie. These names of huma­nitie and favour, will shew more noble after a victory, when they are demonstra­tions not of Necessitie, but Moderation. It may be objected, that some good sub­jects, well-wishers to the Royall party, would have all forreiners disbanded. I would gladly know these Low-countrey-Royallists; for I am told many live with us at Court, whose hearts are in Holland with the Prince of Orange; whose con­sent and indeavours to send away the Spaniards, the more they appear, the more ought such friends to be suspected. I am sure the King your brother, when he was in the Netherlands, promised the Low-countreymen to free them of the Spa­niards; but observing a generall conspiracie to eject them, that very unanimous consent made him pause upon it, and deferre his Grant, till the Governesse, the Dutchesse of Parma, wonne him by her intreaties. And yet the Low-countrey­men were not then minded to rebell. Now, by the example of the wisest King, you see what is the best course for you, that have not obliged your self by any pro­mise to this publickly offended and armed Nation. I have said thus much, taking it for granted, that you can at pleasure presently draw our men from their Garrisons, and send them out of the Low-countreys: What, if upon knowledge of your agreement with the Low-countreymen, made upon con­dition of their banishment, they should mutiny, to which they are too much in­clined, [Page 28] and refuse to deliver up the Forts and Cities? truly then you will lose both the respect of your own souldiers, as if you preferred the Low-coun­treymen before them and yet, as if you had but mockt the Low-countreymen, aggravate their hatred. Lastly, I will never perswade you, the Brother to my King, to receive the Government of the Provinces on poorer terms, then his Majesties servants, Alva and Requesenes. But Escovedo was clear of another opinion. And having sounded the Princes inclination, began securely in this manner. I shall rather be willing to shew your Highness what I conceive,Escovedo ar­gues for it, then what I dare advise, because You are still accustomed, to allow the freedom of my counsels: as I am to admire the wisdome of your Resolutions. And I shall at present, the freelier expresse my self, in regard it will, I presume, be thought a greater truth, which a Spaniard is forced to speak against his Countrey-men. But even our Countrey must give place unto necessity. Nor in consultations, is Reason at all times permitted to make a free Election; but by necessitie we are often circumscribed; at which times, men that shun a tempest must count any poor Creek a Haven. Almost all the Pro­vinces, as well the Clergie, as the Laitie, in the Pacification of Gant, have agreed to out the Spaniards, and sworn not to admit of any Governour over the Low-countreys, till all forrein souldiers be disbanded. Wherein their resolutions are so fixed and immoveable, that we may despair of winning the Low-countreys by any Avenue, but this; which according to Gonzaga's opinion, we should open with our swords. But you, Gonzaga, speak what becoms an old Commander to promise, especially to an invincible Generall. Nor do I doubt, but if occasion should be, you would gallantly perform, what you have gloriously advised. But I, that perhaps more timerously, not lesse circumspectly, consider our present condition, hold it our best to try all wayes before we make use of Violence and Arms. And this you know is the Kings Pleasure, and Command. For what, I pray you, have our men all this while effected in the Netherlands? The Duke of Alva coming in, with the fame of so great forces, so many victories, feared for the shedding of so much Low-coun­trey-bloud, at last losing all the Sea-coast, and the strongest Provinces, left the Low-countreys, which he found entire, dismembred. And yet in all the time of Alva, and his Successour, (whose fortune was little better) most part both of the Netherlands and the Belgick Nobility, bore Arms for the King. Now you see how the Low-countrey-men have deserted us. Of all the Provinces onely two continue loyall; the rest, if force be offered, are now bound by Oath to defend them­selves by Arms. Which is the very thing the Prince of Orange wishes. This pre­tension for a warre he cunningly contrives; and this alone, if he were present at our Consultation, he would endeavour to perswade, not the dismissing of the Spaniards. For your Hignesse may be confident, that he therefore perswaded the Low-coun­treys to this course, because he feared nothing more then your Admission; inserting that clause in the Pacification of Gant, which he hoped you never would allow; and so, excluded from the Government, be presently necessitated to a Warre, which that ambitious man might at his pleasure manage. But this cunning Artist must be fooled, and contrary to his exspectancy, by approving the Pacification of Gant, your Highnesse will be invested in the Government of the Low-countreys. Whereto being once admitted, Seneca l. 9. de Clementia. you by your clemency and gentlenesse may bring [...]hat about, which others never could, with their austere and armed mandats. Every one knows the Counsel Livia gave to Augustus Cesar,Dio. in Aug. Caesar. that he should imitate Physici­ans, who if their usuall receits fail, use to prescribe contraries: and by the same Rule, when Severity could not do his businesse, he should try what might be done by clemency. Cesar followed his wifes advice; and thenceforth all conspiracies cea­sing, the Senate and People of Rome were loyall and obedient to him. And truly, if any man may go this way with hope of happier successe, it is your Hignesse one­ly. [Page 29] To passe by your being a German born, sonne to a Low-countrey Prince, for which they must needs love you more then any of their Spanish Governours: The fame of your actions, your deportment, (which how it hath wrought in mens minds you by experience know) your Aspect lovely even in your enemies eyes, will no doubt gain you the Affection, Duty, and Obedience of this people. The nature of the Low-countreymen is easiest cured with lenitives: if violence be offered they will strug­gle; they are to be lead, not driven. Besides the greatest persons will hasten the tender of their services to you, that the former crimes of Rebellion may be imputed not to their contumacy, but anothers pride. One Act there is that may extinguish all their Love, the retaining of forrein souldiers. The Low-countreymen have still before their eyes the figure of Antwerp burning, the slaughter of the Citi­zens, and rifling of their Goods. Their implacable hatred to the Spaniards, if you keep them here, will likewise reach your self. For they that hate your armie cannot love your Person. Nor can you be ever safe among those subjects, that can­not think themselves secure among your souldiers. For securitie is established by a mutuall safeguard. And therefore if the Low-countreymen desire the cause of their late Quarrels may be removed out of their sight, grant their Request; and what they perhaps may force you to by arms, make it your favour to them. By which favour you will both immortally oblige the Low-countreymen to You, and like­wise indear your self to the King your Brother, weary of the cares and charges of the warre, by pacifying the Low-countreys without arms. Nor is it greatly to be feared, that the Spaniards should refuse to go upon your Command, now the King approves the discharge of forreiners: for the Obedience which they formerly shewed to the Dutchesse of Parma, questionlesse they will not now deny to you, and to the King himself. But when the Spaniards shall be dismissed, if there be danger, the Low-countreymen solicited by the Prince of Orange, may soon forget this Act of Grace; shall we therefore conclude, that we must necessarily be circum­vented by their fraud, and oppressed by their arms? Are not the Loyall Provinces able to sustain the first charge of an insurrection, till Forces can be sent for, out of Burgundy had at hand, and out of Germany not farre off? And then, we have so much more reason to look for good successe, by how much we shall be assisted with a more powerfull armie sent from the King, in defence of his own commands; and we may with more justice punish the perfidious Rebels. Wherefore in a word, I deny not, but the forrein souldiers whether retained or dismissed may somewhat indanger us: If the Spanish be retained. but when I see on the one side a certain warre, and the Kings cer­tain displeasure, no help; and on the other, that you are offered the possession of the Government, If they be dis­missed. hope of quieting the Low-countreys, the Kings favour and assistance, and consequently, if a warre should break forth, that which would much conduce to victorie; I think in point of discretion this ought to be preferred before the contrarie. Don John fol­lows this opi­nion. Don Iohn, though he was very unwilling to forgo his Spa­nish forces, a greater secret then I have yet discovered won him to consent. For if he,His Reaons. by keeping them, should have interrupted the peace of the Low-countreys, which his Majestie had particularly recommended to him; he might well suspect,Fear of the King. it would be whispered in the Kings ear (open to such kind of jealousies) that by laying the plot for a warre, he was ambitious of new power and greater fortunes. Besides he longed exceedingly for the voyage into England, Desire of a voyage for England. which, if he were ingaged in the Low-countrey war,Hope of quiet­ing the Low-countreys. he knew would slip out of his hands. Withall, he took it for granted, that the Low-countreymens hearts, alienated by the Warres and Taxes of former Go­vernours, might by contrary arts be reconciled. Therefore, according to mans nature, thinking himself and his winning carriage would be more pre­valent, then any stratagem of the Enemie, and coveting what others could [Page 30] not get in the Low-countreys, the title of Peace-maker: he resolved to allow the assembly at Gant, He resolves to confirm the Pacification of Gant. and to sign their conditions, Especially, because he con­ceived that he should sufficiently provide for Religion, and the Crown, for­asmuch as the league concluded in these words, We the Delegates of the E­states whose names are under-written, 1577. and by whose authority the Estates are now assembled, In the be­ginning of Ianuary. have & do promise for ever to maintain the League; for the conservation of our most sacred faith, and the Romane Catholick Religion; for the perfecting of the pacification of Gant; For the expulsion of the Spaniards, and their Ad­herents; due Obedience to the Kings Majestie being still and for ever rendered. Notwithstanding he asked the opinions of the profoundest schollars, Moved there­unto by this subscription of the Deputies. He gives the Heads of the Pacification to be considered of. whe­ther by those heads (which he gave them accurately to examine) the or­thodox faith, or the Kings honour might receive any prejudice. And when they resolved him no danger could accrue to either, in case this clause were added, That nothing in those Articles, or any part thereof, was established, or decreed, contrary to the Catholick Religion, and the Kings Authority. Don Iohn, confirmed by their judgements, sent their advice, and the Bishops letters to the same ef­fect, unto his Majestie.The King al­lows of it. Who consenting, and likewise the Emperour Rodolph, Bishop of Liege, and Duke of Cleveland by their Embassadours swearing to it; a new Pacification,A new Pacifi­cation made in pursuance of the old. called the perpetuall league was made at Marcha, a Citie in the Province of Luxemburg. Wherein, by Don Iohns Agents, the dismission of the Spaniards, and the whole pacification of Gant was con­firmed: and by the Deputies of the Estates,Feb. 17. a caution for constancie to Re­ligion and the Kings obedience,Whereto both parts subscribe. which they had formerly sworn for ever to continue, was again expressely inserted. And now Don Iohn, after he had caused the pacification to be proclaimed,Proclaimed. first at Bruxels, then at Ant­werp, and in other Cities, set forth from Luxemburg, being met upon the way by the Low-countrey Lords,Don John ac­knowledged Governour of the Low-coun­treys. with an infinite number of the Gentrie: and at Lovain in the beginning of March he was saluted, with a generall joy, Go­vernour of the Low-countreys. There he thought fit to make some stay, that he might from thence quicken the dull motion of the Spaniards departure. For they held it a grievous injury,He presseth the Spaniards to be gone. to be upon a sudden, at the pleasure of the Low-countreymen, dispossessed of so many Forts and Garrison towns, as they had in so long a time purchased with their bloud.Who are unwil­ling to obey. Moreover many of them having lived divers years in the Low-countreys, being possessed of land, and having married wives of that Nation, by whom they had children, were brought then by degrees to love the place like Natives. Nor wa [...] ted they some Mutineirs,Their Com­plaints. that cryed out, Was that cashiering a just reward for their labours, and so much bloud as they had spent in Service? must their gaping Soars, their losse of Limbs, and their crackt Sinews, in stead of Rest and Accom­modation, be recompensed with their Countreymens ingratefull oblivion or neglect, however with the publick hate and execration of the Dutch?Mar. Delv. l. 2. Turb. Belg. what would the French the Italians and other Nations say, but that the Spanish Souldiers could be suffered to live no where? Sixteen years ago, the Governesse, Margaret of Au­stria, had turned them out of the Low-countreys, and now this Governour, Don John of Austria, had again expelled them; with so much the greater dishonour, by how much there was then a fairer pretence for the Kings sending them into A­frica, to recrueit his Armie. But now plainly, by publick Edict, they (who alone in the Low-countreys had maintained the Kings Right) were now, for­sooth, declared Enemies to the King and the Low-countreys, and by a common confederation of the Provinces, expelled; as if Peace and a Spaniard could not in­habite there together. Thus they discoursed, though discontentedly, not threatningly, yet furie, as the custome is, by meeting others, and commu­nicating [Page 31] their Grievances,They begin to mutiny. increased: the nearer the day of their departure came (grief making them still more sensible of their condition) the more obstinate they shewed themselves; especially at Antwerp, where their num­ber and late victory had so elevated them, as there was little hope they would easily deliver up the Fort. But the care of the vigilant Command­ers, and Reverence to the Royall bloud, among the loyall Regiments trained in the old Discipline, prevailed so much, that by degrees the love of Obedience returned, and Iuan Escovedo, a very prudent man, sent post to Antwerp by Don Iohn, Escovedo la­bours to pacifie them. appeased the Mutiniers with an apposite Oration. For after he had read the Kings letters, wherein the Spaniards were com­manded to depart the Low-countreys, beginning with a Commemoration (but without upbraiding) of their Tumults and insurrections,With a speech that comes home to the men. he told them, That if they had of late years done any thing so licentiously, as to offend the King, they might by their present obedience, not onely cancell the memory thereof, but also highly merit at the Kings hand, from which they could not but exspect farre more and firmer fortunes, then they should forgo in the Low-countreys. Could gallant men find no other place but that to exercise their valour in? Kings, that have large Dominions, never want causes of warre, nor rewards for souldiers. But it was more then needed, to trouble themselves about other mens opinions touching their departure: it being evident by whom and with what artifice this was brought about. For such as feared them, could not indure their company; and no marvell if their inferiours, that more then once found themselves over­matched, now feared them. Their neighbours saw and strangers heard, how often the Spaniard had cowed the rebellious Enemy. They knew the number of Forts, Towns, and victories wonne by the Armie: and that for ten years together in all Land-battels (for at Sea there was a variation of Fortune) the Spaniards at all times, excepting that one overthrow of Count Aremberg, remained Conquerours. They likewise knew, that in the killing of such multitudes, no lesse then thirty thousand, as the Low-countreymen themselves confesse, so few Spaniards have been lost, that upon computation Ten Spaniards were able to rout a Thousand. Truly a miserable slaughter, and to be buryed in silence, if it had not been exe­cuted for Religion and the King, upon Rebells unto both. But with this very name of Rebell, if, by a bloudy Edict of the Estates, the late Spanish Mutineirs were branded; Don John hath abundantly provided against that Edict, by framing a new one of his own, and making void the old: thereby favouring their Merits, and obliging their Obedience: so as they may with greater honour obey his Com­mands: and their valour shewn upon the enemy will not appear more glorious then their Loyaltie to their Sovereign; and not onely by taking Forts and Cities with their Arms, but likewise by laying them down at his Majesties Command, with equall praise in both, they will be said to have asserted the Low-countreys to the King. This last part of his Speech moved the Souldiers wavering minds (for rather the spirit of sedition then of anger vanished) and He reading an honourable Edict,They are quieted on their behalf, posted up in many placed, They de­livered into the hands of the Estates the Forts of Antwerp, Surrendring the Forts And prisoners they had taken. and of the other Cities, and retired to Maestricht. Prisoners on either side being set free. The Spaniards releasing Count Egmont, Goignius, Caprias, and six others ta­ken in the storming of Antwerp. The Estates on their part five, first the Lord Billes Governour of Friezland, Gaspar Rob­ley afterwards created Count of Renneberg. in the Tumults of those Provinces outed from his Government by his own souldiers, and by George Latin Lord of Ville imprisoned at Leovard. Then Mondragonio's wife, that when the Castle of Gant was besieged,Mar. Delr. l. 1. Turb. Belg. whilst she manfully discharged the place of her absent husband, was taken prisoner, and by the Estates Commanders [Page 32] carryed as it were in triumph.With part of their Pay in hand After the mutuall release of prisoners, some part of their money was begun to be tendered to the Spaniards, the Estates having agreed with them for 600000 Florens, whereof they were to have 300000 in hand,The same Au­thour l. 2. & Christ. Asson­vil in his Re­lation. and as much more by bills of exchange at Genoa. But after 100000 was paid down, the Deputies of the Estates not produ­cing any more; Don Iohn, out of his own moneys, lent the Estates (never to be repaid) 200000 Florens, lest he might be thought to favour their stay.They leave the Low-coun­treys. So towards the end of April the Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundi­ans left the Netherlands under the command of Peter Ernest Count Mans­feldt, Vnder the command of Count Mans­feldt. chosen on purpose to take away the emulation between Alphonso Var­gas, Sancho Avila, Iuliano Romero, and Francisco Valdez, which might with more honour obey a Generall of another Nation, then serve under one another. The Low-countreymen appeared not more joyfull to see the Armies departure,Their sense of this usage. then the Spaniards were discontented and angry at the beholders: and the greater their number was (for besides souldiers and such as be­longed to the carriages, the wayes were crouded with horses and wagons loaded with women and children, the whole number amounting to thirty thousand head of men, and cattle) the more it troubled them to be looked upon,Their Predicti­on. passing through Cities like a Show. Albeit some among them, pe­netrating further into the Low-countreymens designes, foresaw, that the war, now raked up in embers, would shortly break forth again into a flame, and then the Spaniards would be called to extinguish it. In the mean time, they left the Low-countreys, Al. Cabrer. in Philip. 2. l. 11. c. 15. Mar. Del [...]. l. 2. Turb. B. without so much as obtaining the honour, in their passage, to take their leave of Don Iohn; which exceedingly grieved them, as if by that severitie their actions were condemned. And marching through Lorain, Burgundy, and Savoy, they descended into Italy. Their March into Italy. Where coming in­to the Province of Millain the Governour the Marquesse of Ayamont quar­tered them,They are quar­tered in the mountanous parts of Liguria Delr. in the same Book. as he pretended by the Kings Command, along the mountains of Liguria, which they call Langascho, there (the heat of Summer breed­ing diseases) for want of necessaries, and with very grief to think the King should so forget their services, a great sort of the oldest souldiers dyed.

But Don Iohn, Don Johns en­trance into Bruxels. whilst the Spaniards marched away, riding in the middle between the Popes Legate, and the Bishop of Leige, attended by the three estates in all their glory,In great pomp, but the most glorious sight was himself. entred Bruxels. He himself added to the pomp, by the lovelinesse of his presence and youth, being not yet thirty two years of age, as likewise by the fame of his Land-and-Sea-victories; in a word, by the memory of his Father Charles the fifth,May 1. honoured by the Dutch, His winning wayes. as their beloved Countreyman. No sooner had he solemnly taken his oath, and was acknowledged Governour, but he yet more indeared himself to that people, by his admired Clemencie, Affabilitie, Graciousnesse, and Bountie, beyond example extended even unto his Enemies. Insomuch as the Subjects enamoured of the sweetnesse of his deportment (above what they could imagine, or had ever heard related) praised him to the skies; especially because they saw themselves,The Peoples joy. at last, freed by his favour from the burthen of forrein souldiers:And love to him. and with a generall gratulation joyed their Countrey of its antient happinesse returned with Don Iohn of Austria. The judgement of some that disliked his Concessions. Yet many thought it not so prudent an action, for Don Iohn to trust his person, disarmed, into the hands of the armed Estates, with so much confidence in himself; being after the dismissing of the Spaniards in a weak and unsafe condition, if so be the Prince of Orange should invade him that had re­served no one Fort or Garrison-town in his power, either for refuge, or re­sistance. [Page 33] And it was not long before it appeared, how he was over-reached in this concession, & how much wiser King Philip had been, when he suspected the Low-countrey men unanimously petitioning for the removall of the Spani­ards. For, the Prince of Orange, The Prince of Orange vexed at Don Iohns admission. who had assured himself Don Iohn would never send away the Spanish, May 24. and consequently never be admitted Governour over the Low-countreys; when he heard the Spaniards were departed, & Don Iohn with a great and generall joy inaugurated at Bruxels; whither Embassadours daily came to him from neighbour-Princes, (the Queen of England her self sending Edward Horsey Governour of the Isle of Wight) and that he likewise saw the Prince and Senate by their Commissioners required him, with the Provinces Holland, & Zeland, which onely were not included in the League, to subscribe the perpetual Edict: the man, that would upon no conditions part with the Dominion he had now got into his hands,Refuseth toge­ther with the Provinces under his government, to subscribe the Edict. answered: That the Pro­vinces with him confederated, were in conscience barred frō consenting with the rest to the maintenance of the Romish faith: and being pressed by Duke A­reschot (for he was sent to the Prince of Orange) to ratifie the common League, he said, he could not do it, for which his reason was, the Faith of Calvine: pre­sently putting off his hat and laughing; he said to the Duke, Do you see this bald crown, let me tell you, there is not more Calvisme on my head, then there is Calvinism in my heart. Then applying himself wholly to his business, he sent Letters & Messengers to the Senators, the Delegates of the Estates, and all his friends, pitying, & withall reviling them.Endeavoureth to turn the Low-countreymens hearts from Don Iohn of Au­stria. What did they intend? whither were their cou­rages & judgements fled; that they had admitted Don John, not onely not inlarging, but not so much as swearing to preserve, their priviledge? Were they so much taken with empty forms of Courtship, as not to observe the Bird-call, that by sweetnesse of sound brings the free creatures of the air into the net? They had now sufficient expe­rience that new Men came out of Spain, not new Manners, for in that Shop they were all cast in the same would. But above all the rest, they should beware of this Gentle­man, puft up with his Imperiall bloud, & fortune in the wars, which if he now dissem­bled, stooping to the civility of a private person, the more it goes against the hair with a haughty and tyrannicall nature, the sooner would his hypocrisie be laid by, and their slavery inhaunsed. No proud man carried ever himself like a servant to any, over whom he did not hope to be a master. Why hath he got a Guard, if he be so popular as wholly to confide in the affection of the Subject? Can any one doubt whither all these excessive bounties and promises tend, wherewith that princely Merchant loads men of merit, and no merit? Yet some there are, who, notwithstanding they see this general Munificence traffick for the liberty of the Low-countreys, think, that fre-men sell themselves into bondage at a considerable rate. Wherefore let them look into the man, & they will find it impossible, that he should love the Low-countreys, who betrayed to King Philip, the Patron of the Low-countrey Lords, Charles, Prince of Spain. The Prince of Orange not thus contented,A Rumour spread by the Prince of Oranges party. by those he imployed abroad, par­ticularly by Teronius Vascho, lately come over to his party, made it be private­ly rumoured, That the Spaniards and forrein soldiers, whose departure had been so longed for by the Low-countreymen, (let them not deceive themselves) lay part concealed in the Province of Luxemburg; part stayed in Burgundie, part fought against the Hugonots in France, and from these places exspected Don Iohns Orders for their immediate return. And it was held more credible, because of Don Iohn's & Escovedo's Letters, intercepted in France, and about that time published at Bruxels, 1573. which they said contained complaints to the King against the Estates, Reasons for the necessity of a war,Don Iohns let­ters intercepted. & an humble suit for money to that end. All which aggravated by a large printed Comment of the Prince of Orange, took away of much of Don Iohns Authority and [Page 34] estimation,The Low-countreymens love to him de­creaseth. that whether his Bountie ebbed or flowed, when their minds were once possessed with jealousie, they interpreted all in the worst sense. Those very men, to whom he had shewn extraordinary favour, advancing them to honours and great pensions, on a sudden alienated from him, not on­ly shunned his sight,Their suspition and aversion increaseth. as if all his graces had been poured into colanders, hearts with holes in them; but openly railed at, aspersed, and now endeavoured to prove themselves disobliged to him, by their hatred of him.Forgetfulnesse of benefits re­ceived converts to Hatred. Thus are un­sound mind like unsound bodies, the more you feed the more you poyson them. Nor did the Hereticks leave their knavery thus, but represented his words and actions,Especially Hese. as things of meer design.The Hereticks blow the fire. Nay, to some that wondered at his unexampled condescentions, they told it as a secret, That the Low-coun­trey-men had no great reason to trust the Oath so willingly taken by his Highness, for confirmation of the perpetuall Edict. Out of the relation of Christ. Asson­vil. Because he had sworn, See Guicciard. l. 2. of his Hist. before he came out of Spain, not to consent unto any thing in the Low-countreys prejudicial to the King. By which Oath he had preing aged himself, and as his Religion taught him, the later being contrary to the former would not oblige him, as being of no validitie. A Do­ctrine long since preached in many Courts, and now practised by Princes. So the Flo­rentines were deceived by Charles the viii. of France;The Prince of Orange de­signs the taking of Don John prisoner. who having sworn to deli­ver Pisa to them, when they claimed his promise, answered, that he had first sworn the contrary to the Pisons. When the Prince of Orange found this to work ac­cording to his wishes,His Instruments S. Aldegund. And Hese. thinking Don Iohn, that had parted with his Spaniards, and lost the hearts of the Low-countreymen, might easily be oppressed, he left it to be acted by Philip Mornixius de Saint Aldegund, whom he sent to Bruxels for that purpose; and by William Horn Lord of Hese: both undertaking, either by force or stratagem, to seiz upon his Highnesse, and carry him into Z [...]land. Which attempt, though it was consonant to the rest of Aldegunds life, a man ignominiously wicked, who when he was a boy, was Calvins auditour; and now he himself being an old man preached to others: nor less agreeable to the manners of the Lord of Hese, especially since the removall of Don Iohn from Bruxels, would be much to his advantage, that was for be Governour of the Town; & who being afterwards condemned to lose his head, it was thought practised the like against Alexander Farneze Duke of Parma. Whether they attempted his murther it is uncertain. Yet whether they really plotted it, as Don Iohn understood from many credible authours, or rather, by the Prince of Oranges direction, were contented with the fear resulting from the report of such a plot, I dare not positively affirm. For to breed enmity between Don Iohn and the Low-countrey Lords (which was the Prince of Oranges end) the means would be all one, whether they intended, or onely gave out that he should be taken prisoner: the former being an odi­ous thing, and fit to be revenged by his Majestie: the later, a subject for jea­lousie, not easie to be discovered, and which perhaps might be though [...] pre­tended by Don Iohn, seeking colour for a warre. And truly this artifice succeeded, as the Prince of Orange could have wished.

For Don Iohn when he found his authoritie every day lessening,Of Don Johns flight. the ge­nerall Odium increasing, and his life sought (as he was made believe) by strange contrivances, resolved to stay no longer in Bruxels, but, consider­ing of some place where he might defend himself,He goes to Mechlin, as if it were onely to compose the dif­ference with the Germans. or offend the enemie, pitched upon the Castle of Namure, strong both in fortification and situ­ation, and very convenient for receiving forrein forces. Therefore upon discovery of new plots against his life, he hastned to Mechlin, under pre­tence of ending the controversie between the Treasurers and the German Souldiers,Iune 5. about their pay.Margarite Queen of Navarre. Yet not thinking himself in safety there, he took an occasion of waiting upon the King of France his Sister in her jour­ney to the Spaw (if she came for nothing else, but to drink the waters) and [Page 35] with a great train of Gentlemen met her at Namure. From thence to Namure under another pre­tence. Where after he had treated her like a Princesse, and brought her on the way: the next morning, as if he were going to hunt, he rode upon design to the Castle of Namure, and highly commending the place, which he had never seen before, being invited in by the Sonnes to Count Barlamont, Aegidius L. of Hierg. Lan­cellot. C. Me­gen, Florus Floio, and Clodius Haul­tepenne. Governour of the Province, with the Governour of the Castle his good liking, entred with his retinue, and presently seizing upon the arms, changed the Garrison, bidding the Governour fear nothing, because (he said) it was no violent invasion of an­other mans proprietie, but onely a just recovery of the Kings Right. Then turning to the Companie,Possesser himself of the Castle. Gives reasons for it to his attendants. he called that Day the first of his Government: for till then he had injoyed nothing thereof, but an airy Title. Acquainting them likewise with the reasons of that action, he complained of the many affronts offered to him: and shewed them two letters of intelligence, that advised him of dangerous conspiracies; protesting, he retired to that Ca­stle for his own securitie, not with intent to alter any thing in the State, al­ready settled.Writes to the Deputies of the Estates. Then writing to the Deputies of the Estates, and sending them (with those letters that discovered the plot) Maximilian Rassinghem the constant messenger between both parties, he explained the cause of his de­parture, to wit, that his future Government might be more safe for, and worthy of him.The severall senses of the Deputies. The Deputies of the Estates and the Senatours variously interpreted the action. Many grieved, that it cut off all hope of accommo­dation. A great sort rejoyced, that hereby Don Iohn himself sounded the Alarm to a war, in forcing them to take arms against a naked Generall; and therefore commended the plot timously and well laid by the Prince of O­range, to whom they ascribed the insinuation that counselled him to this flight. Yet all, for fear the King might charge them with the revivall of the warre,Their letters to Don John July and August. presently dispatched away letters and messengers to Don Iohn, be­seeching him to satisfie his triviall fears and jealousies; and, if he pleased to return to Bruxels, Matt. Del. l. 3. Turb. Belg. promising exactly to examine the conspiracie (if such there was) against him.Aloys. Cabre [...] in Philip. 2. l. 11. c. 13. &c. 16. Don Iohn denied to go back, till the Lord Hese, that had set afoot many practices against him impiously & ingratefully (for Don Iohn had given him an annuall pension of 6000 Florens) together with the people of Bruxels, should lay down arms;His answer. till Aldegund, and Teron (sent by the Prince of Orange to surprise him) were driven out of Bruxels; till the De­puties of the Estates, that seemed to hold a correspondence with the Prince of Orange, had renounced his friendship, and compelled him (all juggling set apart) according to the publick agreement, from which he unjustly dissented, to subscribe the Pacification of Gant, and the perpetuall Edict.Which he writes to the Pro­vinces. Writing this to the Provinces, and naming not onely divers, which he said had conspired against him: but likewise some persons of qualitie and honour, among whom was Duke Areschot, who had given him much intelligence of that kind; he made it appear, that his jealousie was not triviall, nor feigned: & also sufficiently, nor falsely, laid open the Prince of Oranges subtiltie, who meer­ly by those discords indeavoured to oppresse the Catholick Religion, and the Kings Authoritie. But in the mean time upon discovery of Don Iohns design to seiz the Castle of Antwerp, The Fort at Antwerp at­tempted by Don John. lest, as he heard, it might be delivered to the Prince of Oranges Emissaries, or to the Estates; Lodwick Blosius Lord of Treslong, Lieutenant-Governour of the fort, being taken prisoner, and the souldiers that favoured Don Iohn, not without the slaughter of some of them, beaten out; the Castle came into the hands of the Estates.Is possessed by the Estates. The Estates accuse Don John, as if his fears were seigned. Whereby both parties being exasperated, and many threatning Papers on each side published, whilst the Estates call God and Men to witnesse their desire of [Page 36] Peace,Don John shews the plots against him to be reall. and that it was Don Iohn who pretending fear at conspiracies sought to raise a warre: Don Iohn on the contrary attesting, that he had domon­strated his affection to Peace by sending away the Spaniards, disbanding all his other forces, and leaving himself no means, men, or munition for a warre. Both parties, in case a warre should follow, strove to clear them­selves of being the Causes: and, to avoid the Odium, omitted not to shew at least a pretended care of an accommodation. Wherein they were indu­striously assisted by Vernerus Gimnich, Levinus, a ve­ry learned man, after­warde Bishop of Antwerp. and Levinus Torrentius Embassedours from the Duke of Iuliers, and the Bishop of Liege. But Don Iohn took the most pains to bring about a Treatie, in regard he was unprovided of soul­diers, and uncertain of his Majesties resolution. He therefore spun out the time in delayes, till Escovedo, whom he had sent into Spain, should bring him an answer of his letters.The Pope sends a Nuncio to Don John Bishop of Ri­pa transono afterwards Cardinall. S. B. E. To what end. A little while before, Philip Sega came Nuncio into the Low-countreys, sent thither from his Government of Pisa by Gregory the thirteenth. For, his Holinesse hearing the Provinces stood upon conditions with Don Iohn which he must swear to, before they would acknowledge him for their Governour, dispatched a Nuncio whose prudence he relyed upon to be with the Prince in time, lest he should by a law passe any thing prejudiciall to Religion. And likewise that, when he saw a peace concluded, he might animate Don Iohn, according to agreement betwixt his Holinesse and the King, to the Voyage for England. But the Nuncio, finding Don Iohn had already signed the conditions of the perpetuall Edict, and was notwithstanding ingaged in Domestick troubles, likely after a little time to break forth into a warre, so as there could be no exspectance of a forrein expedition, did all that remained for him to do; confirmed the young Prince not onely with his best advice, but,He furnisheth Don John with Councel and Money. which more advantaged him, with fifty thousand crowns, a summe designed by Pope Gregory for the warre with England, but which by His Command was to be forthwith presented to his Highnesse: a supply the more wellcome, because so sea­sonable to him then destitute both of Men and Money.Then, goes to the Deputies of the Estates. Nor did the Nun­cio fail to visit the Deputies of the Estates, and the Senatours; but passed from Namure to Bruxels, where delivering, as she had in Command, his Ho­linesses letters, and fatherly exhortations to the resuming of their former Concord and Obedience; which letters were received with more magni­ficence, then dutie, many of their minds being long since possessed with the spirit of heresie, a refractorie and sullen disease, that may with lesse difficul­tie be kept out, then shook off. In the mean time Don Iohn, by letters from the King being injoyned, if an accommodation could no way be made, strenuously to maintain the Catholick Religion, and the Royall Authority, with assurance that he should not want an armie,In the begin­ning of Sept. The Prince of Orange created Ruart. had notice, that the Prince of Orange was sent for to Bruxels by the Estates, and created Protectour of Brabant, by the old name of Ruart of the Province; an Office very like that of Dictator among the Romans, or Manbure among the Leigeois. This Of­ficer, the Brabanters said they were authorized to elect,What this of­fice is, and who they were that executed it. Mart. Delr. l. 4. Turb. Belg. Phil. Aud. by the priviledges of the Ioyfull Entry, though as farre as I observe in their Annals, besides An­thony sonne to Philip Duke of Burgundie (when Ioan the widow of Duke Wenceslaus governed Brabant) chosen Ruart by the three Estates of that Pro­vince, and besides Philip Count de Saint Paul (whilst Duke Iohn and his wife Iaquenette were at difference) whom the Brabanters rebelling against the Duke created Ruart; 1404. that people never made use of such a Magistrate.John iv. Duke of Brabant. And because both those Ruarts came at last to the power and authority of Dukes,1420. the Prince of Orange might by their example hope, that one day, the titles of [Page 37] temporary modestie laid aside, the House of Nassau might be Dukes of Bra­bant, and he the first. For this presumption Don Iohn failed not bitterly and speedily to reprove the Citie, and the Estates, by his Embassadour Ga­spur Schetz, Grobendonch the Kings Trea­surer. Lord of Grobendonch. Likewise, a while after receiving other Letters post from the King, by the hand of Philip Sega (sent at that time Nun­cio out of the Low-countreys into Spain, Octob. 4. in the place of Ormanetto) wherein the King commanded the Deputies of the Estates to lay down Arms,What the King requires of the Estates. not to admit the Prince of Orange, and to obey the perpetuall Edict: Don Iohn sending them a copy of the Letter,What Don John adds. seriously wished them maturely to advise upon it, whilst they had time; and not to provoke their Prince his just dis­pleasure, to the ruine of their Countrey, and themselves. But,They obey not. when in­stead of Answer, they would return nothing (being wholly governed by the Prince of Orange) but complaints and threatnings;And he not un­willingly, hath recourse to arms chiefly for these reasons. Don Iohn applyed himself to thoughts of violence and Warre, as some conceived, not unwil­lingly. For having lost all hope of quieting these Provinces by indulgence, and liberality, (an Honour forfeited by the former Governours of the Low-countreys, which he laboured to recover) when he found that his clemency prevailed not, but the Magistrates authority waxed, his waned, and was rather a kind of entreaty, then command: his life exposed to the daily in­juries and plots of wicked men; He not able to suffer their affronts, having been accustomed to command great Armies; and finding his hands tied both at home and abroad, weary of such a life, was glad to lay hold of that oc­casion, and rather chose an open Warre, then a miserable and unsafe Peace.

Indeed it was an Argument of a mind highly offended and incensed,The state of af­fairs on both parts. that a Man of such experience in the Warrs, would enter into hostilitie, at a time, when he was in strength so much inferiour:Onely two Pro­vinces declare for Don John. For of all the seventeen Provinces, onely two, Luxemburg and Namure, continued faithfull to him. The Nobility, Clergie, and Magistrates, a few excepted, were all confede­rated with the Estates.The Nobility and Clergy for the Estates. Not that they renounced their Religion, or Loyal­tie,Their reasons. (though there was then a world of such Apostates) but some to ingra­tiate themselves with the People, (greedie of Libertie, and still maligning their Governours) part bought with promises by the Prince of Orange, and being kinsmen to him: many thinking Don Iohn quite disarmed, and running away, followed the partie of the Estates, as safer. A great sort held their cause to be likewise honester, conceiving all Don Iohn of Austra's jealousies and fears, to be onely pretences for the justice of a Warre. Therefore, by Letters to the King, they accused him for endeavouring to ingage the Low-countreys, upon vain suspicions. It seems, we must not beleive Treason to be plotted against any Prince, that is not slain.Don John's forces. Nor could he then raise an Army able to contest with theirs: For on the one side, those few Germans he had retained in the Low-countreys; some Companies of Spanish now cal­led out of France, where they fought for the Crown; and divers Wallons and Burgundians, hardly amounting to the number of four thousand.The Estates Army. When on the other side, they had at that present no lesse then fifteen thousand, which (as it was proposed in their Councel of Warre, and to which end they marched from Gemblours) if they had presently advanced to Namure, no doubt they had beat Don Iohn, These were more in number and had carryed it. weaker in Men and Munition, out of the Town and Fort.If they had been unanimous. The Prince of Orange gover [...]s all. But as in consultation where many heads are laid toge­ther, whilst they in the field disputed away their time, they gave Don Iohn opportunity to strengthen himself with new succours: For the Ruart, the Prince of Orange, after that Dignitie was conferred upon him, would do [Page 38] nothing before Brabant was settled, that their neighbours might be secure in Holland. He therefore instituted at Bruxels, and in the Towns adjacent, Ma­gistrates according to the Hollanders new model.In the end of August. By his advice the Fort at Antwerp was dismantled, as to that part which commanded the Town,The Fort at Antwerp demo­lished by his ad­vice. with so great a rejoycing of the People, and such a crowd of voluntary La­bourers, that women of the best quality could not be kept within doors, but they would come in the night to see the men at work;M. Delr. lib. 4. Turb. Belg. with great re­joycing of the people. till for abomina­ble things committed in their drinking and dancing, the night-work was prohibited by Edict. But their Joy was never at the heighth, till they came to the triumphall Brasse-statue of the Duke of Alva, laid out of the way in a private corner of the Fort.Especially when they saw the Duke of Alva's statue. They tumbled it into the Court, hackt it with their swords, hewed it asunder with axes; and, as if they had at every blow drawn bloud, and put the brasse to pain, pleased themselves with an imaginary Execution. Some carried home fragments of the broken Basis, and hung them up in their Halls, as if they were the enemies spoyls, and would signifie to Posteritie a kind of revenge taken upon the Duke. The metall,Which was mel­ted, and cast a­gain into Can­non. as before it was melted out of Cannon into Alva's statue; so after­wards the Statue was again cast into Cannon, and restored to its own nature. Onely one thing displeased many, as if Alva, being wholly composed of terrour, and therefore sufficiently formidable to that very day, were now turned into these great Gunns, that he might though absent, for ever terrifie the Low-countreys. Other Forts dis­mantled. The City of Gant, with no lesse alacrity, forthwith fol­lowed the example of Antwerp; so did Utrecht, Lisle, Valenciens, and other Towns, which slighting their Forts, as if they had shaken off the yoke of servitude,The Lords of­fended at the Prince of O­ranges power. kept the Festivall of their new recovered Libertie. These actions, because they tended to a Rebellion of the People, and (which more trou­bled some) to the too high advancement of the Prince of Orange his power, divers of the Lords yet loyall to the King, especially Duke Areschott▪ by reason of the old differences between him and the Prince of Orange, spake of choosing a new Governour of the Low-countreys, Mention the choice of a new Governour. pretending it would strengthen the Estates by accession of greater forces; but meaning, when the Ruart was out of Commission, whom the Nobility with much unwilling­ness obeyed, to balance the Authority of their new Prince. And when some named the Queen of England, Three proposed. some Francis Hercules Duke of Alen [...]on, Brother to the King of France; others Matthias, Arch-duke of Austria, the Emperour Rodolph's brother; the Catholicks excepted against Her, as an heretick, and one that would govern them by a Lieutenant. The Duke of Alen [...]on, by reason of the constant enmity between the Low-countrey men and the French, The Arch-duke Matthias pre­ferrd. was not by many so much desired, as the Archduke, who being of the House of Austria, would not so much offend King Philip: un­lesse some pitched upon the Archduke, onely to engage the House of Au­stria in a Warr among themselves: Embassadours to this purpose being sent to Vienna, And brought from Germany into the Low-countreys. easily perswaded the young Archduke to what he longed for; and stealing him away by night, with a few in his train, brought him sooner then could be imagined into Brabant, without the privity of the Emperour Rodolph; Octob. 3. who, as soon as he knew it, sent post after him to stop his flight; and afterwards wrote Letters to disswade him,Whereat the Emperour Ro­dolph is dis­pleased. but in vain, from his designe. I have likewise heard, from good hands, that the Emperour was very an­gry with his brother Maximilian, And chides his brother Maxi­milian who knew of the de­signe. because he had not in time acquainted him of this Plot, imparted unto him by the Archduke; though Maximilian excused himself; because his Brother made him take an Oath, that he should not reveal the Secret that night discovered to him, unto any man living, till [Page 39] the next day at evening.Many think the Emperour dis­sembles. But for all this, the Emperour escaped not the cen­sure of some, that made a farre other construction of the Arch-duke's flight. Truly, at that very time, many men suspected the sending of this youth to govern the Netherlands, to be designed, that by occasion of this patronage, the Low-countreys might come at last to be the Patrimony of the Germane House of Austria; a point which Bartholameo Comes Portia, Gregory the xiii. his Legate. the Popes Legate to the Emperour, grounding his discourse upon this suspicion, argued with some Germane Lords.Don John of Austria's Lev­ters upon that subject. And Don Iohn himself seemed to doubt the Empe­rours intention. For writing to Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma, among other passages, he sayes, Yesterday one brought me Letters from the Emperour, wherein he tells me of his brothers departure, Octob. 25. as he suspects, for the Low-coun­treys, without either his Privitie or Allowance. Indeed it is a thing that trou­bles me not a little. For though I am not ignorant, that it was last year attempted by the Estates, yet I could never perswade my self, that either the Arch-duke would undertake it, or that his Mother the Empresse, and the Emperour his Brother, would give their assents. Howbeit, I wonder not so much at the Empresse-Dowager, who I believe knew nothing at all of the Designe; but am rather grieved on her behalf, and fear that her sonne's levity will much afflict her. What I should think of the Emperour, I cannot yet resolve; because when he knew there was such a businesse in agitation, He was so far from preventing it, that he never so m [...]ch as (like a kins­man) sent word of it to the King. For mine own part, as soon as ever I hear the Arch-duke sets his foot in the Low-countreys, I will seriously desire him▪ as I think it concerus both our interests, not to joyn nor engage with the Estates. If he refuse, I shall justly repute him for an Enemie, The Arch-duke Matthias enters the Low-coun­treys, and ac­cepting many conditions, But the Arch-duke was now come into the Netherlands, though not yet declared their Governour. For the Estates and the Prince of Orange, being not sufficiently consulted in the businesse, purposely delayed it, very busie about preparing conditions to be offered unto the Arch-duke; and finally proposing no fewer then thirty one, whereby they tied his hands: and onely allowing him the honour of prece­dencie, laid the foundation of such a popular Goverment, as the Low-coun­trey men had of old, when dividing the administration with their King,Caesar. lib. 5. Bell. Gall. they did govern, and were governed.Decem. 17. To these conditions when both Catholicks and Hereticks, being joyned in a new League,Is made Gover­nour of the Low-coun­treys. had bound themselves by Oath; the Arch-duke Matthias first at Antwerp, afterwards at Bruxels, with great publick joy, Shows, and Revels, was saluted Governour of the Low-countreys. And the Prince of Orange his party prevailed so farre,And the Prince of Orange his Lieutenant Go­vernour. that he was added to the Arch-duke, not yet one and twenty years of age, and a stran­ger to the Low-countrey affairs, that under the name of his Lieutenant, he might be indeed his Governour.

The first Act of the new Government,1578. was to purge the House of Lords,A new Senate declares Don John's party, and himself, e­nemies to the State. and discharge all those Senatours that were held ill affected to the Estates, choosing new ones in their places, which immediately pronounced all Don Iohn of Austra's adherents enemies to their Countrey. Soon after the same sentence passed against Don Iohn himself, unlesse he departed the Low-coun­tr [...]ys. Lastly, by the same Senate, and the Deputies of the Estates, an Oath was framed, wherein both the Clergie and Laity should swear,Holding forth this Oath. to obey the Arch-duke Matthias, supream Governour of the Low-countreys, and [...] defend [...] with their Lives and [...]; till another were created by the King, and the Estates; but to oppose Don John of Austria, as an enemie. This Law being pas­sed, and in some places in a manner forced, entrapped many of the Nobili­tie, and ruin'd some.It is tendred to the Jesuites. At Antwerp they began with the Fathers of the Soci­etie, because their authoritie being great in the citie, it was thought, if they [Page 40] acknowledged the Arch duke, others might be invited by their example; or if they did not, frighted by their punishment. The Hereticks exceedingly pressed it, not doubting but the Fathers (whose constancie they had alwayes hated, but now wished) upon such an occasion, which they commonly turned to their honour, would in the mean time be banished the Low-coun­treys, William Hese undertook it, and meeting Father Baldwin ab Angelo, Provinciall of the Iesuites in the Low-countreys, advised him to take the Oath in the name of the Societie.They refuse to take it. He who knew that Oath was formed by Hereticks against the Catholick party, excusing himself by the rule of his Order, that forbids them to intermeddle with secular affairs, resolutely deni­ed, nor could by any prayers or threats be brought to swear.And are beset with armed He­reticks. Whereupon when the Fathers, for some few dayes having been incommodated, and a­bused by the Hereticks;Their House plundered. at length upon the very day of Pentecost, their House and Church was besieged by armed Hereticks, the doors forced open, all, as well sacred as profane things,Themselves turned out of doors. plundred, and the Fathers violently thrust out of possession, and sent aboard the Hollanders, with great scorn of the wild multitude, to be landed in some other Countrey. There happened at this time a passage worthy to be recorded.A remarkable act of one of the Socitie. The Fathers were turned out of doors, and Pistols set to their breasts till they were searched, lest they should carrie any thing away,Annals of the Society. Ann. 1578. when one of them, Iohn Boccace (for it is fit posteritie should know the name of a man so stout and pious) wanne the ad­miration both of the Catholicks and Hereticks. For calling to mind that upon the High Altar, the holy Eucharist was left in a silver vessel, he pre­sently slip [...] away from the souldiers, and entring the Church full of Here­ticall Furioso's, with a constantgate and countenance, approached the altar, and upon his knee adoring Christ reverently, drew out of the Tabertacle the Pix, but finding it full of little hostes, when he saw his dry and gasping mouth was not able to swallow so many on the sudden, the man both of a present wit and faith, held up the Chalice, and carried it to his brethren, through the midst of those sacrilegious souldiers, none presuming to attempt any thing against him. The hereticks being astonished at the miracle of his confidence, or rather God approving his pietie, and the hope he had concei­ved of his Divine assistance.T. Livii l. 5. For, if in the commemoration of the not much different Act of Caius Fabius, The like done by one of the anci­ent Romanes. that whilest the Gauls besieged the Ca­pitol, went through the enemies camp to the Quirine hil, and returned the same way, bearing things they accounted sacred in his hands; if (I say) the Romane Historian could affirm, that Fabius hoped the gods would be propitious to him, from whose worship not the fear of death could deterre him: Why may not I a little more prudently argue, That he I speak of, hoped he should be protected in that service by the same assistance, where­with Christ himself, that afforded his presence to the Iews and when he was pleased was inobservable, mocked the eyes, or at least the hands of such like enemies: and moreover, That it came to passe by Gods favour, terr une­rating his rare confidence, that a single man, among three hundred sculdi­ers, (for they were no fewer that, with their swords drawn, possessed them­selves of the Quire and Body of the Church) should preserve the Eucha­rist from the abuses of the Hereticks,Tillemanntis Bredenbach, l. 7. c. 62. colla sacra. and the plate from the rapacitie of the souldiers. I shall adde another accident, which it concerns Religion to in­sert. When the Fathers were expelled the Citie, among others that came to see their empty building,A wonderfull accident at the Jesuites Co [...] ­ledge. partly out of curiositie, as it often happens, to view other mens houses, especially the Iesuites: partly (for most of them were hereticks) to feed their eyes with the joy of their enemies misfortunes; [Page 41] there was a buffoonly Calvinist, who thought himself a Wit, that to make the people sport, entring the House put forth, at a window over the door, a wisp of straw, upon the end of a white Rod, as if he would, according to the custome of the Countrey, give notice to the Town that the house was visited with the plague. The sight moved some passengers to admiration, others to laughter (of which the Calvinisticall Apelles, standing behind his Venus, had his belly full) and one of them rapping at the gate, he within cryed to him, What with a mischief would you have? Do you not see the Ensigne of Death, the Rodde and Wisp before the door? All that dwe [...]t here are dead of the plague. Behold a wonderfull judgement of God the same day, when no part of the town was infected with the pestilence, the impious jeerers own house was visited, and he himself was compelled to weep at home, what he had laughed at in the mansion of others.They are exp [...]l­led in othe [...] Places. The like to this usage befell the fathers of the societie at Tour­nay, Bruges, and Maestricht; they being for the same causes banished from those Cities, having for the companions of their exile in some places the Franciscan Fathers, in others honest Priests,So are the Franciscans, and divers Priests. and such as had the cure of souls. By whose departure, so much as the Catholick cause suffered, so much heresie immediately prevailed:To the great de­triment of the Chatholick Cause. and it was apparent how great a bene­fit their presence was to the publick, which in their absence so soon suffered: the Calvinists, not long after, presuming to petition the Archduke and the Estates to establish libertie of Conscience in the Low-countreys. In Iune. And though at first they received a deniall, yet the Prince of Orange soliciting their bu­sinesse; they drew up new and bolder petitions for the same libertie,Churches seized by the Here­ticks. and at the very same time were so bold as to exercise it, possessing themselves of some Catholick Churches. Insomuch as the Estates, for fear of insurre­ctions likely to grow about it,And liberty of Conscience ex­torted In Iuly. especially their care being wholly fixed up­on the businesse of the warre, were forced to grant the free exercise of Re­ligion, in many cities of Brahant, Gelderland, and Flanders, the Archduke and the Catholicks in vain protesting against it.

But Don Iohn of Austria, about the end of the Year, was much streng­thened by the coming of Alexander Farneze, Prince of Parma, Alexander Farneze brings the Spanish Army back from Italy. with his old souldiers out of Italy. The Spanish army was commanded by King Philip from the borders of Genoa (whither as I told you Don Iohn sent them seven moneths before) to march directly back to the Low-countreys, to the great contentment of their Colonels and Commanders, that conceived them­selves, by that revocation, absolutely restored to the Kings Grace, and their own honour.The death of Iuliano Rome­ro. Yet their joy was abated by the death of their first Colonell whom they loved exceedingly, Iuliano Romero, who busie in providing for the departure of his souldiers at Cremona, died suddenly of a fall with his horse. These forces, and others raised in Italy (for there had been a great mortalitie among the Spaniards) according to the Kings Orders went, part before, part after the Prince of Parma. It was thought most expedient for their speedie march, and for the good of those Provinces through which they passed, that this armie consisting of six thousand, should rather go by troops and companies, then in a bodie. But the Prince of Parma himself, with a small train,18 day. having appointed Fabio Farneze to follow with the rest of his houshold, by long journeys came to Luxemburg, in December. Before you have the reason of his coming, I hold it worth my pains to give you what I know of Alexander Prince of Parma, beginning so much higher then I use to do in the description of other Generals, by how much he will be oftner in the Readers eye, filling up a great part of our future Annals. Nor [Page 42] will it be unpleasing to know Alexander Farneze before his Low-countrey ex­pedition; and to compare him in his former life, to Himself in the Govern­ment of the Low-countreys: like Members of a great Bodie, every where great.

Alexander Farneze was sonne to Octavio Farneze Duke of Parma, Of Alexander Farneze before his comming in­to the Low-countreys. His father Octavio soon after Duke of Parma. and Pia­cenza, a Man, without all question, to be numbred among the examples of men best versed in the arts of Government. For he had a wit naturally dex­terous in the managing of Peace and Warre; having been instructed in the school of his Great Grandfather Paul the third, and his Father in law Charles the fifth, and perfecting that discipline in the school of various fortune. Affabilitie and Bountie were eminent in him,Octavio's abi­lities, and Art of Government▪ his wise Popu­larity. being no lesse his naturall, then artificiall endowments,Succo [...] in his Life. accommodated to his new and unsettled Soveraign­ty. Now, I certainly know, that he made use even of his Courtship and Revels, to which he seemed somewhat intemperately addicted, to discover, by the example of Augustus Cesar, the secrets of private families. In hear­ing the causes of ordinary people, in common salutations, through the whole course of his life, no Prince in the world more gratious. Outward complements and emulous flatteries of men, that strive which should lie loudest, like parts in a Comedie well acted, he looked upon and laughed. For he regarded the substance, passing by the ceremonie. His equitie; and indulgence of popular sports,His bounty. when often as a private man he would make one▪ but above all his liberalitie, which met the very wishes of such as ad­dressed themselves unto him, justly won him the repute of one of the most popular and munificent Princes of that Age.His actings as a Souldier. Nor was he lesse famous as a souldier, learning the elements of warre in his youth, almost in his child­hood,1541 under the Emperour Charles the fifth: and first commanding in his service eleven thousand men, which he brought out of Italy; sent by Paul the third, as well for the cause of Religion, as of his Affinitie to the Empe­rour: and not a little conducing to that victorie;In Germany. wherein all Germany be­tween the Rivers of Donan, 1541. the Elbe, and the Rhine, were conquered by his Imperiall Majestie.Out of the let­ters of the Bi­shop of Pog­gio, Legat A­postolical to the Emperour, directed to A­lex. Cardinal Farneze. Insomuch as Cesar himself having viewed the army, said, that nobler levies of Italian horse and foot never came beyond the Alpes, and attributed much of that days glory to their valour, honouring his Son Octavio with great testimonies of his affection, and particularly with the order of the Golden Fleece, with like valour, in the following Italian Warrs, Octavio defended Parma, besieged a whole year, against the Pon­tifician and Imperiall Armies,And Italy. enlarging the proportion assigned to Philip King of Spain at the restitution of Piacenza, by divers encounters with the French Generalls.1557. Then laying down Armes, which unless provoked, he never took up against any, he spent the rest of his live, according to his Genius, that was sweet and civill, in settleing and enjoying his Government. Prince Alexander Son to this Father (for of his Mother Margaret of Austria, The birth of A­lexander Far­neze. Daughter to the Emperour Charles the fifth, I have already spoken not a little, and shall more in its due place) was born at Rome, that very year wherein Pope Paul the third his paternall Great Grand-Father beginning the Councell of Trent, and his maternall Grand-Father the Emperour Charles the fifth raising an army in Germany, asserted the Christian Common­weale against the Lutheran Heresie; he with sacred Laws, this with trium­phant Armes; no vain presages unto this child then unborn, and Incite­ments to him in his riper years, with hereditory virtue to vanquish the same Monster, as an ancient enemy. Add to this, the prediction of Pope Paul, who gratulating Margaret of Austria, Paul the III. [...]his prediction. for the birth of Alexander and his [Page]

Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma & Piacenza Governour of ye Low countreys.

[Page] [Page 43] twin-Brother, laying his hand upon Alexanders head, is reported to have sayed, That, if his minde could foretell any truths, that child would in time be a great Generall. I conceive from his name he divined, the Boy would be a second Alexander, for all other kinds of divination I hold ridiculous. The joy of that house was likewise increased about this time, Octavio being created Duke of Parma, and Piacenza, as if a new Dominion were prepa­red to grow up with the Boy. But nothing so much demonstrated Marga­ret of Austria's felicity,The joy at Rome for Octavio's male-twines. as the having two Sons at a birth, which filled Rome with infinite joy, playes, and all kindes of pastimes and presentments set forth by the Roman Nobility, that erected a marble Monument to signifie unto after Ages that fortune, so rarely befalling a Princely family.In the Portico of S. Eusta [...]. In the mean time, Octavio, not boasting of that happiness, like Tiberius Cesar, who (they say) gloried in the Senate house,His Moderation greater then Tiberius Cesar. that no Roman of his quality till then,Tacitus. l. 2. ever had the Honour to have Twin-Sons. But imitating his Father in Law,Annals. Charles the fifth, that when he heard his Empress was delivered of a Boy,Philip the 2. went forthwith to the Monastery of Saint Paul, though it poured down rain,King of Spain. a foot, and gave thanks to God, as his first Joy-Offering: so he,His Piety. when it was told him, his wife Margaret of Austria was brought a bed, would admit no visits of the Lords that came to joy him, nor partake of the publick Iubile, till leaving his own house, and going directly to the sacred figure of Christ hanging on the cross,Crucependent kept by the Brotherhood so named, with great veneration of the Romans, in the Church of Saint Mar­cellus, and falling prostrate (for he worshipped the cross with singular devo­tion) gave thanks with all his soul, to the divine Benificence and embra­cing that tree of life, under its shade deposited the health and fortune of his children;Prince Alex­anders Christ­ning. worthy for this zeal afterwards to see a Son of his display­ing this triumphall Ensign of the cross in the Low-countreys, and in this Sign conquering. Three months after at the font (for the Christning was a while deferred, that the shows and solemnities of joy might be reiterated,) Giovanni Dominico, Cardinall de Cuppis, Prince of the sacred Senate, ba­ptized them, the elder Alexander, the younger Charles; this by the Empe­rours name, that by the name of Paul before he was elected Pope. But Charles dying soon after, all their care was fixed upon the Education of Alexander. Education. He spent the time of his infancy in the bosome and embraces of his Mother, Margaret of Austria; his child-hood under the best Tu­tours that Age afforded, yet with little benefit, at least not answerable to the industry of the Masters, and aptness of the Scholler: For he, of a restless and fiery nature,Prospensation to Armes. hated the fetters of Study; and in the field a hun­ting, in riding the great horse, and practising his weapon, more delighted to exercise his body, then his mind. That which cherished, or rather made this impression in the Childs mind,On what occasi­on he came first to fancy, and by degrees to be deeply in love with the Warrs. was the armes and warlike prepa­rations in his Fathers house, which he fancied as his first fine object: by which, much sooner then by the Starrs that raign at our nativities, mens manners commonly are moulded. For his Father, hastning to go be­yond the Alps, with forces to the Emperour, all the house clattering with Armour at his birth, so intertained the infant, that indeed he heard the sound of the trumpet, before the singing of his nurse, and had the drum for a Rattle: the first light that saluted his eye, being the glit­tering of Armes. Nay, the year following, the Trophies brought out of Germany by his Father, set the child a longing. A little while after emulous Armies fighting before Parma, where at six years old the boy was besieged, and bred up in the noise and thunder of the cannon; with war up­on [Page 44] war ingaging his Father; the younger he was, the deeper were military figures stamped in his imagination,He is sent, very young, into the Low-coun­treys to King Philip. and formed in him a martiall soul. Be­fore he had past his childhood, he was by his Mother sent into the Low-coun­treys to Duke Octavio, that he might deliver him to King Philip, as a testi­monie of renuing his service to the house of Austria, and likewise that by such a Pledge as their onely son,1557. they might win the affection of his Uncle, & yet (which they most desired) the Castle of Piacenza restored, the City be­ing already in their hands. And King Philip, whatsoever their intention was, willingly received the child, delighted with the image of his beloved Sister; but especially, because he took him as an Hostage of the Farnezes friend­ship. He was a year and an half with the King in the Low-countreys, much pleased with the sight of military exercises. And, they say,His strange suit to the King. when the King carried him to the Army at Saint Quintin, that very day the Town was stormed and taken, he very passionately begged of his Majestie, that he might be armed, and sent to the assault: but when he was put off, between admiration and laughter, being but eleven years old, he cryed extreamly, and they had much ado to stay him in the Camp.King Philip carryes him in­to Spain. Going from thence with his Majestie into Spain, he lived there almost eight yeares, educated with Charles Prince of Spain, and Don Iohn of Austria: some part of the time at Alcala (to which University the Prince was sent) the rest in the Court at Madrid; where he was in his Uncles eye, and pleased him so well, that he esteemed and loved him as his own sonne.His Majesties affection to him. The Kings affection to him was encreased, by comparing him with Prince Charles, whose loose and crabbed manners differed much from his fathers gravity. Nor did this favour (which is rare at Court) expose him to the hatred of the Grandees; being either a­bove it,How much he was honoured by others, and why. as Nephew to Charles the fifth, or obliging them with handsome and noble Ceremonies, continuall good offices and bounties wherein he exceeded, and thereby somewhat prejudiced his House. But in the use of arms, especially in all presentments on horsback (often set forth by the mi­litary emulation of Prince Charles, and Don Iohn) his carriage was so prince­ly and advised, though he sometime undauntedly opposed his unarmed bodie against eminent danger, that being in those counterfeited fights ap­plauded by the beholders, to see him was both their delight and fear. In the twentieth year of his age,His Marriage. the King resolved to marry him to Princess Mary, daughter to Edward Prince of Portugall, neice to King Emmanuel, the miracle of that time for rarenesse of wit, and sanctitie of life. And to do honour to his Sister, then Governess of the Low-countreys, he sent thither her sonne Alexander, the Bride following from Portugall in the Royal fleet. His Father Duke Octavio came likewise in great State from Italy to the Marriage, celebrated at Bruxels, with the above-mentioned gratulation of the Provinces.1565. From hence he went to Parma, where after he had had many children by his wife,His issue. three of which, Margaret Princesse of Mantua (afterwards translated to happier Nuptialls with the celestiall Bridegroom) Duke Ranucio, 1578. and Cardinal Odoardo, Her marriage being di [...]sol­ved, she pro­fessed herself a Nun. survived their parents when he saw his House established in his issue, and himself freed from Publick cares (his Fa­ther Octavio, still in the vigour of youth and spirit, easily governing alone) he longed to be abroad in the field, and began to consider where a war was likeliest to rise. In the mean time, by hunting of wild beasts in the woods, running at Tilt in the Citie, and those pastimes which are the near resem­blances of war, he at once fed and deceived his longing. Yet, being natural­ly fierce, now and then he did things that would better have become a Gla­diatour, then a Prince. For, privily armed, in the night he used to walk the [Page 45] streets disguised;His D [...]gladiati­ons in the night­time. not like that Cesar who went likewise in disguise by night, but with a guard of Fencers, who if the Emperour began a quarrel not dan­gerous, suffered it; but if he was put to it by those he had abused, cut them to pieces.Tacit l. 13. But Prince Alexander, commonly alone, or but with one compa­nion,Annal. would bid nigh-walkers stand, and fight with them, to try both theirs and his own courage.much more gal­lant then Ne­ro's were. And as confidence increases by successe, it carried him so farre, that if he heard any one commended for a sword-man, he could not rest till he had met him by dark,Exposed to haz­zard. and compared his strength and skill at his weapon with the other. They say that once meeting Comes Taurello, a no­ble and stout Gentleman in the night, instantly in that very place (where he had often wished the incounter) he challenged and fought with him; but Taurello, by a torch that accidentally passed by, perceiving his opposite to be Prince Alexander, throwing down his Arms craved pardon, if ignorant and provoked, he had wronged his sword, by lifting it up against his Prince. This being newsed about the Town, many afterwards shunned the occasion of meeting with the Prince, lest they should, if worsted, loose their reputa­tion: or the Princes favour, if they got the better.

But in the interim,Alex. Farneze desirous to go upon the Holy Warre. a nobler cause of war was offered him, a generall peace being concluded among Christian Princes, against the common enemie. Divers considerations incited him to that voyage; the ground of the Warre, the confluence of noble persons that ingaged; and above all the Generall, Don Iohn of Austria, His Father consents. equally near to him in love and bloud. Nor was his Father unwilling to let him go, in hope that his sons military inclination, would produce great effects: howsoever, that his fiercenesse would be ta­med. But his Mother,But not his Mo­ther. that was powerfull with her husband, being against it, the Duke said, nothing could be done till they knew the pleasure of the King his Uncle.Feb. 2. 1571. In the mean time Margaret of Austria received Letters (as she had ordered it) from the King, wherein he wished Prince Alexander should not go,Yet he goes. as yet. But he, beyond measure inflamed with Don Iohns invitation, at last prevailing with his Mother, and the King, furnished him­self for the Warrs,With a Train of selected Gentle­men and Soul­diers. as young souldiers ever do, magnificently. Fourty two Gentlemen of Parma and Piacenza followed him; and he had three hundred that were a king of Pretorians, for his Life-guard, men chosen, with more then ordinary care, by Paulo Vitelli a great Commander, most of them ha­ving been Captains, Lieutenants, or Ensignes, or at least above the rank of common souldiers. With this train, Prince Alexander offered himself as a Volunteer to his Uncle the Generall. Who, then by chance being at the Musters of his Army, affectionately embraced him, and when he had with the Generalls leave, selected four hundred sea-men of the Kings, he put them in two Gallyes sent from the Common-wealth of Genoa, Which he pla­ceth in the Ge­noa-Galleys. to be com­manded by Comes Carolo Scotto, and Pedro Francisco Nicello: he himself with his Lieutenant Vitelli, and part of his Gentlemen and Souldiers going aboard the Admirall of Genoa. Though in the voyage, especially before the bat­tel, Don Iohn would never let him be out of the Imperiall Galley, where he was himself;He contribut [...]s to the attone­ment of the Generalls. which turned to the benefit of the whole Navie: For a verie bitter difference ensuing between Don Iohn and Venerio the Admirall of Venice, likely to embroyl the forces of Christendome in a Civil Warre: when Don Iohn in his first heat, was about to revenge the wrong offer­ed to the Majestie of the Supream Admirall; onely Prince Alexander (though some failed not to bring fuell to the fire, that burned suffici­ently in the young Generalls nature) had so much power with his Uncle, that he kept him from striking the first stroke. Till Mark Antonio Columna [Page 46] the Pope's Admiral, and the Venetian Embassadour Augustino Barbaric [...], by their wisdom joyned to Prince Alexander's endeavours, swifter then im­agination, dispersed this Tempest, threatning destruction to the Fleet. For which service,The Pope commends him for it. They fight the Turk. when Prince Alexander came next to Rome, Pope Pius com­mended him before some of the Cardinalls, acknowledging both himself, and Christendom much obliged to him. But when they were upon the place of Battel, formerly famed for the victory of Actium, won by Octa­vius Cesar, and the ships on both sides put in Battalia; Prince Alexander being aboard Mark Antonio Columna's Gally, in the midst of the Fleet, passed into his own, the two other Genoa-Gallyes lying to the wind-ward: and after a [...]showr of Arrows and Bullets from afarr, the ships encounting; Alexander Farneze having an eye upon Mustapha,Alex. Farneze boards Musta­pha. Treasurer of the Turkish Fleet, with all his force stem'd his Gally, and grappling, found her a great deal stronger then he imagined. She carryed the money, and therefore was manned with above three hundred Ianizaries, all old and valient Soul­diers. When they had fought long upon equall termes,'Tis a measuring cast between them. sometimes one of them setting up their Colours,At last he takes Mustapha, sometimes another: Prince Alexander, at once inflamed with shame and anger, flourishing (as he used to do) a huge great sword, leaped into the Bashaw's Gally, and laying about him on both sides like a mad-man, by the flaughter of the enemy, opened a way to his Souldiers, that were so nettled with the example and danger of their Gene­ral, as now all the boldest Turkes being slain, the rest would presently have yeiled,And Scander Bashaw. if the Bashaw of Alexandria, had not come in with a strong Gally, whereby the Turks, both strengthened and encouraged, for a while renew­ed the fight. But one of Alexander's Farneze's Gallyes sending in fresh sup­plies, when the Turks could no longer stand the fury of the conquerours, Mustapha being in many places run through the body, the Bashaw of Alex­andria hurt, and soon after taken, Prince Alexander made himselfe master not only of the Treasurer's Gally,The Boo [...]y got by his Souldiers. but likewise of the Auxiliary ship; with so great pillage for his men, that some of them got 2000 Sultanies (it is a Coin of little lesse value then the Venetian Chechine of gold) others 3000, onely out of this Gally of the Treasurers; besides what his two other Gallies found in three of the enemies Galliouns, and as many of their Galliasses. They say, that Don Iohn of Austria, after the Battel, when he heard his Nephew Alexander highly extolled, received him with great expressions of joy and love,Don John's words to Alex. Farneze. yet praised him with this exception, that he boarded the ene­my with better successe,P. Alexander's Answer. then judgment, they being yet in their full strength, and able to have hindred his retreat. Which fault he took for an honour, and said, the reason of his confidence was built upon the sanctitie of his wife, by whose prayers to God for him, he conceived himself protected and secured; so merrily passing over his uncles reprehension. Nor was the gallantry of Prince Alexander's minde lesse manifested the year follow­ing, though with lesse fortune,1572. or rather lesse concord of the Christian Na­tions. For the league being renewed,The Sacred League renewed and the Christian Fleet, somewhat too late after the Battel of Lepanto, returned to prosecute their victory in Pe [...]oponnesus, the new Turkish Admiral Uluciall had now repaired his ships, and to avoide the encounter of the League, having many times changed his Road, now lay at Anchor near the strong Port of Methone. And whilst Don Iohn with many offers to fight,Don John sends him to Nava­rine. endeavoured to draw the Turks into the Main,He attaques the Town. he resolved to send Alexander Farneze to besiege Navarinum, not far off by land. Who with 6000 in two divisions began to batter the Fort, with more industrie, then successe. For the place being all rock, or craggy, [Page 47] his men could hardly get earth to raise their batteries, nor could their tubbs and Gabions filled with earth and stone, opposed in stead of a curtain, be defence sufficient against the enemies Cannon. The Seige was neverthe­lesse continued; and the Navarines, sallying out, but with losse beat back, were thought to be upon the point of yielding:but finding his endeavours frustrate, Retreats. When the Turks, either by the connivence or ignorance of Prince Alexander's Souldiers, put in men by night, and relieved the Garrison. Besides, the Turkish horse and foot coming from al quarters, Prince Alexander fearing they would block up his retreat, and not hoping to take the Castle, thought it enough in his enemies sight to retire with his Cannon to the Fleet. And Don Iohn, since the Turkish Na­vy, shunning a general Battell, could by no affront be provoked to sea, con­tented to have struct a terrour into the enemy, and forced them to confesse themselves not able to appear upon the Main:The League dis­solved. the mindes as well as the Fleet of the Christians being divided, he went to Sicily, the rest to other pla­ces. Thus was Alexander Farneze initiated in war, which as it begat an opinion, both among those great Souldiers, and Princes absent, specially the successour to Pope Pius, Pius V. Gregory XIII. Gregory, and King Philip of Spain, that he would prove a gallant General: so afterward it moved the King of his own ac­cord, to call him, where the war was most dangerous, into the Low-coun­treys.

For his Majesty pressed with the Low-countrey-mens daily complaints against Don Iohn of Austria, Prince Alex­ander joyned with his Mo­ther, is to be commissionated for the Govern­ment of the Low-coun­treys. and very desirous to quiet the Netherlands without Arms, that weaken even the Conquerour himself; he resolved to satisfie the desires of the Provinces; and in his Brothers place to substitute his Sister Margaret of Austria, with her Son Alexander Farneze. Hoping either by her prudence and power with the Low-countrey-men to find out some expedient towards the concluding of a Peace; or by his valour, if there was use of Arms, strongly to pursue the war. Therefore he ordered it, that Cardinall Granvell, Cardinal Gran­vel treats with them both in the King's name. then at Rome, should perswade his sister of Par­ma, to return into the Low-countreys. The Cardinall taking a journey to Aquila, found there very opportunely the Dutchesse and Prince Alexander, and read his letters containing the Kings desires to both together. Though his Majesty had likewise commanded the Marquesse of Ayamont, Governour of Millaine, Margaret of Parma is doubt­ful of accept­ing the offer. to treat with Prince Alexander apart. The Dutchesse answer­ed doubtfully,So is not her son Alexander. she would advise upon it; either fearing as she pretended, to displease Don Iohn: or by that delay and seeming refusal aym to put a higher value upon her journey. But Alexander Farneze, without the least demurring, said he would obey the King with all his heart, if it so pleased his mother. He made yet a plainer answer to two letters delivered him by Raphael Manrique, from Ayamont, (that was sick and kept his bed;) together with his Majesties letter,9 & 11 No­vemb. 1577. 11 Septemb. 1577. wherein, after expression of his grief for the death of Princesse Mary, The Kings Letter to him. wife to Prince Alexander, he signifies his resolution to imploy him in the Low-countreyes. I am certain (they are the Kings words,) now you know it, with a ready and undaunted mind you will satisfie my exspectation of you, and my love, which highly esteems you and your virtue, most illustrious Prince. But when the King altered his determination of substituting the Dutchesse in his Brothers place, by reason of Matthias the Arch-dukes coming into the Low-countreyes, it was doubted at Parma, whether it would be handsome for Prince Alexander to go and fight in the Low-countreyes, commanded by another: which consideration, he out of duty to the King, and desire of glory in the wars, easily contemned; especially incouraged by some dark words of Granvell, promising great matters. Besides Gregory the [Page 48] thirteenth interposed his Authority and exhortation;The Pope's en­couragement. who, informed of the design by Cardinal Farneze, highly praised it, and bad the Cardinal write to the Prince of Parma in his name, that the expedition would be pleasing to God; and therefore under so mighty protection, and upon encouragement from his Holi­ness, he should willingly and speedily undertake it. The Pope, I suppose, did not thus commend the warre, onely for the King of Spain's sake, and the com­mon cause of Religion; but for some peculiar benefit, that might result to the Pontifician Empire. For the Prince of Parma, being a Feudatary and Homager to the See Apostolick, his Holinesse thought himself concerned, in sending the Prince to a Forein warre, whence he might return an able General,Many Letters from Don John inviting him. 14 & 25 Oct. & 25 Novemb. 1577. to defend the Church of Rome. Wherefore Alexander Farneze, having within a few dayes, received three letters from Don Iohn of Austria, which invited him with great entreaties, and no lesse promises, to the society of warre and glory; making ready with all possible speed, the twelvth day after he left Parma, arrived at Luxemburg; He goes for the Low coun­treys. and there met Don Iohn: who with expressions of incredible contentment received Prince Alexander, that stood amazed to see his uncle no lesse impaired in his health, then in the presence and Majestie of the most fortunate Generall.How he findes Don John. So true it is, that they are most sensible of adverse fortune, which have been in most felicity. It is therefore probable, that Don Iohn, not against his will, or onely by the Kings command,That was re­ally glad to see him there. sent for the Prince of Parma, nor did with dissembled joy welcome him, from whose long approved fidelitie and valour he might pro­mise safety to the publick, and a particular preservation to himself, whose life was sought by so many plots. At their first meeting, Don Iohn impart­ed the Kings commands,The Pension given by the King to Alex. Farneze. that he should acquaint Prince Alexander with all businesse of Warre and Peace, and reserve for his use 1000 Crownes a moneth. Both which conditions pleased him very much, especially the later, usually given by the King to none but Viceroyes, Governours of Provinces, or Generalls of Armies. For some dayes the Prince of Parma took the money, (till the Kings high estimation of his merit was thereby di­vulged among the people) afterwards,24 Decemb. 1577. writing his humble thanks to his Ma­jesty, he,And by him re­fused. as one more ambitious of honour, then profit, refused the pay; ad­ding, that it was not fit he should be so remunerated, who had yet done no service, and he needed no encouragement.

But Alexander Farneze acting nothing without order from Don Iohn, The state of the Provinces. wholly applyed his minde and endeavours to inform himself of affaires at home and abroad; which he found to be in a very bad condition. For the King had but two Provinces that continued loyall; in the rest, the few Forts that held for his Majestie, daily revolted to the States. Nay even in Holland, Amsterdam it self began to waver. And in Brabant, Bergen op Zoom: where the Souldiers basely betraying their Colonell Charles Fugger, yeilded to the States.Breda besieged by the Genera's of the Confede­rates. But the Garrison of Breda, a while before deceived by a stratagem of the enemy, carryed themselves yet more basely towards their Colonell. For the Generalls of the Sates Arrmy, Philip Count Holach, and Frederick Pe­renot Lord of Campin, Cardinal Gran­vels Brother. that besieged Breda, they were gallantly opposed by George Fronsberg Colonel of the Germans that served Don Iohn: A Messenger with a Letter to Don John, but the Gar­rison, because they were some payes behind, daily growing to mutiny, Fronsberg by a man of know courage and trust, wrote to Don Iohn, speedily to dispatch away relief, for his men were grown so seditious he could hold [...]ut no longer. Discovered. But the messenger, either taken by Holach, or else playing the knave, was with his letters detained in the Leaguer, till such time as they might think he had been with Don Iohn, Another coun­terfeit Letter was sent. that a probable delay might give more credit to the jugling. Then another, in stead of the first, was dispatched to [Page 49] the Town, that excusing the stay of him, they sent, who he said was fallen sick, brought a formall answer, as from the hand of Don Iohn, bidding them upon good conditions render the Town: and that shortly; when supplies came to him, The Town ren­dred. he would send (but yet he could not) forces to recover it. The messenger and letter was believed, and the Town yielded.The Perfidious­ness of the Gar­rison. To the Colonell's errour was added the villany of his Souldiers, which during the time of the Treaty, either corrupted with money or discontent, furiously laid hands upon him, and perfidiously delivered him bound to Holach and Campin, that made it one of their conditions. In the interim, whilst they march out, finding them­selves cheated by the enemy, and seeing the supplies, sent by Don Iohn, at hand; they repented both their haste, and perjury. The Diceran not so mer­rily on Holach's side at Ruremund, Ruremond holds out a­gainst the Con­f [...]iderates. which he with great forces going to as­sault, found Garrison'd by Don Iohn with 4000 men, commanded by Ae­gidius Barlamont Lord of Hierg, and likewise by a Sally of Polvillerius Co­lonel of the Germans in the Town, beaten from the Siege, with the losse of his Carriages,Still the Trea­ty of Peace con­tinues. and many of his men, he fled. Yet the Treaty of Peace went on, continual messengers posting from both sides, as if it were out of hope and desire of successe; and not rather to give words for words, that one might seem to take up Arms justlier then the other.The Queen of England moves for a Cessation of Arms, in a threatning way. Nothing else was intended by the Queen of England, at that time moving Don Iohn for a Ces­sation of Arms, save onely that upon the denyal of her request, she would be thought in a manner necessitated to assist the Estates: her Majesty threat­ning Don Iohn and the King, to whom she sent an expresse Messenger, that if they refused to do it,She is not list­ned to. she would never more pleasure them in any thing what­sover. But her threats being understood,The hope of Peace vanish­eth. she was desired by the King and Done Iohn to move the other side, whom she might with a great deal more justice perswade to lay down Arms, rendring obedience to their Prince. Wherefore both parties with the conditions likewise rejecting the messen­gers that brought them,Aprodigious Comet. all Treaties of Accomodation now cut off,In Novemb. & Decemb. 1577. & Janu­ary 1578. no hope was left of quieting the Low-countreys, but by Arms. And about that time, a blazing Star rose with such a fatall Aspect, as Mathematicians laboured to demonstrate, that a more horrid one never had appeared: which mindes prone warr looked at, as a Standard set up in heaven.

The first and memorable Battel was fought at Gemblac, Of the Battel of Gemblac. nine miles from Namure, in the entry of Brabant; both Armies being a wh [...]le before muster­ed, the Catholick at Marcha, a Town in the Province of Luxemburg, the enemy at Temple, a Village not far from Namure: and those were found less, these more then was supposed. For it was reported, that Don Iohn had 22000 Foot,Both Armies mustered whereas upon the Musters appeared not 18000, as Alexander Farneze, that was present with Don Iohn, set down in his account. On the contrary,January 20. the States Mustered about 20000, that were, a while before, not thought to be 17000.Don John's is lesse, For the number of these was daily increased by Soul­diers of Fortune,The enemie's greater. that came in hope of Pillage, which they could not have from Don Iohn, that raised men onely with money. And yet his Army though fewer (& weaker in Horse,But his are bet­ter men. as not full two thousand) because they had the advantage of being the older and the better Souldiers, were a great deal more desirous of a Battel. The Catholick Souldiers were likewise much encouraged by the Letters of Gregory the thirteenth, wishing happinesse to them,And more con­fident, for this respect. and by the Christian custome, freely granting them a general pardon of their sins. Which the Commanders making use of, the Army when they were all absolved,6. January. with much more cheerfulnesse marched against the ene­my. The Spyes likewise brought in news (which made Don Iohn e [...]spect [Page 50] no longer) that Philip Count Lalin, and Robert Melodune Viscount Gant, this commanding the Horse, he the Foot, and Valentine Pardieu Generall of the Artillery,Pardieu, Lord de la Mot. were absent from the enemies Campe, pretending an invitation to a Marriage, celebrated with great Pompe in Bruxels; but indeed, as it was reported, out of distaste taken at the Prince of Orange; besides, many others, that could not away with the sharpnesse of the Winter (being Sum­mer Captaines) had left the field, and withdrawn into the City. He that now commanded in chief for the Confederates,Goigny, Com­mander in chief for the Confede­rates. was Anthony Goigny Lord of Vendege in the Wood, an old Souldier, trained up in his youth under Charles the fifth,from 18. then a Captain of Lanceirs at the Battel of Saint Quintin: afterwards,1567. Leivtenant General of the Auxiliaries sent by King Philip to Charles the ninth of France, under the command of Count Aremberg. 1576. But two years before the differences between the Spaniards and Low-countreymen had alienated his endeavours, rather then affections from the Kings Service. The enemy intended to surprise Don Iohn in Namure, and to this purpose were now upon their march, but understanding that he had a far stronger Army, then was imagined, and meant to draw out of Namure, and give them Battel; altering their determination, they were retiring to Gemblac, there, upon certain knowledg of the enemies strength, maturely to order their affaires. The States Army quartered that night in the Village of St. Martin, almost five miles distant from the Forces of Don Iohn, The Order of his Army. lying at Namure. Thence before break of day, firing their Huts, they retreated towards Gemb­lac, in this manner. First marched Emmanuel Montin, and William Hese, with their Regiments flanked with Carabines of the Colonels, Villers, and Fres­noi. The main Battel (consisting of the German and Wallon Regiments, three of French, thirteen of Scots and English) was led by Maximilian He [...]n, Count of Boluc, a while since revolted from the King, and by Federick Pe­renot Lord of Campin. The Rere, in which was their strength of Horse, being commanded by the Counts Philip Egmont, son to Lamoral, and Lamè a Marcha, Marquesse of Havre; Duke Arescot's Brother, and the Camp­master Goigny, Goigny Liev­tenant-Gene­ral to the Arch-duke Matthias, for this Expediti­on. Lievtenant-General of the Army, riding up and down, with some select wings of Horse. In the Forlorn they had placed the Pioners and Workmen, intermixed with a Company of Foot. The Battel was en­closed with their Baggage, and flanked with some Feild-pieces. They had likewise secured their backs (fearing the enemy would follow) with their best Musketteirs,Scoutes sent out, and an am­bush laid by Don Iohn. and stoutest Souldiers. Nor was Don Iohn less active, but a good while before day, moved from Namure, sending before Antonio Oli­vera, and Ferdinando Acosta, with some Horse and Foot, to discover the Wood-land Countrey, and possesse himself of advantageous places. Part of his Army he left behind at the bank of Mose under Charles Mansfeldt: the greater and stronger part followed him,The Catholick Army thus mar­shalled. in this order. In the Van, where he had put the strength of his Cavalry, first marched the Light-horse with Pistols, then the Lanciers at a distance: for defence to both, came on the whole body of the Curaciers, with their Officers in the head of every Troop, some Vantcurrers advancing a little before the Army, with small bodies of the fleetest Horse. The main Battel was a Square, consisting of two Regi­ments, Musketteirs and Pikemen, most them Spaniards and Germans, their Colonels likewise leading up their men. The Rere, contained a Square Battalion of Wallons, safely flanked with their Carriages and Bag­gage, the Burgundian Carabines riding mingled with them. The Van-guard was commanded by Octavio Gonzaga; the Rere-guard by Ernest Count Mansfeldt, this Camp-master, he General of the Horse. In the midst was [Page 51] the Generall himself Don Iohn of Austria, with the Prince of Parma, attend­ed by the Life-guard;The Standard. whence appeared the Royall Standard, in which Don Iohn, as he had conceived an extraordinary confidence in the Divine Assi­stance, under the triumphall Crosse of Christ, had caused these words to be written, In this signe I did vanquish the Turks, and shall the Hereticks. He had not marched farre, but he came within sight of the enemy, and learn­ing the Confederates designe from a couple of Prisoners taken in some light skirmishes by Olivera, presently drew out near six hundred horse, Lanceirs and Carabines, and intermixing with them one thousand foot, Pikemen and Musketteers, gave them, in two divisions, to Octavio Gonzaga, and Christo­phero Mondragonio: Don Johns or­ders. ordering Gonzaga to charge the enemy in the Rere; but so, as not to engage their whole Forces, till he with the Prince of Parma and the rest of the Army were come up.Parties of both sides first skir­mish. At first he obeyed, and skirmishing, onely galled their last Troops; till Gonzaga saw Perotto of Sassofferrata, who that day commanded the Troop of Camillo Montio, Perotto of Sas­soferrata. so farre advanced, that he feared the enemies whole Army would be rashly drawn upon him, be­fore Don Iohn could advance. He therefore presently sent one upon the spur, with command that Perotto should immediately retire, without ingaging himself and his horse. But he (for the command was proudly delivered) resenting it with indignation, as if he were held a coward, bad the man with his imperious importunity be gon, and tell Gonzaga, that Perotto never yet turned his back in a battell, The place of battell. nor could now if he would. There was, upon the flank of the Forces wherewith they skirmished, a high way, deep in mine and water, more like a Bog then a Road, which the enemy declining, march'd in a way that would receive fewer a breast:Alex. Farne­ze's conjecture of the enemy. Thither Prince Alex­ander had galloped up, to see how things went (for Don Iohn kept the Prince from fighting, as if he had use of him to order the battell, and to send in supplies) and observing that the enemies horse, either by reason of the ill way, or out of their hast to reach Gemblac, marched in no little disorder (which he conjectured by the waving of their pikes, tangling and crossing one another) he resolved to exspect no longer, but catching a Lance from the Gentleman of his horse, and getting upon one of Camillo a Monte's char­ging-horses, better managed then his own, his eyes and face speaking the language of a Battel,His words to the Gentleman of his Horse. Curtius. and looking upon the Gentlemen, Go, said he, to the Generall, and tell him, that Alexander Farneze remembring the old Romane, will cast himself into the gulph, and hopes by Gods grace, and the fortune of the House of Austria, to bring out of it this day, a certain and a glorious victorie. Then shewing those about him how advantageous it would be,He communi­cates his designe to the Officers about him. if advancing a little they would plunge through, and charge the enemie in the flank; his fervour and example with the same violence, drew along the valiantest Hors-commanders, Bernardino Mendoza, Henr. Vienni­us Lord of Ceuravium. Giovanni Baptista, Camillo a Monte, Fer­dinando Toledo, Martinengo, Viennius, Mondragonio, and many more. And he himself, riding among the Horse of Mutio Pagano Captain-Lieutenant to Mondragonio, And they fol­lowing, he first passeth over the Gulph. entred the bog, followed by all those gallant Cavaleers; and when a few of them yet tugging, the rest had fortunately passed over, and got field room to ease their horses, encouraging one another, they made a little stand,They all together charge the ene­mies horse. till they ranked themselves in one equall front. Then riding full speed, Alexander Farneze in the head of them, they charged the enemie so home with their Lances, Gonzaga seconding with the rest of the Cavalry, and Don Iohn still sending in fresh men, that the Confederates Horse (this division being amazed) had presently wheeled off, if their Commanders perswasions and threats,And rout them. and the example of their betters, had not stop [...] [Page 52] them for a while. But having once taken a thorow-fright, their minds be­ing conquered, at last they turned their backs; and flying precipitately, fell foul upon their Foot that stood behind, breaking their Ranks, riding over some,Execution done upon the Confe­derates army. and leaving the rest to the furie of the sword: So as their Foot, for­saken by their Cavalry, especially those in the middle, that were first broke by the flight of their own men, and the impression of the enemy, charged in the Rere and Flanks by the Kings horse, that fiercely now pursued their Victorie, Goigny labouring, but in vain to rally them, were all miserably cut to pieces.Ianuar. 31. Seldome was known more bloud spilt, and a battel sooner won by fewer men, and with so little losse. Seldome was better experience made,The day won by the horse. how much the strength of either side consists in ho [...]se: For by six hundred Horse (they were no more that began,Christ. Assonv. in Relatione, sayes, One Spaniard was too hard for ten Confede­rates. and but twelve hundred when they won the battel) full ten thousand Foot were part slain, part taken prisoners; and the rest of the Armie (no lesse then eight thousand Horse) in the space of an hour and an half, with the losse of onely nine of the Kings men, were routed; thirty four Colours taken, with their field­pieces, and almost all their Carriages and Baggage.How great the Victorie. Mar. Delr. sayes but two were slain. Mich. ab Isselt Leo. Belg. Their Generall himself, and some persons of qualitie came into the enemies power; the rest, with the greatest part of their Horse, that ran at first, got basely off, flying, so me to Gemblac, most to Bruxels. Nor secure at Gemblac, though it was fortified, upon the approach of the victorious Army, diverse, before the assault, fled further into Brabant, Febr. 2. the rest promised to render upon certain conditions. But Don Iohn refusing to give any,Gemblac be­sieged by the Conquerours. Yielded. they yielded themselves and the Town to mercy. Nor was this a contemptible addition to the Victorie: For the enemie determining to make Gemblac the seat of the Warre, had vict [...]alled it for many moneths, and laid in Arms, and store of Ammunition, which came all into the Conquerours hands.Mercy shewed to the town. The Town, destined for a prey to the souldiers, by a kind of fate upon the place; (for ever since the year of our Lord 900, it is famous for many sackings, burnings, and plundrings) at the earnest suit of Lambert Count and Abbot of Gemblac, made to Alexander Farneze, and by him unto Don Iohn, was preserved both from the plunder and injurie of the souldier.And to the pri­soners. The Garrison being onely disarmed, such as were Low-countrey men, taking an oath never more to bear Arms against the King of Spain, the rest not within a year, were all let go, save twelve of the principall, detained in stead of hostages, that were carried to the Castle of Namure, with their Generall Goigny. Who was before his departure brought to Don Iohn, Don Iohn's words to Ge­neral Goignie. and (they say) desiring to kisse his victorious hand, he gave it him with these words, God thus breaks their contumacy, that impiously rebell against Religion and their King: The successe even of this battell, wherein so great an Army was defeated by so few, shews how much God Almighty favours his Majesties just cause. But he onely answering, That he never took up arms against Religion,The Conquerours commended by Don Iohn. with the other prisoners was removed. Then Don Iohn taking notice of his own Souldiers merits, graciously calling to him every Commander, and the stoutest of the Souldiers, with great and glo­rious words magnificently commended their service. Among them all he was not ignorant that Alexander Farneze best deserved;Prince Alexan­der especially. yet the more he saw the Army look upon him, and extoll his courage, the more he thought it concerned his Love and Place to praise, not without care and caution, the virtue of that man whom he both feared, and affected. Therefore minding the Prince of his danger at the battell of Lepanto, With some ad­ [...]ition. he remembred him of the Office of a Generall, and said, He was sent thither by the King his Uncle, to advance the Warre, not with his hand, and the danger of a common [Page 53] souldier,Alex. Farne­ze's Answer. but with his counsel and conduct. Prince Alexander replying, that he could think no man fit to command in chief, that had not first va­liantly performed the duties of a common souldier, especially under so great a Generall; was received both with the Armies applause, and the Generalls embraces.His letter to the King in praise of Don Iohn. But the Prince of Parma wrote Don Iohns praises (not beyond their merit) much more freely, and without any exception to the King: For together with the Generalls Letters, giving an account of the battell to his Mejestie at Argenton, Prince Alexander gratulated the Kings victory won, first by Gods assistance, and in the next place by the prudence and valour of Don Iohn: F [...]br. 5. And that as the enemy in the field found him a most valiant Generall; so when they had laid down Arms, he shewed himself a mercifull Conquerour, by his Majesties example. And therefore it was to be ho­ped, that that victory, in all mens account the greatest ever gained in the Low-countreys, would shortly draw along with it the reducement of many Cities. The like Com­m [...]ndations in­serted in many other letters, from Prince Alexander to Anton. Perez, Marc. Almazar and Marc. Aye­mont. And writing a Complementall relation of the same victory to some Lords of Spain, that were his antient friends and acquaintance, at large to his Mother, more briefly to his Father, and his uncle-Cardinall; he still inserted the like commendations of Don Iohn, nothing at all of himself; either out of the greatnesse of his spirit, hoping to do yet more glorious things, and there­fore concealing this, as of no moment; or else assuring himself others would write to the same persons those very actions,Feb. 15. much more to his glo­ry. But at Bruxels where they yet heard not the mis-fortune of their men,Feb. 13. they consulted in the Archdukes presence, whether Don Iohn should be as­sailed,wherein he writes nothing of himself. The Deputies of the Estates, ig­norant of the Victory, sit in Councell. or exspected in the fields; whether they should fight with all their forces, or a part? when suddenly the sad news ran through the whole city, that they had fought unfortunately with Don Iohn, and lost a day where the Spaniard had his fill of bloud. Which being confirmed by many that at last had got by their fear and flight, into the Town. It being further said, that Gemblac was taken by the enemie, who had the Generall of their army prisoner, and had put all their Foot to the sword, some reporting (as fear ever fancies danger near at hand) that Don Iohn with his victorious ar­my would presently be at the City-gates;Their trepidati­on when they heard the news. The Arch-duke and the Prince of Orange flie. Bruxels was so terrified, as the next day, leaving some kind of Garrison in the Town, the Prince of Orange, with the Arch-duke, carrying along the Courts of Justice, and the Senate, retired to Antwerp▪ Nor was Don Iohn altogether averse from besieging Bruxels, propounding it to his Councel of Warre. But being hindered by the thinness of his army, which could not be recruited unlesse the King sent money, it was thought best, before men recovered that fit of terrour, to car­rie into severall parts the Warre and Victory, consisting in expedition; rather then to dull the souldiers alacritie, with lying before a Town. Octavio Gon­zaga was therefore commanded with five hundred chosen Horse, and some regiments of Foot, immediately to assault Lovain and Machlin, Cities well affected to Don Iohn. Lord of Hierg. AEgidius Barlamont with Charles Mansfeldts French Regiment,Lovain yields to Don Iohn. and four colours of Wallons marcht to Bovines. And Lovain, not exspecting a summons,Feb. 5. turning out the Scottish Garrison, rendred themselves to Ganzaga of their own accord.And Iudoigne. So did Iudoignia, a Town of more ac­count for the healthfulness of air,And Tienen. then fruitfulnesse of soil, in which re­spect the ancient Dukes of Brabant used to make it a Nursery for their chil­dren:Feb. 7. the like was done by Tienen; And Areschot. and a while after, not without force, by Areschott. Feb. 17. To Machlin and Vilvord (newly garrison'd by the States) Gonzaga came too late. But Bovines (a Citie accustomed to assaults, ne­ver attempted by the enemie in vain,And Bovines. often slighted; but ever by the [Page 54] peoples constancie fortified again) received the Lord of Heirge (but not before a great part of the walls was battered down) upon con­ditions.

Don Iohn, while things succeed as he could wish, resolving to reduce the rest of Brabant, ordered Alexander Farneze to attaque Diestem, a Town be­longing to the Prince of Orange. Sichem sum­moned. He, with part of his forces, marching thither, left he should leave Sichem on his back, a neighbour Town to Die­stem, and a place at that time not to be neglected, both for the Fort (which afterwards was ruined, with a great part of the Town) and for the con­venience of the River Demera; sends thither, with his German Regiment, Lancelot Barlamont Count of Megen. Refuseth to treat. But they of Sichem, confident both in the place, which they had prettily well fortified, and likewise in their number;Alex. Farneze makes ready for an assault. refusing to treat, industriously prepared for their defence. When Prince Alexander comming up,Febr. 21. after he had offer'd his Devotions upon a hill close by the Town, where the Blessed Virgin works miracles out of an Oak, planted against the old wall of the Suburbs, standing in diameter to the Lovain-Port, eight demi-Culverins; and beginning at day-break to make a Battery no lesse violent then constant,Ordering his Forces. holding till noon day, having made divers breaches in the Castle, he gave orders for an assault; which pro­ved the stronger, by reason of the emulation between severall Nations. The Germans, In this manner. under Count Megen, he commanded to march in the mid­dle right against the Port, on the right hand the Spaniards, on the left the Lovainers, under the Colonells Mondragonio and Samblemont. Some com­panies of Wallons were also ordered to bring scaling-ladders, which they, when the signe was given, should fasten to the contrary part of the wall, for diverting the enemie. Then the word going about, and the souldiers animated, not so much with hope of glory, or plunder, (great matters be­ing never exspected from a little Town) as with fury at their preposterous confidence,The fight. The Royalists. and the shame it would be, if the victorious Army were said to stick at Sichem, both parties fought most gallantly; and while these, not daunted at the death of such as fell close by them, ran up the walls: those standing upon their ruins hindred them from climing,The Sichemers by the interposition of their bodies;Peter Henri­quez, and Ba­raiaz. the event for a while was dubious: but the Spaniards ha­ving lost two Captains, such furie and indignation possessed them, to be so affronted,The Town is taken. that anger whetting their courage, they made the Defendants turn their backs, and from their quarter entred first the Town. Likewise in other places the Townsmen being no longer able to resist, and hearing the Wallons scaled the walls on the other side, terrified with this rumour, all at once quitted their Posts. And the Town-souldiers, laying down their Arms, most of them yielded. But some of the Garrison in the close of the evening (they were about two hundred) suddenly got into the Castle. Others,They that flie are cut to pieces almost an hundred and fiftie, stealing away in the night out at the breaches, fell upon the Horse (for that purpose placed by Alexander Far­neze, beyond the River) and were all to a man cut off.The Town plundered. The Pillage of the Town, as he threatned the enemy, Prince Alexander gave his souldiers, not permitting them to injure the women, and preserving by his presence, the Houses of consecrated Virgins. He put the town to their choice of Mercie, or the Sword,The Castle holds out. according as they yielded, or stood out. Nothing now re­mained but the Castle, secured onely by the stubbornness of the Defen­dants, which stubbornness was fomented by a hope, that the town-port being dammed up, they could raise no Battery whereon to plant Can­non, and consequently neither could the Castle be battered, nor they them­selves [Page 55] forced to surrender in so short a time, but that Relief might come from Diestem. The besieged were also favoured by the Spaniards want of Pioners,But Alex. Far­neze batters down their works. and workmen, to dig and bank. But Prince Alexander's dex­teritie overcame all difficulties. For causing all the iron in the camp to be brought forth, and looking upon the great Commanders round a­bout him,And raises new of his own. he himself first broke the earth; presently, by his example, the noblest of them, with emulous alacritie: in conclusion, the Ca­ptains, and Common souldiers, who at first seemed to disdain the work, followed it with such eagerness, as that verie night, though wearied with the day's fight, in four hours space they not onely levelled the earth-work on this side the Port; but cast it up again within the Town, planting upon it their battery against the Castle. But the next morn­ing, when they in the Castle saw the new sconce,The Castle ren­dred. and thereon the Can­non, astonished with fear and admiration, they presently yielded, implo­ring the Conquerours mercy,The Prisoners executed. but in vain: Because they were the first that would not stoop, till broken and subdued; and because most of them, contrary to their oath taken at the battell of Gemblac, were once more in arms against the King, Prince Alexander pretermitting unseasonable mer­cie, and resolving to punish them as traytours, commanded the Go­vernour of the Fort, with the principall souldiers and Boutefeues, to be hanged over the Castle-walls; the rest, about four hundred and seventy, to be put to the sword by night, and cast into the River that ran below. Thus revenging hostile perjurie, he taught Diestem what to do by others danger.Diestem terri­fied. And they took warning by the example: For being summoned, though at first they refused to submit, in hope of suc­cours from Antwerp and Lyre; Feb. 24. Yet when the Kings Horse were quar­tered beyond the River, and had fortified some Countrey-mens houses, so, as they saw the enemie possessed of those parts, by which they hoped relief would come:Submits. and on the other side the River, Batteries raised, and Cannon drawn thither with admirable celeritie; by their neigh­bours misfortune admonished not to be wise too late, they rendred upon Articles, themselves and their Citie to the King. And Alexander Far­neze, that he might put a difference between their Obedience,And are grati­ou [...]y used. and o­thers Contumacy, used these of Diastem with all humanitie, protected them and theirs, not suffering so much as one house to be plundred. But the souldiers (about three hundred,The Garrison-souldiers take Pay of the King most of them Wallons) with their Arms, and Baggage, not their Colours, marching out according to Conditions, the Prince of Parma by their firm and well timbred bodies, making an estimate of their military hearts, made it he signi­fied to them, That they might, if they would, be received into the Kings Pay: whereto they assented, and taking a new Oath to serve his Majestie, had their Colours delivered them, and were disposed of in the Wallon-Regiment.Levia reduced. Levia ran the fortune of Diestem; which Town ly­ing between Tienen and Diestem, Febr. 27. Prince Alexander being commanded to reduce, it was the same day he attaqued it, yeilded upon conditions, and taking away their Colours from an hundred of the Garrison, he dis­missed them; but another hundred swearing to be faithfull to the King, he honoured with the redelivery of their Colours, and gave them en­tertainment.

These three Cities being rendred in seven dayes, Alexander Farneze brought back the Victorious Army to Don Iohn, and marched with him to Nivell, a Town in the entrance of Haynolt, seated upon the [Page 56] skirt of Brabant, which Iustus Villiers with six Colours of Foot, and two Cornets of Horse,C. Mansfeld attemps Nivel. kept for the States. Thither Don Iohn had sent Charles Count Mansfeldt with his French Tertia, who both by Battery and Assault had tried his fortune;Is repulsed. but was twice beaten from the wals, rather for want of luck,The Town treats with Don Iohn then courage. But Don Iohn and Prince Alex­ander coming up with the rest of the Army, the Nivellers finding them­selves too weak, wrote Letters to the Generall, excusing the delay of their Rendition, not out of contumacy towards the King, or the Kings brother; but in hatred to the French, unto whom in regard of the ancient enmitie be­tween the Nations,A mutinie in the Catholick Army. they held it a dishonour to submit. Whilest they treat, a tumult arose in the Leaguer, caused by the Germans. Some compa­nies of them had for two moneths received no pay. Whereupon the souldi­ers took an occasion to rant; and sending a Messenger to Don Iohn, unless for their arrears he would give them the pillage of the Town, proudly threat­ned to mutiny. Don Iohn, who had resolved to shew his clemency to the Town, dismissed the messenger not without some hope. Then, to separate the rest of that Battalion from the seditious companies,Don Iohn se­vers the Muti­neers. he commanded their faithfull and valiant Colonell, Count Megan, with that part which was not involved in the crime (taking along divers companies besides them out of other Regiments) instantly to march towerds Bruxells and Antwerp, as if from thence the enemie was feared. By which separation, the Mutineers, without their fellows help, left naked, were presently environed as enemies by the whole Army. First, they were commanded to lay down their arms, then to deliver the Authours of the mutiny:Demands the Principall of them. Twelve they delivered up, out of those were chosen eight by lots: of those eight four by the same chance were to die;Makes them cast lots for their lives. for so many Don Iohn resolved to punish. Yet at the earnest suit of severall Nations, petitioning for the particular men, two were, even at deaths door, pardone; and two onely remained to suffer. But one of these an old souldier, and ever untill that day faithfull, going to die with one that never did service, shewed his scarrs; and alledging not falsely, his de­serts, being generally pitied,At last one is hanged. wars pardoned, upon the humble desire of cer­tain noble Spaniards. One sacrifice finally expiating the offence of All, and quieting the sedition.March 11. That done, he returned to the treaty with Nivel, which was soon concluded,The Nivellers render them­selves. in this manner. The Citizens indemnified were received into grace. The Garrison leaving (except their swords) all their arms,The Garrison suffered to de­part without their Arms, which are be­stowed upon the French. ammunition, and baggage were permitted to depart. Which arms and baggage, Don Iohn bestowed upon the French, to make amends for their losse in the assault, and some kind of satisfaction for the plunder of the Town, which in their hopes they had devoured. But the Bountie was to many of them fatall. For the French breaking into the Palace of Justice, where these Arms were kept,A gift that ruins them. Mar. Delr. l. 5. Turb. Belg. saith 200 were lost. and in despight of their Officers fighting for their shares, not a few were wounded; in the mean time, a spark by chance falling from a souldiers match, into a Flask of Pouder, and with the flash firing the priming pans of the Muskets that lay on heaps, and were by the enemie left charged;The like mis­fortune formerly happened to their Nation, almost an hundred and twenty were slain outright, or miserably maimed, and bloudying the Palace with an unexspected slaugh­terdearly paid for their rashness and precipitate avarice. Renewing the memory of that misfortune,Anno 1552. which, in this very Province, befell their coun­trey-men; who,Pont. Heuter. l. 3. Thuan. lib. 10. the while their Generall treated with the inhabitants of Cimace, about the render of the Town, scaling the walls in hope of plun­der, as they ran about the Castle which they had surprized, the pouder taking fire, almost two hundred of the plunderers were burnt. But at Nivel [Page 57] the rest of the French, The French­men move for a discharge from the service. on what motive is uncertain, desired the Generalls leave to depart. Whether angry with their own unfortunate miscarriage in the siege of Nivel, so as they could not brook the sight of their fellow-souldiers; or whether losing their hopes of pillage (which drew them to it before the Army came up) and therefore discontented that the Generall had been so quick in giving them conditions, and had (onely that his cle­mency might be famed) spared a Town deserving to be sack'd: or lastly, whether (as I rather think) induced thereto by the States Emissaries, which perswading them,Duke of Alen-Son. that the Kings brother, the Duke of Alengon would come into the Low-countreys to oppose Don Iohn, won them to his service. I am sure the Spaniard found, that most of them, two moneths after, returned enemies out of France. Don Iohn easi­ly grants their suit. Whatsoever their reasons were, Don Iohn willing­ly dismissed them, whom, though gallant souldiers, yet impatient of mili­tary Discipline, especially under a Spanish Generall, he could hardly govern: withall being covetous, and making high demands, he, as it often happens, to avoid their ill opinions, sometimes gave more, lest he should be suspected to give lesse,They return in arms against him. then they deserved. But almost six hundred of these men, that a while after came back from France, to serve the enemie, had as evil for­tune, as advice. For surprizing some villages in the entrance of Haynolt, whilst they feast, and think themselves secure, Camillo a Monte falling upon their quarters, who for his speedier march brought three hundred Horse with every one a Musketteer behind him, presenting death before battell, killed above two hundred of them.Part of them slain by surprise Part retire to a Fort. The rest valiantly fighting, made good their retreat into the neighbouring Castle of Avena, under the command of Ran­dulpho Cenamio a Luccese. To whom Camillo sent Laurentio Tuccio, Cenamio's old friend (for they were Comrades in the Wars of France with Sana Marti­nengo, and Sacramono Birago) in hope he might perswade him to surrender. After a short parley,And will take no conditions. broke off with some hot language, Cenamio in a hostile manner, though wounded and bleeding, sent him away, professing he would sooner part with his life, then with the Castle. Whereupon Camillo, more enraged, had now drawn out his men to the assault. But not daring with­out Cannon to adventure upon the Castle, new garrison'd by the French, he marched back to the Army, that was at the same time, with strange celerity, victorious over Haynolt.

For after the render of Nivel, Towns surren­dred to Don Iohn. divers strong places of that Province, within fifteen dayes, yielded to the King. Binch, Binch. sometimes the delight of Mary Queen of Hungary, and therefore exposed to the hatred of Henry the second of France. 1554. It is reported, a stone was there found engraven by King Henry (in revenge of his House, defaced by Queen Mary,) with these words, Bedlam-Queen, remember Foblembre. Likewise Malbuge Malbuge. upon the river of Sambre; Reux, Beaumont, Reux, Bean­mont, Soigniac Barlamont. Cimace taken by Assault. Soigniac, Barlamont, and other towns, though little, yet verie commodious for quartering the Armie in Haynolt. Cimace, the Principality of Duke Areschot, stormed, and the Castle rendred upon these conditions,April 15. That the Governour should march out safe, on horseback,The Castle yields with his sword and dagger, the souldiers (that were six hun­dred) in the same manner, onely the Foot were to leave the rest of their arms and baggage. But at Philipvil, a new city of Haynolt, onely thirty three years old, yet by the site and fortification very strong, for keeping off the incursions of the French, the Armie was more put to it then in any other place.

Philipvil stands in a great plain,Philipvil besie­ged. upon somwhat a rising ground; its circum­ference is very narrow,It's site. but defended with five sconces, encompassed with [Page 58] high walls, lined thick with earth to damp the Cannon-bullets, and guard­ed with a marvellous broad ditch. Don Iohn considering all this, delivered his opinion, that it was not to be assaulted with the Sword, but with the Spade, the old and faithfull instrument for taking places fortified; all our great souldiers (even at this day, when we are grown so much more inge­nuous then our Ancestours, in multiplying the engins of death) being not able to invent a surer way to ruine walls; which are lesse endangered by the thunder of the Cannon, then by this slow and silent weapon of the Pioner; whence souldiers have a Proverb,'Tis invaded that 'tis the spade and pickax, which build and destroy Forts. Therefore after he had drawn a line about the town, and brought his trenches near the ditch, Don Iohn commanded the Pioners, working under long and thick boards, As we read in Cesar, Livie, and others. in the form of a Tortois, covered with raw hides to secure them from Granadoes (anciently called Vine­yards, and Galleries) to enter the ditch, and with their Pickaxes and Spades to undermine the foundation of the wall. Which whilst they (guarded by the souldiers) strongly endeavoured, the defendants sallying out, and at the same time others from the walls pouring down stones and wild-fire, they had divers bloudy encounters,Don John per­forming the parts of a Ge­nerall and a common souldi­er. with great losse on both sides. Don Iohn in the mean time, omitting no duty either of a Generall, or Gentle­man; so as at the works, he both called upon, and contended with the com­mon souldier. At last, the hearts of the besieged no lesse shaken then their walls, partly being divided among themselves, so that first they imprisoned Florineus Governour of the Town for favouring the Royalists, and after­wards released him; partly upon news of the defeat of those forces, which to relieve the Town,It is rendred. the Prince of Orange sent for out of France; they be­gan a Treatie,Upon these terms. demanding indemnitie for the Citie; and that so many of their souldiers as would serve the King, might have three moneths pay, then due to them from the States:May 19. the rest to be suffered to depart, with drums beating, Colours flying, and the wonted pomp of souldiers, that carry out the funerall of a citie. Their demands being granted, almost five hundred of the Garrison changed their service. As many, with one Troop of Horse, departed: the Town reduced to the Kings obedience, was continued under the Command of their old Governour Florineus.

The End of the ninth Book.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The tenth Book.

IN the meane time Don Iohn of Austria, 1578. having by his daily and nightly Labour contracted a weaknesse of Sto­macke,The expedition of Limburg by Don John in his sicknesse committed to Alexander Farneze. and a Languishing of his whole Body; whilst he went to Namure for his health, left the Army to Prince Alexander But first holding a Councell of Warre about the besieging of Limburg, which it was feared would otherwise do much hurt to the Province of Luxemburg, he commended that Service to the Prince of Parma. He willingly under­tooke it,Why he under­takes it. and the rather, because he hoped to fight with Iohn Casimir Bro­ther to the Prince Elector Palatine, who, it was said, would bring his Army that way into the Low-countreys, thereby to vindicate (as he told the great Commanders) the honour of the Royall Army, which in some men's Let­ters was aspersed, as if they shunned the Enemy, and durst not come to a Battaile with the States; but that declining the Encounter, they carryed the Warre up and downe, only to bug-beare Townes and Villages. There­fore Prince Alexander, Part of his Forces sent before. sending before Gabriell Nignio a valiant Spanish Colonell, with seven Colours of Musketters, and commanding Camillo a Monte should follow with the Horse to second Nignio, when he stormed the Suburbs of Limburg, hee himselfe, about Midnight, moved with the Spanish and Wallon Foote,Iune 7. leaving Fronsberg's Regiment to conduct ten peice of Cannon that came after. And Nignio, beating the first Companyes that opposed him, afterwards with some losse taking the Suburbs,The Suburbs taken. got a huge booty of Cattell and Victuall. But as it was a worke of too much time to besiege the Towne, so it seemed of too much difficulty presently to storme it. For Limburg stands upon a high Rock, the Valley about it being all craggy,The site of Limburg. and therefore, saue only by the higher ground towards the South, inaccessible. Besides, it might be relieved by the River Vuest running through the Towne.Vvest. All this troubled not Prince Alexander, who Viewing the Place,Wo [...]kes in or­der to an As­sault. chose a Hill whereon to plant his Cannon, be­tweene which and the Towne was the smoothest part of the Valley. From the Hill he commanded the Pioners to run a Trench sloping [Page 2] downe into the Valley, and from thence to carry it within sight of the Towne, thence turning againe obliquely, to bring it to the Sconce at the very City gate: whilst the rest of his Workmen on the other side under­mined a Tower at some distance from the Castle, shooting out like a pro­montory. In both Works was more of Terrour then Danger to the Towne. For they had scarce broke the Earth two foote deepe, when they were hindred by Rock. Yet making blindes of Boughs they defended their Trenches against the Shot from the Walls: Prince Alexander himselfe ha­stening the men at worke,Prince Alexan­ders Letter to the Limburgers sometimes visiting the Diggers, sometimes the Miners. He likewise used gracious Invitations to the Limburgers sending them Letters by a Trumpetter: Wherein he forbare to reprove, but rather admonished them, as assured of the Victory, and only carefull not to de­stroy the King's City and Subjects by the Sword. They receiving the Let­ter from the Trumpetter at the Gate, and reading it in publique, bade him returne at the same houre next day.They defer the sending of their Answer. But when he came, they told him no Resolution could be Pitcht upon, by reason of the difference betwixt the Townsmen and the Souldiers, but if he would come, yet once againe, he should the day following have an absolute Answer.Whereat enra­ged. Prince Alexander knowing that the Besieged used such trifling Delayes, only to gaine time, forbade the Messengers to go any more: conceiving it below the Dignity of the King's Army, and that it would show like a Confession of some Weaknesse:He hastens the finishing his workes. but was more industrious in advancing towards the Towne his Trenches on the one side, and his Mines upon the other: Comes Caesius overseeing the Workes,Comes Nico­laus Caesius. a bold and active man; He himselfe (fortifying the Hill with Trenches and Pallisadoes, setting up Gabions to be filled with Earth and turfe, and drawing Cannon upon their Cariages in sight of the Enemy that shot continually) watched two nights; both hideous ones, that with raine from Heaven, this with Thunder from the Walls. But the Battery beginning at the breake of day with nine great Cannon from the Hill:And begins to batter from the hill. when the Limburgers saw their Walls shaken, and a great Part thereof,A large Breach made. no lesse then thirtie Cubits beaten downe in foure houres space;The besiegers come up to the City gates. and likewise a Trench brought downe the hill (a thing they held impossible) by which the Souldiers marched under covert and were ready to assault the Port:A Messenger from the Towne to Prince Alexander. Instantly sending to Prince Alexander, the Towne ear­nestly beseeched him a little while to respite the Assault, and grant a Ces­sation of Armes but for an houre, for their last consultation. The Prince of Parma, though it was a welcome Message, because he well knew unlesse they yielded of themselves it would be a long Worke to force them. Yet lest his facility in condescending might argue some diffidence in his Strength, putting on a face of Terrour he angerly told the man,His Answer. there had beene now going and coming enough: nor was it necessary his Souldiers should pur­chase that by other mens Consultations, which shortly would be their owne by the Law of Armes. Howbeit to mix Clemency with Threats, he bade him tell the Limburgers, He grants them an houres time to consider. that he would not deny them an houre's De­liberation: but if they dallyed any longer he would come with a Mischiefe to them,The women Supplicate from the walles. and breake off their Debate. The Cannon scarce left playing, when a Croud of Women appeared upon the Walls with their little ones in their armes, their hands lifted up to the furious Assailants, and begging Peace and Pardon on their bended knees.Iune 16. The Towne is rendred. In the very same houre the Limburg-Commissioners (though the Governour would have hindred it) securing the Lives and Fortunes of the Townsmen and Souldiers, rendred the City and Castle to the Prince of Parma. All the Garrison [Page 3] (about 1000.) taking the new Oath were entertained into the King's ser­vice. Only the Governour, infinitely detesting the basenesse of his men, was suffered with his Wife to go for Aquisgrane. But Prince Alexander, entring the Towne,Thought forti­fied. and viewing the new Fortification, defensive Bul­warkes and Sconces turfed and pallisadoed, stronge as Castles, with all that had been done upon the place by the ingenious Engineer:And in a condi­tion to hold out besides 15 great Brasse-Cannon, and many lesse, as also no little Magazine of Armes and Ammunition:The Conque­rours give God thanks. then, measuring the greatnesse of his Victory, he him­selfe gave thanks (commanding the like should be solemnly done by the Army) to God the God of battailes, by whose Favour a Towne of that Strength, not to be taken without much paines, cost, and losse (as 'tis usuall) of the best Souldiers, so easily, and without bloud, ignorant of its owne power, had yielded to him.

The same day the Prince of Parma appointed his great Officers to at­tacque the remaining Cities of that Province,P. Alexander summons Dalhem. some one, some another. And all within a few dayes obeyed his Summons, except Dalhem, that was stormed. Thither Prince Alexander sent Camillo a Monte with a Letter exhorting the Towne to returne to the King's obedience. But the Soul­diers of Holland and Gelderland (not above two hundred and fifty) which held the Castle,His Trumpet not admitted, shot at the Messenger, and would by no meanes suffer a Parley, or the Delivery of his Letter. Upon notice hereof the Prince of Parma wondring at so much confidence in so small a Towne, calling to him Henry Viennius, Lord of Ceuranium, Go (said he) to Dalhem, take Cannon and shoote me a Letter into the Towne. He speedily carrying along six great Gunnes with his Regiment of Burgundians, and foure Colours of Germans, The Castle bat­terred, daunted the Towne, and turning his Cannon upon the Castle, into which Souldiers had retreated that would soone die then yield, he began a fierce, but fruitlesse battery: for the Walls were as stubburne as the Men,To no purpose, and easily bafled the Cannon. Till the Burgundians undertaking the Scalado,The Burgun­dians scale it. set Ladders to two sides, and with incredible courage fight­ing hand to hand upon the Walls, with various successe, at last with the losle of ten, though many more were wounded, they stormed the Castle and the Towne; with such a Slaughter of the Defendants (of whom not one escaped,And take both Castle and Towne by storme) and Towns-men, that no age, no sex was spared, but the Army long affronted and kept off, poured their fury like a Torrent equal­ly on all.Iune 10. Where an accident hapned, as sacrilegious, as barbarous. Into a Church for Sanctuary with the rest of her weake Sex,With a great Slaughter of the Citizens. The sad fortune of a Maid. fled a maide of a­bout 16. yeares old, Daughter to the Governour slaine in the Assault, and now to be registred among the Examples of unfortunate Beauty. She, handsome both in her person and her Dresse, was taken notice of, and im­mediately seized,Two Souldiers strive for her and in their struggle, use their prisoner most inhumane­ly, by a couple of Souldiers, one a German, the other a Bur­gundian; who quarrelling about the prize tugged the poor Lady, in vaine objecting the Reverence due to the place, and crying out for succour (which was all she could) to God and his Saints. But while they fought she being in the middle, either by chance or by the malice of him that found himselfe the weaker, receiving a cruell wound in her neck, all bloudy, she fell downe upon the floore; the other was about to have re­venged it, when a great sort more coming in, the man, lest he might lose his prize, and some other should enjoy her, mad with Rage, struck at the maide looking about her in hope to make an escape, and holding up her hands to the rest, whom she thought more merci­full, and with his Sword gave her a deadly cut under the Eare;Who wounded and halfe dead. ready to [Page 4] double his blow, if the Company (one of which was Signior Paulo Rinaldo a confident to Prince Alexander, that lifted up his voyce and sword toge­ther) had not in time frighted the villaine. But the two Souldiers know­ing Rinaldo's Intimacy with Prince Alexander, Is taken from them, in feare of his Authority ran away. Rinaldo carrying her to her Father's House, with much huma­nity tooke care of the Lady,But immediat­ly dies. and instantly sent for Chirurgeons to dresse her: but she, past all cure, was scarce laid upon her bed, when she gave up the Ghost, leaving indeed a foule blot upon the Catholique Army: which notwithstanding would have been washed out with the bloud of both the Ruffians, if they (condemned with the generall execration, and searched for to be executed) had not prevented punishment by running quite away.The benefit that followed the taking of Limburg. But the PrinceS of Parma in the space of twenty dayes losing just that number of his men, with so little damage, recovered for the King the whole Province of Limberg: a very great Addition at this time, to the Royall Party, not so much for the greatnesse of the Province (which is indeed but little, compared unto the rest) as for the opportunity of keep­ing out the enemy, which might easily by that way have come from Ger­many. Besides the private benefit likewise accruing to the Neighbour-Princes,Thanks sent to Alex. Farneze by the Princes whose Estates lay neare the Towne. particularly to the Bishop of Liege, and the Duke of Iuliers, both which by severall Embassies congratulated Prince Alexander for the happy course of his Victories, either of them giving thanks in his owne behalfe, especially for the destroying or removing the Garrisons of Lim­burg and Diestem, To the confede­rates great griefe at first: afterwards to their great joy. that daily robbed their Subjects. But the newes of this Victory awakened diverse Passions in the States at Antwerp. Griefe, at first, when they heard Limburg, was taken, excessive Joy when it was rumoured through the Towne, and a printed Pamphlet likewise publish­ed, that the Castle of Limburg the Magazine being fired, was shattered to the ground, the Spanish Commanders miserably and deservedly blown up,Vpon a Report, that Prince Alexander, with diverse more, was slaine. the Prince of Parma Mondragonio, Heirg, and the other great Field-Officers buried in the Ruines: and that Don Iohn of Austria was run mad upon it; and resolved to make his Retreat from the Low-countreys. All this appeares to be forged by the Prince of Orange, that he might the easier keepe up the people's hearts,Coyned by the Prince of Orange. dejected with the Austrian victories, by making a fained, since he could not make a reall Slaughter: and like­wise that the rest of the money granted to him long agoe by the Arch-Duke's procurement and command, now by occasion of hastning the Army against Don Iohn (who had lost all his Commanders) might bee speedily collected.Why such kind of newes is of­ten forged, An ordinary artifice practised at this day by many, that give out the quite contrary to what hath hapned: partly to defraud the adverse party of the first Heate and Spring of Joy, which afterward will come more languishing; and perhaps intermixed (as all things humane are) with some improsperous Successe: partly to use that short time wherein they are believed to have got the better, for ordering their Af­faires by a fruitfull Anticipation: slighting the future shame of the lie, ballanced with their present profit.What truth was in this Rumour. Yet this invention of the Prince of Orange and his Faction had some little Truth in it. Newes and Money be­ing never so adulterate, but they must have a mixture of right-Mettall. For the Day after the Rendition of Limburg-Castle, the powder that was kept in one of the Towers fired, by chance or upon designe, blowing up the Walles, the Stones which fell againe, beate downe a great part of the Tower, killed foure, and those only Common Souldiers, hurting six or seven. One passage among the rest Prince Alexander writes to his Mother [Page 5] for a Miracle. He had left Christophero Mondragonio with a Company of Spaniards Governour of the Castle and Towne;A Miraculous Accident Iune 30. He himselfe by God's Providence that night returned to the Campe. The Powder in the meane time tooke fire, and blew up the Tower with the building round about, Mondragonio's Chamber by the fall of the upper Lodgings being beaten to the ground. The Souldiers in the morning, when all feare of the Enemy was past, ran to behold their fellowe's fortune, lamenting the fate of their valiant and Noble Commander Mondragonio that lay next the Tower. A strange Story and Spectacle, they finde the Seeling and Walls of the roome broken downe, but so much of the floore yet left as bore up Mondragonio's bed, with a Trunke standing besides it. The Souldiers at once trembling and rejoycing fetcht off their Colonell safe and unhurt, the Trunke (which I suppose Mondragonio himselfe had drawne out of the fire and Ruines) they beheld full of Reliques, and consecrated Church-Plate believing that to be the Cause why the fire out of reverence proved so innocent; and that the very Preservation of those holy things opportunely saved the Pious preserver.The Deaths of Count Barla­mont & Count Megen. This while at Namure dyed Charles Count Barlamont and Lancelot his Son Count of Megen (this fell sick at the Siege of Philipvill, he was old and had lived out his time) whose Funeralls Don Iohn celebrated with the Sorrow of all good men.C. Barlamont's Encomion. Indeed Count Charles as valiantly and constantly as any Low-countreyman whatsoever, both at home and abroad, fought for reli­gion and his Prince; teaching the same Arts to his Children; whereof the Lord of Heirg, Aegidius. was Generall of the Traine of Artillery, and Colonell of the Wallons, Lancello [...] Charles. Megen Commander of the Germans, Floio Heirge's Lieutenant Colonel, Altapen Captaine of a Troop of Horse, in their Father's life time: and after his death the first of these succeeded him in the Governement of the Province of Namure, and in the Treasurership.

Hitherto all went prosperously with Don Iohn, Don John's prosperous for­tune troubles the Enemy. which struck no little feare into the Archduke: and the States openly taxed the Prince of Orange as taken up with other Affaires. But he was founding his Empire on the Sea-Coast of Holland, Amsterdam, at­tempted by the P. of Orange whence he might extend it over Brabant. To this Designe when he saw the only Rubbe was Amsterdam, the richest Towne of all Holland, 1577. November. equally faithfull to Religion and their King: all his Indea­vours were bent to get it either forcibly, or by Stratagem; and to use Force was vaine; for in the end of the last yeare this City being surprized by the Orangians, Beates out his men. and they advanced as far the Market-Place, the Citisens taking Armes expelled those victorious Gheuses, Mar. Del. l. 4. Turb. Belg. with a great Slaughter of the Enemy, not without the memorable Assistance of some Women that privately carryed a very great Gun,For which the Women are to be commended, which they mounted and dis­charged, killing a huge sort of the Gheuses. Afterwards the Town blockt up with new Forces by Sea and Land held out a long Siege,February. At last the Towne is ren­dered, and deceived. till the Prince of Orange promising them free Exercise of the Catholique Religion, they at last surrendred. Yet he, when they upon this Capitulation thought them­selves secure, contrary to their Articles introduced a stronge Garrison, and Promoters of Heresie, who causing all holy things to be defaced, their Priestes to be turned out, and Heresy by consequence brought in (a surer Guard then any Garrison to keepe Cityes from the Spaniard) he secured Amsterdam, The Prince of Orange votes for a Truce March 10. and revenged the men lost a month before at Gem­blac, Sellio in the Kings name, with a long-continued Slaughter here. Then designing to bring Forces out of Germany, he perswaded the Archduke and the States to make a Truce for some Months with Don Iohn of Austria. For Iuan Sellio was [Page 6] returned from Spaine sent in the Kings name to use his utmost Indeavours for a Peace;Treates with the Deputies of the Estates. and delivering Letters of this Tenure to Don Iohn, passed to Antwerp, where to the Deputyes of the Estates he imparted secret Com­mands from the King, promising largely to satisfy their desires: and, if so be they would resume their old Religion and Loyalty to their Prince, he would call Don Iohn out of the Low-countreys; and substitute in his Place either Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma, or the Arch-duke Ferdi­nand Vncle to the Emperour, or else confirme the Arch-duke Matthias; yet proposing,But to no end. like a King, many other Conditions. But the great Lords had their eares now luted against the sound of Peace, both with the once tasted sweetnesse of the Soveraigne Authority, and by many mens Per­swasions, That no Peace was to be hoped from the incensed Spaniard. Besides their Censor,The Prince of Orange will onely give eare to a Truce. the Prince of Orange, was busy cavilling at the King's Promises, amplifying the Spanish Tyranny, the Lowcountreymens Pati­ence, and their neare approaching Liberty. So as he made them answer Sellio, they would presume upon the Kings proffered benignity, and there­fore desired, till the Provinces had consulted about that Election, a Cessation of Armes. Sellio, before he communicated the Deputy's Answer to Don Iohn, Which Prince Alexander likes not. discovered to Prince Alexander the King's Resolution to create him Governour of the Low-countreys: and he himselfe being to treate with Don Iohn for a Cessation of Armes,March. 25. was earnest with the Prince of Parma to use his Power with his uncle in advancing the King's designe for Peace.His Letter to his Father Octavio Duke of Parma. But Alexander Farneze refused to meddle in it, professing that any Truce at present would be disadvantageous both to Religion, and the King. Nay in his Letter to his Father he said, He should not like to be Go­vernour of the Low-countreys upon such Conditions, as Don Iohn of Austria came to it, and gave the Duke these Reasons. For that were, said he, even to be delivered into these mens hands a fettered Prisoner, and prescribed a life hatefull to my selfe, idle, inglorious, and, my Genius considered, most unhappy. Indeed I, that find the Impulse of Nature inclines me to seeke by the Glory of Armes the Immortality of my name, cannot but hope, the Di­vine Assistance will enable me in that profession above the Common sort of men. And I stand upon it the more, as conceiving how much it behoves the King to suite all his Ministers with fit Imployments. Nor was Don Iohn otherwise opinioned of a Truce.Neither is it approved of by Don Iohn. Which in behalfe of the States being afterwards earnestly pressed by Embassadours from the Emperour, Don Iohn the more earnestly denyed, conjecturing by the Requesters unusuall Endeavours their Necessity.

And his hope was advanced,New Officers from Spaine. by the opportune Arrivall of many in the Campe. For at the same time, beyond Expectation, were come from Spaine, Pedr. de To. ledo. Pedro de Toledo, Son to Garcia Viceroy of Sicily: Lopez Figueroa▪ that commanded a Spanish Regiment, which he brought with him out of the old Garrisons of Italy, Lopez. Figu­eroa. and Alphonso Leva, Son to Sancho Viceroy of Navarre, Alphons-Leva. with a hundred selected Spanish Gentlemen, to whom the Bro­ther of Alphonso, Sancho Leva, Gabr. Serbel­lonio. was Lieutenant, & Diego Hurtado Mendoza, Alphonso's Vncle, Ensigne. Not long before this Gabriell Serbellonio was released from Tunis by Gregory the thirteenth (in Exchange for Prisoners kept in Hardrians Tower, ever since the Battaile of Lepanto) an eminent Commander, that both in regard of his perfect yeares and judgment in military affaires, was by Don Iohn and all the Royall Party highly estee­med, especially having levyed by Don Iohn's Command 2000 Italians in the Province of Millaine, and brought them along with him. But no­thing [Page 7] more incouraged the Army, then the returne of the Lord Bill out of Spaine, Iune 22. sent thither by Don Iohn after the battaile of Gemblac, to move his Majesty for new Supplies, which he obtained.New supplies of money from the King to Don Iohn. For the King made Don Iohn an Exhibition of 300000. Ducats a moneth, to pay 30000. Foote, and 6000. Horse, letting him know, this was the summe he could and would spare for the Low-countrey-Warre, and cutting off all hope of an enlargment. To the Prince of Parma his Majesty once more offered,To Alexander Farneze. which he commanded him to accept, a yearly pension of 10000. Crownes and 2000. for his Friends and servants; sending him the Arreares there­of since the day of his coming into the Low-countreys. He likewise con­firmed Octavio Gonzaga Generall of the Horse,To Octavio Gonzaga. with a stipend of 500. Crownes per Month.To Mondrago­nio. Christopher Mondragonio and Francesco Verdugo, Spanish Colonells, had an Assignation, that of 800. Crownes, this of 500. and Anthonio Olivera chiefe Commissary of the Horse was to have 300.To Verdugo. To Ant. olive­ra. yearely: Besides he gave Charles Count Mansfeldt 16000. Crownes, and distributed many Donatives to others.To Count Mansfeldt. New levies in Italy. But at the same time Don Iohn un­derstood, that by orders from the King new Forces were raised in Italy for the Low-countrey-service. The Governour of Millane nominating for their Commanders,Vnder these Commanders. Alphonso Count de Somai, a Millanese; Vincentio Carafa, Prior of Hungary, a Neapolitan; Pyrrho Malvezzi a Bononian, and Stephano Mutino: all men of quality, and able Souldiers. Yet it stung Don Iohn to the quick,Don Iohn troubled at it, Stops their proceedings. that Officers of his Army should be chosen at the pleasure of the King's Ministers. Therefore dispatching away Letters to the King, after his humble thanks for the Money and Men sent into the Low-countreys by his Majesty; he shewed him. There would be no use of more Souldiers out of Italy; because he had already ordered the Counts, Altempse and Polvillerio, old and faithfull Commanders to bring men from the nearest parts of Germany, some of which were arrived: & his allowance, being limited, could hardly maintaine the Army now raised, much less that to be raised. So he stopt the Levies of Italy; yet in the Low-countrey-Army still kept afoote the once believed Report of new Italian Recruits, to dis­courage the enemy, and to animate his own forces. Indeed the King's men needed no lesse Incouragement, considering what preparations were made against them.Three Armies of the Enemy. The States Forces. For an Army raised in Germany for the States had passed the Mose, and was now before Nimmenghen; and Duke Alencon Brother to the King of France, of whom we shall speake much hereafter, was with a French Army come to Mons the chiefe City of Haynolt: The Duke of Alencon's, and Iohn Casimir with a very great strength marched towards Nimmenghen through Gelder­land; Iuly 19. certaine intelligence whereof was brought from all parts to Don Iohn, [...]ohn Casimir's. who calling a Councell of Warre,Iuly 17. resolved to fall upon some Quarter of the Enemy, and immediatly inforce them to fight. But either by his delay, or the Enemies expedition, it hapned, that the German Auxiliaries joyned with the States Army, neare Lyre, and Mechlin, before Don Iohn could bring his men to their Colours, and muster them. Yet hee had lost the opportunity, not the Desire of fighting, especially when at another Councell of Warre,Don Iohn's Councell of Warre. he saw all the rest of the Comman­ders desirous of a battaile, onely the Prince of Parma dissented, to the ge­nerall Admiration; which he himselfe observing, gave his reasons in this manner, and almost in these very words, which he wrote into Spaine to Samaniego. I see, Grandees of the Warre, you wonder I should not concurre, Alex. Farneze votes against fighting them as one that many have taxed of Confidence, August 18. none yet of Feare: you may therefore imagine I am induced by some great considerations, that contrary [Page 8] to my custome I thus decline a Battaile. Which considerations, though I am better at Action then Discourse, I shall in short explaine. We invade an Enemy strong in number, safe in their ground, and conveniences for re­liefe, intrenched and pallisadoed by the adjoyning woods. If they, when we come to face them, knowing themselves secure, and therefore slighting us, shall keepe within their Trenches, by what Force, by what Art can we draw them out into the Field? But if we only shew our Army, and having given them a sight of us, retire, what shall we gaine by our troublesome March hi­ther, and the leaving our Garrisons naked, and consequently exposed to the danger of the French: Yet their backwardnesse to fight will make them appear the weaker, why rather should not our frustrated indeavours and our Retreate shew them to be invincible? Besides, never without losse di [...]a­any Army fall off, and give the Word for a Retreate, though never so skil­fully and Souldierly. But suppose the Enemy, as we wish, draw out, and give us Battaile of their owne accord. Or say our valour force their Tren­ches? shall we presently promise our selves the Victory? Truly a wise Ge­nerall is concerned not only to consider his owne, but likewise the Enemies strength and Inclination, and industriously in his heart to cast up a just ac­count of what benefit will result to himselfe, what to the enemy by the fortu­nate or improsperous chance of Warre. Indeed my opinion is, that our con­dition and theirs at the present differs very much. In the Royall Army, here in the Field with us, all our strength consists; that being defeated (which Omen God turne upon the Enemy) where shall we raise men to defend our Remainder of the Low-countreys against the Conquerour? But they will not be so much indangered by the losse of a Battaile. For if that Army we march against be routed, they can recruit, assisted on the one part by Duke Alencon and his French-men, on the other by Prince Casimir, and the still increasing German Succours. But in case (which is to be hoped from God's goodnesse and our Souldiers Courage) the Catholique Army shall with a better Cause likewise have the better Fortune; with how much bloud, with what exchange of Gold for Drosse must we buy the victory, fighting before their Campe, with their fresh and intire Forces? But when we have thus weakned our selves by conquering, if the French, that watch all occasions, fall upon us; how I feare our Conquest will be followed with a farre greater misfortune; we indeed shall have the Honour of the Day, but others reape the profit. In summe, we may be victorious in the Battaile, and vanquished in the Warre. Wherefore since in this our voluntary expedition, we may in reason feare almost the same Disaster, whether conquered or conquering, my opinion is, that we should give off the attempt, and at present check this Courage rather great, Only Serbello­nio concurres with Prince Alexander. then fruitfull. Don Iohn thought this speech of the the Prince of Parma's, more true then gallant: and therefore besides Ga­briel Serbellonio (one that Don Iohn used to call Father, and to preferre his judgement before the rest) none of all the Councell of Warre was of Prince Alexander's mind.The rest, viz. Gonzaga. Mansfeldt. Olivera Mon­tin. and Mon­dragonio were of Don John's opinion. And the Generall carried it for assaulting of the confederates Campe, before they should be reinforced with new sup­plies. Count Mansfeldt the Campe-master held it a point of Honour for the Royall Army to rouse the enemy within covert, that trusted more to the place, then either to their Armes or Valour. The Generall of the Horse, Octavio, said, the Souldiers Alacrity must be used before Delay had dulled it, and that they were to follow the happy presage of victory expressed in their unanimous consent to fight: and a successe was to be hoped, especially at this time, by reason of the enemi's Discord. For Fe­derick [Page 09] Perenot, Lord of Campin, by the Prince of Orange's Command was sent Prisoner to Gant, Especially hea­ring the Prince of Orange was falne out with Campin. and his House at Bruxells plundred, because he was reported to be making his Peace with the King, by meanes of his Brother Cardinall Granvell: and indeed he was discontented that the Prince of Orange slighted him in Comparison of Aldegund. The like was by the Prince of Orange attempted upon Hese, And with Hese and Glimè Mart. Delr. l. 4 Turb. Belg. and Glimè both which they say upon a rumour of the Prince of Oranges Murder (Spread by his owne Ministers and Direction, very ominously for himselfe, on­ly to try the faith of others) expressed no dubious signes of Ioy. And therefore in imitation of the Battaile at Gemblac, Don Iohn re­solve to fight. they having now intelligence of like divisions among the Confederates, their Arm facti­ous and destitute of these Commanders, should be forthwith assaulted, and no doubt but the like Successe would follow, as Don Iohn concluded. The Battaile therefore being now resolved on,The site of the Enemy's Campe descri­bed by the Kings Scoutes. Mutio Pagano and Amator of Abadien, Officers of Horse, sent Spyes to discover the Enemyes Campe and to Chuse the ground where they should fight, brought back word, That the Confederates Army was intrenched not farre from Machlin, the Rere guarded by the Village of Rimenant, the Flanks with a Wood and a Fen, their Front with a Trench and a Line drawne betweene both the Flanks. Before that Trench was an open Plaine very commodious for drawing out the Enemy to Battaile, but they found no Avenue to the Village, but one, neare the Wood, on the left hand, a way that would only hold six or seven men a breast.Don Iohn moves towards them. Vpon this Discovery, Don Iohn sending back some Companyes to garrison the Frontire-Townes for keeping out the French, moved from Tienen, and passing over his Army at Areschott-Bridge,Marshalls his Army. the second dayes March he came within sight of the Enemy:The number of his forces. and knowing the Plaine, by the Description his Scouts had made, he presently imbattailed his Army consisting of 12000 Foote and 5000 Horse.Alex. Farneze sues for the honour to com­mand the Van. Then the Prince of Parma, whilst Don Iohn put his men into Bat­talia, was a very earnest Suiter, in case they fought that day, that he might lead up the Spanish Infantry ordered to begin the Battaile, to de­monstrate, as I conceive, that his Courage to advance the Expedition was no lesse active, then his Counsell formerly to retard it. Don Iohn ad­miring the Greatnesse of his Spirit, and Contempt of Danger, at first put him off, at length consented, because he knew it would be of great Con­cernement under whose conduct that Battalion should march, which must give the Omen to the Victory. But till they joyned Battaile he would have Prince Alexander's Company to ride about the Field with him.Don Iohn of Austria chal­lenges the Ene­my to a Bat­taile. In the interim his Army was drawne out in the entrance of the Plaine, and by the ordinary sound of Drums and Trumpets challenged the Enemy to fight. Where expecting for three houres,They answer him not. and the Enemy not moved, with any kinde of Invitation to the Field, still keeping within their Trenches;He sends one to anger and rouse them. Don Iohn called Alphonso Leva that commanded an extraordinary Regiment of Musketters, & said to him, GoAlphonso, put thy selfe and thy men in­to that narrow way betweene the Wood and Trench, The flying Squadron. Giovanni Bap­tista a Monte. as if thou hadst a designe to enter the Village in despight of their Army: no doubt but they will oppose thee, when they come on, do thou retire, to draw them into the Field. With­all he commands the Marquesse a Monte with three Troops of CurassiersThe Generall for the confe­derates and Lanciers to bend that way,Vses the same artifice to de­ceive the Roy­alists. and be in the Rere of Leva's Foote. The Enemyes whole Army under the Arch-duke and the States was comman­ded by Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduc, an experienced and wary Souldier. He intending to frustrate Don Iohn's indeavours, either by sitt­ing [Page 10] still, or acting with some Stratagem, commanded Iohns Norreys an English Colonell, who defended that Post, to meete the Enemy, but so as not to fight at too great a distance from the place. The Battaile was therefore begun, betwene the Spanish and English, The fight At first little increaseth more and more. very gently at first, for neither Leva nor Norreys meant to ingage very farre, till to relieve the English, because many of them were slaine, Count Egmont coming in with his Reserve of Horse, A Monte likewise immediately advanced with His. Against Robert Stuart also bringing up with him some Scotch Foote Don Iohn sent Ferdinando de Toledo with the rest of those active Foote under his Command, and Camillo a Monte in the Rere of them, with two Cornets of Horse, he himselfe moving forward in Battalia with the whole Army in hope of a generall Battaile with the now irritated Enemy. The Prince of Parma also leaping off his Horse,Alexander Farneze in the Head of the Foote. tooke the place which he had so earnestly desired among the Spanish Infantry, and appeared in in the head of them with his Pike in his hand. And now the Forlornes of both Armyes fell on, not like Skirmishers, but as if the Summe of Af­faires were in dispute.The Kings men beate the [...]-Enemy. When Leva having happily lined the thickets with his Musketiers, possessed himselfe of the Wood on the left hand, and Toledo entring the Passe which had few left to defend it, both with great Violence,Take their trenches and the village. backed by the Horse assailed the Trenches, & at last beat the E­nemy, sometimes retiring, somtimes facing about & fighting, even into the Village. Nor did their Flight seeme to be ended there, but forasmuch as they fired the Hutts they left behinde them, it was undoubtedly believed they meant not only to leave their Campe but the Village too. But then Toledo and A Monte sending Comes Caesio to Don Iohn, They send to Don Iohn for more men to make good the Chase. Co. Nicol. Caesio. Alex. Farneze doubts a stra­tagem. beseeched him pre­sently to dispatch away fresh men, for the Victory was his own. But Prince Alexander, because he had observed, that the Enemyes without much Dis­pute quitted their Campe, & fled orderly, as if it were upon Designe, began to suspect it was not done by Necessity, but on Purpose. He therefore in­stantly mett Don Iohn, and finding him unresolved about sending in Supplies, increased the Generalls Doubts, professing his owne Opinion was, that the Campe which the Enemy had so easily parted with, and not formerly secured, as the custome is, with Field-Pieces, was only chosen by way of Stratagem to deceive the Royall Army with vaine hopes of Victory, and under colour of Flight to bring them into the danger of an Ambuscado. Wherefore it would be good, till the Place were discovered, to call off his men that pursued the Enemy.And perswades Don Iohn to call backe his men. And Caesio went from Don Iohn, with whom the Iealously wrought very much, to command them to make a Stand.But first they were come to the Enemies true Campe. But they had already past the Towne, (chasing the Enemy that fled scatteringly, & were entred the Plaine towards Machlin hemmed in with the River Demera on the one side, and on the other with a thick Wood: and such a military heat transported them, that being blinded with a Cloud of dust, before they understood the Mys [...]ery, they saw themselves come to the Enemye's true Campe lying between the River and the wood, intrenched round,The site of the Enemies Campe. Their number. and strongly guarded on the Front with Cannon. There the Enemy had pitched; being no fewer then 12000 Foote,The fight re­newed. and 7000 Horse, distributed into severall Divisions, so as they reached as farr as Machlin. All this daunted not the Royalists, but making a Halt (for Norreys now supplyed from the Neighbouring Campe, had rallyed his flying men) they put themselves (as well they could) in order, suddainly imbattailed, and with new Ardour began the fight. These were 5000 Foote, all Muskettiers, and most of them Spaniards, [Page 11] the Horse were Italians, Spaniards, and Low-countreymen about 600, ar­med with Lances and Pistols.What forces fought on both sides. The Enemy was equall in Foote, supe­riour in Cavalry. Yet both Armyes fought with strength above their numbers,The Consede rates. The Royalists. and with Courage aboue their Strength: those the Successe of their plott and nearenesse to their Campe; these the shame of being cozned and a kind of Desperation precipitated to a Battaile,The Scots fight naked. and made them joyne with farre more animosity. Some Companyes of Scots made them­selves remarkable,August 1. who either in bravery, or not able to indure the heate of their Running, and the Day, the Sun putting the whole Sky into a Flame, stript themselves, contented only with their Shirts, some casting off those too, and tying them about their middles, came on naked among the armed men. Yet many of them were no lesse safe then others that wore Armes which made them unweldier, not so nimble to avoid a hurt, slower to rise when they were down, last in a Retreate, and often either slaine by the Enemy, trod under their horses feete, or taken Prisoners. But the Enemy's Cannon often and safely thundering from their Tren­ches,The Royalists in a sad condi­tion lying open to the Enemies Cannon. cruelly shattered the Kings men, from which destruction not able to defend themselves, because no part of the Plaine was free from the Shott, they found but one Remedy, which was with their last indeavours to assault their Trenches. But those were likewise fortified, and they them­selves hardly could stand a Charge, much lesse assaile others, So that Caesio returning to Don Iohn with a true account of their Condition,They send to Don Iohn for Fresh men. beseeched him, since they could not retire without being pursued and ruined, nor yet much longer sustaine the fury of the Cannon, that he would send Ayde which might incourage them with assurance of Successe, to invade the Postes of the Enemy.Who in his An­ger at first de­nies them. Don Iohn transported with Griefe and Anger, though he denyed to send so much as one man to those, that ingaging be­yond the limits of his expresse Command, had brought themselves into those Straites and Intricacyes;Then adviseth, yet he was pleased briefely to heare the Iudgment of Alexander Farneze, Octavio Gonzaga, and Count Mansfeldt. All which concurred in opinion, that it was not safe to send others, who rather would partake their danger,And resolves to have the place conside­red. then come to their reliefe; yet that such men ought not to be deserted with so great a losse both of Souldiers and Reputation: but that the place at a nearer distance should be viewed, and a Resolution taken according to the present Exigence and Expedient. This Charge was committed to Prince Alexanders Care,Alex. Farneze goes to view it and contrives a way to fetch off the men. who galloping thither, and taking a strickt Survey both of the Danger of the party that fought, and of all the Advantages of the Field for their Retreate, obser­ved, that in the hollow of the Plaine betweene certaine hedges and well-planted Orchards, lay a Passe, by which he despaired not to bring off the Foote. He advised about it with Don Iohn, and Gonzaga; not denying, but it was a dubious and almost a rash Attempt: yet he said, that in acute Diseases somtimes desperate Remedyes are not unskilfully applyed by the Phisicians.Which he exe­cutes. His designe being approved, he himselfe undertooke it, the rest easily giving way that he should fetch them off; which he did in this manner. At the Avenues of the hedges, planting Muskettiers, he ordered them with a suddaine haile of Shott to stop the Advance of the Enemy; and commanded Gonzaga, that rallying and animating the Horse, he should bring them to guard the Rere whilst they retreated, and when the Foote were safe among the hedges, give the Enemy a hot Charge, and by the way they first entred, betwene the Village and the Wood, narrow indeed, but faire and commodious for horse, retire to his Poste. [Page 12] Nor with lesse care the Austrian Generall in the meane time, riding about the Army,Don Iohn ex­horts his men to keepe their ranks. exhorted the Colonells and Captaines, that keeping their men firme in ranke and file, they should receive their fellowes returning from the fight, without Disorder, which was destructive to the enemy at the battaile of Gemblac: where their Horse fled scatteringly, and routed their owne Foote: which very misfortune might befall the Royall Army, if upon the Approach of their fellowes amazed and distracted, the Enemy, animated by others Feare, should then invade them. Things thus dispo­sed, Prince Alexander before he called off those that fought,Alex. Farneze makes the Foote give ground upon Designe, comman­ed the foote, partly as if they gave ground, partly as if they meant to wheele about and fight againe, by degrees to fall back, till they came to that part of the plaine which he had shewed to Alphonso Leva: then hee gave a private Signe for the Retreate,And the Horse to make it good and Gonzaga with his Horse stopped the enemy by renewing of the Fight: Don Iohn still sending in fresh sup­plies: Toledo lining the hedges with his Musketeers: in the meane time Leva's men gave back so happily, that, at first, they were too quick for the eye of the confederates.Who were sore put to it, But when they found the Spanish Foote to be upon their Retreate, then the Battaile, if ever any, was a fierce one, and it appeared,The rare valour of the King's Horse in their Retreate. both what courage and what necessity could do. The Roya­alists (and they were but a very few, most of them Foote) being now without the danger of pursuite, had the Cannon turn'd upon them from the Campe, and were shot at both afarre off, and neare at hand. Yet their valour more then the place befriending them, 700. Horse alone commanded by Giovanni Baptista à Monte, and his brother Camillo, not only stood against many thousands that charged them, but sometimes beate them back, and fought in their Rankes so firmly, as they forced Colonell Norreys the stoutest enemy they had that day,I. Norreys, who commanded the English, after three horses had been killed under him, to fight afoote; the rest of the confederate Cavalry not too much presuming upon themselves, and tired, with a Fight so long doubtfull; at first all the Spanish Infantry, and at last the Horse,Particularly of Camillo à Monte's Troope in face of the Enemi's Cannon, were brought safely off. Among which Horse, no doubt but that Troope of Camillo's merited most Com­mendations, that was last in the field, commanded by Captaine Perott: being a Troope of Reformados,The Names of the principall Horse-men. namely, Hanniball, Gonzaga, Flamino Delphino, Giovanni Mauriquio, Lepido de Romanis, Laurentio Tuccio, Nico­lao Caesio, and others only Souldiers here, else where Commanders. The memory of all which men, for example sake should be with their names extended to posterity, if I could as readily know their persons, as I doe admire their valours.All of one Re­solution, And one cou­rage, These, lest the enemy should breake in, opposing themselves and crowding together like a bulwarke, covered the rest of the Cavalry, with such constancy and contempt of Death, that when any of them fell, as if a piece of a worke were beaten downe, the place was pre­sently made good by a fresh man that stood behind. That which befell Lepido killed with a shot, and Dolphino, who going to assist him was taken prisoner, could not yet deterre Caesio from taking Delphino's place; either by feare of Death, or of captivity: till at length they themselves, when all the Horse were safe, left the Field last: and like excellent Actors in the Tragedy of Mars, came off with infinite Applause. So Generall Bolduc sounding a Retreate, for feare his men might fall into a Counter-Ambuscado, the Battaile ended; begun with farre greater preparation, then it was followed by either side,What losse on both sides. with Execution. For in all not above 400. men miscarried, the losse of both parts being in a manner equall: only [Page 13] more of the King's Army were hurt and taken,The Generalls censured. more of their's slaine. And the Generalls that day merited a quite contrary censure. For Don Iohn redeemed the rashnesse of fighting with his judgement in ordering the Battaile; Bolduc was cautious in the beginning, but losing the oppor­tunity of pursuing with all his Forces, spoyled the conclusion of his Victo­ry. Wherefore,The Royall Army highly praise Alex. Farneze, in regard of his greater prudence and valour the Prince of Parma was famed through all the Royall Army, who by a miraculous foreknowledge of Events premonished them of all that concerned the ex­pedition: and when the Army was so dangerously ingaged, and the rest easie to be involved in the same Ruine, with like Judgement and cou­rage fetcht them off. Insomuch that truely Alexander Farneze, who ever till then wrote very sparingly in his own Commendations,Who conceives that he merits no lesse com­mendations as appear [...]s by his L [...]t [...]er to his Mother could no long­er containe himselfe, but in his Letters to his Mother Margaret of Austria inserted, How he could not but thinke he had that day deserved more then ordinarily of the King, August 7. whose Army the nearer it was to destruction, the more be merited that saved it. Indeed the oldest Commanders seeing their danger that were catched in a Trappe by the Enemy, openly gave them for lost, so as not one would undertake to make good their Retreat whose con­dition they accounted desperate. Therefore he held it a greater Honour to himselfe, by whom it was so willingly and fortunately attempted. But this only her excellence might please to looke upon, as the glorying of a Souldier to his Mother: and he could not but thinke it fit to give her an account of those generous Spirits she had infused into him. Don Iohn very carefull in making his Retreate. This while, Don Iohn marched with his recovered Forces towards Areschott, prepared, if the enemy should follow him in the Rere to fight. But when the confede­races either astonished at the extraordinary confidence of the Royalists, or fearing to be answered with a stratagem, appeared not, Don Iohn free from further care returned to Thienen, having won more glory among others with taking their Townes and Campe, then among his owne, that had run a hazzard, and well knew their danger. While these things were acted in the Low-countreys, Newes of the death of Se­bastian King of Portugal. at the same time the Portug [...]ses fought unfor­tunately, upon the Coast of Africa. August 4. The newes of which overthrow Prince Alexander first received from Spaine, Whereupon Alex. Farneze sends a ceremo­nious Embas­sage into Por­tugal accompanied with a Relation of what exceeded the Losse of that whole Army, the King of Portugal's Septem. 13. death: and therefore sending Fabio Farneze to Henry Cardinall of Briganze Uncle to King Sebastian, he condoled with him, out of the private interest of Affinity the publique Misfortune, and withall congratulated his Successi­on to the Crowne: presenting him a change of Affections, as suddaine, as that of Cloathes in a Play.

But now the States having recruited their Army out of Germany and France, The Towne of Areschot lost by trechery. Mutio Pagano slaine. Don Iohn alter'd his opinion: and hearing that Areschot was be­traied, the Governour whereof Mutio Pagano a valiant and faithfull man, sick a-bed rose notwithstanding to quiet the Tumult, and was slaine up­on the place: Camillo Schiaffinate a Lieutenant of an undaunted Spirit in vaine resisting. He began to feare, that many other Townes would be guilty of like Treason, which he could not yet relieve without weakning himselfe by dividing of his Army.The Straites whereto Don Iohn was re­duced. He therefore thought it his best, to dismantle some Castles, slight some Garrisons, and calling away the Souldiers to bring into one place all his Forces: till such time as money came from the King, and Recruits from Italy and Germany. But instead of men and money Don Iohn receiving Letters from Spaine, that com­manded him to try all wayes and meanes for an Accommodation, Com­missioners [Page 14] on both sides being chosen,A Treaty of Peace. the businesse of Peace was set a foot againe. But when they had delivered to Don Iohn three Heads, which the States insisted on, That he should surrender the Government of the Low countreys to the Arch-duke Matthias upon the same conditions which they had formerly sworne;The conditions proposed by the States. That Duke Alencon, and Prince Casimir, should be comprehended in the Articles of peace. That the province of Limburg, and whatsoever Don Iohn had taken, either by Force or Rendition in Bra­bant and Haynolt, should before the end of August be restored to the States; extreamely offended at these insolent demands,Alex. Farneze's opinion touch­ing those Pro­pos [...]ls. Don Iohn, as he used to do, communicated his Resentment to the Prince of Parma. He, though he denied not the conditions to be indeed very unjust, yet said, It would be much worse, if the States despairing of a peace with Spaine, should put into the hands of the King of France the Frontier provinces, which he had so oft attempted. It was to be considered, that even Charles the fifth (and how great an Emperour was he!) could hardly cleare those Provinces of the French only. What should the King's Forces do at the present (commanded indeed by a Son to Charles the fifth, but with a lesse number of men) both against the French Nation and two other powerfull Armies? His opinion was therefore, that the Commissioners should be put in hope of peace, till the King's pleasure was knowne, as to those proposalls, which if he accepted, no doubt but in his wisdome he would provide another place worthy of his Brother: but if looking upon their basenesse he rejected them, then, in case the Confederates were prosecuted with more severity hereafter, his Majesty could not accuse his Brother and the Army, as desirous to keepe the Warre a­foote. Don Iohn, Don Iohn makes some difficulty to ap­prove of this Counsell, but presently after followes it, though he did not much feare the Confederates, knowing them to be oppressed with their own multitude; and under­standing that Prince Casimir's Army marched in a body by themselves, be­cause they refused to obey Count Bolduc Generall for the States: Yet constrained for want of men, and money, besides his Sicknesse both of bo­dy and mind, which is able to breake the greatest Spirit, and forcibly to cast it downe upon considerations, at other times contemptible; He resolved to follow Alexander Farneze's Counsell. Though in his Letters to the King, certifying their Propositions, he with some bitternesse com­plained, That the Rebells confidence received Incouragement out of Spaine:Writes to the King, and the Assistance promised to him by his Majesty, was from time to time put off: and when he intreated money, only a returne was made of words; wherewith a Warre cannot be managed; unlesse they imagine, that he is able out of Words to extract Gold. And fortifies his Campe He therefore humbly beseeched his Ma­jesty, either to subdue the Enemy, or at least not to suffer the Generall of his Royall Army so unhandsomly to conclude a peace. August 19. In the interim he com­manded Serbellonio speedily to advance the Trenches which he had a while before designed not farre from Namure. The Emperour Charles the fifth 1554. Don Iohn had chosen that ground upon the Hill of Buge, With workes designed by Serbellonio, close by the River Mose; induced by con­venience of the place, and his Father's example, who being pursued by Henry of France with three great Armies,And made by Campio. brought his Forces then very small to this ground, and here intrenching secured them. And now Ser­bellonio, quick both at raising and defending workes,Serbellonio falls sick. had finished most of the Redoubts,Don Iohn brings his whole Army within the Workes, and comes himselfe sick to them. and drawne about a line, (by the directions of Scipio Campio of Pisaura, an Engineer not inferiour to his Father, Bartholomeo, slaine at the Siege of Harlem) where overtoiled with hasty labour, or struck with a pestilentiall aire, he fell dangerously sicke. At the same time, Don Iohn having now brought all his Army within the Trenches, except [Page 15] the Horse which Octavio Gonzaga had [...] upon the neighbouring Villages, his owne sicknesse increasing, would needs be carryed into the Campe.The Physitians opinions of Don Iohn and Ser­bellonio. Both of them kept their beds, and their Fitts tooke and left them in the same manner. But the Physitians made farre different Iudgments of their two patients. For they all (and there was a whole Colledge of them) either deceiving others, or deceived themselves, pronounced that Don Iohn would certainely recover, but Sonbellonio could not possi­bly escape with life.False in both. And what they said was credible enough, this being aboue 73 yeares old, he not yet 33: and yet when the young man dyed, the old man was perfectly well againe.Doctor Penno­nio growes fa­mous for his judgement. Whereupon Hippolyto Pennonio grew into great Esteeme (formerly commended by Duke Octavio for Physitian in Ordinary to his Son Prince Alexander) who durst against the whole pack of those Doctours affirme, that Serbellonio would live, and Don Iohn die of that disease. For which a long while being jeered and scorned, he became thereby better knowne to the People, and finally more honoured.

Vpon the day of Saint Matthew the Evangelist (on which very day was twentie yeares dyed the Emperour Charles the fifth) Don Iohn, Septem 21. as if by remembring of his Fathers death he were minded of a time a like fatall to himselfe,Don Iohn de­clares Alexan­der Farneze Governour of the Lowcoun­treys. easting off all humane Cares, transferred the whole Power of Peace and Warre upon Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma, and (in case he should dye) declared him Governour of the Low-countreys, and Generall of the Army, till the King should otherwise determine, And tru­ly Prince Alexander doubted for a while whether he should undergo the Burthen,Who cannot well resolve whether he should so bur­then himselfe, yet at length condescends. And gives his Mother in Ac­count of his re­solution. not ignorant how miserable and broken a Province he must have, and withall how much it would reflect upon his Honour, if perhaps the King did not confirme upon him that Assignement.Octob. 6. It being more Disreputation to fall from a place of Eminence, then never to have beene advanced. Yet that he preserred his Faith to God and the King, he writes to his Mother; calling God to Witnesse, that he should justly thinke him­selfe a Traitour, if when they had such an Increase of Enemyes, and no Generall, he should have deserted the Kings Army in that Conjuncture of time, wherein undoubtedly all the remaining Catholique Religion and Allegeance to his Majesty would have beene indangered. And, foras­much as the Duke of Parma did not very well like this Resolution of his Son's,And his Father disliking it sa­tisfies him thus nor gave Assent to his Acceptance of the Regency, but reproved him for his overmuch confidence;Octob. 6. Prince Alexander at length answered his Father in these Words. Sir, Whereas in your Wisdome your Excellence thought fitt to admonish me, as if I were gone too farre in accepting of that Government, which by my endeavours should rather have beene transfer'd upon the Royall Senate of the Low-countreys; it is no more, then I my selfe imagined, as when I wrote of Don Iohn of Austria's Sicknesse, I sig­nifyed to your Excellence. But when I called to minde, that after the death of the greate Comendador, the Lowcountreys were undone by that very Trust of the Royall Power is the Senates hands, which Ruine in all mens opinions had never hapned to the Provinces, if his Successour had beene forthwith nominated. And when I plainly saw the Losse of this Catholique Army, without a Generall, to be inevitable, by reason of the feuds among the Lords, and their discordant mindes, some drawing one way, some another, and daily more slack in asserting the Kings Right: and, which is yet more considerable, one or two of the greatest in his Army not obscurely wavering in their Fidelity to the King, which would perhaps, if things among us [Page 16] were troubled, go over to the States: I, for these Reasons, first making my Prayers to God, resolved, as to the point of my owne Honour, to run the greatest hazard (which I saw impending) if either the King unmindfull of me should bestow the Place upon another, or that the Warre succeeding unfortunately should be censured by the Event: rather then to refuse the burthen layed upon me, and for my owne Security and Iealously, to quit that Remainder of the Low-countreys which none sufficiently defending must needs have come into the Enemyes Power. Nor do I so much as doubt, but God, that only knowes I have therefore adventured vpon his doubtfull Chance, to show my selfe actively faithfull to my King (now when he wants my Service, and that for his sake I contemne all dangers) will in his di­vine mercy so regulate my affairs, that in the interim I shall doe nothing unworthy your Excellence's prudent Care, or my owne infinite affection to my Prince. Yet he ingenuously confessed, that, besides these Motives, he found himselfe not a little toucht with a scruple;Another reason that induced him. Lest in that juncture of difficultyes, when the Confederates in their highest Iollity surrounded the Army, and were Masters of the Field, he might have beene censured out of feare to have declined the Governement.And another. He was likewise wrought upon by the passionate love of the Army, unanimously professing, that without any Designation, they would of their owne accord have sub­mitted the Militia only to Prince Alexander. Alexander Farneze's ex­traordinary care of Don Iohn. Of ordering the Army. And of certi­fying every particular accident of Don Iohn's sicknesse is the King. By Doctor Ramir. He himselfe, in this interim, divided with severall Cares, now waited on his Vncle, and was service­able to him, not only in Ceremony but Effect; for I finde that he furnished Don Iohn at that time with some thousands of Ducats: now he looked to the Souldiers military Dutyes, sounded the Enemyes Designes, in­dustriously performed all the parts of a Generall, gave the King also an account of Don Iohn's Sicknesse, having commanded all that was therein of moment to be observed and set downe in a Diary, (or Ephemerides) with so much paines and exactnesse, as if the sick man were not (so Prince Alexander writes) a particular person, but that military Vertue it selfe, and the All of a Generall's Indowments, were in one man indangered. But now Don Iohn by little and little gathering strength,Don Iohn past hope of life Septem. 28. is prepared with the Sa­craments, Growes rage­ous, when they con­ceived him perfectly recovered, relapsed upon the suddaine, and the 28 of September, having disburthened his Conscience, and from the hand of the Priest, that said Masse in his Anti-Camera, received the heavenly Vr [...]ticum, presently his braine turning, began to rave, and like a Generall in the Field, to place his men in battalia, to call upon the com­manders, to send forth Partyes of Horse; somtimes to be angry that his men were such fooles as to be circumvented, sometimes with his eyes, hand, and voice crying, Victoria. It was observed when no industry of his Friends,Comes to him­selfe at the names of Iesu Maria. no art of his Physitians could put out of his head those Images of Warre, at the only naming Iesu Maria he would be so husht and still, as he tooke rest immediately: and whatsoever for their sakes was desired of him (otherwise imperious and inexorable) he would do it, not un­willingly. Of so great concernement it is, to get a habit of Piety, while thou hast thy understanding,And dyes reli­giously. that being not thy selfe thou canst not but be pious. Finally on the first of October, in which Month he ever celebra­the memory of his Victoryes at Lepanto and Tunis, The summe of his life. being restored, beyond all hope,His Country, St Matthew's day. Feb. 24. to his senses, once more remembring and confessing his sinnes, a­bout noone-day with great expressions of Piety, he died.

Don Iohn of Austria was borne at Ratisbon in Germany, 1545. having the very same birth day, which the Emperour Charles the fifth his Father had. [Page 17] His Mother was Barbara Blomberg of Ratisbon, His Mother. no less noble in beauty, then in quality, who therefore being presented to the Emperour to allay his Me­lancholy with the sweetnesse of her voice, for she sang rarely, had a Son by him, long a Widower, having lost his wife Isabella 7. yeares before; for while she lived, they say, he most religiously observed his matrimoniall Vow. Nay he was very carefull the City should know nothing of the child,He was con­veyed into Spaine in his infancy by A­loysio Quis­ciada that only knew the se­cret of his birth. and therefore within the yeare tooke it from the Mother, delivering it to Aloysio Quisciada Lord Steward of his Imperiall Palace, whom he had found very trusty, to carry it into Spaine, that his Wife Magdalena Vlloa, a nobly-borne and modest-carriaged Lady, might breed up the Infant: charging Aloysio, that no creature living should have cause given to guesse who should be its Father.Mag. Vlloa Quisciada's Wife Gover­nesse to the child, Which trust he singularly well discharged: and when he brought the Infant to Villa-Gar [...]ia, a Town of his owne, he only commended it to his Wife, as the child of a speciall Friend of his. Which for a good while made her suspect it might be her Husbands, and she was therefore the more tender of it.Nor knowes she who is Fa­ther to it. Yet she began to thinke the Fa­ther a greater man, when she saw her Husband to have a more then fa­therly care of the child's Education.The Infant in danger of fire Magdalen Vl­loa her selfe made this re­lation. A part of the house by accident ta­king fire, where the Lady and little I [...]ck lay together; the flame now crackling about the bed, and waking Aloysio that lay in the next roome, he presently ranne thither in his Shirt, and catching up the Child, carried him out of the danger.Whereat Quis­ciada is much troubled. That done, as if he were now secure, he returned to fetch off his Wife, struck with admiration at his carriage; for know­ing, that her husband loved her above all the World,The child was afterwards in like perill at Madrid. she conjectured by this Action, that the Child's Father was some more eminent person. And indeed his Princely disposition, his naturally grave Courtship, his Meene,His nature and garbe, and Aspect, expressed him more then a private person.His manner of Play with the Boyes. He applied himselfe to the boyes his Companions, but like their Superiour or com­mander. You would thinke him to be Cyrus among the Shepheards. He would wrestle with them, or run, or pitch the Barre, or use any other ex­ercise in the Field,Herod. l. 1. only so long as he was getting of the mastry, till his victory was secured.His love to Horseman-ship He was therefore much delighted in Horseman-ship, because therein he easily excelled them all. In the morning when he rose, the first thing he did, was to get on Horse back, to traine the boyes, to breake Speares to Truncheons,Wherein he was still victo­ous. or at full speed to take the Ring. At which exercises because he continually had the beholders Acclamations, the emu­lation of the boyes prevailed so farre, as by common consent and at the publique charge the Towne entertained a Riding-master to teach their Sons, in hope they might one day conquer this Conquerour. And Aloysio, being himselfe a Souldier,The Emperour designes him for a Priest, But too late, exceedingly rejoyced at the child's warlike propension, and laying the foundation (as Aloysio called it) of higher Actions. Till he received the Emperour's Command, to prepare him with softer breeding to the love of holy Orders. But as the first stage, after the tincture of pleasure, seldome or never takes another die:Charles the fifth, on his death-bed re­veals his Son John to King Philip. the boy was hardly drawne to leave those Sports, and a while after, Charles the fifth deceased. A little before his death, the Emperour discovered to his Son Philip King of Spaine, (which till then he had concealed from him) that Philip himselfe and this Iohn had both one Father,To whom he commends the Child. and therefore charged the King, to send for him, and to love and regard him as his naturall Brother.The owning of Don John.

But King Philip deferred to do it, two yeares after the Emperour's death, till his Son Charles Prince of Spaine was growne up. Then resol­ving [Page 18] to acknowledge his Brother,The King goes to bunt. he went to Validolid to the Abbey of of Spina with a great traine of Lords to hunt: commanding Aloysio to bring the Boy,And bids Quis­ciada bring the Boy to him up­on the field. and meete him in the Field. Aloysio, when his Doggs were in a readinesse, mounted a Horse richly trapt, and carried along little Iack, on an ordinary Horse among the croud of hunters. When they came to the hill Torose (where he discovered the King a-hunting) he then leaped off his Horse,Quisciada shewes himself not to bee Fa­ther to Don Iohn by the new Title he gives him. and bad Iack doe so too: Which done, presently Aloysio, falling on his knees, Giue me said he, your Highnesse's Hand to kisse. What this un­usuall Honour I now do you signifiyes, the King, that hath sent for you, will explaine. Now get upon this Horse, that had not shone in all this bravery but for you. The Chills Astonishment. The Boy stood amazed at the novity, yet gave him his hand to kisse, and got upon the Horse; the lookers on admiring and longing, as upon a Stage;The beholders Expectation. to see how that Scene would end. When behold King Philip with those that waited on him to the Chace comes in. Immediately little Iack, presented by Aloysio, bowes himselfe, and handsomely honours the King upon his knee.The King que­stions the boy about his Fa­ther. His Majesty raised the boy with his hand, and smiling, asked him if he knew his Father? And when he doubted what to reply, because he saw himselfe now disclaimed by him he formerly though his Father, the King alighting said, Alegramente, boy, thou art Son to a man of Honour, the Emperour Charles the fifth, that dwells in heaven, And imbraces him as his Brother. is Father to us both, uttering these words he imbraced him as a Brother, set him upon his horse, and appointed Servants to attend him, as became one of the House of Austria, and the Son to an Emperour; the whole Plaine ringing with the joyfull Halloes of the Hunters, and Gra­tulations of the Lords cheerfully wishing that day happy to the King,Assigning him houshold-servants. hap­py to the King's new Brother: his Majesty himselfe often protesting, that in all his Life he never had better hunting Fortune. Thus Don Iohn of Au­stria being acknowledged was brought to Court,The hunters hallow out their joy. therebred with Charles Prince of Spaine, and Alexander Prince of Parma, who not long before was sent out of Italy by his Parents to the King his Vncle,The Kings ex­pression. as I have in its place remembred.Don Iohn brought to Court is bred up with Prince Charles and Alex. Farneze In the begin­ning of this yeare. Prince Charles, Don Iohn▪ and Alex. Farneze, com­pared. And they were allmost all three of one yeare, the eldest being not about 14. But they were not al of one disposition, Feature, or Manners. Prince Charles, saving his haire and Complexion, in all the other parts of his body was deformed: for one shoulder was higher, and one legg longer then the other, nor was he lesse deformed in his furious and hauty mind. Prince Alexander was indeed of a passionate and military Inclination, but full of Courtship, whereto his sweete and pleasant Countenance seemed to be naturally composed. But Don Iohn of Austria, as well in the habit of body, as Generosity of Deportment farr transcended both. His face was not only faire,His person. but excellently featured. His haire yellowish; his eyes [...]uick & shining: with a lovely proportion of all his limbs, answerable to each o­ther. His manners infinitely set off his Louelines,His Manners. & his Louelinesse his man­ners. Civility, Industry, and Integrity, were eminent in the Youth, and, as in one newly come to his Honours, Modesty. Which Vertue and Beauty of his, compared with their Contraries in Prince Charles, at first made him beloved,The King of­fended with him for refu­sing to enter into holy Or­ders. afterwards envyed, as eclipsing the Prince in his Fathers Court. And King Philip was somewhat distasted at Don Iohn's Aversion from holy Orders, to which he had beene pressed, upon his Fathers Designation, but too late. His Majestyes Displeasure was increased by his suddaine leaving of the Court,And for stea­ling away to go for Malta. when, inflamed with a desire to fight in Malta, with­out the King's Leaue (which if he had hoped, he would never have decli­ned) he tooke Post for Barcelona, with a great traine of Gentlemen, being [Page 19] then 18 yeares of age. And this Levity he aggravated with his Pride, not vouchsafing to heare what message Aloysio Quisciada brought, who fol­lowed him by his Majestyes Command. But as he was going abroad at Barzelona receiving the Kings Letters,But he makes his peace with riding back post, which threatningly commanded his Returne: swifter then imagination, he rode back to Vallidolid, and by his ready Obedience not a little qualifyed his Majestyes Indignation: which a while after he clearly cancelled,And with the discovery of Prince Charles his journey. when he first discovered to the King, his Son Prince Charles his new designe. For this Service, his Majesty in the Warre of Granado, made Don Iohn his Generall against the Moores; which held him play for a long while,He commands in chiefe against the Moores. but at last he fortunately defeated them. And that which seemed to be his Remuneration, was but a step or Earnest of more Honour. For when the Christian League was concluded, he was made Generalissimo of the Fleete,Winnes the bat­ [...]aile at Lepan­to, that carryed the Forces and Hopes o [...] Christendome, and joyning battaile with the Turkes at Lepanto, gained upon the common Enemy a Victory,Stormes Tunis, since the memory of the Othoman Name, the greatest. Thence from the East turning his Armes into Africa, he conquered Tunis, And Biserta, Takes the King prisoner. that commands the Libyan Sea, the Mahometans fly­ing before him; stormed Biserta, and tooke prisoner their King Amida with two of his Sons, which he brought in triumph back to Italy.King Phillip againe displea­sed, Here the of Spaine was highlyer offended, because Don Iohn had not only, contrary to the Commands sent him from Spaine, not dismantled the City, but had likewise furnished it with Munition, put in a Garrison, and made Gabriel Serbellonio Governour, as if he had resolved in that Towne to fix himselfe a Royall Seate. As the King then especially believed, when in that very point of time he saw the Pope's Legate in the name of Gregory the 13 move him to honour Don Iohn for his Victoryes in Africa, with the Title of King of Tunis. And jealous, Which made King Philip jealous, that the youth, proud of his Conquests, would not long brooke a private Fortune: and now only requested Kingdomes, but hereafter would invade them. Therefore remo­ving from Don Iohn all such as he thought advised him to those courses,Placeth new servants about Don Iohn, he placed new Servants about him, and made Iuan Escovedo his Secretary, that is, he changed the names, but not the Natures, of his Brother's Fol­lowers. The King likewise observed, that his Brother grew to a greater Animosity. Because, when he was called out of Italy into Spaine, to go from thence to the Government of the Low-countreys then designed him,Who expects to take place at an Infanta. he would not so much as come to Court: but went to the house of Antho­nio Perez to linger there, till he found whether the King would allow him place,The Kings goes out of towne purposely to decline the Grant. as a Prince-Infanta within the Cloth of State. But the King that went out of Towne lest he might discontent his young Brother with the Assignation of his Place, stayed on purpose in the Countrey; receiving him more affectionately, then magnificently, at Villa Pardo. And from thence, exaggerating, indeed not falsely, the Necessity of the Provinces, sent him presently into the Low-countreys. His Majestie's Suspicion also appeares by the Instructions he gave Don Iohn, at his Departure. The first and last whereof was,And would have him go­verne the Lowcountries without an Army. that he should quiet the Provinces upon any Con­ditions whatsoever, but a Warre: so as he did it with a Salvo to Religion and Allegeance. For, though the King now weary of the infinite Expences of that Warre, wished this might be the only Meanes of settling the Bel­gick Tumults:Not assured of his temper. yet howsoever, I belieue his Majesty, who thought no­thing secure unlesse suspested, would not have continued the Command of an Army to one person, lest he should at last have established a Power irrevocable. For the same reason, when there was Necessity of a Warre, [Page 20] Money to pay the Army came very sparingly from Spaine. For this very reason the King's eares were open to the Low-countreymens Complaints, accusing Don Iohn as longing to be in Armes.The Prince of Orange [...]orts that Don Iohn is to marry Queene Eliza­beth. Nay to confirme this Sus­picion of the King's, I doubt not but the Prince of Oranges Designe was layed, when he wrote Letters to a Friend in France, which assured him, that Don Iohn was to marry the Queene of England, adding that for his per­ticular Service therein,Al. Cabrera in Philip the 2d. l. 12. c. 3. Don Iohn had given him hope of the free Exercise of Religion in the Low-countreys. Which newes Vargas, the Spanish Em­bassadour in France, that carefully pried into all Occurrences, privately sent post to King Philip. Iuan Vargas Mexia Whereupon followed the death of Iuan Escovedo, as the man that put him upon it.The death of Escovedo. I cannot believe this of Don Iohn, though sometimes troubled, and crossed even to desperation. Many Arguments rather induce me to thinke it a Finesse of the Prince of Orange, to alienate the King from his Brother. But the Causes of Escovedo's Death, and the Tragedies insuing thereupon in Spaine, as fitter for the Stage, I leaue to Writers covetous of such Subiects. Nor to any other end, a newes which they heard in Spaine, was the Principallity of the Low-countreys lately of­fered to Don Iohn. For one of the Low-countrey Lords, as an expedient for quieting the Provinces,Don Iohn tempted with an offer of all the 17. Provin­ces. exhorted Don Iohn to take upon him Soveraigne Authority; offering to serve him in it with the Nobility, and ensuring the Event. Which though it so highly displeased him, that he drew his Stil­letto, not as once Germanicus Caesar did, who turned the point upon him­selfe, but to have stabbed that perfidious and fraudulent man,Ready to kill the adviser. Tacius. l. 1. Annals. who with such impudent Counsell tempted his Loyalty. Yet because this passed without Witnesses, it was liable to the Censure of those that ever thinke the worst.Al Cabera in Phil. 2. l. 11. c. 15. And some kinde of Suspicions no Innocence can absolutely cleare. But I believe this bold and subtill Invitation was made, not to bring the Lowcountreys into Don Iohn's Power,Sayes that Don Iohn did wound the man. but to fill the King's eares listning after such Rumours, and to make him jealous, that his Brother would not all wayes retaine that Modesty,Why hee was thus courted. and that it therefore concerned the King in Wisdome to provide, that what his Brother once modestly re­fused, might never more be in the Power of his Acceptance. Nor was King Philip now to be taught the Art of Iealousy, being no lesse prudent in keeping, then fortunate in amplifying his Dominions. And Don Iohn daily found by new proofe,His griefe up­on the Kings displeasure, And for Esco­vedo's death, how jealous the King was of him, not satisfi­ed by the compliance of the private life which he had so long indured. Hearing likewise of Escovedo's death (whom he had sent into Spaine to procure Money and other warlike Necessaryes) for whose returne he had so often and so anxiously sollicited, and every day finding himselfe in greater Straits deserted, as he openly complained, by the King; and expo­sed to the Scorne of his Enemyes: this Prince, of great Spirit and hope, too much remembring his bloud by the Father's side,Breakes his heart, languished into a Consumption. But whether, besides his Griefe a poyson strong enough to kill him,If it were not broke by poyso [...] Mat. Delt. l. 5. Turb. Belg. there might be another Dose given (for they that saw his Corps, found shrewd Signes of poyson) I will make no Determination, as in a thing commonly obnoxious to Presumptions of that Nature. Though there wanted not some that watched to murther him,August. 20. as I am well assured by Alexander Farneze's Letters to his Father Duke Octavio. Those that sought to mur­ther hi [...] puni­shed. And it was sufficiently evident,Decemb. two Englishmen being apprehended, that had under­taken to kill him, that very Month wherein he dyed: which, a while af­ter, examined and convicted of the Crime,The Armies Lamentation for his death, were by the Prince of Parma put to death. But by what meanes soever his fate was brought about, it [Page 21] was deplored with extraordinary Commiseration. And seldome was it knowne, that any Army with higher praises of his vertue, mourned fo [...] their Generall.Whom they parallel with Germanicus Caesar, There were that compared Don Iohn and Germanicus to­gether; For their Beauty, for their Yeares, being 33, for the many battells they had fought in Places neighbouring upon Holland. For the Court-Iealousyes upon them, and for the Rumour of their approaching Death. Others paralleld him nearer with his Father Charles the fifth.And with his Father Charles the Fifth, Both had the same Birth-day, almost the same Day of Death; and like Expeditions by Sea and Land,In the day of their Nativi­ties & deaths, la their Mili­tary expeditions against the Moores, and Turkes. The Kingdome of Tunis was conquered by them both. King Muleasses, was reestablished in his Throne, and Barbarossa outed by Charles the fifth. King Amida Son to Muleasses, but the Deposer of his Father (deposed himselfe and Mehemet crowned) was by Don Iohn carryed away among his Spoiles and Prisoners. The Father had ended more Warres, for he had lived more Yeares. The Son in one Navall Victory equalled all his Father's Triumphs. And no doubt, but if he had injoyed his Fathers Power, and alone commanded Kingdomes and Armies, he would have made his Fame as glorious. They likewise added things for the most part triviall,In the intrea­ting of their Souldiers, Charles the 5. Don Iohn. and obvious to all Com­parers: That both by like artificiall Courtesyes quickned their Followers Hopes: but he by bestowing Titles of Honour much increased the Nobility: this remunerated the merits of his Souldiers, because he had no other Meanes of Satisfaction, with magnificent Words, somtimes with a sud­daine Expression of Ioy, giving his Hatt or Stilletto to a Souldier. Indeed calling every common Souldier by his name, his Memory served in­stead of a Reward.In wearing of their [...], Both of them brought up fashions that added to the handsomenesse of the Body,1529. especially of the Head, Charles the fifth, when he came into Italy to be crowned Emperour, was the first that to ease himselfe of the head-ach, cut off his haire: the great Courtiers following his Fashion and Example: So as the wearing of long haire, esteemed so much for many Ages in one man's Imitation was by all left off. And also first Don Iohn, because the haire on the left side of his temples grew up­right, used with his hand to put away all the haire from his fore-head; and because that baring of the Fore-head looked handsome in him, thence came the Fashion of combing and keeping the haire up, in somuch as that kind of Foretop is in some places called an Austrian. In their desire to live a solita­ry life. Finally in the last Scene of his life, Don Iohn himselfe wished to be like his Father, and as He, resigning his Kindomes, hid himselfe in solitude among the Hieronymites at Saint Iustus: so Don Iohn a few months before his death would have done among the Hermits of Mount Serrat in Spaine, for ever after to serve God, who, as he said, would and could do more then his Brother Philip. Which Determination, whether it was the issue of Piety, or of the improsperous Successe of his Affaires,Don Iohns con­stant custome to cleare his Conscience. I cannot easily distinguish; Nor must omit that, wherein Don Iohn of Austria farr exceeded his Father Charles the fifth; the Purity of Mind, which his Governesse the Lady Vlloa had so inamoured him of,Mag [...]alen [...] ­dy of Villa­Garcia. from his Infancy, that all his Life long he persevered in it, and could not rest quiet, if never so little a Sinne lay upon his Conscience. Therefore twice every Month (which was his constant course) he came to Confession: his Soule being a true Prince, that could not brooke the basest Servitude. Nay he never undertooke any Expedi­tion, or fought battaile,Especially be­fore a day of Battaile. but first by an exact Confession of his Sinnes he implored God's Mercy. Which Care of himselfe, in a Prince tempted to greatest license by his age, handsomenesse, and Place of Generall, I sup­pose [Page 22] will be so much the more esteemed, by how much this. Piety is rar [...]r amongst Souldiers: and by how much a Circumspection of this nature uses not to be alone, nor unattended by a traine of many Vertues. Moreover, if one should adde this to his military Praises,His Vertues as a Generall. and diversity of Warres, that before he had beene trained a Souldier, he commanded as a Generall; and to the Immensenesse of his Courage, that he was never daunted by any Enemy, either greater in number, or reported by Force to be invinci­ble; and to his Felicity in all battailes, that he came off perpetually a Con­querour, at least never conquered;Not infer [...]our to any. Severall Na­tions contend for precedency in carrying of his Corps. truly wee may justly number Don Iohn among the most valiant and fortunate Generalls that ever were.

The day after his Death, the Colonells of severall Nations, contended which of them in the funerall Pompe should have precedence, as Bearers of the Corps. The Spaniards pretended, because they were the Kings Countreymen. The Germans, because Don Iohn was their Countreyman. The Low-countreymen disputed the Prerogatiue of the Place; But the Prince of Parma instantly decided the Controversy,Alex. Farneze contents them all. in this manner. That his maeniall Servants should carry the Body out of the Court▪ where it should be received by the Colonells of that Nation whose Quarters in the Field used to be next the Generalls: they were to deliver it to others, and those againe to others that quarter'd farther off.The funerall Pompe. In this Order (the Horse and Foote marching on either side) the Corps in compleat Armour was carryed from the Campe at Buge to Namure with a Crowne upon hisEx litteris Com. Masi [...] ad Picum from the Campe Head according to the funerall Ceremonies of the ancient Princes of the House of Burgundy. Though others, because diverse Irish Lords, with the Popes Consent,Octob. 6. had offered him the Kingdome of Ireland, which he would not accept till he knew whether it would be approved of by King Philip, Why a Crowne was set on his head. Mar. Del. l. 5. Turb. Belg. imagined out of that respect this Marke of a King was given to his Mo­desty. His bed was sti [...]l supported by Colonells and Captaines of that Na­tion, whose Horse followed the Corps,Colonels, and Captaines are the Bearers. fresh men still easing the wearyed of their burthen, till it came to the Magistrate of Namure. Foure Mourners attended the body,Foure great commanders a [...] the foure cor­ners of the Herse. Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt Campe. Master, Octavio Gonzaga Generall of the Horse, Pedro de Toledo Marquesse of Villa-Fran­cha, and Iohn Croi Count of Reuse, this a principall Commander among the Low-countreymen, he among the Spaniards, each of them holding in their hands a corner of the Herse-Cloth.Souldiers march before A Regiment of Foote, as the custome is, went before, with their Pikes and Muskets reversed, colo [...]rs furled,Alex. Farneze followes. and all the other Complements of Sorrow. Alexander Farneze, Prince of Parma, followed in close Mourning, with a heart sadder then his Robes: excepting only so farre as the care of the distressed Army, delivered to him, diverted the current of his Griefe. The funerall State ending in the great Church at Namure, and Don Iohn's, bowells being there buryed, Prince Alexander laid his Vncles body in a temporary Tombe,A Sepuleher onely for the present. expecting what Commands the King would send from Spaine. For at his Death Don Iohn desired three things might in his name be mo­ved to his Majesty,His three last requests to the King. That he would command his body to be buryed in in the Sepulchre of Charles the fifth, That his Mother and brother by her might be received into his Royall Protection, And that he would remu­nerate the Service of his Followes (whom he had long sustained with hope) with some reall Bounty,Don Iohn Fa­ther of two daughters. he himselfe having not had wherewith to pay them.1570. He made no Mention at all (which is wonderfull) of his Daugh­ters. For Don Iohn had two Daughters, Anne and Ioane, this at Naples, by Diana Phalanga a Surrentine Lady; that at Madrid, by Maria, Mendona a [Page 23] Maide of an illustrious Family, and Beauty. Anne was privately bred by Magdalena Vlloa, Don Iohn's owne Foster-Mother: and went from thence, after she was seven years old,Anne. to a Nunnery of holy Virgins at Madrigall. Ioane, for allmost as long a time, was educated by the Dutchesse of Parma, Sister to Don Iohn; after whose death, she sent her to be bred up in a Monastery of the Order of Saint Clare, at Naples; But She by Command from the King was translated from Madrigall to Burgo's a House of Bene­dictin Nunnes,Ioane. whose perpetuall Abbesse she was chosen. This, after she had lived twentie yeares in the Cloister at Naples, was at last married into Sicilie to Prince Butero. Both these Ladyes in one yeare, in one Month,Feb. 1630. only not upon one day, deceased▪ But I believe Don Iohn among those Particu­lars which at his death he commended to the King,Why he named them not, upon his death bed. said nothing of his Daughters, because he thought the King knew not of them: for they were so privately and cautiously brought up, that Alexander Farneze (to whom he imparted all his other Secrets) knew not of one of these. The other had long since beene discovered to him, not by Don Iohn, but by his owne Mother Margaret of Austria: which was the Cause that, when Don Iohn lay upon death-bed,Alex. Farneze to his Mother Marg. of Par­ma. Octob. 6. Prince Alexander durst not desire him to com­mend that Daughter to the King, lest he might put him to the Blush, or seeme willing by such Commendations to free his Mother of a Trouble. But now Alexander Farneze acquainted his Majesty with those three last Requests made by Don Iohn, Alex. Farneze writes to the King about Don Iohns. Petitions. and earnestly sollicited the King's Grant. Of himselfe and of the Governement intrusted to him he wrote little, rather like one declining, then ambitious of the Honour. Only he exaggerated the danger of the Catholique Army,Octob. 1. and somewhat concerning him­selfe, the French being entred into Haynolt, and the States Army ready to besiege their Campe: so that in this desperate Condition of Affaires, only his Fidelity to the King compelled him rather undauntedly, then ambitiously to receive that burthen.But very much touching the danger of the present State of Affaires. Although, as I conjecture, not so much the present Danger, which was indeed very great, as his doubtfullnesse of the King's mind held Alexander Farneze in suspence. For he feared lest his Majesty, laying aside the care of Armes, should call back his Mother into the Low-countreys, He is not sure the King will confirme to him the Go­vernement. where she was popular, and therefore fit to conclude a Peace, or that, upon certaine Conditions which were now in Agitation, he should confirme even the Arch duke Matthias in the Governement.C. Masius ad Equ. Blondum. Octob. 6. Which some in Spaine dis­swade. To which He might be easily perswaded, by some that were no frends to the glory of Alexander Farneze. And truly (as David Secretary to the Duke of Parma, wrote from Spaine in Cypher to Prince Alexander) there wanted not some at Court, that objected many Considerations to the King, for breaking off that Designation. I believe, because they thought it Imprudency to trust Alexander Farneze with an Army,Novem. 5. at that time, when his Son (a boy of a great witt, and it seemed ca­pable of the greatest fortune) pretended to the Crowne of Portugall: Ranucio. especi­ally, when not without an Affront to Spaine, that proud Nation desired to be governed by an Italian. Yet the King sends him Commission. But the King, looking upon the Vertue of Alex­ander Farneze, and considering him as his Sisters Son,Novem. 29. cut off the Subiect of this discourse, praising the choice & Counsell of Don Iohn. And present­ly by Letters to Prince Alexander, his Majesty first gave him, without any Exception, the Governement of the Low-countreys, and Burgund [...], with the Militia of those Provinces: all which he prolixly commended to his Nephew's Faith, and Worth.And answers to the particulars requested by Don Iohn. To Don Iohn's last Requests he breifely an­swered, That he would not be unmindefull of his household Servants, when Alexander Farneze should certify him too (as afterwards he did) [Page 24] of every particular man's Deserts,For his Mo­ther. That he had long respected his Mother, which should be done more publiquely hereafter; As indeed it was; For his Majesty that yeare, sending for her into Spaine, very graciously received her, and within a few Months honourably disposed of her, in the Royall Cloister of Saint Cyprian. Where after she had lived foure yeares among the Nunnes, nobly attended by Maides of her owne, go­ing for her health to take the ayre at Lared [...], she there religiously dyed. Although I must not conceale from the Reader,Who was in­deed no more but his suppo­sed Mother. Card a Cueva. What a man of Eminence discovered to me, touching the Mother of Don Iohn, not Barbara Blomberg, as to that day the World be­lieved, but a farre more noble Lady, to say the truth, a Princesse, for saving of whose Reputation, Charles the fifth would have another named, and getting Barbara Blomberg to act the Mother's part, and take upon her the glorious Title of the fault, it was af­terwards followed by King Philip to maintaine the Scene. So King Philip himselfe told his Daughter Isabella (to whom he imparted all his Secrets) which she at diverse familiar Conferences communicated to that Person of whom I had it.Clara Eugenia Isabella. If this be true, I must confesse there is no trusting humane Knowledge. When so great a Prince, that used to discover the very thoughts of his Enemyes, should live and dye so blinded in his owne Parentage, and in himselfe, and being twice deceived in his Mo­ther, should still aske Blessing of a wrong Woman,In Mag. Vlloa and Blomberg For his bro­ther. never of her that bore him. Concerning Don Iohn of Austria's supposed Brother (his name was Pyramo C [...]n­rado) the King wroteback, that Alexander Farneze should observe the inclination of his mind, and how he demeaned himselfe. He did so, and replyed, That the youth had beene sent into Burgundy so follow his Booke:Ia. 7. 1579. but that within a few dayes, leaving his study and falling into some Deboshes, he was by Don Iohn's Command committed to the Tower; from whence (after his Brothers Death) the Youth wrote him a Let­ter, that since he was not made for a Scholler, neither his Fancy nor Abilityes agreeing with that course of Life, he would please to set him at Liberty, and make a Souldier of him,March 18. 1579. and then he hoped to give a fruitfuller account of himselfe: and Prince Alex­ander certified the King, that he thought no lesse, therefore beseeched his pleasure might be signifyed, where the Youth should be imployed in his Majestyes Service. It pleased the King that he should learne his first Elements of Warr under Alexander Farneze, assigning to the young Souldier 50 Ducats a Month. Lastly, the King consented to the translating of Don Iohns Body into Spaine, by what Way, and in what Manner Prince Alexander should appoint.Don Iohn's bo­dy privately conveyed through France In. Vargas Mexia. The Prince of Parma committed that Charge to Ga­briel Nignio Zuniga, Master of the Horse to Don Iohn, commanding him to convey the Corps through France, and by meanes of the Spanish Embassadour at Paris, to get a Passe from King Henry for some of Don Iohn's Servants that were to returne into Spaine, without any mention of the Body; which he would have secretly carryed, to avoide those vast Expences, and ceremonious Contentions of Magistrates and Priests at City-Gates; that vsually way-lay the Progresses of Princes, whether alive or dead. And therefore made it be given out, that the Body went with the rest of Don Iohns Household through Italy. Being first ta­ken to pieces. Nay to avert the least Suspicion, he caused him to be tooke in pieces; and the bones of his Armes, Thighes, Leggs, Breast and Head (the Braines being taken out) with other the severed parts, filling three Mailes, were by Nignio and the principall of the Convoy (being about 80) brought safely into Spaine. Afterwards set together in Spaine and shewed to the King. At last inter­red. Where the bones being set againe, with small wiers, they easily rejoynted all the Body, which being filled with Cotton, armed, and richly habited, they presented to the King Don Iohn intire, as if he stood, only resting himselfe upon his Commanders Staffe, looking as if he lived and breathed. This Sight having for a while renued Court-Sorrow, the Corps was carryed thence into the Church of Saint Laurence at the Escuriall, and bu­ryed according to his last Desire by his Father the Emperour Charles the fifth Alexand­der Farneze likewise in the Church at Namure, Alex. Farneze takes upon him the Go­vernment of the Lowcountries. where his Vncles body had beene depo­sited, leaving a Monument thereof to Posterity; applyed his whole minde and inclea­vours to keepe the remaining Provinces in the King's obedience. Then, he sent Agents & Letters to the Catholique Princes of Europe, holding it requisite to let them every one know, that Governement was consigned to him by his Majesty; minding ther [...] of the danger of the Royall Party▪ not too sollicitously, lest he should raise the hopes of such as were disaffected to the Spaniard; nor too sparingly, lest it might take off the Honour of his Laurell, as the easy purchase of a Generall, that must hereafter triumph over the Enemy.

FINIS.

An Alphabeticall Table of the most remarkable Passages and Sentences.

Note that the figures without l. relate to l. next before.
  • ABbat of Gemblac lib. 9. pag. 52. and of Trull l. 2. p. 41. Abbaties in the Low-countreys assigned new Bishops l. 1. p. 29. Abbats complain, ibid. their complaints answered l. 1. p. 31. They exasperate the Brabanters l. 3. p. 65. Some of them turn Covenant­ers l. 5. p. 101
  • Abdication of the Empire and his Kingdoms by Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 3. the causes p. 8. Abdication of the Government of the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 4
  • Acugnia, vide Iohn or Iuan.
  • Adolph of Nassau Emperour▪ l. 2. p. 43
  • Adolph of Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange en­ters Frisland l. 7. p. 46. Fights the Arembergians p. 47. kills Count Aremberg, ibid, and is slain by him, ibid. Adrianus Comes Taurello. l. 9. p. 45
  • Aegidius Lord of Hierg, sonne to Count Barlamont; at the siege of Valenciens l. 6. p. 10. at the battel of Mooch l. 8. p. 3. Master of the Ordnance, and Colo­nel of Walloons l. 10. p. 5. at Namure, Treasurer after his fathers death, ibid. Governour of Gelderland, on the borders whereof he takes many Towns l. 8. p. 8. invites Don Iohn to see Namure l. 9. p. 35. defends Ruremond against the Confederates lib. 9. p. 49. storms Bovines [...]. 9. p. 53, 54. his death l. 10. p. 5. Vide Giles.
  • Aelst a Town of Flanders taken by the mutinous Spani­ards l. 8. p. 18, 19
  • Alberic Count Lodronio Colonel of a Regiment of Ger­mans l. 6. p. 31, 33
  • Albert Duke of Bavaria approves of the designe of arms against the Rebels l. 5. p. 134. He moves the Duke of Alva in behalf of the impeached Lords l. 7. p. 42
  • Alcmar l. 7. p. 72, 81
  • Aldegund vide Philip Manixius of St. Aldegund,
  • Alençon vide Francis Hercules.
  • Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma, born at Rome l. 9. p. 42. his Father, ibid. the prediction of Paul the third, ibid. his Christening p. 43. propension to arms, ibid. sent very young by his Mother into the Low-countreys to King Philip p. 44. his suit at eleven years old to the King, ibid. who carries him into Spain, ibid. his Majesties love to him, ibid. He, Charles Prince of Spain, and Don Iohn of Austria compared together, l. 10. p. 18. He is sent to the University of Alcala, l. 7. p. 43. the King entrusts him to Count Egmont to conduct him to the Low-countreys, l. 4. p. 90. his mar­riage, l. 4. p. 91. Solemnized at Bruxels, l. 4. p. 94. and at Parma, l. 4. p. 95. his sonnes, ibid. his veneration towards his wife, p, 95. and l. 9. p. 46. his love to arms, l. 9. p. 44. his digladiations in the night with great hazzard to himself p. 45. he goes in the Christian Fleet against the Turk, ibid. composes the diffe­rence between Don Iohn of Austria, and Venerio, ibid. for which Pius the fifth commends him, l. 9. p. 46. he boards Mustapha's Galley, ibid. takes him and Scander-Basha, ibid. The prize took by his men, ibid. his answer to Don Iohns admonition, ibid. he is sent to besiege Navarine, ibid. attempts it in vain l. 9. p. 47. he, joyned with his Mother, is designed by the King for the Government of the Low-countreys, ibid. animated by Gregory the xiii. l. 9. p. 48. he goes for the Netherlands, ibid. A pension assigned him by the King, ibid. He views the Armie with Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 49. his attempt at the battel at Gemblac, l. 9. p. 51. his courage is praised and reproved by Don Iohn l. 9. p. 52. His letter to the King in ho­nour of Don Iohn, p. 53. nor mentioning himself to his friends, ibid. He besiegeth Sichem, l. 9. p. 54. and the Fort, 55. executes the prisoners taken, ibid. Diestem yields, ibid. he reduceth Levia, ibid. his expedition and victory at Limburge, l. 10. p. 1, 2. he storms Dal­hem, p. 3. recovers the whole Province of Limburge within twenty dayes, p. 4. Thanks sent him by the Neighbour-Princes, ibid. A rumour of his death forged by the Prince of Orange, l. 10. p. 4. The King means to make him Governour of the Low-countreys, p. 6. he likes not the truce proposed, ibid. his Letter to his Father Octavio Duke of Parma, ibid. The King sends him money, l. 10. p. 7. his speech at a Councel of Warre, wherein he disswades the coming to a bat­tel, ibid. He desires of Don Iohn the honour to lead up the Foot, and hath it, l. 10. p. 9. He demonstrates to Don Iohn the enemies designe, p. 10. He brings off the men circumvented by the Enemy, p. 11. and ly­ing open to their Cannon, p. 12. of which he gives an account to his Mother, Margaret of Parma, p. 13. he sends a complementall Embassage into Portugal, ibid. his advice to Don Iohn touching the conditions of peace proposed by the Estates, p. 14. He is by Don Iohn upon his death-bed, nominated Governour of the Low-countreys, p. 15. he cannot well resolve whe­ther he should undertake the burden, yet accepts of the his Commission, ibid. he writes to his Mother, and to his Father, ibid. The causes why he accepted of the Government, l. 10. p. 16. he attends Don Iohn in his sickness, and supplies him with money, ibid. his care for his sick Uncle, and for ordering the armie, ibid. he puts to death those that sought the life of Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 20. He satisfies the severall Nations con­tending who should carry Don Iohn of Austria's body, p. 22. he attends his funerall to Namure, ibid. builds him a temporary tombe, ibid. writes to the King of Don Iohns death, and his last requests to his Majestie, l. 10. p. 23. and how his Uncle dying commended the Government to him, ibid. he is not assured the King will confirm it, ibid. the King sends him a Commis­sion to be Governour of the Low-countreys, and Ge­neral of his armie there, ibid. the King answers him to Don Iohns requests, ibid. He gives the Corps of Don Iohn in charge to Colonel Nignio to carry it in­to Spain, l. 10. p. 24. he orders it to be privately con­veyed through France, ibid. He takes upon him the Government of the Netherlands, ibid. whereof he certifies the Catholick Princes of Europe ibid.
  • [Page] Al [...]xander Medices advanced to the Principalitie of Flo­rence, l. 1. p. 21. his marriage with Margaret daughter to the Emperour, p. 22. he is slain within the year, ibid.
  • Alienation of the Nobilitie, l. 2. p. 37, 38. and why, l. 3. p. 67, 68, 71
  • Al [...]tanien souldiers, vide Muteneers.
  • Al [...]s [...]o Delrio, l. 8. p. 20
  • Al [...]ysi [...] Quiscioda Lord Steward to the Emperour, l. 10. p. 17. carryes Don Iohn an infant into Spain, ibid. breeds him up, ibid. brings him to King Philip on the field a hunting who there owned him, l. 10. p. 18
  • Alice Mother to Francis the first of France l. 1. p. 12
  • Alphonso Este Duke of Ferrara l. 1. p. 21
  • Alphonso Count de Sommai designed Colonell of the Italians at Milain l. 10. p. 7
  • Alphonso Leva, sonne to Sancho Vice-roy of Navarre, l. 10. p. 6. by orders from Don I [...]hm fights the enemy p. 9. worsts him, p. 10. brings off the Foot, p. 12
  • Alphonse Lopes l. 5. p. 142
  • Alphonso Vlloa Colonel of the Spanish Foot in the N [...]a­politan Regiment l. 6. p. 30
  • Alphonso Vargas commanding the Spanish Horse, l. 8. p. 18. Rou [...]s the Glim [...]ens, p. 21. Recovers Ma [...]stricht, ibid. marches to Antwerp, takes and plunders it, p. 22, 23. he and the Spaniards leave the Low-coun­treys, l. 9. p. 32
  • Altapen vide Charles.
  • Altempse vide Hannibal.
  • Alvarez Pacecho a Colonell l. 7. p. 72
  • Alava vide Francisco
  • Alva vide Ferdinand Toledo Duke of Alva and Garçias.
  • Ambition, Of the Belgick Lords in arms and at Court, l. 2. p. 37, 38, 41, 42. Of Granvell, ibid. Of Egmont, l. 2. p. 38. Of the Prince of Orange, naturall to him, ibid. and l. 2. p 45. l. 5. p. 121. l. 7. p. 40. reprehended in Senate, l. 3. p. 67. Of Robert Brederod, to be Arch­bishop of Cambray, l. 2. p. 41. Vide Emulation.
  • Ambois, vide Conspiracy.
  • Amity of neighbour Princes to be wished for, l. 4. p. 91
  • Amida King of Tunis l. 10. p. 19. & 21
  • Am [...]rsfort l. 7. p. 75
  • Amsterdam in Holland threatens to revolt from the King l. 6. p. 1. The wickednesse of the Hereticks there l. 5. p. 131. A Convention of the Convenanters p. 137. Pi­ous courage of the women, p. 131. The Covenant­ers would have surprized the Town, l. 6. p. 19. are beat back, ibid. the Citie receives a Garrison, p. 20. is faithfull to the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 72. begins to wayer, l. 9. p. 41. is assaulted by the Prince of Orange, l. 10. p. 5. resists, wherein the women do speciall service, ibid. It is rendred, and deceived, ibid. the destru­ction of all things sacred in the Town, ibid.
  • Anabaptists l. 2. p. 36
  • Andelott, a Low-countrey man, one of the Covenanters, l. 6. p. 19
  • Andelott Coliny Generall of the French Foot, l. 3. p. 56
  • Anderlech, Steward to Count Megan, l, 5. p. 101
  • Andrew Salazar, a Captain, l. 6. p. 33
  • Andreas Vesali [...]s Physician to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 10
  • Anguisiola, vide Iuan.
  • Ani [...], a River l. 7. p. 56
  • Anne of Austria daughter to the Emperour Maximilian, is designed for wife to Charles Prince of Spain; l. 7. p. 68. after whose death, his Father King Philip mar­ries her, ibid. She comes into the Low-countreys, ibid. is conducted into Spain, ibid. dies, l. 7. p. 82
  • Anne Egmont, first wife to the Prince of Orange. l. 3. p. 53
  • Anne daughter to Don Iohn of Austria, l. 10. p. 23
  • Anne daughter of Mourice Duke of Saxony, wife to the Prince of Orange. l. 3. p. 53. her marriage, ibid. She is divorced, and sent back into Germany p. 54
  • Ann [...]s M [...]morancy Constable of France, l. 3. p. 61. his death, l. 6. p. 35. he and the Duke of Alva compared, l. 7. p. 83. Th' Ancibarian Generall his Vow against the [...], l. 3. p. 51
  • Antonio Al [...]yda,
  • Anthony Bomb [...]rg of Antwerp, l. 6. p. 1. & 2
  • Anthony Bourbon King of Navarre, brother to the Prince of Ca [...]da; l. 3. p. 56. his various fortune, ibid. he treats with King Philip about the restitution o [...] commutati­on of the Kingdome of Navarre, p. 58. he withdraws his protection from the Hereticks, p. 59. whereupon he hopes to marry Mary Stuart Queen of Scots. ibid. he takes Roan, p. 61. enters it triumphantly, ibid. dies of a shot received at the Siege, ibid.
  • Anthony G [...]ig [...]y Lord of Vendege, trailed a pike under Charles the fifth, l. 9. p. 50. was a Commander of horse at the battel of St. Quintin, ibid. Lieutenant Gene­rall to Count Aremberg in France, ibid. The discord of the Spaniards and Low-countrey men, makes him leave the Kings Service, ibid. he is Generall of the Confederates army, p. 50. sent to Antwerp by the Deputies of the Estates, l. 8. p. 22. taken prisoner, p. 23. exchanged, l. 9. p. 31. took again at the bat [...]el of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 52. Committed to the Fort at Ma­mure, ibid.
  • Antonio Gusman Marquesse of Ayamont, Governour of Milain, l. 9. p. 32. & 47
  • Anthony Lalin Count Hochstras, Captain of a troop of Low-countrey Horse, l. 1. p. 17. made Knight of the Golden-Fleece by the endeavours of the Prince of Orange, l. 2. p. 46. Governour of Mechlin, l. 5. p. 1 [...]1. one of the Gentlemen Covenanters, p. 101. he acts for the Hereticks, l. 6. p. 1. meets the Covenanters at Cuilemburg house, l. 5. p. [...]109. assignes the Hereticks Churches in Mechlin, l. 5. p. 131. gives reasons for it to the Governesse, ibid. comes with the rest of the Lords to the Convention at Dendermond, b. 5. p. 134. He is Lieutenant Governour of Antwerp for the Prince of Orange, l. 5. p. 139. sends the Petition of the Hereticks at Antwerp to the Gouerness, ibid. endea­vours to draw Count Egmont to the new League, p. 142. He and the Prince of Orange oppose the furious Calvinists at Antwerp, l. 6. p. 4. refuseth to take the Oath of fidelitie to the King, l. 6. p. 12. looseth his Government of Mechlin, ibid. answers Count Mans­feldt jeeringly, ibid. he and Count Egmont fall out, l. 6. p. 14. & 15. he promiseth before the Governess to take the Oath, l. 6. p. 15. is sent for to Bruxels with the rest of the Lords by the Duke of Alva, to set the State in Order, l. 6. p. 32. hearing of their imprison­ment, he flies, p. 33. he is impeached before the Councel of twelve, l. 7. p. 41. pronounced guilty of High Treason by the Duke of Alva, p. 42. his forces beyond the Mose routed by Avila, p. 46. he is car [...]ied off the field sick, l. 7. p. 56. his baggage taken by the Spaniard, ibid. he is Generall at the battel by the Bank of Geta, l. 7. p. 62. dies of a musket shot, ibid.
  • Antonio Mendosa, l. 6. p. 26
  • Antonio Olivera, first Commissary of Horse that ever was in the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 30. at the battel of M [...]och l. 8. p. 4. at the sack of Antwerp, l. 8. p. 22. at the bat­tel of Gemblac. l. 9. p. 50. brings his Prisoners to Don Iohn, p. 51. hath a Pension assigned him by the [...]ing l. 10. p. 7.
  • Anthony Perc [...]ot Granvell his birth, l. 2. p. 39. Wit, Lan­guages, and Elocution, ibid. his emulation with Regnard, l. 3. p. 67. from the Bishoprick of Arras first translated to the Archbishoprick of Mechlin, l. 1. p. 18. commended by the Emperour to his sonne Philip the second, l. 2. p. 40. His arts to ingratiate himself with the King, ibid. he answers Charles the fifth for King Phi­lip, l. 1. p. 4. speaks for the King of the Estates, l. 1. p. 25. his power with the King. l. 3. p. 67, 68. he stands for Margaret of Parma to be Governesse of the Low-countreys, [Page] l. 1. p. 20. is commended to her by his Maje­stie, l. 2. p. 40 his favour and power with the Gover­ness, ibid. and p. 41. l. 3. p. 68. his dext [...]rity in gi­ving counsel, l. 2. p. 40. he Acts for the new Bishops, l. 3. p. 65. is hated by the Lords. l. 3. p. 66. and Commons, p. 71. The Lords envie, emulation, and malice towards him, l. 2. p. 39. l. 3. p. 67. & 68, 72, & 74. The greatness of his spirit in despising his Rivalls, l. 2. p. 42. he approves not the sending away of the Spanish souldiers out of the Low-countreys, l. 3. p. 51. at last consents to it, ibid. is created Cardinal by Pius the fourth, l. 3. p. 54. why for a while he deferred the acceptance of his scarle [...], ibid. he receives his Robes, and Hat sent from Rome as an extraordinary favour, ibid. what benefit he aimed at in being made Cardinall, p. 54. 55. he consults with his brother the Spanish Ambassadour touching the French affairs, p. 55, 58. What his opinion was concerning the exchange of Sardinia for Navarre, l. 3. p. 58, 59. he is defended by the Governess, l. 3. p. 68. and 72. by the King, p. 71. Three Lords write a letter against him to his Majesty l. 3. p. 72. the Kings answer, l. 3. p. 74. he speaks in Senate against the ambition of the Prince of Orange, l. 3. p. 67. his power with the Governess decreaseth, l. 3. p. 74. the danger of his life, p. 75. Scandalous Libels against him, l. 4. p. 77. the giving of Hoods for Cognizances, was thought to be a combination a­gainst him, l. 4. p. 77, 78. l. 5. p. 115. l. 7. p. 49. he is called out of the Low-countreys, l. 4. p. 79. the Kings letters that discharged him, dejected him not, ibid. his words as if he desired a manumission from publick imployment, ibid. he would gladly have been com­manded into Spain, ibid. the King sends him, to Bur­g [...]di [...], l. 4. p. 80. He goes, giving out that he is short­ly to return, ibid. a plot to keep him from coming back, ibid. he goes to Rome to the Conclave, l. 4. p. 81 is employed by King Philip in his affairs at Rome▪ ibid. especially in the transaction of the holy League a­gainst the Turk, ibid. He is created Vice-roy of Na­ples, ibid. and delivers the Christian Colours to Don Iohn of Austria, ibid. returning to Rome, he labours in the Conclave for the election of Gregory the xill, l. 4. p. 81. going back to Naples, he offends the Pope in a controversie with the Archbishop of Naples, p. 82 which is at last composed, ibid. the report of his re­turn to the Low-countreys is there believed, l. 7. p. 68. he treats in the Kings name, with Margaret of Par­ma and Alexander Farneze, to accept of a joynt-com­mission for the government of the Low-countreys, l. 9. p. 47. he is sent for into Spain by the King, and there made President of his Italian Councel. l. 4. p. 82. his liberty in speaking to the Grandees, and to the King himself, ibid. he governs Spain in the Kings ab­sence, p. 82. is honoured by him at his return, ibid. at Ausburg he marries Katharine daughter of King Philip, to Charles Emmanuel Duke of Savoy, ibid, what he said when he heard the Duke of Alva had not ta­ken the Prince of Orange, l. 6. p. 33. he dieth at Ma­drid, l. 4. p. 83. his bodie is transported to Besançon▪ ibid. his principall commendations p. 83
  • Antonio Perez Privie-Seal to Philip the second, l. 6. p. 23. l. 9. p. 53.
  • Anthony, sonne to Philip Duke of Burgundy, [...]uart of Brabant, l. 9. p. 36
  • Anthony Painter l. 7. p. 78
  • Antonio Saulio the Popes Nuncio to the Vice-roy of Na­ples l. 4. p. 82
  • Anthony Strall Consul of Antwerp l. 6. p. 33. intimate with the Prince of Orange, ibid. beheaded l. 7. p. 49
  • Antonio de Toledo Prior of Leon a Knight of S. Iohns of Ierusalem l. 6. p. 23
  • Antwerp one of the chief cities of Brabant l. 5. p. 98. stands much affected to Bre [...]erod, l. 5. p. 112. a Mutiny in the Town occasioned by the punishment of an A­postate l. 4. p. 84. the number and habit of the G [...]eu­ses there, l. 5. p. 115. the Calvinists frequent sermons, l. 5. p. 116. their Tumult, l. 5. p. 117, 118. upon the News of Tholose's overthrow at Oostervel l. [...]. p. 4. for the quieting of which stirres, they desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Governour l. 5. p. 118. what a multitude of people meet him with acclamations and applauses ibid. their Iconomachy and violation of sacred things▪ l. 5. p. 123. & 124. the great Church restored to its use and beauty; l. 5. p. 130. l. 6. p. 18. He­reticks hold their Consistories in the Town l. 5. p. 138. Solemn Procession l. 6. p. 28. the sack of it by the Spa­niards, l. 8. p. 22, 23
  • Antwerpers animated against the Catholicks as farre as from Constantinople, l. 5. p. 138. & 139. They cunning­ly offer money to the King l. 5. p. 139. they threaten to Revolt, l. 6. p. [...]. they sue for pardon to the Go­verness, l. 6. p. 17. they offer her to render the town, ibid.
  • Antwerp-Fort designed by Margaret of Parma, l. 6. p. 20. Built by the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 40. entred and kept by the mutinous Spaniards l. 8. p. 5. attempted by Don Iohn l. 9. p. 35. possessed by the Estates, ibid. dimo­l [...]shed l. 9. p. 38
  • Apologie published by the Prince of Orange l. 1. p. 4. l. 2. p. 38. p. 43. 45. p. 47.
  • Aquila a town l. 9. p. 47
  • Aranda vide Iuan
  • Archdukes of Austria vide Maximilian and Matthias
  • An Archbishoprick in the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 28
  • Ardingbel l. 4. p. 91
  • Aremberg vide Iohn Ligneus
  • Aresc [...]ot rendereth it self to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 53. is be­trayed l. 10. p. 13
  • Arsc [...]ot the Duke, vide Philip Croi
  • Arias Montari [...]s vide Benedictus
  • Arme [...] figures of little men and horses brought to ma [...]ch upon a table l. 1. p. 7
  • Armenterians conspire with the Tournay-Ghe [...]ses l. 6. p. 7. their plot is discovered ibid. they are defeated by N [...] ­carmius l. 6. p. 7.
  • Armenterius vide Thomas
  • Arminius his overthrow compared with that of Lewis of Nassa [...] l. 7. p. 56. & 57
  • Arms of Castile, l. 4. p. 78. assumed by the associated Pro­vinces, ibid. The Gheuses Arms l. 5. p. 109. the Arms of the Empire vide Empire, the Kings Arms, l. 7. p. 65. the Arms of death l. 9. p. 41.
  • Army prepared for the Duke of Alva from France l. 7. p. 46. from Spain, l. 7. p. 58. from Italy l. 6. p. 25. By Alva in the Low-countreys to be sent into France, l. 7. p. 64. Alva musters his Army l. 6. p. 29. it marches in three divisions, p. 30. against Don Iohn raised in Germany, l. 10. p. 7. sent to him from Italy, l. 9. p. 41. Ranged for battel, l. 9. p. 50. brought off from the Cannons mouth, l. 10. p. 12. for the Governess from Germany, l. 5. p. 132. & 133. for the Prince of Orange from the Low-countreys and France, l. 7. p. 58, 61, 63, 73, 75. l. 9. p. 57. and out of Germany, l. 5. p. 138. l. 7. p. 58. An Army for the States from France and Germany l. 10. p. 7. 13. from England and Scotland l. 10. p. 10. The Duke of Alva's Army besieged by the Prince of O­range, l. 7. p. 77. the Gheuses Army l. 7. p. 75. the Hugonots Army l. 7. p. 79. four Armies at one time vex the Low-countreys p, 75
  • Artois a Province of the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 15. inva­ded by Cocquevill, l. 7. p. 46. defended by Cosse, ibid. associated with the rest of the Provinces against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 20. its Governour, l. 1. p. 16
  • Arthur Cosse Commander in chief upon the Marches of France, forbids the Prince of Orange to enter the Kingdome l. 7. p. 63. sent by the French King to assist [Page] the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 46. 47. beats Cocquevils Ar­my into the town of S. Valery and storms it ibid. takes the Commanders ibid.
  • Assonvill vide Christopher. Asper l. 8. p. 9
  • Ausburg vide Confession of Ausburg
  • Augustino Barbarico l. 9. p. 46
  • Augustus Duke of Saxonie succeeds the Prince Elector Maurice, l. 3. p. 53. Christens the Prince of Oranges sonne, l. 4. p. 87. joyns with the Low countrey Rebels, l. 5. p. 138. threatens the Governesse, l. 5. p. 140. makes warre with Iohn Frederick sonne to the late Elector p. 141. sends to Margaret of Pa [...]ma an Em­bassage in Favour of the Low-countrey Hereticks l. 6. p. 18, 19.
  • Avila vide Sancho.
  • Austrian, what l. 10. p. 21
  • Autruxius l. 3. p. 62
  • Ayala vide Martin.
  • Ayamont vide Antonio Marquesse of Ayamont.
Sentences in A.
  • WE may safely suspect those for Authours, that are ADVANTAGED by the Design l. 5. p. 102
  • Thy are most sensible of ADVERSE fortune, that have been in most felicitie l. 9. p. 48
  • The first AGE after the tincture of pleasure, seldome or never takes another die l. 10. p. 17 [...]
  • BAden the Marquesse sends an Embassage to the Go­vernesse l. 6. p. 18
  • Baion l. 4. p. 87, 88
  • Balduin ab Angelo a Jesuit refuseth the Oath pressed up­on him l. 9. p. 40. is turned out of Antwerp with the rest of the Societie ibid.
  • Barbara Blomberg of Ratisbone, l. 10. p. 17. commended to the King by Don Iohn dying p. 22. she deceaseth p. 24.
  • Babarino vide Francisco and Raphael
  • Barlamont surrendred to Don Iohn l. 9. p▪ 57
  • Barlamont vide Aegidius, Florus, Lancellot, and Philip
  • Baronnius one of the Covenanters l. 5. p. 101
  • Bartolomeo Campio l. 7. p. 80. the famous Engeneer, in the siege of Harlem ibid
  • Bartholmew Entese, one of the first water-Gheuses l. 7. p. 71. turns Pirat ibid. is committed to prison l. 7. p. 80
  • Bartolomeo Miranda Archbishop of Toledo l. 1. p. 8
  • Bartolomeo Portia the Popes Legate to the Emperour l. 9. p. 39
  • Bartholmew-Eeue in France l. 7. p. 76
  • Basta vide Nicholao
  • Batemburges the Brothers, vide Gisbert and Theodorick
  • Bavaria the Duke, vide Albert
  • Bavier vide Christopher and Henry
  • Beavor vide Philip Lanoi
  • Belgium, why called Flanders, l. 1. p. 14. the lower Ger­many; and the seventeen Provinces ibid. its situation, opulency, cities, towns, Villages, Militia, Navy, and Manufactures, ibid. their Government was ever like a free-state l. 2. p. 28
  • Belgick Provinces how they were all joyned under the Government of one Prince l. 1. p. 15. out of them Charles the fifth thought to erect a Kingdome l. 1. p. 15 be transferres them to his sonne Philip l. 1. p. 4. their division l. 1. p. 15. to what Persons the King intrusted them, l. 1. p. 16. they petition the King to take off the tenth part, l. 7. p. 67. they waver upon the news of the surprize of Brill by the Covenanters, l. 7. p. 72. they conspire against the Spaniards l. 8. p. 19, 20. they ad­here to the States, onely two continuing faithfull to Don Iohn, ibid. l. 9. p. 37. 48. 50
  • Bcaumont, rendered to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 57
  • Bearne, the refuge of Delinquents l. 3. p. 63
  • Benedictus Arias Montanus, l. 7. p. 64
  • Berg [...]n vide William and Iohn Glimè
  • Bergen op Zoom l. 8. p. 10. comes into the hand of the Estates l. 9. p. 48. the Garrison souldiers betray their Colonel p. 49.
  • Berlinguerio Requesenes Admirall for the King of Spain in Sicily l. 8. p. 15
  • Bernardo Fresneda, a Franciscan, Confessar to King Phi­lip l. 6. p. 23. votes against a warre with the Low-coun­treys ibid.
  • Bernardino Mendoza sent Embassadour from the Duke of Alva to Pius the fifth l. 6. p. 26. Captain of foot in the Low-countrey service p. 30. at the battle of Mooc [...] l. 8. p. 4. and of Gemblac l. 9. p. 49
  • Bernois l. 6. p. 26
  • Bersen sent by the Deputies of the Estates with part of of their forces to Antwerp l. 8. p. 22
  • Beza vide Theodorus
  • Bill vide Gaspar
  • Binch sometimes the delight of Mary Queen of H [...]ga­ry, yields to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 57. a stone upon the [...]lace engraved by King Henry the second of France when he demolished Binch ibid.
  • Birth of Alexander Farneze l. 9. p. 42. of Granvell l. 2. p. 39. of William Prince of Orange l. 2. p. 43. of Marga­ret of Parma l. 1. p. 20. of Prince Maurice of Nassan l. 4. p. 87. of Odoardo Cardinall Farntze l. 4. p. 95. of Philip the second of Spain l. 1. p. 9. of Ra [...]ucio Farneze Duke of Parma l. 4. p. 95.
  • Biseain man of warre l 7. p. 65
  • Biserta stormed l. 10. p. 19
  • Blanch Queen of France l. 5. p.
  • Blanca Sforza daughter to Maximilian Duke of M [...]lain, and wife to the Emperour Maximilion, killed by a fall from her horse, as she was hunting l. 1. p. 21
  • Blazer vide Iohn
  • Blosius vide Iohn and Lodwick.
  • Bobadilla, a Captain l. 7. p. 75
  • Bobemian King, vide Maximilian
  • Boisot vide Charles and Lodwick
  • Bomberg vide Anthony
  • Bommen in the Isle of Sceldt taken by the Royallists l. 8. p. 13
  • Bona Shorza, Mother to Sigismund King of Poland dies l. 1. p. 13
  • Boniface Bishop of Mentz l. 2. p. 30
  • A Book published in Germany, called the Interim l. 1. p. 9
  • A Book set forth by the Prince of Orange against the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 58
  • Calvinisticall Books sent into France l. 3. p. 56. Designed for Spain l. 5. p. 137
  • Bourbon vide Anthony, Iohn and Lewis
  • Borgia, a Captain l. [...]. p. 8
  • Borlutius of Gant, Speaker for the Estates l. 1. p. 25
  • Bolduc vide Maximilian and Iohn
  • Bovines renders it self to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 53, 54
  • A Boy with two heads four feet and four hands l. 7. p. 40
  • A Boy, with a Cat in a Cradle l. 7. p. 69. Putting ou [...] the eyes of Quails l. 7. p. 43. killing Leverets ibid. of ele­ven years old begging arms and leave to go to the storming of a town l. 9. [...]. 44
  • Brabant the principall Province of the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 15. l. 7. p. 46. extorts liberty of conscience, l. 9. p. 41. its immunities, and priviledges, l. 2. p. 2. 29, [Page] 30, 31, 32. l. 5. p. 98. the head of that Province, ibid, the towns there taken by the Prince of Orange redu­ced by the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 77. their Deputies bought by the Prince of Orange l. 8. p. 17. are sent for to Bruxels by Requesenes l. 8. p. 18. its Governour l. 1. p. 17. Brabanters refuse the Inquisition l. 2. p. 32. and new Bishops l. 3. p. 65. send Agents privately to Rome and Spain p. 66. deny to obey the Governesse's Edict proposed unto them, l. 5. p. 98. Create Prince of Orange, Ruart of their Province, l. 9. p. 36
  • Bracamonte vide Consalvo
  • Brandenburg, the Electour, sends an Embassadour to the Governesse l. 6 p. 18
  • Breda l. 5. p. 142. besieged by the States forces, l. 9. p. 48 sends a Messenger to Don Iohn who was discovered by the enemie, ibid. it is rendered p. 49. the mutiny and perfidiousnesse of the souldiers ibid. Don Iohn sends forces to relieve it but in vain, ibid. a Garrison of Spaniards put upon the town l. 7. p. 42
  • Brederod vide Henry, Lancellot, and Robert
  • Bride l. 7. p. 54
  • Briganze vide Isabella and Mary
  • Brill, a Port town of Holland l. 7. p. 72, taken by the Gheuses, ibid. upon the news whereof, many Cities revolt ibid. the jeering clinch upon the name of Brill ibid.
  • Brimè vide Charles
  • Bruges affronts the Inquisitors l. 4 p. 84
  • Brunswick vide Erick, Philip, and Ernest
  • Bruxets a capitall City of Brabant l. 5. p. 98. faithfull to the King l. 6. p. 31. their priviledges l. 5. p. 98. their contumacie against the Duke of Alva's imposing taxes l. 7. p. 70. they keep off the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 75. they mutiny l. 8. p. 18, 20. their fear after the battle at Gemblot l. 9. p. 53
  • Bucar l. 3. p. 55
  • Bura taken by assault, l. 8. p. 8
  • Buran the Count l. 8. p. 19
  • Burgundie by Charles the fifth assigned to King Philip l. 1. p. 4. the Dukes of Burgundie, p. 15. the Governour p. 17
  • Burgundians scale the fort at Dalhem and take it l. 10 p. 3
  • Burgundion Princes used in their funerall pomp to have a Crown set upon their heads, l. 10. p. 22. vide Philip and Mary
  • Bulduc or Bus, one of the chief Cities of Brabant l. 5. p. 98. refuseth Count Megan, l. 6. p. 2. a tumult in the town ibid. they force their Bishop to flie l. 5. 131. they detain the Governesse Embassadours l. 6. p. 2. they release and send them to her, p. 16. they threaten to revolt from the King p. 2. they are declared enemies p. 16. they crave pardon and render themselves, p. 17. they receive a Garrison, ibid.
  • Busta vide Pedro
  • Butero, a Prince l. 10. p. 23
Sentences in B.
  • BENEFITS please like flowers, while they are fresh l. 1. p. 14
  • Some mens natures are more obliged by receiving one then many BENEFITS l. 1. p. 24
  • When men fall from their hope, whatsoever comes short of their wishes looseth the title of a BENE­FIT l. 2. p. 38
  • A BENEFIT more easily obligeth particulars, then a multitude l. 1. p. 22
  • A present BOUNTIE is the step to a future Rise l. 1. p. 24
  • CArcass of a girl eaten by her Parents l. 7. p. 80
  • Cahors the Bishop l. 2. p. 80
  • Caesar Davalo brother to the Marquesse of Pescara pur­sues the Nassavians l. 7. p. 55
  • Casius, vide Nicolaus.
  • Caius Fabius his gallant attempt to passe through the e­nemies Camp, l. 9. p. 40
  • Callice taken by the French, l. 1. p. 11
  • Cooks and Scullions fire Antwerp, l. 8. p. 22
  • Calvin tries how his books will take in France, l. 3. p. 56. brings in heresie there, ibid. is authour of the tumult at Ambois l. 3. p. 57
  • Calvinists imprisoned, l. 3. p. 62. condemned, ibid. re­scued from the Executioner, ibid, carried back to prison, l. 3. p. 63, taken out by force, p. 64. executed, p. 65. they plunder the Low-countrey Churches, l. 5. p. 121. vide Image-breakers. They and their books are designed to trouble Religion in Spain, l. 5. p. 137. l. 7. p. 45. They have their Calvinisticall Suppers, l. 5. p. 141. p. 143. they try to get out of Antwerp to O­stervel, l. 6. p. 4. finding themselves shut up in the Town, they rag [...], ibid. they are enemies to the Luthe­rans, ibid. they make a mutiny in the Town, ibid. they petition for liberty of Religion to the Arch-duke and the Estates, l. 9. p. 41. which they extort, and seiz upon the Catholick Churches, ibid. One of them that je [...]red the Jesuits, finds his own house infected with the plague l. 9. p. 41
  • Conbray, the Bishop, restores things consecrated at Ant­werp l. 6. p. 18
  • [...] l. 1. p. 15
  • Cambrey the peace-making Citie, l. 1. p. 12. honoured with the Prerogative of an Archbishoprick p. 18
  • Camillo Gonzaga Count de Novellaria l. 7. p. 60
  • Camillo a Mont [...] comes with the Duke of Alva into the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 30. his moderation at the sack of Antwerp, l. 8. p. 24. he fights and defeats the French l. 9. p. 57. in the expedition of Limburg, 1. 10. p. 1. he is beaten off at Dalhem, l. 10. p. 3. commands Horse in the battel of Rimenant, l. 10. p. 10. pursues, and is drawn by the enemy to their camp, ibid. the gallantry of his Troop in sustaining the charge of the enemie, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Camillo Chiaffinat [...] l. 10. p. 13
  • Campin, vide Frederick Lord Perenatt
  • Cannon, l. 7. p. 76. six taken by the enemie that had their names from the first six elements of musick, recovered l. 7. p. 56. nayled, l. 8. p. 8. attempted and taken, l. 7. p. 55. Master of the train of Artillery, vide Gabriel Serbellonio, Cress [...]erio, the Barlamonts, Philip Staveley, and Valentine Pardieu.
  • Captain Campin, an Engineer, l. 6. p. 21
  • Cantonet, vide Thomas.
  • Capital besieged by the Gauls l. 9. p. 40.
  • Caprius sent by the Deputies of the Estates with part of their forces to Antwerp, l. 8. p. 22. taken by the Spa­niard, l. 8. p. 23. exchanged, l. 9. p. 31
  • Carafa, vide Marius.
  • Cardinal, Alexandrino, l. 7. p. 43. Borromeo vide St. Charles, [...] Odoardo, Granvel vide Antonie Perenot; L [...]rain vide Caroldo; Pacicho vide Francisco, Spinosa vide Didaco.
  • Cardinalists in the Low-countreys, l. 4. p. 81, l. 5. p. 103 Carloi brother to Ressorius Nohot l. 7. p. 46
  • Centron vide St. Truden
  • Charlotta Bourbon wife to the Prince of Orange, l. 3. p. 54
  • Charles Altapen sonne to Count Barlamont, Captain of a Troop of Horse l. 10. p. 5
  • Charles the fifth goes from Spain to Germany to be crown­ed Emperour, and so into Italy, l. 2. p. 27, 33. l. 10. [Page] p. 21. his Military Expeditions, l. 1. p. 4, 8, 9, 15. l. 2. p. 34. l. 6. p. 30. l. 10. p. 14, 21. he quiets the mutinie at Gant, l. 5. p. 132. l. 6. p. 24. as keth the Duke of Alva what punishment he thinks due to the Gantois, l. 7. p. 39. his words concerning the magnitude of Gant, ibid. and the nature of the Low-countrey men, l. 6. p. 23. he thinks of reducing the Low-countreys into the form of a Kingdome, l. 1. p. 15. why he forbare to do it. p. 16. how he amplified the Principalitie of the Ne­therlands, ibid. he meant to have encreased the Bi­shopricks of the Low-countreys, l. 1. p. 17. why he went not on with his defigne ibid.
  • Charles the fifth, Prince of Burgundy, abrogates the in­novation of taxing the Low-countreys at the hundreth part, l. 7. p. 69, 70. he prepares Edicts and Arms a­gainst the Lutberans, l. 2. p. 34. l. 9. p. 42. his Decrees and Edicts published, l. 4. p. 96. they are thought to be severe, and breach of priviledge to the Brabanters l. 5. p. 98. they are defended, l. 5. p. 104, 105. qualified, l. 5. p. 106. sent into Spain, l. 5. p. 114. He begets his daughter Margaret at Ondenard in the Law-countreys, l. 1, p. 20. and Don Iohn of Austria at Ratisbone in Ger­many, l. 1. p. 16. with whom he is compared, p. 19. he espouseth Margaret to Alexander Medices, l. 1. p. 21. and after his death to Octavio Farneze, p. 22. his wife Isabella of Portugal, l. 10. 17. by whom he had Philip the second, l. 9. p. 43. his parity and disparity with King Philip, l. 2. p. 38. his daughter Mary; l. 7. p. 43. he makes his Will at Ausburg, l. 1. p. 10. prepares to re­signe his Kingdoms, p. 3. Creates his sonne Philip ma­ster of the Order of the Golden Fleece, ibid. gives him the Low-countreys and Burgundy, l. 1. p. 4. then all his Kingdomes, p. 5. repeats his own actions, l. 1. p. 4. His speech at the resignment of his Kingdome to his sonne, ibid. he gives away the Empire, p. 5. he sends the Imperiall Crown and Scepter by the Prince of O­range to his brother Ferdinand, ibid. l. 2. p. 44. his desire to transfer the Kingdome of the [...] to his son Philip, l. 1. p. 5. from Zeland be weighs anchours for Spain, ibid. The ship he sailed in, after he was land­ed, sunk immediately, ibid. his words when he came on shore, ibid. a suspicion that his mind was changed, l. 1, p. 5. he visites Charles Prince of Spain, p. 6. builds himself a house adjoyning to the Monastery of St. Iust [...]m, ibid. his family and furniture, l. 1. p. 6. his daily exercises in that solitude, ibid. his Whip, or di­scipline, died in his bloud, much reverenced, p. 7. he keeps the anniversary of his mothers death, ibid. he celebrates his own Funeralls▪ ibid. falls sick, l. 1. p. 7. discovers his son Iohn to King Philip, l. 10. p. 17. dies religiously, l. 1. p. 8. The prodigies at his death, l. 1. p. 8. the years of his Government, ibid. the se­verall conjectured Causes of his Resignation, l. 1. p. 8.
  • Charles of Austria, Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 43. his nature ibid. not approved of by his Grandfather Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 6. his education, l. 7. p. 43. l. 10. p. 18. sent to Alcala, l. 7. p. 43. falls from a ladder, ibid. is reco­vered by the help of St. Didacus, l. 7. p. 43. Isabella daughter to Henry the second of France is designed for his wife, l. 7. p. 45, 68. so is the daughter of the Emperour Maximilian, p. 68. how unlike he was to his father, l. 7. p. 43. his hatred to his fathers favou­rites, ibid. his patronage of the Low-countrey men, l. 6. p. 22. l. 7. p. 43. his purpose to steal away for the Low-countreys, l. 7. p. 44. which he imparted to some friends, ibid. discovered to his father by Don Iohn, l. 7. p. 44. he endeavours to fright the Duke of Alva from his Low-countrey expedition, ibid. being to take horse in the morning, he is in the night seized on by his father, l. 7. p. 44. committed to his chamber, p. 45. his infelicity, ibid. and Death, p. 45. the causes of his imprisonment and death. ibid. He, Don Iohn, and Alexander Farn [...]ze, compared together l. 10. p. 18.
  • Charles Count Barlamont Governour of Na [...]e, l. 1. p. 16. the asserror of Religion, l. 10, p. 5. his sonnes, ibid. his known fidelity to the King, l. 1. p. 25. l. 3. p. 69. l, 10. p. 5. one of Granvels party, l. 4. p. 81. manifests his readiness to take arms for the King, l. 5. p▪ 129. in­forms the Governess what the Knights of the Order had designed, l. 3. p. 69. when Duke Areschott and Count Egmont fell out, he mediated between them, l. 3. p. 72. his vote against the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 103. he gives the name of G [...]enses, by way of contempt, to the petitioning Covenanters, l. 5. p. 109. takes the Oath of allegiance, l. 6. p. 11. is by force taken out of the Senate, and imprisoned in Bruxels, l. 8. p. 20 dies at Namure, l. 10. p. 5. his Obsequies, ibid. his En­comion ibid.
  • Charles Boisot, Governour of Zeland, sent by the Prince: of Orange into Duveland, l. 8. p. 10. slain by the Roy­allusts p. 13
  • St. Charles, Cardinall Borromeo l. 8. p. 1 [...]
  • Charles Brime Count Megan Governour of Gelderland and Zurphen, l. 1. p. 17. l. 2. p. 41. gives the Governess intelligence of the Lords conspiracy, l. 5. p. 99. and of souldiers levied in Saxony, l. 7. p. 47. discovers to her the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 101. his vote in Councel, l. 5. p. 103. sent before by the Governess to quiet the se­dition at Antwerp, l. 5. p. 118. and to the Buss, and Ma [...]strieht, l. 6. p. 2. Megen (printed Mela) takes the Oath of Allegeance, l. 9. p. 11. beats the Covenanting Rebels out of Amsterdam, l. 6. p. 19. drives them into Waterland, ibid. is highly favoured by the Gover­nesse, p. 48. governs Frisland in the place of Count Aremberg deceased, ibid. l. 7. p. 58. his Votive mont­ment at Swoll in Leovard, l. 7. p. 48. he dies, ibid.
  • Charls Croi Marquess of Haure, returns from Spain to the Low-countreys, l. 8. p. 19. sent by the Deputies of the Estates with an Army to Antwerp, l. 8. p. 22. commands a Wing of Horse, at the battel of Gi [...]slac, l. 9. p. 50.
  • Charles Davalo, son to Vastius, Captain of a troop of Horse in the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 30
  • Charles Egmont Duke of Gelder, l. 1. p. 19
  • Charles Farneze twin-brother to Alexander Farneze, l. 9. p. 43
  • Charles Fugger, a Colonell, betrayed by his souldiers, l. 9. p. 48, 49
  • Charles the seventh of France, his difference with his son Lewis, l. 7. p. 44
  • Charles the eighth of France, what an Oath he forced upon the Pisans and Florentimes, l. 9. p. 34
  • Charles the ninth of France, l. 3. p. 58. at Baion, l. 4. p. 8 [...]. his marriage with Elizabeth daughter to the Emp [...] ­rour Maximision, l. 4. p. 88. he desires assistance against the Hereticks, l. 3. p. 55, 56. his victory, l. 3. p. 61. he joyns with the King of Spain agianst his Low-coun­trey Rebels, l. 5. p. 134. He denies the Spanish armie passage through the Territory of Lions, l. 6. p. 26. is not perswaded by the Hugonots to fight with the Spani­ards, ibid. sends for auxiliaries into the Low-coun­treys, l. 6. p. 34. which are granted, ibid. fights at St. Denis, l. 6. p. 35. sends Cosse, Colonel of Horse, to assist the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 46. A rumour that he hath concluded a peace with the Hereticks, and would send men into the Low-countreys, in favour of the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 73. he commands the Hugonots to be massacred, l. 7. p. [...]6
  • Charles Duke of Gelderland, l. 7. p. 47
  • Charles Count Lalin, l. 2. p. 41. l. 3. p. [...]5
  • Carolo Largilla, l. 8. p. 2
  • Charles Duke of Lorain, l. 1. p. [...]0
  • Charles Cardinal of Lorain, l 3. p. 56. l. 3. p. 61, 75. l. 7. p. [...]6
  • Charles Mansfult son to Peter Ernest, l. 4. p. 92. chidden by his father for joyning with the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 103. he forsakes them, l. 5. p. 119. besiegeth Valen­ciens, l. 6. p. 10. is at the battel of G [...]mblat, l. 9. p. 50. his [Page] Regiment at Bovines, l. 9. p. 53. attempts Nivel and is beat off, l. 9. p. 56. the King gives him money, l. 10. p. 7
  • Charles, the souldier or fighter, l. 1. p. 15
  • Carolo Scotto, a Count, l. 9. p. 45
  • Charles Tisnac, the Kings Procurator in Spain for business of the Low-countreys, l. 3. p. 73, 74
  • Casembrat, vide Iohn.
  • Casimir, brother to the Palsgrave, vide Iohn.
  • Castaneo, vide Giovanni Baptista.
  • Castile, its Arms, l. 4. p. 78. President of the Councel of Castile, l. 4. p. 82. l. 6. p. 23
  • Castle in the water, l. 8. p. 20
  • Catharine of Medices Queen-Mother of France, desires assistance against the Hereticks from Philip the second of Spain, l. 3. p. 57. the like from Margaret of Parma, Governess of the Low-countreys, l. 3. p. 60. she comes to the Conference at Baion, l. 4. p. 87. the death of her sonne Hemy foretold her, l. 1. p. 13
  • Catharine daughter to King Philip the second, l. 4. p. 82
  • Catholicks and Luth [...]rans joyn against the Calvinists, l. 6. p. 4. the Catholicks defeat the Hugonots at Moncoure, l. 7. p. 64. what they think of the Duke of Alva's de­parture from the Low-countreys. l. 7. p. 81. they con­sent to the Pacification of Gant, l. 8. p. 21. they ad­here to the Estates, l. 9. p. [...]7. they, together with the Hereticks, take the Oath of fidelity to the Arch-duke Matthias, l. 9. p. 39. they are expelled the Low-coun­treys by the Hereticks, l. 9. p. 41. their Churches pos­sessed by the Calvinists, ibid.
  • C [...]ttey Governour of Vlussing, l. 6. p. 2
  • Causes of the Low-countrey tumults, vide Tumult
  • Cessation of Arms, l. 9. p. 49
  • Cetona a Town, l. 8. p. 14
  • Chiapino Vitelli Marquess of Cetona, marcheth with the Duke of Alva, as his Camp-master into the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 30. defends Graninghen, l. 7. p. 54. de­sirous to fight th' Enemie, l. 7. p. 61, 62. falls upon an Ambuscado, l. 7. p. 60. encounters the enemie, and worsts him, ibid. prohihited by the Duke of Alva to move against the Prince of Orange; l. 7. p. 61. falls up­on a Battalion of the Prince of Orange's severed from the rest, p. 61. fights upon the banks of Geta, ibid. hurts Coll. Loverall, p. 62. wrests the enemies Co­lours out of the Ensignes hand, p. 62. his courage commended by the Duke of Alva, ibid. sent by the Duke of Alva to the Queen of England, l. 7. p. 66. sollicited to revolt by Coliny, l. 7. p. 73. in a rage throws Coliny's letters into the fire, p. 74 goes to besiege Mens, l. 7. p. 79. is wounded, ibid. his bold gallantry, p. 79. he takes many towns in Holland, l. 8. p. 8. is made Genrall of the Zeland expedition by Requese­nes, p. 9. besiegeth Ziritzee, l. 8. p. 13. dicth, ibid. his Funeralls, l. 8. p. 14. his Corps carried into his Coun­trey, ibid. his Encomion, ibid.
  • Christian King of Denmark, l. 1. p. 13
  • Christierne daugthter to the King of Denmark, Dutchesse of Lorain, makes a Peace between Spain and France, l. 1. p. 12. Hath the generall wishes to be Governess of the Low-Countreys, l. 1. p. 19. what hinders her, p. 20.
  • Christi [...]rn King of Denmark, l. 1. p. 13
  • Christopher Assonvill a Senatour, l. 5. p. 99. l. 5. p. 137. l. 7. p. 52, 57. imployed by the Duke of the Alva to the Queen of England, p. 66. his relation, l. 8. p. 19. 22. he is for­cibly taken out of the Senate, and committed Pri­soner, l. 8. p. 20
  • Christopher Bavier sonne to the Elector Palatine, General at the battel of Mooch, l. 8. p. 2, 3
  • Christopher Fabritius Apostara, executed, l. 4. p. 84
  • Christopher Mandragonio Captain of a troop of Horse, l. 6. p. 30. his gallant and bold attempt, ibid. he at­tends the Queen with his Regiment into Spain, l. 7. p. 69. Generall at the wading over the sea to Goes, where he raised the siege, l. 7. p. 77. he takes the Isle of Zuit-Beverland, ibid. defends Middelburg against the Zelanders, l. 8. p. 2. forced to render it by famine, ibid. how much the enemie honoured him, ibid. exchanged for Aldegund, p. 2. Commands in chief at Sea, in the Zeland Expedition, l. 8. p. 9. sayls to the Isle of Philip-land, l. 8. p. 9, 10. thence to Duveland, ibid. fo [...]rds the sea on foot to Sceldt, l. 8. p. 13. the citie of Z [...] ­zee, the Head of the Island rendred to him, ibid. the mutinous souldiers choose another Generall in his place, l. 8. p. 17. the courage of his wife in holding the Fort at Gant, l. 9. p. 31. victorious at the battel of Gem­blac, l. 9. p. 51. storms Sichem, l. 9. p. 54. is preserved from fire miraculously, l. 10. p. 5. the King payes his pension, l, 10. p. 7
  • Chius The [...]dotus, l. 9. p. 27
  • Churches, how they came to be plundered in the Low-countreys, l. 5. 121. when the sacriledge began, ibid. how it continued, p. 123. how great a losse in the principall Church of Antwerp, l. 5. p. 126. restored to its use, p. 130. l. 6. p. 18. destruction of Churches in Flanders, l. 5. p. 126. Churches granted to Hereticks, l. 5. p. 130. restored to Catholicks, l. 6. p. 10. seized by Calvinists, l. 9. p. 41 vide Ich [...]o [...]achy, l. 5. p. 125
  • Ci [...]c [...]onio vide Pedro.
  • Cimace, the Prince, l. 8. p. 19
  • Cimace, the Town taken by assault, l. 9. p. 57. the Fort rendred, ibid.
  • Cittadella, a Captain, and an Engineer, released by the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 2. vide Francesco.
  • Cities in the Low-countreys numbered, l. 1. p. 14. Cities the principall of Brabant, [not the Nether-lands] l. 5. p. 98. their immunities and priviledges, l. 2. p. 28, 29, 30, 31. They mutiny against the Spanish Garrisons, l. 2. p. 28, 29, 30. they revolt from the King, l. 7. p. 72. submit to the Prince of Orange, ibid. are reduced, l. 7. p. 77
  • Clo [...]a de Medic [...]s, sister to Pius the fourth, l. 8. p. 9
  • Cla [...]a Isabella Engenia, her birth, l. 5. p. 132. she is marri­ed to Albert Rodulphus the Emperours brother. ibid.
  • Claudia Chalon wife to Henry of Nasson, l. 2. p. 4 [...]
  • Claudius Civilis, l. 1. p. 2. l. 7. p. 58
  • Claudius Ha [...]dtepen, l. 9. p. 35
  • Claudius Vergius Lord of Camplit, Governour of Bur­gundie, l. 1. p. 17
  • Clement the seventh, P. M. l. 1. p. 9, 21
  • Clement Marot turned Davids Psalms into French meetre, l. 3. p. 63. his manners, ibid. he files to Beern [...], ibid. returns to Paris, ibid. goes to Geneva, ibid. dies, l. 3. p. 63
  • Cleveland, the Duke, vide William.
  • Cobell, l. 7. p. 57
  • Coliny, vide Gaspar and Andelat.
  • Calen the Elector dies, l. 2. p. 1 [...]
  • Columna, vide Marc. Antonio Columna.
  • Columne of Marble ingraved at Cuilemburg house, l. 7. p. 42. In the Prince of Oranges colours, with a Marro, l. 7. p. 62.
  • Comet before the death of Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 8. an­other, forerunner to a Warre, l. 9. p. 49. Vide Pro­digies.
  • Commissary of Horse, the first in the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 30
  • Comparison, of [...] Monor ancy with the Duke of Al­va, l. 7. p. 8 [...]. with Count [...], l. 7. p. 48. of the defeat of [...] with that of Lewis de Nassau, l. 7. p. 56, & 57. of Charles the fifth with his sonne Philip the second, l. 2. p. 38. of Charles Prince of Spain, with Don Iohn of Austria, and Alexander [...], l. 10. p. 10. of Cathorine de Medices with Margaret of Par­ma, l. 3. p. 61. of the Cardinal of Lorain with Cardinal Gravel, ibid. of Count Eg [...]t with the Prince of Orange, l. 3. p. 70. of Don Iohn of Austria, with [Page] Charles the fifth, and G [...]rmanicus Cesar. l. 10. p. 21. of Captain Pa [...]ccho with Petreius the Centution, l. 8. p. 12. of the old Brigick Warre with the new, l. 7. p. 56. of the French with the Low-countrey tumults, l. 3. p. 61
  • Commander in Chief, or Governour of the Low-coun­trey, l. 10. p. 15. 23. of the Camp or camp-master, l. 6. p. 30. of th [...] Ottoman Fleet, l. 8. p. 14. of the Kings na­vy, l. 8. p. 15. vide Fleet. Of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, vide Order and Knights. Of the Lanciers, l. 8. p. 4. of the sea, l. 1. p. 17. l. 7. p. 69. l. 8. p. 13. l. 9. p. 44. of the life-Guard, l. 6. p. 33. of the Kings Exchequer, vide Treasurer. of the Musketeeres, l. 9. p. 51
  • Combination against Alva, l. 7 p. 46. against Granvel, l. 3. p. 67, 68, 71, 72. of the people, and of the Merchants. Vide Conspiracy.
  • Commission for the Government of the Low-countreys not signed before his death by Requeseues, l. 8. p. 18
  • Complaints of the Low-countrey men against the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 70. against Don Iohn of Austria l. 10. p. 20. against the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. against the Spanish forces, l. 2. p. 28. and l. 3. 50. of the Co­renanters against the Governesse, l. 5. p. 108. of Count Egmont against the King, l. 4. p. 96, of the old Bishops against the new, l. 2. p. 29. of the Governess against Count Egmont, l. 5. p. 123. of her to the King, l. 5. p. 136. of the Spaniards against the Estates; l. 9. p. 30. of Don Iohn against the King, l. 10. p. 20. of the Lords against the Spaniards, l. 2. p. 38. of them and others against the new Bishops, l. 2. p. 29. of the Prince of Orange against the Emperour, l. 5. p. 133. his and Count Egmonts against the King, l. 3. p. 68. & l. 5. p. 104. both theirs against Granvell, l. 3. p. 75. of the Governours of Provinces against the Governesses Edict, l. 6. p. 98. of Philip the second against his fa­ther Charles, l. 1. p. 9. of the people against the Inqui­sition, l. 5. p. 105. and against the imprisonment of the Lords, l. 6. p. 33. of the Senatours against the In­quisition and the Emperours Edicts, l. 5. p. 103, 104, [...] of the [...]orhon Doctors against Merots Poetrie, l. 3. p. 63. Vide Hatred.
  • Councel of twelve cojustituted to examine Delinquents [...] Low-countreys, l. 7. p. 41. they impeach the Lords, ibid. condemn them, l. 7. p. 42. and many Church-robbers and disturbers of the Peace, ibid.
  • Councel of State governs the seventeen Provinces, l. 8. p. 16. and ruines them, p. 17
  • Councel of Trens be [...] by Paul the third, l. p. 42. pro­mulgored by Pius the fourth, l. 4. p. 85. received by Philip the second of Spain, not refused for his private difference with the Pope, ibid. the difficulty in setr­tling it, l. 4. p. 86. a Edict for its observation publish­ed by the Governesse Margaret of Parma, l. 4. p. 96. which occasions a revivall of the Lords conspiracie, l. 5. p. 98.
  • Condemnation of the Covenanters, l. 7. p. 42. of [...], l. 3. p. 62. Vide Punishment.
  • [...], side Lewin.
  • C [...]dom, a town, l. 2. p. 31.
  • Conference of Charles the ninth of France, and the Queens [...], l. 4. p. 87. its causes, ibid. what was acted there, p. 88. how it frighted the here­tic [...], ibid.
  • Confessor to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 7. to Charles Prince of [...], l. 7. p. 45. to Margaret of Parma, l. 1 p. 23. to Philip the second l. 6. p. 23
  • Con [...] of [...] prescribed to all the Covenan­ [...] [...] l. 5. p. 138. a new one conceived, and [...] to the Emperour, ibid. the Germane hereticks require that it should be embraced in the Low-coun­treys, l. 5. p. 130, 131
  • [...], Colonel of the [...], l. 6. p. 30 sights [...] of [...] l. 7. p. 47. his Regiment re­r [...] the [...] of Count Aremberg, with the firing of many villages, l. 7. p. 57. he and his Regiment pu­nished, ibid. & p. 58. by the Duke of Alva he is re­stored to his command, l. 7. p. 18
  • Conscience carefully purified, l. 1. p. 7
  • Counsels of State, Justice, and the Finances l. 1. p. 25
  • Councel of Warre, Vide Warre.
  • Counsels fraudulent, l. 9. p. 34. & l. 10. p. 20 impious, l. 9. p. 26, 27. of the Kings of France and Spain against the hereticks, l. 2. p. 46. of expelling the [...], l. 8. p. 21. of prudent persons about Charles Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 44. Vide Consultation.
  • Consistories of hereticks, l. 5. p. 13. disturbed, l. 6. p. 7, 8. & l. 7 p. 42.
  • Conspiracy of the Armenterians with the [...] l. 6. p. 6. of the seventeen Provinces against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 21. of the Germane Princes with the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 58. against Don Iohns life, l. 10. p. 2. Vide Combination.
  • Conspiracy of the Low-countrey men, from what Ori­ginall. Vide Lords, Gentlemen, & Gheuses.
  • Consultation of admitting the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 103, 104. of the Kings expedition into the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 22. of casting the Spaniards in the Netherlands, l. 3. p. 51. & l. 9. p. 27. against sacrilegious plunderrers, l. 5. p. 127
  • Contention of the Low-countrey Lords, l. 2. p. 38. of severall Nations in the Camp, l. 10. p. 22
  • Controversie touching the Conjunction of goods, and Institution of Bishops in the Low-countreys, l. 2. p. 29, 30, &c. defined by the Universitie of Lovain, l. 2. p. 31, 32. between the Duke of Alva and the Quxn of England, l. 7. p. 65, 66. between the Embassadours of France and Spain, l. 41. 85
  • Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fl [...] at Gant, l. 2. p. 46. of the Princes of the Empire at Fr [...]nk­ford, l. 3. p. 71. of the Cardinals at Rome, l. 4. p. 81. of the Estates in the Low-countreys, l. 1. p. 18. of the Convenanters at Amsterdam, l. 5. p. 137. at E [...]da, p. 142. of the hereticks at Geneva, l. 3. p. 56. of the Low-countrey Lords at Dendermond, l. 5. p. 134 of the Gbeuses at Centron or St. Truden, l. 5. p. 119. of the Electors at Worms, l. 2. p. 34
  • Conventicles of hereticks in the night, l. 5. p. 116
  • Convening of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, l. 3. p. 69. the Estates Generall not permitted to convene, [...]. 3. p. 68, 69. l. 8. p. 20.
  • Covenant of the Gentlemen engagers against Religion, l. 5. p. 101. published in severall languages, ibid.
  • Countrey-men rout the Image-breakers, l. 5. p. 122. [...]nd their souldiers, l. 7. p. 75. as Lewis of Nassau washed his wounds in the Mose, they killed him, l. 8 p. 3. their forces, l. 6. p. 7
  • Cor [...]lius from a black-smith come to be a Calvinisti [...]all Preacher, l. 6. p. 7. Commander in chief of the Ar­ment [...]rians in Flanders, ibid.
  • Cornelius Vandem, l. 8. p. 24
  • Cosmo Duke of Florence, l. 1. p. 21. [...] p. 14
  • Cosse, vide Arthur.
  • Cova [...]vias vide Didato.
  • Courtiers subtil to ingratiate themselves, l. 1. p. 40. slip­pery-footed, l. 3. p. 74. a Court-prodigie, l. 1. p. 3, 8. their phantasticall manners, l. 1. p. 8. their derision of the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 65. the change of their fa­ces, l. 4. p. 79. they follow the Princes example, l. 10. p. 21. Vide Antoxy Perenot Granvell, and the Sen­tences in C.
  • Cressouerius a famous Engineer, l. 6. p. 6. & l. 7. p. 54. runs a Trench to the walls of Val [...]cims, l. 6. p. 10. is Go­vernour of Graveling, l. 7. p. 80. dyes, ibid.
  • Crimpen, l. 8. p. 13
  • Croi, a house great in piery towards the blessed Virgi [...] of Hell, l. 5. p. 111
  • Croi, vide Charles, Iohn, and Philip.
  • [Page] Cuilemburg vide Florence Palantius.
  • Court of Justice burnt down at Antwerp, l. 8. p. 23.
  • Curtius Comes Martinengo, Captain of a foot company, l. 6. p. 30. not present at Count Aremberg's defeate, l. 7. p. 47. he pursues the flying Nassavians, l. 7. p. 55.
  • Cyprian Warr, l. 5. p. 139.
Sentences in C.
  • PRinces names, are always registred in the Kalander of publick CALAMITIES l. 5. p. 128
  • CALUMNIES and defamations without any distinction of truth or falshood, are ever greedily en­tertained, and as greedily communicated, l. 5. p. 117
  • In CONSULTATIONS, reason is not at all times permitted to make a free Election, l. 9. p. 28 Some evills cured by CONTEMPT l. 4. p. 79
  • Though Women conceale their other Virtues, yet they may glory in their CHASTITY l. 4. p. 92
  • The fire of CIVIL Warr, can never be extinguished without the Conquerours losse, l. 6. p. 23
  • COMPLAINTS though just, loose part of that Iustice if they he importune, l. 5. p. 104
  • Power seldome grows old at COURT l. 3. p. 55
  • Favour at COURT hath a better face then inside l. 4. p. 79
  • No virtue is lesse raised at COURT, then that which is most feared l. 4. p. 79
  • It is hard to decesve the COURT l. 2. p. 40
  • Long prosperity makes not COURTIERS more secure of favour, then impatient of af­fronts. l. 4. p. 80
D.
  • Devills accompany Church-Robbers l. 5. p. 125
  • obsesse their bodies l. 6. p. 17
  • Dalhem summoned, l. 10. p. 3. the Fort besieged and ta­ken, ibid, the unhappy fortune of a maid ibid
  • Damianus Morales a Captain l. 8. p. 23
  • Damme a town in Frisland surprized by the Nassavians l. 7. p. 47. recovered by the Spaniards ibid.
  • Death suffered gallantly,
  • Denmark the King l. 1. p. 13 & l. 3. p. 53
  • Davaso vide Cesar, Charles.
  • Daventry receives a garrison of Spaniards l. 6 p. 20. & l. 7. p. 34.
  • David secretary to the Duke of Parma l. 10. p. 23
  • David the Prophets psalmes sung by the Heriticks, l. 3. p. 61, 63. & l. 5. p. 124. prohibited by Catho­licks l. 3. p 63
  • Delph in Holland, l. 7. p. 77. receives a garrison of Spa­niards l. 6. p. 20
  • Delphino vide Flaminio
  • Deputies of the Estates govern the Low-countryes vide Estates
  • Derdendius Gallus l. 7. p. 80
  • Diana Phalanga a Surreatine l. 10. p. 22
  • Destruction of Nardhem l. 7. p. 73
  • Diary of Battels
  • B. Didacus restores Charles Prince of Spain to his health l. 7. p. 43
  • Didaco of Austria Prince of Spain l. 7. p. 83
  • Didaco Cardinall Spinosa the Grand-Inquisitor for causes of Faith, l. 6. p. 22. President of the Councill of Castile, p. 23. & l. 7. p. 46. called the Spanish Mo­narch, ibid. votes for a warr with the Low-countryes l. 6. p. 22. presses the King to punish C. Egmont and C. Horne, l. 7. p. 51. looseth the Kings favour l. 3. p. 74
  • Didaco de Chiaves, Confessor to Charles Prince of Spain l. 7. p. 45
  • Didaco Covarrnvia Bishop of Segovia and President of Castile l. 4. p. 82
  • Didaco Gusman a Silva Embassador from Philip the se­cond to the Queen of England. l. 4. p. 94
  • Didaco Hurtado Mendosa l. 10. p. 6.
  • Difference between the Duke of Alva, and the Prince of Ebolo, l. 6. p. 23. between Count Attempse, and the Governour of Axtwerp, l. 8. p. 17. between Don Iohn of Austria, and V [...]nerio, l. 9. p. 49. between the Burbons, Colignies, Momorancies, and Guises, l. 3. p. 56. between Saint Charles Borronco and Requesenes, l. 8. p. 15. between Charles the seventh of France, and his Son Lewis, l. 7. p. 44. between the Calvinists and Lutherans, l. 6. p. 4. between Count Egmont and Duke Areschot, l. 3. p. 72. and Count Aremberg, p. 73. and Count Hochstrat, l. 6. p. 14, 15. between Cardinall Granvell, and the Arch-Bishop of Naples, l. 4. p. 81, 82. Count Laline, l. 3. p. 75. between Pope Pius the fourth, and Philip the second of Spain, l. 4. p. 85, &c. between Philip the second, and his Son Charles, l. 7. p. 43.
  • Diesthem taken by the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 75
  • Don Iohn of Austria commands Alexander Farnese to besiege it, l. 9. p. 54. 'tis rendred, p. 55. mercy shewed to the town, ibid. the garrison take pay of the King ibid.
  • Dilemburg the ancient seate of the Nassaus, l. 7. p. 77
  • Dioclesian the Emperour, l. 1. p. 6
  • Discipline of War observed by the Army l. 6. p. 31
  • Disputation between a Jesuite and Heriticks, l. 6. p. 15
  • Doway, l. 6. p. 37
  • Dort or Dordrecbt revolt [...] from the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 72
  • Dreux a Town of Normandy
  • Duell between two French Gentlemen, l. 1. p. 13
  • Dui passes the Mose, l. 7. p. 46. is defeated and taken, ibid. condemned to loose his head l. 7. p. 49
  • Dullart a Bay l. 7. p. 56. & 47
  • Duncher a Pilot. l. 6. p. 19. his ship taken, ibid.
  • Duveland, an Island drown'd by the sea, l. 8. p. 10. rein­habited, ibid. the sea about it waded over, ibid. the Island taken by the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 13.
Sentences in D.
  • DANGER it self, the best remedy for danger l. 5. p. 113
  • Men in like DANGER easily associate l. 5. p. 137
  • Between the businesse of life, and day of DEATH, a space ought to be interposed l. 1. p. 10
  • Resolutions are given with greater authority at a DISTANCE l. 4. p. 88
  • [Page] It is more DISREPUTATION to fall from a place of eminence, then never to have been ad­vanced l. 10. p. 15
E.
  • EArthquake in Asia, [insert in the reading, 12 Cities of Asia] l. 5. p. 127. in Brabant, l. 7. p. 40. swallows 33. Villages l. 7. p. 47.
  • Ebolo the Prince vide Rodorick or Ruigomez
  • Eclipse of the Sun l. 1. p. 22
  • Edam a town l. 7. p. 72
  • Edict of the Duke of Alva for exacting of tribute, l. 7. p. 65. & 67. mitigated, l. 7. p. 70. of Charles the fifth at Wormes against Luther and the Hereticks, l. 2. p. 34 seven times renewed, ibid. revived and published. l. 4. p. 96. reprehended, l. 5. p. 1. l. 5. p. 105. & 106. de­fefided, l. 5. p. 105. mitigated, l. 7. p. 106.
  • Of Charles the ninth of France against the Heriticks, l. 5. p. 138. against the Germans, that should oppose the Spaniards in the Low-countreys, l. 5. p. 134
  • Of Francis the first of France, against Maroi's Poetry, l. 3. p. 63. of Margaret of Parma for religion, l. 4. p. 96. against the Heriticks that dwelt at Antwerp, l. 5. p. 117. against their sermons, ibid. against their exercises, ibid. against Fugitives from the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 34. against the Low-country men that should bear armes against France, ibid. against the French that should fight in the Low-countryes, l. 5. p. 134. of the Royall Senate, against the souldiers at Aclst, or Aloost, l. 8. p. 18. of the States against the Spaniards, ib [...]d. l. 9. p. 39. of the pacification at Gant, l. 9. p. 30
  • Edward Horsey Governour of the Isle of Wight. l. 9. p. 33
  • Edward Prince of Portugall l. 4. p. 92
  • Egmond a town in Holland l. 7. p. 53
  • Egmont vide Charles, Lamorall, and Philip.
  • Elections of new Bishops in the Low-countreys, l. 1. p. 18. made Reversioners to Abbats by [...]ius the fourth, vide Bishops and Abbats.
  • Electors of the Empire, of Brandenburg, l. 6. p. 18. of Colen, l. 1. p. 14. of Mentz, l. 5. p. 134. the Palsgrave, l. 1. p. 14. l. 5. p. 134. the King of Bohemia, l. 7. p. 43. the Duke of Saxony, l. 6. p. 18. Trier, l. 5. p. 134.
  • Electo chosen by the Mutineeres, l. 8. p. 5. & p. 8. & p. 22
  • Elogy of Alva, l. 7. p. 82. & 83. of Aremberg, l. 7. p. 47. of Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 21, 22. of Count Egmont, l. 7. p. 53. of Cardinall Granvell, l. 4. p. 83. of Lewis of Nassau, l. 8. p. 3. of Princess Mary of Portugall, l. 4. p. 92. of Re­ques [...]nes, l. 8. p. 15. of Vitelli, l. 8. p. 14. vide Encomion.
  • Elizabeth Queen of England takes part with the Low-countrey Conspiratours, l. 5. p. 101. seizeth the King of Spains money, sent to the Duke of Alva, l. 5. p. 104. l. 7. p. 65. & 66. which occasioneth a contest between her Majesty, and the Duke of Alva, ibid. she prohi­bits the Holland Pirats to come within her Ports, l. 7. p. 71. her Embassage to the Governesse, when she was to leave the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 37. to Don Iohn when he came to the Goverment, l. 8. p. 33. she is by the Lords, proposed for Governess for the Low-coun­treys, l. 9. p 38. she sends to Don Iohn for a cessation of armes, l. 9. p. 49. and threatnes, ibid. is not heard ibid. a rumour that she was to be married to Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 20.
  • Elizabeth Cuilemburg, l. 1. p. 20
  • Embassador from the King of Spain, to the Pope, l. 1. p. 18. l. 3. p. 66. to the Queen of England, l. 4. p. 94. to the King of France, l. 5. p. 134. l. 5. p. 140. l. 7. p. 79. l. 10. p. 20. l. 10. p. 24. from France to the Pope, l. 4. p. 85. the contest between the French and Spanish Embassa­dours in the councell of Trent, ibid. revived at Rome ibid. what was done thereupon in [...]he Emperours Court, ibid. what at Rome, ibid.
  • Emden a town, l. 7. p. 55
  • Emmanuell King of Portugall, l. 4. p. 92. & 94
  • Emmanuell Montiny, Commander of a Regiment, l. 9. p. 50.
  • Emmanuell Philibert Duke of Savoy, Governour of the Low countreys, l. 1. p. 11. victorious at Saint Quintin, ibid. his marriage with Margaret, sister to Henry of France, l. 1. p. 13. he and his wife go for Italy, l. 1. p. 26. how highly the King of Spain valued him, l. 6. p. 21. & 26.
  • Emperour sued unto by the Low-countrey Nobility, to accept of the Low-Countreys, l. 5. p. 135. punishment [...] by Emperours, decre [...]d against Heriticks, l. 2. p. 33, 3 [...]
  • Ems a River, l. 7. p. 55, 56, 71
  • Encomion of Count Barlamont, l. 10. p. 5. of Isidor Pacecho, l. 8. p. 12. of Mondragonio, l. 8. p. 2. of Penonio, l. 10. p. 1 [...] of Vitelli, l. 7. p. 62. vide Elogit
  • Engelbert Count of Nassau, Governour of the Low-coun­treys, l. 1. p. 1 [...]
  • Engelbert of Nassau the first, l. 2. p. 43. & 2. ibid. their power in the Low-countreys, how increased, ibid. Englands King vide Philip the Second.
  • Englands Queen, vide Elizabeth and Mary.
  • The English loose Calice, l. 1. p. 11. do execution upon the French Army from Sea, l. 1. p. 12. their ships and goods embargued in the Ports of the Low-countreys, and Spai [...], l. 7. p. 66. they take the Portugall ships richly laden, ibid. some conspiring against Don Iohn of Austria, are put to death. l. 10. p. [...]0
  • Engines l. 8. p. 9, [...]0
  • Engineeres, l. 6. p. [...]1
  • Enterprise of Alex Farnese, l. 9. p. 45, 51, of Caius Fabias, l. 9. p. 40. of Ciacconio, l. 8. p. 8. of Iohn Boccace a l [...] ­suite, l. 9. p. 40. of Mondragonio, l. 6. p. 30. l. 7. p. 77. of him, and others, l. 8. p. 9.—of Perotto, l. 8. p. [...]
  • Envy at Court, l. 2. p. 37, 41. l. 3. p. 56. between the Low-countrey Lords, and Granvell, l. 2. p. 41, 42, & l. 3. p. 72. between the Spanish, and Low-countrey Nobility, l. 2. p. 42. between Granvell and Reguard, l. 3. p. 67. be­tween the Duke of Alva, and the Prince of Ebo [...]o, l. 6. p. 22. & l. 7. p. 65. between Alva, and Egmond, l. 7. p. 51 vide Ambition.
  • Epirots, l. 6. p. 30
  • Erasso, a Courtier very intimate with the King of Spain, l. 3. p. 66.
  • Erick Duke of Brunswick raiseth men, l. 5. p. 100. the King of Spain appoints him to command the horse, l. 5. p. 132. he is disswaded from the service, l. 5. p. 134
  • Ernest Mulart pursues the Fugitives with a Galley, l. 6. p. 19.
  • Escovedo vide Iuan
  • Eucharist preserved from the contumelies of Hereticks l. 9. p. 40. taken after meat by speciall indulgence, [...]. 2. p. 7.
  • Saint Eugenius Bishop of Toledo, and Martyr, l. 5. p. 132
  • Euscaubechius, Commander of the Confiderates horse, l. 6. p. 1.
  • Eustachius Fiennes, Lord of Esquerd, one of the Cove­nanters, l. 5. p. 109
  • Excomunication, l. 1. p. 9. l. 3. p. 56, 57. l. 4. p. 81, 32.
  • Example of unfortunate beauty, l. 10. p. 3, 4. of a Prince beloved of his servants, l. 10. p. 21, 22
  • Exile of the Duke of Alva, and the cause, l. 7. p. 81, 82. his banishment repeal'd, l. 7. p. 82. the exile of Count Lumè, l. 7. p. 80
  • Expedition of the Duke of Alva, against Lewis of Nassau, l. 7. p. 54. by sea, l. 7. p. 74. 81. to Portugall, l. 7. p. 32. of Don Iohn designed for England, l. 9. p. 29, 36. Of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 49. Of Granada, l. 10. p. 19. Of Limburge l. 10. p. 1. His navall expeditions, l. 9. p. 49. l. 10. p. 19.
  • [Page] Of Charles the fifth, v. Charles, Of Charles the ninth of France, against the Hugonots, l. 6. p. 34, 35. Of the Governess against Bolduc, l. 6. p. 2. against Mae­stricht, ibid.—Against Tolouse, ibid. Against Tornay, and Armenter, l. 6. p. 7. Against Valenciens, l. 5. p. 143. Of the Hugon [...]ts, l. 6. p. 26. The Prince of Orange his first expedition out of Germany, into the Low-countreys, l. 7. p. 46. Ano­ther to relieve his brother Lewis, l. 7. p. 75. By Sea, l. 8. p. 10. Of the States of the Low-countreys, l. 8. p. 23. Of Reques [...]ens to Middelburge by s [...]a, l. 8. p. 1. For Leiden, l. 8. p. 6. For Zeland, l. 8. p. [...].
Sentences in E.
  • EASILY may he avoid the spoile's hands, that never hath allur'd an envious eye l. 8. p. 24
  • ELOQUENCE without discretion, is but the unseasonable overflowing of wit l. 2. p. 40
  • The Great body of an EMPIRE, must be spirited with a great soul, and maintaine [...] by many hands, l. 1. p. 1
  • Expedition must be used, whilest the Multitude have onely a taste of ERROR, and have not swal­lowed down the falshood, l. 5. p. 113
F.
  • FAbio Farnezè goes for the Low-countreys, l. 9. p. 41. he is sent into Portugall, l. 10. p. 13
  • Fabio Lembo, a N [...]opolitan, l. 5. p. 114
  • Falcese the Marquess, l. 8. 11
  • Famisht, l. 7. p. 79, 56
  • Farnez [...] v. Alexander, Charles, Fabio, Margaret Princess of Manjua, Octavio Odovardo Ranuccio,
  • Fatness of body taken down, l. 8. p. 15.
  • Federicke King of Denmark, l. 3. p. 53
  • Federicke Perenot, Lord of Campin, governour of An­twerp, brother to Cardinall Granvell, l. 8. p. 17, 22. the falling out of him and Count Altemps, l. 8. p. 17. he receives into Antwerp souldiers sent from the States, l. 8. p. 22. He fortifies the Town against the fort, ibid. He is Generall of the States Army at the siege of Breda, l. 9. p. 48. Commander for them in chiefe, at the battell of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 49. by command from the Prince of Orange he is imprisoned at Gant. l. 10. p. 9.
  • Federico de Toleda grandfather to the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 82.
  • Federico Son to the Duke of Alva, brings him men and money from Spain, l. 7. p. 58. sent by his [...] against the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 61. goes to besiege Mons, l. 7. p. 74. sights with the French, that would hinder him from sitting down before it, ibid. punishes the women spies, ibid. Takes the Abbie de Spine, ibid. fights with the French Generall and defeates him, ibid. stormes Zutphen and plunders it, l. 7. p. 77. takes all the Towns in Gelderland, ibid. burns Nardhem in Hol­land, l. 7. p. 78. Besieges and takes Harlem, ibid. is carried out of the field wounded, l. 7. p. 80. Attempts Al [...]mer in vain, l. 7. p. 81. returns into Spain with his father, ibid.
  • Ferdinand King of Castile, l. 8. p. 15
  • Ferdinand the Catholick King, l. 7. p. 82
  • Ferdinando Gonzaga Governour of Millan, and Gene­rall for Charles the fifth, l. 6. p. 30
  • Ferdinand the Emperour, holds a Diet at Francfort, l. 3. p. 71. dies, l. 4. p. 87. His daughter designed by the King of Spain, for wife to Alex Farnezè, l. 4. p. 91
  • Ferdinand Martin, an incendiary, l. 7. p. 50
  • Ferdinando de Toledo Duke of Alva, l. 1. p. 11. l. 2. p. 38, 46, 49. Favours Cardinall Granvell, l. 4. p. 80. waits upon Isabella Queen of Spain, to the conference at Baion, l. 4. p. 88. carries the order of the Fleece from King Philip, to Charles the ninth of France, ibid. His speech for war with the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 23, 24. The government of the Low-Countreys committed to him, l. 6. p. 25. falls sick at Millain, l. 6. p. 27. musters his army at Ast in Piemont, l. 6. p. 29. His march into the Low-countreys, l. 8. p. 9. His invention of the use of Musketo [...]nes, l. 6. p. 31. l. 7. p. 55. He enters Bruxells, l. 6. p. 31. visits the Governess, l. 6. p. 32. how she re­ceives him, ibid. He summons the Lords, ibid. Ar­rests the Counts Egmont, and Horne, l. 6. p. 33. Ex­cuses it to the Governess, l. 6. p. 34. sends the priso­ners to Gaunt, l. 7. p. 49. sends forces into France against the [...], l. 6. p. 35. offers himself to be their Generall, ibid. why the causes of the Low-coun­trey-tumults are charged upon him, l. 7. p. 39. upon what score the Low-countrey-men hated him, ibid. & 51, 58.—He builds the Fort at Antwerp, l. 7. p. 40. 41. Institutes a new Court of Iustice, ibid. Im­peaches the Prince of Orange, and the rest of the Lords that fled the Low-countreys, ibid. condemns them, l. 7. p. 42. sends the Prince of Oranges sonne in­to Spain, ibid. pulls down Culemburge house, ibid. Ambush laid against him, l. 7. p. 46. Auxiliaries sent him from the King of France, l. 7. p. 47. He take off the heads of the gentlemen Covenanters, l. 7. p. 48. the extent of his fault, in prosecuting Egm [...]nt and [...], l. 7. p. 51. He pronounces sentence of death against them, ibid. beheads them, l. 7. p. 52. His ex­pedition against Lewis of Nassau, l. 7. p. 54. He goes to Groninghen, ibid. fights and routs him, ibid. over-takes the enemy at Geming, l. 7. p. 55. defeats him with a great slaughter, l. 7. p. 56. sends the news of his victory to Pius the fifth at Rome, l. 7. p. 57. puni­shes the Sardinan Regment, for burning the Coun­trey, ibid. contemns the reports of the Prince of Oranges Army, l. 7. p. 58, 59. his saying, touching the Princes confederate against the King of Spain, ibid. He could not fright the Prince of Orange from passi­ing the River, ibid. would not accept the Prince of Oranges invitation to a battell, l. 7. p. 60. fight onely with light skirmishes, ibid. The Prince uses many provocations to bring him to a battell, ibid. He fights with the Orangians upon the River bank, ibid. defeates them, l. 7. p. 62. burns those that took a house, ibid. How oft the Prince of Orange changing his ground, was terrified by the Duke from attempt­ing to take any town, l. 7. p. 63. He had a little blow given him by the Prince of Orange, ibid. He sends Count Mansfeld into France against the Hugonots, l. 7. p. 64. Having beaten the Prince of Orange out of the Low countreys, he enters Bruxells in triumph, ibid. Pius the fifth sends him a helmet and sword, ibid. He builds himself a statue in the Fort of Antwerp, ibid. The interpretation of that Trophee, ibid. The Court of Spain hates and jecres him for it, l. 7. p. 65. Nor is the King well pleased, ibid. but commands the statue to be removed, ibid. he imposes upon the Low-coun­trey-men a tribute of the twentieth and hundred part, ibid. A contestation between him and the Queen of England, occasioned by money intercepted, ibid. he returns to exacting of the tribute, l. 7. p. 67. publishes a generall pardon at Antwerp, ibid. Is vio­lent to have the tenth part paid, ibid. Is somewhat quieter after that great inundation, l. 7. p. 69. publi­shes for the tribute, his Edict qualified, l. 7. p. 70. prepares force and halters for the Towns-men of [Page] Bruxels, ibid. He is forc't to let alone the Tribute, by the sudden news of Brill taken by the Gheuses, ibid. the people grow bold when they understood he was to leave the Government, l. 7. p. 71.▪ how they mock't him, l. 7. p. 72. his fear when he heard Mons was taken by the French, l. 7. p. 73. he sends his son Federico and Vitelli to besiege Mons, l. 7. p. 74. he himself followes, and draws a line about the Town, l. 7. p. 76. beats off the Prince of Orange coming to relieve them, ibid. re­covers Mons, and all the Prince of Orange had taken, l. 7. p. 77. besieges and takes Harlem, l. 7. p. 78. resignes the Government of the Low-countries to Requesenes, l. 7. p. 81. returns into Spain, ibid.—Upon his de­parture the several senses of the Catholicks, Here­ticks, and the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 82. he is confin'd to Uzeda by the Kings command, ibid. the temper of his mind in that misfortune, ibid. he is repeal'd from banishment, to be General against Portugall, ibid. His saying, ibid. he dies victorious, ibid. his Elogie, ibid. his brazen statue broken, l. 9. p. 38. and [...] again into Canon, ibid.
  • Ferdinando, bastard to the Duke of Alva, General of the horse, l. 1. p. 16. arrests Count Horn in the Kings name, l. 6. p. 33. waits in his fathers place upon the Queen into Spain, l. 7. p. 69.
  • Ferdinando de Toledo, Commander of Foot, recovers Maestricht, l. 8. p. 21. commands the horse at the bat­tel of Gemlac, l. 9. p. 51. fights at the Village of Rime­nant, l. 10. p. 10. fights the enemy, ibid. is by stratagem drawn to the enemies Camp, ibid.—Lines the hedges with musketteers, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Feria the Duke, vid. Gomez Figueroa.
  • Ferdinando a Costa, l. 9. p. 50.
  • Figueroa vide Gomez & Lopez▪
  • Flaminio Delphino, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Flanders one of the seventeen Provinces, l. 1. p. 14. its No­bility and power, l. 1. p. 16. Governour, l. 7. p. 50. Cities, l. 77. p. 77. l. 8. p. 18, 22. l. 9. p. 47. The plunder of Churches, and things consecrated▪ begun in that Pro­vince, l. 5. p. 125, 126.
  • French Flanders, its Governour, l. 1. p. 16.
  • Fleet sent from the Low-countries, to transport Princess Mary of Portugall, l. 4. p. 92. arrives at Ulushing, ibid. The Spanish Fleet overthrown at Middleburg, l. 8. p. 2. The Prince of Orange's Fleet sailing over the fields to. Leiden. l. 8. p. 7. into Sceldt. l. 8. p. 13. to Middelburg, l. 8 p. 2.
  • Florence Count Culemburg, one of the four first Cove­nanters, l. 5. p. 102, 107, 109. The Covenanters solemn­ly feasted in his house, ibid.—He comes to the Governess with the rest of his Faction, l. 5. p. 111. Re­tires into Gelderland, l. 5. p. 112. Pius the 5 sends him an admonition, l. 5. p. 114. He flies the Low-countries, ibid.—He is impeacht by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 41. condemned in his absence, l. 7. p. 42. His house pul'd down, ibid. And a mon [...]mental pillar erected in that place, ibid.
  • Florence Lord of Montiny, Governour of Tornay and Tor­nacese, l. 1. p. 16. chosen one of the Knights of the Gold­en Fleece, l. 2. p. 46. visits and presents the Princess of Orange from the Governess, l. 3. p. 53. quiets the stirs at Tornay, l. 3. p. 62. is commended, ibid. sent Embassa­dour into Spain, l. 3. p. 69. his conference with the King, l. 3. p. 71. he returns to Bruxels, ibid.—He is sent again into Spain with the Marquess of Bergen, l. 5. p. 113. he departs without his Colleague, ib.—hath audience of the King, l. 5. p. 114. writes from Spain, of the Kings coming into the Low-countries, l. 5. p. 134. makes a jest of the Kings preparation for his journey, l. 6. p. 22. is by the Kings command sent prisoner to Segovia, l. 7. p. 42. he is condemn'd to lose his head, ibid. and l. 7. p. 53.
  • Florinaus Governour of Philipvil, l. 9. p. 58.
  • Florus Floi [...], Son to Charles Barlamont, l. 10. p. 5.
  • Flushing, or Ulushing, a part of Zeland, l. 7. p. 72.
  • Foarding of the river by art, l. 7. p. 59. l. 8. p. 10. Of the Sea at Zeland, l. 8. p. 11. Parallel'd with Cesars foarding of the Thames, ibid.
  • Form of the Oath proposed by the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 107. by the Senate and States of the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 39.
  • Fortune various, l. 1. p. 6, 8. & l. 3. p. 58.
  • Frances wife to Henry King of France, l. 7. p. 53.
  • Franciscans turn'd out by Hereticks, l. 5. p. 131. l. 9. p. 41. the bounty of the Spanish souldiers to them, l. [...]. p. 5.
  • Francisco Alava the King of Spain's Embassadour in France, l. 5: p. 135. & 140.
  • Francisco Barberino, l. 7. p. 60. B. Francisco Borgia, Duke of Gandia, a Jesuit, l. 1. p. 10.
  • Francisco Cardinal Pac [...]hò l. 3. p. 65. l. 4. p. 86.
  • Francisco Cittadells of Lucca, l. 8. p. 2.
  • Francu C [...]cquevill comes with the Prince of Orange in his first Expedition into the Low-countries, l. 7. p. 46. his army routed, ibid. the Commanders carryed to Paris and beheaded, ibid.
  • Francis the first of France, l. 1. p. 13, 22. he erects an University at Paris, l. 3. p. 55. prohibits Davids Psalms, published by Marot, l. 3. p. 63. severe to the Hereticks. l. 3. p. 55. why he cool'd sometimes, ibid.
  • Francis the second of France, l. 3. p. 56, 58.
  • Francis Duke of Guise, l. 1. p. 11. l. 3. p. 56.
  • Francis Hangest, Lord of Ienlis, brings supplies out of France to the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 60. perswades him to joyn with the Prince of Condè, l. 7. p. 63.
  • Francis Hercules Duke of Alençon, l. 2. p. 46. propos'd for Governour of the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 38. sides with the States against Don Iohn of Austria, l. 9. p. 57. comes with the French Army to Mons in Haynoult, l. 9. p. 37. he is comprehended in the Conditions of Peace, l. 10. p. 14.
  • Francis Hellevine Lord of Zeveghem—l. 4. p. 86.
  • Francis Hulst the first Inquisitor of Faith in Brabant, l. 5. p. 98.
  • Francesco Itarra, l. 6. p. 26.
  • Francisco Maria Feltrio, Praesect of Rome, l. 1. p. 22.
  • Francisco Montesdocha, a Spanish Collonel, l. 8. p. 18. ci [...] ­cumvented a Maestricht, l. 8. p. 20.
  • Francisco Paciotto an Engineer, l. 6. p. 30, 33. l. 7. p. 41.
  • Francisco Petrarch, l. 4. p. 92.
  • Francis Sonnius, l. 1. p. 18. l. 3. p. 71.
  • Francesco Valdez, a Spanish Collonel, besiegeth Leyden, l. 8. p. 6. why he puts off the generall assault resolv'd on, l. 8. p. 7. besieg'd by water, he is forc't to leave the siege, l. 8. p. 8. he invades Antwerp, l. 8. p. 22. departs from the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 32.
  • Francesco Vargas the King of Spain [...] Embassadour to the Pope, l. 1. p. 18. his actings at the Conclave, l. [...] p. 65.
  • Francis Vasseur, l. 8. p. 19.
  • Francis Vatable, l. 3. p. 63.
  • Francesco Verd [...]go, servant to Count Mansfield, l. 5. p. 107. a Spanish Collonel, l. 6. p. 30. a pension assign'd him by the King, l. p. 107.
  • Francis Vivon, a French man, fights a duel in the Kings presence, l. 1. p. 13.
  • French victorious over the Spanish, and by them con­quer'd, l. 1. p. 11. how they came to be infected wit [...] Heresie, l. 3. p. 55. They desire and obtain assistance a­gainst the Hereticks, l. 3. p. 57, 60. l. 6. p. 34. l. 7. p. 64. they fight with the Rebels at Saint Denis, l. 6. p. 35. defeat them at Droc, l. 3. p. 61. and at Monconteur, l. 7. p. 6 [...]. they rout the Orangians, l. 7. p. 46, 47. take Mons, l. 7. p. 73. are overthrown, l. 7. p. 74. they scale Nivel, l. 9. p. 5 [...]. the Nivellers arms bestow'd upon them, ibid. a guift which was their destruction. ibid.—They sue to [Page] Don Iohn to be dismist, l. 9. p. 57. Many of them slain, ibid. The French tumults, l. 3. p. 55. l. 6. p. 26, 34. l. 7. p. 72. compar'd with those of the Low-Countries, l. 3. p. 61. vide Coliny Conde. Armie. Hugonot Tumult.
  • Fresnoi Commander of horse, l. 9. p. 50.
  • Frede [...]ico Borro [...]aes, l. 4. p. 91.
  • Fredericke the third Count Palatine, sollicites the Go­vernesse in behalf of the hereticks, l. 5. p. 134. sends over to draw Brunswick to his party, ibid. Confede­rates with the Low-Country Rebels, ibid. promises pay to the Germaine Souldiers, l. 7. p. 58.
  • Frisland a Province of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 15.—East, l. 7. p. 55. West, l. 1. p. 15. Invaded by Lewi [...] of Nassau, l. 7. p. 46. infested by Pirats, l. 7. p. 71. burnt, l. 7. p. 57. over-flow'd, l. 7. p. 69. The Cities of Frisland receive Spanish Garrisons, l. 6. p. 20. revolt from the King, l. 7. p. 73. The Governour of the Province, l. 1. p. 16. & l. 7. p. 48, 58. l. 6. p. 20.
  • Fronsberg vide George.
  • Full moon, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Funeral pomp, l. 10. p. 22.
  • Fury of the burning brigade, l. 7. p. 57.
Sentences in F.
  • THey that FALL from the highest point, are easily toss'd from one breach to another, till they come to the bottome, l. 3. p. 56.
  • What FATE hath ordain'd for every man, is not so easily prevented as foreseen, l. 5. p. 113.
  • FAVOUR will as surely perish as life, l. 3. p. 55.
  • A Prince FAVOURS his Ministers of State so long as they carry themselves as servants, not as authors of his Counsels, l. 3. p. 74.
  • FEAR the Beadle of the Law, l. 2. p. 33.
  • FEAR can never be sufficiently entrench't, l. 7. p. 55.
  • FEAR ever fancies danger near at hand, l. 9. p. 53.
  • Majestie without strength is not safe amongst the FURIOUS multitude, l. 6. p. 4.
G.
  • GAbriel Cueva Governour of Millain, l. 6. p. 21.
  • Gabriel Nignio a Spanish Colonel, takes the Su­burbs of Limburg, l. 10. p. 1. Carries the body of Don Iohn into Spain, l. 10. p. 24.
  • Gabriel Peralta brings up the rear when the Sea was foarded, l. 8. p. 12. is forc'd to return, ibid.—Wades over to Sceldt, l. 8. p. 13. is slain, ibid.
  • Gabriell Serbellonio, Master of the Train of Artillery, marches with the Duke of Alva into the Low-Coun­tries, l. 6. p. 30. Designes the Fort at Antwerpt l. 7. p. 40. How much he was esteem'd by Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 6, 8. who makes him Governour of Tunis, l. 10. p. 19. Exchang'd by Pope Gregorie the 13. l. 10. p. 6. He commands an Italian Regiment, and returns with it to the Low-Countries, Ibid. His vote in a Council of War, l. 10. p. 8. He fortifies the hill at Buge, l. 10. p. 14. Falls sick, ibid. The Physitians prediction of him, l. 10. p 15.
  • Galcerano Requesenes Governour of Catalonia, l. 8. p. 15
  • Galcerano his son Count of Trivento and Avellino, ibid.
  • Gant what it signifies, l. 7. p. 39. Charles the fifth's an­swer touching Gant, ibid. The Town Punisht for revolting from the Emperour, l. 5. p. 132. The De­struction of holy things by the Image-breakers, l. 5. p. 127. The Gantois pull down a Lutheran Temple, l. 6. p. 20. and demolish the Castle, l. 9. p. 38. The association at Gant of all the Provinces that rebelled against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 20. 'Tis inlarged, l. 8. p. 21. Intermitted, ibid.—Reviv'd, l. 8. p. 23. Per­fected, ibid.—Subscrib'd, l. 9. p. 30. Consider'd, approv'd of by the King, ibid. publisht, ibid. vide Pa­cification.
  • Garçias de Toledo slain by the Moores, l. 7. p. 82.
  • Gaspar Coligny, l. 1. p. 11. Commander in chief of the Hugonots, l. 5. p. 121. offended at the too great power of the Guises, l. 3. p. 56. Favours the Cause of the He­reticks, l. 3. p. 57. The Brabanters conspire with him, l. 5. p. 99. He is numbred among the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 101. He incourages the hereticks in the Low-Countries, l. 5. p. 121. treats with the Hugonots, to assist the Low-country men, l. 5. p. 138. Levies men to succour Geneva, l. 6. p. 26. Perswades his King to fight with the Spaniard, ibid. Takes many Townes, l. 6. p. 35. Layes a plot to destroy the King, ibid. Fights at St. Dennis, ibid. is defeated, ibid. Again perswades the King to fight the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 73. The King makes him his General, ibid. He trusts himself to the King with too much Confidence, ibid. Makes great levies in France, ibid. and sollicites the Low-country men to revolt, ibid. Prepares men to raise the siege of Mons, l. 6. p. 74. he is slain in the Massacre at [...], l. 7. p. 76.
  • Gaspar Robley, Lord of Bill, Commander in chief at the siege of Valenciens, l. 6. p. 10. sent by the Governesse into Spain to the King, l. 6. p. 27, 29. He assailes the Prince of Orange in his Camp, l. 7. p. 54. Is put out of his Government of Frisland by a Tumult, l. 9. p. 31. Imprison'd, ibid. Releas'd, ibid. sent into Spain by Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 7. brings him new supplyes from the King, ibid.
  • Gaspar Schetz Lord of Grobendonch, the Kings treasurer, l. 4. p. 78. l. 9. p. 37.
  • Gattinar vide Merturino.
  • Geldeys or Gelderland, a Province of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 15. The Governour of Gelderland, l. 1. p. 16. l. 2. p. 41. The Duke, l. 1. p. 13. l. 7. p. 47. Its prin­cipality anciently belonging to the Dukes of Egm [...]nt, l. 7. p. 53. The Townes of Gelderland revolt from the King, l. 7. p. 73. They are recovered, l. 7. p. 77.
  • Gemblac famous for slaughter, l. 9. p. 52. besieg'd by the Catholicks, ibid. render'd, ibid. The battel of Gem­blac, l. 9. p. 49.
  • Geming a village, l. 7. p. 55. The Battel of Geming, ibid.—The victory, ibid.
  • Genethliack presages, l. 1. p. 113. l. 2. p. 43, 44.
  • Geneva, l. 3. p. 57, 63. l. 5. p. 121. l. 6. p. 26. Terrify'd by the fame of the King of Spain's army, ibid, Desires assistance of the French Calvinists, ibid.
  • Gentilina a Staffa of Perugia, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Gentlemen Covenanters for abolishing the Inquisition, l. 5. p. 100, 101. The sum of their Covenant or En­gagement, ibid. Many joyn with them, Ibid. They have four Generals, ibid. They prepare a Petition to be offered to the Governesse, l. 5. p. 102. Put to the Question in Senate, whether they should be ad­mitted into the Town, l. 5. p. 103. They enter Bru­xells led by Brederod, l. 5. p. 107. In Culemburg house, [Page] ibid. They take a new hath, ibid. They march or­derly to the Court, ibid. Brederod in their name speaks to the Governesse, l. 9. p. 108. they present their petition, ibid. Are dismist by the Governesse, ibid. when they were gone their Petition was return'd them with an answer in the Margent, l. 5. p. 109. They are feasted by Brederod, ibid. The name of the Noble concord impos'd upon their Conspiracy, ibid. They name themselves Gucux, or Gheuses, when they were high flown with mirth and drink, ibid.—They give a Coat of Armes suitable to their faction, ibid. They walk the streets accouter'd like beggars, l. 5. p. 110, whence these factions took their pattern, l. 5. p. 115. Their boldnesse increases, ibid. The Cove­nanters make the Gheuses give over plundering of Churches, &c. l. 5. p. 130. They design to send into Spain Calvinistical books and Ministers, l. 5. p. 137. They and the Merchants promise mutual assistance, ibid. They prescribe to all the Confession of Ausburg, l. 5. p. 138. They institute Consistories and hereti­cal Common-wealths, ibid.—They Confederate with the Heretical Princes of Germanie, ibid. Assistance offer'd them by their Neighbours, ibid. and by stran­gers even as far as from Constantinople, ibid. The Re­port of the Kings coming for the Low-countries star­tles them. l. 5. p. 140. The Governesse Courts them with letters and promises, ibid. They hasten the Design of Armes, l. 5. p. 141. Meet at Brèida, l. 5. p. 142. Treat of opposing the King with an Army, ibid. l. 6. p. 22. Endeavour to draw Count Egm [...]nt to a new Confederation, l. 5. p. 142. would have presented a new Petition to the Governesse, but are not admitted, ibid. They send their Petition, ibid. but have no­thing Granted them, l. 5. p. 143. They prepare men and armes, threaten to revolt from the King, l. 6. 4. 1. terrified by the Governesse, they sue for pardon, l. 6. p. 15. many renounce the Covenant, ibid. The Contumacious leave the Low-countries, l. 6. p. 16. Their ill fortune in Holland, l. 6. p. 19. They are driven in­to Walerland, ibid. taken in Gelderland, ibid. Executed, l. 6. p. 20. Some are taken into Grace, ibid. They are much troubled at the Duke of Alva's coming, l. 6. p. 29. Their Expressions of respect to the Governess at her Departure from the Low-countries, l. 6. p. 57. They flye upon a fright, l. 7. p. 46. They lay a plot in a Monastery to kill the Duke of Alva, ibid. many of them beheaded by Alva, l. 7. p. 48. They are taken prisoners in the field, l. 7. p. 62. Their houses and estates in Haynoult plundered and wasted by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 63. They desire their Neighbours helps against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 20. They make an agreement with the Prince of Orange, ibid. They enter a league to expel the Spaniards out of the Low-countries, ibid. At Gant they Consult about depriving the King of his Militia and Government, l. 8. p. 21. They Confirm and publish the Association of Gant, l. 9. p. 30. Their forces besiege Breda, l. 9. p. 48. They attempt Ruremund and are beat off, l. 9. p. 49. They are alienated from the Prince of Orange, l. 9. p. 50. Their Army muster'd, l. 9. p. 49. Their slaughter at the battel of Ge [...]hlac, l. 9. p. 50. Their grief for the taking of Limburg, l. 10. p. 4. Their Joy upon the news that Alexander Farnizè and other great Commanders were slain, ibid. Their Army, l. 10. p. 7. vide Covenant, Gheuses, Lords and Nobility.
  • George of Austria Bishop of Liego, l. 1. p. 18.
  • George Fronsberge Colonel of a German Regiment im­pos'd upon Breda, l. 9. p. 48. is besieg'd, ibid. betray'd, ibid. Delivered into the Enemies hands, l. 9. p. 49. In the Expedition of Limburg, l. 10. p. 1.
  • George Holly a Germain Colonel, l. 7. p. 51.
  • George Lalin Lord of Vill, l. 9. p. 31.
  • Ge [...]rard Grosbech Bishop of Liege denyes the Gheuses to hold their Convention at Centron or St. Truden, l. 5. p. 119. Intercedes to the Governesse for the Mat­strichters, l. 6. p. 15. Frights the Prince of Orange from the Suburbs of Liege, l. [...]. p. 63.
  • Germanes Conspire with the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 58. They run away, l. 7. p. 55. Stir up sedition, ibid. and slain, l. 7. p. 56. Demand their pay, l. 7. p. 55. l. 8. p. 11. Render themselves to the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 21. Ger­man Forces vide Army. The Custome of the Ger­man Nobility in clothing of their Servants, l. 4. p. 7 [...]. Their Embassages, l. 6. p. 17. Their Patronage im­plor'd by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 41.
  • Germanicus Caesar son to Drusus, l. 7. p. 56. & l. 10. p. 20.
  • Geta a River.
  • Gbeuses, when and why so call'd, l. 5. p. 109. Compar'd with the Huganots, l. 3. p. 61. Their habit, l. 5. p. 110. Their Commanders present a petition to the Gover­nesse, l. 5. p. 111. They Counterfeit a Declaration in the name of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, l. 5. p. 112. their Lies Credited, ibid. & 113. Their number encreases out of an opinion of impunity, l. 5. p. 115. Their habit and Cognizance worn by the Common people ibid. They Convene at Centron, l. 5. p. 119. What was acted in that meeting, ibid. They frame a new Petition to the Governesse, l. 5. p. 12 [...]. They plunder Churches, l. 5. p. 121.—The Ge [...] ­tlemen Gheuses consent to the Destruction of Chur­ches, l. 5. p. 127. Their Threats against the Gover­nesse, l. 7. p. 129. From whom they Extort some grants, l. 5. p. 130. They are slain at the battel neer Austervell, l. 6. p. 4. The Tornay Gheuses take up arms, l. 6. p. 6. are defeated at Lanoi, l. 6. p. 7. Are made true Gheuses, beggar, l. 6. p. 21. They leave their Cou [...] ­try, ibid. are receiv'd into grace, ibid. Sentenc'd by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 42. The Wood Gheuses rob by the high way, l. 7. p. 59. The Water Gheuses, l. 7. p. [...]1. Their General and chief Officers, ibid. turn Pirats, ibid. are forbid the English Ports, ibid. Take Brill, l 7. p. 12. Destroy all things sacred, ibid. Beat off the Spaniards, ibid. Plunder Amorssort, l. 7. p. 75. Are beat from Amsterdam, l. 10. p. 5. vide Gentlemen Co­venanters.
  • Ghibercius, one of the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 101.
  • Ghisella, a Covenanter, ibid.
  • Giles or Aegidius Clarke, a Lawyer of Tornay, l. 5. p. 100 127, 141.
  • Giles Smissart, a Lapidary, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Giovanni Baptista Castaneo, Archbishop of Rossana the Popes Legate, l. 5. p. 132. His Relation to Cardinall Alexandrino of the Commitment & death of Charles Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 43.
  • Giovanni Baptista, Marquesse a Monte, Commander of horse at the Battel of Mooch, l. 8. p. 43.
  • a Girle of three years old buried dig'd up again, [...]nd eaten by her parents, l. 7. p. 10.
  • Gisbert together with his brother Batenburg runs away, is taken and executed.
  • Glime Vice-Admiral of the Belgick sea, l. 6. p. 19. defeated and slain, Ibid.
  • Glime, Governour of Wallon-Barbant, takes the Senators out of the house, and imprisons them, l. 8. p. 26. is routed by the Spaniard, l. 8. p. 21. His Enmity with the Prince of Orange, l. 10. p. 9.
  • Glimè, the Marquesse, vide Iohn Glimè Marquesse of [...].
  • Gniffius, Bishop of Groninghen, or the Groine, l. 7. p. 58.
  • Godfrey Sterch, Pretor of Antwerp. l. 3. p. 66.—
  • Goes in Zeland is reliev'd, l. 7. p. 77, 78. The Sea warled over to Goes, ibid.
  • Gargni vide Anthony.
  • Gomez Figueroa Duke of Feria, l. 2. p. 38. his disposition, l. 6. p. 23. His vote in Councel for sending an army into the Low-countreys, ibid. & 25. He waits upon the King when his Majesty apprehended Prince Charles, l. 7. p. 44.
  • [Page] Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebolo vide Roderick.
  • Gonzaga vide Hannibal Camillo Ferdinando & Octa­vio.
  • Gorcom revolts from the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 72. is taken by assault, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Gorcom Martyrs, l. 7. p. 75.
  • Gotha a Town, l. 5. p. 42.
  • Goude revolts from the Spaniards, l. 7. p. 72.
  • Governour vide Praefect.
  • Governesse vide Margaret of Parma.
  • Grange of Narbon a Calvinist, l. 5. p. 6. Ring leader of the Seditions, Ibid. disswades the Valencenians from the rendring of their Town, l. 6. p. 9.
  • Granvel vide Anthony & Nicolas.
  • Graveling a Port of Flanders, l. 1. p. 12.& l. [...]. p. 53. its Go­vernour, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Gregory the Third multiplyes the Bishops in Germany, l. 2. p. 30.
  • Gregory the thirteenth offended with the Vice Roy Gran­vell, l. 4. p. 82. His Joy for the newes of the Massacre at Paris, l. 7. p. 76. He and the King of Spain resolve to assist the Queen of Scots, l. 8. p. 16. He proposes to the King Don Iohn for Governour of the Low-countryes and General in the invasion of Great Bri­tain, ibid. He sends Philip Sega his Nuncio to Don Iohn in the Low-Countreys, l. 9. p. 36. with supplies of money, ibid. He incourages Alexander Farneze to go for the Low-countreys, l. 9. p. 48. His letters to the Catholick Army, wherein he pardons their sins, l. 9. p. 49. His Exchange of Prisoners, l. 10. p. 6. He treats with the King of Spain to make Don Iohn King of Tunis, l. 10. p. 19.
  • Gromhamberg Colonel of foot, l. 5. p. 132.
  • Gresser the Queen of Englands Agent, l. 5. p. 133.
  • Graningen or the Groine threatens to revolt from the King, l. 6. p. 1. receives a Garrison of the Kings men, l. 6. p. 20. Besieg'd by Lewis of Nassau, l. 7. p. 54. strongly defended by Vitelli, ibid. Dispos'd of by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 58. Its Bishop and Governour, ibid. A Fort there design'd by the Duke of Alva, ibid. The 6 Cannon of the Groin call'd by names of the 6 first Elements in Musick, l. 7. p. 47, 56.
  • Guerrao de Speo, the King of Spains Embassadour to the Queen of England, l. 7. p. 66.
  • Guinegas, l. 1. p. 15.
  • Guinichè vide Paula Prince of Lucca.
  • Guise vide Charles of Loram and Francis of Guise.
  • Guiralto wade [...] over Sea to Duveland, l. 8. p. 10.
  • Gunt [...]y, Count Swartzenburg, l. 7. p. 51. l. 8. p. 9. a Cove­nanter, l. 5. p. 101. Commander of horse in the Prince of Oranges Army, l. 7. p. 58. treats in the Emperours name to make peace between the Royallists and the Orangians, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Gusman vide Antonio Ayamant & Didaco.
  • Guy Brai of Mons, l. 6. p. 6.
Sentences in G.
  • A Good GENERAL can never be long liv'd, l. 7. p. 83.
  • GOD is not pleas'd with those that giue out of other mens fortunes, l. 8. p. 6.
H.
  • HA a River, l. 1. p. 12.
  • Hadrian Iansen, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Heresie how it was brought into the Low-countreys, l. 2. p. 36. The mother of sedition, ibid.—What oc­casions it makes use of to raise Tumults, ibid. l. 2. p. 42, 48. Prone to Atheisme, l. 2. p. 36. Teaches Con­tumacie, ibid. slights Allegiance, ibid.
  • Heresie in France, l. 3. p. 55, 61, 72, l. 6. p. 35. Protected, l. 3. p. 57. The Heretical custome of singing Davids Psalmes in French meeter, l. 3. p. 61, 62, The French Hereticks assist the Low-countrey Hereticks, l. 5. p. 138. A Catalogue of Hereticks inclos'd in the Kings pack­et, l. 4. p. 83. brought to execution with various suc­cess, ibid. l. 6. p. 19, 20. The attempt of an Heretical Minister, l. 4. p. 83. Their Joy for the difference be­tween the King of Spain and the Pope, l. 4. p. 86. Their Jealousies upon the Conference at Baion, l. 4. p. 88. The Kings Letters and the Governesse Edict against them, l. 4. p. 96, 97. At the promulgation of the Edict they mutiny, l. 5. p. 100. They stir up the Covenan­ters, ibid.—They break from all parts into the Low-countrey Pulpits, l. 6. p. 116. Three Classes or kindes of them, ibid.—They are permitted to preach, l. 5. p. 130. They turn the Franciscans out of Doores, l. 5. p. 131. Their design to send Calvinistical books into Spain, l. 5. p. 137. l. 7. p. 45. Their Consisto­ries, l. 5. p. 138. They desire liberty to exercise their Sects, l. 5. p. 139. They rejoyce at the defection of the Lords from the King, l. 6. p. 1. Their Discouragement at the losse of Valenciens. l. 6. p. 11. Their Complaints, l. 6. p. 15. Their Preaching Ministers run away, ibid. They are challeng'd to dispute, ibid.—They are Expell'd the Low-countreys, l. 6. p. 17, 20. They crave assistance of the Germans, l. 6. p. 18. Their Temples are destroy'd, l. 6. p. 20. Their sense upon Alva's de­parture from the Low-countreys, l. 7. p. 81. They cri­minate Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 34. They and the Catholicks swear allegiance to the Arch-Duke Matthias, l. 9. p. 39. They turn the Jesuites out of Antwerp, ibid. and other Catholicks, l. 9. p. 41. Possess their Churches, ibid.—are brought into Amsterdam, l. 10. p. 5. vide Calvinists, Preachers, and Lutherans,
  • Hague, l. 8. p. 7.
  • Hames vide Nicolas.
  • Hangest vide Francis & Iohn.
  • Hannibal Gonzaga, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Hannibal Count Altemps brings forces out of Germanie into the Low-countreys, l. 8. p. 9. Upon the borders cir­cumvented by the Enemy and wounded, ibid. He is left by Requesenes to secure Brabant, ibid. The dif­ference between him and the Governour of Antwerp, l. 8. p. 17. He leaves men in Germany, l. 10. p. 7.
  • Hannibal of Carthage, l. 2. p. 28.
  • Hariaden Barbarossa, l. 8. p. 14. Expell'd from his King­dome by Charles the fifth, l. 10. p. 21.
  • Harlem receives a Garrison from the Hollanders, l. 7. p. 78. renounces Religion, and violates all things sacred, ibid. Besieg'd by the Royallists, Ibid. provokes the Spaniards with unheard of Contumelies, ibid. Jeeres at holy things, ibid. Compell'd by famine to yield to mercy, l. 6. p. 79. Very many of the Town put to death, Ibid.—A Regiment of of Harlem women, ibid. The obstinacy and barbarity of the Townes­men, ibid. The siege of Harlem compar'd with that of Sancere, ibid. The number of the slain and wound­ed Royallists, l. 7. p. 80. and Confederates, ibid
  • Hassen vide Philip Land [...]grave of Hessen. HHaynault a Province of the Low-countreys, l. 1. p. 15. Its Governour, l. 1. p. 16. The Townes and villages of the Haynaulters plunder'd, l. 7. p. 63. Their Delegates call'd to Bru [...]ells, l. 8. p. 17. against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 20. vide Mons. A Proverb in Haynault, l. 6. p. 5.
  • Haultepen vide Claudius.
  • Haure vide Charles Croy.
  • Heden a Town, l. 1. p. 10.
  • Hele [...]nor sister to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 3, 15.
  • [Page] Heleonor M [...]or [...]ney wife to Count Hochstrat, l. 6. p. 12.
  • Haloven vide Francis.
  • He [...]nin vide Iohn & Maximilian.
  • Henry King of England, l. 1. p. 9.
  • Henry Bavier Bishop of Vtrecht, l. 1. p. 15.
  • Henry Brederod Commander of a troop of the Low-coun­trey horse, l. 1. p. 17. l. 6. p. 11, 12. Chief of the Conspi­rators, l. 5. p. 102, 104. Enters Bruxells with the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 107. binds them with a new Oath, ibid. Leads them to Court, ibid. In their name pre­sents a Petition to the Governesse, l. 5. p. 108. Feasts them at Culemberge-house, l. 5. p. 109. delivers a new Petition, l. 5. p. 111. Goes to Antwerp. ibid. Is met by a multitude of people, l. 5. p. 112. offers himself to be their General, and is accepted, ibid. Meets the Prince of Orange coming to the Town, l. 5. p. 118: Convenes the Gheuses at Centron, l. 9. 119. Is call'd to a Confe­rence by the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont sent by the Governesse, l. 5. p. 119, 120. He carries the 9. heads of the Conference to his Party, ibid. He is Chosen General for raising men and money. l. 5. p. 141. Endeavours to draw Count Egmont to a new Confederation, l. 5. p. 142. Desires the Governesses leave to come to Bruxells, ibid. Is deny'd, ibid. sends a petition to the Governesse, ibid. Prepares men and armes, l. 6. p. 1. Fortifies Viana, ibid. Enters Amster­dam, l. 6. p. 2. Refuses to take the Oath of Allegiance, l. 6. p. 11, 12. His Troop of horse taken from him, ibid. He is commanded to depart from Amsterdam, l. 6. p. 19. Tryes to reconcile himself, but in vain, ibid. Despaires of Recovering of Holland, l. 6. p. 20. Leaves the Low-Countreys, ibid. Dies, ibid.
  • Henry Dionisius a Jesuite is invited from Colen to Mae­stricht, l. 6. p. 15. Disputes with the Hereticks, Ibid. Restores Maestricht to its old Religion and Obedi­ence, ibid.
  • Henry the second of France desirous of a War with Spain, l. 1. p. 11. Takes Calice, Ibid. Concludes a Peace with King Philip, l. 1. p. 12. His hatred to Mary Queen of Hungary, l. 9. p. 57. A Tournament at the Marriage of his Daughter and Sister, l. 1. p. 13. His Death, ibid. Predicted and the Judgments of Prudent men upon the Accident, ibid.
  • Henry King of Portugall, l. 10. p. 13.—
  • Henry Nassau Uncle to the Prince of Orange, l. 2. p. 43.
  • Henry Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 2.
  • Henry King of Navarre, afterwards King of France, l. 7. p. 76.
  • Henry [...]sellie, the French Embassadour, l. 4. p. 85.
  • Henry Vien [...]us Lord of Ceuravium, Commander of horse in the Battel of Gemlac, l. 9. p. 51. in the siege of Dal­bem, l. 10. p. 3—
  • Hercules Duke of Ferara, l. 1. p. 21. His daughter de­sign'd for wife to Alexander Farneze, ibid. & l. 4. p. 91.
  • Hercules his haven or Port Ercole, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Hese vide William.
  • Hierg vide Aegidius Barl [...]mont.
  • Hieronymo Roda, l. 8. p. 18.—His servant slain, ibid. He himself endanger'd, ibid.
  • Hieronym [...] Serosqueques, one of the waders over the Sea to Ziriczee, l. 8. p. 10.
  • Hieronymites, l. 1. p. 6. The site of their Monastery, Ibid.
  • Hippolyto Pennonto a Physician, l. 10. p. 15.
  • Historians how they should dispute of peace and war, l. 2. p. 27. Their Errors refuted, l. 3. p. 59. l. 7. p. 41, 47. the causes why they differ about the beginnings of the Low-countrey Tumults, l. 2. p. 27.
  • Hochstrat vide Anthony Lalin.
  • Holach vide Philip.
  • Holland a Province of the Low-Countreys, l. 1. p. 15.—a new State, l. 1. p. 1. l. 7. p. 72. Its Governour, l. 1. p. 1 [...]. l. 7. p. 72. The slaughters in that Province, l. 5. p. 127. The first Tumults, l. 6. p. 19. l. 7. p. 72. It yeilds to the Governess, l. 6. p. 20. The Maritime part of it drown'd by a Sea-breach, l. 7. p. 65.
  • Hollanders anciently free from Tribute, l. 7. p. 70. For which they rebel'd then against the Romans, Ibid. and now against the King of Spain, l. 7. p. 71. l. 8. p. 20. They expel the Spaniards, l. 7. p. 72. Jeer the Duke of Alva, ibid. submit to the Prince of Orange, ibid. Pira [...]s from all parts joyning with them, make up a Fleet, l. 7. p. 73. For almost 10 years they have been Con­stantly victorious at Sea, Ibid. Some of their Cities recovered by the Spaniard, ibid. & 81. & l. 8. p. 8. Their hatred to that Nation, l. 7. p. 72, 78. Their Fleet sailes over land to Leiden, l. 8. p. 7. and into Sceldt, l. 8. p. 13.
  • Hoodes parti-coloured the Cognizances of and marks of a Combination, l. 4. p. 78. l. 5. 115. left off, l. 7. p. 84. Re­prehended, l. 4. p. 89.
  • Horne a Town, l. 7. p. 53. revolts from the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 72.
  • Horne vide William & Philip.
  • Horse dispos'd into a Militia, l. 1. p. 17.
  • Horse Troops famous throughout Europe, Ibid. To what Officers they were committed, ibid.
  • Horse levied in Italy for the German war, l. 6. p. 25, [...]0. l. 10. p. 6, 10.
  • Hostage given by the King of Spain to the French King, l. 2. p. 46.
  • Hubert a Volle, l. 7. p. [...]6
  • Huc [...]ell a Town, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Hugonot the original of the name, l. 3. p. 57, 61. The [...]a­trons of the Hugonots, l. 6. p. 32. Their Generals, l. 5. p. 111. Their battels, l. 3. p. 61. l. 6. p. 35. l. 7. p. 61. Their fraud, l. 6. p. 26. From France they offer Auxiliaries to the Low-Country Hereticks, l. 5. p. 138. Perswade the King of France to fight the Spaniard, ibid. A rumour of a peace concluded between them and Charles the ninth of France, l. 7. p. 73. Their Massacre upon Bar­tolmew-Eve, l. 7. p. 76.
  • Hungarian Queen vide Marie
  • Hunting belov'd, l. 1. p. 21. l. 2. p. 46. l. 3. p. 72. l. 6. p. 18. l. 10. p. 17. Veneur or Iustice in Eyre nominated by the King, l. 6. p. 28.
Sentences in H.
  • PRinces like it well to have a servant on whom men may discharge the HATRED due unto their Masters, l. 2. p. 41.
  • Publick Businesse will never have an happy End so long as 'tis ordered by a man generally HA­TED, l. 3. p. 73.
  • HERESIE is the School of Pride, l. 2. p. 36.
  • For the same man to be a HERETICK, and a good subject is incompossible, l. 6. p. 24. HERESIE is a refractory and sullen disease, that may with lesse difficulty be kept out, then s [...]ook off, l. 9. p. 36.
  • [Page] Many times men fight more Eagerly for their HOUSES then for their Altars, l. 5. p. 126.
  • In HUMANE things however times and persons die, still the same Causes and Events re­vive, l. 1. p. 2.
  • All HUMANE things are found to be far lesse in the possession, then they are fancied in our hopes, l. 4. p. 79.
J.
  • JAmes Iungeling, l. 7. p. 64.
  • Iames Marnixius, Lord of Tholouse, ambitious to be Lord of Zeland, l. 6. p. 2. beaten by Catt [...]y, ibid. intren­ches at Oftervell near Antwerp, l. 6. p. 3. fights with Beav [...]r, ibid. Is defeated, l. 6. p. 4. Burn'd, Ibid. His wife stirs up the Calvinists, ibid.
  • Iames Masius, l. 1. p. 5.
  • Iames Simons, l. 8. p. 2.
  • Iannellus Turrianus of Cremona, l. 1. p. 6.
  • Iconomachy, or Execution done upon Images in the Low-Countries, l. 5. p. 125. How it came about, and from whence, ibid.—who were the Assistants, Ibid. The first battel was in Flanders, l. 5. p. 121. The day and place of battel decreed, ibid. The image-break­ers armes and Condition, ibid.—They force their Entrance Ipre, and destroy all things sacred, l. 5. p. 122. They ran to other Towns, ibid. are rout­ed by the Secliners, ibid. plunder the Churches in Antwerp, l. 5. p. 123. whether or no the Devill help't them, l. 5. p. 125. They begin a second plunder, ibid.—Continue it for three dayes, l. 5. p. 126. They'r chas't away by the Townes-men, ibid. How great that ruine was, ibid. Many of them condemn'd to die, l. 6. p. 20. l. 7. p. 39, 42.
  • Ienlis vide Francis Hangest & Iohn.
  • Jesuites refuse money offered them by the mutinous Souldiers, l. 8. p. 6. The speech they made to the mu­tineers, and what success it had, ibid. They were prest to take the Oath, l. 9. p. 40. Deny to do it, ibid. Are besieg'd by armed hereticks, ibid.—Their house at Antwerp plunder'd, ibid. They are expell'd the Town, Ibid. A gallant act of one of their society, ibid. A wonderful accident at their house, l. 9. p. 41. One of their Preachers despis'd by the seditious Soul­diers, l. 8. p. 5. Another of them heard by some that were to go among hereticks, l. 4. p. 93. Another shews the Merchants of Antwerp a fair occasion for their cha­rity, l. 7. p. 77. Another implores divine assistance from heaven to the men that were to wade the Sea, l. 8. p. 11.—By the endeavours of one of their order, Maestricht is restor'd to the Catholick Religion, l. 6. p. 15.
  • Jew vide Iohn Michese.
  • Ignatius Loyola, Confessar to Margaret of Parma, l. 1. p. 23.
  • Images of little horses and men in armour, l. 1. p. 7.
  • Images of the Blessed Virgin at Antwerp, l. 5. p. 123. In Hay [...]ault, l. 5. p. 111. At Parma, l. 4. p. 95. At Sichem, l. 9. p. 54.—Of the holy Crucifix at Rome, l. 9. p. 43.
  • Images hallowed violated in the Low-Countries, vide Ico­nomachy.
  • Images of Saints impiously jeer'd and abus'd, l. 5. p. 123, 125, l. 7. p. 78. Thrown down to the ground, l. 5. p. 122, 124, 132.
  • Images of the King to be set over City gates, l. 7. p. 65.
  • Imbertus Platerius Bordelon, l. 3. p. 60.
  • Indeveltius, in the tumult at Valenciens, l. 3. p. 64.
  • Infant with a Cat lying by him, carried away by an inun­dation, l. 7. p. 69.
  • Innocent the third, l. 2. p. 33.
  • Inquisition when and by whom instituted, l. 2. p. 33—Its several Judicatories, ibid. when establisht at Rome, ibid. How accurately exercis'd in Spain, Ibid. on what occasion it was encreas't throughout Christen­dome, ibid. & 34. By whom and why it was brought into the Low-Countries, l. 2. p. 48. l. 3. p. 70. l. 5. p. 105, 106. It occasions the Belgick tumults, l. 2. p. 33. The Bra­banters refuse it, l. 2. p. 34. l. 5. p. 98. The first Inquisi­tor in Brabant, ibid. The sense that many had of the Inquisition and the Emperours Edict, l. 2. p. 35. what good it did, l. 2. p. 46. Injury offered to an Inquisitor, l. 4. p. 84. The Kings Letters and the Governesses Edict for the Inquisition, l. 4. p. 96. The Conspiracy of the Lords against this Edict, l. 5. p. 99, 102, 107. The publick hatred against the Inquisition, l. 5. p. 105, 106. Two kinds of Inquisition, ibid.—abrogated in the Low-Countries by Decree of Senate, ibid.—& by the Kings permission, l. 5. p. 120. A Libel against the Inquisition, published by the Gheuses, in the name of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, l. 5. p. 112. the chief Inquisitor, l. 2. p. 33. Temporary Inquisitors, ibid.—Perpetual, l. 2. p. 35. l. 5. p. 100, 114, 117, 120. & l. 6. p. 22, 23.
  • Inscription of the Covenant by the Gentry, l. 5. p. 101. of the Kings Instructions, l. 4. p. 89, 90. Of the Kings Standard, l. 9. p. 51. Of the Basis of Alva's Statue, l. 7. p. 64. Of the Pillar set up where Culemburg-house was pull'd down, l. 7. p. 42. Of the Prince of Oranges Colours, l. 7. p. 62.
  • Interim, the name of a book publisht in Germany by Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 9. by whom it was writ, ibid. at whose appointment and why, ibid. Authoriz'd to binde both Religions till the Councel of Trent should end, ibid. but receiv'd by neither party, ibid.
  • Invective of the Marquess of Bergen against Cardinal Granvel, l. 3. p. 75. of the Prince of Orange against the Emperours Edict, l. 5. p. 133.
  • Inundation a most horrid one in the Low-countries, l. 7. p. 69.
  • Ioachim Opper, l. 8. p. 16.
  • Ioan Alibret daughter to Margaret of Valois, and Henry King of Navarre, wife to Anthony Bourbon, l. 3. p. 56. had implacable hatred to the name of Rome and Spain, l. 3. p. 57. Compar [...]d to Tullia Tarquins wife, ibid. Her Curtain-lecture to her husband when she set him at the Catholicks, ibid. Her indignation against him, l. 3. p. 59.
  • Ioan of Austria, l. 10. p. 22, 23.
  • Ioan daughter to Ferdinand the Catholick King, wife to Philip the first, l. 1. p. 17.
  • Ioan daughter to Duke Wenceslaus, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Don Iohn of Austria born at Ratisbone, l. 10. p. 16.—Carried into Spain in Swadling-clouts, l. 10. p. 17. Educated at Villa-Garcia, ibid. sav'd from fire, ibid. His disposition and behaviour, ibid. The Emperour intends to make a Priest of him, ibid. He is commend­ed to King Philip by their father Charles the fifth, ibid. He is own'd by his brother as he was hunting, l. 10. p. 18. taken to Court, ibid.—sent to the univer­sity of Alcala, l. 9. p. 44. bred with Prince Charles and Alexander Farneze, l. 10. p. 18. Compared with them, ibid. He offends the King because he would not en­ter into holy Orders, ibid. and by going to the War of Malta without the Kings leave, ibid. He regaines the Kings favour, l. 10. p. 19. disswades Prince Charles from going into the Low-countries, l. 7. p. 44. Disco­vers to the King the Prince's Design to steal away, l. 10. p. 19. Is made General against the Moores, ibid. [Page] —Admiral of the whole Fleet in the holy War against the Turk, l. 9. p. 45. l▪ 4. p. 81. Receives the sa­cred, Standard of Christendome from Granvell Vice-Roy of Naples, ibid.—The difference between him and Vernerio, l. 9. p. 45. Wins the Battel of Le­pa [...]ot, l. 10. p. 19. l. 9. p. 46. l. [...]. 10 P. 21. Again com­mands in chief at Sea, l. 9. p. 46. Besieges Navarine in vain, ibid. 47. Challenges the Ottoman Fleet, ibid. at the dissolving of the holy League goes for Sicily, ibid. Takes Tunis and Biserta by assault, l. 10. p. 19. Carries away King Amida with his two sons prisoners, ibid. gives his Kingdome to Meh [...]met, l. 10. p. 21. Returnes victorious into Italy, ibid. Defers the Acceptance of the Kingdome of Ireland, l. 10. p. 22. Offends the King with putting a Garrison into Biserta, l. 10. p. 19. The Popes request for the Conferring upon him the title of King of Tunis, ibid. His houshold servants chang'd by the King, ibid. Recal'd from Italy into Spain, ibid. Desires the Place & honour of a Prince I [...]anta, ibid. is by the Pope propos'd to his Majesty for Governour of the Low-countries, l. 8. p. 16.—The Government promised to him by the King, ibid. & p. 19. He is design'd General for the Army that was to Land in Great Britain, l. 8. p. 16. 'Tis falsly rumor'd, That should marry Elizabeth Queen of England, l. 10▪ p. 20. l. 8. p. 16. He comes into the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 26. The Senators and Delegates of the Estates doubt whether or no they should admit him, ibid. He consults about sending away of the Spa­niards from the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 27. Resolves to dismisse them, and why, l. 9. p. 29. Allowes of the Pacification of Ga [...]t, l. 9. p. 30. Proclaims it, ibid. Is acknowledged Governour of the Low-countries, ibid. —Presses the Spaniards to depart, ibid. Lends money to the Estates to pay the Spaniards, l. 9. p. 32. Enters Bruxels with extraordinary pomp, ibid. His gracious carriage, ibid.—He requires that the Prince of Orange, with the Hollanders and Zeleanders, shall subscribe the Perpetual Edict, l. 8. p. 33. His Let­ters to the King intercepted and published, ibid. Many suspect and fall off from him, l. 9. p. 34. His dissembled flight, ibid. He seizes the Castle of Namure, l. 9. p. 35. He certifies the Deputies of the Estates of the cause of his departure, ibid. Complains of Contumelies of­fer'd to, and plots laid against him, ibid. Writes to the Provinces, ibid. Attempts the Fort at Antwe [...]p, ibid. Is by the Estates accus'd of Counterfeiting his fears, ibid.—He showes them to be real, l. 9. p. 36. Receives supplies of money from the Pope, ibid. Is incourag'd by the Kings Letters, ibid. sharply re­proves the Estates for creating the Prince of Orange Ruart of the Province, l. 9. p. 37.—Prepares for War, ibid. what forces he had, ibid. It troubles him the Arch-Duke Matthias was to come into the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 39. The Senate declares him Enemy to the Countrey, ibid. He calls back the Spaniards, from Italy, l. 9. p. 41. Invites Alexander Farneze whom the King had design'd for the Low-Countriesl, 9. p. 48. Joyfully receives him, ibid. Is animated by his coming with the Spanish Army, l. 9. p. 41. Sends relief to Bre­da besieg'd, l. 9. p. 49. Defends Ruremund, ibid.—Refuses Conditions of Peace offer'd by the Queen of England, ibid. His march to Gemblac, His army, battel, and victory, ibid. & p. 50.—His words to Goigny General of the Prisoners, l. 9. p. 52. His com­mendations of his own men. ibid. Other Cities ren­der themselves to him, l. 9. p. 53. 54. He commands Alexander Farneze to attacque Dieshem, ibid. and Levia. l. 9. p. 55. And Charles Mansfeld to besiege Nivell, ibid. Nivel is rendred to himself, l. 9. p. 56. He quiets the Mutiny in his Camp, ibid. Dismisses the Garrison of Nivell without their armes, ibid. which arms he bestowes on his French souldiers, but the gift was fatal to them, ibid.—Grants them leave to [...]e­part, l. 9. p. 57. Many Towns yields to him, ibid. [...]e He stormes, Cimace, ibid. besieges Philsipvill and takes is, ibid. & 58. Goes to Namure to recover his heal [...]h, l. 10. p. 1. commits the Expedition of Limburg to Alex­ander Farn [...]ze, ibid.—Performs the Rites of [...] ­neral to Count Barlamont, and his son Megan, l. 10. p. 5. Receives money from the King, l. 10. p. 7. Calls a Councel of War about invading of the Enemy, ibid. Moves to Rimcnant. l. 10. p. 9. begins the fight, l. [...]. p. 10. suspects the enemie to fly upon design, ibid. [...]s angry with his men, which the enemy had Circum­vented, Ib. & p. 11. Considers how to bring them off, ibid.—Leaves it to be manag'd by Alexander F [...] ­n [...]ze, ibid.—The fight is renew'd with equall losse to the Enemy, ibid. & p. 12. His care in his e­treat, ibid. & p. 13. He loses the town of Aresch [...]t, Ibid.—Sets a foot a treaty of Peace, l. 10. p. 14. Demolishes some Forts, and quits certain Towns, ibid. Is offended with the Conditions of peace offered, ib [...]d. writes in fury to the King, ibid. Entrenches upon the hill of Buge. ibid.—The Complaints made against him to the King, l. 10. p. 20. The Kings conti­nual suspition of him, ibid. The Principality of the Low-Countries offered him, and why, ibid.—He is inrag'd, and abhors the Perswader, ibid.—His grief for the Kings Jealousie and Escovedo's death, ibid. His complaints against the King, ibid.—He is sick in the Camp, l. 10, p. 14. the Physicians pre­diction of him, l. 10, p. 15. He transfers the Govern­ment of the Low-Countries upon Alexander Farn [...]e, ibid. receives the Sacraments, l. 10. p. 16. raves, ibid. —Dying makes three requests to the King, ibid. —Dies religiously, ibid. How his death came to be hastened, l. 10. p. 20. A conspiracy against his life, ibid. His death deplored by the Army, ibid. They compare him to Germanicus Caesar, l. 10. p. 21. and to his father Charles the fifth, ibid.—His mili [...]a­ry Expeditions, ibid. His desire of a solitary li [...]e, ibid.—His care of his Conscience, and to purifie it by Confession, especially before a Battel, ibid. His piety, ibid. & 22. His liberality to the Souldiers, l. 10. p. 21. His virtues as a General, l. 10. p. 22. His daugh­ters, ibid. His custome to wear the hair of his foret [...]p upright, l. 10. p. 21. The Contention of several Na­tions who should bear his body, l. 10. p. 22. A crown set upon his head, ibid. His obscquies in the Church of Namure, ibid. His temporary sepulcher there, ibid. his body dissected is privately conveyed into Spain, l. 10. p. 24. set together again and shew'd to the King, ibid. buried in the Escureall with Charles the fifth, ibid.
  • Iohn Baptista Bertius, Secretary, l. 6. p. 12, 13.
  • Iohn or Giovanni Baptista Castaneo, Archbishop of Rossaza, the Popes Nuncio, l. 5. p. 132. his relation to Cardinal Alexandrino of the Commitment and death of Prince Charles, l. 7. p. 43.
  • Iohn or Giovanni Baptista, Marquesse a Monte, Com­mander of the horse at the battel of Mooch, l. 8. p. 3.
  • in the battel of Gemblas, l. 9. p. 51. a pension assign'd him by the King, l. 8. p. 3. In the battel of Rimenant, l. 10. p. 9. at a Councell of War with Don Iohn and others, l. 10. p. 7.
  • Iohn Barnise Commander of horse, l. 5. p. 132.
  • Iolm Blaser, l. 3. p. 6 [...].
  • Iohn Blosius Treslong, l. 7. p. 7 [...].
  • Iohn Boccas, a Jesuite. l. 9. p. 40.
  • Iohn the fourth, Duke of Brahant, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Iohn Calvin, l. 3. p. 56. vide Calvinists.
  • Iohn Cassembrot, Secretary to Count Egmont, l. 6. p. 33. [...] l. 7. p. 50. taken by the Duke of Alva's command, l. 6. p. 33. beheaded, l. 7. p. 49.
  • Iohn Cassimir, brother to the Prince Elector Pala [...]ine, l. 10. p. 1, 14.—
  • [Page] Iohn Croy Count Reuse, l. 1. p. 17. Governour of Tornay, l. 6. p. 8. one of the four mourners that held the cor­ners of the hears-cloth when Don Iohn's corps was carried to Namure, l. 10. p. 22.
  • Iohn Friderick, son to the late Elector of Saxony, l. 5. p. 140. maintains a War against the Duke of Saxony, l. 5. p. 141.
  • Iohn Funch, l. 9. p. 27.
  • Iohn Glimè, Marquess of Berg [...]n, Governour of Hay­nault, l. 1. p. 16. Justice in Eyre of the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 28. taken along by King Philip to his marriage with Mary Queen of England, l. 3. p. 71. Elected Knight of the Golden Fleece, l. 6. p. 28. slow to quiet tu­mults rais'd by hereticks, l. 3. p. 62, 64. At last he quiets them, ibid.—writes to the Pope in behalf of the Agent Molin, l. 3. p. 66. conspires against Granvell, l. 3. p. 69. Inveighers against him to the Governesse. l. 3. p. 75. sent into Spain by her Excellence of Parma, l. 5. p. 113. Is hurt by accident which puts off his journey, ibid. when he was perfectly recovered, the Governesse presses him to Depart, l. 5. p. 117. Relap­sing he sends his Major Domo before, ibid.—what he wrote of the King from Spain, l. 5. p. 134. He can­not get leave to return to the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 27.
  • He falls sick, ibid. His complaints of the King, ibid. & 28. He dies, ibid.—His Elogie, ibid. After his decease, he was impeached and condemned by the Duke of Alva, ibid. How the King disposed of his goods and heir, ibid.
  • Iohn Gnissius, Bishop of Groninghen, l. 7. p. 58.
  • Iohn Hangest, Lord of Ienlis, marches out of France to re­lieve Mons, l. 7. p. 74. fights with Duke Federico son to the Duke of Alva, ibid. is Defeated, Ibid.
  • Iohn Hennim Count Bolduc, sent for to compose the stirs at Valenciens, l. 3. p. 64.
  • Iohn Iames Medices, Marquesse of Marigan, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Iohn Immarsel, Pretor of Antwerp, l. 5. p. 124
  • Ioln Lanoi, Lord of Molembase, Governour of Haynault, l. 1. p. 16.
  • Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg, Governour of Frisland, & Over-ysell, ibid. & l. 3. p. 65. chosen one of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, l. 7. p. 47. His difference with the Prince of Orange and Count [...]gmont, l. 3. p. 72, 73.
  • He withdraws himself from the Combination against Cardinal Granvell, ibid. Likes not the Conspiracy of the Lords and Gentlemen, nor the Covenant, l. 5. p. 103. Ready to take armes for the King, l. 5. p. 129, 141. Pursues the fugitive Rebels, l. 6. p. 19. Is by the Duke of Alva sent into France General of the Spa­nish foot and horse, l. 6. p. 35. l. 7. 47. Encounters Lewis and Adulp of Nassau, ibid. Recovers Dam, and beats the Nassauvians, ibid.—fights a battel, ibid. kills Adulph, brother to the Prince of Orange, and is him­self slain by Adulp, ibid. His army lost, ibid. His Elogy, ibid. His death otherwayes related, l. 7. p. 48. his death, and the death of Momerancy Constable of France, com­par'd together, ibid. The Duke of Alva celebrates his funerals, l. 7. p. 54. his losse reveng'd by the Sardinian Regiment, l. 7. p. 57.
  • Iohn the third, King of Portugall, l. 4. p. 92.
  • Iohm Manric de Lara speaks at the Councell-board before the King, l. 6. p. 23.
  • Iohn Mamique, at the battel of Rimenant, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Iohn Marnixius, one of the first Covenanters, l. 5. p. 101.
  • Iohn Michese, a Jew, flyes from Spain to Antwerp, l. 5. p. 138. from thence to Venice, ibid. from Venice to Constan [...]ople, ibid. Ingratiates himself with Selimus afterwards Emperour of the Turks, ibid. 139. moves him to assist the Moores against the Spaniards, Ibid. offers armes from Constantinople to the Low-Countrey Rebels, ibid. Puts Selimus upon the war with Cyprus, to spite the Venetians, ibid. and in hope of the King­dome of Cyprus, Ibid. He is author of the firing of Venice, Ibid.
  • Iohn Momorancy, Lord of Courir, Governour of Fren [...]h Flanders, l. 1. p. 16. His death, l. 5. p. 123.
  • Iohn de Nassau, brother to the Prince of Orange▪ l. 5. p. 132, 134.
  • Iohn Noreys, Colonel of English, l. 10. p. 10.
  • Iohn Count of East Frizland, l. 1. p. 16.
  • Iohn Osorius Ulloa, one of the Sea waders, l. 8. p. 10. Com­mander of the Van, 18. p. 11. Animates his men▪ ibid arrives in Duveland, fights and Conquers, l. 8. p. 13.
  • Iohn Pettin, l. 8. p. 2.
  • Iohn the 22, Pope, l. 2. p. 30.
  • Iohn Regula, Confessar to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 7.
  • Iohn Sellius in the Kings name treats for peace with the Deputies of the Estates. l. 10. p. 5. 6.
  • Iohn Sorean, General of the Gheuses, hath a plot upon Lisle, l. 6. p. 6, 7. Attempts Lanoi in vain, ibid. fights with Norcarmius, ibid. is Routed, ibid.
  • Iohn Spell, Provost Marshal, chief actor in the execution of the Lords and Gentlemen, l. 7. p. 49. hang'd, ibid.
  • Iohn Valhart, Commander of horse, l. 5. p. 132.
  • Iohn Vangest, maternal Grandfather to Margaret of Au­sria, l. 1. p. 20.
  • Iohn Vargas Mexia, the King of Spain's Embassadour, l. 10. p. 20, 24.
  • Joy for the Peace between the French and Spaniard, l. 1. p. 12. For the departure of Cardinal Gra [...]vell, l. 4. p. 80, 81. At Rome for the twins, Alexander and Charles Farneze, l. 9. p. 42, 43. At the marriage of Alexander Farneze and Princesse Mary of Portugall, l. 4. p. 94—For the Emperour disclaiming the plun­der of Rome, l. 1. p. 9.
  • Joyful entry, l. 2. p. 30. the Priviledges therein con­tain'd, ibid. & l. 9. p. 36.
  • Ipre, a town of the lower Flanders, l. 5. p. 122. Bishop of Ipre, Ibid. & l. 7. p. 52. vide Iconomachy.
  • Ireland offer'd to Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 22.
  • Isabella Briganze, wife to Edward Prince of Portugall, l. 4. p. 92.
  • Isabella, wife to Charles the fifth, l. 10. p. 17.
  • Isabella, sister to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 19.
  • Isabella, the Catholick Queen, l. 4. p. 78. Her armes, ibid.
  • Isabella Clara Eugenia, daughter to Philip the second, is born, l. 5. p. 132. baptiz'd by the Popes Nuncio, ibid. married to Albert Rodolp the Emperours brother, and endow'd with the Low-Countrey, ibid.
  • Isabella, daughter to Henry the second of France, l. 1. p. 12, 13. why she was call'd the Princesse of Peace, ibid. promised to Charles Prince of Spain, ibid. & l. 7. p. 68. married to his father Philip the second, l. 1. p. 12. is brought into Spain, l. 3. p. 57. present at the Con­ference at Baion, l. 4. p. 87. Dies, l. 7. p. 45.
  • Isabella of Portugall, mother to Philip the second, l. 4 p. 92.
  • Isabella of Portugall, wife to Philip Duke of Burgundy l. 4. p. 94.
  • Ischius sent by the Senate to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 26, 27. re­fuses the Counsel given him by the way, ibid. Incurs the hatred of many for his Commendations of Don Iohn of Austria, Ibid.
  • Isell, a River, l. 8. p. 7.
  • Isidor Pacecho, a Spanish Captain at the wading over Sea to Duveland, l. 8. p. 10. Dies shot, l. 8. p. 12. His cour­age and last words, ibid. He and Caesar's Centurian pa­rallel'd, ibid.
  • Italians attribute the victory at Mooch to the Marquesse of Monte, l. 8. p. 3. depart the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 32. are brought back thither by Alexander Farneze, l. 9. p. 41. Their valour at the Battel of Rmenant, l. 10. p. 12. who was call'd the Paladin of Italy, l. 8. p. 4. [Page] Forces rais'd in Italy, l. 6. p. 25, 30. & l. 10. p. 6.
  • Iuan Acugnia sent by the King to Savoy, l. 6. p. 21.
  • Iuan Auguisciola, a Colonel, l. 3. p. 60.
  • Iuan Aranda sounds the Foard in the Zeland Expediti­on, l. 8. p. 9. His relation to Requescenes, ibid. He wades the Sea to Duveland, l. 8. p. 10.
  • Iuan a Cer [...]a, Duke of Medina Coeli, made Governour of the Low-countreys, l. 7. p. 68. goes into the Nether­lands, and presently returns for Spain, ibid.
  • Iuan Escovedo perswades Don Iohn to dismisse the Spa­niards, l. 9. p. 28. His speech to the Spaniards, l. 9. p. 31.
  • He is sent into Spain, l. 9. p. 36. l. 10. p. 20. His death, ibid.
  • Iuan Zuniga, Father to Requesenes, great Commenda­dor of the Knights of St. Iago in Castile, l. 8. p. 15.
  • Iuan Zuniga, brother to Requesenes, the Kings Embas­sadour at Rome, l. 4. p. 81.
  • Iudoignia rendred to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 53.
  • Iuliers, the territory, l. 7. 46. The Duke, l. 9. p. 36. & l. 10. p. 4.
  • Iuliano Romero, l. 6. p. 30. a Spaniard, ibid. Colonel of the Sicilian Regiment, ibid. wounded, l. 7. p. 80. Joyn'd with Glimè to relieve Middelburg, l. 8. p. 2. His life en­danger'd in a Tumult at Bruxells, l. 8. p. 18. Invades Antwerp, l. 8. p. 22. takes Philip Egmont, ibid. Departs with the Spaniards from the Low-countreys, l. 9. p. 32. Dies of a fall with his horse, l. 9. p. 41.
  • Iulio Pavesio, the Popes Legate to the Emperour, l. 5. p. 114.
  • Iulius the second, Pope, l. 3. p. 57. l. 8. p. 15.
  • S. Iust [...]us, Monastery, l. 1. [...]6.
  • Iusticium, or the Courts of Justice forbidden to sit in a time of publick mourning, l. 1. [...]9.
  • Iustus Scowemburg, sollicited by Brederod, l. 6. p. 20. En­ters Frisland, l. 7. p. 46. represses the seditions of the Germans, l. 7. p. 55. At the battel of Geming, l. 7. p▪ 56. His Carriages taken, ibid.
  • Iustus Villers defends Nivell for the States, l. 9. p. 56.
Sentences in I.
  • OCcasion cannot be long wanting to IMPROBITIE, l. 7. p. 40.
  • INFANTS manners are moulded by the example of their Parents, much sooner then by the Stars that raign at their Nativities, l. 9. p. 43.
  • It seems to be an argument of JUST anger, not to be friends upon the sudden, l. 5. p. 1 [...]4.
K.
  • KEunava, Colonel of a Regiment of women in the siege of Harlem, l. 7. p. 79. admir'd even by the enemy, ibid.
  • King of Cyprus, l. 5. p. 139. King of the Romans, l. 1. p. 5.
  • King of Spain vide Philip. King of France, vide Charles, Francis & Lewis.
  • Kingdome resign'd, l. 1. p. 3, 5. translated, l. 1. p. 4. Erect­ed, l. 1. p. 15.
  • Knights of the Golden Fleece, who and by whom created, l. 1. p. 16, 44. l. 6. p. 28. l. 7. p. 47, 53. l. 9. p. 42. The Order it self when and by whom instituted, l. 1. p. 17. l. 4. p. 94. To what number the Knights was encrea­sed, l. 1. p. 25. yet farther augmented by Charles the fifth, ibid. Under the Patronage of what Saint, l. 4. p. 94. The Master of the Knights, l. 1. p. 3. l. 5. p. 107. t [...]eir Herauld commonly call'd Tosond'or, l. 5. p. 101. In whom the power is to create them, l. 2. p. 46, 47. Their legal Judge, l. 7. p. 50. Their Convention at Gant, l. 2. p. 46. Their Assembly, l. 1. p. 3, 25. Their Con­vocation, l. 3. p. 69. The result thereof, ibid. Their Combination against the power of Granvel, ibid. some of them numbered among the Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. Their Joy at the marriage of Alexander Far­neze and Mary Princesse of Portugal, l. 4. p. 94. A Li­bell published in their name by the Gheuses, l. 5. p. 112.
  • Knights of Calatrava, l. 7. p. 58. Of St. Iohns of Ie­rusalem, l. 6. p. 23, 30. Of St. Jago, l. 8. p. 1. Of St. Stephen, l. 8. p. 14.
Sentences in K.
  • KINGS that have large Dominions, never want causes of War, nor rewards for Souldi­ers, l. 9. p. 31.
  • It concerns the Wisdome of a KING to provide that a Crown, once moderately refus'd by a subject, should never more be in the power of his acceptance, l. 1. p. 20.
L.
  • LAlin vide Anthony, Charles, George & Philip.
  • Lambert, Count and Abbat of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 52.
  • Lambert Wirtzemberg, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Lamentation at the Obsequies of Charles the fifth, Ce­lebrated by himself, l. 1. p. 7, 8. at the death of Count Egmont, l. 7. p. 25. and of Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 21. vide Obsequies.
  • Lamoral, Count Egmont, created Knight of the Golden Fleece by Charles the fifth, l. 7. p. 53. General of the Low-countrey horse, l. 1. p. 11. victorious at St. Quin­tine, and at Graveling, ibid. & l. 7. p. 53. Governour of Flanders and Artois, l. 1. p. 16. & l. 7. p. 53. Com­mander in Chief of the Spanish Forces in the Low-countreys, and Designed by the Peoples wishes for Governour of all the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 18, 19. his Alienation from the King, l. 2. p. 38. l. 3. p. 67. his free­dome of speech, ibid. his Envy and Emulation against Granvell. l. 2. p. 41. the Prince of Orange preferred be­fore him by Charles the fifth, l. 2. p. 44. he joyns with the Prince of Orange and the rest that dissent [...]rom Granvell, l. 3. p. 67. his first Complaint to the King, l. 3. p. 68. he combines against Granvell, ibid. & 72. and exasperates others, l. 3. p. 73, 74. his Letter to the King against Granvell, l. 3. [...]p. 72, 73. his dissimilitude to the Prince of Orange, l. 3. p. 70. the King invites him into Spain, l. 3. p. 74. he will not go, ibid. he differs from Count Aremberg, l. 3. p. 73. his Com­plaints against Granvel, l. 3. p. 75. he discovers Gran­vels danger to the Governesse, Ibid. & l. 4. p. 80. when others leave the Court, he stayes, l. 3. p. 75. he is Au­thor of the Liveries and Cognizances worn by the Lords servants, l. 4. p. 78. Invents a New Cognizance instead of the Old, ibid. the Governesse sends him Ambassadour into Spain, l. 4. p. 87. he is very gra­ciously [Page] received by the King, l. 4. p. 89. he excuseth himself to his Majesty, ibid. returnes into the Low-countries with Alexander Far [...]ezè, l. 4. p. 90. his Com­plaints occasioned by the Kings Letters, l. 4. p. 96. he writes to the Governesse of Confederation Decreed by the Nobility, l. 5. p. 99. his Vote in Senate for the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 103. he denyes to fight for the Inquisition, or the Emperours Edicts, l. 5. p. 106. he meets the Covenanters at their Feast in Culemburg house, l. 5. p. 110. he is sent by the Governesse to Centron to disturb the Convention of the Gheuses, l. 5. p. 119, 120. the Covenanters desire his mediation for them, ibid. he disputes with the Governesse touch­ing the plunder of Churches, l. 5. p. 123. resists not the Church-robberies of the Gheuses, l. 7. p. 50. speaks in Senate against a War, l. 5. p. 129. meets the rest of the Lords Conspirators at Dendermund, l. 5. p. 136. & l. 7. p. 50. his letter to Count Mansfeldt, l. 5. p. 136. his Complaints against Count Mansfeldt, and the Go­vernesse, ibid. he refuseth to enter into the new League, l. 5. p. 142. is offended with the Valenceni­ans, letter, l. 6. p. 6. sent by the Governesse to Valen­ciens, l. 6. p. 9. what his opinion is of the strength of the town, ibid. & p. 10. he promiseth to take the Oath of Allegiance, l. 6. p. 11. and doth it, l. 6. p. 14. his Conference with the Prince of Orange at Willebroc, ibid. he adheres to the Kings party, ibid. opposeth the Covenanters, ibid. breaks friendship with them, ibid. is call'd to sit in Councel with the Duke of Alva, l. 6. p. 32, 33. invites Count Horn to come likewise to the Councel-table, ibid. is Arrested in the Kings name by the Duke of Alva, ibid. imprisoned in the Castle at Gant, l. 7. p. 49. Many are Suitors to the King for his life, ibid. his Ladies humble Petition, ibid. the Crime charged against him by the Kings Advocate, ibid. & p. 50. his Answer to the Charge, ibid. divers of those particulars formerly objected a­gainst him by the Governesse, l. 7. p. 51. the Peoples affection to him, ibid. he is brought from Gant to Bruxels, ibid. sentence of Death pronounced against him by the Duke of Alva, ibid. & 22. his letter to the King, ibid. He religiously prepares himself to die, ibid. is beheaded, ibid. the Extraordinary lamenta­tion at his death, with threats and presages, confirm­ed by a strange portent, ibid. and 53. the saying of the French Ambassadour touching his execution, ibid. his Elogy, ibid. many hate and threaten Alva for putting him to Death, ibid.
  • Lancelot Barlamont, Count Megan. l. 9. p. 35. Colonel of the German Regiment, l. 10. p. 5. attempts Sichem. l. 9. p. 54. the Mutiny of his men, l. 9. p. 56. his Death, l. 10 p. 5.
  • Lancelot Bastard son to Brederod, one of the Water Gheu­ses, l. 7. p. 31. turns Pirat, ibid. Dies in the siege of Harlem, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Lanciers at the battel of Mooch, l. 8. p. 3, 4. worst the Raiters, ibid. at Gemblac, l. 9. p. 50. at Riminant, l. 10. p. 10. their Commanders in Chief, l. 8. p. 3.
  • Langafco, the Mountainous part of Liguria, l. 9. p. 32.
  • Lanoy, the town, assaulted, l. 6. p. 7.
  • Lanoy, an Heretical Calvinist, l. 3. p. 62.
  • Lanoy vide Iohn & Philip.
  • Landtgrave of Hessen vide Philip.
  • Laurentio Priulo, Duke of Venice, l. 1. p. 14.
  • Laurentio Tuccio, l. 9. p. 57. & l. 10. p. 12.
  • Lazarus Swend, l. 2. p. 41.
  • Lec, a River in Holland, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Lefdal, Servant to Count Egmont, one of the first Cove­nanters l. 5. p. 101. troubles Holland, l. 6. p. 19. is de­feated, ibid.
  • Leiden befieg'd by Valdez, l. 8. p. 6. reliev'd by a Sea­breach, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Levcadia, Patronesse of Toledo, l. 7. p. 75.
  • Leovare, a Town in Frizland, l. 7. p. 48.
  • Lepido de Romanis, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Lerodam, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Letters of Alexander Fa [...]neze to Philip the second, joy­ing his Majesty for the Victory at Gemblac, l. 9. p. 53. to his Father Octavio, Duke of Parm [...], l. 10. p. 15. to his Mother Margaret of Austria, l. 10. p. 13. to Sa­maniego, how he disswaded Don Iohn from giving bat­tel, l. 10. p. 7, 8, Of a namelesse person to the Duke of Alva, praying him to take off the tenth part, l. 7. p. 67. Of Count Egmont to Count Mansseldt, l. 5. p. 135. to the King of Spain against Granvel, l. 3. p. 72. to his Majesty after Sentence of death, l. 7. p. 52. Of the Duke of Alva, enraged, to the Provinces, l. 7. p. 67. of his son D. Federico, chiding him, l. 7. p. 78. Of the French Embassadour to Charles the ninth, touch­ing the Death of Egmont, l. 7. p. 53. Of George Frons­berg to Dan Iohn, l. 9. p. 48. Of Cardinal Granvel to the Prince of Ebolo, and the Duke of Alva, concern­ing the King of Navarre, l. 3. p. 58. Of the Spanish Officers to the King, l. 8. p. 22. Of Count Hochstrat in answer to Count Mansfeldt, l. 6. p. 12. Of Count Horn to the King against Granvell, l. 3. p. 72. Of Don Iohn to Alexander Farneze, touching the Emperour Redolph, and the Arch-Duke Matthias, l. 9. p. 39. to the King his brother, l. 10. p. 14. another counterfeit­ed and sent for his, to Fronsberg, l. 9. p. 49. Of Iohn Michese the Jew, incouraging the Calvinists at Antwerp to Rebel, l. 5. p. 139. Of Margaret of Au­stria to Philip the second, touching the dismission of the Spaniards, l. 3. p. 51. and Cardinal Granvell, l. 3. p. 68. Of Concessions made against Religion, l. 5. p. 130. Of her Letters betrayed at the Kings Court, l. 5. p. 137. Of the storming of Valenciens, l. 6. p. 8. Of the Duke of Alva's Army, l. 6. p. 27. Of the autho­rity granted to the Duke of Alva that much troubled her, l. 9. p. 48. Of her desire to be discharged from the Government, l. 6, p. 34. before her departure, l. 6. p. 36. to Granvell touching the acceptance of his Cardinals robes, l. 3. p. 54. to the Provinces against the Valence­nians, l. 6. p. 6. to the Governours of Provinces to take away Heretical Exercises, l. 5. p. 141. in answer to the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 143. to the Lady Marquesse of Bergen, when she sent a Garrison into the Town of Bergen, l. 6. p. 28. to the Duke of Alva, that he would lossen his Army, l. 6. p. 29.
  • Leva vide Alphonso & Sancho.
  • Levia Rendered to Alexander Farneze, l. 9. p. 35.
  • Levinus T [...]rentius, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Lewis of Granado, a Dominican Fryer, l. 7. p. 82.
  • Lewis of Nassau, brother to the Prince of Orange, infected with heresie in his travels, l. 9. p. 99. sets a foot a con­spiracy in Low-Countries, ibid. and in Germany, l. 5. p. 100. commands the Conspirators in chief, l. 5. p. 102. enters Bruxells with the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 107. collects money for them assisted by Brederod, ibid. at a feast with the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 110. goes with his Companions to the Governesse, l. 5. p. 111. asks leave of the Bishop of Lieg for the Gheuses to con­vene at Centron, l. 5. p. 119. offers another Petition to the Governesse, l. 5. p. 120. his Letter consenting to the Iconomachy, l. 5. p. 127. the Principal Boutefeu, ibid. & 134. his threats against Bruxels and the Gover­nesse, l. 5. p. 129. he is present in the Convention at Dendermund, l. 5. p. 134. the Kings displeasure against him, ibid. he perswades the Antwerpers to conform unto the Confession of Ausburg, l. 5. p. 138. is chosen General for the Covenanters, to raise men and mo­ney, l. 5. p. 141. followes the Prince of Orange out of the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 15. is impeached and con­demned absent, l. 7. p. 41. enters Frizland, l. 7. p. 47. takes Damme, ibid. Fights Count Aremberg and de­feats him, ibid. besiegeth the Groine, l. 7. p. 54. the [Page] number of his Forces, ibid. he encamps at Ge [...]ng, l. 7. p. 55. a mutiny in his Camp, ibid. he fights with the Duke of Alva, Ibid. & 56. loseth his Army, ibid. and Carriages, abid. his Armes and his Clothes are brought to the Duke of Alva, ibid. he flyes, ibid. his battel by the [...]yer Emmes, compared with the over­throw of Arminius by the River Visargis, ibid. Gene­ral of the Hugonots in France, he is Routed by Count Mansfeldt, l. 7. 64. he moves the French King to in­vade the Low-countries, l. 7. p. 73. take Mons in Hay­ndt, ibid. is besieged, renders the Town, l. 7. p. 76, 78. goes to Dilemburg, ibid. is defeated at Mooch, his Death, l. 8. p. 3. diverfly reported, ibid. his Elogy, Ibid.
  • Lewis de Bourbon, Prince of Conde, Enemy to the Guises, l. 3. p. 56. advanceth the Conspiracy at Ambois, l. 3. p. 57. sentenced to lose his head, l. 3. p. 58. restored to liberty and the Kings favour, ibid. is a friend to the Heretical Cause, l. 3. p. 60. his Activenesse to raise men in the Low-countries, ibid. Taken at Dort, l. 3. p. 6. Sollicites the Hereticks to plunder Churches in the Netherlands, l. 5. p. 121. is accounted one of the Co­venanting Gheuses, ibid. Favours those of Geneva, l. 6. p. 26. Perswades the King of France to fight the Spaniard, ibid. the Low-countrey Fugitives have re­course to him, l. 6. p. 34. he makes the Duke of Al­va's March an occasion to raise Forces, Ibid. he is routed at St, Denis, l. 6. p 35. renewes the war, ibid. revives the third Civil War of France, l. 7. p. 63. vide Lodwick & Lodovico.
  • Libels in France against the King and the Guises, l. 3. p. 57. in the Low-Countries against Religion, the Bi­shops, and Cardinal Granvel, l. 4. p. 77. against the Inquisition, l. 5. p. 100. one fathered upon the Knights of the Golden Fluce, l. 5. p. 112. Of Hereticks at Aut­werp for liberty of Conscience, l. 5. p. 139. another with in blood, l. 4. p. 84. one offered to the Arck-Duke for liberty of Conscience, l. 9. p. 41.
  • Liberty naturally defited by the Low-Countrey men, l. 1. p. 23. l. 8. p. 21 l. 9. p. 37.
  • Licherth, a Fort, l. 8. p. 19.
  • Lieg, a Monster born there, l. 7. p. 40. Bishop of Lieg, l. 1. p. 18. l. 5. p. 119. the Town joynes in the Associa­tion of Gant, l. 9, p. 30. gratulates Alexander [...]arneze, l. 9. p. 52. the Mambure of the Legeois, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Life contemned, l. 8. p. 12.
  • Lignius vide Iohn.
  • Lily taken for a happy Omen, l. 1. p. 8.
  • Limburg, a Province of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 16. and l. 10. p. 14, its Governour, l. 1. p. 16. recovery, l. 10. p. 4. Situation, l. 10. p. 1. Suburbs, ibid. stormed, ibid. & p. 2. the Town taken by assault, ibid. de­fended, Ibid. the Fort burnt, l. 10. p. 4.
  • [...], the Chief City of Flanders, l. 6. p. 6. against it they of Tornay and Armenter conspire, ibid. the Consisto­rial Merchants attempt to betray it, ibid. the Plot discovered, ibid. & p. 7. the City freed, ibid. the Townesmen of Lisle demolish the Fort, l. 9. p. 38. the Governour of L'Isle, l. 6. p. 7.
  • Livia's advice to Aug. Caesar, l. 9. p. 28.
  • Low-Countries, how all the Provinces were anciently consotlated under one Principality, l. 1. p. 15. Charles the fifth thought to have made them into a Kingdom, ibid. & p. 16. They are transferred by Charles the fifth to his son Philip, l. 1. p. 4. their division, l. 1. p. 15. to whom the King assigned their Governments, l. 1. p. 16. they Petition the King to take off the tenth part, l. 7. p. 67. they waver at the new [...]s of the taking of Brill by the Covenanters, l. 7. p. 72. they conspire against the Spanish l. 8. p. 20. they adhere to the Estates, onely two continuing faithful to Don Iohn, l. 8. p. 21. l. 9. p. 37, 48.
  • Low-Countrey Governour Chosen by the Lords with­out the Kings consent, l. 9. p. 3 [...]. confirmed by the Estates, l. 9. p. 39. Governour of all the Low-Coun­tries, l. 1. p. 16, 21, 25. l. 6. p. 35, 36. l. 7. p. 69, 81. l. 8. p. [...]7, 18, 19. and of every particular Province, [...]. 1. p. 16.
  • Low-Countrey Estates vide Estates.
  • Lodronius vide Albericke.
  • Lodwick Boisote, Admiral of Holland, loses his Eye in a Sea-fight, l. 8. p. 2. Defeats the Enemy, ibid. Ad­miral for the Expedition of Ziriczce, where he is drown'd, l. 8. p. [...]3.
  • Lodwick Blosius Treslong taken prisoner, l. 9. p. 35. v [...]de William and Iohn.
  • Lodovico Berlingu [...] is, son to Requesenes, defeats the Tur­kish Fleet, l. 8. p. 15. Recovers the Popes Colours, and returns them, ibid.
  • Lodovico Requesenes, great Commandor of the Knight of St. Jago, l. 8. p. 1. Embassadour to the Pope, presseth him to determine the Controversie between himself and the French Embassadour, l. 4. p. 85. Departs from Rome in great Indignation, ibid. Governour of [...] ­lain, l. 7. p. 81. Difference betwixt him and St. Charles Borromeo, l. 8. p. 15. Going from Milain he asks for­givenesse of S. Charles, ibid. Governour of the Low­countries, He receives the Provinces from the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 81. Enters upon the Government, l. 8. p. 1. Takes away the Duke of Alva's statue, i [...]st. sends a Fleet to relieve Middelburg besieged, ibid. Be­holds from the shore the losse of his men, l. 8. l. 2. Pawnes his furniture to pay the mutinous Spania [...]ds, l. 8. p. 5. Sends them to the siege of Leyden, comman­ded by Valdez, l. 8. p. 6. Proclaimes a general pardon at Bruxells, Ibid. Quiets another sedition of the Spaniards, by sending of their pay, l. 8. p. 8. Le [...]ves Count Alt [...]mpse his Forces to secure Brabant, l. 8. 29. Undertakes the Zeland Expedition, Ibid. Designes the Officers, the way, and the Souldiers, ibid. stands on the shore and views his Souldiers wading over the Sea, l. 8. p. 11. A flame seen in the form of a Crown, inclining towards him, Ibid. Takes Duveland, l. 8. p. 13. besieges Ziriczee, ibid. Performs Vitell [...]'s Fu­neral obsequies, l. 8. p. 14. His death, l. 8. p. 15. El [...]gy, ibid. Ancestors, ibid. Fortunate for Victories at [...]ea, ibid. His errors in Governing the Netherlands, l. 8. p. 16. Dying he nominates a Governour and a Gene­ral, ibid.
  • Lombere, a City, l. 2. p. 3 [...].
  • Londognia vide Sancho.
  • Lopez Figueroa, l. 7. p. 55. The piety of his Souldiers, ibid. They take the Cannon, Ibid. & 56. & open a way to victory, ibid.
  • Lopez Figu [...]oa, a Spanish Colonel brings the It [...]ian Garrisons into the Low-countries, l. 10. p. 6.
  • Lopiu Gallus, l. 6. p. 29.
  • Lords of France joyn with the heretical multitude, l 3. p. 57. Lords of Spain, neglect Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 5. Lords of the Netherlands advanc' [...] by the King to the Governments of Provinces, l. 1. p. 16. Their In­dignation, l. 3. p. 69. Accounted Patrons of the [...]ugo­nots, l. 3. p. 72. They leave the Court, l. 3. p. 76. Their Letters to the King against Granvell, l. 3. p. 72, 73. The Cognizance of their Combination invented at a Feast, l. 4. p. 78. Impatient at the power of strangers, l. 4. p. 78, 79. In obedience to the King they [...] to the Court, l. 4. p. 8. Some of them thought to be Covenanters, l. 5. p. 101. Their design to change the Government of the Low-countries, ibid. & 135. l. 7. p. 49, 50. Their private meeting at Dendermund, l. 5. p. 134. They have Intelligence of the Kings resolu­tions in Councel, l. 5. p. 137. Their cause defended in the Kings Court, l. 6. p. 22. l. 7. p. 43. They come to Councel with the Duke of Alva, l. 6. p. 33. They are impeacht, l. 7. p. 41. They refuse to give their appear­ance, Ibid. They are condemn'd in their absence, [...]bid. [Page] They take up arms against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 20, 21, 23. are offended at the Prince of Orange', power, l. 9. p. 38. Consider of a new Governour of the Low-Countries, ibid.
  • Lords, Patrons to the Commons, vindicators of the Low-Country Priviledges and liberty, vide Nobility, Covenanters, and Knights of the Golden Fleece.
  • Lorain, the Dukedome, l. 1. p. 16. p. 31.
  • Lorain, the Duke, l. 1. p. 12, 19. & l. 6. p. 26.
  • Lorain, the Cardinal, l. 3. p. 56, 61, 75. l. 7. p. 76. the Captain, l. 6. p. 31. vide Charles Christien and Fran­cis.
  • Lovein, a City. l. 5. p. 98. Faithful to the King, l. 7. p. 75. taken by the Prince of Orange, and fined, ibid. As­saulted by Gonzaga, l. 9. p. 53. rendered to Don Iohn, ibid. The famous University of Lovain, l. z. p. 31. Its priviledges, l. 7. p. 42. It raines blood near the Town, l. 7. p. 53.
  • Lovervall vide Philip.
  • Lucas Gauriem, the Mathematician, l. 1. p. 13.
  • Lucemburg, a Province of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 16. l. 6. p. 31. l. 9. p. 26. Famous for slaughter, l. 1. p. 16. Adheres to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 37. Its Governour, l. 1. p. 16. l. 4. p. 96.
  • Lumo a Marcha vide William.
  • Lutheran Heresie, l. 9. p. 42. upon what occasion it was brought from Germany into France, l. 3. p. 55. By whom it was promoted, ibid. Almost extinguisht by the King of France, ibid. It breaks out in the Low-Countries, l. 5. p. 116. The Lutherans, enemies to the Calvinists, l. 6. p. 4. Joyn with the Catholicks against them, ibid.
  • Luther vide Martin, Sermons, & Heresie.
  • Lyes, how they come to be. so artificially compos'd, l. 10. p. 4. The Advantage by them, ibid. Many times they are sprinkled with soone portion of truth, ibid. Made use of, like Scaffolds in building, lib. 5. p. 113.
Sentences in L.
  • LAWES before they passe should be debated; after they are pass'd, obeyed, l. 5. p. 105. A State cannot be more indangered, then by altering of their LAWES, Ibid. It is more dishonour to a Prince to keep LAWES in force, which his Subjects will not obey, then to apply them to their natures, and so keep his people in obedience. l. 5. p. 105. 'Tis wisdome to wave those LAWES, the Contempt whereof we have not power to punish, l. 5. p. 117.
  • They favour LEARNING, whose Actions are worthy of a Learned Pen, l. 3. p. 55. LICENTIOUSNESSE more easily increaseth, then begins, l. 6. p. 24.
  • LITTLE things are by their Littlenesse secured, l. 8. p. 24.
M.
  • MAchiavell's Institution studied by the Prince of Orange, l. 2. p. 46.
  • Machiavell, Secretary to the Governesse, sent into Spain, l. 6. p. 34. returns, l. 6. p. 35.
  • Ma [...]stricht threatens to revolt from the King, l. 6. p. 1. sues for pardon to the Governesse, l. 6. p. 15. the Em­bassage in behalf of that Town sent to the Governesse by the Bishop of Lieg, ibid. it is rendred to Norcarmi­us, l. 6. p. 16. punished, ibid. to whom the City of right belongs, l. 6. p. 15. the Spanish Garrison turn­ed out, l. 8. p. 21. they recover and plunder the town, ibid.
  • Magdalen Vlloa, Lady of Villagarcia, l. 10. p. 17, 21, 23.
  • Magistrate of Brabant not unlike to the Dictator of Rome, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Magistrate of Antwerp, l. 5. p. 112. l. 6. p. 17, 33. Of Bruxells, l. 5. p. 127. Of Bolduc, l. 6. p. 2. Of Ipre, l. 5. p. 122. Of Nam [...], l. 10. p. 22. Of Nivell, l. 9. p. 56. Of Ma [...]stricht, l. 6. p. 15. Of Valenciens, l. 6. p. 5.
  • Malberg, a Commander of Horse, l. 6. p. 1.
  • Malbuge rendred to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 57.
  • Malb [...]g, one of the Prince of Orange's Captains slain by his own men, l 7. p. 61.
  • Malta, an Island besieged by the Turk, l. 4. p. 88. l. 8. p. 14.
  • Malvezzi vide Pyrrho.
  • Mambure, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Mandevill, a Captain, l. 6. p. 28.
  • Marick de Lara, l. 6. p. 23.
  • Manriquez vide Iuan & Raphael.
  • Mansfeldt vide Charles, and Peter Ernest.
  • Marbose vide Philip.
  • Marcha, a Town, l. 9. p. 30, 49.
  • Marquisate of the Sacred Empire, a Province of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 16.
  • Marc Antonio Columna, Admiral of the Popes Fleet, l. 9. p. 45, 46.
  • Margaret of Austria, Dutchesse of Parma, her birth, Mo­ther, and Mothers Parents, l. 1. p. 20. given to the Emperours Ant to breed her up, ibid. & 21. after­wards to the Emperours Sister, ibid. delighted in hunting, ibid. Promised in Marriage to the Prince of Ferrara, ibid. designed for wife to Alexander Duke of Florence, ibid. their Nuptialls Celebrated at Naples and Florence, l. 1. p. 22. After Alex: mutther, she is married to Oct [...]vio Farneze, ibid. disagreement be­tween her and her husband, ibid. & 23. her Mascu­line Spirit and Garbe, ibid. her Wit, Prudence, and Religion, especially towards the holy Eucharist, ibid. & 24. sent for out of Italy, to govern the Low-Coun­tries, ibid. why the Netherlands were committed to her, ibid. she comes into the Low-Countries, where the King meets her, ibid. instructed by his Majesty, ibid. & 25. and a Pension assigned her, ibid. she Com­mands the Governours of Provinces to see the Em­perours Edicts observed, l. 2. p. 34. Labours to quali­fie the Lords Envy against Granvel. l. 2. p. 41. why she defers to send the Spaniards out of the Low-Coun­tries, l. 3. p. 50. she prevailes with the King to let them go, l. 3. p. 52. Orders the Foot Militia, ibid. Likes not the Prince of Orange his Marriage with P. Anne of Saxony, l. 3. p. 53. presents her with a Diamond Ring, ibid. Granvel by her means is created Cardinal by Pius the fourth, l. 3. p. 54. She doubts of sending Auxiliary horse to the King of France, l. 3. p. 60. in­stead of men, she sends him money, ibid. Quiets the Tumult raised by the Calvinists at Tornay, l. 3. p. 62. & at Valenciens, l. 3. p. 64. by her Care the Designed Bishops are brought in every one to his Sea, l. 3. p. 65. she anticipates the Agents of Brahant, by sending of her own before to Rome and Spain, l. 3. p. 66. she cer­tifies [Page] the King by Letter of Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange's alienation, l. 3. p. 67. She moves the King to remove Regnard from the Low-countries, defends Granvell to the King, l. 3. p. 68. and to the Low-Country Lords, l. 3. p. 69. gives his Majesty an account why she communicates not all concernments with the Senate, ibid. will not give way to a General Assembly of the Estates, ibid. Grants a Convocation of the knights of the Golden Fleece, ibid. what she writ to the King to sever the Interests of the Lords, l. 3. p. 70. she complains of Count Egmont to the King, l. 3. p. 73. her mind changes towards Granvell, l. 3. p. 74. l. 4. p. 79. she is active to get him sent for out of the Low-Countries, ibid. why she omitted her intended Inquiry after infamous Libels, l. 4. p. 77. she advises the Lords to leave off the incitements to new factions, l. 4. p. 78. troubled at the Report of Cardinall Gran­vels return into the Netherlands, l. 4. p. 81. Religion taken into her Care, l. 4. p. 83. she doubts in what way to proclaim the Councel of Trent, l. 4. p. 86. Sends Count Egmont into Spain, and Hallevin into Germany, l. 4. p. 87. her joy at the coming of her son Alexander, l. 4. p. 91. she sends her Fle [...] to Portugall for P. Mary Espoused to her Son Alexander, l. 4. p. 92. writes the Complaints of Count Egmont to the King, l. 4. p. 96. l. 7. p. 51. conceives and publisheth an Edict concern­ing Religion, l. 4. p. 96. informes the King of his Go­vernours Complaints upon the proposal of the Edict, l. 5. p. 98. gives his Majesty Intelligence of the Cove­nanters Designes, and of the state of the Low-Coun­tries, l. 5. p. 102, 103. She calls a Senate Extraordina­ry, ibid. her speech to the Senate, l. 5. p. 104, 105. her Answer to Brederod, l. 5. p. 108. She returns the Cove­nanters their Petition, with her Answer annexed, l. 5. p. 109. signifies to his Majesty the Actings of the Gheu ses, l. 5. p. 113. warnes the Provinces of the Gheuses Fraud, ibid. resolves to send the Marquesse of Bergen, and the Lord Montiny into Spain, ibid. & 117. sends before a secret Messenger, l. 5. p. 114. takes not the money offered her by the Popes Nuncio, l. 5. p. 115. Gives the Nuncio the Bishops several Characters, ib. her piety and prudence admired by the Nuntio, ibid. she intreats the King to pardon and Secure the Cove­nanters, ib. She banisheth strangers from Antwerp by Proclamation, l. 5. p. 117. renews Edicts the against He­retical Sermons, ibid. sends Orange and Egmont to disturb the Convention at Centron, l. 5. p. 119, 120. her too great favour to the Prince of Orange, ibid. she no­minates him Governour of Antwerp, ibid. her words to Count Egmont when she was struck with the News of the Churches being plundered, l. 5. p. 123. her words in Senate when she heard the certainty of the Sacrilegious Spoyl, l. 5. p. 128. the sum of her Consul­tation, l. 5. p. 129. she thinks to steal out of Bruxells, ibid. is stayed by Prayers and force, ibid. what she grants to the Covenanters, l 5. p. 130. she condemns her own concessions, and beseeches the King not to ratifie them, ibid. she provides in time for the Town, and for her self, ibid. reprehends Orange, Hochstrat, and Horne, for allowing Churches to H [...]reticks, ibid. she gives the King an account of the Horeticks, pro­ceedings, l. 5. p. 132. the King permits her to use Arms against them, ibid. and sends her money, ibid. & 133. she gives his Majesty Intelligence of what the Lords had decreed, l. 5. p. 134. commends to the King the fidelity of Count Mansfeldt, l. 5. p. 136. complains to the King of the betraying of her letters in his Court, ibid. & 137. premonisheth the King of the Cove­nanters Designs, ibid. and of Calvinistical books and Ministers that were to be dispersed thorow Spain, ibid. Courts the Wavering Covenanters with Letters and promises, l. 5. p. 140. begins her work against the He­reticks with prayers and humiliation, ibid. informes the King of France of the Hug [...]nots preparations, ibi [...]. and the Emperour of the Low-countrey-mens Petition that was to be presented at the Diet, ibid. she en­largeth the Militia of the Low-Countries, ibid. & 141. puts rubs in the Way of Lewis of Nossau, l. 5. p. 142. writes to his Majesty what the Covenanters had done, ibid. admits not the Covenanters with their new Pe­tition, ibid. Grants them nothing, l. 5. p. 143. sends Commanders to Bolduc, or the Bus, to settle the Com­motion, l. 6. p. 2. Commits the Expedition to Count M [...]gan, ibid. prevents the Designes of Th [...]lose, ibid. sends Beavor to fight him, who defeats Tholose, l. 6. p. [...]. Commands the Valencenians to receive a Garrison, l. 6. p. 5. upon their refusal Declares them Rebels, l. 6. p. 6. anticipates the plot of those of Torney and Armia­ter, l. 6. p. 7. subdues them both, ibid. besiegeth V [...] ­l [...]nciens by Norcarmius, l. 6. p. 8. takes it, l. 6. p. 10. for­ceth the Governours of Provinces, and the Lords, to take an Oath of fidelity to the King, l. 6. p. 11. punis [...] ­eth Brederod that refused it, ibid. & p. 12. and Ho [...] ­strat, ibid. sends Bertius to the Prince of Orange, ibid. refers the Maestrichters to Norcarnius, l. 6. p. 15. why she would not condescend to the Bishop of Liege that interceded for them, l. 6. p. 16. the Bus fears her Forces, ibid. she denyes pardon to the Antwerpers, unlesse they render the Town, l. 7. p. 17. enters Antwerp [...] a kind of Tryumph, ibid. & p. 18. restores things Sa­cred, ibid. orders the Civil State, Ibid. is hardly won to ado [...] the Embassadours of the Heretical Princes of Germany, ibid. what Answer she gave them, ibid. & p. 19. she Commits to Prison the chief of the Cove­nanters taken by her Souldiers, ibid. puts Garrisons into the Townes rendred, l. 6. p. 20. fines them, ibid. Designs Forts to be built, ibid. re-adotnes the Catho­lick Churches, ibid. destroyes the Heretical Temples, ibid. restores all the Low-Countries to their ancient tranquillity, ibid. she holds it necessary for the King to come in Person into the Netherlands, l. 6. p. 21. en­deavours to perswade him from his preparation of Armes against the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 27. takes Be­gen op Zoom in the Kings name as soon as she hears of the Marquesse of Bergens death, l. 6. p. 28. is troubled at the Newes of the Duke of Alva's coming, ibid. plea­sed again with the Kings Letters, l. 6. p. 29. makes ready a Fleet to meet the Kings in his Voyage for the Low-Countries, ibid. makes publick supplications for his prosperous Expedition, ibid. she is offended with the Duke of Alva's too large Commission, l. 6. p. 31. humbly intreats the King to discharge her of the Go­vernment, ibid. what she thought of Egmont and Hornes Captivity, l. 6. p. 34. she prayes the King to Li­cence her Departure from the Low-Countries, ibid. [...]n the interim she is very vigilant in the Civil admini­stration, ibid. by her Edict stayes the Low-Countrey men that were leaving of their Native Soyl, Ibid. Conceives another Edict in favour of the French Embassadour, ibid. receives power from the King to leave the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 35. rites to the Estates of the Low-Countries, ibid. w & 36. and to the King concerning herself and the present Con­dition of the Netherlands, and in commendation of the Low-countrey-men, ibid. surrenders the Govern­ment to the Duke of Alva, l. 6. p. 35. the Ceremonies used at her departure by the Neighbour Princes and Cities, l. 6. p. 37. and by the Low-countrey men them­selves, ibid. she leaves the Netherlands, ibid. [...] Annual Pension given her by the King, the great love shewed towards her after she was gone, ibid. the Low-countrey-men desire her again, ibid. & l. 7. p. 69. the King Resolves to send her with her Son Alexander into the Low-countries. l. 9. p. 47.
  • Margaret of Austria, daughter to the Emperour Maximi­lian the first, and to Mary Dutchesse of Burgundy be­trothed [Page] to Charles the Dolphin of France, l. 1. p. 15, 21. And so Charles the fifth mediates and makes a Peace betwixt him and Francis, l. 1. p. 12. Governesse of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 21. she breeds up the Gover­nesse Margaret of Parma, ibid.
  • Margaret Farneze Princesse of Montua, l. 9. p. 44.
  • Margaret Sister to Henry the second of France marryeth Emmanuel Duke of Savoy, l. 1. p. 13. goes into Italy, l. 1. p. 26.
  • Margaret of Vallois sister to Francis the first of France wi [...]e to Alibret King of Navarre, l. 3. p. 55, 57. how she came to hate the Pope, l. 3. p. 55. the Ostentation of her wit, ibid. what she did to advance Heresie in France, ibid. & p. 63. she undertakes the Patronage of the Hereticks, l. 3. p. 55. dyes a Catholick, ibid.
  • Margaret of Valois sister to Charles the ninth, goes to the Spaw, l. 9. p. 34. her marriage with Henry King of Na­varre, l. 7. p. 76.
  • Margaret Vangest, mother to Margaret of Austria, l. 1. p. 20. her Birth, Education, and Beauty, ibid. the Emperour falls in love with her, ibid.
  • Mary Queen of England marryed to Philip the second Prince of Spain, l. 1. p 3. l. 3. p. 71. A five years Truce by her endeavors concluded between Charles the fifth, and Henry the French King, l. 1. p. 3. she purgeth her Kingdome of Heresie, l. 2. p. 36. her Death, l. 1. p. 12, 13.
  • Mary of Austria sister to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 3. l. 5. p. 106. wife to Lodwick King of Hungary, l. 1. p. 14. l. 1. p. 21. Governesse of the Low-Countries, ib. l. 3. p. 52. l. 6 p. 3. for her love to hunting called the Foresttresse, l. 1. p. 21. she educates Margaret of Parma, ibid. resigns the Government of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 5, 11. the Emperour used her to move that his son Philip might be King of the Romans, l. 1. p. 5. she goes with her brother to Charles the fifth into Spain, ibid. her beloved Villa, l. 9. p. 57. her death, l. 1. p. 14.
  • Mary of Burgundy wife to the Emperour Maximilian, l. 1. p. 16. killed with a fall as she was hunting, l. 1. p. 21.
  • Mary Daughter to Charles the fifth, Governs Spain, l. 7. p. 43. her grief conceived upon the Commitment of Charles Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 46.
  • Mary Cocquamb, mother to Margaret Vangest, l. 1. p. 20.
  • Mary Princesse of Portugall, daughter to Iohn the third of Portugal, and wi [...]e to Philip the second of Spain, l. 4. p. 92.
  • Mary Princesse of Portugall, daughter to Prince Edward, Grandchild to King Emmanu [...]l, l. 4. p. 91, 92. designed for wife to Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma, ibid. her Nobility, ibid. her Wit and Litterature, Ibid. Sanctity of Life, ibid. precisenesse of Chastity, ibid. she weighes Anchor from Portugal, ibid. & 93. is per­secuted with a tempest, Ibid. why she would not send one to salute the Queen of England, ibid. she Courts an Heretical Lady, Ibid. arrives in the Low-countreys, l. 4. p. 94. her Nuptials Celebrated at Brux­ells and Parma, ibid. & l. 9. p. 44. she passeth from the Low-Countreys into Italy, l. 4. p. 94. is met upon the way with Royal Pomp, ibid. & 95. she Reforms Par­ma, ib. her pious Invention to obtain Sons from God, ibid. P. Alex. veneration towards her, ibid. the edu­cation of her sons, ibid. 'tis desired that she might go­vern the Low-countries, l. 7. p. p. 69. her patience on her death-bed, l. 4. p. 95. The King Condoles her death, l. 9. p. 47. the daily exercises of her life writ­ten by her self, l. 4. p. 95.
  • Mary Mendoza, l. 10. p. 23.
  • Mary Momorancy, wife to Count Mansfeldt, l. 6. p. 12. sayles for Portugall to attend Princesse Mary into the Low-Countries, l 4. p. 92. her suit for the life of her brother Count Horne, l. 7. p. 49.
  • Mary Stuart Queen of Scots, wife to Francis the▪ second of France, l. 3. p. 56. a report that she is to be married to the Emperours son, to the Prince of Spain, and to the King of Navarre, l. 3. p. 59. King Philip supplyes her with money, l. 5▪ p. 104. the Pope and the King of Spain joyn in a designe to free her from imprison­ment, l. 8. p. 16.
  • Marius Carafa, Bishop of Naples, in suit with the Vice-Roy Granvell, l. 4. p. 82.
  • Marius Carduin, l. 6. p. 3.
  • Marnixius vide Iohn & Philip.
  • Marot vide Clement,
  • Marquet the Monastery plundered, l. 5. p▪ 122.
  • Marriage of Albret of Austria, and Clara Isabella Euge­nia, l. 5. p. 132. of Alexander Farneze, and Princesse Mary of Portugal, l. 4. p. 92. & l. 9. p. 44. of Alexander Medices and Margaret of Austria, l. 1. p. 21. of Charles the Dolphin, and Margaret of Austria daughter to the Arck-Duke Maximilian, l. 1. p. 15. of Charles Em­manuel Duke of Savoy, and Katherine of Austria, l. 4. p 82, 83. l. 6. p. 35. of Charles the ninth of France, and Elizabeth daughter to the Emperour Maximilian, l. 4. p. 88. of Charles Duke of Lorain, and Claude daughter to King Henry of Feance, l. 1. p. 20. of Emmanuel Duke of Savoy, and Margaret sister to Henry the second, l. 1. p. 13. of Francis the second of France, and Mary Steuart▪ l. 3. p. 56. of Henry of Nassau, and Claudia Chalon, l. 2. p. 43. of Henry King of Navarre, and Mar­garet sister to Charles the ninth, l. 7. p. 76. of Lodowick King of Hungary, and Mary sister to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 14. & 21. of Maximilian Ark-Duke of Austria, & Mary daughter to Charles Duke of Burgundy, l. 1. p. 15. of Octavio Farneze, & Margaret of Austria, l. 1. p. 21, 22. of the Prince of Orange, and Anne Egmont, l. 3. p. 53. and Anne Princesse of Saxony, ibid. and Charlotte Bourbon, l. 3. p. 54. of Philip the second of Spain, and Mary daughter to Iohn King of Portugal, l. 4. p. 92. and Mary Queen of England, l. 1. p. 3, 14. & l. 3. p. 71. and Isabella daughter to Henry the second, l. 1. p. 12, 13. and Anne of Austria daughter to the Em­perour Maximilian, l. 7. p. 68.
  • Martinengho vide Curtius & Sarra.
  • Martin Ayala recovers Maestricht, l. 8. p. 21.
  • Martin Luther whence he took his beginning to stir up difference in Religion, l. 2. p. 33. Edicts against him and Hereticks, l. 2. p. 34. how he brought his Heresie into France, l. 3. p. 56. vide Heresie and Lutherans.
  • Martin Aspilcueta Doctor of Navarre, the Casuist, what his opinion was in the Case of Charles Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 44.
  • Martin Prutius, one of the Covenanters, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Martin Rithouvius, Bishop of Ipre, hated by the Hereticks, l. 5. p. 132. the Messenger of, and the assistant in the Deaths of Count of Egmont and Count Horne, l. 7. p. 52.
  • Masius vide Iames.
  • Masse, l. 7. p. 67. l. 10. p. 16.
  • St. Matthew the Evangelist his day alike fatal to Charles the fifth, and to his son Don Iohn of Austria. l. 10. p. 15.
  • St. Matthew's Feast the birth-day to Charles the fifth, and Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 16.
  • Matthias Arch-Duke of Austria, brother to the Emperor Rodolph, is elected Governour of the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 38. brought from Germany into the Netherlands, ibid. Jealousies concerning his private departure, l. 9. p. 39. he enters the Low-Countries, ibid. upon how many conditions he is received, Ibid. the form of obedience promised to him, ibid. his flight to Antwerp, after he heard the Newes of the losse of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 53. by the States he is confirmed Governour of the Low-Countries among the Conditions of Peace, l. 10. p. 14. they treat with the King to confirm him, l. 10. p. 23.
  • [Page] Maurice Count Nassau is born, l. 4. p. 87. baptized with Catholick Rites, but his Godfathers were Hereticks, ibid. by the United Provinces substituted in his Fa­thers place, ibid. the Companion of his Fathers fortunes, l. 7. p. 42. dyes of grief for the seige of Bre­da, l. 4. p. 87.
  • Maurice Duke of Saxony, l. 1. p. 8. marrieth his Daugh­ter Anne to the Prince of Orange, l. 3. p. 53.
  • Maximilian the first, Emperor, victorious at Guinigate, l. 1. p. 15. marrieth Mary Dutchesse of Burgundy and Blanca Sfortza, l. 1. p. 21. Artois and Burgundy are acknowledged to be his in the name of a Dowry, l. 1. p. 15. both his wives killed as they were hunting, l. 1. p. 21.
  • Maximilian the second, Emperour, promiseth Philip the second of Spain to serve him with his best endeavours, l. 4. p. 87. Disswades him from Invading the Low-Countries, l. 5. p. 133. offers himself to arbitrate the Difference between the Governesse and the Cove­nanters, ibid. writes to the Low-Countries to make a Peace, ibid. by his Edict prohibits the Germans from bearing Armes against the King of Spain, ibid. the Low-Countries desire to have him their Soveraign, l. 5. p. 135. they sue for his Parronage, l. 5. p. 138. the Go­vernesse certifies him of the Low-countrey-mens Peti­tion to be presented him at the next Diet, l. 5. p. 140. his Daughter Designed for wife to Charles Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 48.
  • Maximilian brother to the Emperour Rodolph, l. 9. p. 38.
  • Maximilian a Bergen, by Granvells means made Bishop of Cambray, l. 2. p. 41. Celebrates the marriage-Masse at the Nuptialls of the Prince of Parma, and Mary Princesse of Portugal, l. 4. p. 94.
  • Maximilian King of Bohemia, Governes Spain for King Philip, l. 7. p. 43.
  • Maximilian Hennin Count Bolduc, l. 1. p. 17. Admirall of the Belgick Seas, l. 7. p. 69. attempts Valenciens, l 6. p. 10. Convoyes the Queen into Spain, l. 7. p. 69. is Governour of Holland, he is sent by the Duke of Alva to the Brill, l. 7. p. 72. repulst, and his Fleet fired, ibid. kept out of Dort, ibid. defeated at Sea by the Covenanters and taken Prisoner, l. 7. p. 81. Forsaking the Kings Party, Commands the States Forces, l. 9. p. 50. General for the Arch-Duke Matthias and the States at the Battel of Rimenant, l. 10. p. 9. Challenged to a battel by Don Iohn, he keeps his Trenches▪ Ibid. Counterfeits to flye, l. 10. p. 10. the Site of his Camp and number of his For­ces, ibid. he renewes the fight, ibid. sounds a retreat, l. 10. p. 12. a Note upon his Management of that daies Battel, ibid. he retreats to Tillem [...]nt, l. 10. p. 13. Prince Casimir refuseth to obey him, l. 10. p. 14. vide Iohn Hennin.
  • Maximilian Rassinghem, Governour of French Flanders, l. 5. p. 123. the Armeterians conspire against him, l. 6. p. 6, 7. he encounters and destroyes them. ibid. en­ters Lisle victorious, ibid. pursues the Tornois, ibid. is sent into Spain by the Royal Senate, l. 8. p. 19. im­ployed to the King by the Deputies of the Estates and by the Senators, l. 8. p. 23. and by Don Iohn to the De­puties of the Estates, l. 9. p. 35.
  • a Maid Sacrilegiously slain in the Church, l. 10. p. 3. of 3. years old, buried, digged up again and eaten, l. 7. p. 80.
  • M [...]hlin, a fair and rich City, l. 7. p. 77. its Governour, l. 5. p. 131. l. 6. p. 12. Churches in the Town assigned to Hereticks, l. 5. p. 131. a fire there, l. 7. p. 40. the King's Garrison refused, l. 7. p. 75, 77. 'tis rendred to the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. recovered by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 77. when it was plundred, how pious the Merchants and Souldiers were, ibid. how much the Duke of Alva was hated for suffering of the spoil, Ibid. 'tis Garrisoned by the States, l. 9. p. 53. at­tempted by Gonzaga when it was too late, ibid. made an Arch-bishoprick, l. 1. p. 18. its first Archbishop, ibid. the Archbishop of M [...]hlin delivers the Popes Present to the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 64.
  • Medalls how they came in use, and accounted sacred, l. 5. p. 111.
  • Medalls of the Gheuses with the Picture and inscription of the King of Spain, l. 5. p. 110.
  • Medalls hallowed at Hall, l. 5. p. 111.
  • Megan vide Charles Brimè & Lanc [...]llot Barlamout.
  • Mehemet, son in law to the Turkish Emperour Sclimus, l. 5. p. 139. King of Tunis, l. 10. p. 21.
  • Meinser, one of the first Covenanters, l. 5. p. 101.
  • Melancthon vide Philip.
  • Mendoza vide Antonio Bernardino Didaco & Maria. Menin, a Town, l. 5. p. 1 [...]. 2.
  • Mentz, the Bishop and Elector, l. 2. p. 30. l. 5. p. 134.
  • Merchants bring in Heresie to the Low-countries, l. 2. p. 36. one of them procures 3000 of Calvins volumes, l. 5. p. 137. and payes the Prince of Orange's Army; they fortifie themselves at Antwerp, l. 7. p. 58. they conspire with the Gentlemen Covenanters, l. 5. p. 137 raise money, l. 5. p. 139. joyn with the Tornay Gheuses, l. 6. p. 6. the great mens differences put them out of heart, l. 6. p. 15. they transfer their Manifactures to Neighbour nations, l. 6. p. 21. l. 7. p. 65. they steal out of the Low-countries into England, l. 6. p. 34. [...]ri­bute imposed upon them by the Duke of Alva, l 7. p. 65, 69. the piety of the Antwerp Merchants, l. 7. p. 77. their losse when the Town was plundered, l. 8. p. 24.
  • Merchandise of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 14. l. 7. p. 66. of the Indies, ibid.
  • Mercurius Arboreus, Cardinal Gatinar the Emperours Chancellor, l. 2. p. 39.
  • Merodius, Lord of Petersemi sent by the Governesse to the Bus, l. 6. p. 2. Contumeliously used by the People, ibid. l. 6. p. 16. released and returned to the Gover­nesse, ibid. vide Bernard.
  • Messenger of Victory, l. 7. p. 56, 75. l. 9. p. 53. Of the last necessity, l. 7. p. 52.
  • Mettle Sacred vide Medalls.
  • Metz taken by the French, attempted in vain by the Emperour, l. 1. p. 8.
  • Michael Hernandes, a Jesuite upon the shore with Re­quesenes, prayes for the men that are to wade the [...]ea, l. 8. p. 11.
  • Michael Hovey, 3. p. 64.
  • Michese vide Iohn Michese.
  • Midelburg receives a Garrison from the Governesse, l. 6. p. 20. is besieged by the Zelanders, l. 8. p. 1. a F [...]eet sent to relieve it by Requesenes, Ibid. & p. 2. rendered▪ to the Hereticks, ibid. the Townsemen redeem the plunder with a sum of money, ibid.
  • Milain, l. 6. p. 30. the Milian-Regiment, ibid. the Go­vernment of Milain▪ l. 7. p 65.
  • Military Discipline observed, l. 6. p. 31. funeral po [...]p, l. 1. p. 22. Stratagem, l. 8. p. 21. Piety, l. 7. p. 57, 77.
  • Military Proverb vide Proverb.
  • Militia of the Foot strengthened with a new invention, l. 6. p. 30, 31.
  • Militia of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, and St Iohns of Hierusalem vide Knights.
  • Militi [...] of Horse disposed, l. 1. p. 17. and of the Foot, l. 3. p. 52.
  • Militia of the Low-Countries new-modelled, l. 6. p. 30.
  • Miracles, l. 5. p. [...] 31. l. 9. p. 40. l. 10. p. 5.
  • Mode of Combing up the hair before, l. 10. p. 21. of the Ammonites and Spaniards in punishing Women, [...]. 7. p. 74.
  • Mooch, a Village, l. 8. p. 3. the battel, ibid. the descrip­tion of the fight, ibid.
  • [Page] Moulin, a Lawyer, l. 3. p. 66.
  • Mombrune, a French Colonel, l. 6. p. 26.
  • Momorancy vide Anne, Florence Lord of Montiny Heleonor, Iohn, Mary & Philip.
  • Mompencier, the Duke, l. 3. p. 54.
  • Monastery of St. Michael, l. 8. p. 22. of Greenvale, l. 7. p. 46.
  • Mondragonio vide Christopher.
  • Monfort, a Town, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Money the best Spy to discover Princes Councels, l. 5. p. 137. it Buyes out Hostile Injury, l. 7. p. 75. sent by Gregory the 13. to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 36. lent him by Alexander Farneze, l. 10. p. 16. sent to Alexander Farneze by the King, l. 9. p. 48. and to the Governesse, l. 1. p. 25. l. 4. p. 90. l. 5. p. 132. to the Queen of Scots, l. 5. p. 104. and to his Great Commanders in the Low-countreys. l. 10. p. 7. and to the Bishops, l. 2. p. 32. to the Duke of Alva by Pius the fifth, l. 7. p. 57. offered by his Holinesse to Margaret of Austria, but refused, l. 5. p. 115. lent by Don Iohn to the Deputies of the Estates, l. 9. p. 32. by the Governesse sent into France, l. 3. p. 60. Collected by the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 139, 141. taken by the Conquerors in the sack of Antwerp, l. 8. p. 5, 24. got by the Prince of Orange, and how, l. 7. p. 58. vide Plunder, Stipend, & Tribute.
  • Monster at Liege, l. 7. p. 40.
  • Montesdocha vide Francisc.
  • Mons, a Town of Haynolt, l. 7. p. 73. taken by Lewis of Nassau, ibid. besieged by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 47. the fight before they suffered him to Encamp, ibid. the Fortifications of the Besiegers, ibid. a Monastery neer the Town taken, ibid. Auxiliaries sent to the Town by Coligny, Ibid. the Prince of Orange comes to relieve it, l. 7. p. 75. it is rendred to the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 77. a discription of the recovery of Mons, ibid.
  • Montiny vide Emmanuel & Florence.
  • Montio vide Camillo & Giovanni Baptista.
  • Monumental pillar erected where Culemburg house stood, l. 7. p. 42.
  • Monument Votive, l. 7. p. 48.
  • More beyond, being the Motto of Charles the fifth, (under the figure of Hercules Pillars) More on this side, was applyed by way of Jeer, l. 1. p. 8.
  • Moron reported to be burnt alive with a soft fire, l. 5. p. 107.
  • Mose, a River, l. 8. p. 7. foorded by an Army with strange Artifice, ibid. Mulct imposed upon a Regiment, l. 7. p. 58. upon those that refused to take up Armes, l. 8. p. 20.
  • Muleasses King of Tunis, l. 10. p. 21.
  • Mott vide Valentine Pardieu.
  • Mustapha Counsellor to Selimus, l. 5. p. 139.
  • Mustapha, Teasurer to the Turkish Fleet, l. 9. p. 46.
  • Musters vide Army.
  • Musquetoons, used first in field service by the Duke of Alva, l. 6. p. 31. l. 7. p. 55.
  • Musqueteers on horseback, l. 8. p. 3. l. 9. p. 50. l. 10. p. 10. Foot Musqueteers, l. 6. p. 7. l. 8. p. 11. l. 9. p. 50. l. 10. p. 9.
  • Mutino vide Stephano.
  • Mutio Pagano, Commander of Horse, goes for the Low-countreys with Requesenes, l. 7. p. 81. ventures in­to the bogg with Alexander Farneze, l. 9. p. 51. at the battel of Rimenant, l. 10. p. 9. Governour of the Town of Areschot, l. 10. p. 13. his death, ibid.
Sentences in M.
  • IT is MADNESSE to hope for Mercy when Subjects have received an Angry and an armed Prince. l. 5. p. 135.
  • Their MANNERS either absolve or condemn every one, l. 5. p. 136.
  • It is very considerable whether MISFORTUNES succeed or meet, l. 2. p. 48.
  • MODESTY sets off one newly come to Honour, l. 10. p. 18.
  • Nothing is so pernicious to MONARCHY, as when the people are taught publickly to contest with their Prince. l. 2. p. 32.
  • Ready MONEY is not so refused, as when it is onely promised. l. 8. p. 6.
  • A MULTITUDE is easiest Pardoned; and where all offends, none suffers, l. 7. p. 67.
N.
  • NAked men fighting in a battel, l. 10. p. 11.
  • Namur, a City and Province of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 15. faithful to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 37. its Gover­nour, l. 1. p. 16. Bishop, l. 7. p. 73. Magistrate, l. 10. p. 22. Castle surprized by Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 35.
  • Nancy, the battel, there, l. 1. p. 15.
  • Narbon, the bishop, l. 2. p. 30.
  • Nardhem, a Town in Holland, l. 7. p. 78. Razed, ibid.
  • Nassan, the Earldome, l. 7. p. 77. the Nobility thereof, l. 2. p. 43.
  • Nassau vide Adolph, Engelbert, William, Henry, Iohn, Lewis, Maurice, Otho, Philip, and Renatus, or R [...]ne.
  • Nature probably conjecturd to be evil, l. 7. p. 43.
  • Navarr the Kingdome, l. 3. p. 58. made a Province to Spain, l. 7. p. 82. its Vice-Roy, l. 7. p. 68. l. 10. p. 6.
  • Navarr vide Anthony Bourbon, Henry & Peter.
  • Navarin besieged, l. 9. p. 47.
  • Navarr vide Martin Doctor Navarr.
  • Naples, l. 1. p. 22. l. 3. p. 59.
  • Ncapolitan Regiment, l. 6. p. 30. Archbishop, l. 4. p. 81. Vice-Roy, ibid. Monastery, l. 10. p. 23.
  • Nervii besiege Quintus Ciccro in his Winter-Quarters, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Newport, a Town of Flanders, l. 8. p. 21.
  • Nicolao Basta, l. 6. p. 30.
  • Nicolao Caesio, l. 10. p. 2, 10, 11. his valour, l. 10. p. 12.
  • Nicolao Ormanetto, Bishop of Padua, departs from the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 37. the Popes Agent to the King of Spain, l. 8. p. 16. moves the King to make Don Iohn Governour of the Low-Countries, ibid.
  • Nicolao Vitelli, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Nicholas Lord of Granvel, l. 2. p. 39.
  • Nicholas Hames Tosond'or, or Herold to the Knights of the Golden Fleece, l. 5. p. 101.
  • Night illuminated with Torches burning in the skye, l. 8. p. 11.
  • n [...]ghtly Coventicles of Hereticks, l. 5. p. 116. famous for two Armies fighting in the Ayr, l. 7. p. 59.
  • Niguio vide Gabriel.
  • Nimenghen, l. 8. p. 3.
  • Nivell, a Town, l. 9. p. 56. rejects Count Mansfeldt, ibid. makes conditions with Don Iohn, ibid.
  • Nobility of the Low-Countries, l. 2. p. 34. l. 4. p. 94. their Complaints and grievances, l. 2. p. 29. l. 3. p. 75. how [Page] they were grounded; l. 2. p. 38, 39. l. 3. p. 75. disputed against, l. 2. p. 30, 31. their alienation from the Spaniards whence it proceeded, l. 2. p. 37. their discontents in­creased by reason of Granvells power, l. 2. p. 39. l. 3. p. 65, 66. their emulation, malice and endeavours against Granvel, l. 2. p. 41. l. 3. p. 67, 72. l. 4. p. 79. the like Conspi­racies of the French and Low-countrey Noble-men, l. 3. p. 55, 61. they post up scandalous Libells, l. 4. p. 77. their joy for Granvels departure, l. 4. p. 80 a rumour of their Conspiracy against the Edict proposed by the Gover­nesse, l. 5. p. 99. how they came to be infected with He­resie, ibid. how they came to procure Liberty of Conscience, ibid. & p. 100. they sound the affecti­ons of the Heretical Princes of Germany, ibid. they mutiny at the promulgation of the Edict, ibid. they publish books to seduce the people, ibid. in threat­ning manner they Inveigh against the Edict, Ibid.
  • Norcarmius vide Philip.
  • Norryes vide Iohn.
  • Novellaria, the Count, l. 7. p. 60.
  • Nuncio sent by the Pope to the Emperour, l. 9. p. 39. to the French King, l. 3. p. 58. to the King of Spain, l. 5. p. 114, 132. l. 8. p. 16. l 9. p. 37. to the Vice-Roy of Naples, l. 4. p. 81. into the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 18, 24. l. 3. p. 65. l. 5. p. 114. l. 7. p. 64. l. 9. p. 36.
  • Nyssus sent into Spain by the Brabanters, l. 3. p. 66.
Sentences in N.
  • SOme mens NATURE is easiest Cured with Lenitives, if Violence be offered they will strugle, they are to be led; not driven, l. 9. p. 29.
  • No NAKED man is sought after to be rifled, l. 8. p. 24.
  • It is a great support of Power to joyn in alliance with NEIGHBOUR Princes, l. 4. p. 91.
  • NO difficulty to put them upon any Resolutions, that are resolved to dye, l. 8. p. 13.
  • NO such Conquering VVeapon, as the Necessity of Conquering, l. 8. p. 13.
  • NOTHING is to be presumed upon, or despaired of, l. 8. p. 25.
O.
  • OAth of the Prince of Bra [...]ant at his Inaguration, l. 2. p. 30. of the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 107. required by the Low-Countrey Lords, l. 6. p. 11, 15. Made to the Prince of Orange by the Cities of Holland, l. 7. p. 72. to the King of Spain by the Low-countrey Lords, l. 7. p. 83. by Charles the eighth imposed upon the Pisanes, and Florentines, l 9. p. 34. Proposed to the Jesuites by the Hereticks of Antwerp, l. 9. p. 39.
  • Obsequies of Count Aremberg, l. 7. p. 54. of Count Bar­lamont and his Son, l. 10. p. 51. of Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 7. of Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 22. of Vitelli, l 8. p. 14.
  • Occasion of the Low-country War, vide Belgick War and Tumult.
  • Octavio Farneze Nephew, that is, Grandchild to Pope Paul the third, Perfect of Rome, and Duke of Camer­tio, marties the Daughter of Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 22. his Wit and Civil Arts, l. 9. p. 42. Bounty, ibid. Mo­deration in his Joy, l. 9. p. 43. Piety, ibid. Services in Germany and Italy, ibid. Preparations for the War, l. 9. p. 42. the Order of the Fleece bestowed upon him by Charles the fifth, ibid. Advanced to the Principa­lity of Parma and Piacenza, ibid. & l. 1. p. 23. he de­fends Parma for a whole year besieged, l. 9. p. 42. Pia­cenza restored to him, ibid. he goes with the Emperor into Africa, l. 1. p. 23. falls desperately sick, Ibid. re­turns to Rome, ibid. Joyns with the Spaniard against the French, l. 9. p. 42. Serves as a Voluntier in the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 24. in respect to him his Wife is Created Governesse of the Low-countries by the King, ibid. be waits upon his Majesty to meet his Wife de­signed Governesse, Ibid. perswades her to dismisse the Spanish Souldiers, l. 3. p. 50. she brings him two sons at a birth, l. 9. p. 43. he delivers his son to Philip the second, then in the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 44. his Opi­nion touching the Marriage of his son Alexander, l. 4. p. 91. his Judgment of the Amity of Neighbour Prin­ces, ibid. he Consents to march his son with Princess Mary of Portugal, ibid. & p. 92. from Italy he comes into the Low-Countries to his sons Nuptialls, l. 4. p. 94. meets his Wife Margaret of Austria inher return from the Netherlands, l. 6. p. 37. likes not his sons Resoluti­on to accept the Government of the Low-Countries, l. 10. p. 15.
  • Octavio Gonzaga, brother to the Prince of M [...]lphe [...], comes into the Low-countries with Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 26. disswades Don Iohn from sending the Sp [...] ­niards out of the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 27. General of the Horse at the Battel of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 50. con­firmed by the King, l. 10. p. 7. receives Lovain, l. 9. p. 53. attempts Mechlin and Villvord, ibid. money sent him by the King, l. 10. p. 7. delivers his Opinion at a Councel of War for fighting the States Army, though they were intrenched, l. 10. p. 8. fights at R [...] ­menant, l. 10. p. 12. his Place in the [...]uneral of Don Iohn of Austria, l. 10. p. 22.
  • Odoardo Cardinal Farneze obtained of God by the Pray­ers of Princesse Mary of Portugall, l. 4. p. 95. l. 9. p. 44.
  • Offences how they began to rise in the Low-Countries, l. 2. p. 46, 47.
  • Olennius the Romane Exactor of the Belgick Tribute, l. 7. p. 70.
  • Olhain, one of the first Covenanters, l. 5 p. 10 [...].
  • Olivera vide Antonio.
  • Omen in a sinister sense, l. 1. p. 22. vide Prodigy.
  • Orange vide William.
  • Oration, or Counsel, or Speech of Alexander Farneze to Don Iohn at a Counsel of War, l. 10. p. 7. at another time, l. 10. p. 14. of Albret to the King of Navarre her Husband against the Catholicks, l. 3. p. 57. of Duke Areschot in Senate against the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 103. of the same against the Valencenians, l. 6. p. 9. of Ba [...] ­berino to the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 62. of Count Barla­mont against the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 103. of the Mar­quis of Bergen to the Prince of Ebolo, l. 6. p. 27. of Brederod in the Name of the Covenanters to the Go­vernesse, l. 5. p. 108. of the same to the Antwerpers, l. 5. p. 112. of the Emperour at his Resignment to the Estates of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 4. of the same to his son Philip, when he transferred his King­domes to him, ibid. of the same performing his own Funeral Rites, l. 1. p. 17. of the Prince of Conde and Gasper Coligny to Charles the ninth of France, perswa­ding him to fight the Spaniards, l. 6. p. 26. of Count Egmont to the Valencenians, to bring them in obedi­ence, l. 6. p. 9. of the Duke of Alva to his son Duke Federico, when he Commanded him to fight the Ene­my, l. 7. p. 61. of the same to the King of Spain, per­swading [Page] him to a War with the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 23, 24. of the same in answer to Barberino, l. 7. p. 62. of his Councel disswading the Exaction of the tenth part, l. 7. p. 69. of the Duke of Feria to the King, ar­guing against a War, l. 6. p. 24. of Gallus by way of unfriendly advice to Ischius, l. 9. p. 26, 27. of Granvel against the Prince of Orange, l. 3. p. 68. of the same to his friends, l. 4. p. 79. of the Governesse in Senate. that the Covenanters should not be admitted, l. 5. p. 104. of the same in answer to the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 108. of the same to the Senate touching the Violation of sacred things, l. 5. p. 128. of the Here­ticks against Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 34. of the Spaniards leaving the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 30. of the enemy reviling and wounding the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 12. of a Jesuite to the Mutineers, l. 8. p. 6. of Escovedo move­ing Don Iohn to send away the Spaniards, l. 9. p. 28. of the same to compose a mutiny among them, l. 9. p. 31. of the Embassadours from the Heretical Princes of Germany to the Governesse in Senate, l. 6. p. 18. of the Lords against the King, l. 2. p. 38. of Octavio Gon­zaga, disswading Don Iohn to part with the Spaniards, l. 9. p. 27. of the Prince of Orange against the King, l. 5. p. 104. of the same at his departure from the Low-Countries, to Count Egmont, l. 6. p. 14. of the Estates desiring they might not pay the tenth part, l. 7. p. 65. of Osorius Ulloa animating his men, l. 8. p. 11. of Cap­tain Pacecho dying to his fellow Souldiers, l. 8. p. 12. of Petrieus the Centurion to his Companions in Armes, ibid. of Philibert Bruxellius for the Emperor, at his abdication, to the Estates of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 4. of Ruigomtz a Silva, Prince of Ebolo, to put off the King from a War with the Low Countries, l. 6. p. 23. of Scaremberg in Answer to the Embassadors from the German Hereticks, l. 6. p. 18. of the Seditious Valencenians, l. 3. p. 64. of the Mutinous Spaniards against Avila, l. 8. p. 4. of the same to a Jesuite exhorting them, l. 8. p. 5. of the Senators at Bruxells, for the Imperial Edicts, l. 5. p. 105. of others against them, ibid. & 106. their joynt answer to the Covenanters, ibid. touching the dismission of the Spaniards, l. 3. p. 51. of the People against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts, l. 2. p. 35.
  • Ordination of the Low-Countrey Provinces, l. 1. p. 16. of the Horse-Militia, l. 1. p. 17. of the Foot Militia, l. 3. p. 52. of the Bishopricks, l. 1. p. 17.
  • Order of the Golden Fleece, when and by whom Institu­ted, l. 1. p. 17. l. 4. p. 94. vide Knights.
  • Order of St. Stephen Instituted by Cosmo Duke of Flo­rence, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Original of the Belgick Conspiracy, l. 5. p. 99. vide Gentlemen Covenanters.
  • Ormanceto vide Nicolao.
  • Osnaburg the Bishop, l. 7. p. 51.
  • Osorio vide Iuan.
  • Osteat in the Heavens portending the Low-Country Tu­mults, l. 7. p. 53. l. 8. p. 11. vide presages and Prodi­gies.
  • Osservell, a Village, l. 6. p. 3, 4. the Battel, ibid. descrip­tion of the fight, ibid.
  • Otho Count Obersten, Colonel of the Germans, sent for out of Germany with his Regiments to the siege of Valenciens, l. 5. p. 132. receives the Duke of Alva at his Entrance into the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 31. For­tifies Antwerp against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 22. the un­happy fortune of his flight, l. 8. p. 25.
  • Otho Nassau. l. 2. p. 43.
  • Oudenaerd the Town, taken and plundered by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. the Devastation of things Sa­cred there, by the Sacrilegious, l. 5. 126.
  • Overysel, a Province of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 16. its Governour, Ibid. Iconomacby, l. 5. p. 126. Cities re­volted from the King, l. 7. p. 73.
  • Oudewater, a Town, l. 7. p. 72. l. 8. p. 8.
  • Owning of Don Iohn vide Agnition.
Sentences in O.
  • MAny OFFER their service with huge Courtship to such as they know will not accept it, l. 5. p. 141.
  • Some ingraft an OPINION whilest they are over sollicitous to eradicate it, l. 4. p. 97.
P.
  • PAcecho vide Francisco Cardinal Pacecho & Isidor. Pacification of Gant, l. 8. p. 20. the heads of it weigh­ed, l. 9. p. 30. both parts subscribe it, ibid. it is appro­ved of by the King, Ibid. published by Don Iohn, ibid. vide Association.
  • Paciotto vide Francisco.
  • Pagano vide Mutio.
  • Palatine the Count, Prince Elector of the Empire, a favourer of the Low-countrey Rebels, l. 5. p. 100. l. 7. p. 58. his Death, l. 1. p. 1. 14. vide Elector, Frederick, Christopher & Iohn.
  • Palace at Bruxels; l. 1. p. 3. at Antwerp, l. 8. p. 23.
  • Pandupho Cenamio of Lucca, Commander of French For­ces, l. 9. p. 57.
  • Papists how they came to be so Called, l. 3. p. 57.
  • Pardieu vide Valentine.
  • Pardo, a Village of the King of Spains, l. 10. p. 19.
  • Pardon general published in the Low-countries, l. 7. p. 67. sued for by the Governesse, ibid. granted by the King, ibid. Promulgated by the Duke of Alva, ibid. and by Requesenes, l. 8. p. 6.
  • Parish-Priest at Masse exhorts the People to fight for li­berty, l. 7. p. 72.
  • Paris, l. 1. p. 11. l. 3. p. 63. l. 6. p. 35. an University there founded, l. 3. p. 55. a fatal marriage there celebrated, l. 7. p. 76.
  • Parma joyed at the Coming of Princesse Mary of Por­tugal, and by her Reformed, l. 4. p. 95.
  • Parma the Prince, vide Alexander Farneze.
  • Parma the Governesse, vide Margaret of Austria Dutchess of Parma.
  • Parma the Duke vide Octavio.
  • Paul the third, of the house of Farneze, Pope, l. 1. p. 22. goes to Nice to meet the Emperour and the French King, ibid. takes a Journey to Lucca, to the Empe­rour, carrying with him Octavio and Margaret, l. 1. p. 23. dislikes the Expedition of Algiers. ibid. delivers Octavio, to the Emperour bound for Africa, ibid. sends Forces to serve the Emperour beyond the Alpes, un­der the Command of Octavio, l. 9. p. 42. begins the Councel of Trent, Ibid. his prediction of his Grand­child Alexander Farneze, ibid. & p. 43.
  • Paul the fourth, P. M. how he established the Inquisi­tion at Rome, l. 2. p. 33. a War between him and the Spaniard, l. 8. p. 33, 34. his Death, l. 1. p. 14.
  • Paulo Guinichi, Prince of Lucca, l. 8. p. 2.
  • Paulo Rinaldo, l. 10. p. 4.
  • Paulus Termus the French General invades the maritime [Page] parts of Flanders, l. 1. p. 11. overcome at Graveling, ibid. & p. 12.
  • Paulo Vitelli, l. 9. p. 45.
  • Peace when it is to be hoped for, l. 1. p. 12. concluded by the mediation of Women, ibid-agitated, l. 9. p. 49. l. 10. p. 5, 6, 14. vanishing, l. 8. p. 9. l. 9. p. 49. restored to the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 21. diflembled by Charles of France with the Hugonots, l. 7. p. 73. the opinion touching breach of peace with the Spaniards, ibid. peace be­tween Charles King of France, and Maximilian Arch-Duke of Austria, and his son Philip, l. 1. p. 15. between Lewis the eleventh of France, and the same Maximi­lian, ibid. between Philip the second, and Henry the French King, l. 1. p. 12. vide Cessation of Armes and Truce.
  • People, never constant, l. 2. p. 34. over-joyed to see the fall of powerful men, l. 4. p. 80. easily believing what they wish, l. 5. p. 112. Ambitious to be made Judges of Religion, l. 1. p. 10. desirous to shew their Coun­tries wealth and power to strangers, l. 2. p. 45. they Design a Governesse for the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 19. Sollicited by the Nobility to oppose the Inquisition, l. 5. p. 101. their boldness, l. 1. p. 71. their acclama­tions to the Prince of Orange upon the high way, l. 5. p. 118. their opinion touching the imprisonment of the two Lords, l. 7. p. 51. their love to Count Egmont, ibid. their shoutes when they saw the G [...]enses, l. 5. p. 107, 108, 110. their Alacrity in pulling down He­retical Temples, l. 6. p. 20. their hatred to the Duke of Alv [...], l. 7. p. 51, 64, 70. to the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 19. to Granvel, l. 2. p. 41, 42. vide Hatred, their joy for his departure, l. 4. p. 80. and at the breaking of the Duke of Alva's Statue, l. 9. p. 38. their fear by reason of Domestick and external rigour, l. 7. 46. their popu­lar government in the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 39, their Conspiracy, l. 5. p. 115. they of Antwerp favour Bre­dered. l. 5. p. 112.
  • Peralta vide Gabriel.
  • Pirotto vide Pedro Antonio Pirotto.
  • Perez vide Anton.
  • Pesti lence in his house that made a mock of it, l. 9. p. 41.
  • Petition to the Arch-Duke for liberty of Conscience, l. 9. p. 41. to the Governesse, presented by the Cove­nanters, l. 5. p. 102. the Contents thereof, l. 5. p. 108. another, l. 5. p. 142. the Countesse of Egmonts Petiti­on, l. 7. p. 49.
  • Petreius, the Centurion, l. 8. p. 12.
  • Pedro Antonio Perott [...], in the battel of Mo [...]ch, l. 8. p. 3. his gallant attempt, l. 8. p. 4. styled the Paladine of Ita­ly, ibid. in the battel of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 51. in the fight at Rimenant, l. 20. p. 12.
  • Pedro Cebellio, a Spanish Captain, l. 5. p. 21.
  • Pedro Ciacconio, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Piedro Busto, a Commander of the Italians, l. 7. p. 81.
  • Pedro Camaiano, Bishop of Asculum the Popes Agent to the King of Spain, l. 5. p. 114. exhorts the King to a War with the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 21.
  • Pedro Francisco Nicello, l. 9. p. 45.
  • Pedro Henri quez, l. 9. p. 54.
  • Pedro Nava [...]re, a Commander in the Isle of Gerben, l. 7. p. 82.
  • Pedro Taxio, l. 8. p. 24.
  • Pedro de Toledo, Marquiss of Villa Francha, comes from Spain into the Low-Countries, l. 10. p. 6. his place at the Funeral of Don Iohn, l. 18. p. 22.
  • Peter Trigose a [...]esuite, to what he perswaded-the Antwerp Merchants, l. 7. p. 77. to what the Mutinous Souldiers, ibid.
  • Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt, Governour of Lucemburg, l. 1. p. 16. the first that promiseth to take the Oath of fidelity, l. 6. p. 11. sent with the Fleet to transport Princess Mary from Portugall, l. 4. p. 91. high in the Kings esteem, l. 5. p. 135. l. 8. p. 17. his disposition, l. 5. p. 136. combines with other Lords against Granve [...]l, l. 3. p. 75. is with the Gentlemen Covenanters in the Prince of Orange his house, l. 5. p. 107. opposeth some of them, ibid. gives his Vote in Senate against the Co­venanters, l. 5. p. 103. is enraged at his son for joyn­ing with them, ibid. discovers to the Governess many particulars, concerning the Gheuses, and their De­sign, l. 5. p. 121. his opinion of the I [...]onomachy in the Netherlands, l. 5. p. 127. of Lewis of Nassau, ibid. of using Armes to suppress the Gheuses, l. 5. p. 129. is Lievtenant Governour of Bruxells for the Governe [...]s, l. 5. p. 130. Count Egmonts Letter to him, l. 5. p. 136. his answer, ibid. ready to serve the King in all things, ibid. & l. 8. p. 17. the Duke of Alva sends him Ge­neral into France, l. 7. p. 64. there he gives a totall Rout to Lewis of Nassau's horse fighting for the Hu­gonots, ibid. his right Arme shot, ibid. he writes to Margaret of Parma what the Duke of Alva did in the Low-Countries, l. 7. p. 68. endeavours to pacifie the seditious Spaniards, l. 8. p. 18. is designed by Requeseres on his death-bed Commander in Chief of the Low-Countrey Militia, l. 8. p. 16. violently taken out of the Senate and committed to Prison, l. 8. p. 20. Chosen to Command the Spanish Army departing out of the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 32. Camp Master in the battel of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 50. his Vote in a Councel of War, l. 10. p. 8. his place at Don Iohn's Funeral, l. 10. p. 22.
  • Philibert Chalon the last of the Chalons that was Prince of Orange, l. 2. p. 43.
  • Philibert Bruxellius speaks to the Estates of the Low-Countries for the Emperour, when he resigned. l. 1. p. 4. appointed by the Governess to examine the Tumults at Valenciens, l. 3. p. 62. in Senate he reads a Letter touching the Lords Conspiracy, l. 5. p. 103.
  • Philipland, a Desert Island, l. 8. p. 10, 13.
  • Philipland besieged, l. 9. p. 57. its site, Ibid. Governour, l. 9. p. 58. 'tis invaded, ibid. rendred, ibid.
  • Philip the first son to the Emperour Maximilian, and Mary Dutchesse of Burgundy, l. 1. p. [...]7.
  • Philip the second son to Charles the fifth, and Isabella of Portugal is born, l. 1. p. 9. l. 4. p. 92. why publick joy was forbidden at his birth, l. 1. p. 9. he marryeth Ma­ry Daughter to Iohn the third of Portugal, l. 4. p. 92. Mary Queen of England married to him, l. 1. p. 3 [...]4. l. 3. p. 71. the English love him not, l. 1. p. 9. he moves his father and hastens his Resignment of the Low-countries, ibid. the Emperour resigning makes him Master of the Order, l. 1. p. 3. l. 5. p. 107. all the Em­perours Kingdomes given him, l. 1. p. 5. l. 2. p. 30. what answer he made to one that minded him of the Anniversary day of his Fathers Abdication, l. 1. p. 6. he makes the Duke of Savoy Governour of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 11. concludes a Truce with Henry the second of France, ibid. is at War with the Pope, ibid. sets the Queen of England at difference with the French, ibid. victorious at St. Quintin, ibid. receives a blow at Calice, ibid. beats the French at Graveling, ibid. & p. 12. makes a peace with the French, ibid. marrieth Isabella daugther to Henry King of France, ibid. thinks of returning into Spain, l. 1. p. 14. settles the State of the Low countries, ibid. Political, l. 1. p. 16. Military, l. 1. p. 17. and Sacred, ibid. and l. 2. p. 29. Convenes the Estates and the Knights of the Golden Fleece at Gant, l. 1. p. 18. Creates Margaret of Austria Gouernesse of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 19, [...]4. makes some New Knights of the Order, l. 1. p. 25. l. [...]. p. 46. treats with the Deputies of the States, ibid. & 26. goes for Spain, ibid. as he was hunting acknow­ledges Don Iohn for his brother, l. 10. p. 18. angry with him for offering to steal away to the War of Malta, ibid. & 19. offended at his fortifying Tnn [...]s; ibid. suspects him, ibid. the people discourse and [Page] Judgment against the King, ibid. others are for him, l. 2. p. 35. the diversity of his, and his Fathers Dispo­sition, l. 2. p. 38. he delayes the revocation of the Spa­niards from the Low-countries, l. 3. p. 50. l. 9. p. 27. his reason for it, l. 9. p. 32. he recalls them, l. 3. p. 52. Com­mands the Governesse to send assistance to the King of France, l. 3. p. 55, 60, 61, 71, 72. offers Sardinia to the King of Navarre, l. 3. p. 59. his Letters touching the marriage of the Queen of Scotland, l. 3. p. 59. he sends from Italy Auxiliaries into France, l. 3. p. 60. gives his reasons for increasing the Low-countrey Bi­shops, l. 3. p. 71. defends Granvel, ibid. his answer to the Letter signed by Count Egmont, the Prince of Orange, and Count Horne, l. 3. p. 73. a false rumor of his being murthered. l. 4. p. 77. his Commands to the Governesse concerning infamous Libels, ibid. and the Cognizances given by the Lords, ibid. & 78. and the punishment of Hereticks, l. 4. p. 84. he sends away Granvell from the Low-Countries, l. 4. p. 79. goes to take possession of the Kingdome of Portugal, l. 4. p. 82. seriously commends to the Governesse the Care of Religion, l. 4. p. 83. instructs her how to in­tercept the Hereticks, ibid. his bounty to English Exiles, ibid. his earnestnesse in receiving the Coun­cel of Trent, l. 4. p. 85. his difference with the Pope, ibid. in great indignation he recalls his Embassadour from Rome, ibid. gives an account to the Low-coun­trey men, and to the Princes of Europe, of the occasion of the Conference at Bayon, l. 4. p. 87. why he was not there in person, ibid. & 88. he consults the Di­vines what their opinion was touching Liberty of Con­science desired by the Low-countrey men, l. 4. p. 89. his words before the Image of Christ, ibid. his In­structions delivered to Count Egmont, ibid. & p. 90. and Alexander Farntze, to be conducted into the Low-countries, ibid. his Letter to the Governesse touching the Marriage of Alexander Farneze, l. 4. p. 91. he en­joynes her to punish the Hereticks, &c. l. 4. p. 96. he receives intelligence from the Governesse of the Con­spiracy of the Low-countrey Lords, and of their annu­all Actings, l. 5. p. 102, 106, 113, 114. is not satisfied with the Requests made by the Embassadour M [...]ntiny, ibid. unseasonably defers the grant of a Pardon to the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 115. promiseth his personal presence in the Low-countries, ibid. how he assented to the desires of the Governesse, l. 5. p. 120. he Com­mands her to make preparations of Armes, l. 5. p. 132. gives Reasons to the German Princes why he was to use Arms in the Low-countries, l. 5. p. 133. sends thanks to the King of France, l. 5. p. 134. gives notice to the Governesse of his coming into the Netherlands, ibid. writes very graciously to the Prince of Orange and other Lords, l. 5. p. 140. dislikes the siege of Valenci­ens, l. 6. p 8. prescribes rules to the besiegers, ibid. makes all ready for his expedition into the Low-coun­tries, l. 6. p. 11. whereof he certifies the Princes of Eu­rope, l. 6. p. 21. desires leave to passe thorow the King of France's Dominions, ibid. Consults the Duke of Savoy touching his March, ibid. hastens it upon the newes of some Low-countrey Townes Revolted, l. 6. p. 22. useth new Arguments to shew the necessity of his going, Ibid. it is debated in Councel, he sends the Duke of Alva before to make his way, l. 6. p. 25. 26. writes to the Governesse the reasons why he sent him thither with an Army, l. 6. p. 27. gives her thanks, and promiseth to come, l. 6. p. 29. supplications are made in the Low-countries for the Kings happy Voy­age, ibid. he Licenceth the departure of the Gover­nesse, l. 6. p. 35. he commits his son Charles, l. 7. p. 45. his modesty in refusing to have his Statues and Arms set up over the Gates of Cities, l. 7. p. 65. he is angry with the Duke of Alva for placing his Statue in the Fort at Antwerp, Ibid. Commands it to be taken away, ibid. espouseth Anne Daughter to the Empe­rour Maximilian, l. 7. p. 68. substitutes Requesenes Suc­cessour to the Duke of Alva in the Low-Countries, l. 7. p. 81. agrees with the Pope to help the Queen of Scotland, l. 8. p. 16. Leaves the Government of the Low-countries to the Councel of State, ibid. & p. 17. promiseth to send into the Netherlands Don Iohn of Austria, l. 8. p. 19. dispatcheth him thither, ibid. & l. 10. p. 19. would have him govern the Low-countries without Armes, ibid. prohibits the Convention of the Estates, l. 8. p. 20. approves of the Pacification at Gant, l. 9. p. 30. Commands the Estates to lay down Armes, and not to admit the Prince of Orange, l. 9. p. 37. gives Orders to the Spanish to march back into the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 41. resolves to Recall the Dutchesse of Parma into the Low-countries, and to joyn Alex: Far­an [...]ze in commission with her, l. 9. p. 47. refuseth the Conditions of Peace offered by the Q of England, l. 9. p. 49. treats with the Deputies of the Estates, l. 10. p. 6. sends new supplies into the Low-Countries, ibid. is Jealous of Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 19. is informed that his brother is to marry the Queen of England, l. 10. p. 20. entrusts the full power both of the Civil and Military Government of the Low-countries to Alexander Far­n [...]ze, l. 10. p. 23. answers to the Requests made by Don Iohn upon his death-bed, ibid. offended with the Duke of Alva, confines him to Uzeda, l. 7. p. 82. calls him from exile to be his General against Portugall, ib. his saying touching his experience of the Vicissitude of Worldly things, ibid. his death, l. 1. p. 7.
  • Philip, the third son to Philip the second, receives from his dying Father the bloody whip wherewith Charles the fifth disciplined himself, Ibid.
  • Philip Charles Barlamont nominated Governour of the Low-countries by Requesenes upon his death-bed, l. 8 p. 16. vide Charles Count Barlamont.
  • Philip Duke of Burgundy, surnamed the Good, how many Low-countrey Provinces he had, l. 1. p. 15. he Institutes the Order of the Golden Fleece, l. 1. p. 17. l. 4. p. 94. to what number he limited the Knights, l. 1. p. 25. he had it in his thoughts to increase the number of the Bi­shops, l. 1. p. 18. his marriage with Isabella of Portu­gall, l. 4. p. 94.
  • Philip Connix his head with an Inscription cast by the Spaniards into the Town of Harlem, l. 7. p. 78.
  • Philip Count St. Paul, Ruart of Brabant, l. 9. p. 36
  • Philip Croi Duke of Aresebot, Commander of a Troop of Horse, l. 1. p. 17. l. 3. p. 64. affectionate to Religion and the King, l. 8. p. 17. sent by the Governesse to the Imperial Diet, l. 3. p. 71. exasperated by Count Eg­mont against Granvell, l. 3. p. 72. he withdraws him­self from the Combination, ibid. followes Granvells party, l. 4. p. 78, 81. l. 5. p. 103. votes against the admis­sion of the Covenanters, ibid. joynes to oppose the Faction of the G [...]euses, l. 5. p. 111. wears in his Hat the Image of our Lady of Hall, ibid. his piety com­mended by the Governesse to Pope Pius, ibid. sent by the Governesse to the Rebels at Valenciens, l. 6. p. 9. takes the Oath of fidelity to the King, l. 6. p. 11. is ac­counted Prince of the Senate, l. 8. p. 19. invited by the Prince of Orange, ibid. alienated from the Spaniard, ibid. sent to the Prince of Orange by Don Iohn of Au­stria, l. 9. p. 33. discovers to Don Iohn many designes against him, l. 9. p. 35. offended at the Prince of Orange's power, l. 9. p. 38.
  • Philip Count Egmont son to Lamoral received at Bruxels with great joy of the Estates, l. 8. p. 22. enters Antwerp with his Regiment of Walloones, Ibid. undauntedly opposeth the Spaniard, is taken Prisoner, ibid. ex­changed, l. 9. p. 31. Commander of Horse at Gemblac, l. 9. p. 50. and at the Battel at Rimenant, l. 10. p. 10.
  • Philip Eric, brother to the Duke of Brunswick, l. 5. p. 132.
  • Philip William Count Buron, eldest son to the Prince of [Page] Orange, l. 8. p. 19. left by his father a Student in the Vniversity of L [...]vaine, l. 6. p. 14. sent into Spain by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 42. bred a Catholick, ibid. Philip Landtgrave of Hessen, l. 1. p. 9. l. 5. p. 53. his plot to break the match between the Prince of Orange, and Princess Anne of Saxony, ibid. he Christens the Prince of Orange his son, l. 4. p. 87. adviseth the Governess to the confession of Ausburg, l. 5. p. 134. what he perswa­ded the Duke of Brunswick, ibid. he sends an Embas­sage to the Governess, l. 6. p. 18.
  • Philip Holach Generall for the Estates, l. 9. p. 49. besiegeth Breda, ibid. takes it by stratagem, ibid. & 49. assaults Ruremond and is beat off, ibid.
  • Philip Lalin Commander of foot for the Estates, l. 9. p. 49.
  • Philip Lanoy Lord of Beavor, follows Tholose to Ostervell, l. 6. p. 3. fights him, ibid. is victorious, l. 6. p. 4. incoun­ters the Covenanters at Tornay, l. 7. p. 50. his death, l. 8. p. 2.
  • Philip King of Macedon, l. 4. p. 82
  • Philip Maillard a Calvinist committed to prison, l. 3. p. 62 rescued by the multitude, ibid. condemned, ibid.
  • Philip Marbese Lord of Lovarvall a Colonell, holds play with the Royallists at the river Geta, l. 7. p. 61. wounded and taken, l. 7. p. 62. beheaded, ibid.
  • Philip Marnixius Lord of Saint Aldegund one of Calvins Disciples, l. 9. p. 34. formes the Covenant, l. 5. p. 100. Treasurer to the Gheuses, l. 5. p. 141. taken by the Spa­niards at the Hague, l. 7. p. 81. intimate with the Prince of Orange, ibid. he with three other exchan­ged. l. 8. p. 2. imployed by the Prince of Orange to sur­prise Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 34, 35.
  • Philip Melanctlhon his prediction of the Prince of Orange l. 2. p. 44.
  • Philip Momorancy Count Horne Admirall of the Belgick Seas, l. 1. p. 17. l. 7. p. 53. and Captain of the lifeguard ibid. Knight of the Golden fleece, ibid. first trayles a pike under Charles the fifth, ibid. his service at Saint Quintin, ibid. appears against Granvell, l. 1. p. 16. his malice and letter against Granvell, l. 2. p. 41. l. 3. p. 72, [...]3. l. 7. p. 51. Invited into Spain by the King, but [...]e­fuseth to goe, l 3. p. 74. combines with others against Granvell, ibid. & l. 7. p. 49. is numbered among the Covenanters, ibid. & l. 5. p. 101. his complaints in Senate against the King, l. 5. p. 104. moves his fellow-Knights to return their order to the King in Spain, l. 5. p. 107. joynes with the Covenanters in Culemburg house, l. 5. p. 110. and at a feast with the Prince of Orange, ibid. votes it. Senate against a warr, l. 5. p. 129. the Covenanters sue to have him for their Protector, l. 5. p. 120. he acts for the Hereticks, l. 6. p. 1. being Governour of Tornay, he assignes Churches to the Hereticks, l. 5. p. 131. l. 7. p. 50. is present at the pri­vate meeting in Dendermund, ibid. & l. 5. p. 134. the Kings indignation against him, ibid. he refuseth to take the oath of fidelity, l. 6. p. 12. sends a coppy there­of to the Governess, l. 6. p. 15. hath an aversion from the sight of Alva, l. 6. p. 32. is drawn in by Count Egmont, to meet the Duke at the Counsell boord, ibid. arrested and disarmed, l. 6. p. 33. imprisoned in the Castle of Gant, l. 7. p. 49. many supplicate for him, ibid. what was charged against him by the Kings Advocate, ibid. & p. 50. his answer to the particulars, ibid. from Gant he is removed to Bruxells, l. 7. p. 51. prepares himself for death, l. 7. p. 52. is beheaded, ibid. his Elogy, l. 7. p. 53. many hate the Duke of Alva for put­ting him to death, ibid. & p. 58.
  • Philip Norcarmius a Saint Aldegund Lieftenant Gover­nour of Haynolt, for the Marquis of Bergen, l. 6. p. 5. puts a garrison into Valenciens, ibid. offended at their inconstancy, ibid. takes their commissioners along with him, l. 6. p. 6. besiegeth the town, ibid. & p. 7. defeats the forces at Tornay, ibid. enters the town victorious and punisheth them, l. 6. p. 8. returns to the siege of Valenciens, ibid. prepares for an assault, ibid. takes the Suburbes, l. 6. p. 10. co [...]es into Valenciens as a Conquerour, ibid. & p. 11. dis-ameth and punisheth the town, ibid. his Encomion, ibid. he goes into Bra­bant to reduce Maestricht, l. 6. p. 15. takes the town, l. 6. p. 16. punisheth their Rebellion, ibid. goes for Hol­land, ibid. & p. 19. wounded at the siege of Harlem, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Philip Sega the Popes Num [...]. to Don Iohn of Austria, l. 9. p. 36. treats with the Deputies of the Estates, and the Senators, ibid. goes from the Low-Countreys into Spain, l. 9. p. 37.
  • Philip Staveley Lord of Glayo [...], Master of the Ordinance, l 1. p. 17.
  • Philip Valois vide Philip Duke of Burgundy.
  • Phisitians, their custome, l. 9. p. 28. their predictions, l. 10. p. 15.
  • Picenian Pres [...]cture, or the Government of Ancona, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Pictures made in contempt of God and the King, l. 5. p. 141. in scorn of the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 72.
  • Piety to our Lady of Hall, l. 5. p. 111. of the Spaniards in battel, l. 7. p. 55, 57. of the Mutineers and Merchant [...] at Antwerp, l. 7. p. 77.
  • Pigeons carry Letters to and from the besieged in Har­lem, l. 7. p. 79. and at the siege of Leyden, l. 8. p. 7.
  • Pilot, l. 4. p. 93. l. 6. p. 19.
  • Piracy exercised in Holland and Frizland, l. 7. p. 71. much confluence to the Pirats out of France and Great-Brit­tain, l. 7. p. 73. vide plunder.
  • Pisans illuded by Charles the eighth, l. 9. p. 34.
  • Piscorio vide Charles Davalo.
  • Pius the fourth, P. M. how he endowed the new Bishop [...] in the Low-countries, l. 2. p. 29. he Creates Granv [...]il Cardinal, with 17. others, l. 3. p. 54. endeavours to draw the King of Navarre from favouring the Here­ticks, l. 3. p. 58. his servants in the Conclave offended at the Spanish Embassadour, l. 3. p. 65. how active [...]h [...] was to get the Councel of Trent promulgated, l. 4. p. 85. he offends the King of Spain, ibid. intends to trouble Octavio Duke of Parma, l. 4. p. 91. his Death, l. 4. p. 81.
  • Pius the fifth P. Max. makes a League against the Y [...]k [...] l. 4. p. 81. sends the Christian Colours and Admiral [...]s Staffe to Don Iohn of Austria, ibid. he first consen­ted Medals to increase the Devotion of the Low-coun­trey men, l. 5. p. 111. grants Indulgences to those that wear those Medalls, ibid. perswades▪ the King of Spain to visite the Low-Countries, with an Army, l. [...]. p. 114. l. 6. p. 21. sends an Agent to the Governesse, l. 5. p. 114. Commends and offers her assistance, ibid. desires her to send his Letters to the Prince of Orange and Count Culemburg, ibid. informes the King of Cal­vinistical books found at Tholous and Lyons, l. 7. p. 45. animate [...] the Duke of Alva against the Gheuses wi [...]h Letters and money, l. 7. p. 57. the Duke of Alva's Victory ascribed to his prayers, ibid. for which he gives Solemn thanks to God, ibid. sends a hallowed Hel­met and Sword to the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 64. his Letters absolving the Low-Countrey men of Heresie, l. 7. p. 68. praiseth Alexander F [...]rneze, l. 9. p. 46. dyes, l. 4. p. 82.
  • Platerius vide Imbertus.
  • Plots against Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 20. of the Hugonots against their King, l. 6. p. 35. of the enemy, l. 7. p. 60. disco­vered, l. 10. p. 10. against the Duke of Alva at the Mo­nastery of Greenvale, l. 7. p. 46.
  • Poysoned, or suspected to be poysoned, l. 6. p. 28. l. 10. p. 20.
  • Plunder of Oudenae [...]d by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p▪ [...]5. and of Amersort by the Gheuses, Ibid. of Antwerp by the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 23. of Mechlin by the same, l. 7. p. 77. of Nardhem by the same, of Rome by Di­vers, [Page] l. 7. p. 78. of Churches, l. 1. p. 9. of Dendermund by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. of Ma [...]shicht by the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 21. of Zu [...]phen by the same, l. 7. p. 77. of other Cities and Townes, ibid. & p. 75. of Scander E [...]shaw and Mustapha's ships, l. 9. p. 46. at the Sack of Antwerp. l. 8. p. 23. Predatory ships redeem­ed, l. 7. p. 77. vide piracy.
  • Poesie sacred and prophan. l. 3. p. 63.
  • Polvillerius, Colonel of a German Regiment, beats the Confederates from Ru [...]emund, l. 9. p. 49. raiseth men in Germany, l. 10. p. 7.
  • Pomp vide Funeral and Triumphal.
  • Portugal taken by Philip King of Spain, l. 7. p▪ 82
  • Portugal Ships with Indian Lading taken by the English, l. 7. p. 66.
  • Pope, Prisoner in the Castle of St. Angelo, l. 1. p. 9.
  • Ports of England interdicted to the Ships of Holland, l. 7. p. 71, 72.
  • Port of Brill and Enc [...]ysen in Holland, ibid. of Calice in France, l. 1. p. 11. of Vlushing in Zeland, l. 7. p. 72. of Graveling in Flanders, l. 1. p. 11. vide Fleet and Ships.
  • Presages and predictions, of Charles the fifth, concerning the Low-Countries, l. 2. p. 37, 38. of Lucas Gauricus up­on Henry the second of France, l. 1. p. 13. of Me [...]lancthon upon the Prince of Orange, l. 2. p. 43, 44. of Paul the third upon Alexander Fara [...]ze, l. 9. p. 43. of Pius the fifth touching the danger of Religion in the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 21. of future Calamities, l. 7. p. 40, 53. l. 9. p. 49. of prosperous Successe, l. 8. p. 11. vide Pro­digies.
  • President of the Privy Councel, l. 1. p. 25. of Castile, l. 4. p. 82. l. 6. p. 23.
  • Pretor of Antwerp, l. 5. p. 124.
  • Priest turn'd out of Antwerp, l▪ 9▪ p. 40. and Amsterdam, l. 10. p. 5. Banit [...]hed from Great Britain, fed and sup­plyed by the King of Spain, l▪ 4. p. 83. put to death with barbarous torments, l. 7. p. 75. their Figures tyed to Posts and whipped, l. 7. p. 78. whether Priests and Religious may write of War and things Prophane, l. 1. p. 2. one praying for the Souldiers wading the Sea, l. 8. p. 11. wide Religious.
  • Princes must imitate Iupiter, l. 4. p. 85. what the Philo­sophy of Princes is, l. 5. p. 147.
  • Priviledges of Branat, vide Brabant and Bruxells.
  • Priviledge of the Ioyful-Entry, l. 2. p. 30.
  • Prodigies, at the Death of Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 8. be­fore the Low-Countrey War, l. 7. p. 40. seen in Heaven, l. 7. p. 59. observed at Florence, l. 1. p. 22. at Lovain, l. 7. p. 53. vide Comets Eclipse and Presages.
  • Proscription published against the Prince of Orange, l. 2. p. 45. his defence, l. 1. p. 4. vide Apology
  • Proscription of Martin Luther, l. 2. p. 34. of the Covenan­ters, l. 7. p. 42.
  • Prosper Sanctacruz, Paul the fourth's Nuncio in France, l. 3. p. 58.
  • Protestation of the Spanish Embassadour to Pope Pius the fourth at Rome, l. 4. p. 85.
  • Proverb Military among the Wallo [...] Souldiers against timerous Scouts, l. 7. p. 54.
  • Proverb of the Valencenians, a proud one, l. 6. p. 5.
  • Provinces of the Low-Countries their Division, vide Low Countries.
  • Psalter turned into Meeter, l. 3. p. 63. sung in Fren [...]h by the Hereticks, l. 3. p. 61. l. 5. p. 117. 124. condemned by Edict, l. 3. p. 64.
  • Punishment, [...]alls by lot upon the Author of the Crime, l. 6. p. 31. of the English that sought the life of Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 20. of Anthony Strall, l. 7. p. 49. of an Apostate, l. 4. p. 83, 84. prepared for the Citizens of Bruxells, l. 7. p. 70. of Casembr [...]t, l. 7. p. 49. of the Co­venanters, l. 7. p. 40. of Dui, l. 7. p. 49. of Hereticks, l. 3. p. 62, 65. l. 4. p. 96. l. 5. p. 130. l. 6. p. 11, 20. l. 7. p. 75. of the Harlemers, l. 7. p. 78, 79. of the Spaniards, ibid. & p. 72. of Lanoi, l. 3. p. 62. of Moro, l. 5. p. 107. of the Gentlemen Covenanters, l. 7. p. 48, 72, 74. of the Lords; l. 7. p. 52. of Rebels, l. 6. p. 4, 19, 20. of an Hereticall Minister, l. 4. p. 83, 84. of the Seditious, l. 9. p. 56. of the men taken at Sichem, l. 9. p. 55. of Spell, l. 7. p. 49. vide Condemnation and Mulct.
  • Pyramo Conrado, brother to Don Iohn by the Mother, l. 10. p. 24.
  • Pie [...]rho Malvezzi designed Colonel of the Italians, l. 10. p. 7.
Sentences in P.
  • IT concernes PARTICULARS, that the Generality should be governed. l. 2. p. 37.
  • No tye can oblige the PERFIDIOUS, l. 6. p. 11.
  • 'Tis Lawful for the poorest Peasant to PETITION, l. 5. p. 103.
  • PRINCES never can offend alone, l. 5. p. 15.
  • It is of great Concernment to get a habite of PIETY whilest thou hast thy Vnderstanding, that when thou art not t'y self, thou canst not but be Pious, l. 10. p. 16.
  • They do ill that make the Favourers and Pityers of their Cause, Spectators of the PUNISH­MENT, l. 7. p. 53.
  • The Philosophy of PRINCES is to dive into the secrets of Men, leaving the Secrets of Nature to such as have spare time, l. 5. p. 137.
  • The people take it as a favour from their PRINCE to be punished by his hand, left they be enfor­ced to endure torments enflicted by a Servant. l. 6. p. 21.
  • Easily will Nature shrink into her own Stature and Condition, if PRIDE that puffs up and di­stracts her do but once evaporate, l. 1. p. 6.
  • PRINCES dislike not their Ministers Ansterity, rendring them inaccessible to the subtile Flat­terer, l. 7. p. 83.
  • Treasons are not believed to be plotted against any PRINCE, that is not slain, l. 9. p. 37.
  • Without a Scene and admiring Spectators, PROUD men do but coldly act their parts, l. 1. p. 25.
  • Some mens PROUD Natures are inraged, if forbidden; but if left to themselves, will in time re­cover. l. 4. p. 79.
  • 'Tis a fault in humane Nature to conceive things greater, because PROHIBITED, l. 5. p. 117.
  • [Page] No PROUD man ever carried himself like a Servant to any, over whom he did not hope to be a Master, l. 8. p. 33.
Q.
  • Question of Tributes, l. 7. p. 71. in the Councell of Trent, of place between the Spanish and French Embassadour, l. 4. p. 85. Composed, ibid. revived at Rome, ibid. determined by the Pope, Ibid.
  • Questions of Faith agitated, l. 2. p. 39.
  • Ques [...]oy.
  • Q. Cicero, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Q. Sertorinus, l. 1. p. 6.
  • Quirin Hill, l. 9. p. 40.
  • Quisciada vide Aloysto
R.
  • RAge of Women against stragling Fugitives, l. 1. p. 12.
  • Raiters routed by the Lanciers, l. 8. p. 4.
  • Ranuccio Farneze, Duke of Parma & Piacenza is born, l. 4. p. 95. l. 9. p. 44. how he was begged of God, l. 4. p. 95.
  • Raphael Barberino, Uncle to Pope Vrban the third, l. 7. p. 60. sets down the particulars of those battles whereat he was present, ibid. advertiseth the Duke of Alva of the Prince of Orange's Designes, l. 7. p. 61. is sent by Alva to the Queen of England, l. 7. p. 66. re­turnes the Duke the Queene's answer, and the state of the Cause, Ibid. prepare [...] Shipping for the Zeland Expedition, l. 8. p. 9. raiseth Fortifications at their En­trance into Zeland, ibid. Doth many Services in Vi­tell [...]'s place, ibid. & p. 10. wades over the Sea, ibid.
  • Raphael Manrique. l. 9. p. 47.
  • Rapine vide Plunder.
  • Rassinghem vide Maximilian.
  • Ramund de Tassis, Principal Secretary to the King of Spain. l. 7. p. 44.
  • Rebellion of the Belgick Provinces against the Romans, l. 7. p. 70. of the Moores against the King of Spain, l. 6. p. 22. of the Hugonots against the King of France, l. 6. p. 26. by the Prince of Orange in the Low-countries at­tempted and matured. l. 7. p. 70. the Rebel Cities re­ceive from him Governours, Lawes, and Impositi­tions, l. 7. p. 72. from whence the Low-Countrey men and the Prince of Orange had their occasion of Rebel­ing, l. 2. p. 48. l. 7. p. 70. first from the Cause of Religi­on, l. 5. p. 133, 134. l. 6. p. 1. 7. 11. then from Taxes layed upon them, l. 7. p. 71, 73. afterwards from the Mutinous Spaniards, vide Gentlemen Covenanters, l. 8. p. 20.
  • Recovery of Cities Revolted from the King, l. 7. p. 77. of Mons, ibid. its description, ibid. of the Province of Limburg, l. 10. p. 2. its delineation l. 10. p. 1.
  • Reformed vide Religion Reformed.
  • Regiment of Naples▪ l. 6. p. 30. of Sardinia cashiered and punished, l. 7. p. 58. a magnanimous one of the Royal­lists, l. 8. p. 11. a Squadron of Walloones, l. 9. p▪ 50. vide Army.
  • Register of the Empire, l. 1. p. 2.
  • Reg [...]ard vide Simon.
  • Religion holds forth Worship to God, and Peace to men, l. 2. p. 33. Preserver of peace and tranquility, ibid. holds the People in due obedience, l. 2. p. 46. the manner of advancing it in the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 18. Penal Edicts against irreligion, l. 2. p. 49. l. 4. p. 96. the Cognizance of the Cause of Religion to whom it ap­pertains, l. 2. p. 33. l. 4. p. 84, 85. l. 5. p. 105. against the Violaters thereof what provision was made, l. 2. p. 33. 'Tis injured by Luther, ibid. the League for Religion approved of by the Hereticks, l. 5. p. 138. Religion commended by the Emperour to the Estates of the Low-Countries, l. 1. p. 4. by the King to the Co­vernesse and Estates, l. 1. p. 27. l. 4. p. 83, 90, 96. a Con­spiracy against, l. 5. p. 141. wrong offered to it, l. 1. p. 9. l. 5. p. 113, 116, 121. Scandalous Libels against it, l. 4. p. 77. l. 5. p. 112. hatred to it, l. 3. p. 56. l. 8. p. 8. the Cause of the Low-countrey War, l. 1. p. 3. l. 9. p. 1. 9, 30. its Restitution by the Governesse, l. 4. p. 83. l. 5. p. 130. l. 6. p. 18, 20. by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 64. a new oath formed against it, l. 5. p. 107. l. 9. p. 39. li­berty of Religion sought for in the Low-countries, l. 5. p. 99, 102, 119, 129. extorted, l. 9. p. 41. Consultati­ons concerning it, l▪ 1 p. 18. l. 6. p. 15.
  • Religion, Reformed, secured in the Low-Countries, l. 5. p. 127. Councels held in France and the Low-countries to destroy it, l. 2. p. 46. the Prince of Orange makes use thereof, to keep Townes against the Spaniards, l. 10. p. 5. vide Gheuses, the Disturbers of the Catho­lick Religion, l. 5. p. 134. Revolters from it, l. 9. p. 37. Men of doubtful Religion, l. 3. p. 75. the Religious turned out of the Low-Countrey Cities, l. 5. p. 132. l▪ 9▪ p. 40, 41. their Monasteries, l. 2. p. 30. plundered l. 3. p. 64. l. 5. p. 122, 127, 137.
  • Reliques of Saints preserved from fire and ruine, l. 10. p. 5. more valued then Jewels, l. 4. p. 94.
  • Remedies seasonably applyed, l. 8. p. 19. sometimes bet­tered by Contempt, l. 4. p. 79. and rash in precip ta­ted misfortunes, l. 10. p. 21. the best when one Man Governes, l. 8. 16, 17. the Remedy of imminet Mis­chief, l. 5. p. 112, 113.
  • Rene, daughter to Lewis King of France, married to Her­cules Duke of Ferrara, l. 1. p. 21. her daughter design­ed for Wife to Alexander Farneze, l. 4. p. 91.
  • Renatus, son to Henry of Nassau & Clande Chalon, l. 2. p. 43.
  • Rendition of Low-countrey Cities and Provinces to the Spaniards, l. 6. p. 11. l. 9. p. 52. of many places to the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 73. of Oudenaerd, l. 7. p. 75. of Brill, l. 7. p. 70, 72. of Mons, l. 7. p. 73. of Dender­mund, l. 7. p. 75. of Centron, ibid. of many Towns to the Royallists, l. 7. p. 77, 78, l. 8. p. 8. of Bommen, l. 8. p. 13. of Bovines, l. 9. p. 53. of Cimace, l. 9. p. 57. of the Abbey d'Espine, l. 7. p. 74. of Dallhem, l. 10. p. 3. of Harlem, li7. p. 78. of Limburg, l. 10. p. 1. of Nard [...]us, l. 7. p. 78. of Sichem, l. 9. p. 54. of Maestricht, l. 8. p. 21. of Valenciens, l. 6. p. 10. of St. Valerey, l. 7. p. 46. of Ze­riezee, l. 8. p. 13. of Zuitbeverland, l. 7. p. 78. of [...]ut­phen, l. 7. p. 77. of Aloost, l. 8. p. 18.
  • Rentey, a Castle of Artois, l. 8. p. 4.
  • Reputation, l. 5. p. 110.
  • Republick of the Hollanders, how great and from how small beginning. l. 1. p. 1. l. 7. p. 73. Of the Hereticks Instituted by the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 138, 142. ad­vanced by Piracy, l. 7. p. 73. their Fleet most com­monly victorious, ibid.
  • Requesenes vide Berling [...]erio & Lodovico his son Galce [...]an [...] and Lodovico Commendador of the Knights of St Ia­go.
  • Restorer of lost liberty, an attribute given to the Gene­ral of the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 109.
  • Revolt of Cities and Provinces from the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 72, 73 l. 9. p. 37. Sollicitors of the Low-Countrey mens Revolt, l. 7. p▪ 71, 73.
  • Reux rendred to Don Iohn. l. 9. p. 57.
  • Ryne, a River of Holland. l. 8. p. 7.
  • Roan taken by the French, l. 3. p. 61.
  • Rich mens unhappy fortune, l. 8. p. 24.
  • [Page] Rimenant, a Village, l. 10. p▪ 9. the Battle, ibid.
  • Risorius Nohoc layes a plot against the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 46. from Iuliers passes the Moes, ibid.
  • Robert Brederod, enemy to Cardinal Granvell, l. 2. p. 41. stands for the Archbishoprick of Cambray, ibid.
  • Robert Melodune Viscount Gant, l. 9. p. 5.
  • Robert Stuart, Commander of the Scots at the Battle of Rimenant, l. 10. p. 10.
  • Roderick Gomez a Silva, Prince of Ebolo, one of the Lords of the Privy Councel to the King of Spain, l. 2. p. 38. of great power with his Majesty, l. 3. p. 8. l. 6. p. 22. his Contest with the Duke of Alva at the Councel Table and in Courr, Ibid. his opinion touching the Kings Expedition into the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 23. He advertiseth the Governesse of the Marquis of Ber­gen's death, l. 6. p. 27. and that she must bring his Cause to a Tryal, ibid. writes to her in the Kings name of the Army that was to march into the Low-countries, Ibid. and acquaints her with the Cause of the Duke of Alva's coming, l. 6. p. 29. attends the King at the Commitment of Prince Charles, l. 7. p. 44. jeeres his Rival the Duke of Alva, for erecting to himself a Statue, l. 7. p. 65.
  • Roderick de Toledo, a Colonel, carried out of the field wounded into the Camp, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Rodolph the second, Emperour, by his Embassadour ob­ligeth himself to the association of Gant, l. 9. p. 30. dislikes the Design of his brother Matthias going to take upon him the Government of the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 38. is angry with Maximilian privy to the Plot, ibid. many suspect that the Emperour was not angry in earnest, ibid. & p. 39.
  • Rome, a very Gossip for newes, l. 4. p. 86. the Conclave, l. 3. p. 65. l. 4. p. 81. the Sack, l. 1. p. 9. Nobility, l. 9. p. 43. Pope, l. 1. p▪ 7, 9, 22. l. 5. p. 134. Victory known by the Armes of the Sabines, l. 7. p. 56. the Dictator, l. 9. p. 36. Theaters, l. 8. p. 7. their Veneration to the Crucifix, l. 9. p. 43. the Kingdome of the Romans transferred to another, l. 1. p. 5. a Vow made against the Romans, l. 3. p. 51. the Belgick Conspiracy to eject them. l. 1. p. 2. l. 8. p. 21. hatred to the Roman Religi­on, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Romero vide Iuliano.
  • Ronell, a River, l. 6. p. 10.
  • Rotterdam, l. 8. p. 7.
  • Rumour that Charles the fifth was drowned, l. 1. p. 23. and Octavio Farneze, ibid. that Don Iohn was fled the Low-countries, l. 10. p. 4. that he was to be married to Queen Elizabeth of England, l. 10. p. 20. that he was poysoned, ibid. that Alexander Farneze was killed, l. 10. p. 4. that Count Megan was dead, l. 7. p. 48. that Hierg was dead, l. 10. p. 4. that Charles Prince of Spain was made away, l. 7. p▪ 45. that Mondragonio was dead, l. 10. p. 4. that Philip the second was killed, l. 4. p. 77. that he was to come into the Lowcountries, l. 5. p. 140. that the Prince of Orange was slain, l. 10. p. 9. that the Low-countrey Lords had conspired against the King, l. 5. p. 99. that the Covenanters would come to Brux­ells; l. 5. p. 103. that Granvell was to return into the Low-countries, l. 4. p. 81. l. 7. p. 68, 69. that the Castle of Limburg was fired, &c. l. 10. p. 4. that Charles the ninth of France had concluded a Peace with the Hu­gonots, l. 7. p. 73. that the King of Navarre was to be married to the Queen of Scots, l. 3. p. 59.
  • Rupelmund, the attempt of an Heretical Priest there Pri­soner, l. 4. p. 83.
  • Ruremund stormed by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. be­sieged by the Estates, l. 9. p. 49. relieved, Ibid.
  • Ruart of Brabant, a title conferred by the Estates upon the Prince of Orange, l. 9. p. 36. what king of Magi­stracy it was, ibid. what persons have been formerly elected, ibid.
  • Rythovius, Bishop of Ipre, vide Martin.
Sentences in R.
  • RELIGION among Hereticks is not their own, but accidental and translatitious, l. 5. p. 138.
  • RELIGION and Law are to be Patronized and upheld as the Pillars of a Kingdome, l. 1. p. 4.
  • Cities seldome change RELIGION onely, l. 3. p. 36.
  • As often as the Sacred Anchor of RELIGION is weighed, so often the Ship of the Common-VVealth is tossed, l. 2. p. 36.
  • RELIGION once lost, can never be repaired with addition either of VVealth or Empire, l. 5. p. 123.
  • In acute diseases, sometimes desperate REMEDIES are not unskilfully applyed, l. 10. p. 11.
  • Never did any Army RETREAT without some losse, l. 10. p. 8.
S.
  • SAbina Palatina [...]avier married to Count Egmont, l. 7. p. 53. her humble Petition for her husbands life sent into Spain, l. 7. p. 49.
  • Sabines fighting with the Romans by the Bank of Anio, l. 7. p. 56.
  • Sacr [...]moro Burago, l. 9. p. 57.
  • Salvator, Bishop of Clusino, l. 1. p. 18.
  • Samaniego, l. 10. p. 7.
  • Samblemont, a Colonel, l. 9. p. 54.
  • Sencerre in Aquitain, its siege compared with the Siege of Harlem, l. 7. p. 79, 80.
  • Sancho Avila, Captain of the Duke of Alva's Life-Guard, l. 6. p. 30. sets a Guard upon Culemburg house, l. 6. p. 33. beats Hochstrat beyond the Moes, l. 7. p. 46. is wounded, l. 7. p. 63. commands a Fleet for the re­lief of Midleburg, l. 8. p. 2. defeats Lewis of Nassau at Mooch, l. 8. p. 3. the Mutiny of the Spaniards against him, l. 8. p. 4. General of the Foot in the Zeland Ex­pedition, l. 8. p. 9. Sailes into Philipland, ibid. from thence to Duveland, l. 8. p. 13. his Complaints against the Royal Senate, and Theirs against him, l. 8. p. 18. he supplyes the Spaniards at Alooft, ibid & p. 22. be­ing Governour of the Fort at Antwerp, he receives the Spaniards marching thither, ibid. with-holds the Souldiers at the Sack of Antwerp, l. 8. p. 24. departs out of the Low-Countries with the Spaniards, l. 9. p. 32.
  • Sancho Leva, son to Sancho Vice-Roy of Navarre, l. 10. p. 6.
  • Sancho Londognio, a Colonel, l. 6. p. 30. takes the Con­sul [Page] of Antwerp by Orders from the Duke of Alva, l. 6. p. 33.
  • Sancta [...]ru [...] vide Prospero.
  • Saint [...], the Church▪ l. 9. p. 44. the Battle, l. 1. p. 11. l. 7. p. 53. General of the Horse, l. 1. p. 11.
  • Sardinia offered in lieu of the Kingdome of Navarre, l. 3. p. 59.
  • Sardinian Regiment, l. 6. p. 30. l. 7. p. 47. burnes many Villages, l. 7. p. 57. punished by the Duke of Alva, ibid. & 58. how much was lost by that fire, ibid.
  • Sarra Mortinengo serves in France, l. 9. p. 57.
  • Savoy, the Dukedome, l. 5. p. 137. &. l. 6. p. 21.
  • Savoy, the Duke, l 2. p. 44. l. 6. p. 30. marrieth Katherine daughter to the King of Spain, l. 4. p. 82, 83. l. 6. p. 35. vide Emanuel Philibert.
  • Saulio vide Antonio.
  • Saxony, the Electorate, l. 5. p. 116. S [...]x. the Duke, l. 1. p. 8. vide Augustus & Maurice.
  • Saying of the Duke of Alva touching the Punishment due to the Ga [...]tois, l. 7. p. 39. touching the Princes confederate against his King, l. 7. p. 59. touching the King recalling him from Exile, l. 7. p. 82. Of the Cour­age of Vitelli, l. 7. p. 62. of the Mutineers of Aloo [...]t, l. 8. p. 22. Of the Low [...]countrey men concerning Alva, l. 7. p. 9 [...]. of Charles the fifth after the Abdica­tion of this Empire, l. 1. p. 5. touching the Nature of the Low-countrey men, l. 6. p. 23. of the Magnitude of Gant, l. 7. p. 39. of a Captain to Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 10. of Cardinal Granvell when he heard the Prince of Orange was not caught, l. 6. p. 33, 34. of the besieged Leideners, l. 8. p. 6. of Octavi [...] [...] touching the [...]ity of Neighbour Princes, l. 4. p. 91. of Philip the second relating to the Duke of Alva's Death, l. 7. p. 82. of Vitelli to the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 60. of the Com­mon people on the General of an Army, l. 7. p. 83. vide Words.
  • Scamaneler, a River, l. 1. p. 2.
  • Scander Bashaw wounded, taken by Alexander Fa [...]neze, l. 9. p. 46.
  • Scaremberg sent to meet the German Embassadours, l. 6. p. 18. answers them in Senate in the Governesse's name, ibid.
  • Scauwemburg, a Colonel sent for from Germany to the siege of Valencians, l. 6. p. 8. comes with his Regiment, ibid. appointed with part thereof to secure Bolduc, l. 6. p. 17▪ Orders the City and the State, Ibid. receives the Duke of Alva at his entrance into the Low-Coun­tries, l. 6. p. 31. vide Iustus.
  • Sce [...]dt, the head City of the Isle of Zeland taken, l. 7. p. 78. the War carried thither by Requesenes, l. 8. p. 9. relief sent by the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 13. taken by as­sault, ibid. relinquished by the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 18.
  • Sceldt, the River, l. 1. p. 2. & l. 7. p. 78.
  • Scheiff, Chancellor of Brabant, sent to quiet the Bus, l. 6. p. 2. contumeliously used and imprisoned, ibid. & l. 6. p. 16. released and sent back to the Governesse, ibid.
  • Schonhoven, a City faithful to the Spaniard, l. 7. p. 72. taken by Hierg, Governour of Gelderland, l. 8. p. 8.
  • Sciplo Campio, an Engineer, l. 10. p. 14.
  • Scotlands Queen vide Mary Stuart.
  • Scots fight naked in the battel of Mechlin, l. 10. p. 11.
  • Scottish Forces, l. 9. p. 50, 53 & l. 10. p. 11.
  • Sea let into the Woods and Meadowes, l. 8. p. 7. waded over, l. 7. p. 77. l. 8. p. 10. overflowing, l. 7. p. 69. Its Admiral, l. 1. p. 17. l. 7. p. 69.
  • Sebastian Morales, a Jesuite, Bishop of Iapan, Confessour to Princesse Mary of Portugal, l. 4. p. 92, 93.
  • S [...]c [...]in [...]rs fight and rout the Image-breakers, l. 5. p. 122.
  • Sedition how begun by the Prince of Orange in the Low-Countries, l. 2. p. 46, 47.
  • Sedition of the Valentenians. l. 3. p. 62. revived, l. 3. p. 64. composed, l. 3. p. 65. at Antwerp occasioned by the Punishment of an Apostate, l. 4. p. 84. upon the prohibition of Sermons, l. 5. p. 117, 118. by the Cal­vinists, l. 6. p. 4. vide Tumult.
  • Sedition Military in the Camp of Lewis of Nassau by the German Souldiers demanding their Pay, l. 7. p. 55. re­pressed, Ibid. itterated, Ibid. sedition of the Spa­niards against Avila for not paying them, l. 8. p. 4. the Seditious Create a new Electo, l. 8. p. 5. enter Ant­werp, ibid. their threats and solemn oath, ibid. they are payed and pacified, ibid. their pious liberality, ibid. how they demeaned themselves towards the Jesuites, Ibid. their amendment upon an exhorta­tion made by one of the Society, l. 8. p. 6. their plun­der suspected to be a plot, ibid. Sedition of the Spa­niards at the siege of Leiden, l. 8. p. 8. the Seditious im­prison their General Valdez, ibid. upon the Receit of their money they are pacified, ibid.
  • Sedition of the Spanish Horse at Ziriczee for the defer­ing of their pay, l. 8. p. 16.
  • Sedition of the Spaniards against Mondragonio, l. 8. p. 17. the Seditious take Alost, l. 8. p. 18. are declared Ene­mies by the Royal Senate, ibid. assisted by Avila, ibid. they take the Fort at Licherch, l. 8. p. 19. the Decree of Senate for expelling them the Low-Coun­tries, l. 8. p. 10. Confirmed by the Association of Gant, l. 8. p. 21. from Alost they march to Antwerp. l. 8. p. 22. their Fury, ibid. they beat the Townesmen out of their Trenches, and take the Town, ibid. & 23. plun­der it, ibid. & p. 24. the Sedition of the Spaniards upon the Command sent them to depart the Low-countries, l. 9. p. 30. they are pacified, l. 9. p. 31.
  • Sedition of the Germans defending Breda against Frans­berg, l. 9. p. 48.
  • Sedition in the Catholick Camp raised by the Germans, l. 9. p. 56. the Seditious are separated, ibid. the Au­thors of the Sedition are demanded, ibid. their pun­ishment, Ibid.
  • Sega vide Philip,
  • Seghet, l. 5. p. 139.
  • Seige of Alemar, l. 7. p. 81. of Amsterdam, l. 10. p. 5. 9. [...] Breda. l. 9. p. 48. of the Castle at Gant, l. 9. p. 31. [...]wor [...] of Gemblac, l. 9. p. 52. of Gocs, l. 7. p. 77. of Groningham▪ l. 7. p. 54. of Harlem, l. 7. p. 78. of Leiden, l. 8. p. 6. [...] Mons, l. 7. p. 74. the description of its reducement, ibid. of Paris, l. 6. p. 35. of Orbatello, l. 8. p. 14. o [...] Parma, l. 9. p. 42. of Ruremud, l. 9. p. 49. of Saneerre, l. 7. p. 79. of Valenciens, l. 6. p. 5. its description, l. 6. p. 10. of Ziricz [...]e, l. 8. p. 13.
  • Selimus, the Turkish Emperour, favours the Jewes, l. 6. p. 138 assists the Moores against the Spaniard, l. 5. p. 139. l. 8. p. 15. converts his Fury against Cyprus, l. 5. p. 139.
  • Sellius vide Iohn.
  • Semer, the Lord, appointed by the Governesse to be Go­vernour of Mechlin, l. 6. p. 12.
  • Senators, their Cabinet Councel, called the Consult, l. 1. p. 25. how the Senate was to be convened, ibid. what precepts were therein to be observed, ibid. the Senates opinion touching the sedition at Valenciens, l. 3. p. 64. the Senate of Briges contumacious against the Inquisitor of Faith, l. 4. p. 84. the Kings instructi­on for Ordering the Senate, l. 4. p. 90. the Senators Suffrages for the Covenanters against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts, l. 5. p. 103, 104. Their grie­vances, ibid. confuted by the Governesse, ibid. l. 2 p. 105. the Senate summoned upon the News of the Violation of Sacred things, l. 5. p. 127. the Decree of Senate for the Security offered to the Covenanters, l. 5. p. 129. the divers Sences of the Senators, l. 5. p. 128. the Senate of the three States attend the Governes [...]e to Antwerp, l. 6. p 18.
  • Senate Royal Governes the Low-Countries after the [Page] death of Requesenes, l. 8. p. 16. confirmed by the King, ibid. the Spanish Senators and Patriots who they were, l. 8. p. 17. the discord between them, ibid. the fall of the Authority, ibid. they are bought by the Prince of Orange, ibid. they pay the German Regi­ment, and delay the Spaniards ibid. they declare the Spaniard Enemies, l. 8. p. 18. they permit divers Cities of Flanders and Brabant to take up Armes, ibid. their Complaints against Avila, ibid. their Edict against the Mutineers at Aloost, ibid. they write to the King, l. 8. p. 19. they Associate under-hand with the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 20, 23. they betray the Kings Cause, l. 7. p. 46. their votes against the Seditious at Alost, l. 8. p. 19. the Senators that voted for the Spaniards forcibly taken out of the Senate, and committed pri­soners, l. 8. p. 20, 23. others chosen in their places, l. 8. p. 20. the Authority of the Royal Senate Nulled, ibid. a New form of Government introduced, ibid. the Senators suspected by the Estates, removed from Senate, l. 9. p. 39. new ones elected, ibid. they de­clare Don Iohn and his Party Enemies to the State, ibid. their flight to Antwerp upon the Newes of their losse at Gemblac, l. 9. p. 53. the Senates Letter to the King, l. 8. p. 19. the Decree of Senate for expelling the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 20. the Senate house at Antwerp fired, l. 8. p. 23. Prince of the Senate who he was, l. 8. p. 19. vide Estates.
  • Sepulcher temporary for Don Iohn, l. 10. p. 22.
  • Sepulchers defaced, l. 7. p. 75.
  • Seradilla, l. 1. p. 6.
  • Serbellonio vide Gabriel.
  • Sernapulius discovers many designs of the Covnnanters, l. 5. p. 110.
  • Sermons of the Hereticks much frequented, l. 5. p. 116. l. 7. p. 50. not possibly to be silenced, l. 5. p. 127. the Covenanters desire it may be free for their Audience to come to them, l. 5. p. 129. which is permitted, l. 5. p. 130, 141, 143.
  • Servants to the Lords what kind of Liveries they wore, l. 4. p. 78.
  • Siena taken, l. 1. p. 10. the Maritime parts harrassed, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Sheaf of Arrowes an Emblem assumed by the Low-coun­trey Lords. l. 4. p. 78.
  • Showr of blood, l. 7. p. 53.
  • Ship, the Admiral that Carried Charles the fifth, sunk, l. 1. p. 5. Princesse Marie's Ship endangered, l. 4. p. 93. of the Covenanters taken, l. 6. p. 19. of Count Bol­duc, fights gallantly, yeilds, l. 7. p. 81. the Turkish Treasurer's Galley taken by Alexander Farneze, l. 9. p. 46. Ships to meet the King of Spain, l. 6. p. 29. of the Spaniards and Low-countrey men stayed by arrest in England, and of the English in the Low-countries and Spain, l. 7. p. 66. Portugal ships taken, ibid. Free-booters infest Holland and Frisland, l. 7. p. 71. the Prince of Orange's ships shooting the Royallists at their pleasure, l. 8. p. 12. 150 Sail, l. 7. p. 73. l. 8. p. 8. a Multitude of ships sailing over Meadowes and Woods, l. 8. p. 7. Naval fights, l. 8. p. 1, 2, &c. vide Fleet,
  • Sichem possessed by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. sum­moned by Alexander Farneze, l. 9. p. 54. refuseth to submit, is stormed, ibid. taken and plundered, Ibid. the Fugitives slain, ibid. the Fort holds out, Ibid. is taken by assault, l. 9. p. 55. the Garrison punished, ibid.
  • Sicilian Regiment, l. 6. p. 30.
  • Simon Favean, a Calvinist, imprisoned, l. 3. p. 62. forci­bly taken out of the Gaole, ibid. condemned, ibid.
  • Simon Regnard, a Senator, l. 3. p. 67. Delegate from the King of Spain to confirm the Truce made with the French King, l. 2. p. 41. loseth the Kings Favour, ibid. incourageth private meetings against the King▪ l. 3. p. 67. his hatred to Granvel, l. 2. p. 41. an Emu­lation begun when they were Children, l. 3. p. 76. sent for out of the Low-countries into Spain, ibid.
  • Saigniac rendred to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 57.
  • Solim [...]n the Turkish Emperour, sends an Embassadour into France, l. 4. p. 88. Assignes a City and Territo­ry to the Jewes, l. 5. p. 138, 139.
  • Soliman Arais, l. 8. p. 15.
  • Solitude beloved, l. 1. p. 6, 10. l. 10. p. 21.
  • Sonoi, a Water-Gheuse, Revolts from the King of Spain, l. 7. p. 71. turns Pirat, ibid.
  • Sorbon D. Complaints, l. 3. p. 63.
  • Sorian vide Iohn.
  • Spinosa vide Didaco.
  • Spaniards Victorious at St. Quintin, l. 1. p. 11. at Grave­ling, ibid. & 12. in Garrison in the LowCountries, l. 1. p. 17, 24. l. 2. p. 47. l. 6. p. 31. l. 7. p. 39. l. 10. p. 5. rebellions against the Emperour, l. 2. p. 27. Retained in the Low-Countries, l. 2. p. 28. dismissed, l. 3. p. 52. Auxiliaries, at Limoges, l. 3. p. 58. Sail into Spain, l. 3. p. 52. return into the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 30. l. 7. p. 58. swim the river Albis with their Swords between their teeth, l. 9. p. 30. Defeat Count Hochstrat, l. 7. p. 46. recover Da [...], l. 7. p. 48. receives a blow, l. 7. p. 47. rout Lewis of Nassau, l. 7. p. 54. Conquer at Geming, l. 7. p. 55, 56. and at the River Geta, l. 7. p. 62. are beaten, l. 7. p. 72. take the Abbey d'Espine, l. 7. p. 74. overthrow the French at St. Gis [...]en, ibid. besiege Mons, ibid, assault the Prince of Orange's Camp in their Shirts, l. 7. p. 76. recover Mons, l. 7. p. 77. plun­der Mechlin, ibid. Zutphen, ibid. raise the siege at Goes, ibid. take Zuitbeverland, l. 7. p. 78. wade over the Ocean, ibid. burne Nardem, ibid. besiege Harlem, ibid. take it, l. 7. p. 79. are beaten in the Sea, l. 7. p. 80. l. 8. p. 2. lose Midelburg, ibid. win the battel of Mooch, l. 8. p. 3. besiege Layden, l. 8. p. 6. are besieged by the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 8. retreat with losse, ibid. storm Towns, ibid. attempt the Zeland Expedi­tion, l. 8. p. 9. descend into Philipland, ibid. & p. 10. passe thorow the Sea on foot, l. 8. p. 12. the last divi­sion forced to return, ibid. the middle Regiment s [...]ain, ibid. the Van arrives in Duveland, ibid. is Victorious, l. 8. p. 13. goes over to Sceldt, ibid. takes part of the Island, ibid. besiegeth Ziriczee, ibid. takes it, ibid. as­sists the Alostanians, l. 8. p. 18. loseth the Castle of Gant, l. 8. p. 20, 21. routs the Glimeans, ibid. recovers and plunders Maestricht, ibid. marcheth to Antwerpt, ibid. & 22. takes their Trenches, ibid. & 23. fires the Palace of Justice, ibid. plunders the Town, ibid. sends an Agent to the King, ibid. goes from the Low-Countries into Italy, l. 9. p. 32, 33. from Italy by Alexan­der Farneze are brought back to the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 41. overthrow the Enemy at Gemblac, l. 9. p. 49. storm Gemblac, l. 9. p. 52. take Sichem, l. 9. p. 54. and Limburg, l. 10. p. 2. their new Army in the Low-Coun­tries, l. 10. p. 6. the confidence of the Spanish Souldi­ers, l. 6. p. 30. l. 7. p. 76. the Low-Countrey-mens hatred against them, l. 2. p. 47. l. 7. p. 71, 72. l. 8. p. 19, 22. their Edict and meeting to destroy them. l. 8. p. 20. and Con­sultation, l. 3. p. 51. their Complaints, l. 9. p. 30. piety, l. 7. p. 55, 57. their ships arrested in the Ports of Eng­land, l. 7. p. 66. their Constancy in a siege, l. 8. p. 8. the League of Gant made against them, l. 8. p. 21. their Execution done upon the Enemy, l. 9. p. 31. Conque­rours for almost 10. years together, ibid. The attempt of a Spanish Lievtenant, l. 8. p. 8. the Valour of ano­ther Captain, l. 8. p. 12. Discord among the Spanish Governours, l. 8. p. 19. the Spanish Fleet fraughted with gold from the Indies, l. 1. p. 6. Spanish Regi­ments, l. 6. p. 29, 30. l. 8. p. 18, &c. Spanish Senators clapped up Prisoners, l. 8. p. 20. vide Expedition, Se­dition and Victory.
  • [Page] Souldiers burnt in a house, l. 7. p. 62. carried into Ze­land, l. 6. p. 2. put in Garrison, l. 3. p. 52. l. 6. p. 6. wa­ding the Sea, l. 8. p. 10. vide Army Expedition, Spani­ards, Italians, &c.
  • Sparrowes of Wood flying about a Room, l. 1. p. 7.
  • Spies under a Jealous Prince, l. 5. p. 134. their mutuall errour, l. 6. p. 7. their ridiculous mistake, l. 7. p. 54. wo­m [...]n Spyes, l. 7. p. 74.
  • Statue in the Fort at Antwerp, l. 7. p. 64. broken, l. 9. p. 38. melted again, ibid.
  • State vide Councel.
  • States deputed vide Estates & Senate.
  • Stavely vide Philip.
  • Stephano Mutino, an Italian Colonel, l. 10. p. 7.
  • Stephano Serra, the Spanish Admiral, l. 7. p. 66.
  • Stephania Requesenes, l. 8. p. 15.
  • Stipend, vide Money & Sedition.
  • Storming vide siege.
  • Stuart vide Mary.
  • Swartzemburg vide Count Gunter.
  • Sultanies, l. 9. p. 46.
  • Sun in Eclipse, how prodigious it was to Florence l. 1. p. 22.
  • Supplications by publick Order, l. 6. p. 29. l. 7. p. 64.
  • S [...]rentine Archbishop, l. 5. p. 114.
  • Suspition, upon the Conference at Baion, l. 4. p. 87, 88. that the Emperours mind was changed in the Abdica­tion of his Kingdomes, l. 1. p. 5. touching the plunder of the Mutineers, l. 8. p. 6. that the Low-Countries were betrayed, l. 5. p. 127.
  • Symboles or Badges of a Conspiracy decreed at a Feast, l. 4. p. 78. worn by the Lords Servants, ibid. inter [...]re­ted by the Common People, ibid. Prohibited by the Governesse, ibid. layed aside by the Lords, and sup­plyed with another device, Ibid. forbidden by the King, ibid.
  • Switz, l. 6. p. 26.
Sentences in S.
  • A Prince can never be SAFE among those Subjects that cannot think themselves secure among his Souldiers, l. 9. p. 25.
  • SECURITY is established by a mutual Safeguard, Ibid.
  • Nothing SECURE unlesse suspected, l. 10. p. 15.
  • In a Violent SICKNESSE, there is not a more certain signe of Death, then if Remedies be ap­plyed sparingly, and out of time, l. 8. p. 19.
  • 'Tis hard to stand long in a SLIPPERY place, if a man be just led by many, l. 3. p. 74.
  • 'Tis the SPADE and Pickaxe which build and destroy Forts, l. 9. p. 58.
  • SPIES, the Ears and Eyes of Princes, l. 5. p. 10 [...].
  • The life of SPIES is, to know and not be known, l. 5. p. 134.
  • SUBJECTED people think themselves partly free, if governed by a Native, l. 1. p. 24.
  • Confidence increaseth by SUCCESSE, l. 9. p. 45.
  • SUDDAIN and doubtfull Accidents ever strike a Terrour, l. 5. p. 125.
  • Those that have not ill Eares, will be SUFFICIENTLY answered by not being answered, l. 6. p. 16.
  • Some that they may have SUPPLIANTS, seek to make Delinquents, l. 2. p. 35.
  • Some kind of SUSPITIONS, no innocence can absolutely cleer, l. 10. p. 20.
T.
  • TAgus, the River, drawn up to the top of the Moun­tain of Toledo, l. 1. p. 7.
  • Tarquin the proud, l. 3. p. 57.
  • Tarquin Aruns his Example revived, l. 7. p. 47.
  • Taxio vide Petor & Raymund.
  • Tavan, a French Colonel, l. 1. p. 6.
  • Taxes imposed upon Men that for their health drink water at the Wells, l. 7. p. 69.
  • Taxes of the tenth, twentieth, and hundreth part impo­sed by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 65. the Low-Countrey men refuse to pay them, ibid. & p. 67, 69. some dis­swade the Duke of Alva, ibid. others perswade him, ibid. his moderation, ibid. he forbears to Exact them, ibid. upon occasion of these Taxes the Low-countrey men Revolt from the King, ibid. & p. 73.
  • Teli [...]an, a Divine of Lovaine, l. 3. p. 75.
  • Temple, a Village, l. 9. p. 49.
  • Tent of the Prince of Orange invaded by the Spaniards, l. 7. p. 76.
  • T [...]nius Vasco, sent by the Prince of Orange to sow En­emy between Don Iohn and the Low-countrey Lords, l. 9. p. 33, 35.
  • Towin stormed by Charles the fifth, l. 1. p. 10.
  • Thames waded over, l. 8. p. ix.
  • Theodorick Batemburg forced to flye Holland, l. 6. p. 19. taken, ibid. Executed, Ibid.
  • Theador Beza, author of the Tumult at Ambois, l. 3. p. 5 [...]. his Councel for a new Model of Religion like the Pro­fession of Ausburg, l. 5. p. 138. he finisheth Davids Psalmes in French Meeter, begun by Morot, l. 3. p. 63.
  • Theonvill, l. 6. p. 3 [...].
  • Theoph. Frisio, Camerarius, or of the Bed-Chamber to the Pope, brings a red hat to Granvell, l. 3. p. 54.
  • Tholosiens defeated at Ostervell, l. 6. p. 8
  • Thole, an Island, l. 8. p. 2, 10.
  • Tholose vide Iames Marnixius & Iohn.
  • Thomas Armenterius, sent into Spain by the Governesse, l. 3. p. 75. heard at large by the King, ibid. & 76. al­ters the Kings mind from retaining Granvell in the Low-countries, ibid. returning from Spain into the Netherlands, he brings Granvells discharge, l. 4. p. 79.
  • Thomas Perenot, the Spanish Embassadour in France, acts chiefly by advice from his brother Granvell, l. 3. p. 55, 58.
  • Thomas Raggius sent into England, l. 7. p. 66.
  • Tiber, l. 7. p. 56.
  • Tiberius Caesar, l. 1. p. 2. l. 2. p. 40. l. 5. p. 126, 127. l. 6. p. 29. manageth his Wars by his Sons, l. 6. p. 23. his boast in Senate of the Twins his Wife brought him, l. 9. p. 41.
  • Ti [...]emont, a Town of Brabant, possessed by the Prince of Orange, l. 7. p. 75. rendred to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 53. the Battel there, l. 8. p. 21.
  • [Page] Toledo, the Archbishop, l. 1. p. 8. the Aquaeduct of Tole­do, l. 1. p. 7.
  • Toledo vide Ferdinando Federico, Pedro & Roderigo.
  • Tholous the Dioces divided, l. 2. p. 30. C [...]ests full of Calvinistical books found at Tholous, l. 7. p. 45.
  • Torellii Lords of the Isle of Aenare, l. 8. p. 15.
  • Tongren, l 7. p. 60.
  • Tornay, a Province of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 16. Go­vernour, ibid.
  • Tornay, the City, ibid. its Governour, l. 8. p. 8. Tumults raised at Tornay,—and quieted, l. 3. p. 61. how fre­quently the Hereticks preached there, ibid. l. 5. p. 116. Churches allowed to the Hereticks, l. 5. p. 131. they threaten to revolt from the King, l. 6. p. 1. Tornay Gheuses take up Armes and invade Lisle, l. 6. p. 6. di­vert Lanoi. ibid. routed and slain, l. 6. p. 7. a Garrison imposed upon them, l. 6. p. 8. the Rebels punished, ibid.
  • Tosond'or vide Herald.
  • Tournament, l. 1. p. 13.
  • Trent, a City, l. 2. p. 39. Councel of Trent vide Coun­cell.
  • Triumphal pomp, of the King of Navarre entring Roan, l. 3. p. 61. of Granvell with the King of Spain, l. 4. p. 83. of the Governesse at Antwerp, l. 6. p. 18. of the Duke of Alva at Bruxells, l. 7. p. 64. of Don Iohn of Austria, l. 9. p. 32. of the Generals for the Estates, l. 9. p. 31, 32.
  • Troops of Horse famous thorow out Europe, l. 1. p. 17.
  • Trophe erected by Germanicus Caesar, l. 7. p. 57. by the Duke of Alva, ibid. the interpretation thereof, l. 7. p. 64. vide Statue & Alva.
  • Truce for 5. years between the French and Spaniards, l. 1. p. 3. 11. l. 2. p. 41. broken, l. 1. p. 11. between Don Iohn, and the Low-Countrey Estates not allowed of, l. 10. p. 6.
  • Truden vide Centron.
  • Tserclasse sent into Spain by the Brabanters, l. 3. p. 66.
  • Tullia Tarquins Wife compared with Albret, l. 3. p. 57.
  • Tumults presaged to the Low-countries, l. 7. p. 53. their Causes, l. 2. p. 17. l. [...]. p. 39. the pr [...]ry and [...] [...]uses, l. 2. p. 36. the sum of the Causes and occasi­ons, l. 2. p. 27. why they are vario [...], Argued by Hi­storians, ibid. being layed and almost extinguish­ed by whom they were revived, l. 3. p. 55, 56. The retaining of the Spanish Souldiers in the Netherlands, whether or no it was a Cause of the Tumults, l. 2. p. 28. or the increase of the Bishops, l. 2. p. 29. or the Inqui­sition introduced by the Emperour's Edicts, l. 2. p. 32. vide Inquisition, Or the punishment of Delinquents, l. 2. p. 34, 35. vide Heresie and punishment, Or the alienation of the Nobility, l. [...]. p. 37. Occasioned by Granvell, l. 3. p. 75. by the Kings Letter, l. 4. p. 96. by the Edicts proposed by the Governesse, l. 5. p. 98. by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 39. by taxes, l. 7. p. 75. by Mutineers, vide Sedition and the Beginning of the Low-Countrey Tumults, how it came, l. 2. p. 46. l. 3. p. 61. a general Pardon for the Tumults, l. 7. p. 67. vide Pardon.
  • Tumults in France, l. 3. p. 55, 57, 58. vide Guises & Conspi­racy, the French and Low-Countrey Tumults compared together, l. 3. p. 55, 61.
  • Tumults of the Moores in Spain, l. 7. p. 45, 66. at [...] against the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 18. at Antwerp. l. 5. p. 117. l. 6. p. 3. l. 8. p. 22. at Bolilue and Maestri [...]ht, 1. 6. p. l. at [...]nt, l. 5. p. 132. 1. 6. p. 24. at Valenciens, l. 3. p. 63.
  • Tunis, the Royal Seat of Libia, taken by assault, l. 10. p. 19. the Expedition of Tunis, l. 7. p. 69. l. 10. p. 21.
  • Turks fire the Arcenal at Venice, l. 5. p. 139.
  • Turkish Fleet at Lepanto, l. 9. p. 4 [...]. the Treasurer of their Army, ibid.
  • Turkish Garrison at Navarine, Ibid.
  • Tunius the Secretary sent by the Governesse to the Bi­shop of Lieg, l. 6. p. 16. to Brederod, l. 6. p. 19. by him retained, ibid. sent away by night from Amsterdam, ibid. imployed by the Duke of Alva to the Queen of England, l. 7. p. 66.
  • Tuscany, l. 8. p. 14.
  • Tw [...]ntieth part, vide Taxes.
Sentences in T.
  • SLander is a Shipwrack by a dry TEMPEST, l. 3. p. [...]7.
  • THREATS proportioned to the greatest Spirits will at last humble them, l. 4. p. 82.
  • In a TROUBLED State the most present Remedy is for one Man to Rule, l. 8. p. 17.
V.
  • VAbrince, a Bishoprick in France, l. 2. p. 31.
  • Vadamont, the Count, l. 7. p. 53.
  • Vahal, a River, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Va [...]dersong appointed a Captain of Foot by the King, l. 5. p. 132.
  • Valdez vide Francisco.
  • Valenciens, a City, l. 6. p. 5. impatient of their Rulers, ibid. the Tumults therein, l. 3. p. 61, 63. composed, l. 3. p. 64. the state of the Town, l. 6. p. 5. the Valencentians Commanded by the Governesse to receive a Garri­son, Ibid. after some tergiversation, they refuse, ibid. are pronounced Rebels, l. 6. p. 6. besieged, l. 6. p. 8. the King unwilling to have them stormed, ibid. besieged yet more straightlie, ibid. the Assault limited by the Kings Order, l. 6. p. 9. they are invited to render by Count Egmont and Duke Areschot, ibid. they Sally out by night, l. 6. p. 10. the Site of the Town, ibid. the battery, ibid. the Valencenians Treat, ibid. they yield to mercy, ibid. and so escape storming, Ibid. & p. 11. the City is disarmed, ibid. the Authors of the Rebellion Executed, ibid. the State Sacred and Civil restored, ibid. the Fort demolished, l. 9. p. 38.
  • Valentine Pardieu Lord de la Mott, Commands the For­ces of Flanders, l. 6. p. 3. Master of that Ordinance, l. 9. p. 50. carried out of the field wounded, l. 7. p. 80.
  • St. Valery stormed, l. 7. p. 46.
  • Vallidolid, l. 1. p. 6. l. 10. p. 18, 19.
  • Valois vide Philip Duke of Burgundy.
  • Valois vide Margaret.
  • Van [...]st vide Iohn & Margaret.
  • Vargas vide Alphonso Francisco & Iuan.
  • Va [...]ination vide Presage.
  • Venice fired, l. 5. p. 139. who was the plotter of it, Ibid.
  • Verdugo vide Francisco.
  • Venerus Ginnich, Embassadour from the Duke of Iuli­ers, l. 9. p. 36.
  • Verse, about half Moones worn in hats to expresse their hatred to the Roman Religion, l. 8. p. 8. of Ovid. Sited upon the Death of Charles Prince of Spain, l. 7. p. 45.
  • Ves [...]ch imployed from Antwerp to Spain, l. 8. p. [...].
  • [...], the Emperour, l. 1. p. 2.
  • Vestarho [...] rais [...] Horse in Saxony, l. 5. p. 138
  • Vienn [...], a Town of Holland, l. 6. p. 1, 20.
  • [Page] Vibaldus Riperda, General and Governour of Harlem, dyes, l. 7. p. 80.
  • Victory, of Actium, l. 9. p. 46. at the River E [...]s, l. 7. p. 56. at Calic [...], l. 1. p. 11. at the River Geta, l. 7. p. 61. at Graveling, l. 1. p. 11. at St. Gis [...]en, l. 7. p. 74. at Gem­bla [...], l. 9. p. 52. at Limburg, l. 10. p. 1. at Mons in Hay­n [...]lt, l. 7. p. 76. at Ostervell, l. 6. p. 3. at St. Quintin, l. 1. p. 11. in the Isle of Duveland, l. 8. p. 13. at Mooch, l. 8. p. 3. over the Armenterians and Tornois, l. 6. p. 7. over the Hugo [...]ots, l. 3. p. 62. l. 6. p. 34. l. 7. p. 64, 74. over Mustapha's Galley, l. 9. p. 46. in the War of Por­tugall, l. 7. p. 82. by every 10. Spaniards over as many thousands of the Enemy, l. 9. p. 31. the Sea-Victo­ries of the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 2. and of the Hol­l [...]nders frequent for ten yeares together, l. 7. p. 73. thought to be a miracle, l. 7. p. 57. moderation in Victory, l. 10. p. 13. the newes of Victory strangely brought to the Groine, l. 7. p. 56. the Victory of the Spaniards parallel'd with one of the Romans, ibid. vide Expedition.
  • Vid. Caboce slain in a duel in the French Kings presence, l. 1. p. 13.
  • Vie [...]lus vide Henry.
  • Viglius vide Ulricus.
  • Villa, of Henry King of France, l. 9. p. 57.
  • Villapardo, l. 10. p. 19.
  • Villagarcia, l. 10. p. 17.
  • Villages fired, l. 7. p. 57.
  • Viller Commands the Covenanters Horse, l. 6. p. 1. moves the Bishop of Lieg to suffer their meeting at Centron, l. 5. p. 119.
  • Villers, a French Marquis joynes with Count Aremberg at Amiens, l. 6. p. 35.
  • Villers Commands the Carabines for the Estates, l. 9. p. 50. defends Nivell, l. 9. p. 56. vide Iustus Villers.
  • Villres General for the Covenanters, l. 7. p. 49. is or­dered by the Prince of Orange from Iuliers to passe the Moes, l. 7. p. 46. routed and taken Prisoner, ibid. & 49. executed, ibid.
  • Villet, Granvells Countrey-man, undertakes his Mur­ther, l. 4. p. [...]0.
  • Vilvord, too late attempted by Gonzaga, l. 9. p. [...]3.
  • Vilvord-Prison, l. 5. p. 101.
  • Vinglius, one of the Covenanters, infests Holland, l. 6. p. 19. defeated, ibid. executed, ibid.
  • Vincentio Carafa, Prior of Hunga [...]y, appointed Colonel of Italians, l. 10. p. 7.
  • Violaters of holy Images punished, l. 6. p. 17, 20. vide I [...] ­nomachy.
  • Vervich, l. 5. p. 1 [...]0.
  • Visurgis, a River, l 7. p. [...]6.
  • Vitelli vide Chiapin [...], Camillo, Nicolao, & Paulo.
  • Viterlotio Vitelli. l. 8. p. 14.
  • Ulloa vide Alphonso Iuan Osorio & Magdalen.
  • Ulricus Viglius Zuitchem, President of the Privy Co [...]n­cel, l. 1. p. 25. l. 3. p. 68. faithfull to Granvell, Ibid▪ l 4. p. 78. numbered among the Cardinallists, ibid. & 31. the Gheuses threaten him, l. 5. p. 129. affectionate to his Religion and his King, l. 8. p. 17. arrested in Se­nate, and committed Prisoner, l. 8. p. 20.
  • Ulutial, the Turkish Admiral, l. 9. p. 46.
  • Vlysses, l. 3. p. 10.
  • Voluntary inheritance, l. 1. p. 4.
  • Vorne, an Isle of Holland, l. 7. p. [...]2.
  • Votive Monument, l. 7. p. 48.
  • Urban VII. P. M. l. 5. p. 132.
  • Urban VIII. P. M. l. 7. p. 60.
  • Vrsel imployed from Antwerp into Spain, l. 3. p. 66.
  • Utricht honoured with the prerogative of an Arch­bishoprick, l. 1. p. 18. the Townsmen out the Ca­tholicks from their Churches, l. 5. p. 131. threaten to revolt from the King, l. 6. p. 1.
  • Vulgar Apostles, who, l. 3. P. 61.
  • Vulgar interpretation of the Hoods, l. 4. p. 78. v [...]de peole.
  • Uzeda, l. 7. p. 112.
Sentences in V.
  • VICES that passe from hand to hand are soiled with being touched, and grow still fouler, l. 5. p. 115.
  • It is not easie to hold mens hands when VICTORY showes them at once, revenge and booty, l. 8. p. 24.
  • What is VISIBLE, is slighted, l. 1. p. 8.
  • UNSOUND minds like unsound bodies, the more you feed, the more you poyson them, lib. 9. p. 34.
  • The VOTE which nature extorts, we think is given to the Cause, when indeed we give it to our humour, l. 6. p. 13.
W.
  • WAcken, sent Admiral into Spain, l. 6. p. 32. Walcheren, an Island, l. 6. p. 2. l. 8. p. 1.
  • Waterland, an Isle, l. 6. p. 19.
  • West, a River, l. 10. p. 1.
  • Westphalia, l. 2. p. 36.
  • Wight, an Isle of England, and its Governour, l. 8. p. 33.
  • Willebroc, a Village, l. 6. p. 14.
  • W [...]rk [...]me, l. 8. p. 9.
  • Wallet, an Emblem of the Gheuses, l. 5. p. 110.
  • Wallets stuck upon Spear-points, l. 8. p. 10.
  • Water-Gheuses, l. 7. p. 71.
  • William Count Bergen, one of the four first Covenanters, l. 5. p. 102. at Bruxells, l. 5. p. 107, 109. feasted with them, ibid. goes with them to the Governesse, l. 5. p. III. retires into Gelderland, ibid. & l. 6. p. 15. is impeached, l. 7. p. 41. condemned in absence, ibid. victorious in Zutphen, l. 7. p. 73. defeated, l. 7. p. 77.
  • William B [...]osius Treslong, one of the first Water-Ghen [...]es, l. 7. p. 71. turns Pirat, ibid. beats the Spaniards, and fires their Ships, l. 7. p. 72. is the Cause of hanging Alvares Pacecho, ibid.
  • William Bronchorst dyes, l. 7. p. 10.
  • William Duke of Cleve, l. 9. p. 101. l. 9. p. 30.
  • William Horne, Lord of Mese, Governour of Bruxells, l. 8. p. 20. by order from him the Royal Senators are Imprisoned, ibid. the Prince of Orange's Emissary, l. 9. p. 34. Commands a Regiment at the Battle of Gembl [...], l. 9. p. 50. Ingrateful to Don Iohn, l. 9. p. 35. Adviseth the Jesuites to take the Oath, l. 9. p. 40. his Enmity with the Prince of Orange, l. 1 [...]. p. 9. what [...]is End was, l. 9. p. 34.
  • William Lu [...], descended from the Counts e March [...], Commander of Horse among the Covenanters, l. 6. p. 1. irreconcilable to the name of Catholick, l. 7. [Page] p. 58. his Vow to revenge the Death of Count Eg­mont and Count Horn, ibid. General of the Water-Gheuses, l. 7. p. 71. his hatred to the Duke of Alva, ibid. signified in his Colours, ibid. he robs at Sea, ibid. takes and fortifies Brill, l. 7. p. 72. destroyes things Sacred, ibid. is pictured putting a pair of Spectacles upon the Duke of Alva's Nose, ibid. by his means the Rebel-Cities submit to the Prince of Orange, ibid. his own Men offended with him, l. 7. p. 80. Cassed by the Prince of Orange, ibid, impri­soned and banished, ibid. overthrown at the battel of Gemblac, he flyes to Lieg, ibid. dyes miserably, ibid.
  • William of Nassau Prince of Orange, l. 1. p. 5. his family, birth, presages, Ancestors, l. 2. p. 43, 44. His Educa­tion with Mary sister to Charles the fifth, ibid. Gentle­man of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour, ibid. his Services of War, Civil imployments and favour with the Emperour, ibid. Carries the Imperial Crown to Ferdinand King of the Romans, l. 1. p. 5. l. 2. p. 44. is by Caesar commended to his son Philip, ibid. Chosen Knight of the Golden Fleece, ibid. the Instrument of making peace with, and Hostage to Henry King of France, ibid. & p. 46. the Causes of his discontent and designes, l. 2. p. 44. his Wit and Manners, l. 2. p. 45. the splendor of his house-keeping, Ibid. what his Religion was, ibid. he Studies Machiavil, l. 2. p. 46. his marriages, l. 3. p. 53. his daughter born, l. 3. p. [...]1. and his son Maurice, l. 4. p. 87. General of the Spanish Horse in the Low-countries, l. 2. p. 28. Governour of Holland, Zeland, and ulricht, l. 1. p. 16. and Burgundy, l. 1. p. 17. designed by the people's wishes for Gover­nour of all the 17. Provinces, l. 1. p. 19. which he saith he ought to be of right, l. 2. p. 45. what hinder­ed him, l. 1. p. 19. out of hope of the Government, l. 2. p. 45. from whence sprung his indignation and complaints against the King, l. 2. p. 38. and his alie­nation, l. 3. p. 67. his Envy and Emulation against Granvell, l. 2. p. 39, 41, 42. who did him mischief, l. 3. p. 54, 67, 68. when he took the first occasion of raise troubles, ibid. whence the beginning, l. 2. p. 46. l. 5. p. 100. he favours the Seditious Citizens and Here­ticks, l. 2. p. 46. l. 3. p. 66. drawes in Count [...]gmont, l. 3. p. 68. with whom he is compared, l. 3. p. 70. ex­asperates the Brabanters, l. 3. p. 68. combines against Granvell, l. 3. p. 69, 71. writes against him to the King, l. 3. p. 72. his Complaints at the Convention of the Golden Fleece, l. 3. p. 69. and in Senate before the Go­vernesse, l. 3. p. 75. his dissention with Count Arem­berg, l. 3. p. 73. and with Duke Areschot, l. 5. p. 103. resolves to come no more to Senate, l. 3. p. 75. adver­tiseth the Governesse of the Lords Conspiracy, l. 5. p. 99. whether he was one of the Conspirators, ibid. at his City of Breda the Covenant was signed, l. 5. p. 100, 101. he complaines in Senate that he is re­ported to be a Covenanter, Ibid. gives his vote for the Covenanters admission into Bruxells, l. 5. p. 103. his Complaints against the King, l. 5. p. 104. the Co­venanters light at his house, l. 5. p. 107. what was acted there, ibid. he meets them at Culemburg-house, l. 5. p. 110. Feast the Covenanters, Hath a moni­tory letter sent him from Pius the fifth, l. 5. p. 114. ha­ving been formerly admonished by Pius the fourth, touching the same point, ibid. the Governesse at the desire of the Citizens of Antwerp sends him to compose the tumult there, l. 5. p. 118. the applau­ses, shouts, and acclamations of the Hereticks as he came in, ibid. what he acted at Antwerp, ibid. & 120. sent by the Governesse to trouble the meeting at Centron, ibid. he moves to be made Governour of Antwerp for settling of the Town, ibid. he is Com­missionated and suffered to have a Life-guard, ibid. his design to invade the Principality of the Low-coun­tries, ibid. 129, 130. l. 7. p. 40. and Holland in the first place, l. 6. p. 1. he argues in Senate against the Le [...]ying of a War, l. 5. p. 129. disswade [...] the Gover­nesse from leaving Bruxels, ibid. by his endeavo [...]rs Religion at Antwerp is restored, l. 5. p. 130. he assigns Churches to the Hereticks in Antwerp, ibid. [...] against the Emperours Edicts, l. 5. p. 133. meets the other Lord at Dendermund, l. 5. p. 134. l. 7. p. 50. what was there concluded, l. 5. p. 134. l. 7. p. 50. boasts and glories that he hath penetrated into the Kings de­sign, l. 5. p. 137. Essayes to draw Count Egmont into a new Confederation, l. 5. p. 142. how he car­ried himself in the tumult at Antwerp, l. 6. p. 3. [...]he refuseth to take the Oath of fidelity, l. 6. p. 12. of his own accord resignes his Government, ibid. is troubled at the Duke of Alva's coming into the Low-Countries, l. 6. p. 13. his Conference with the Lords at Willebroc, l. 6. p. 14. his words, at his departure, to Count Egmont, ibid. and his Letter to the Gover­nesse, ibid. he departs from the Low-Countries, ibid. is impeached by the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 41. con­demned absent, ibid. & 42. what he answered, ibid. his complaints for the sending of his son into Spain, ibid. his first Expedition from Germany into the Low-Countries, l. 7. p. 46. he publisheth in Apology against the King, l. 2. p. 45. and a book against the Duke of Alva, l. 7. p. 58. musters at Aquisgrane, ibid. passeth his Army over the Moes, contrary to the Duke of Alva's opinion, l. 7. p. 59. fights onely with light skirmishes, l. 7. p. 60. [...]routs Vitelli, ibid. Challenges the Duke of Alva to a battle, ibid. attempts [...]ivers Townes in vain, l. 7. p. 61, 63. his danger upon a mu­tiny in his Camp, l. 7. p. 61. he moves to receive the French Forces, ibid. Takes Centron, ibid. fights at the River Geta, ibid. & 62. with great losse, ibid. is recruited by the French Auxiliaries, ibid. intends to joyn with the Prince of Conde in France, l. 7. p. 63. plunders the territory of Lieg and the Villages of Hayn [...]lt, ibid. fights more fortunately with the Duke of Alva at Que [...]cy, ibid. is prohibited from entring France, ibid. a mutiny in his Camp, ibid. defeated of his hopes, he goes for Germany, Ibid. derides the Duke of Alva's pride, in erecting his own Statue, l. 7. p. 64. Sollicites the Low-Countrey men to revolt upon occasion of the Taxes, l. 7. p. 71. compasseth his desire, ibid. useth the Water-Gheuses against the Duke of Alva, ibid. the Rebellious Cities willingly yield to him, l. 7. p. 72. his second Expedition out of Germany into the Low-countries to relieve his brother [...], l. 7. p. 75. he takes some Townes in Brabant, ibid. the Cruelty of his Men, ibid. he quickens his march to Mons, ibid. admires the Duke of Alva's Camp as he lay at the siege, l. 7. p. 67. attempts in vain to break thorow, ibid. retreats, ibid. is invaded in th [...] night ibid. he confirmes the Harlemers to hold out, by letters sent them by Carryer-Pigeons, l. 7. p. 79. his Sense of the Duke of Alva's departure; l. 7. p. 81. his victory and the rendition of Midelburg [...], l. 8. p. 2. he prepares Men and Shipping to defend [...], which he [...]oseth, l. 8. p. 10. he sends re­lief to Sceldt▪ l. 8. p. 13. having taken Crimpen, he marcheth to Ziriczee, Ibid. is bear, off, Ibid. perswades the Governours of Provinces, and the Senators to stand for liberty, l. 8. p. 19. associ [...]tes with some of them, Ibid. Courts Duke Ares [...]h [...], Ibid. is invited to the Confederation of Gant, l. 8. p. 21. assists the Estates against the Spaniards, Ibid. instructs the Se­nators and Deputies of the Estates against Don Iohn, l. 8. p. 26. moves them to command the Spa­niards out of the Low-Countries, Ibid. is vexed at Don Iohn's admission, l. 8. p. 33. denyes, together with his Provinces, to subscribe the Edict, Ibid. professeth himself a Calvinist, Ibid. labours to poison the Low-Countrey [Page] Countrey mens hearts against Don Iohn, ibid. Sowes dissention between Don Iohn and the Low-countrey Lords, l. 9. p. [...]4. in Created Ruart of Brabant, l. 9. p. 36. Institutcs new Magistrates by the Copy of Holland, l. 9. p. 38. by his Designe the Fort at Antwerp in de­molished, Ibid. at his too great power the Lords are offended, ibid. he is joyned with Archduke Matthius, as his Lievtenant-Governour of the Low-Countries, l. 9. p. 39. he flyes to Antwerp, upon the newes of the Catholicks Victory at Gemb [...]ac, l. 9. p. 53. he gives out that all the Royallists are slain in the Fort at Lunburg, l. 10. p. 4. blamed by the Arch-Duke and the Estates, l. 10. p. 5. he founds his Empire by the Sea of Holland, Ibid. attempts Amsterdam, Ibid. deceived by his [...], rendred to him, Ibid. he raiseth men i [...] Germany, Ibid. perswades the Estates to a cessation of Armes, ibid. & p. 6. dislikes a Truce, Ibid. his Enmity with Campin, Glìmè & Hese, l. 10. p. 9. he cunningly spreads a rumour of his own murther, ibid. his report of a marriage to be between Don Iohn, and the Queen of England, l. 10. p. 20. Granvell called him Silence, l. 6. p. 33.
  • Writers of History, l. 1. p. 2. why they differ about the beginning of the Belgick Tumults, l. 2. p. 27, all. Wallon Militia and Proverb, l. 7. p. 54. Regiment, l. 9. p. 50, 55.
  • Winschot, l. 7. p. 47.
  • Wood-Gheuses, l. 7. p. 59.
Sentences in W.
  • NEver shines a greater hope of Peace, then when a WARR is seriously prosecuted. l. 1. p. 1 [...].
  • The fire of Civil WARR is carefully to be watched, where they are neer that feed the flame, they far off that should extinguish it, l. 6. p. 2 [...].
  • In WARR a General fears nothing more then to be thought to fear, l. 7. p. 59.
  • WICKEDNESSE prospers by suddain attempts. l. 2. p. 34.
  • Quarrels of WIT use to be irreconcileable among Children, l. 3. p. 67.
Z.
  • ZAchrias, the Pope, increaseth Bishopricks in Ger­many, l. 2. p. 30.
  • Zeland, a Province of the Low-countries, l. 1. p. 15, 16. its Governour, Ibid. l. 3. p. 51. l. 8. p. 10, 13. infested by the Image- [...]ighters, l. 5. p. 126. the head of Zeland attempted by Tholose, l. 6. p. 2. the Cities receive Gar­risons from the Governesse, l. 6. p. 20. some Islands belonging to it covered with a del [...]ge, l. 7. p. 69. a great part of it revolts from the Spaniards, l. 7. p. 72. the Chief City of Zeland assaulted, l. 8. p. 1. yields to the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 2. the Zeland-Expedition undertaken by Requesenes, l. 8. p. 9. the Site of Zeland, ibid. the Courage of the Royallists in wading over the Sea to Zeland, l. 7. p. 76, 77. l. 8. p. 13. the Princi­pal Isle of Zeland taken, ibid. it adheres to the other Rebel-Provinces, l. 8. p. 21.
  • Zeveghem, a Lord, sent by the Governesse on a Ceremo­nious Embassage into Germany, l. 4. p. 87.
  • Ziriczee, the Island, fortified by the Prince of Orange, l. 8. p. 10.
  • Ziriczee, the City, befieged by the Royallists, l. 8. p. 13, 16. forced by Famine to render, l. 8. p. 13, 17. relin­quished by the Spaniards, l. 8. p. 19.
  • Zvichem, vide Ulric [...]s.
  • Zuitheverland, an Island possessed by Mondragonio, l. 7. p. 78.
  • Zuniga vide Gabriel Nignio & Iuan.
  • Zutphen, a Province of the Low-Countries, sold to Charles the Fighter, l. 1. p. 15. Conquered by Charles the fifth, Ibid. its Cities revolt from the King, l. 7. p. [...]3. are recovered, l. 7. p. 77. its Governour, l. 1. p. 16.
FINIS

ERRATA.

  • LIB. 1. Pages. To great soul, adde, and maintained by many hands.
  • L. 1. p. 9. Great Aunt, de [...]e Great.
  • L. 1. p. 10. For Ships, read Gallies.
  • L. 1. Earl of Holland, read, defended from the Earles of Holland.
  • L. 1. p. 17. For Archbishop of Liege, read, Bishop.
  • L. 1. p. 21. For Duke of [...], read, of [...].
  • L. 1. p. 15. For Na [...]s, read, Nanty.
  • L. 3. p. 53. For Mothers grand father, read grandfather by the Mother.
  • L. 5. p. 1. Chief Cities of the Netherlands, dele, of the Netherlands.
  • L. 6. p. 22. For Prince of Elora, read, Ebolo.
  • L. 8. p. [...]. For Sp [...], read, Sp [...]leto.
  • L. 9. p. 36. For Fisa, read, Ancom [...].
  • L. 9. p. 42. Great Grandfather, dele, Great.
  • These, many of them his Mistakes to whom the English of this History was dictated, the noble Reader is de­sired to excuse and correct: and to examine the meer literal Errours, with the Table.

Courteous Reader, These Books following are printed for Hum­phrey Moseley, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard.

Various Histories, with curious Discourses, in Humane Learning, &c.
  • 1 THe History of the Banished Virgin, a Romance, translated by I. H. Esq Folio.
  • 2 The History of Polyxander, a Romance, Englished by William Brown, Gent. Printed for T. W. and are to be sold by Humphrey Moseley, in Fol.
  • 3 Mr. Iames Howels History of Lewis the thirteenth, King of France, with the life of his Cardinal de Richelieu, in Folio.
  • 4 Mr. Howels Epistolae Ho-Esianae, Familiar Letters, Domestic and Forren, in six Sections, Partly Historicall, Politicall, Philosophicall, first Volume with Additions, in 8o. 1650.
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  • 7 Mr. Howels Dodona's Grove, or the Vocall Forrest, first part in 12o. with many Additions. 1650.
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  • 9 Mr. Howels Englands Teares for the present Wars, in 12o. 1650.
  • 10 Mr. Howel of the Pre-eminence and Pedegree of Par­liament, in 12o. 1650.
  • 11 Mr. Howels Instructions and Directions for Forren Travels, in 12o. with divers Additions for Travelling into Turkey and the Levant, 1650.
  • 12 Mr. Howels Vote, or a Poem Royal presented to his late Maiesty, in 4o.
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  • 14 Policy Vnveyled, or Maximes of State, done into English by the Translator of Gusman the Spanish Rogue, in 4o.
  • 15 The History of the Inquisition, composed by the R. F. Paul Servita, the compiler of the History of the Councel of Trent, in 4o.
  • 16 Biathanatos, a Paradox of Self-homicide, by Dr. Io. Donne, Dean of St. Pauls London, in 4o.
  • 17 Marques Virgillio Malvezzi's Romulus and Tarquin, Englished by Hen. Earl of Monmouth, in 12o.
  • 18 Marques Virgillio Malvezzi's David persecuted, Englished by Rob. Ashley, Gent. in 12o.
  • 19 Marques Virgillio Malvezzi, of the successe and chief events of the Monarchy of Spain, in the year 1639. of the revolt of the Catalonians, Englished by Robert Gentilis, in 12o.
  • 20 Marques Virgillio Melvezzi's considerations on the lives of Alcibiades and Coriolanus, Englished by Ro­bert Gentil [...], in 12o. newly printed 1650.
  • 21 Gracious Priviledges granted by the King of Spain to our English Merchants, in 4o.
  • 22 The History of Life and Death, or the promulga­tion of Life, written by Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban, in 12o.
  • 23 The Antipathy between the French and the Spa­niard, translated out of Spanish in 12o.
  • 24 Mr. Birds grounds of Grammer, in 8o.
  • 25 Mr. Bulwers Philocophus, or the Deaf and Dumb mans friend, in 12o.
  • 26 Mr. Bulwers Pathomyotomia, or a Dissection of the significative Muscles of the Affections of the Mind, in 12o.
  • 27 An itinerary containing a voyage made through Italy in the years 1646, 1647. illustrated with divers Fi­gures of Antiquity, never before published, by Iohn Ray­mond, Gent. in 12o.
  • 28 The Use of Passions, written by I. F. Senault, and put into English by Henry Earl of Monmouth, in 8o.
  • 29 Choice Musick for three voyces, with a Thorough Base, composed by Mr. Henry, and Mr. William Lawes, Brothers, and servants to his late Majesty, with divers Elegies set in Musick by several friends upon the death­of Mr. William Lawes, in 4o.
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  • 31 Unheard of Curiosities concerning the Talismanical Sculpture of the Persians, the Horoscope of the Patriarks, and the reading of the Stars, by Iames Gaffarel; English­ed by Ed. Chilmead Ch. Ch. Oxon, in 8o. newly printed 1650.
Choice Poems, with excellent Translations, and incomparable Comedies and Tragedies, written by several ingenious Authors.
  • 2 COmedies and Tragedies written by Francis Beaumont, and Iohn Fletcher, Gent. never printed before, and now published by the Authors Ori­ginal Copies, containing 34 Playes, and a Masque, in Folio.
  • 33 Epigrammata Thomae Mori Angli, in 16o.
  • 34 Fragmenta Aurea, A collection of the Incompara­ble Pieces, written by Sir Iohn Suckling Knight, in 8o.
  • 35 All Iuvenals 16 Satyrs, translated by Sir Robert Stapylton, Knight; wherein is contained a Survey of the manners and actions and mankind, with Annotations, in 8o.
  • 36 Museus on the loves of Hero and Leander, with Le­anders Letters to Hero, and her Answer, taken out of Ovid, with Annotations, by Sir Robert Stapylton Knight, in 8o.
  • 37 Poems, &c. written by Mr. Edward Waller of Beckonsfield, Esq in 8o.
  • 38 Pastor Fido, the faithful Shepherd, a Pastoral, new­ly translated out of the Original, by Richard Fanshaw, Esq in 4o.
  • 39 Poems, with a Discovery of the Civil Warres of Rome, by Richard Fanshaw, Esq in 4o.
  • 40 Aurora Ismenda and the Prince, with Oronta the Cyprian Virgin, translated by Thomas Stanley, Esquire, the second Edition corrected and amended, in 8o. 1650.
  • 41 Europa, Cupid crucified, Venus Vigils, with Anno­tations, by Thomas Stanley, Esq in 8o. 1650.
  • 42 Medea, a Tragedy written in Latine, by Lucius Au­naeus Seneca, Englished by Mr. Edward Sherburn, Esq with Annotations, in 8o.
  • 43 Seneca's answer to Lucilius his Quaere, Why good [Page] men suffer Misfortunes, seeing there is a Divine Provi­dence; translated into English Verse by Mr. Edward Sherburn, Esq in 8o.
  • 44 Poems of Mr. Iohn Miston, with a Masque, pre­sented at Ludlow Castle, before the Earl of Bridgewater, then president of Wales, in 8o.
  • 45 Poems, &c. with a Masque, called, The Triumph of Beauty, by Iames Shirley, in 8o.
  • 46 Steps to the Temple, Sacred Poems, with the De­lights of the Muses, upon several occasions, by Richard Crashaw of Cambridge, in 12o.
  • 47 The Mistris, or several Copies of love Verses, writ­ten by Mr. Abraham Cowley, in 8o.
  • 48 Divine Poems written by Francis Quarles Senior, in 8o.
  • 49 The Odes of Casimire, translated by George Hills, in 12o.
  • 50 Arnalte & Lucenda, or the melancholly Knight; a Poem translated by L. Lawrence, in 4o.
  • 51 The Sophister, a Comedy, in 4o. by Dr. S.
  • 52 The Women-hater, or the Hungry Courtier, a Co­medy written by Francis Beaumont, and Iohn Fletcher, Gent. in 4o.
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  • 63 Poems, with a Masque, by Thomas Carew, Esquire, Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to his late Maje­sty, revised and enlarged with Additions, in 8o. 1651.
  • 64 The elder Brother, a Comedy written by Francis Beaumont, and Iohn Fletcher, Gent. 1651.
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  • 66 Hymnus Tobaci, Authore Raphicle Thorio, 1651.
  • 67 Hymnus Tobaci, or the Excellency of Tobacco, set forth in an Heroick Poem by Raphiel Thorius, and now Paraphrastically rendred into English by Peter Hausted Camb. newly printed 1651.
  • 68 Comedies Trage-Comedies, with Other Excellent Poems, by Mr. William Cartwright, late Student of Christ Church in Oxford, and Proctour of the University. The Ayres and Songs set by Mr. Henry Lawes, servant to his late Majesty, in his Publick and Private Musick, 1651.
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  • 70 A Manual of Directions for the Sick, with many sweet Meditations and Devotions, by the right reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews, late Lord Bishop of Win­chester, in 24o.
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  • 72 Six Sermons upon several occasions, preached at the Court before the Kings Majesty, and elsewhere, by that late learned and reverend Divine, Iohn Donne, Dr. in Divinity, and Dean of St. Pauls London, in 4o.
  • 73 Pretious Promises and Priviledges of the faithful, written by Richard Sibbes, Dr. in Divinity, late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge, and Preacher of Grayes Inne London, in 12o.
  • 74 Sarah and Hagar, or the sixteenth Chapter of Ge­nesis, opened in nineteen Sermons, being the first legi­timate Essay of the pious labours of that learned Ortho­dox, and indefatigable Preacher of the Gospel, Mr. Io­sias Shute, B. D. and above 33. years Rector of St. Mary Woolnoth in Lombardstreet, in Folio.
  • 75 Christs tears, with his love and affection towards Je­rusalem, delivered in sundry Sermons upon Luke 19. v. 41, 42. by Richard Maiden, B. D. Preacher of the Word of God, and late Fellow of Magdalen Colledge in Cam­bridge, 4o.
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  • 78 Christian Divinity, written by Edmond Reeve, Ba­chelour in Divinity, in 4o.
  • 79 A description of the New-born Christian, or a live­ly pattern of the Saint militant, child of God, written by Nicolas Hunt, Master in Arts, in 4o.
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  • 81 Divine Meditations upon the 91 Psalm, and on the History of Agag, King of Amalek, with an Essay of Friend­ship, written by an honourable person, in 12o.
  • 82 Lazarus his Rest, a Sermon preached at the Fune­ral of that pious, learned, and orthodox Divine, Mr. Ephraim Vdal, by Thomas Reeve, Bachelour in Divinity, in 4o.
  • 83 An historical Anatomy of Christian Melancholly, by Edmund Gregory, Oxon. in 8o.
FINIS.

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