The first Book.

I Enter upon the Historie of a Warre,The Proposition of the work. doubtfull whether to call it, The Warre of the Low-Countrey-men and the Spaniards, or almost of all Europe: For to this hour we see it manag'd by the Arms and Purses, at least, by the Designes and Counsels of so many Nations; as if in the Low-Countreys onely, the Empire of Europe was to be disputed. Wherein many,How satisfacto­ry it will be to many. I presume, will be concern­ed, to read what their Countrey-men, what their Kinsmen have acted in the field. The rest,How rare to all. though unconcerned, may yet desire to know, from whence a few Belgick Provinces have had the confidence and strength, to fight for threescore years together, with a most Potent King, on equall terms▪ from whence, upon the coast of Holland, out of a few fisher-boats,A great State out of small beginnings. there hath sprung up a new State, which growing daily stronger in Arms, will now brook no Superiour by Land, and can have none by Sea: That in mighty fleets have sent Plantations to the remotest parts of the Earth: That by their Ambas­sadours, making Leagues with Princes, carrying themselves as not inferiour to Kings, have got a Principality more then ever Europe knew.The strange fer­tility of the soyl, even in the time of Warre. From whence the Belgick soil, among the continuall tempests and storms of Warre (such as in far shorter troubles, have laid other Regions waste and barren) affords so great plentie of all things, as if the place were as violently bent to maintain a War, as the People; so that directly you would think, Mars onely travels other Countreys, and carryes about a running Warre, but here seats himself. Some indeed have fancied, the King of Spain out of Policy to spin out the Low-Countrey War:The King of Spain fights in jeast, as some think. for as a Prince (the great body of whose Empire must be spirited with a great soul) they conceiv'd he trains his Militia in these Pro­vinces, afterwards to dispatch them (as the Turk doth his Ianizaries) into severall Climates.But falsely. As if his enemies should not be taught in the same school; and sure it were more to his advantage, their arms should rust with idleness, then shine with exercise.

Now the resemblance of our Age with the time-past, will give the silent [Page 2] comparers no little pleasure. The Readers of our Annals must needs re­member, now Arminius, Cor. Tac. lib. 1. & 2. Ann. & lib. 4. Hist. now Civilis, those two Whirlwinds of the Low-Countreys, the Oranges of their times. The like principles of Rebellion will present themselves:The similitude of accidents be­tween the anti­e [...]t and these times. pretending, and withall shaking off obedience to Tiberius and Vespasian: courting the People with hope of liberty: the Provinces sudden­ly conspiring against the Romane Garrisons: arms first taken up in Holland: aided by the Germans, French, and Brittons: the Romane Legions tired out with dubious fortune: most things set a foot again by arts so like, so much the same, that unless you knew the difference by particular names, you would think your self present in the old Belgick tumults. For in humane things, how­ever times and persons die,But our natures are the worse. still the same Causes and Events revive. Albeit as we have exceeded the Ancients in the quarrel of Nations and Religions; so we edge our spleen more sharply upon this Whetstone, and execute our ha­tred with greater animosity.Witnesse the Low-countreys at this day. What have our Low-Countrey Armies left unattempted? Beyond Poetick miracles, we have not onely fought with mighty Rivers,Hom. Iliad. 21. Of the Duell between Achil­lis and the Ri­ver Scamander but breaking the Cloyster of the Sea, we have challen­ged Neptune himself? Our Foot invade the Ocean, as if it were firm ground; we let in the Sea to make the Land navigable, fighting in all the elements at once. And truly, (unless mine deceive me, as every ones judge­ment sometimes fails him) never was warre continued with higher courages or attempts: nor have stronger sieges baffled the forces of great Cities: or with dayly slaughter was ever more bloud drawn and spent on both sides. Though the bodies of gallant men have floated on the rivers of Simois and Scamander, Virg. 1. Aen. Gallanter men lost in the Low-countreys then either by the Greeks or Ro­mans. celebrated in Poets fables, and others famed for too true slaughter of the Romanes; yet more and more daring men have been cast up by the Mose, the Rhine, and Skelde, and the rest of the Low-countrey Rivers, so often discoloured with humane bloud, and strewed with mangled limbs of souldiers, swelling with the ruines of great souls. How many forreign armies have miscarried here? how often was the Belgick Sea covered with ships, the Land with horse and foot? and, all these armies lost, greater forces have been raised again among our neighbours,The Authours character of himself. and furiously overspread the field? Yet after the expence of so many nations, the wealth of Kings exhausted, the force of Europe joyned against it,Objection. It misbecomes a religious man to know things profane, and a Priest to write of arms. this Troy hath held out many a ten years Warre, and yet not taken. But the more earnest I am in designing so great a work, the more perhaps I shall expose the Historians confidence to censure: who being a stranger to publick business, a man of the old learning, not conversant with his own times, will be argued by many as disproportioned to the great­ness of this Warre;Answer. and being a Clergie-man, they will affirm it misbecomes him to treat of arms.There are exam­ples to the con­trary Tit. Liv. Cor. Tac. I should give easie ear unto them, if all the writers of History had fought with their wit, lead up Companies or commanded Ar­mies; or that we had not divers,Dion. Halicar. and other Au­thours. in the account of every age and nation, that being Church-men have handled these military arguments. And indeed, since there is such weight in the truth of History, from which nothing takes off more then affection in the writer;Moyses. Bero­sus, Josephus, Euseb. Caesar. Orns. Vill. Tit. Jov. Bemb. Mariana Mas­seius, &c. and reason it self. whence should we rather fear the faith of a relation, from one that is a party and hardly dispenses with love and ha­tred? or from one that centred in the middle, and professing holiness of life, either untouched with any factious desires, or above them; and either keeps at distance the occasions of a lie, or bears it from him? That I may speak something for my self, I hold not the subject of this Warre inconsistan: with my course of life,Besides, Strada saith his Argu­ment is joyned with Religion. Religion being the cause of both; nor do I conceive my self unfit either to report the matter of fact, or to find out the causes. For though an exact knowledge of Councils, and inspection into Cabinets, could not be [Page] [Page]

[Page 3] exspected from one of a sequestred life, or from the genius of a man that loves to dwell with himself, at least never comes in Princes Courts and listens to their whispers; my intelligence hath been abundantly supplyed,And his intelli­gence out of O­riginall notes and Expresses. out of the memorials and originall letters of men that either have themselves done the business, or commanded such as did: So that I believe few have come better furnished at any time for the compiling of an History; and though I am a stran­ger to the Court and Camp, a man (as you may term me) of the shade, yet I dare promise to produce more Cabinet counsels, then all the Civill and military news-men.The Authours integrity. But it were superfluous to make a passionate Preface of what faith, what freedome I shall use, since all men equally pretend the love of truth, and oftentimes none do engage their faith with more formality, then such as will be sure to break it.And freedome not byassed to­wards any faction. For our age hath almost lost the liberty of speaking, by the common fault of Writers, whose ambition having an eye upon the frowns of Princes, laying the fault on times and manners, bring flat­tery into fashion. I build upon my own conscience, which I often examine, yet find it not inslaved to the commands of Princes, or mercenary to their bounty. And I entreat them that vouchsafe to peruse my work,The same affe­ction he desires in his Reader. that such a mind as they justly require of me in writing, neutrall and free, such a one they themselves will have in reading, uningaged to faction. Least the meat be rash­ly-blamed for curdling on a foul and sickly stomack.

Onely thou, O God of Peace and Warre,This prefaced, he begins with imploring [...]i­viue assistance. See P [...]inies Pa­negyrick pag. 1. (for aswell the writers of, as the actours in, business ought to begin with Prayer) do thou guide my mind and pen, that not trusting in Prudence that s [...]arches humane secrets, but in Wisdome that assists thy throne, I may perfect a History worthy the purity of life which I profess, equall to the greatness of the work I have designed, nor lesse then the exspectation that hath long since called me forth.

THe bloudy Warre that grievously distempered Europe,1555. still continued between the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Henry the second, King of France, to whom their fa­thers with their Crowns had left their enmities and ani­mosities; But Mary Queen of England, immediatley up­on her marriage with Philip Prince of Spain, began seri­ously to mediate a Peace; and followed it so well, as this year 1555. the Emperours and Kings Commissioners met at Callice; and though the exspected Peace was not then concluded, yet there was laid a foundation for Peace,The Empe­rours resolution to resign his Kingdoms. in a five years truce. Then the Emperour, calling his son Philip out of England, resolved to execute what he had long determined, the resignation of his Crowns, and be Authour of a Prodigie unknown in Princes Courts, When he might reign to give it off. This secret divulged through the Low-countries, brought men from all parts to Bruxels, and on the twenty fifth of October, the day appointed for meeting of the three Estates, the Knights of the order of the Golden fleece, and the Magistrates, The Em­perour in the great Hall of his Pallace,A full presence of Princes. commanding Philip King of England, Maximilian King of Bohemia, Elianor and Mory sisters to Charles the fifth. and Emanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy to sit on the one hand; and on the other, Elianor and Mary Queen Dowagers of France and Hungary, with another Mary Queen of Bohemia, and Christiern daughter to the King of Denmark Dutchesse of Lorrain. King Philip made master of the Order of the Golden fleece. First he created his sonne Phi­lip, master of the order of the Golden-fleece; then he commanded Philibert Bruxellius, one of the Lords of his great Councel, to signifie his pleasure to the [Page 4] Estates of Flanders. The summe of his speech was this,The Low-coun­treys and Bur­gundy resigned to him in Bruxellius his speech. That the Emperour be­ing admonished, by his dayly decay of health, which had much broke and brought him low, to settle his affairs in this world: resolved to transferre that weight, which he could no longer support as became his own and the Empires dignity, [...]pon his sonne, both in vigour and wisdome able to bear so great a burthen. Therefore Cesar, wishing it may be for the happiness of himself and the Provinces, resigned his Dominion of the Low-countreys and Burgundy, released the People of their [...]ath of Allegiance, and voluntarily gave the right and possession of the Low-countreys and Burgundy to his sonne Philip King of England. Whilest Philibert was grave­ly speaking this,I [...]terrupted by Charles the fifth who repeats all his own actions. The Emperour rises on the sudden, and leaning on the shoul­ders of William Prince of Orange, interrupted his speech, and out of a paper he brought to help his memory, as the Register of the Empire, he himself be­gan to read in French,The Prince of Orange in his Apologie of the year 1571. What he had done from the seventeenth year of his age to that day, nine expeditions into Germany, six into Spain, seven into Italy, four into France, ten into the Low-countreys, two into England, as many into Africa, eleven Sea-voyages, Warres, Peace, Leagues, Victories: and set forth the particulars rather magnificently, then proudly. Moreover,The end of all Cesars designes. That he had proposed to himself no other end of all these labours, but the preservation of Religion & the Empire. Which hitherto whilest his health permitted, he had by Gods assistance so performed, that Charles the Emperours life and Reign could offend none but his enemies. Why he resignes his Kingdoms. Now, since his strength and almost life was spent, he would not prefe [...] the love of Empire before the safety of his People. In stead of an o [...]d Bed-rid man, the greatest part of him already in the grave, he would substitute a Prince in the spring of his youth, What be re­quires of the Low-countreys. of active strength and courage. To him he desired the Provinces t [...] pay their obedience, likewise to keep Peace among themselves, and be constant to the Or­thodox Religion; Lastly, That they would favourably pardon him, if he had tres­passed in his Government. What he promi­seth to them. For his own part he would alwayes remember their fide­lity and services in his prayers to God, to whom alone he resolved to live for the short remainder of his dayes. The Emperours speech to his Son before be gave him possession. Then turning to his sonne, he said, If these Pro­vinces had descended upon thee by my death, I had yet deserved something at my sonnes hands, for leaving him so rich and improved a patrimony. Now, since [...]hine Inheri ance is not a necessitated but a voluntary act, and that thy Father hath chosen to die before his time, that he may antedate the benefit of his death; all the interest thou owest me for it, I assign it to thy Subjects, and require thee to pay it in th [...] love and care to them. Other Princes rejoyce they have given life to their sonnes, and shall give Kingdoms. I am resolved to prevent fate of this gasping and posthumous favour: esteeming it a double joy, if I may see thee not onely living, but live [...]o see thee reigning by my gift. This example of mine, few Princes will imitate, for I my self in all antiquity could hardly find one to follow. But sure they will commend my resolution, when they see thee worthy to be made the first president. Which thou wilt be, if thou firmly retein the wisdome thou wert bred to, the fear of the Almigh­ty, and (which are the pillars of a Kingdome) the patronage of Religion and the Laws. One thing remains which thy Father makes his last wish, That thou maist have a sonne grow up worthy to have thy Government transferred upon him, but yet have no necessity to do it.

Having spoken this, he embraced his sonne, that was upon his knees, striving to kiss his hand, and piously and fatherly praying God to bless him, his tears broke off his words, and drew tears abundantly from the eyes of the beholders. King Philip humbly kissing his Fathers hand, then ri­sing to the Estates, excused his ignorance in the French tongue commanding Anthony Perenott Granvell, Bishop Gran­vell answers for K. Philip. Bishop of Arras, to speak for him; who in a most learned Oration interpreted the Kings mind, as gratefull to his father, so like­wise [Page 5] affectionate to the Low-coutrey-men, by his fathers precept and exam­ple. Iames Masius an eloquent Civill Lawyer answered in the name of the three Estates.Masius for the Estates replies to the Emperour and King. Lastly, Mary Queen of Hungary resigned the Government of the Low-countreys, which she had managed five and twenty years for the Emperour her Brother.Qu. Mary sur­ [...]enders her go­vernment of the Low-countreys. Shortly after the Emp. gives up all his Do­minio [...]s to his soil. So for that day the Session was adjourned. Two moneths after in a farre greater Assembly (for fame had further spread it self) the Emperour gave to his sonne Philip at once, the possession of all his King­domes, Provinces, and Islands, aswell in our World, as beyond the Line. Fi­nally, not long after, he sent the Crown and Scepter of the Empire (all he had then left) to his Brother Ferdinand (created many years before King of the Romans) by the hands of William Prince of Orange, who they say,Ian. 17. 1556. at first de­clining the Ambassage, told the Emperour, in King Philips presence, that he hoped better things from heaven,And sends his brother the Im­perial Crown by the Prince of Orange. then to see his Master take the Imperiall Crown from his own head, and send it by him to another; whether it was love to the Emperour (of whose grace and bounty he had many proofs) or flat­tery to King Philip, whom he knew designed for the Empire by his father, who often to that purpose had treated with his Brother Ferdinand. Who would have excused himself from being the messenger. For Cesar to confirm the Spanish power of the House of Austria by accession of the Empire,Mary sister to Charles the V, and Ferdinand 1556. had many times by Mary Queen of Hungary, sounded his Brother Fer­dinand if he would surrender the Kingdome of the Romanes to Philip, among other proposals promising to share the Empire with his Brother, that ever af­ter there should be two Cesars of equall authority. But all this moved not Fer­dinand.

Charles the fifth, from so great an Emperour now no body,The Emperour sails out [...]of the Low-Countreys, August 1556. leaving the Court to the new Prince, staid a while in a private house, till the fleet was ready: then losing from Zeland, with his sisters Queen Elianor, and Queen Mary, he sailed with a prosperous wind into the port of Lared [...] in Biscany. To follow him out of the Low-Countryes, will not be (I suppose) to wander from the History, since by continuing a relation of the last passages of a Prince of the Low-Countreys, and the last Prince born a Low-Countrey-man, I may ap­pear to be in the Low-Countreys still. However,Septemb. I presume the Reader will approve the bringing to light of this great retirement, and secret of State, wherein I shall insert many things (that would have been ill lost) into the Low-Countrey Annals, taking off somewhat from the following sad dis­course, by the present commemoration of this softer storie.

The Emperour was scarce landed,He arrives in Spain, the storm sparing him, but not his ship. when a tempest rising in the Harbour, scattered his whole fleet, and swallowed up the Admiral herself that carried him: as if she bad farwell to Cesar and his fortunes. It is reported, that when he came ashore, falling upon his knees,His words when he landed. he kiss'd the earth, and said, he did his duty to the Common Parent, and that as he came naked out of his mothers wombe,His admired constancy put to the Test by the Spanish Lords. so he willingly returned to this mother naked. But when he came into Biscany, and from thence went to Burgos, being met upon the way by ve­ry few of the Spanish Nobility (not to be attracted by Charles alone, unat­tended with his Titles) then he first found his nakedness.But especially by his son. Whereto was ad­ded, that his Pension of a hundred thousand Duckets (reserved out of his vast revenues, for part whereof he had present use, to reward his servants, and dismiss them) was not paid him, but he forced to wait for it at Burgos, not without some indignation,Which alittle moved him. till at last the mighty summe was tendered. Which affront as he could hardly dissemble,Whereupon some thought he wa­vered in his re­solution. so it gave many men colour to report, that the Act was scarce passed, when Charles repented him of the resignation of his Kingdoms. Though others say, he changed his mind upon the very day of his resignment; because many years after, when Cardinal Granvell re­membred [Page 6] King Philip of the anniversary day of his Fathers resignation; the King presently replied, And this is likewise the anniversary day of his repen­tance for resigning. Which spread by uncertain rumour, went for currant news, perswading the world the Emperour was not constant, so much as for a day, to his unexampled resolution: Unless perhaps King Philip thought not that commendable in his Father, which he himself meant not to imitate. For my part,But those Cen­surers were mi­staken. in all my search into the books and diaries of his retirement in the two years time of his private life, I find no mark of this kind of repen­tance; nor would it have shewed handsome, if the lively image of such magna­nimity, should be presented to succeeding ages, dressed up in the rags of peni­tence. But now, carried in his close chair to Validolid, he staid there a while with his Grand-child, Charles Prince of Spain, whose nature did not please him very well.The Monastery of S. Justus. Thence he retired to S. Iustus, a Monastery of Hieronomites, the seat he had long since chosen. It stands upon the confines of Portugal and Castile, not far from the Citie of Placentia, in a healthfull air, made so by the sweetness of the Vale, and circling Hils; but especially by the temperate Winters.Sex. Aur. Vict. in Caius Czs. Into this place (it is reported) Sertorius that most valiant General retreated, when he fled the Romane Army, and that here he was treacherous­ly slain. Here, at the last, the Emperour Charles set bounds to his sea of cares, and erecting his true Hercules Pillars, built himself a house joyning to the Monastery; the model whereof was upon his command, sent him a year before into the Low-Countreys,The Emperours new habitation. and approved of. It contained but six, at most seven Cells (for it pleases, as one saith, to know every thing that Princes do) of twenty foot in breadth and length, right Convent lodgings; from whence was a prospect, and stairs landing in a little garden, watered with a spring, planted with Citron and Lemon trees, that shot up their flowers and fruits to the very vvindows. And this vvas the Mausoleum, vvherein that mighty Emperour, not contented vvith one World, enclosed and buried himself alive; and to this narrovv compass was that Gyant lessened, that boasted to stretch his hand further then Hercules. So easily vvill Nature shrink into her ovvn stature and condition, if pride that puffs up and distracts her, do but once evaporate.

Coming to this Monastery,Febr. 1557. of threescore servants, chosen out of his vast Retinue, he sent the greatest part to Serandilla, the next Tovvn, intending to use them, if there should be occasion;His family, and how accommo­dated. keeping onely twelve men about him, and one horse.His contempt of the world. Nor was his furniture better then his attendance, but all measured by the strict rule of necessity. And truly it was a miracle to see Charles the Emperour enamoured with solitude, to forget his cares, to be constant to his resolution, and so much estranged from his old customes and almost nature; that neither gold, which then in abundance the Spanish fleet brought him from the Indies; nor the noise of War, which had wont to be carried through Europe by his Armies and Generals, by Sea and Land; could any way unfix his mind, for so many years past used to the sound of War;How be dispo­sed his time. His riding to take the air. or disturb his quiet,His gardening. though upon the hearing of various events.His making of clocks or wat­ches.

This Imperial Hermit so spent his time, that he daily bestowed part of it upon his sick and languishing body, part upon God and his Soul. For some­times he rode up and down the grounds, with one footman; sometimes he quartered his garden into little beds, set flowers, and planted trees with his triumphant hands,Jannell. Tur­rianus, whose Mathematicall inventions be much delighted in. as once Dioclesian did at Salon, when he likewise had resi­gned his Empire. He often practised to make Watches (whose wheels he governed with more case, then Fortunes wheel) learning the art of Iannel­lus Turrianus, the Archimedes of his time: making many experiments of his [Page 7] Water-works. Nay, 'tis said, the Aquaduct of Toledo, which Iannellus had then modelled, was much advantaged by the Emperours ingenious phansie. And such a form as they together had conceived in that two years retirement, such was Turrianus his water-work, which after the Emperours decease, by a new miracle of Art, drew up the river Tagus to the top of the mountain of Toledo. This was the man that, in the Emperours solitary life, daily recreated his spirits, (much taken with such novelties) by shewing unheard of Engines and Inventions: For often, when the Cloth was taken away after dinner, he brought upon the board little armed figures of Horse and Foot, some beat­ing Drums, others sounding Trumpets, and divers of them charging one an­other with their Pikes.. Sometimes he sent wooden sparrows out of his chamber into the Emperours Dining-room, that would flie round, and back again; the Superiour of the Monastery, who came in by accident, suspecting him for a Conjurer. He likewise framed a Mill of iron that turned it self, of such a subtile work and smalness, that a Monk could easily hide it in his sleeve, yet daily it ground as much wheat, as would abundantly serve eight persons for their dayes allowance. But these sports were more frequent at the Empe­rours first coming. Afterward, warned by his disease, that still rung the la­rum of death,His extraordi­nary care of his soul. he more sparingly gave them admittance, onely at such houres as his pain left him: for now he made it his first care, often to come to Church at times appointed for the Monks to sing Prayers:Joseph Seguen­za in the Histo­ry of his Order, l. 1. He often read Saints lives, and discoursed of holy things more frequently, then he accustomed: he wash­ed out the stains of his Conscience, by Confession of his sinns, and are the bread of Angels, though sometimes not fasting, for which he had a dispensa­tion (by reason of the weakness of his stomack) granted by the Pope.By the Bull of Julius 111. 1554. Marc. 19 Nay, with a discipline of platted cords (so much prevailed the example of others, and a mind once conquerour over it self) he put himself to constant sharp penance for his former life.He disciplined himself. Which Discipline King Philip ever had in great veneration,His whip reve­renced by his son. and a little before his death commanded it to be brought to him, and as it was stained in the bloud of Charles his father, he sent it to his sonn Philip the third: and they say, it is still preserved among the pious monu­ments of the House of Austria. Lastly, upon occasion of those funerall Ob­sequies, which he celebrated for his Mother, on the Anniversary of her de­cease, a new desire set him a longing (if it were lawfull) to celebrate his own funeralls: advising hereupon with Iohn Regula, a Father of the Convent, and his Confessour: when he told him, it was (though without president, yet) a pious and meritorious act; he commanded immediately, that all funerall preparations should be made. A Herse was therefore set up in the Church,Aug. 30. 1558. torches lighted, and his servants in black stood about it, the Service for the dead being mournfully sung by the Religious men. He himself surviving his own funeralls, beheld in that imaginary last office, the true tears of his atten­dance: He heard the Hymn, wishing him happy rest among the Saints; and he himself singing with them, prayed for his own soul: till coming near him that officiated, and delivering him the torch he held lighted in his hand, with eyes lifted up to heaven, he said, Thou great Iudge of life and death, I humbly beseech thee, as the Priest takes from me this wax-light I offer; so thou at last in thine own good time, wilt graciously please to receive my Spirit, which I commend into thy hands, arms, and bosome. Then, as he was, in a loose mourning gar­ment, he lay down upon the floor, all the Church beginning to weep a fresh, and as he had been laid forth to take their last farwell.Immediately he falls sick. It seems, the Empe­rour by these feigned Rites, plaid with approaching death: for two dayes af­ter his personated Obsequies, he fell into a fever, which by little and little [Page 8] consuming him,Barthol. Mi­randa. the Archbishop of Toledo gave him all the supplies by the Christian Church appointed for the struggling soul, and the Monks that came frequently out of their Cels into his Bed-chamber,Soon after he died. prayed God to send their Guest a happy convoy to the mansion of the Blessed; and on the Eve of the Evangelist S. Matthew, Sept. 21. 1558. in the eight and fiftieth year of his age (whereof he onely lived two years, with a great sence of Piety and Religion) he depart­ed this life.His funerals ushered with Prodigies in heaven. His death was attended with conspicuous signes in Heaven and Earth: For a while after he sickned, there was seen a blazing star in Spain, at first somewhat dimm, but as his disease increased, so it grew in brightness,Observed by Ian. Turrionus present at the Emperours death. and at last shooting its fiery hair point blank against the Monastery of S. Iu­stus, in the very hour the Emperour died, the Comet vanished. Nor hap­pened this without admiration; in the Emperours garden sprung a Lilly, which at the same time put forth two buds:And in earth. The one, as it is usuall, blowing in the Moneth of May: The other (though as well watered) gave no signe of laying its great belly all the Spring and Summer: but that night wherein the Emperours soul put off the garment of his body, the Lilly suddenly breaking her Challice, with an unseasonable and unexspected Spring, began to blow. It was likewise observed by all, that this Lilly laid upon the high Altar for men to view, was received as a happy and white omen.

Thus Charles the fifth, when he had enjoyed his Fathers kingdomes fourty years,How long he reigned. the Empire six and thirty, and himself two, after the resignment of all these, left it doubtful, whether he merited more honour in so long govern­ing the Empire, and many Kingdoms, or in relinquishing them all together. Yet, I am not ignorant, this Act was then diversly censured; and at this day, the Emperours resignment is an argument for Rhetoricians to declaim upon in the Schools,Diverse reasons commonly given for his resigne­ment. and Politicians at Court. But omitting the conceptions of these men, and such builders of Castles in the air, I will give you the com­mon and most probable opinions.

Many had one reason before their eyes, to wit, his infirmity of the gout, which from his fiftieth yeare gave him no intervals, but continually torment­ed and forced him (as he professed at his solemn resignation) by a safe pre­vention, both for his own and his kingdomes good,His fear of for­tunes mutability to transfer the weight of that Government, which he knew himself no longer able to sustain, upon a man in the full strength of youth and courage. The subtiler people, that dive into the secrets of business, and sleight all that is visible, suspected that the Emperour,Peter Mexius in the life of Charles the V. Thuanus, l. 26. terrified with the fortune of Henry the second of France; held it safer to encounter him with the youth of his sonne, ambitious and capable of government, then with his own declining years and victories. They like­wise observed, that from the time he tried in vain to recover the Town of Metz, 1552. from the French, and sate down before it with an army of one hundred thousand men, whereof he lost no fewer then fourty thousand; he contract­ed such inward grief: especially having been forced a while before, by Mau­rice Duke of Saxony, to save himself by an unhandsome, at least unaccustomed retreat: That for some dayes he kept his chamber, and ever after his dis­ease grew sharper.Hipp. Chizzal. in his book inti­tuled, The let­ters of Princes. Nay, it was commonly believed, that Cesars fortune glutted and grown coy, began to retire, and that the happy genius of this so long unconquered Emperour was fled to Henry the French King: Cesar him­self not able to dissemble it, being heard to say: It seems, Fortune is the young mans mistress. And therefore for his Device of Hercules pillars and the mot­to, More beyond; there was painted a Crab-fish, the word, More on this side, a jeer agreeable with the times. Some said, The Emperour did like a wary Gamster at Dice, who having drawn a great summe of monie in many houres [Page 9] play, held his hand betimes: and suffered not himself to be stript of all his victorious heap at one throw. Contrary to this was the sense of others, That imputed Cesars act to his immense ambition.His immoderate desire of glory. For being of a spirit, as cove­tuous of fame as ever any since the first Cesars times, when he conceived it ar­rived at the highest point of Glory,Francis King of France. Henry King of Na­varre. Clem. 7. by so many victories over all kinds of ene­mies, and these carried with so strange a fortune, that hardly any one took the field against him, whom he saw not vanquished, nay (which we seldome read) bound and Captive:Bishop of Rome P. M. Guliel. at last he laid down and spurned away the greatest Crowns and Scepters of Europe and America; Duke of Cleve­land. by this unusuall Conquest, aim­ing at new Titles of Honour, not easie to be equalled by Posterity. An ob­scure report was likewise spread abroad,J. Fred. the E­lectour of Sa­xony. That the Emperour was moved with the Complaints of his sonne Philip, dayly wounded with the scorn and riming Libells of the English,Ernest Duke of Brunswick. Phil. Land­grave of Hel­len. That brooked not in their Island a Spanish Lord: the Common People therefore called him not the King, but the Queens Hus­band: upon this accasion, he more passionately represented to his Father his fortune and condition, to work him the sooner to resign the Low-countreys, having had some intimation of the Emperours intent:His Sonnes complaints. Adrian. l. 13. of his History Thua. l. 16. Gabrera upon Phil. 2. l. 1. c. 5. & 8. and like Children born of young Parents that come old to their inheritance, impatiently exspected the good houre. But there are that make another construction, and affirm, the Emperour pitched upon this Resolve, touched onely with Religion, and pricked in Conscience about many things, for which he thought it best to make his peace betimes with the Divine Majestie, before he was summoned to give in his accounts:His necessity to make his peace with God. for the Emperours spirit, not altogether deaf to Piety, was struck with a sad remembrance of divers actions, That he had made a League with Henry King of England, 1543. excommunicated for his sake by the Bishop of Rome. For entering in­to a league with Hen. 8. of Eng. contrary to his engagement to the Pope. Wherein, the injury he received by King Henries divorce from the Emperours great Aunt, Queen Katharine: and his constant promise never to hold amity with any heretical Prince, unless reconciled to the Church of Rome: Jov. l. 43, 44, 45. were both weakly undervalued to advance his inexpiable hatred to the French. Besides to have medled in the cause of Religion, taking upon him the Popes office, and commanding a book to be published in Germany, For determining matters of re­ligion. which contained a confession of Faith: to the obsevance whereof all should be obliged, till the Council of Trent were ended. Which Book, though in many places it was agreeable to the Catholick Church, yet some were con­trary, as the marriage of Priests, and receiving the Communion under both kinds: for being penned by a Juncto of Catholicks and Hereticks, as it often happens, it pleased neither side. Lastly, at the storming and sack of Rome, he consented to the Popes imprisonment, and would have had him carried into Spain, but that publick infamy forced him to decline it. Yet would he not own the wofull plundering of the sacred City: nay when the news was brought him into Spain, he prohibited by Proclamation, the publick joy for his sonne Philips birth, and putting on mournings, commanded an adjourn­ment of the Courts of Iustice. But what it was in him, not onely not to do justice upon those that robbed the Town and Churches, but also to use their service for seven moneths together;For imprisoning the Pope. to keep the Vicar of Christ Prisoner in the in the Castle of S. Angelo, yea close prisoner, and in so wretched a condition,6. May 1527. that an old herb-woman because pitying his cries she hid some Lettice in the Castle-ditch which a boy was to give him up by a cord:Guic. l. 18. The Captain of the Guard meeting her, furiously with his own hands hanged her upon the Castle gates,21. May 1527. crucifying the eyes of the poor Bishop with that horrid spectacle. Fi­nally the Emperour having no sense of his so great calamitie,Jov. l. 26. compelled the Pope, as if he had been a profane enemy, to purchase his liberty with a huge [Page 10] ransome. No doubt but such wicked deeds, as they were prejudged by a common execration, so Charles the fifth acknowledged and condemned them in himself, and their sting, left in his soul, caused that Prince (otherwise reli­gious) to do this last act for pacifying the offended Deity. To do pennance for these crimes be left the world. Yet some there are that excuse the Emperour in point of crime, and lay much of the fault upon the Age, the Warre and an armed multitude, whose fury, once awaked, is not ever to be governed by one mans hand. This I find, was most of the discourse of these times touching the Refignment of Charles the fifth: and at this day it is credited or slighted with like faction and ignorance of truth.It is probable there was a concurrence of many causes. But no rash ones or unworthy the greatnesse of his Imperiall ma­jesty. For my own part though I know great designs are driven on by many causes, as great ships, by many oars; yet I cannot perswade my self, the fear of mutable fortune, or any lighter cause, contributed to Cesars determination. Forasmuch as almost ten years before his death, about the very harvest time of his Victories, in his last Will and Testament made at Auspurgh, he mentioned the Resigning of his Kingdomes,1541. and long before that time, I am well assured the Emperour was minded to divest himself of all the cares and baggage of the world,1542. the better to make his speedy retreat to heaven. This was onely imparted to Fran­cis Borgia Duke of Gandia, who afterward entered into the Society of Iesus, with a severe injunction, that he should not reveal that intention to any living, which the Emperour resolved to execute, assoon as the Warre gave him any time to breathe.1553. Iune. Nor when he had surrendered the Empire were things in such a condition,Iuly 1553. to make him repent his fortune: for a while after, the siege of Metz was raised, Terwin a strong Fort in the Low-countreys, and Hedin where antiently the Princes of Artois kept their Courts, were taken, and upon both places many of the French Gentry slain. Nay in Italy, part of the Isle of Corsica was in despight of the enemy preserved for the Genoueses, 1554. and (which was yet happier) the Citie Siena was taked,1555. the French beat out of it, and al­most out of all the Dutchy of Florence. But I believe what he had often de­signed was then resolved,The fear of death was the chief motive of putting his Resolve in exe­cution. when his disease came to that heigh, that he often fainted away: especially, when he heard of his mothers death, he began to make sure account his own fate drew nigh: so that he was many times per­swaded he heard his mothers voice, calling her sonne to her. Which opinion took the deeper impression,1555. because Vesalius physitian to the Emperour, stuck not to tell him (with strange freedome in a man of his profession) that his life could not continue.Andreas Vc­salius. So as the Emperour made haste to do, what he had so often determined, lest death that followed close, should prevent him. And at that time was often heard to repeat the words of one of his Commanders (whose worth I better know, then his name) that being an old Officer of Horse,He was quick­ned by a noble saying of one of his Com­manders. and resolving to leave the world, when he petitioned the Emperour for a discharge from service, who urged him to give a reason for his new resoluti­on, they say his answer was, That between the business of life, and day of death, a space ought to be interposed. Which ingenious sentence printed it self in the Em­perours heart, that had been long upon the like meditation. But then, when the end of his life was visible, he held it his best course to lay hold upon that space, beyond which there is nothing. Wherein, neglecting the affairs of others, he might onely regard his own concernment: rescue himself, from external cares, representing and confining himself onely to himself, before the hand of necessity should arrest and carry him to Gods Tribunall, guilty, in so high a degree, of mortall happiness. To that purpose he retired into this sanctuary,It is concluded the Emperours resolution came from heaven. where solitude gave him leasure: and the sanctity of the place, en­couragement and assistance. Indeed, he that observes either his magnanimi­ty in resigning his vast Empire by sea and land, not leaving a span of ground [Page] [Page]

[Page 11] subject to his power: or his constancy to the cloystered and private life he had undertaken, in that two years time, wherein he extended his victory over himself; or his holy end, which did not surprise him, but came when he was prepared (which is the hardest task) for death in life: He, I say, must needs acknowledge it to be no trifling cause, or unworthy of so great a soul; but an excellently pious and indeed a heavenly motive that brought the Emperour to this Resolve.

But whatsoever it was, King Philip, after his Fathers decease,The new Kings first care. disposing of his new Dominions, instead of Mary Queen of Hungary, substituted in the government of the Low-Countreys and Burgundy, The Duke of Sa­voy made go­vernour of the Low-countreys. Emmanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy; who, besides his nearness of bloud to Charles the fifth, had given him many proofs of his experience in the Warrs, especially in those Pro­vinces, against the French. Nor were his great abilities less usefull to King Philip, in the War that welcomed him to his new Principality. For though the Kings, Henry and Philip, in the beginning of this year, by the mediation of Mary Queen of England, The Truce be­tween France and Spain bro­ken. had made a five years truce at Cambray; yet by reason of the Warre, flaming between the Pope and King Philip, the Truce within the year was broken: the Spaniard laying the fault upon the French, Febr. and the French upon the Spaniard. King Henry called into Italy by the Caraffi, On what occasi­on. embraced the specious pretence of protecting the Pope; but per­adventure he looked not so much upon the cause, as upon the issue of the War,Thuan. l. 22. easily believing he should conquer this new and unexperienced Prince, ha­ving at more then one Battel overthrown so old a Souldier, and so great a Conquerour as his Father. And now the French having past the Alps under the Duke of Guise's Command, fought for the Pope in Italy; Decemb. and at the same time, entring the Low-Countreys under the Conduct of Colligni, The French in­vade the Low-Countreys. Ferdinand of Tolledo Duke of Alva. plundred the Province of Artois. Whilest King Philip (the Duke of Alva strongly prosecuting his affairs in Italy) on the one part prevailed with his Wife; to denounce War against King Henry: on the other part, he commanded Phi­libert Duke of Savoy, to make an introde into France; by whose valour and conduct,Iune 1557. he won that memorable Victory at S. Quintins, which put all France into a shaking fit,Aug. 1550. insomuch as the greattest part of their Gentry be­ing prisoners to the Spaniard, The Spaniard first was con­querour at S. Quintins. the rest marched into Italy; it was the common fear, if the Conquerour came on, he would easily possess himself of Paris▪ most of the Townsmen being fled to the neighbouring cities, as if the Spa­niard were at their gates. But King Henry commanding the Duke of Guise out of Italy, and raising a great Army, (which is ordinary in France, where the children are bred souldiers) he soon interrupted the Spanish triumph:Presently after the French re­covered Cali [...]e. for immediately he took Calice, (which Port the Kings of England used to call, The Portall of France, Ian. 1558. and so long as they enjoyed it, they said, They wore the keyes of France at their girdle) being all the remainder of their two hun­dred years conquest, that was kept by the Englishmen upon the continent of France, which Kingdome in a few dayes they were forced to restore to its ancient bounds, retiring to their own within the Sea. But shortly after the Die of War ran on the Spanish side: For King Philip perceiving the French Army to be divided, proud of their number and success, having in hope de­voured all the Low-Countreys; he himself divided his own forces, part he sent against Paulus Termus (burning and spoyling the Sea-coast of Flanders) under the Command of Lamorall Count Egmont, the gallantest of all the Low-countrey-men, who was Generall of his Horse at the battel of S. Quintin, and a great cause of the victory. The other part of his Army he sent into Savoy, to attend the motion of the Duke of Guise. Count Eg­mont [Page 12] fighting a battel before Graveling, The Spaniard hath another vi­ctorie at Grave­ling. a port of Flanders, with great va­lour and fortune won the day: For whilest the old souldiers of both Armies fought doubtfully for sometime, on a sudden the French gave ground, and lost the battel: for ten English ships,Fortune seconds valour. as they sailed by, seeing the fight, struck into the mouth of the river of Hay, and with their Cannon so galled the French on that side,Iuly 1558. where they held themselves to be impregnable; co­ming upon them with such an unexspected and therefore a more dreadfull storm from sea, that the Foot being disordered, their fear was infused into the Horse, so as their Army being routed, there scarce remained one of the whole number to carry home news of the overthrow. For part were s [...]ain in the fight, the Duke and his great Officers taken prisoners; the rest were either knocked down as they swam, by the English (besides two hundred taken alive, and presented to the Queen, for witnesses of their service at the battel) or by the Boors, in revenge of the plundering and firing of their houses, killed without mercy. To their misfortune was added, that the reliques of the Army,The womens crueltie to the French. scattered in places they knew not about Flanders, had their brains beaten out by the women, that came upon them with clubs and spits, and (which is a more dangerous weapon) armed with the furie of their sex; some almost railing them to death; others pricking their bodkins into them, with exquisite barbarity pulled them to pieces with their nayls, as the Bacchanals tore Orpheus. Thus Henry of France, loosing two battels in one year, seeing his old souldiers slain, and (which is of fadder consequence) the noblest of his subjects taken prisoners, which are the strength of the French Militia; He willingly embraced that peace, which so long as for­tune smiled upon him,A Treatie of peace between the Kings. he had sleighted: And King Philip moved by the accession of Calice to the Kingdome of France, and his experience of the War, had the like inclination to Peace. Just as we see, after the clouds have fought, and are broken, the Sun breaks forth: nor ever shines a greater hope of Peace, then when a War is seriously prosecuted, fury being as it were glutted and weary with the slaughter. The honour of this Peace was attributed to Christiern, Concluded by mediation of the Dutchess of Lorain. Dutchess of Lorain, mediating between the two Kings, as cosen-germane to King Philip, and by late affinity gracious with King Henry. Nor is it unusuall to employ that Sex in such transacti­ons; for it is held a point of Civility to yield to their solicitation. The news of this Peace (which after long dispute opened it self with the Spring) in the city of Cambray, At Cambray, the Peace-ma­king city. was received with so great a joy of the Christian world, weary of the tedious War, that higher expression of contented minds are scarce recorded in the memory of man.April 1556. They that compared this peace, with that concluded between the fathers of these Kings, above thirty years before,To the generall contentment. Charles the V. & Francis the I. mediated likewise by Princesses, and concluded (where this was) in the Town of Cambray, a place destinated (as it seems) for peacemaking; shall find then no common joy, because divers Princes were not parties to the League,Aug. 1529. and the warr in Italy still continued. Whereas all the Prin­ces of Europe being equally comprehended in this Peace, an equall joy spread it self through all nations,Alice the Kings mother, and Margaret the Emperours aunt The Peace con­firmed by mar­riage. filling every mind with great hope of long friendship between the Kings: which afterward fell out accordingly. A Marriage, was likewise made, the better to confirm the Peace; which not­withstanding continues among Princes, no longer then ambition suffers it, to which for the most part Kings are more truly married.

King Philip (Mary Queen of England being dead the year before) was of­fered a wife that had been promised to his son Charles, Of the King of Spain to the French Kings daughter. Prince of Spain; Isa­bella King Henries daughter, eleven years of age, who because she was born [Page 13] when the peace was begun with England, and married to make a peace with Spain they called the Princess Peace. In like manner Emman. Philibert married King Henries sister Margaret, The King of France his sister married at the same time to the Duke of Savoy A Tourna­ment at the wedding. and had in portion with her all those towns be­yond and on this side the Alps, which France the first, and Henry himself had taken from him. But never did France celebrate so joyfull a Wedding with so sad a close. Among other preparations there a Tournament, that is fear­full pleasure and an honourable danger: wherein one cannot think them to be in jest, that fight: nor to fight, when they see all intended but for sport. It is an exercise the French exceedingly affect, and they account it noble, as being a bold and warlike nation. The Lists now set up, and scaffolded like a stage, were filled with the best Tilters in Christendome; (for France chal­lenged Europe at the breaking of a spear.)Where the King is victor. The two first dayes the King himself ran and had the Victory, but when he came the third time in all his glory into the Lists, against the advice of the Lords, encountring the Ca­ptain of his Guard, before his Bever was down, a splinter of his Launce fly­ing in his face,Gabriel Count de Mongoma­ry, but soon after wounded. struck out his right eye, and shooting into his brain (the Queen and Queen-mother with the Kings children beholding those unfor­tunate Revells) he presently fell in a swound, and being caught in mens arms the whole stage running bloud, which but now rung with joyfull ac­clamations and applauses, suddenly turned into mournings and lamentati­ons. The fifth day after, this Prince no less valiant then religious, and eve­ry way worthy a better fate,Dies July 2. 1549. departed his life. And before the eyes of an infinite multitude, which it seems he had proudly invited to his own funerals, he acted to the life, without scene or fable, the Tragedy of mortall happi­ness. They say,His death fore­told. one that cast his nativity (as these kind of Predictions are commonly produced, after the event) foretold this very accident. For Queen Katharine of Medices, desirous to know the fate of her children of the Astrologer Gauricus, Luc. Gaur. Thus. l. 22. he answered her, the Kings head would be endangered by a Duell.Lod. Guicci­ard. l. 3. Others say, the very night before his misfortune, the Queen had the manner of his death presented in her dream. But some who wisely ob­served, not without admitation of Divine justice,The history of the Nether­lands. that the King, who in the beginning of his Reign, gave way to a serious. Duell, between two young Gentlemen of great families, and with the Lords of his Court sate to be­hold it:1559. should in an unfortunate mock Duell loose both his life and King­dome. Howbeit he was then penitent for the fact,Anonym. in that Hist. and had made a vow ne­ver after to allow of any more such fighting:Thua. l. 3. & 22. Vidus. Ca­vocius & Francis Vi­vonus. and if in this last Tournament he sinned in the vain ostentation of his strength, no doubt but he abundant­ly redeemed it, in that admirable and Christian constancie of his soul in her extreamest agony.The judgement of prudent men upon the Kings fate. Sure he had contributed much to the religious meek­ness of the French, if he had buried this barbarous Recreation in his tomb.

This year (that I may enlarge my History a little) was fatall (if we may so call it) to many and great Princes,A strange con­juncture this year of Princes funerals. that dyed one after another: especial­ly since no contagion reigned among the People, very few vulgar corpses being then buried: yet, in the compass of one year, most of the Lords of Europe were entombed. There dyed the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Henry the second of France, Christian King of Denmark, and Christiern also King of Denmark, the last onely surviving four and twenty dayes. Queen Elianor sister to Charles the fifth, married first to Emmanuel King of Portu­gall, then to Francis the first of France, Mary who followed her brother Charles the fifth within less then a moneth, and a Queen of England of that name, and Bona Sfortza mother to Sigismund Augustus King of Poland, the [Page 14] other two were wives to Kings, one to Lodowick of Hungary, the other to Philip the second of Spain. There died Pope Paul the fourth, attended by the funerals of ten Cardinals, two Princes Electors, the Archbishop of Cul­len, and the Prince Palatine, Laurentius Priulus Duke of Venice, and Hercules Este Duke of Ferrara: not to name inferious Princes, whose continued Ob­sequies filled the Annual Register, so as that season seemed to be Deaths greater Harvest, King of Rome. when he cropt the heads of Nations, as Tarquin struck off the Poppy-heads. King Philip therefore, having now concluded a Peace, departed with his Queen from Savoy into Italy, (for King Henries death had altered no part of the agreement) and before his going into Spain to take possession of his Kingdomes, he thought it best to settle not onely the Civil and Military, but likewise the Ecclesiasticall State of the Low-Countreys.

Belgica, Of Belgium, or the Low-countreys. Its Name. [...] by Forreiners called Flanders, from the noblest part of it, and the Low-Countreys from the low situation, or (as the Germans will have it) from affinity with their language and manners, is known by the name of the low­er Germany: it is indeed a little parcel of Europe, as not much exceeding the fifth part of Italy, Greatness. nor above a thousand miles in compasse: yet I hardly know any Countrey more rich, or populous: The Prince making as much of Flanders as the Kings of England (set by the revenues of the Church) used to do of that large Island.Wealth. Guicciardine in his descripti­on of the Low-countreys. Cities, Towns, Villages, Forts. It containeth Cities, or Towns equall to Cities, above three hundred and fiftie: great Villages (to omit the lesser) above six thousand three hundred: besides Forts, that stand so thick, as if the ground were sown with them: Yet the ingeniousness of the People, and their contrivance is such, as their variety and plenty of manufactures are more then can be used, in the narrow bounds of this one Nation. The world hath not a more industrious,Militia. richer, or constanter Militia; so as Mars seems here to set up school, and teach the Art of War, to people that come hither from all climates. Then what unknown sea-coasts and Regions be­yond the Line,Navigation. hath not the Hollander discovered? as much as Nature by Land contracts their limits, so much by Sea have they opened to themselves larger Countreys, which they have subdued and peopled, extending as it were the Suburbs of the seventeen Provinces. Trade of cloth­ing. The Cloth and Stuff they make, not onely fill (as great as it is) all Europe, but far and wide, through every Nation of Africa and Asia, they daily bear about the Low-Coun­treys: Nay, the West-Indians, trucking for their Linen and Woollen, have learned the names of the Low-Countrey cities. To conclude, we seldome at this day admire the workmanship of any Engines, which the Low-Coun­trey men have not either invented, or brought unto perfection. Heretofore their wits were indeed kept under and depressed, when their fortune was as low as their Countrey: Now there is an other age, and other manners. Their love to learning, their skill in Sea-fights,Inclination. Adv. Jien. in his Tract of Holland, attri­butes it to the air they live in. their gainfull trade of Na­vigation, the well-ordering of the Common-wealth by themselves created, their stupendious Fire and Water-works (proofs of no dejected natures) are scarce any where to be matched; I am sure so many together are not to be seen in all the rest of Europe, as in this little plot of the Low-Countreys. It is likewise proper to this Nation (if left to themselves) to hate fraud,The Character of a Low-coun­trey man. and by that credit which they know they themselves deserve, to measure others. They are not greatly taken with presents, at least not long, using benefits like flowers, that please while they are fresh: their sense of injuries is the same; which they presently forget, and easily pass over, unless they conceive themselves sleighted, then their fury is implacable. They have likewise a shrewd guess of their own strength, seldome undertaking any thing they do [Page 15] not compass. Yet no people under heaven drive on a subtiler traffick, either by Sea or Land, inhabiting both the Elements, and not obliged by the Laws of either. In this they exceed, that how great soever their gains or losses are (a Common case with Merchants) they passe it over with so little and dull a sense of joy or grief, as you would think them factours for others, & not owners of the goods, I suppose out of the native temper of their minds, and the air of their Countrey that quickens them with colder spirits. But in maintaining their liberty, they are very fierce, for they hold it an honour to undervalue all things in respect of that: wherein they sometimes come nearer to licentiousness,Belgium di­vided into 17 Provinces. then liberty. The whole Region of Belgica is di­vided, according to their own calculation, into seventeen Provinces, which not long ago were either by affinity, or traffick, or arms, associated under the Government of one Prince.Which come to one Prince three wayes. Philip was the first of all the Dukes of Burgun­dy, under whose protection many more Belgick Provinces put themselves, then ever submitted to any other.Philip the Good had them by affinity. For Burgundy, Brabant, Flanders, Lim­burgh, Lucemburgh, Artois, Haynolt, Namurs, Holland, Zeland, Frizeland, the Marquisate of the sacred Empire, were solely in his possession. To these his sonne Charles joyned Gelderland and Zutfen, both which he first bought of Duke Arnold, Meyer l. 17. Charles the Souldier by Purchase and the Sword who disinherited his sonne Adolph, that kept him six years a Prisoner: then after the death of Arnold and Adolph, he fought for them with the sonne to Adolph, Pont. Heut. l. 1. But he lost some of them. and wonne them in the field. But Duke Charles being slain at the battel of Nantes, and the French King Lewis the Eleventh prosecuting the Warre against Mary Daughter and heir to Charles, this Principality was lessened by the loss of Artois to the French, and many other little Towns in Burgandy. And though Maximilian by his victory at Gui­nigate, a little after his marriage with Mary, Paulus Aemil. l. 10. and Pont. Heut. l. 2. Part Maximi­lian recovered by arms. restored divers of them to the Low-countreys: yet when a peace was made between him and the French, and Margaret Daughter to Maximilian, and Mary espoused to Charles the Dolphin: the Counties of Ar [...]ois and Burgundy were, in the name of her Dowre,The same Au­thour in the same book and lib. 5. cut off again from the Low-Countreys. But Margaret, being re­fused by Charles when he came to the Crown, after that refusall had revived the Warre, Charles posting into Italy to the Conquest of Naples, made a Peace with Maximilian and his sonne Philip, Part by Treaty Guic. lib. 1. 4. 8. Belcar. l. 8. returning Margaret and the Pro­vinces he had with her to the Low-Countreys; onely he kept the Forts in his hands which his successour Lewis the twelfth, wholly bent upon the de­sign of Millain, rendered of his own accord. But those of Gelderland and Zutfen, submitting to their Lords, and troubling the Low-countreys with incursions, especially the parts about Utrecht: Charles the fifth having over­thrown Charles Duke of Gelderland, Charles the fifth possessed himself of all together. Pont. Heut. lib. 11. and 9. entered upon them again, by the right of Conquest. But in regard the Warres, often renued upon his occasion, had been exceeding chargeable: the Emperour annexed the Provinces of U­trecht and Overysell to the Low-Countreys: (Henry Baviere Bishop and Lord Utrecht willingly resigning them) and defending Groin against those of Gel­derland: The same l. 11. and Meter. adding Cambray and Cambresey to the Province of Artois, enlarged the Belgick Dominion.Guic. lib. 16. and Pont. Heut. lib. 11. At length, after his victory at Pavia (by an agree­ment made between the Emperour and the King) the Low-Countreys were freed from the jurisdiction of the French King, who formerly was their Lord Paramount: so that Charles the fifth of all the Belgick Princes had the great­est and most absolute command. Now most of these Provinces, as once they had severall Lords,And though to have made a Kingdom of them, Guic. Meyer. so after they were subjected to one, almost each of them had their severall and respective Laws and a peculiar form of govern­ment. Which they say was the Principall cause that Charles the fifth, (when [Page 16] he was exceedingly desirons to mould these Provinces into a Kingdome, which had been attempted by his great Grand-father) gave off the designe,Why he did not. because they were so different in manners, language, customes, and emulati­on incident to neighbours, that he thought it hardly possible to reduce them to one kind of government, whereof a Kingdome must consist, none of the Provinces consenting to yield precedence to any of the rest, or to submit to the Laws of others as their superiours.The distribution of the Provinces From hence was derived the cu­stome for the Low-countrey Princes, 1546. besides Governours of towns,1556. to place a Governour in every Province that should minister justice according to their Laws and Customes. And King Philip was well pleased to have in his power the disposall of the Provinces,The government whereof King Philip gave to the Lords. in most of which the Governours pla­ces were void: That he might remunerate the valour and service of the Lords so often tried in the late Warres. He therefore pickt out the flower of the Belgick Nobility: choosing none, but such as either Charles his Father or he himself had made companions of the order of the Golden-fleece. L [...]cem­burgh, a Province bordering upon France and Lorrain, Lucemburgh to Count Mans­field. and therefore more famed for slaughter then riches, he gave to Ernest Count Mansfield, who had formerly been Governour thereof.1559. He was born in Saxony: for his military experience and fidelity to Charles the fifth and King Philip, equal­ly beloved of both.Namure to Count Barla­mont. Namures and Lymburgh neighbours on either hand to Lucemburgh (very small Countreys, but fruitfull) he bestowed, the one up­on Charles Count Barlamont, Lymburgh to the Count of East-Frizeland Haynolt to John Lanoi Lord of Mo­lembase. that, with his four sonnes spirited like their fa­ther, had been alwayes passionately for the King: the other he gave to Iohn Count of East-Frizeland. But Haynolt, the seminary of the Belgick Nobility, was not at this time given to the Marquesse of Berghen op Zoome, what ever others write, but to Iohn Lanoi Lord of Molembase, who the next year dy­ing, Margaret of Austria Dutches of Parma, But he shortly after dying, it was bestowed on the Marquess of Berghen. supreme Governess of the Nether­lands, by her special letters to the King, obtained that Province for Iohn Climed son in Law to Molembase and Marquess of Berghen, more gracious with Charles the fifth then with his son. In Flanders (which they say is one of the Noblest and most potent Provinces of Christendome) and Artois bordering upon Flanders, Flanders and Artois to Count Egmont. he constituted Lamoral Prince of Gaure Count Egmont a great Commander.French-Flan­ders to John Momorancy. That part of Flanders, which because they speak Wallom, or broken French, is called French-Flanders: and the City of Tournay thereun­to appendent,Tournay to his Brother Flo­rence. had for their Governours the Momorancies, Iohn and Florenti­us, this Lord of Mountain, that of Courir. But over Holland and Zeland and the parts adjacent that is the Districht of Utrecht: Holland and Zeland to the Prince of O­range. Provinces of great strength by Sea and Land,1559. the King placed William of Nassau Prince of Orange, of great authority in the Low-Countreys, yet no Low-Countreyman. To the government of West-Frizeland and Overysell the King advanced Iohn Ligni­us Count Arembergh, conspicuous for his loyalty to his Master and his expe­rience in Warre.Frizeland and Overysell to Count Arem­bergh. Gelderland and Zutfen formerly annexed to Gelderland were at this time distributed like the other Provinces among the Low-Countrey Lords,Gelderland and Zutfen be as then assigned to no one. as all Writers affirm. Yet, by their leave, the truth was otherwise: for the King at his departure thence disposed of neither of these G [...]vern­ments. I suppose it was, because Philip Memorancie Count of Horn, stood in competition for them, who had once been Governour of both: to whose pretension it was conceived Anthony Granvell Bishop of Arras was an ad­versary: the King, who confided in this mans judgement, but yet wou [...]d not be present when the other should receive offence, went into Spain, leaving these Provinces without a Governour: that so he might spin out the ex­spectation of Count Horn, and weary him with a tedious suit. And now ti­red [Page 17] indeed and hopeless to get it for himself, he altered the name, and peti­tioned in behalf of his Brother the Lord Montin, intreating the Dutchess of Parma, the Governess, that she would please to write to the King in favour of his Brother. She did so, putting in his name among divers others, by her commended to his Majestie: but at the same time in cypher, she wished the King to approve of none for that Command,But afterwards he sent from Spain a Patent to Count Megen to be Governour of both. but onely Charles Brimed Count of Megen, who was immediately chosen. In no less an errour are they that affirm the King in this distribution, to have assigned to the Prince of Orange, the Dutchy of Burgundy, apperteining to the Belgick Princes: when his Majestie approved and confirmed the present Governour thereof,Marc. 25. 1560. Claudius Vergius Lord of Champlitt: and it was the year following,And another to the Prince of Orange, after the death of Vergius, Jan. 16. 1559. to govern Bur­gundy. when Claudius died, that her Excellence of Parma, by her letters to the King, ob­tained Burgundy for the Prince of Orange.

The Provinces thus disposed (for Brabant is never commanded by any but the Prince and his Vicegerent, the supream Governour of the Low-Coun­treys) the King began to order the Militia, and leaving Spanish Garrisons upon the Borders,Brabant reser­ved for the Su­pream Govern­our of the Low-countreys. he thought of disposing the Horse, the proper Militia of the Low-countreys.The ordering of the Militia. They say it is very ancient, and was far more nu­merous. Charles the fifth lessened it to three thousand; but then he encrea­sed it in the choise of Noble and valiant persons: he armed them with half pikes and carabines, which so well they handled, as the Low-countrey Troops were famous over Europe. Especially of the Horse. Philip, by his fathers example, divinding the Horse into fourteen Troops, appointed over them so many Command­ers of the greatest of his Lords,Whose troops were famous througout Eu­rope. (viz.) all the said Governours of Provin­ces, (Courir, and the Count of East-Frizland excepted) Philip Croi Duke of Aresco, Their Com­manders. Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduke, Anthony Ladin Count Hochstrat, Iohn Croi Count Reux, Henry Brederod Earl of Holland; all but the last being Knights of the Golden Fleece. These ordinary Troops the King used to draw out of their Quarters, according to the emergencies of Warr. And King Philip by experience found these to be his greatest strength and best Bulwark against the valour of the French. But the command of the Sea, and the Royall Fleet, he left still in the hands of the old Admiral,The Admirall. Philip Momorancy Count Horn; Philip Staveley Lord of Glaion, he made Master of the Train of Artillery, both highly meriting in Peace and War,Generall of the Ordinance. and therefore at the same time admitted by his Majestie into the order of the Fleece.

There yet remained a part of the Republick, by how much the more no­ble and sacred,The disposition of Bishopricks, whereof there were onely four in all the 17 Provinces. by so much the more tenderly to be handled. To the seven­teen Provinces full of People; because foure Bishops (they had then no more) were not thought enough, the King resolved to increase the number. I find it was endeavoured by Philip Duke of Burgundy, Prince of the Low-Countreys, he that instituted the Order of the Golden Fleece, and dying bequeathed the establishment thereof to his Son Charles, Many therefore had wished their number might be encreased. sirnamed the Fighter [or Souldier] from his continuall being in arms, which altogether transport­ed, and took up the mind of this warlike Prince. Nor had Philip (grand­child to Charles the Fighter, Son to his onely daughter and Maximilian King of the Romanes) more leasure to pursue it, by reason of the new troubles of the Kingdoms, which he had in right of his wife Ioan, daughter and heir to Ferdinand the Catholick King. And though Charles the fifth sonne to Philip, Which Charles the fifth went about to do. made it his business, and put some threds into the loom; yet the great distractions and war of the Empire intervening, the work was often at a stand: and war upon war rising in Europe and Africa, The reason why he desisted. rather deprived him of [Page 18] the means then affection to accomplish it. Unless, perhaps, the Emperour grew slack, lest the erection of new Bishopricks, should straiten the juris­diction of his uncle George of Austria, Archbishop of Leige. Yet among his last commands, he particularly left this in charge to his sonne Philip. I my self have read a letter written in King Philips own hand to his sister of Par­ma; wherein he sayes, He is induced, at that time especially, to increase the num­ber of Bishops, because the Cities and Towns of the Netherlands daily grew more populous, and Heresie from their next Neighbours crowded in, and got ground of them: and that his Fathers Counsel and Command, had made deep impression in his mind, who taught him this, as the onely way to preserve Religion in the Low-Countreys. The King therefore, assoon as he was respited by the War,His son Philip attempts it. sent to Rome Francis Sonnius, a Divine of Lovain, a great learned man, (who not long before had disputed at Wormes with Melanchthon, Treats about it with the Pope. Illyricus, and others (by command from the Emperour Ferdinand) giving him in Commission, together with Francisco Varga, the Kings Ambassadour, to acquaint Paul the fourth with his desires.Concludes with him. After some moneths, when the business had been debated by a Court of seven Cardinals, it was accordingly granted: The Pope inclining of himself to destroy heresie, and neglecting no occasion of gratifying King Philip, Fourteen Bishop­ricks were to be added to the four former. to whom he was lately reconciled. So that he ap­pointed fourteen Cities in the Low-Countreys (besides the foure former) for Bishops-sees, whereof three were honoured with the Prerogative of Arch­bishopricks,Whereof three Archbishopricks. that is, Cambray, Utrecht upon the Rhine, and Maclin preferred before the others at the Kings request: which seated in the heart of Brabant, near the Princes Court at Bruxels, he had designed for Anthony Perenott Granvell, purposely translated from the Church of Arras thither, because that mans being near the Court, seemed to concern the publick. In this man­ner the Popes Bul was penned, and sent by his Nuntio, Salvator Bishop of Clu­sino, and Francis Sonnius going for the Low-Countreys, who was enjoyned to see the Decree executed; but in other things belonging to the revenues and limits of Jurisdiction, they were to do what to themselves in their discreti­ons seemed meet.The men chosen for those Dio­ceses. King Philip having received authority, made an excellent choice of men for the new Myters; all famour for the learned books they had written, as likewise for their virtues and deportments in the Councel of Trent. Such Bishops the Pope joyed to approve of, and the people were ashamed not to admit. And because the King would no longer defer his voyage into Spain, he left the care of limiting and endowing the new Churches to Granvell and Sonnius: for the Popes Nuntio was to follow his Majestie.

Before his departure, the King summoned the Estates of the Low-countreys to Gant: Of the Govern­our of the Low-countreys. many were of opinion, he would there declare a Governour for the Low-Countreys, which he had till then declined: though others imputed the cause of that delay to the Kings nature, perplexed and doubtfull whom to trust with the Government. Which procrastination daily added to the number of Competitours,Various conje­ctures (as is usu­all with the peo­ple) who should be the man. and to the discourses of lookers on. Many of which, according to their severall dependencies, made sure accompt their friends and Patrons should carry it: and together with this belief cherished their own hopes. Divers that aimed at no private advantage, did not so much named a Person, as a Governour: being ambitious to be Statesmen,The major part conceive, Count Egmont will be elected, a man of much same and merit. though it were but in giving imaginary votes: as if they should have their part in the Government, if they could but think of disposing the Provinces, and fill a vancant place, by predesigning him that should be chosen. But Count Egmont was the man, on whom the Low-Countreys fixt their eyes and [Page 19] wishes, a Prince conspicuous for his experience in the Warrs, and very active either in the field against the Enemies, or at home in private Tiltings: and for shooting in a piece at marks (an art of great account with that Peo­ple) second to none. Besides, he had a naturall affability, and (which is rare) a Popularity consistent with Nobility. But he was particularly fa­mous for the late victory at S. Quintins, a great part whereof the King ac­knowledged himself engaged for, to Count Egmont: and for a later day at Gravelin; since when the Low-Countrey-men had not wiped the enemies bloud off their swords. In which expedition asmuch as he transcended the other Lords that had command in the Army, especially the Spaniards, so much (with all forreiners but them) he gained glory to his Nation; and to himself the favour of others, by his own to them. So that if a Gover­nour for the Low-Countreys might have been voted by the souldiers love, and the peoples consent, no man should have been preferred before Count Egmont. But on a deeper sea, and with a more popular wind sailed the Prince of Orange. Many think the Prince of O­range will car­ry it, a man of greater power and wealth. The greatness of the House of Nassau, equall fortunes; the principality of Orange, subject to none: besides his other large possessions both in Germany and the Low-countreys; and his powerfull alliance to most of the great families of the North, his mother Iuliana being a woman of a mi­raculous fecundity: for of her children, whereof the greatest part were daughters, she lived to see one hundred and fifty that asked her blessing. Add to this his own merit: his dexterity of wit,Not undeserving and staiedness of judgement, far riper then his years: and his abilities both as an Ambassadour and a Ge­neral. Then the great opinion the Emperour Charles the fifth had of him, who employed him in his weightiest affairs. Upon these and such like con­siderations, how could the Prince of Orange go less in his hopes, then to be Governour of the Low-countreys; a place which his cousen Engelbert Count of Nassau enjoyed about an hundred years before:But he doubts a repulse. Yet doubting the Kings in­clination, he had divided his suit: that if he himself should meet a repulse, yet Christiern Dutchess of Lorain might prevail, whose daughter he hoped to marry,Christierna of Lorain is also designed for the place. intending (for that was his drift) that his mother in law should have the Title, but he himself the Power. And indeed the Dutchess of Lo­rain was every way capable of the place,With generall approbation. as being daughter to Isabella, sister to Charles the fifth, and having merited the favour of her cousen-german the King, by the Peace which she lately had concluded with the French, upon conditions more advantagious to the Spaniard: for which she was much ho­noured by the Low-countrey-men. But whilest on such kind of considera­tions, mens hopes and discourses were protracted and suspended;But Margaret of Parma is preferred before them all. behold upon the sudden came news, That Margaret of Austria, Dutchess of Parma, was sent for out of Italy to govern the Low-countreys. Which though it happened unexspectedly, yet could be no wonder to such as rightly judged. For on the one part, it was in reason to be thought, the King at that time would not easily trust the government of the Low-countreys, in the hand of a Low-countrey-man. Such as looked into it, might see cause sufficient. Particularly, Count Egmont had a bar, by the unhappy memory of Charles Egmont Duke of Gelder; What hindred Count Egmont. who being of the French faction, and a professed enemie to the House of Austria, Charles the fifth confiscated his Estate, and forced his heir to render Gelderland and Zutfen. And divers reports going of the Prince of Orange's Religion (in which kind a suspicion onely was enough to quash his sute) the King would be sure never to commit the Low-countreys What the Prince of Orange. to the faith of one gracious and powerfull with the Germane▪ Here­ticks, both as a neighbour and a kinsman, which might open them a pass into [Page 20] the seventeen Provinces.What Christi­ern of Lorain. Nay, even to the Dutchess of Lorain the rumour of a Treaty of marriage betwixt her Daughter and the Prince of Orange, was very disadvantagious, in her pretension to the government: though it made more against her, that she had married her sonne Charles Duke of Lo­rain, to the daughter of Henry King of France. For they say, Bishop Granvel advised the King to look to it, lest if she were Governess, the French coming in mixt with the Lorainers, might pester the Low-countreys. Perhaps he him­self being a Burgundian, gave his Majestie this counsel, for fear the Burgun­dians should be subject to the Lorainers, their ancient enemies. Or rather, finding the King inclined to the Dutchess of Parma; he endeavoured to ex­press his zeal in preferring her, and so to predeserve her favour. But to choose her, there was a concurrence of many reasons. Before I Particular­ize them, let me speak a little of the Dutchess her self, and give you an ac­count of her birth and education; together with her deportment before she came to govern the Low-countreys: Since the best Historians use, not onely to describe the Actions, Cic. l. 2. de O­ratore. but likewise the Fame of Persons: and are tied by the rules of History, not to omit the Characters of their Lives and Manners.

Margaret eldest child to Charles the fifth; born four years before he was married,Of Margaret of Parma. had a mother of the same name, Margaret Vangest (as long after it came to light) daughter to Iohn Vangest and Mary Cocquamb of Aldenard, Her Mother. Her mothers Parents. persons of good quality in Flanders: Both which dying of the sickness, left Margaret then but five years old,Education. to her fathers dear friend, Anthony La­lin Count Hochstrat: who with his wife, Elizabeth Culemberg, bred her as their onely child. When she was grown a woman, not onely as a great Beauty, but as one that consecrated her beauty with modestie, she was pre­tended to by many noble Suiters.Perfections. But she dashed all their hopes with the rub of chastity, intending within a few dayes to be a Nun. In the mean time, being invited to a Wedding, and dancing there among other young Ladies of her qualitie; she found by too late experience, that such as ex­pose their beautie, set to sale their chastity, especially if a great Chapman be at hand.The Emperour falls in love with her. For the Emperour Charles the fifth, in his passage by Aldenard, honouring this wedding with his presence, Margaret that came along with the Countess of Hochstrat, surpassing all the other Ladies in his eye, was highly commended by his Imperial Majestie, who while he commended, seemed to long for her: Insomuch as one of his followers (of that ging of Courtiers, that have no way to merit their Princes favour, but by slavish arts) catched her up in the dark, and brought her to the Bed-chamber. By her the Emperour had this Margaret we write of. The Business was ma­ny years concealed by Cesars command, especially because the same Cour­tier accidently had told him, that he took a great deal of pains to perswade the Virgin, but could not get her for his Imperial Majesty, without force and threatning: At which the Emperour was so moved, that giving the man a sound check for it, he vowed, if he had known as much before, he would never have touched the maid; and therefore commanded her deli­very should be kept private;Delivered of Margaret Anno 1522. whom Cesar conceals for her mothers credit and his own. But at last it was discovered. as well to preserve the Mothers honour, as his own. For the Emperour was not prodigall of his fame in this kind, nor with pomp and ceremony brought his by-blows on the stage. But the secret lay not long in the Embers, being gossiped out by a woman, employed as a necessary instrument in such cases: She imparted it to her husband, he, with the same secresie told it to a friend of his (for every one hath some he trusts, as much as others can trust him) just like the rain on the house top, which falling from one tile to another, and so from gutter to gutter, at last [Page 21] is spouted into the high way. For when many are of counsel in a business, what was every ones secret, becomes a rumour to the people. Nor did the Mother think it amiss, after she was known to have a child, that the father of it should be likewise known, as if her fault should be lessened by the great­ness of his name. And shortly the child appeared to be of the House of Austria, by her Princely education.

The Low-Countreys were then governed for Charles the fifth by his Aunt Margaret, The Infant is sent to be edu­cated by the Emperours Aunt. Daughter to the Emperour Maximilian the first and Mary Dutchess of Burgundy. The Emperour bred the Infant in the Court of his Aunt, under whom he himself in his infancy had been educated. Till she was eight years old, the child was fostered in the bosome of that Princess. After whose decease, she was sent to Mary Queen of Hungary sister to Charles the fifth,And afterwards by his sister. who being left a widow by King Lewis, 1530. had the govern­ment given to her. And her neece Margaret grew so like her, not onely in her private and publick virtues:Her disposition. but by observant imitation, the child had the happiness to get her very sense and propensions, her gravity and meen. The Governess was much delighted in the sport of Hunting,Her delight in hunting. whereupon they commonly called her the Forestress: as the true Neece to Mary Dutchess of Burgundy, that constantly followed the Chase, till by a fall from her horse she got her death. This Fate appears not onely to be her own, but to relate to Maximilian: whose other wife Blanca Sforza, while she was hunting, was likewise thrown from her horse and killed.1496. The Dutchess of Parma was so taken with this sport, and had so hardened her body with exercise, that she fearless galloped after her Aunt over the lawns and through the woods, before she was ten years of age. As she grew in years, she grew to exceed her Mistress in horsemanship, she was then betroathed the second time, to Alexander Medices of Florence, Cesar promises her in marriage to the Duke of Florence. she and her first husband Hercules Prince of Ferrara having never bedded. For the Emperour, that he might win Alphon­so father to Hercules from the French, from whom he was offered great con­ditions by Pope Clement the seventh:Breaking the match intended with the Prince of Ferrara. Courted him upon the self same terms, confirming him in the Principality of Mutina and Regio, and espousing his Daughter Margaret, then hardly four years old, to Alphonso's eldest sonne, Hercules. 1516. By these espousals the Emperour gained Alphonso, as the necessi­ty of his affairs required. But a while after, he being drawn again to side with the French: and his Sonne Hercules married to Renata Daughter to Lewis King of France. The Pope, upon his reconcilement with the Empe­rour,1529. among other articles of Peace, agreed that Alexander Medices (son to that Laurence whom Leo the tenth,Francisc. Maria Feltrio. deposing Feltrio, had created Duke of Florence) should be settled by the Imperiall Army in the Florentine Prin­cipality: and that to confirm him therein the Emperour should bestow up­on him his Daughter Margaret in marriage. Which conditions Cesar willingly signed; partly out of respect to his Holyness, whose injury he seemed to cancell by this benefit: partly in hatred to the Florentines, that entering into the Lotrechian association against the Emperour had put their City under the French Kings protection. Alexander was forthwith possessed of Florence, and the Florentines dispossessed of their liberty. But the marri­age was not compleated till seven years after, Pope Clement being then de­ceased. Nay the match, by occasion of the Popes death, came into a possi­bility of breaking, upon the solicitation of some great men in Florence, The Floren­tines labour to break the match. who by that seven years protraction imagining the Emperour wavered in his re­solution, treated with him, on great hopes and promises, not to admit of Alexander for his son in law, but to restore the City to its freedome, which [Page 22] they would onely hold of the Emperour. But Cesar having past his promise to the Pope in his life time,But in vain. thought himself bound in point of honour to make it good after the Popes decease. Especially because he suspected, that the Florentines leaned towards the French. Nor was he ignorant, that a be­nefit more easily obliges particulars, then a multitude: and that favours scattered in publick,The Nuptials, celebrated at Naples. are received by all, returned by none. The Emperour therefore sending for Alexander from Florence, to attend him at Naples: and to the Low-Countreys for Margaret, who longed to see her Father return­ed from the Warre of Tunis; at a Convention of the Estates and a great con­course of strangers, the marriage was celebrated with military Revells: wherein the Emperour himself ran a Tilt, habited like a Tauny-moor. But Margaret being received at Florence as their Dutchess,Soon after at Florence. and the Nuptiall so­lemnities iterated there: a great part of the body of the sunne was darkened at the Feast,With a strange Omen. and terrified the Guests. Many held it to be ominous: who, looking with discontented eyes upon the present state,1536. and making the hea­vens speak according to their wishes; compared the Dukes fortune, to the sunnes splendour suddenly eclipsed. Nor did their conjecture fail them,Her husband slain the same year. for Alexander by the Emperours affinity grown proud, and therefore careless, fell intemperately to love women, and so impolitickly, that being secure from forrein force, he was, with the bait that pleased him, easily intrapped by his kinsman Lorenzo Medices, of Counsell with him in his pleasures; and in hope or under pretence of restoring Florence to her liberty, in the se­venth year of his Principality, before he had been a full year married,1537. he was slain.His successour sues to Cesar for Margaret. His successour Cosmo (for the Duke died, but not the Dukedome) in the first place, humbly addressed himself to the Emperour for his con­sent that he might marry his daughter, Princess Margaret: thinking it would be a great support to his new and shaking power.But he casts his eye on the house of Farneze. But Cesar, resolved to make his best advantage of his daughters marriage, having already obliged the house of Medices, by establishing that family in the Dukedome of Flo­rence: and having likewise laid an obligation upon Cosmo himself, by con­firming (though many opposed it) the Principality upon him: sought a son in law among the Farnezes, then Princes, and gave his daughter Margaret in marriage to Octavio, And marries his daughter to Octavio Far­neze. nephew to Pope Paul the third, and at that time crea­ted Prefect of Rome (in place of the Duke of Urbin deceased) and presently after made Duke of Camertio. To this end, the Emperour Charles the fifth and King Francis had an enterview at Nice, Francisco Ma­ria Feltrio. endeavoured by Pope Paul, who came thither in person, hoping by some means or other to compose the diffe­rence. For as both these Princes studied to make the Pope, who being pow­erfull in long hoorded wealth and wisdome, no doubt but his inclining to either side would turn the scales; so the Pope, vigilant for his own advan­tage, took this opportunity to treat with the Emperour of a marriage for his Nephew: especially since the news of Solimans fleet growing dayly more terrible, it concerned them both to confirm the Peace made between them and the state of Venice, by an intermarriage in their families. The Empe­rour was so willing to comply with the Pope, That he not onely preferred his Nephew before the Duke of Florence, (who then by his Ambassadour renued his former suit) and before other Princes, which had the like am­bition: but instantly making up the match between his Daughter and Octa­vio, he put them together, though the Bride had little joy of the wedding, despising her husbands unripe years. Therefore jestingly she called it her Fate, to be married, but not matched; for when she was a Gyrl of twelve, she must then have a man of seven and twenty; and now she was a woman, a [Page 23] Boy of thirteen. For some years after this marriage,With whom at first she cor­responded not. she had an aversion from her husband, not so much in contempt of his years, as by reason of ill offices done by a Courtier, who having been her old servant bare a great sway with her; and hating the Farnezes with more then his own spleen, sometimes commending her first husband Alexander, sometimes aggravating the Popes injuries to her father, nourished domestick discord: till at length,1541. he being removed, and Octavio attending the Emperour in his Warres,But afterwards He was in­deared to her. the mind of the Dutchess began to change. For when the Emperour was to go for Africa from Lucca, whither the Pope came to conferre with his Impe­riall Majesty, and had brought along Octavio and Margaret, though Paul the third utterly disliked the voyage to Argeirs, yet he ventured his Nephew Octavio, commending him to Cesars fortune: and designing in that one act to give Hostage to the Emperour, and bring his daughter into a longing for her absent husband.By means of his Absence and Hazzards. And indeed after the misfortune of the Warre, wherein the Emperour was rather worsted by the Sea, then by the Moors, the news of Cesars overthrow was divulged in all places. And because no man could tell what was become of him, and the Reliques of his scattered fleet, it was constantly believed at Rome that the Emperour was cast away: some reported they saw the ship, wherein Octavio was abroad, eaten up by the Sea: which was the rather believed, because when the Emperours escape was known, Octavio was not mentioned.1545. This first moved the Dutchess, her love growing out of pity; as if the youth flying from his wives frowns had run upon his Fate,Her love to him increased. in the prime of his years and fortunes. But when the news came that he was living,See the ninth Book. and with his Father in law, onely that he lay desperately sick; hope and fear joyned to bring her love and pitie to perfecti­on: till two years after (in all which time he still kept the field and was never out of the Emperours eye) at his return to Rome; aswell his long stay from her, as his long service to her Father speaking in his behalf, it is hardly credible with what longing and affection his wife received and honoured him. Not long after she having the rare happiness to be brought a bed of two sonnes at a birth; by how much it joyed her, (especially they comming at the same time to the Principality of Parma and Placentia) by so much her love to her husband increased. Onely, as she was violently ambitious to command in chief, and therefore hardly brooked a power divided with her husband;Not without some instrve­ning jarres. so when discords sprang between them, she would not easily be reconciled. The truth is her spirit was not onely great beyond her sex:Her masculine spirit. but she went so habited, and had such a garb, as if she were not a woman with a masculine spirit, but a man in womans clothes. Her strength was such,And manly ex­ercises. as she used to hunt the stagg, and change horses upon the field, which is more then many able bodied men can do. Nay upon her chin and upper lip she had a little kind of beard, which gave her not more of the resemblance then authority of a man. And, which seldome happens in her sex, and never but to very strong women, she was troubled with the Gout.She was of a ready wit. She had a present wit, and in action could steer to all sides with wonderfull dexterity: as ha­ving been of a child bred up in the Belgick Court, and instructed in her youth by the adverse fortune of the Medices; Wonderfull discreet. in her riper years accomplished and made absolute by the discipline of Farnezes Palace, and the old learn­ing of Pope Paul the third. Then for piety, she had a great master indeed,And religious. Ignatius Loyola Founder of the Society of Iesus: to whom she confessed her sinnes, and that oftner then was the custome of those times.Especially at the Eucharist. By this man she was taught a singular reverence and devotion towards the Eucha­rist, proper to the House of Austria. Whereupon one every year, [Page 24] in Passion week,Her yearly Cha­rity to the poor. she washed the feet of twelve poor maids (which she commanded should not be washed before she came): Then feasting them, waited herself at table, and sent them away new clothed, and full of gold. Upon the other more chearfull solemnitie of Corpus Christi day, she gave very noble portions to poor Virgins, and married them to good Husbands. Both these feasts she kept during her life. With this breeding and these parts,Which juncture of excellencies principally mo­ved the King to make her Go­verness of the Low-countreys. the Dutchess so won upon the King her Brother, that he committed the Low-countreys to her; knowing her to be a woman of great courage, and excellently versed in the art of Government. Besides, his Fathers commands were yet fresh in his memory, who loved her dearly, and on his death-bed earnestly recommended her to the King.A second Cause thereof. It seems, he thought this honour would answer the Fathers wishes, and the Daughters merit: Withall,A third. he hoped the Low-countreymen for the reverence they bare to the name of Charles the fifth, would chearfully obey his Daughter, born among them, and bred up to their fashions; and that her Countrey-men would therefore the better digest her Government, because subjected people think themselves partly free, if governed by a Native. Perhaps the King was content, in favour of the Low-countreymen, to let them be governed by a Woman, hoping the Innovations he had designed, would please, coming from a Lady, like an incision, that pains the less when made by a soft hand. But besides these reasons given out in publick, there was other private cause. Octavio Farneze Duke of Parma and Piacenza had long since been in the Low-countreys,A fourth, more secret, perhaps more true. and there served a Volunteer against the French; at his re­turn for Italy, he was an earnest suiter to King Philip (to whom he delivered) his son Alexander) that he would please to restore him the Castle of Piacen­za, kept as yet with a Spanish Garrison. The King, though he resolved not to grant his suit; yet lest the Prince should return discontented (whom by long experience he had found faithfull and serviceable to the Crown of Spain, in his command against Herecules the French Generall, in the War of Italy: and the obedience of whose Cisalpine Countreys, would great [...]y ad­vantage Spain) conferred the Government of the Low-countreys and Burgun­dy upon his wife, acquainting the Duke with it, as if he did it for his sake; assuring himself whilest those Provinces which he looked upon with so much love and care, were in his absence committed to the Farnezes▪ they would rest well contented with so high an argument of confidence and af­fection. Nor did Octavio sleight the favour; nay, as it often happens, that a present bounty is the step to a future rise; he hoped, by the tie of this Go­vernment, every day more to endear his Majestie to his Sister, and to the House of the Farnezes. The King lessened not that hope, which he knew would serve to make the Farnezes intentive to the Government of the Low-countreys: for by how much the Governess might advance his interest in the Low-countreys, as well because of her Religion as her Prudence, so much the gladder he was, to have such Pledges from them. The King therefore not onely kept his son Alexander, to aw the mother▪ but he thought it concerned him to give the father hope of the Castle of Piacenza; well knowing some mens natures are more obliged by receiving one, then many benefits.

The Governess being designed, and new come into the Low-countreys, his Majestie met her on the way,Margaret comes into the Low-countreys. attended by Octavio Duke of Parma, her son Alexander, the Ambassadours of Princes, the Deputies of the Provin­ces, and the rest of his Nobility, then met at the Convention of Estates.Is saluted Go­verness. After he had saluted his sister, as Governess for him of the Low-countreys [Page]

[Page] [Page 25] and Burgundy, he brought her in great state to Gant; appointing her Councels of State, Appointed three Councels. of Iustice, and of the Finances or Exchequer; giving her these pre­cepts how to use them.Instructed by the King. That she was to make it a rule at the Board, what­soever opinion carried it in Councel, should be maintained for the better out of Councel, even by such as had voted against it.After the reso­lution in Councel What they were to observe a­broad. For which he gave his reasons, Lest upon dispute there should grow contestation, and the authors (when the Councel was up) be engaged in perpetuall quarrels. Likewise, that strangers might not know who to thank or complain of;The causes of this Command. whence this be­nefit would ensue, That envie which uses to be levelled at particular per­sons, would not be conceived, at least not practised against a multitude. There would be less heart-burning among the Lords of the Councel, and every one more freely vote according to justice and equity, because less en­forced to decline it by hope or fear.How she was to call the Councell. Another reason was, That if the Go­verness observed them to be divided into faction, or packed together in a Conspiracy, she should then, breaking up the Councel, call to her a cabinet Councel, which the King named, viz. Granvel Bishop of Arras, Charles Count Barlamont, and Viglius President of the Privie-Councel.Ulricus Viglius Zuichem. This pri­vate meeting was called the Consult. Nay, upon any sudden accident, when it would take up too much time, and be too dangerous,Severall rea­sons thereof. to have it heard and determined at the Councel-table, the Governess was to impart it to this Cabinet Councel, where it would have a quicker dispatch, and sometimes more advised: For the less number (the King said) would be less tedious, and yet a few well chosen give as good advice. And then secrets would not be brought upon the stage, and there would be little occasion for the Ambi­tious to make speeches, and to maintain their opinions; because without a Scene and admiring Spectatours, proud men do but coldly act their parts. The greatest business are therefore agitated, out of the crowd, with less pomp, and more advantage. Lastly, in these meetings, where (though all have equall right to vote, and not equal judgement, yet) the major part car­ries it, it is easie to find (because in a multitude) many that want either ability or honesty: howsoever in regard their number is to be considered, not their reasons; the more and not the better must prevail.

His Majesty having thus instructed the Governess, and assigned her an Annuall persion of thirty six thousand Crowns;The King after her instructions, gives her a pen­sion. to encrease the publick joy in the assemblie of the Estates at Gant, he created eleven Knights of the Or­der of the Golden Fleece, And in a Chap­ter of the Knights of the Golden Fleece. in their places that were deceased: for so many wanted to make up fifty one, the number to which Charles the fifth had mul­tiplied the Order, whereas Duke Philip the Founder, at first onely instituted twenty five, and after added six to make up the number one and thirty.1516.

Lastly,1433. the King appointed a time to hear the Petitions of the Deputies to the Estates: Where Granvel in the Kings name made a speech to them:1429. answered by Borlutius of Gant, Speaker for the Estates. Granvell gave rea­sons for the Kings going into Spain, Declared Margaret Dutchess of Parma, under the Kings Majestie,He declares her Governess. Supreme Governess of the Low-countreys and Burgundy (she then sitting by the King); Disputed for the Old Religion, against Hereticks that corrupted it: And in the first place earnestly com­mended the protection and observance of Religion to the Governess,And commands to them Religion and Obedience. till his Majestie should return to the Low-countreys. Borlutius, after he had presented the Estates humble thanks and promises of obedience to the King,Hears the E­states Requests. and Governess, delivered the Heads of their desires. That his Maiestie by the example of his Father the Emperour, would please to call out of the Low-countreys all forrein forces, and use none but their own Co [...]ntrey [Page 26] Garrisons, nor admit of any Alien to sit in the Great Councel. The King, giving them fair hopes,And grants them. promised to with-draw the forrein souldiers that re­mained (for he had already freed them of the maior part) within foure moneths next ensuing: So dissolving the Assembly, all his business in the Low-countreys being now dispatched:Then his Ma­jestie goes into Spain. The Duk [...] of Savoy into Italy. The Dutchess of Parma to Bru­xells. From Gant he passed to Zelan [...], and weighing anchors from the port of Ul [...]hen in the moneth of August, made a happy voyage into Spain. The Governess the Dutchess of Parma, and the Duke of Savoy having waited on the King aboard, the Duke with his Princely Bride, tooke leave for Italy: Her Excellence retired to Bruxels, the ancient seat of the Belgick Princes, and in September one thousand five hundred fiftie and nine, began her Government over the Low-countreys.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The second Book.

KIng Philips departure from the Low-Countreys fell out very inconvenient for that new condition of affairs.The Kings un­seasonable de­parture out of the Low-Coun­treys before a perfect settle­ment was made. For every change in Cities and Kingdomes, like young trees when they are transplanted, had need of present looking to till we be sure they have taken root. Doubt­less it had been farre better for the Netherlands, if the King (so the necessities of Spain would have permitted) had stayed there for some time, till he had seen at a nearer distance, the course and motions of things which he had altered in those parts. And not to have taken them upon trust, from others uncertain relations: For many times the water changes the tast, by running long and severall wayes under ground, nor can he that drinks it a farre off, judge of it so well, as he that sits at the spring head, and hath it from the fountain. Truly the King had with more certainty looked into the designes of men, and consequently the misfortune had been less, which after he left them involved the Low-Countreys in a difficult and tedious warre.The like incon­venience in Spain when Charles the fifth went from thence to Ger­many. And as when his father Charles went into Germany to be crowned Emperour, the Spaniards immediately took up arms against his Lieutenants: so the Low-Countreymen, when K. Philip went for Spain to take possession of his Kingdome, after they had kept a foot a civill war between them and their governours, at last the confe­derate Provinces fell off from their obedience to their Prince. The causes of which evils I being now to represent: I must confess, I never read of any tumult or war,1520. whose originall was so variously and contradictorily reported by the People, The Causes why writers differ [...] about the Beginnings of the Low-coun­trey tum [...]lts Ostentation of wit. and written by Historians. I believe that some when they found the reasons, that went currant for causes of this war, fat too weak for the raising of so great commotions, they themselves guessed at others, that rather agreed with the writers wit, then the truth of history. Some again, have framed causes according to their factions and religions, passing over all those in silence,Faction▪ Ignorance of the difference be­tween Begin­nings and Causes. that made against their party. Others, not so much to cozen the Reader, as being cozened themselves with the shew of pretended causes, ignorant how much Causes and Beginnings differ, have failed to clear the originals of these differences. When an Historian is obli­ged [Page 28] first to inform himself of the beginnings of Peace and War,Which difference is principally to be observed and explained by an Historian. or of Sedi­tions, and what their grounds and causes were; and in the next place, to in­form his Readers: lest they not understanding the difference of causes and beginnings, should judge amiss of actions and events: and so History the mistress of wisdome,So did the an­cient and best writers. Fab. Pict. in his Annalls. Tit. Liv. l. 21. Polyb. l. 3. become the handmaid of errour. Nor was it an idle dispute among the ancient Historians, what was the ground of the warre wherein Hannibal was Generall for the Carthaginians against the [...], be­cause they knew it would be of great concernment, that such as were to read the actions of Rome and Carthage, should penetrate into both their coun [...]els, to understand things rightly; and to make a far different judgement betwixt the Articles of Leagues, and Complaints of Ambassadours, and betwixt the justice of the war in generall. Taught by these great examples,To follow whose examples it is easie, for a man acquainted with Princes secrets. I have thought it worth my pains, before I handle the Low-Countrey war, of far longer continuance then the war of Carhage, accurately to search and di­stinguish the causes and beginnings: Especially because in these affairs, so diversly censured in many mens letters and discourses, I can promise, out of the peculiar helps I have had, a more exquisite and certain relation. It is not to be doubted, but the liberty which people have long enjoyed, if it be entrenched upon or invaded,The Low-Coun­treymens Pri­viledges very great. will cause insurrections. Nor is it unknown, that the government of the Low-Countreys, came very near the form of free cities, by the indulgence of their Princes: who had made them, by many and liberall Charters, though not absolutely free-States, yet more then common subjects: especially those of Brabant, Lud. Guicciar­din in Descrip. Belg. into which Province, we know, great bellied women came from the neighbour countreys to lie in; that their children might enjoy the priviledges of Brabant. You would think the husbandman had chosen this for a nursery for his plants: and after they were grown up, and had sucked their first moisture from that earth; then they were removed, carrying along with them the endowments of that ho­spitable soil.From whence this evil had its Originall be­cause the King trencht upon them three wayes. From hence, many writers derive the pedigree of their mise­ries; that the Spanish souldiers contrary to the Kings promise, were kept so long in the Low-Countreys, that fourteen Bishops added to four which they had antiently, the episcopall jurisdiction seemed to be encreased with breach of priviledge to the Provinces, that there was an endeavour to bring in new Inquisitions of faith, and to impose an universall form of judicature upon the Low-Countreys, which how they were the beginning of causes of their rebellion, with my best care and judgement I shall now unfold.

King Philip had used his Spanish souldiers against the French, The retaining of the Spanish souldiers [...] first Cause of their [...]. nor did the Low-countreymen complain of it as a grievance. But the war being end­ed,The Low-Coun­treymen are ag­grieved. when he had sent a great part of his army out of the Low-countreys,Instigated by the Prince of Orange, his Majestie retained yet 3000; over which the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont had the command with shew of honour; but indeed to take off the odium of a forrein [...]armie, And exaspe­rated by the Spaniards the [...]. by the popular names of their Generals. But it could not take it off; For on the one part, the Generals themselves appeared to be discontented with the honour, such as it was: Nay,Hence grew their [...] the King. [...] Cause is [...] wholly to [...] to the Low-Countrey­men. the Prince of Orange prompted the Low-countrey men, not to suffer that remainder of the Spa­niards. On the other part, the Spanish souldiers were so imperious and quar­relsome (as it often happens, especially in the Towns where they are quar­tered) that it did not a little exasperate the minds of the inhabitants, so as the Spaniard grew to be hated, and the King himself ill spoken of, almost through all the Netherlands. Which mutuall aversion, as I shall never im­pute it wholly to the Low-countreymen, because they saw the promise defer­red of calling away the souldiers, with whom they had daily quarrels; so [Page 29] I shall not easily condemn the Kings delay, for continuing them in garrison:Not to the King. partly, because his sister the Governess advised him to have a care, least if he disbanded the Spaniards, the bordering cities might be encouraged to spoil and waste the Marches; partly, because he himself, as he was of a jea­lous nature, suspected the Low-countreymen had a plot, in pressing him to free them of forrein forces. And the more earnestly, indeed contumaci­ously, that they reminded him of his promise, the more slowly and cauti­ously the King thought good to proceed.Whether the Bel­gick tumults are to be derived from this foun­tain. But whatsoever cause the King or the Low-countreymen had, yet he satisfied them in this particular. For a little more then a year after his departure from the Low-countrey, the Spa­niards were sent for away, and all those stirs and popular tumults vanished in a moment: So as they that make this the cause of the Belgick troubles, have found out a very sleight one.

The multiplying the number of Bishops, was a far stronger motive to rebellion,Multiplying the number of Bi­shops, the se­cond cause of Insurrection. especially, for that after the death of Paul the fourth, it was thought fit to change the orders he had made, concerning the revenues of their Bishopricks: and they were to be endowed as it pleased the Popes Nun­tio in the Low-countreys, and Pi [...]s the fourth at Rome: and that Bishops should succeed in place of some Abbots when they died, and should have the name, estates, and honours, formerly enjoyed by the Abbots; so as in the mean time nothing should be remitted from the strict discipline of the Mo­nasteries.The complaints made thereupon. But whether it was the multiplication of Miters, or the endow­ing of them; it is not to be imagined how ill it took in the Low-countreys with all degrees of men. The former Bishops, as well the Low-countrey­men,By the old Bi­shops. as their Neighbours, complained, That by setting up new ones, those had their Jurisdictions confined to narrow limits; these, that they were not onely straitened in their limits, but likewise in the revenues of their Bishop­ricks, especially since this had been determined at Rome, without hearing of the parties therein concerned. The Nobility were aggrieved,The Lords tem­porall. that Bishops should come in place of Abbots, because being a degree higher, they would be far more potent, and therefore it would not onely derogate from the Lords Temporall, but also from their liberty. Nor should they dare to speak freely in the great Councel of Estates, when those men were present, whom they knew, as bound by oath to the Pope, would draw all businesses to Rome. Neither was it for the Kings service, that they should bear all the sway,The Abbots. who were the Bishop of Romes sworn servants. But no complaints were bitterer then the Abbots and Monks, because none seemed juster. That they were deprived contrary to all precedent, of the right and power to choose an Abbot out of their own Order; that there ought not to be set over Religious men, that had a certain Rule and form of life, men ignorant of Religious Discipline▪ And almost all that stood for the Low-coun­trey priviledges. that indeed the means and authority of Abbots would pass to the Bishops, but the care and trouble remain with some of the Monks; that truly at present, such men were advanced to those Offices, as were eminent for piety and learning, but hereafter those rich Deodands should be exposed for prey, to some of the Princes followers and flatterers. Be­sides these common objections, two more were in almost all mens mouths, That by the creation of new Bishops, the privelledges of Brabant were infrin­ged, and by degrees the tyrannie of the Spanish Inquisition would be intro­duced. The latter whereof, because it raised particular troubles, I shall speak of it apart. But though I read the other almost in all writers, yet what the words of the Charter should be, whereby the King obliged him­self so, as that he could not augment the number of Bishops, I find in no Hi­storian. [Page 30] For what some write, that the King swears at his Coronation, not to encrease the State Ecclesiasticall, is not an ingenuous allegation, because the Prince onely swears to that kind of encrease, whereby he promises not to suffer the Clergy to receive the goods of Laymen, which they call Mort­mains, In 2. Addit. ad [...]aetum introi­tum Principis Hispaniae. Artic. 24. but upon certain conditions. This is far from the point in controver­sie; therefore I held it fit to march further into their records, where I found one Clause, that seems to make against the increasing the number of Bishops. Which condition of their priviledges, unless I had resolved to be a faithful Historian, I might safely have concealed; because they themselvs do not mention it, that have, I am sure, written many things in mere malice to the Spaniard: What those pri­viledges were. For King Philip being created Duke of Brabant, by his father Charles the fifth, among divers Priviledges which in the Act of the Ioyfull Entry he bestowed upon that Province, inserts this clause, That hereafter he will not suffer any to entrench upon the Offices, Artic. [...]6. And how viola­ted by increase of Bishops. Lands, or Goods of Abbots, Bi­shops, or other religious persons within the Dukedome of Brabant, under the name of a Commendum. But whilst, by the Kings procurement, Bishops were entituled to the reversions of Monasteries, after the Abbots deceases; the Brabanters seemed to have their Priviledges broken, and the people had oc­casions offered, that the proceedings which every one hated for his private benefit,For which, ma­ny men rail at, they might all in publick fairly declaim against, by the name of Breach of Priviledge. Some therefore wondered, what was in the Kings mind or counsel, to bring in new Bishops, & make a thing, displeasing of it self, far more distastfull and odious, by taking their estates from the Monasteries. And therefore they further said, That if the King proceeded to violate the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject,And threaten the King. the Brahanters had cause to defend themselves, and that the Prince ought to remember, that when he made their Charter, he articled,Artic. 5. Some argued for his Majestie. They should pay him no subjection or obedience, if he entirely performed not to them his Oath and Protestations. Yet some there were of a contrary opinion, and by how much they saw the King endeavour it, with lesse benefit and greater danger to himself; so much the more they commended his sincere religion, who in this business looked upon nothing, but the good of his people.From Precedents in other coun­treys. And indeed, What was there apparent that men could justly blame? the encrease of the number of the Bishops, or of their maintenance? As if the Bishop of Rome might not do that in the Low-countreys, which he had done in Germany and in France, between which two Nations in the middle,Which makes against the com­plaints of the old Bishops. lieth the Netherlands? Did not Boniface Bishop of Mentz, Legate for the See Apostolick in Germany, when the multitude of Christians abounded in some places (by the authority of the Popes Cregory the third, and Zachary) adde three new Bishops to the former? The very like cause there was among other reasons, for doing the same in the Low-countreys. Baronius, ann. 639. & 741. But what motive was in France? the sacred jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tholouse was so large, that one Pastor could not possible see the faces of all his Diocese; and therefore it was divided into five Episcopall Sees, by Iohn the 22;Extrav. Solva­tor, de Praebend & Dignit. not onely no care taken of the Bishops of Narbon, Bourges, or Cahors, out of whose estates both the Church of Tholouse, and some of these new ones were endowed; but the Bishop of Tholouse, must of necessity loose much of his revenues by the division of his then rich Diocese. That the neighbour-Bishops ought not to have been called to Rome, and heard in a business of this nature, their reasons for it being onely their own profit and power,As likewise a­gainst the tem­porall Lords. is sufficiently apparent. Nor were the grievances of the Lords built upon a much better ground, that is, they were discontented that they should be limited in their bold disputes, about Religion and Mo­narchy, [Page 31] by the unwelcome presence of the Prelates, whom they ought to honour as Fathers and Princes of the Church, and to fear them as Revengers of Sacriledge. For when they alledged, that they doubted the Bishops would be evil Counsellours, and bandy against the King, it was a pretence to cozen children with; they doubted themselves, that if they should appear against the King, they should have these men for witnesses and adversaries, that had received, and hoped for more from his Majesty, then ever the Ab­bors did. Then the complaints of the Abbots and Monks, And against the Abbots. Aubertus Mi­raeus in Noti­tia Episc. were somewhat more then became them. It was not without precedent, that a Bishop should succeed in the place of an Abbot. Let them look upon France, they shall find that Iohn the xxii, indowed the Bishops of Condom, Vabrince, and L [...]mbere (to name no more) with Monastery lands. And if there should want an example, yet when it was granted to a Prince by the Pope, that may command the Monks, they might have been so modest, as to teach others obedience to his Holiness. They might have remembred, most of their Mannors and Lordships, were the bounty of the Belgick Princes, which made it seem more just; so as the King not making his own use or advantage of the profits thereof, but onely employing them for the good and benefit of those Provinces, the Abbots themselves ought to have been as willing as the Prince, and contributed to the necessity of the people, by so much more freely, by how much that Care is more proper to a religious life: and not with unseasonable exclamations have corrupted a good designe, stirred up the people, and alienated the Popes and the Kings mind from their patronage. For the great grievance,The literal sense of their privi­ledges. that the King had broke their Priviledges: First, they did not sufficiently understand the difference, between a Commen­dum and the Annexion of Church-livings. A Commendum being in the nature of a thing deposited, the other given as to an absolute Lord. And therefore Commendums, if the possessour die, revert to the depositor, as the Lord Paramount; unless they be passed over to another by a new Com­mendum: but such as are annexed, do not revert, but remain for ever to the Successour in that Office, to which they are appendent. For which reasons there is no more taken from Monasteries by annexing, then was by giving them in Commendum, because that which is anne­xed, doth no more revert to Monasteries, then that which was commend­ed; forasmuch as what was once commended, is conferred again from one to another, by the Pope, to whom it reverts. Nay whereas Church-livings may be commended to non-residents, that cannot which is annexed to a Bishoprick. For herein Religion requires the Bishops presence, farre more then a Commendum; so as what might have come by a Commendum to a for­reiner, by Annexion was retained in the Low-Countreys.Whence some in­fer, that they were not broken June 4. 1561. apud Arnold. Havens. de novis Episc. l. 2. The King there­fore while he took care that Abbies should not be given in Commendum to Bishops (which was the provis [...] of their Charter) but annexed to their Bishopricks; did not in truth violate their priviledges, which he had sworn to maintain. But what need more words? when the case being put to the University of Lovain, and studied by Doctors both of Divinity, and of Civill Law;Jun. 4. 1561. Arnol. Haves. de nov. Episc. l. 2. and adde the decision of the Lovain Do­ctors, and ne­cessity, the great­est of Priviled­ges. it was definitively resolved, that annexion of Livings, and likewise the institution of new Bishopricks, was neither repugnant to the Kings oath, nor to the laws. Again, they ought to consider the difference, that was then from other times and manners: that while Religion was safe, the King altered nothing▪ but when it was endangered, there can be no privi­ledges to tie the hands of Kings from supporting their dominions falling into ruine. The number of pastours was the fittest remedy to defend the flock of [Page 32] Christ from wolves breaking in upon them; and sure there is none so great an enemy to the King, but must acknowledge and believe it. Nor could their endowments be proportioned with less inconvenience then they were, by prudent men, to whom it was referred, with the Kings approbation, and the Popes command.And that the King was not obliged to sum­mon the Estates Generall. Nor was the Prince (which some required) bound to do it by the advice of his great Councel, for he held himself obliged to it by no law; and likewise his reason told him, the States (in a thing distastfull to many, especially such as listened to hereticks their neighbours) would easi­ly dissent, using the liberty which they took upon them in publick assem­blies. Whereby he should not onely expose his Prerogative and Majesty to the dispute, but even to the contempt of his people: and that he should vex their minds so much the more, by following his design, when they once de­clared their publick dislike, and passed their votes against it. But the King might have provided for the new Bishops, or it, upon a fuller survey he had found all other wayes more difficult, yet he himself should have maintained them out of his own▪ and not out of other mens estates; without the trou­ble of his people,Nor out of his own purse to allow mainte­nance for the Bishops. Especially when he gave them Pensions. without any mans prejudice? As if it were not just, that the Bishops which were to serve the Low-Countreys, should be provided for out of the Low-Countreys. Nor did the King spare his Exchequer, al­lowing every Bishop yearly one thousand five hundred crowns in pension, till sufficient maintenance should be raised elsewhere. Albeit the King in giving them the Abbots goods, did not directly bestow upon them other mens estates, especially since he did it by authority of the Bishop of Rome, who is the true Administratour of their goods. To conclude, this makes it plain, that although the King had given perpetuall pensions to the Bishops, it would not have satisfied these men, that were not so much discon­tented with the translations or annexions of Church-livings, as with the ve­ry number of the Bishops, which there being no reason to condemn, but in­deed to welcome, as a safe and ready help, it plainly appears, in case the Bra­banters, or other Low-Countreymen had took arms upon this ground, to which side the beginning of those troubles was to be imputed. Neither could this be the cause of rebellion.Whether the be­ginning of the tumults may be deduced from hence. The substituting of Bishops in place of Abbots when they should decease, and annexing of their livings to the Bishopricks, was but executed in very few Cities; because of their continu­all petitions (which I shall in due place remember) presented to the Pope and the King. I am sure in Brabant, which stood out the stiffest, the King at last consenting, there was nothing altered. Yet I deny not, but those agi­tations of diversly minded men, lessened obedience and duty to the Prince, which are the pillars of government; and foreshewed, in case they should be further moved, the ruine of the whole. For nothing is so pernicious to Monarchy, as when the people are taught publickly to contest with their Prince, and to dissent from him, not onely with impunity, but with advan­tage.

One thing most of all troubled and exasperated the Low-Countreymen,The Inquisition the third cause of Insurrecti­ons. at first a suspicion, then an indeavour of setting up an inquisition against here­sie, to be confirmed by the Edict of the Emperour Charles the fifth. Which in regard it is commonly thought, to have opened a door of war in the Low-Countreys; it will be worth my pains be what it may be, to give you ac­count of it. Religion, as it was ever highly reverenced by all, as that which preserves the Worship of God, and Concord of Men: so the Christian Church hath been alwayes severe against the disturbers thereof.The first occa­sion of intro­ducing it into the Government of the Church. This charge was first administred onely by the Bishops, to whom it appe [...]tains [Page 33] by Law. Afterwards, perhaps because that sacred Office is ingaged in many cares; or because they are sometimes inforced to be absent from their Diocese; or lastly, some of them may be negligent in the exercise of their authority, and some happely ignorant; it seemed the best course, to dele­gate from the Apostolicall See, Iudges extraordinary, of approved learning and piety, which should have commission to hear and determine against he­reticks: whereupon they were called the Apostolicall Inquisitours. This I find begun by Pope Innocent the third, who sent against the Albigenses, the Founder of the preaching Fryars Saint Dominick, that first executed the of­fice of Inquisitour with much applause. The custome was afterwards recei­ved (almost in all that, and the next Age) in many Christian countreys, there being created in every Province Censors of Faith, that should legally take notice of the violation of religion.The different forms thereof. Yet in all places were not the same Judicatories. Some had temporary Inquisitours sent about heresie newly sprung up, and when that was extinguished, their commission ended. In other parts a Tribunall was erected, to which, questions of faith were per­petually to be referred. In other places, the whole form of this judicature being rejected, none but Bishops themselves were permitted to inquire of hereticks. Nay, at Rome, the form was varied: for sometimes all was done by the ordinary and Civill Magistrates, no Inquisitour extraordinary; some­times many, but then one or more of the Cardinals were of the Quorum. Till Paul the fourth instituted a Colledge of Cardinals, Established in Rome Constit. 34. Licet. by whose suffrages these controversies were to be determined; establishing this course for ever after in Rome by a more venerable and sacred Court of Justice.Not without Penalties. And that it might more firmly continue, fear, the Beadle of the law, terrified them from the beginning: penalties and fines being imposed upon, and exacted of, the refractory: more easie ones by the Cannon law, and heavier by Im­periall Edicts.J, Manich, and l. Quicunque C. De haereti­cis. For when the Emperours observed, besides the worship of God, that it concerns the publick Peace, whose Guardian the Prince is, that subjects should be limited by Religion, and that they saw, when Religion was endangered, peace could not live upon the foul and rough waves of heresie, they decreed, that the punishment of traitours should be inflicted up­on hereticks, as enemies to Religion, and by consequence to Peace. Pro­vided notwithstanding, that the law should not be executed till their triall,C. ut inquisi­tionis. de hae­reticis, in 6. and verdict were passed in the Ecclesiasticall Court, to which the proper co­gnizance of heresie belongs. Which though it was ever exercised in all or­thodox Countreys, and in some places (according to sudden motions of new perverse opinions) with greater diligence; yet no where with more ex­actness and strictness, then in Spain: either out of the especiall inclination of those Catholick Princes, or by reason of contagious forreiners that min­gled themselves among those their subjects.In Spain espe­cially from the year 1383. Martin Lu­thers Heresie makes it every where strictly observed. But this care of Religion was afterwards encreased, almost through all Christendome, by reason of the troubles raised by one man in many parts, I mean Martin Luther, the cala­mity of those and the following times. This mischief that he had long stu­died to bring upon true believers, he had oft begun to attempt, and then changing his mind, as if not resolved (or rather waiting for an opportunity) at last Maximilian the Emperour deceasing,Emp. Max. 1. and Charles his Nephew suc­ceeding in the Empire, his wickedness broke forth; well knowing, that the beginning of a Princes reign is the best time for Innovation; and likewise believing the Emperours young years to be ignorant of government, and therefore despicable. Howsoever he made sure account his Imperiall Ma­jestie would rather bend his endeavours to settle the affairs of his Empire, [Page 34] then to maintain the rites of the Church; so courting the Provinces first to revolt from the Church; and then (which is the next step) from their Princes, and from the Emperour himself; he thus broke in peices at once, the Romane Empire and Religion. Which gave occasion to the Bishop of Rome to be much more observant, and intent to questions of faith; and to Christian Princes, as every one tendered his Religion and Dominions, to be more vigilant therein. Indeed Ch [...]les the fifth, whom Religion in her afflictions looked upon as her onely refuge,Gratian. The­od. Arcad. Ho­nor. Martian. &c. by the example of the Empe­rours his Predecessours, thought it expedient to establish laws through all the Provinces of the Empire and Low-Countreys, against the corrupters of the Catholick faith. Therefore whilest he was conducted from Spain, through the Netherlands and Germany, to the Imperiall throne, with extra­ordinary joy and gratulations of men, and with all that noise of his then smi­ling fortune;Charles the fifth his Edict against Luther and hereticks Leo [...]. in the town of Worms, at the Diet (or Parliament) of the Empire, Martin Luther, condemned by the Bishop of Rome, was by vote of the Electors, and the rest of the Princes and Estates of the Empire con­demned and proscribed, and the edict of his proscription the same year, one thousand five hundred twenty one, was published through all the domini­ons of his Empire and Patrimony. Nevertheless, Luther still persisted in his evil, nay, (as wickedness prospers by sudden attempts) within a few moneths that contagion infected, at least breathed upon, the most flourish­ing Cities of Germany. The Emperour in some places punishing delin­quents,Seven times the Emperour renued it. and renuing and enlarging his edict, which he applyed seven times to that violent and volatile disease. Moreover when he had desired and re­ceived Censors of faith from the Pope, in reference to their authority and security, he passed many Decrees; which are inrolled in the Imperiall laws of the year one thousand five hundred and fifty. But this new fate of Ju­stice brought with it into the Low-Countreys, more terrour then observance; for though it were in some places received,The Braban­ters refuse the Inquisition. yet the Brabanters, because they said their liberty was infringed, taking the opportunity, freed themselves of the burthen laid upon them, about the end of the year fifty: at which time, partly the great meeting of Ausburg, and the Councel of Trem; part­ly war upon war rising in Africa, Hungary, Italy, Germany, and France, drew Cesars cares another way. And although King Philip, when he took possessi­on of the Low-Countreys,King Philip confirms his Fathers Edicts. instantly confirmed his Fathers laws and edicts by his own proclamation; it little advanced the business, he being forth­with engaged in a sharp warre with France: which began the year he set forth that Proclamation, and held three years after: till in the year fifty nine, as soon as ever he got a breathing from the war, he re-applied himself to settle Religion. And leaving the Netherlands, he commanded his sister,Commands the execution there­of to the Go­verness. the Governess, and Bishop Granvell, to take speciall care that his Fathers laws, and the cautions which he himself had confirmed in behalf of the Popes Inquisitors, should be punctually observed. This was the state of affairs; these were the Edicts of Charles the fifth; these the be­ginnings and proceedings of the Inquisitions against heresies.The Governess to the Magi­strates. When the Dutchess of Parma, as she was enjoyned, bending all her care that way, treated about it with Governours of the Pronvinces; but found by experience, it was of much more difficulty to do things commanded, then to command things fitting to be done. The Magistrates seemed unwilling to take the business upon themselves;The Magi­strates let it cool. some of the Nobility offered their services doubtfully, others absolutely told her, it was no good time to move that stone again, at which they had so often stumbled. The Brabanters that had [Page 35] slipt the bridle under Charles the fifth, and would not suffer King Philip when he was there,The Brabanters still refuse. to put it on again; should they now halter themselves, called by a womans voice? The people know no mean or moderate course,The people differ in opinions. at first they are in amazement, then all confidence. Sometimes they fear, some­times they terrifie; according as they are inflamed with the breath of great persons, and the bellows of hereticks. Nay, the common discourse concern­ing the King, hinted to the people, and uttered as their own, was this: Why he made so many new Bishops, The common discourse against the Inquisition, and the Empe­rours Edicts. In the Lateran Councel under Innocent iii. if they were not to protect Religion? But in­deed it was resolved by Councels, that such Pastors as went slowly to work, in purg­ing the ill fruits of heresie, should be put out of their Episcopall office. Bishops should therefore look to their own business, or else lay down their ill placed miters: which it were better they had never put on, nor vainly frighted the Low-countrey with their number: That Religion had flourished many ages in the Netherlands, onely by the care of the Civil Magistrate, without that pomp of the Popes tyranny, without any of the Emperours Edicts. Why that new addition of Inquisitors? That for the most part, it sprung from the ambition of Bishop Granvell, who that he might have suppliants, sought to make delinquents: That Religion ought to be perswaded, not commanded: That Charles the fifth had a most pions intention in making those Laws, but experience demonstrated, the cause of Religion, and the common good and state of the Provinces, was thereby nothing advanced, but daily grew to be in a worse condition: That commerce was already obstructed; Merchants had a stop of trading, to the great losse of the Low-countreymen, especially those of Antwerp, whose wealth consisted in merchandize. Lastly, that neither the Em­perour Charles, nor King Philip, nor any other Prince that had sworn to the pri­viledges of Brabant, and promised not to impose upon the Low-countreymen new forms of Iudicature, could have power (if the Laws remained in force) to com­pell them to suffer the severity of the Inquisition, and those Edicts. But these rumours moved not the Governess at all; who continued to execute the Law upon offenders.Tumults caused by fear of the Inquisition, and punishment of Delinquents. And the Councel of Trent, then ended, was by the Kings command proclaimed in the Low-countreys. At which, in some places, the people openly stormed, and rescued condemned persons, half dead, out of the hangmans hands; stealing to conventicles in the City, and in the fields. Nay, many of the Nobility entered into a kind of combination among themselves; partly to scatter libels in the streets, partly to present petitions to the Governess by great multitudes; with such tumult and success, that the Emperours Edicts had their edge abated, delinquents were pardoned, and no one afterwards endeavoured to bring in Censors of faith, where they had not formerly been. So that nothing was done to oppose the Preaching-men, that had broke loose from their hereticall neighbours; and in the very mar­ket place declaimed against the Catholick Faith; To which a company of Boors and rogues presently joyning, rushed into the Churches, robbed them, defaced the sacred Monuments; and lastly, fell into open rebellion, without any Generall then declaring for them; but with strange licentiousness, force, rapine, and plunder.Some men cen­sure the King. To this point it was come at last. And some affirmed that storm, which with a sudden noise prodigiously fell upon the Low-coun­treyes, was raised out of the peoples fury, caused by the severity of the Prince, who plotting at once to entangle them in so many incoveniences by the Imperiall Edicts, Questions of faith, and the Councel of Trent, Others excuse him. had provoked the patience of the Low-countreymen. Yet others cleared the King of any fault, as not being author of those edicts and questions, but one­ly confirming his Fathers Decrees, and those Pontifici [...]n [...]Censors of faith, which Charles the fifth had called into the Netherlands. And that the King [Page 36] or Emperour, C. Sane. 2. de Off. & Potest. Jud. lib. 1. §. Qui [...]manda. tam. [...]. de Off. ejus. when he brought in the Inquisitors, had not therefore broken the Low-countrey priviledges, by inducing a new form of Judicature; be­cause their jurisdiction not being ordinary, but onely delegated, could not be called a new Judicatory: And therefore they highly extolled the Kings religion, that respected the authority of the Romane Bishop, and the Coun­cels, far before the threatnings of his turbulent and seditious subjects; nor held it imprudence, to be the first that should oblige his dominions to that which had been decreed against heresie, by the wisest Fathers of the Chri­stian Common-wealth. But farther to prosecute, in this place, diversitie of mens judgements, would argue an ambitious wit; especially, since I per­swade my self, all I have hitherto set down, did indeed contribute to the Belgick tumults, but were not the principall causes of them. It is now my purpose clearly to explain those causes to you, that such as read my history may learn, by the example of the Low-countrey men, what it is that com­monly imbroyls a State or Kingdome.

That which troubles the people,The first and true causes of the Low-coun­trey Tumults. and puts them into fury, seldome moves the Nobility: Yet Noblemen (as if the same grievances pressed both par­ties) do often conspire with the Commons: not to promote their Interest, or to make it a Common-cause; but by others assistance, to rid themselves of private inconveniences; and to do their own business, while they are thought to be onely for the Publick. Now the first motive of the peoples tumults; without doubt had its original from Heresie; which was brought in, partly by forrein Merchants,By Heresie a­mong the people, introduced three wayes. together with whose Commodities, this plague often sails: Partly, by the Regiments of the Switz and Germanes, whose service Charles the fifth, and King Philip had long used in the former warrs: partly, by the banished men and fugitives out of England, F. Hieron. Pol­linus, Hist. Angl. l. 3. c. 8. which Queen Mary while she purged that Kingdome from heresie, prosecuting it with her Proclamati­ons and Penal Laws, cleared the Island of, at once; being no fewer then 30000 persons, sent thither from other parts, whereof very many planted themselves anew in the Low-countreys. Heresie chiefly entring by these wayes,Cherished and augmented by the countreys adjacent. was cherished and augmented by the borderers, that trafficked with the Low-countreys; of whom, by commerce, they learned their manners, al­most as perfectly as their language. Nor did the Rhine from Germany, or the Mose from France, send more water into the Low-countreys, then by the one, the contagion of Luther, by the other of Calvin, was importe [...] into the same Belgick Provinces. To say nothing of the Anabaptists, that came in sho [...]ls out of Westphalla and Frizeland; because they were entertained as neighbours, and accounted almost natives. A considerable part of the Commons being infected by this means, and the better to maintain the li­centiousness of their lives,Whereupon the Netherlands grew to all li­centiousness. carrying themselves more saucily towards their Superiours, laid hold of the first occasions to alter the government; and by degrees began those troubles, which Heresie never fails to raise in States, and Kingdoms,Heresie the Trumpet to Re­belli [...]m. as we are taught by too dear experience. For Cities seldome change Religion onely, but as often as this sacred Anchor is weighed, so often the Ship of the Common-wealth is tossed: and no wonder, for He­resie is the school of Pride, and while by little and little is shakes from the mind Gods yoke it shewes us in like manner, how to defame and shake off humane government. Is it not plain, that the wisdome of hereticks at length ends in this point,Confession, Fast­ing, Pena [...]ce, &c. that taking away such things as were somewhat heavier in the Catholick Religion, and pretending Confidence in God (so [...]lessening and blotting out his fear) it brings men, now hail [...]fellows with God▪ to be of no Religion,Inclyning men to Atheisme. and at last boldly to maintain there is no God at [Page 37] all. And he that is once so perswaded,Whence follows contempt of their Sovereign Lords. and hath expelled him from his heart, whom Nature made his Lord,And tumults. he will despise all other Lords with as little reluctation, as they that revolt from their King, contemn his subordinate Magistrates. Indeed among humane things I have al­wayes most admired, that in the Government of Cities and Kingdoms; so many millions of men should be subjected and awed by one. This consists in the Subjects consent, and that consent is grounded upon re­verence and fear, especially because it concerns particulars, that the ge­nerality should be governed. But this pail of Government Heresie puls up and opens; whose trumpeters under the specious pretence of Christian liberty sound in the ears of the people (not deaf to scandalous reports) continual in­vectives against the Manners and Lives of Princes. Which Teachers having seasoned the peoples minds with these holy Precepts, it is no marvel if they detract so much from the Princes Power of ruling, and add so much to their own freedom from obeying. Nature hath planted in men, an aversion from their Lords, and an impatience to be commanded; what will they do, blown by the dayly breath of preaching? and being safe and confident under the veil of Religion. The Transalpine Countreys are and will be a sufficient example to Posterity: Which heresie hath too often prea [...]hed into arms, by the sermons of a few seditious persons, that have involved Provinces and Nations in never to be expiated slaughter. So that what I said is evident, without wonderfull change in the Civill Government, Religion cannot be altered. And although heresie till that time had not so crept into the Low-countreys,What Occasions Heresie made use of to raise tumults in the Low-countreys. nor was so numerous, that the faction could be greatly feared, many of the common sort being uncorrupted. Yet when those very men saw the Bishops multiplied; the Emperours Edicts published; and Inquisitours of faith imposed; the hereticks openly ringing in their ears, that all these conspired to destroy their liberty, they all then joyned their forces. For the Low-countreymen alwayes preserved their great Pri­viledges and Franchises, and did more securely enjoy them, by reason they had now been governed by female Princes for forty years together. Add to this the last long War: in which time, Licentiousness follows the Camp, and the Prince divides his Empire with the souldier: The Low-countrey­men therefore with long liberty and the late warre grown stubborn, min­gled with hereticks, and learning pride of those masters, no wonder, if be­ing more insolent then they used to be, when occasion was offered, they would not onely not hear the word of command, and cast off their new burthens, but with erected spirits hoped for greater matters by the example of others. For they looked upon France, where after the tumult at Am­boyse, Another Cause of the Belgick Insurrections, the alienation of the Nobility. the hereticks had extorted so great a liberty, as they grew formida­ble to the Kingdome: and were to be sought to, for peace. But this spurre of the people, heresie, could never (as I say) have made such a progress in the Low-countreys, without the protection and assistance of the Nobility, for if heresie want this Elm, she creeps indeed, but on the ground, and to be trampled upon. And most of the Nobility were then in such a condition, and did so stomack the Spaniards, Which grew principally out of Court-emu­lation. that the Commons might (and not rash­ly) presume upon that aversion. Now the cause of their indignation, was partly the defeat of their ambitions: partly Court-emulations, which be­gan with shew of private hatred, even in King Philips presence.In what esteem the Low-coun­treymen were with the Em­perour. Afterwards, before the Governess, it proceeded by open enmity to publick ruine. For in the beginning of the Emperour Charles his Reign, the Low-countrey Lords governed; the Low-countreymen had the best places at Court; the [Page 38] highest commands in the Army. Afterwards when many great persons, out of Italy, Spain, and Germany, dayly came in to Cesars fortune every day more flourishing, it was necessary his graces and bounties should f [...]ow to many; And the greatness of his Empire and Warres admitted many [...]ha­rers. Nor were the Low-countreymen troubled at it; because they saw the Emperours inclination chiefly propense towards them; and to contend with forreign Nobility, they held it an honour to their Countrey. But when King Philip came from Spain, How they were looked upon by the King. guarded with a train of Spanish Lords; both in his Palace and abroad, as they said, inaccessible; the Low-countrey­men took offence at their being over gracious with the King, jeering their manners and fashions, which the Spaniard in all places punctually retains. Lastly,The difference of disposition be­tween Charles the fifth, they were by degrees alienated from the King himself, who dis­tasted them with being so unlike his father. For the Emperour easily gave access and audience, carrying himself like a private man, altogether trust­ing to his own Majesty. And as he had a wit that could winde and turn it self all Wayes at once, he did so put on their Manners, that he was no less a German with a German, an Italian with an Italian, a Spaniard with a Spaniard, then a Low-countreyman with his native Subjects. Where on the contra­ry,And King Philip. King Philip would be, and appear a Spaniard to all men; he spake sel­dome, and then all Spanish; and forbare to shew himself in publick, as if he meant, appearing after retirement, to strike a reverence in the eyes of his be­holders; changing nothing of the mode of Spain, either in his apparell or other forms of State. Now this, by minds once vexed, was accounted Pride and Contempt: as if his diversity of manners were in scorn of them. It is reported, the Emperour gave his sonne warning of it, and being of­fended at words used by some Spaniards against the Low-countreymen; in the presence of the Prince of Orange and Bossuvius, The Prince of Orange in his Apology Anno 1581. he told the King, that he foresaw the counsels of some of the Kings flatterers would one day hazard him the loss of the Low-countreys. And although, after the Emperours decease, the King was in war with France, and the Nobility emploied abroad, which quieted the stirres at home:The Belgick Lords deseated of their expe­ctations. Yet the war being ended, the Discontent at Court grew so much higher then it was, by how much the Low-coun­trey Lords thought the King more indebted to them, for their valiant and faithfull service in his wars. Nor were they satisfied with his bestowing upon them so many Governours places before his departure.Which caused their animosi­ties against the King. For such as were neglected, took it for an injury: and they that were chosen, held it no great bounty, because they exspected a greater. But the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont, as they were of vaster spirits then the rest, having abso­lutely perswaded themselves, they should have the Government of all the seventeen Provinces: when they fell, from that hope, whatsoever came short of their wishes lost the title of a benefit. From whence sprung the Low-countreymens fury; which is ever most dangerous to Princes, when men have not what they hope for, though many times they hope for more then they should have. It was not Pompeys Party that murthered Iulius Cesar, but his won friends:Lib. 3. de Ira, c. 10. because (as Seneca saith) he had not satisfied their un­satisfiable hopes. As if when men are much obliged, it were a kind of affront not to be more obliged.And afforded them matter of complaint. And now in the private discourses of the Nobility this was their ordinary matter of complaint, That the Spaniards had all the power with the King, That the Low-countreymen were but the Spaniards shadows, that waited upon them, and moved at their command; for the King transacted business of great concernment by the advice of Ferdinand of Toledo Duke of Alva, Rui Gomez, and the Count of Feria, his onely ca­binet [Page] [Page]

[Page 39] Counsellours, That the Low-countrey Lords were admitted to the Counsell-board to pass things already concluded: and were pleased, like children with form and ceremony. This was not the Emperours promise of his sons bounty, nor what was due to their fidelity and service. Should they suffer themselves to be turned out, and forreiners to be quartered in their houses, and Low-countreymen to be despised, and thought so much inferiour to the Spaniards? Yet they endured it, while the King stayed among them; either fearing the Majesty of their Prince, or else faithfull even in anger. Nor did they proceed further then private murmurs, save onely their hatred to the Spanish took a deeper impression in themselves, and by them was spread among the people, that long since hated the very name of Spaniard. But when the King went for Spain, and the Court was free from strangers; the Low-countrey Lords perswaded themselves,The Lords di­states aggrava­ted by the power of Granvel. Of Anthony Granvel. they should bear all the sway with the Dutchess of Parma, falsly, for they found the ma­lice of all the Spaniards in one man, Anthony Granvell; whose power oc­casioning the open differences at Court, and consequently the publick ruine: it will not be amiss to shew you, in this place, his pedegree and parts.

Anthony Perenott was born at Besanson a town of Burgundy, His birth and parentage. His fathers Offi­ces and estima­tion with Charles the V. Cardinal Mer­curius. sonn to Ni­cholas Lord of Granvel, who was of mean parentage; and (as some say) son to a Black-smith; but a man of excellent endowments, and great judge­ment, and succeeded in the place of Mercurinus Arboreus Gattinar, Chancel­lour of the Empire, trusted with, and acting in, all the Emperours De­fignes. For at the great Convention of the Estates of Germany in Vangion, he sate President, representing his Imperiall Majestie; who sent him out of Spain to Trent, to do honour to the Councel, and to promise the Emperours presence there. Nor did the Chancellour loose any opportunity, but in that famous meeting of all Christendome, silently advanced the service of his Prince. He was the onely man chosen by the Emperour to publish his Decrees of greatest consequence in Germany; to make peace between the petty Princes; and to work them to joyn with the Emperour, in perswading the free Cities to give assistance to King Ferdinand, to move the Fathers to end the Councel, that he might at once settle the cause of Religion, the Councels of War, and the Imperiall Laws. In all which employments, and the slippery Court affairs, he ever kept his footing firm; and had the Emperours constant favour, for twenty years together, till his very dying day. A rare end of a long continued power.He died in Au­gust, An. 1550. His happiness in his issue. Anthony Granvels Abili­ties. He was likewise happy in providing wealth and honour for his many children; particularly for ANTHONY, whom he left Inheritour to his Office, and to the counsels and favour of the Emperour. And indeed having the helps of a great wit, and excellent learning, and proceeding with great applause in most of the Universities in Europe; by his fathers instructions, he easily obtained the per­fect Art of business. So that when he came to be a Statesman, he pre­sently won upon the Emperours good liking; and made it appear, that he relied not so much upon his fathers virtue, as his own. In many things he equalled his father, in many exceeded him. Especially in nimbleness of wit, tiring sometimes five Secretaries at once, with dictating letters to them, and that in severall tongues; for he understood seven languages exactly.Languages. But his greatest excellency was his eloquence,Elocution. wherein none of that Age surpas­sed him. He had audience in the Councel of Trent, for the Emperour Charles the fifth, and made a quick and handsome speech, being then Bishop of Arras, of twenty four years of age, in his fathers time. He was called to [...]e one of the great Councel of the Empire and Low-countreys: When the [Page 40] Army marched, he still attended the Emperour, and wore arms. He was the Emperours Embassadour to Princes and Cities,Which did his business. and happily dispatched most of his business by the help of his Rhetorick; but tempered with won­derfull discretion: without which allay, all eloquence is but the unseasona­ble over-flowing of Wit, that cannot keep within its bounds.The Emperours character of him to King Philip. When Charles the fifth resigned the Empire, he commended Granvell to King Philip, with a noble testimony of his merits, They say, the Emperour at his departure for Spain, professed, that Anthony Granvel was the onely man, whose ser­vice he wished his son to use,His artifices to ingratiate him­self with the King. in things of highest Concernment. But Gran­vell (knowing such Commendations to be good while they are fresh, but that when our Parents memory grows out of date, they often turn to ha­tred, as if they had in them more of Command then Duty) hastened to merit the Kings favour with admirable dexterity. For though it be diffi­cult to please a Successour, commonly differing in nature and manners:And he effected his designe, being employed in things of highest concernment. yet Granvel overcame all that difficulty by Observance. And as he had a wit that could easily new-cast it self into any mould, he transformed himself immediately into the manners of the Spanish Prince. His studying to for­tifie Religion against Heresie, in which he strangely hit the inclination of the King; his mind neither greedy in seeking honours, nor unfit for them when offered; his subtilty in decyphering the Princes mind, before he de­clared himself in his Commands; conjecturing them by his looks: his ab­stinency by night from sleep, by day from meat; his constant pains and fide­lity, far above the practice of the Court, did exceedingly engage the Kings affections to him. His knowledge of the Emperours Counsels, likewise much endeared him to King Philip, who by the same Compass meant to steer his Government. For which reasons, in all his four years stay in the Low-countreys, the King did nothing either at home or abroad, made nei­ther peace nor leagues, with Kings or Nations; concluded no marriages; quieted no seditions; acted nothing that related to Religion or the Church, but the Granvell, And by the King commended to the Governess. he delivered his commands. Nay, when the King went from the Low-countreys into Spain, he left this man to the Dutchess of Par­ma, as a principall instrument of State: and told her, it concerned the Low-countreys, that she should use his advice oftner then any other of the Councel. And she did it, so that he had the same place and esteem with the Kings sister,His favour with her. that he had with the King. His power (which rarely happens) being thrice successively confirmed. Seldome any private or publick busi­ness passed, but he was first heard to the point in agitation; and to hear him was to be surprized: So dextrous he was, and his counsel so appliable to all occasions,His dexterity in giving counsel. that the Prince was free to choose, and thought himself Authour of the determinions, for which Granvel by his own judgement had prepa­red him; and could not but love the Modesty of his inventions, not com­pelled (which is unsufferable to Princes) to commend the wisdome of his Teacher. And though Garnvell, under shew of observance, arrived at once both to Power and Favour: yet he seldome made any Dispatches in per­son,For the most part by Letters. Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. but (reviving the fashion of Augustus and Tiberius their times) by Let­ters and Notes under his hand to the Governess. I have at this present a great volume of his letters, which he sent her (though they were both in Town, and commonly in the same house) to avoid, as I conceive, that jea­lousie the Lords had of his power; or else, that his advices might be deep­lier imprinted. But 'tis hard to deceive the Court. And now no man doubted, but that all was transacted by Granvell, both at home and abroad: and as it often happens, things he had no hand in (when once his name was [Page 41] up for a Favourite) were believed to be his doing. Indeed at first, the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, The Lords first scorn, and the greatest Low-countrey Lords, did not much fear his power, because they despised him as an upstart. But when his authority began daily to encrease, and all things to bend that way; nay, some of the Nobility to apply themselves to him, and become his Creatures, then they took notice of him as a Competitour.And then emu­late him. And because he seemed to stand upon even ground with them; they began to raise batteries against him: at first civilly, shewing themselves enemies within compass. After­wards, interpreting the greatness of the Kings favour to him, by the new honour of his Cardinals scarlet; and suspecting that he infused into his Maje­sty a doubtfull opinion of the Low-countrey Lords; t [...]en they extended their malice beyond all bounds; and came to the Councel-board in presence of the Dutchess, rather to quarrel, then to give advice: having commonly no other reasons for dissenting,Particular offen­ces taken against him. but because Granvel had assented. And to ex­asperate them, fell out many accidents which I shall here repeat together. Charles Count Lalin, Especially by Count Lalin, Regnard. Florent. V. A. de init. l. 1. and Simon Regnard, in the name of King Philip, had concluded a Truce for five years with Henry the French King. The condi­tions whereof displeased the Spaniard, and therefore Regnard was out of fa­vour with King Philip, because more in fault, as the rumour went. Regnard suspecting I know not by what discovery, that by Granvels means the King was alienated from him, railing every where upon the man, drew Count Lalin to side with him, because he was the principall Commissioner, and therefore all reports of infidelity in that Treaty, must chiefly reflect upon him. The infection of this conspiracy was caught from Lalin, Count Horn. C. Megen. by Philip Montmorancy Count Horn, (whose sister Lalin had married) and struck to his heart, when Count Horn saw Charles Bremè Count of Megen preferred before him to the government of Gelderland; which repulse he took as recei­ved by Granvels instigations. The like cause had Robert Brederod, who stood to be Bishop of Cambray, and had the votes of all the Lords: against him Granvel appeared, for Maximilian of Bergen, a man better me­riting his favour,Lazarus Zwend who carried the Bishoprick. At the same time Lazarus Zwend (that had been General of the Germans in the war of Hungary, and at the battel of S. Quintin) promised himself all his own wishes, relying on his intimacy with the Prince of Orange, and Count Egmont; but they could not with all their power get him admitted to be of the great Councel: Granvel, as was thought, putting a rub in his way. Which affront he very weakly shewed himself sensible of, and endeavoured at all opportunities, to make his friends have the same resentment.C. Egmont. But the offence taken by Count Egmont was of an higher nature, because he thought himself abused by Granvell in the Government of Hesdin: and after the death of the Abbot of Trull, when Count Egmont petitioned the Pope for his kinsman: and Gran­vel for himself,The Prince of Orange. this man was preferred. But the Prince of Orange held it as a great indignity, not onely to be defeated of his hopes, for the Govern­ment of all the Low-countreys, by the practise of the Duke of Alva and Granvell; but that they had so ordered it, as to hinder the marriage (to which he had long aspired) with Christierne Dutchess of Lorain: The Governess is for Granvel. and though the Dutchess of Parma laboured to take off the opinion of Granvels power, and to extinguish the envy towards him (contrary to the practice of some Princes, that like it well, to have a servant on whom men may discharge the hatred due unto their Masters) yet she could not perswade his enemies;But all will not d [...]. who interpreted this very endeavour of the Dutchess, as the greatness of her goodness to him.The Lords ban­dy against him. Most of the Nobility having these and other private [Page 42] discontents, were so much the more eager to bring down Granvels power, that is their common prejudice. In councel, they had long by compact and designe opposed Granvels motions, rather like his despisers, then the Princes Counsellours. In their Letters to the King, in Complaints to the Gover­ness, they gave him the Character of a proud man, one that hated the No­bility, and would in time be the destruction of the Low-countreys. They had already made him odious to the people, and perswaded them, that the super­numerary Bishops, the reviving of the Emperours Edicts; and the severity of the Spanish Inquisition, proceeded merely from this one mans ambition: who by en [...]laving the Low-countrey-men aimed to enthrone himself. in I know not what Principality. And the people heard them, because they hated him. Nor did Granvel decline the opinion,He slights their calumnies. whilst he alone solicited the cause of Religion, with somewhat more violence, then caution. And as he was of a confident and high spirit, he easily sleighted all the threat­nings and conspiracies of his Competitours; and declared himself to de­pend wholly upon the Kings favour: unlesse perhaps he appeared to sleight them, left if he should seem fearfull to be trod upon, they might think it f [...]i­sible to tread upon him.The Commons concurre with the Lords. Hence the people (prone of their own nature to live licentiously, and prompted forwards by their commerce with hereticks) charged Granvel with all the Kings severer proceedings, not more out of hatred to him, then out of love to the Lords, whom they looked upon as Patrons of the Commons, and Assertours of their Countryes liberty. Therefore they adhered to them, and were [...]at their devotion. And the Lords (laying hold of this occasion of protecting the Publick, The Lords make use of them to trouble the Peace. to revenge their Private injuries) had good hope to remove their Rival, if what the King acted by him against the peoples minds, were made void by their assi­stance Therefore some of them in the Provinces where they commanded, were slow in advancing the Cause of Religion; and in publishing the Em­perours Edicts, enjoyned them by the King. Others tacitly favoured the multitude, and perswaded them not to suffer a new Tribunal to be erected, to bolster up the Romish bawbles, and the Spanish superstition. Some that pre­ferr'd Ambition before Religion, connived at the coming in of hereticks from all quarters, encouraged seditious conspiracies, and lastly, omitted no­thing whereby the King might understand, how much he had misplaced his favour,To make Gran­vel odious. in trusting the Netherlands onely to the pride of Granvel. By this means it was presumed,And to displace, they should see him removed from the Low-coun­treys, and perhaps from the Kings good opinion: or howsoever, it would subject him to perpetuall danger of the People and Tumults. Both which came to pass,At least to vex him. and that at last which some of them never aimed at, I mean,In the interim, the Heretical Faction is strength [...]ned, more then some Lords could wish. the setting up of the Heretical party; the increase of licentious and seditious persons; shame and fear of the Law by degrees cast off, and finally reverence and fidelity to the Prince. And many honest men being involved in the same fare, such a fire of mutiny and warre was kindled, as afterwards the bloud of the people, the ruins of Cities and Provinces never could extin­guish. From such smal beginnings the greatest mischiefs often spring, and are precipitated with a far greater violence, then could proceed from the strength of their first mover. For it is most true, that to fire houses and to set bounds and limits to the flame,Howbeit others of them desired the troubles. is nor in one mans power. Yet some there were of the Nobility, that wished those troubles, and at that very time, plot­ted the change of Government. Of these were two sorts: Some either out of hope of a loose life,Th [...]se men were of two sorts. or infected by their wives (which they had mar­ried out of the cities (or rather pest-houses) of Germane hereticks, daily made [Page] [Page]

[Page 43] less account of observing the Orthodox Religion; and therefore inclining to the hereticall party, impudently encouraged them, and hoped that one day, they would master & put down the Catholick government. Others to main­tain their port and dignity, having consumed their private patrimonies, were necessitated to make use of the publick troubles. For not a few of the No­bility (both in the former Warres, and afterwards at Court,) accounting it a dishonour to be outbraved by Forreiners, especially by the Spanish Lords, in gallantry of apparell, or arms, in the train of friends and follow­ers; in the number and rich trappings of their horses; had at this Vie con­sumed vast summes of money, the expence being more grievous to them then to the Spaniards, who commonly had far greater fortunes. Therefore since on the one part, no revenues would hold out to maintain these scenes of Pride;Both which at last contributed to the ruine of the Publick. and yet they had still in their small fortunes, great spirits, sensible of the honour of their Families. On the other part, while the hereticks, to avoid banishment, or the hangman (which was the business then in agitati­on) promised to the Nobility money in abundance, and especially to the Governours of Provinces. Diverse Noblemen, upon these hopes, easily revolted to them: and neglecting their own private benefit, and the safety and tranquility of the state, by their cunning dissimulation mocked the en­deavours of the Governess and Granvell, in pacifying those tumults and se­ditions: which they in the mean time very well approved of, as the Mart from whence their richest traffick came.

But the causes which hitherto I have numbered up severally, and shewed them to proceed from the Lords and Commons,Of the Prince of Orange. did at last all meet in one point of concurrence in the Prince of Orange. To demonstrate this, I will give you an exact account of his descent, his nature, and by what arts he attained his power: a necessary narration, and I presume not unpleasing to the Reader: that such as shall see him, almost for sixteen years, Generall of great armies fighting with various fortune: may have his manners, and as it were the Picture of his heart before their eyes.His Ancestours came out of Germany, Into the Low-countreys. The house of Nassau in Germany was ever Princely, but when Adolphus of Nassau was elected Em­perour, he made it a Sovereign Family. Count Otho brought them into the Low-countreys, almost two hundred years ago, where they were establish­ed by his nephew Engelbert the first, and by the nephew to the first,Ann. 1292. Engel­bert the second.The Prince of Orange in his Apol. 1581. That being great Grandfather, this great Uncle to Wil­liam Prince of Orange. Which Princes left him the inheritance of many towns in the Low-countreys, and other fair possessions, that came to them by marriage: which made him there a person of eminence,Their power in the Nether­lands. afterwards encrea­sed by the Principality of Orange, that descended from the Chalons upon the family of Nassau. For his fathers brother Henrick, had a sonne named Re­natus, by Claudia Chalon si [...]ter to Filibert Chalon Prince of Orange. Renatus after the death of his uncle Filibert, succeeded him in the Principality upon condition, that he should change his name from Nassau to Chalon. Anno 1544. But he likewise dying without issue, the Principality of Orange, and the rest of the great estate which he had in Burgundy, The birth of the Prince of O­range. came to his Cousen german William, whom we now speak of, by the favour of the Emperour Charles the fifth. William was born in the year one thousand five hundred thirty three,Henr. Ranzou. in exemplis Astvol. Mi­chael Airzin­ger in Leone Belg. the eldest of five brothers, and it is reported his father (whose name was Wil­liam) desired to know his sonnes fortune of Philip Melanchthon that was by Chaldean rules, rather as a Professour then an artist, held to be skilfull in Calculating of Nativities.His Nativity calculated. Who having erected their Schems told him, Williams fortune was not in all parts alike proportioned. For at first, his [Page 44] starres would shine down honour upon him him: afterwards, he should lay his design for greater honours: but at last, come to an unfortunate end. What his judgement was of the other four brothers, I have neither heard spoken, nor seen written. Perhaps, because they wanted success, they were passed over in silence: lest it might discredit his art. Charles the fifth took him away when he was very young, from his father, who had revolted to the Lutherans, and delivered him to his own sister, Mary Queen of Hunga­ry. As soon as his years permitted,His civill. the Emperour made him a gentleman of his bed-chamber, and was much delighted with the constant waiting and conditions of the youth: because he was very modest, and did not make vain ostentations of his service, nor omit any oportunity to be serviceable: and that in a grave and serious manner; that he might be thought more capeable then ambitious of imployment.And military education. From the bed-chamber, where he kept his place for almost nine years, the Emperour made him a souldier, and Generall of his horse in the Low-countreys. Nay when the Duke of Sa­voy left the army,Called the or­dinary Bands. Emmanuel Fishberti Duke of Savoy. he substituted in his place William Nassau Lieutenant-ge­nerall: though he wanted years for so great a command, being not past twenty two, and was brought in over the heads of many great Com­manders, among others (which the Prince of Orange himself admired) of Count Egmont: who besides his experience in the warres, was twelve years older. Thenceforth, as well in peace as war, he was by the Emperour va­lued in the first file of Nobility; and imployed upon diverse noble Embas­sages. His favour at Court. Indeed, in the Emperours great resignment of his dominions; which was his last act as a Prince, when he sent the Crown and Sceptre of the Em­pire (as we have told you) to his brother Ferdinand by the Prince of Orange, he clearly shewed, by that last honour he could do, the greatness of the af­fection which he bare him.Some suspect him. And though some, that suspected his nature from the first, often wished the Emperour to look to him, and not to be over confident of his disposition; which under the pretence of virtue, co­vered fraud and design; and that he should take heed how he cockered up that fox in his bosome, that one day would devour all his domestick Poul­try. But the Emperour frowned upon and contemned these aspersions, knowing they are ordinarily cast upon such as Princes favour. Nay these rather confirmed him in the Emperours good opinion. Howsoever by ma­king honourable mention of him,The Emperour answers all Ob­jections. and commending the modesty and fideli­ty of the youth, the Emperour seemed to discharge that envy. Perhaps he thought the Prince deserved it not; perhaps it was the common fault of masters, that apprehend themselves to be no less concerned in such inve­ctives, then their favourites and servants; and without looking into the bu­siness, make themselves patrons of the men, whose cause they think their own. Yet in the Prince of Orange, at that very time, were symptomes of a disease,And commends him to the King. that should have been prevented, or at least observed. Which sym­ptomes grew more and more apparent after the Emperours departure. For though at his leaving the Low-countreys, the Emperour commended the Prince of Orange to his sonne Philip, The King makes great account of him. and King Philip both of his own ac­cord and for his fathers sake, gave him many testimonies of his good liking; for he made him one of the Order of the Golden fleece, sent him t [...] con­clude a peace with Henry the Frensh King; and that done, deliverec him for hostage. And to those large Provinces of the Netherlands, which the King trusted to his Government, he added Burgundy, though farre remote. But what could all this work with him,The Causes of his Discontent. that gave out, the King was obliged to bestow upon him the absolute Government of all the Low-countreys, [Page 45] for his pains and expences, to defend the greatness of the house of Austria. And in his Apology against King Philip, he took upon him the boldness (after he had particularized the merits of his Ancestours towards the Empe­rours Maximilian and Charles) to conclude, That but for the Counts of Nassau, and Princes of Orange, the King of Spain could not have loaded the front of his proclamation (wherein he proscribed him) with the glorious titles of so many Kingdomes and Nations. Frustrated therefore of his hopes to govern the Low-countreys; and perceiving Granvell to be the great man in the Dutchesses new Court, and fearing he should every day be less esteemed by her, whom he would have prevented of her Government, by professing himself to stand for Christiern Dutchess of Lorrain, and endea­vouring to bring her in; he resolved to maintain his greatness by another way: and, provoked by new indignities,His Designe, to act what he had long since de­signed. And though I have no certain ground to believe, that at the very first, he laid his plot to revolt from his allegiance to the King; yet I dare boldly affirm, he studied, at that time, some innovation: whereby he might weaken the Kings Government; overthrow the Spanish power; incourage the hereticall party; by right or wrong advance his own honour and autho­rity; and if fortune made him any other fair offer,His Wit and Manners. to lay hold upon it. In­deed for altering of a Government, I know not if any man ever lived, fitter then the Prince of Orange. He had a present wit, not slow to catch at opor­tunities, but subtill; concealing himself, not to be sounded, even by those that were thought privy to his secrets. Then he had a rare way to ingra­tiate himself with any that but came to speak with him:Which relished not of Court­ship or Levity. so unaffectedly he conformed to strangers manners, and served himself of others ends; not that he stooped to the poor forms of complement, and common professions of imaginary services, wherewith at this day men do honourably mock one another. But shewing himself, neither sparing nor prodigall of his Courtship, he so cunningly contrived his words, that you could not but think, that he reserved farre more for action. Which begat a greater opinion of his discretion: and gave more credit to his pretensions. Besides, though he was of a proud and infinitely ambitious spirit; yet he so carried it to the outward shew, that he seemed to command himself, and not to be sensible of injuries. But he was as subiect to fear, as free from anger: In­somuch as he doubted all things, thought every thing unsafe: but yet desist­ed not; because on the one part his brain, fruitfull in plots, if the first took not, presently made new supplies; on the other part, his vast and immode­rate ambition,The splendour of his Family. strangled all doubts and delayes. But in the splendour of his house-keeping, and the multitude of his friends and followers, he was equall to great Princes. No man in all the Low-countreys more hospita­ble, and that gave nobler entertainment to forrein Embassadours, then the Prince of Orange; which hugely pleased the people, that delight to have the wealth and power of their Countrey showed to strangers: nor was it dis­tastfull to Princes, with whom he redeemed all the opinion of his pride, by his humble and familiar invitations of their servants.His doubtfull Religion. But for his Reli­gion, that was very doubtfull, or rather none at all. When he was with the Emperour and the King, he seemed to be Catholick. When they left the Low-countreys, he returned by little and little to his Fathers heresie, which was bred in him of a child: yet so, as while the Dutchess of Parma conti­nued Governess, he rather appeared a Favourer of the hereticall party,He declares himself a Cal­vinist. Apo­logy 1518. then an Heretick. Lastly, after the Dutchess was removed, he declared him­self for Calvin (for from a Lutheran, he was now turned to his opinion) not [Page 46] onely as a private Sectary; but as the great Defender of his Faith. After­wards he writ a Book,His Apology, Anno 1518. wherein he testified to all the world, That from his childhood, he was ever much enclined to the Religion (which he calls Re­formed: the seeds whereof his heart alwayes constantly retained; which at length ripened with his years. And that all he did at home, or in the warrs, related to this end, To maintain Religion in her first Purity, assailed and shot at, with so many Laws and Edicts by the Emperour and the King. Whether he wrote truth, and was indeed a Calvinist in opinion;Whether from his heart or no, is uncertain. or rather by that means sought to ingratiate himself with the men, whose service he had use of, some have made a doubt: it is most probable, his Religion was but pre­tended, which he could put on like a Cloke, to serve him for such a time; and put it off again, when it was out of fashion. Truly, that Religion was not much to be regarded,Ann. 1581. when Authority was to be acquired, or establish­ed; are the words of his own letter to Alençon, Brother to the French King; part whereof in its due place, I shall insert. This, it was thought, he learn­ed in the villanous school of Machiavel, whose Books he seriously studied; as Granvel affirms in his Letter from Spain, directed to Alexander Prince of Parma. William of Nassau furnished with these Arts, how he imployed them, in exasperating the minds of the Low-countrey men, I shall now briefly open.He was Hostage for K. Philip, to Henry K. of France. He was hostage, as I have formerly said, to Henry the second of France. Hunting with the King, they fell into that discourse, which he speaks of in his Defence against his Proscription published by King Philip; wherein he glories in the discovery which he made, of the plot betwixt him and King Henry: Ann. 1581. who letting fall some words of the grand Designe (but abruptly and obscurely,He discovers both the Kings designes against the hereticks. lest perhaps he might reveal it to one, that was not of counsel with them) the Prince of Orange, as he himself sayes, to wyer­draw the whole business out of the King, takes upon him to have been long privy to the plot, which the King easily believes, thinking the Prince in great esteem with his Master, and seeing him his hostage there. He there­fore freely tells him, that by the Spanish Embassadour, the Duke of Alva, King Philip, agreed with him to destroy all the families of the new Religi­on: which he was to see done in France, and King Philip in the Low-coun­treys: in which he likewise had erected a constant Tribunal, where matters of Faith should be tried, which would be as good as his Forts, to keep his people in obedience. The Prince of Orange finding the designe, which he knew to be King Philips, return'd into the Low-countreys. There when he saw the Dutchess of Parma made Governess, and Granvel joyned with her; the number of Bishops increased; and Inquisitors of Faith to be brought in; he conceived this to be the designe which King Henry had dis­covered to him.And from thence takes his hint for Commotion. And when he perceived that these new Decrees had fil­led the Cities with fears and jealousies, and that no part of the State looked cheerfull; he resolved to make use of the opportunity: supposing, that if he should feed the beginnings of these discontents on his part, as many al­ready (corrupted with heresie) would do on theirs;Ann. 1559. that he should undoubt­edly elude the designes of the Spanish. Beginning at the Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, out of the same Apo­logy. And now that he had some little glimmering of an exspectation, and began to form great plots to bring all his aims to their desired ends, thus he set them a work.

The King,Hoventius Mo­morancy, Lord Montany, An­thony Lalin Count Hoch­strat. at Gant, called a Chapter of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, in whose Creation (because all authority was not in the King, as Master of the Order, but in the joynt-votes of his Companions) that some might be chosen which hated the King, (I suppose, Monting and Hochstrat) the Prince of Orange took a great deal of pains, solicited, and prevailed with his Col­leagues, [Page 47] to promise him their severall suffrages. And both these Lords now obliged, he meant hereafter, as purchased by this favour, to make use of. Besides, when the Cities mutinied (as I have told you) because Spanish Gar­risons were left upon the frontiers;Starting matter for sedition out of the Spanish souldiers. he privately inflamed their fury; and ar­gued with his friends of the pride of those forrein souldiers, that under co­lour of defending the Borders, laboured to put a yoke upon free Cities. Withall, he commended the loyaltie of the Low-countreymen, which not­withstanding suffered, for that strangers were preferred before them.1559. And put it in their heads,In the some A­pology. that the Estates who were then to be summoned, should with great earnestness petition the King, that his Spanish souldiers might be disbanded, by his Fathers example, who never had any Garrisons in the Low-countreys, but of Low-countrey men; which accordingly the States were suiters for, with great noise and clamour. And at that time, the King promised to satisfie them by word of mouth, which afterward he really per­formed: the Prince of Orange much glorying in it, who, in his Letters pro­fessed himself to have been the authour of sending away the Spaniards: and that by this act (which he accounted an eternal honour to him and his Col­leagues) he brought two things about: the one, that he freed his Countrey from slavery; the other, that he opened (they are his own words) the way to Religion. Onely to his and their Crown of glory this was wanting: that as they had turned the Spaniards out of the Low-countreys, so they had not shut the door upon them, locked it fast, guarded the Passe, and kept them from all hope of ever coming back again. Yet he doubted not, but as he had purged a great part of the Netherlands of them, so as they could call nothing there their own, but the bones and ashes of their Countrey­men; in like manner he should quickly bring to effect, or at least endeavour it, that they should all be banished out of the seventeen Provinces, and be­ing compelled to return to their own Countrey, should at last suffer the Low Dutch to enjoy the liberty of their fortunes,Out of the new Bishops. bodies and souls. Nor was he less active against the designe of introducing new Bishops; which (by the spirit of Calvin) he used to call hangmen, In his said A­pol. and so Granvel writes▪ Ann. 1582. brought in to flea and burn mankind. And to that end, he applied himself to the Abbots, some of which (instructed at private conferences, and emboldened against the fear of any Magistrate) were for a great while his principall instruments of discord. But he had not better success in any thing, then in defeating the Emperours Edicts, and the Kings proclamations. For as nothing more amazed the people, then the name of the Inquisition; Out of the In­quisition. so the Prince of Orange, in that fright, aggravating their fears and jealousies, telling them of the breach of Priviledge, the tyranny of the Spaniards, the slavery of the Low-countrey men, most of them vain surmizes, but yet working in minds inclined to suspicion: It is hardly credible, what an odium he brought upon the Inquisition; how he turned the Peoples hearts from the King, and made them hate the Spani­ards. So that many (being perswaded the freedome of their Nation would be lost, if this went on) would assoon have let into their cities the Enemies of their Countrey,Out of Granvels power. as the Inquisitours of Faith. The Prince of Orange, glad of this successe, and being (as I have said) inraged at Granvels pow­er; absolutely resolved to joyn with the People and the Hereticks, who (he knew) hated Granvel, and he was glad they did so.Out of the trou­bles arising in the Duke of Al­va's govern­ment. At length, new and far more implacable tumults rising every where in the Low-countreyes, when the Duke of Alva was Governour; the bolder the people grew, who then refused their pardons (offered by some Governours of Cities) and publickly renounced their allegiance: the more high-hearted grew the [Page 48] Prince of Orange. His hopes, which hitherto were uncertain and farr off, now came near and courted him. So that scorning the Court, he looked for greater and quicker fortunes in the Warrs. But the mischief daily encrea­sing, seditious Citizens joyned with the Hereticks;The mutinous Citizens and the Hereticks desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Generall. part necessitated to avoid punishment, but the major part invited with hope of liberty. That their pretences might shew more honest, and promise more safety, under some one Generall; they looked upon the Prince of Orange, whom they knew to be ambitious to command in chief, and therefore an enemy to the Spaniards: besides, that he was seasoned with heresie, at least ingaged by affinity with Hereticks, whose service he made use of. They likewise knew he had many strong towns of his own, and that he would be supported by the counsels and wealths of forrein Princes. And he himself was partly incouraged by his inclination to the Hereticks, (to favour which party, he was at home per­swaded by his wife,Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxo­nie. his brother, and his friends; abroad by great Persons) partly out of hatred, first to Granvel, afterwards to the Duke of Alva, al­wayes to the Spaniards: especially, because despairing of the Kings favour, he hardly saw any place left for drawing back his hand, when he had cast the Die: partly, by the opportunity of Command, which from all quarters was offered to him.He offers him­self. Upon these motives he wholly revolted to them, for whose defence he had the colour of protecting their Liberties; with abun­dant matter of feeding his own hopes. And thus, what neither the Prince of Orange, To the destru­ction of the Publick. nor any Generall whatsoever could have done without a routiny of the People: nor a mutiny of the People without a Generall; was ef­fected by a conspiracy of both, a sudden flame of Rebellion breaking out, which afterwards continued a long fire of Warr, equally pernicious to the Conquerours, and the conquered.

Wherefore,The Causes and Occasions of the Belgick [...]nmults summed up. to give you a full View of all at once; it is very considerable whether Misfortunes succeed or meet. And as by the conjunction of starrs, ill winds they say are generated; so questionless there is a conjuncture of evils in the destruction of Men and Kingdoms. The sudden inundation of Heresie, the peoples dislike of the Spanish souldiers, the Multiplication of Bi­shops, the Revival of the Emperours Edicts, with the punishment of Delin­quents, the defeated hopes of the Nobility, Granvels greatness at Court, be­cause they all happened together, easily raised those tumults and troubles. Nevertheless, all were not of one Quality; for many of them seemed ho­nester Pretences then the rest; but two of them did the business, Heresie and Ambition: though going under other Names, borrowing elsewhere their occasions, and beginnings: For the Hereticks having made the People theirs, pretended the Priviledges of the Low-countreys; and lest the Dutchess of Parma, their Governess should oppresse them, they put themselves un­der the Protection of the Nobility. These gudgeons were greedily swal­lowed by many; some set on by Poverty, more by their Repulses and Af­fronts, most by the Power of Granvel. Nothing could therefore advan­tage them but troubles, wherein they should receive Pay from the Here­ticks, and Imployment from the Governess: and by that means Granvels Power would decay for want of Action. The peoples contumacy thus in­creasing with their strength, they despised Government, terrified the Cities with seditious tumults, and immediately after in many places, violated and robbed the Churches. Lastly, in some places were discovered evident signes of subjects intending a Revolt, which was now set a foot.

And thus much I have discovered of the Originall of the Low-coun­trey Tumults: which before the departure of the Dutchess of Parma out [Page 49] of the Netherlands, being laid and almost extinguished, revived again, farre more fatally in the Government of the Duke of Alva; whilst their Abettor the Prince of Orange, took opportunity of the peoples falling into rebellion; but not likely to hold out long, without a General: and upon their open defe­ction from their Prince, he long opposed the Spanish forces, as their General. Wherein how much the Spanish erred in pressing unseasonable remedies; or the Low-countrey men in disobeying their Sovereigne; I had rather you should gather out of the Narration of things themselves, then out of the arguments and partiall disputes of an Historian.

The Historie of the LOW-COUNTREY WARRES. The third Book.

THe new Governess took care in the first place to send away the Spanish souldiers.1559. For the Provinces com­plained (as I have shewed you) that the four moneths were past,The Spanish souldiers have Orders to de­part. wherein the King promised to free the Low-countreys of forrein souldiers; and yet, they were kept in Garrison: but the Dutchess of Parma had put it off so long, because she most confided in the valour and faith of the old souldiers, if any troubles should arise at home, by the contagi­ous example of their neighbours, that were together by the ears about Re­ligion. Which was the cause that when the Low-countreymen denyed their Pay, she her self borrowed money to supply them. But the Low-countreymens complaints dayly multiplying, they alledged to the Gover­ness, that the King had obliged himself in honour; and her husband Octa­vio Duke of Parma (who never liked the stop of the Spanish army in the Netherlands) at his departure into Italy, perswading his wife to let them go; she writ letters to the King for his assent. And upon the receit of money from Spain, together with the Kings Commission, her Excellence drew out the Garrisons from the border-towns, commanding them presently to march to Ulushen, and to go abroad with the first fair wind, for Spain. But while shipping was prepared, winter coming on, the Governess received an Express from the King, 4. Octob. enjoyning her not yet to send away the Spanish Gar­risons: but (as in her discretion she thought fit) to spinne out time,Their Departure countermanded by the King. till the King sent his absolute determination. And I believe, his Majesty alwayes desired their stay in the Low-countreys; yet perhaps he was more moved to it, by new suspicions, collected out of Granvels letters, who having an eye upon the actions of the Nobility, made an ill construction of their ea­gernesse to expell the Spaniards: and perhaps penetrated further into the Prince of Oranges designes. But the Dutchess could not at that time obey the King, by reason the hatred and quarrell between the two Nations was then irreconciliable. For the Spaniards were inraged because the Low-countreymen were so violent to have them gone.Whereat the Low-countrey­men rage. And the Low-countrey­men, vexed with new grievances, were the more fierce in urging their de­parture. [Page 51] So as the Zelanders (in whose islands the Spaniards had lyen for a wind) being now grown desperate,And grow de­sperate. resolved to work no more upon the sea banks: but though before their eyes the water bore them down in ma­ny places, yet they said, they had rather have their land drowned, then plun­dered. So, long since,Tacitus in his Annals. l. 13. the Generall of the Ancibarians vowed to do, in the same place, against the Romanes. Nay they professed openly, in the Spani­ards hearing, The sea should swallow them alive, ere they would set foot out of doors to hinder it, as long as forrein souldiers tread upon their ground. Yet the Governess to comply with the Kings desires, delayed the Spaniards going aboard; and debated, how she might call them back from Zeland, in her Cabinet councell:Called the Consult. and with some few others of approved faith, whom she joyned to them. But all things were represented full of marvellous difficulty.1560. For they could not be called back, before Towns were ap­pointed for them to be quartered in; The Consulters are of opinion the souldiers should not be stayed. but those could not be appointed, without their Governours, who would, no doubt, protest against it. Then it was to be considered, whether they should be kept in their winter quarters in a body? but that would be insufferable to the City that should give them quarter: or whether they should be dispersed through the Provinces? but then they must be exposed to all injuries and indignities, which the people (that contemned their small number) would be sure to put upon them. It was likewise considerable, Where the Spaniards should have pay? since the Low-countreys had vowed to part with no money neither to them, nor their own Countreymen, till the Netherlands should be cleared of forrein force. Though the Governess knew this to be so,1560. yet that she might leave nothing unattempted; Or by consulting to gain time, she brought the whole business to the Councell table. But here the same votes passed.Of the same mind were all the Councell of State. And as the number of Counsellours was greater, so was their confidence. Some affirmed the Cities, when they should hear of that delay,1560. would publickly claim pro­mise of the King, and that the States would take it as an huge affront, when they suspected the Kings word had failed them: some alleadged the com­plaints of the Merchants; Others the pay which the King owed to the Low-countrey souldiers. Lastly, that their going aboard could not be deferred, was the opinion of the whole Councel,But onely Granvell. Granvell excepted, who opposed them all, either to please the King, or because he thought it would conduce to the good of the Low-countreys; or because he was unwilling to be without such a guard, in case his Rivals should conspire against him. But when he had held out as long as either his authority or elocution could resist;Who at last consents. at last, he yeilded to number and weight of reasons. Perhaps he was afraid that any thing should be carried at the Board without Granvels consent. Which made him vote with the rest, and, as he would have it believed, willingly. The Governess therefore, moved with the generall suffrage, especially seeing them dayly grow more odious; which would make their presence a greater mischeif to the Low-countreys then their absence could be: writes to his Majesty the Result of that Councell for Remove of the souldiers, slightly and perfunctorily, as to the Cause, lest she might be thought to fear the Lords of the Councell, unto whom she read the letters,The Governesses Express to the King. before the packet was dispatched away.Her private letter. But by the same post she wrote to the King, in cyphers, That she was not able to retain the Spaniards any longer. The Pro­vinces being all resolved, that so long as they saw themselves awed by the remain­der of forrein souldiers, they would not give a penny to the Kings Collectours, by way of Subsidy. That Bankers and Merchants complained, that the Cities which had borrowed of them great summes wherewith to pay the Spaniards while they seemed ready to depart; when they saw them demurre upon their voiage, grew an­gry, [Page 52] and refused to pay interest for the money. But as there was a generall joy as soon as they knew the Garrisons were drawn out, and shipping ready for them. This had quieted the murmurs of the money-Masters, and fed the hopes of the Low-countrey souldiers, that had fifteen moneths Pay due to them: which they were promised by the Cities, as soon as ever the Spaniards weighed Anchor. But if their voyage should be put off, and the Low-countreymen see them return from Zeland; she very much feared the souldiers, defrauded of their exspectation, would keep the high-wayes, and live upon pillage. Nay, that the Cities, through which the Spaniards had lately passed (not without quarrelling and fighting) when they came back, would shut their gates, and man their works against them. As to the jea­lousie of tumults among the French upon the borders, they had not yet troubled the Low-countreys, nor was it greatly to be feared that forreiners would invade them in the deep of winter. That a more certain mischief impended from the peoples dis­contents, and sedition at home; which if it should rise by their neighbours exam­ple, the Low-countreys could not be secured by three thousand Spaniards. Nor was there at present so much money in the Treasury, or hope of taking up so much, as would raise an hundred men for present service. 12. Decemb. Upon receit of these letters, the King gave a more speedy then willing assent to the desires of the Pro­vinces;The King as­sents in these words. and wrote back to the Governess, That she might (if she thought good) send away the Spanish souldiers, which would be a seasonable supply in Africa, where so many thousand Christians had been slain in the battel of Gyrba. That their officers should be carefull the souldiers landed not in a body, sending them se­verally by companies and troops, some to Naples, some to Sicily. That he him­self would look to his ingagements unto the Cities, and take order that the money, lent by the Merchants, should upon bills of exchange, be returned them in Spain. But the wind lying cross, and the winter proving hugely tempestuous, the Spanish souldiers were constrained, for a time, to stay in Zeland and Holland. At last,The Spanish souldiers sail for Spain. the ill weather breaking up, about the beginning of the year, they weighed Anchors, to the great joy of the Low-countreymen. And because the King had injoyned the Governess,1561. that the Infantry of the Low-coun­treys should from thenceforth be no more commanded by the Low-coun­trey Lords;A new Modell of the Foot. under colour of settling the Militia when the Spaniards were departed, she revived the custome (used in the time that Mary Queen of Hungary governed the Low-countreys, but since intermitted) That the Commanders should be immediately chosen by her self, to make them more obedient to their Governess. Nor gave she Commissions to Colonels (which used to be the gift of the Nobility) but signified her pleasure, that all Captains should receive orders from the Governours of towns, so long as they quartered within their commands. And she doubted not, but the Go­vernours would be faithfull, because they were placed and displaced by her. So, for the present, cutting off the Colonells places from the Militia, she conceived she had likewise cut off the authority of mutinous souldiers, and the power of the Nobility. Nor had it been a vain conception (as some thought) if she had withall provided,Touching for­rein and dome­stick souldiers. in place of the Spaniards, some new re­giments out of other Countreys. For although to bring forrein forces into the Low-countreys, was contrary to the desires of the Estates, and the Kings Promise; yet the Low-countreymen might have been induced to admit them, (whilest the sending away of the Spanish was in dispute) if the Go­verness had conditioned, That so long as their neighbours were in arms, so long the borders should have their Cities (besides their own train-bands) kept with forrein Garrisons. Certainly they had in generall such a longing to be rid of the Spaniards, as they would have agreed to any terms what­soever: [Page 53] and afterwards the Governess might easily have suppressed the tu­mults with those forrein souldiers. But being then ingaged in troubles, the Dutchess endeavoured to compose them for the present. Unless perhaps she were deterred from entertaining forrein souldiers, by the emptiness of the Exchecquer: fearing in that great want of money, if their pay should fall short, forreiners would mutiny more dangerously then the natives; which, from their Princes hand, might divers wayes receive correction.

The publick joy of the Low-countreymen for the departure of the Spa­niards, was accompanied with private joy at Court,1562. for Granvels being cre­ated Cardinall: and the solemnity of the Prince of Orange's marriage, so­lemnized in Saxony, whither many of the Lords were gone along. For whilest he was present at the marriage of his sister, he had there concluded a Match for himself (his first wife Anne Egmont being dead) with another Anne, The Marriage between the Prince of O­range and Princesse Anne daughter to the Duke of Saxo­ny. daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxony, wherewith he preacquainted the Governess. Who at first disliking his marrying into a Lutheran family, assured him, it could never be approved of, either by his Majesty or her self, that he should have a Lady born in a Lutheran Court, not onely bred an heretick by her father long since deceased, but whose zeal would be dayly inflamed by her fathers brother Augustus (who succeeded Duke Maurice in the Electorate) and by her mothers Grandfather Philip Lant­grave of Hessen. Landgrave of Hessen. But the Prince of Orange perswaded her Excellence he had taken order for that;Anno 1550 and, by way of prevention had agreed with Augustus, Guardian to the Lady Anne, that he would not marry her unless she turned Catholick; and that Augustus, and she her self, under their hands and seals had Articled as much: though Philip, her Grandfather, was against it, re­fusing the condition of altering her religion: because he had a design, when that marriage should be broke off, under colour of Religion, to match his own daughter to the Prince of Orange. The Landgraves Plot to break the match. To this purpose he had treated with him by letters, promising for his daughter, that he would accept the con­dition of her renouncing the Lutheran faith. So little account they make of abusing Religion, whose profit is their God.Discovered to the Duke of Saxony. The plot being discovered and greivously complained of by Augustus, Philip replyed, (said the Prince of Orange) That he being but poor, and the father of many children, it was not unhandsome for him, to receive conditions from another: but it would be a dishonour for the Duke of Saxony, a Prince Elector, to have William of Nassau give the Law to him: and therefore he had refused the condition for his Neice, and accepted it for his Daughter; but this answer was not sa­tisfactory to Augustus, therefore to prevent him, he resumed the Treaty with the Prince of Orange. And when the Prince of Orange had often profes­sed, That nothing was or could be so dear to him as his soul and honour, and duty to his Prince; the Governess at last consented. But yet she gave no leave to the Governours of Provinces to accompany the Prince of O­range (which he made his suit) because she had use of their service at home; the French being in arms upon the borders.1561. Notwithstanding, lest he should depart discontented, she permitted the rest of the Nobility to go with him. And in the head of that gallant Troop he rode to Saxony; followed by Florence Memorancy Lord of Montiny, who, in the name of the Dutchess of Parma, The Nuptials with Princesse Anne cele­brated. visited the Bride: and presented her a diamond ring. The Prince of Orange at Liepswich, a city in Saxony, having celebrated his marriage in the beginning of August, (where the King of Denmark was present, and divers other Princes of Germany) immediately returned into the Low-countreys; renuing his promise to the Governess touching his wives Religion. Which [Page 54] Promise he as truly performed, as she did the Faith she had sworn to him in marriage: being thirteen years after taken in adultery,Afterwards he sued out a Di­vorce. and sent back into Germany by the Prince, who married Charlotte Bourb [...]n, daughter to the Duke of Mompensier. Anno 1572 But his new marriage feast was kept in Holland, At Brill is Holland. with more pomp then joy by the Prince of Orange, offended at Granvels scarlet, which he had long forborn to wear: but now the Prince found him in his robes. For Pius the fourth made him,Granvel made a Cardinall. together with seventeen others, Cardinall of the Sacred Romane Church, this year, upon the twenty sixth day of Februa­ry, and within twelve dayes after, the messenger brought the news into the Low-countreys; soon after came one to Machin that was to present Gran­vell letters from his Holiness,A Cardinalls hat brought to him. and a Cardinals hat. But Granvel put off the receiving of those honours,He delays his acceptance. till he knew the Kings pleasure. He therefore dispatched a messenger into Spain; 25. Feb. I suppose, because he was sensible, that the Governess had used means to procure him this dignity without ac­quainting the King with the contents of her Letters to the Pope. Indeed she had not onely concealed it from his Majesty (who she knew would like well of it) but from Granvel himself. Though it had been long in agitation be­tween her and the Pope, as she afterwards wrote to the King.12. Iuly. 1562. Therefore, fearing the King would conceive him to be obliged onely to the Dutchess, Granvel would not accept that honour without his Majesties consent, and as it were from his Royall hand. Perhaps he had some little doubt that the Dutchess, at one time or other, would take occasion, by reason of that Ec­clesiasticall advancement, to remove him from the Civill Government. And therefore he thought it fit, to wait for the Kings approbation, who, by a spe­ciall and strict injunction had commended him to the Governess. But whatsoever he thought, the Dutchess liked not his demur upon it, and there­fore answered his letter to this purpose,27. March. That she condemned not his resolution, but her opinion was, The Governess likes not his delay. he should have done better to have put on his Cardinals Robes without delay, nor did she doubt, but he would find the King of Spain of the same mind: and that he would receive, with his Majesties Letters, his Command to force him to it. And though she was very glad the Popes Nuntio (as Granvel wrote to her) took it in the best sense: Yet he must have a speciall care, that nei­ther the Nuntio, nor any of his servants, should write to Rome: lest the Court there, should take occasions to cavill at this kind of modesty, or lest the Pope should take offence, as if his gifts should have their estimation from another. In the mean time she heartily joyed him of his honour, which was joyned with so much good to Religion and the King; to which ends she had endeavoured it; knowing how advantagious it would be to the State of the Low-countreys, if things appertaining to Religion, should be transacted by him, in whom (among other ornaments) his scarlet would advance his Authority. Yet notwithstanding these letters from the Dutchess, Granvel assented not, till he had answer out of Spain; then he presently put on his Robes: and so, expressing his duty to the King, with­out distast to the Governess, He at last owns the scarlet. he received honour from the one, and favour from the other.And hat sent him by speciall favour from his Holiness. Besides his Pall, the Popes Chamberlain, brought him from Rome, a Cardinalls hat, which is seldome sent to any; it being the custome to receive it onely in Rome. Which benefit Granvel ascribed to the Dutchess, with exquisite thanks, not so much extolling the greatness of the bounty, as the giver. And he said,For which he gives the Go­verness his reasons: as she wrote to the King. he had cause to reverence it, as the greatest of all honours, be­cause therein he adored the goodness of his Prince. But in his private discourse, he plainly told the Dutchess, That considering the Changes of mans life, he had accepted of that Dignity. 29. Novem. 1564. Especially, for that, if at any time he should leave the Low-countreys (as he saw a storm over his head, threatening him from the Lords) [Page 55] he might have a place at Rome among the Cardinals, to which he might make an honourable retreat. A designe at this day hit upon by many, who knowing, That Power seldome grows old at Court; and that Favour will as surely pe­rish, as Life; are willing to be advanced into this Order, not as ambitious, but as provident persons; that in their greatest misfortunes, the Altar and the Church may be their Refuge.

In the year following, 1562,1562. the Civil War of France reviving, the Kings commands came to the Governess, The Crown of France, being endangered, succours are sent from the Low-countreys. Of the French Tumults. enjoyning her with all possible care and speed to send assistance to King Charles against his Rebels. An Account of the Management and Original of these troubles, will not (I suppose) tres­pass upon your patience; if I repeat briefly from the beginning, not onely what before this time was agitated touching these succours, but the whole Progress of those French tumults; forasmuch as partly upon private dis­cord at Court; partly for that in publick, which concerned Religion, it was the Model of the Plot laid by the Low-countrey men, with so like success of both Nations, that sometimes unless you be rectified by the names of Places and Persons, you would not think you read the actions of two Kingdoms, but of one and the same People. Moreover, some part of the French Re­bellion was carried by advice sent out of the Low-countreys; whereof Car­dinall Granvel gave intelligence to his brother, Thomas Lord Cantonet, Em­bassadour for the Catholick King in France. This being therefore a busi­ness of no small importance, and because I would not interrupt my Narra­tion of the Low-countrey war, with inserting that of France: I shall here, as the matter and place requires, with no vain not tedious Digression, compre­hend the whole.

Heresie having long since poysoned France, had distracted it into facti­ons, and many men (contemning the old) had taken up the name of the new Religion.The Lutheran Religion brought into France. For although after Luthers pestilence reigned in Germany, France had a great while kept it self free from the infection; yet in the year 1533, it was attempted by some of Luthers Emissaries. For Francis the first favouring learned men and learning (as commonly they do,Upon what oc­casion. whose actions are worthy of a learned pen) resolved to erect an University at Paris; The City of Paris. sending proposals of great entertainment to the ablest scholars of Italy and Germany. This opportunity Luther took hold of, and sent Bu [...]er and others of the boldest of his followers, which by disputing in that confluence of prudent men, might give an Essay to bring in the new Gospel. Nor wanted there some that were taken with the Novelty: Especially,Its Favourers. Margaret of Valois, sister to K. Francis. because such as were que­stioned for Religion, had their recourse into Aquitain, to Margaret of Va­lois the Kings sister, who perhaps out of hatred to the Bishop of Rome (which had been infused into her in the family of her husband Alibret, whom his Holiness depreived of the Kingdome of Navarre) might lie open to the cun­ning of the Lutherans: perhaps out of ambition to be thought a Wit, which she affected beyond the limits of her sex; or indeed (as she herself confessed some years before her death, at which time she was a Catholick) it was not out of the perversness of her nature; but out of commiseration to the con­demned persons that fled to her protection, which made her so earnest with her Brother in the defence of their new opinions. So that for ten years to­gether, she bolstered up Lutheranisme in France. Tis almost extin­guished [...]y the King. Though Francis the first was the more slow in eradicating it, by reason of the Germanes and the Swisse that served him against Charles the fifth; till being grievously offended with the contumacy of the men, and their malice to Religion, he published ma­ny Proclamations against them; not onely threatning, but executing his [Page 56] Laws, untill at last he almost extinguished the name of Luther in his King­dome.Calvinisme succeeds. But Calvins stratagem succeeded somewhat better. Who imme­diately upon the death of Francis the first (whilst King Henry was engaged in the Warrs) attempted France, by sending Libels from Geneva. And as he found the minds and ears of many possessed with Luthers opinions, so he himself set the common people agogge to understand his new doctrine:First among the Commons. and the vulgar was very proud (for his Books were writ to their capacity in the French Tongue) to be made Judges of Religion; and as it were to passe their votes upon the abstrusest controversies of Faith. Lastly, as they that fall from the highest point are easily tossed from one breach of the precipice to another, till they come to the very bottome; having once departed from the old Religion, they fell headlong from Luther to Calvin; many of them not resting, till having disclaimed all worship, and not believing there was any God at all, they finally stuck fast in the bottomless Abyss of evil. And notwithstanding that Heresie first corrupted the minds of the People,Afterwards among the Lords (they being still the first that are swept away with a Plague) yet in a short space it made way through the Commons, seized upon some of the greatest Lords, and came into the Court it self, where it infected many persons of quality: as that which was likely to be serviceable to the factious Nobility,Out of their [...] ­mulation and envie. for win­ning the peoples hearts, and drawing them to make head against their Com­petitours, that grew still more powerfull with the King:1562. For Mary stuart Queen of Scots (of the House of Guise To the Guises. by her Mother) being married to Francis the second, much advanced the greatness of the Guises: For the King but fifteen years old,Duke Francis and his brother the Cardinall. had use of others service, and these were fit to be employed: Especially Francis Duke of Guise, and his brother Charles Car­dinal of Lorain; he being an experienced fortunate Commander abroad, and a prudent man at home; this eminent for a generall Scholar, deeply learned, but particularly of a subtil elocution, and a Majestick kind of pre­sence. But the more these Princes by their own worth, and the Queens fa­vour, were advanced; the more must others necessarily be discontented, that either had been, or hoped to be the first in favour. Principally the Bourbons, and the Colligny; not to name Momorancys, that bore spleen to the Guises, Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre. but with more civility. Indeed Anthony of Bourbon; besides his being the first Prince of the bloud, took upon him (in the right of his wife Ioan Alibret) the title of King of Navarre: He was a man equally tempered for the Arts of War and Peace; but immoderate in his pleasures, and there­fore unfit to establish a Dominion. Much more fierce and cunning was his brother Lewis Prince of Condè, The Prince of Condè, brother to the King of Navarre. constantly engaged and exercised in the War: yet with much more courage and confidence, then either strength or know­ledge. Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot were of like nature;Gaspar Collig­ny, and his bro­ther Andelot. but be­cause he was Admiral of the French seas, and this Lieutenant Genera [...] of the Foot, they were likewise in high esteem. These which I have named, with others of inferiour quality, though there was no tie of friendship among them, yet because they were all concerned in one common Interest, easily conspired together.All these were infected with Heresie. And the Engine wherewith they meant to ruine the power of the Guises, was by protecting the Hereticall Party; who, they knew, hated the very name of Guise: Especially some of them, having now forsaken the old Religion, desired to appear not onely Patrons of the Secta­ries, but likewise of the Sect. Among which, none more boldly professed and maintained Heresie,But the greatest Professour of them was Joan Alibret, Queen of Navarre. then Ioan Alibret wife to Bourbon▪ and onely daugh­ter to Margaret of Vallois and Henry King of Navarre. This Lady, be­cause she saw her self deprived of her Kingdome (of which Ferdinand the [Page 57] Catholick King had by arms dispossessed Iohn her grandfather, excommu­nicated by the Bishop of Rome) was transported with so implacable an ha­tred unto Rome and Spain, Julius II. and consequently to the Romane Religion, which she knew the Spanish so much tendered; that she spared no pains; nor cost, to bear down the Popes Authority, and the Catholick Faith in France. He­resie therefore supported by these eminent persons,The Lord joyn with the hereti­call rabble. spread it self so far over the whole Kingdome, that Henry King of France (whose Armies were kept in action by the Spaniards in the Low-countreys) concluding a Peace with1559. King Philip, withdrew his forces and cares to compose discords at home, which threatned to break out into a Civil War. But the death of King Henry hastened on the mischief: For, as I said, his son Francis and the Queen and Queen-Mother, the more they used the faithfull endeavours of the Gui­ses, against Hereticks; the more they exasperated their enemies, and put them on to use the proffered service of the Hereticks, to suppresse their pow­er: Which moved the Queen-mother,Against whom assistance is re­quested of the King of Spain. And promised. when her daughter Isabella was to go for Spain, to desire assistance from her Son in Law King Philip, against the Hereticks, and troublers of the Kingdome. To which request she received a very gracious answer, with a magnificent promise of men and money. Letters from the King to that effect being purposely read before some of the French Lords, to strike them into a fear; did rather encrease their envie to the Queen-Mother, and unite them against Spain. And now against the Guises, and against the King himself were scattered Libels, as fore-run­ners of the tumults which immediately followed.Alibret exaspe­rates her hus­band against the Catholicks. And the Lady Alibret earnestly solicited the Cause: who remembring her old quarrel, and impa­tiently longing for a Crown, rung in her husbands ears, That he must not suffer this onely opportunity of recovering the Kingdome of Navarre, to slip out of his hands: That he may now make himself head of a mighty faction, almost half the strength of France: That upon these terms, he may exspect assistance from the Germane Princes, of the same Religion, from the English, the Low-coun­trey men; besides such Catholicks as were enemies to the Guises, and by a strong conjuncture of all these, they may expell the Guises out of France, advance the Hereticall party, and no doubt, but at length they may carry that army to the con­quest of Navarre.Tit. Liv. l. 1. But this furious Tullia, was married to a milder Tarquin; so as the Duke of Bourbon being cold, for all this fiery curtain-Lecture: his brother the Prince of Condè, a Tarquin that well-matched the Lady Alibret▪ The conspiracy at Ambois. is said to have undertaken the Advance of the Conspiracie: and that he en­gendred the tempest at Ambois, which for that time was dispersed by the providence of the Duke of Guise. But new clouds of discontentments ga­thering, at last the storm fell more fatally in showers of bloud and civil war. They say in that tumult the name of Hugonot was first brought up at Tours, Where and how the name of Hu­gonot came up. upon this occasion: It is a custome at Tours to fright children by telling them of Hugh, Thuan. lib. 4. of his History. who (they say) rides about the Suburbs in the night, pushing at all he meets: And when the Hereticks, that flocked to Tours, had their nightly Conventicles in the Suburbs, because they durst not come together in the day time, they were accidentally pointed out to the children, like midnight-goblins, and from Hugh, by way of jeer, were called Hugonots. Though some derive them from another kind of original. But whencesoe­ver they had that denomination, it appears they thought it a scorn to them;Gil. Geneb. lib. 4. of his Chronicle, and others. and therefore they called the Catholicks Papists. But these are onely names, I proceed to the matter,The Authours of the tumult at Ambois. as it is recorded by them that wrote the History of those times. The first designe of the French tumults was laid at Geneva, by Calvin and Beza, holding in that town a shamefull and barbarous consulta­tion, [Page 58] upon a day appointed, suddenly to massacre King Francis, the Queen, the Queen-mother, the Kings brothers, and all the Lords of the Court, The King therefore to curb this insolence of the Hereticks (maintained by some of the Nobility, for their private ends and feuds) raised an army in France, called his forces out of Germany, requested succours from the Duke of Lo­rain, and the King of Spain: Succours sent from Spain. Limosin. And indeed King Philip presently sent him souldiers out of Spain (which were to joyn with the French Army at Limo­sin) intending to furnish him with more men; but hearing of the death of King Francis, he put off his other supplyes till the next year, to which time the warre it self was deferred.

The death of King Francis was attended with a great alteration in the state.Strange fortune. King of Navar, Prince of Con­dé. For the Bourbons, one of which was condemned to loose his head, and hourly exspected the executioner; and the other banished the Court, and generally thought to be oppressed in his brothers ruine, were presently made the disposers of the Kingdome, the administration thereof being come into the hands of the Queen-mother of the house of Medices, who was to govern for King Charles, a child of ten years old; The Prince of Condè was restored by Proclamation to his libertie, his offices, and the Kings favour. And the King of Navarre as nearer to the Crown, by the prerogative of his bloud, was declared Constable of France: the Guises on the contrary fal­ling as much from their authority; The Hugonots increased in number and licentiousness;The hereticks imboldened. and were by so much the more audacious, by how much they conceived it would be more acceptable to the great Constable of France; who, by these troubles, hoped to recover his wife's portion, the Kingdome of Navar. Granvels de­sign. But to case him of that care, and the Hugonots of their confidence, Advices were privately sent out of the Low-countreys, by Cardinall Granvell to his brother Cantonet. Prospero de sancta Cruce came Embassadour to France from Pope Pius the fourth,Sancta Cruz endeavours to draw off the King of Na­varre from the hereticks. and looking into the King of Navarres designs, he was of opinion, the man was not troubled so much about Religion, as about the getting of a Kingdome, and therefore might be drawn from favouring the Hugonots, if he might have some hope given him of coming to the Kingdome by another means. Wherein Sancta Cruz meant to sound the King of Navarre. But first he acquainted Thomas Canto­net the Spanish Embassadour; and he communicated it to his brother Cardi­nall Granvell. Then Sancta Cruz proposes to the Constable (what had for­merly been agitated) the restitution of Navarre: and undertakes, if he will but defend the Catholick cause, that the Pope shall earnestly solicit King Philip; either to resign to him the Kingdome of Navarre; or to give him, in lieu of it, something of equall value: and that he doubted not, but King Philip (whose inclination he had found at his being in Portugall, as he came from Spain into France) would comply with his Holinesse. This often con­firmed by Cantonet, wonne the King of Navarre; who resolved to treat with the Catholick King himself, and sent one of his meniall servants,He is taken off, and sends an Embassadour into Spain. Anthony Almeyda a Portugese, whom he knew to be gratious with his Countreyman Rui Gomez Prince of Ebora then in greatest favour with the King.Rui gomez de Silva. But Gran­vell receiving intelligence of these proceedings from his brother Cantonet, was very glad for the successe of his design: but yet no lesse solicitous (as he wrote to the Governess from Machlin) what the King would answer to Almeyda, 4. Aprill 1562. because he conceived, upon that answer depended the motions of the greatest French affairs. He had pre-acquainted Rui Gomez and the Duke of Alva, and let them know That it was a nice point and fall of danger: By whom Granvel like­wise writes. in the managery whereof they might trespasse as much by forwardnesse and violence, [Page 59] as by security and neglect. And therefore he conceived it best to offer the Duke of Bourbon some such thing, as if he deserted them, might be taken away again. After many overtures,Sardinia is of­fered in stead of Navarre. the Kingdome of Sardinia was proposed to him in King Philips name. Whereto was added the Admiralty, and a pension to maintain the office.Whether in car­nest, or no. Which conditions though some commended, as good for both parties, because on the one side Sardinia is a greater and richer Kingdome then Navarre; and, on the other, in the midst of King Philips Dominions which at his pleasure might command it. Yet some were of another opinion, and thought King Philip, who was not prodigall of his Kingdomes, onely baited him with the hope of Sardinia. For to what pur­pose, should the Bourbons be brought into that Island, neighbouring upon Sicily and Naples: where they might revive their ancient factions in those Kingdomes. Neverthelesse the Pope did wisely in moving it, whether he hoped to bring it about; or understood it to be labour in vain: because it would equally conduce to the good of Religion in France, whether the King of Navarre was kept from protecting the hereticall party, by a true hope or a false. And truly by little and little he was so averted from them, that he was not altogether so kind, as formerly he had been to his wife Ioan Ali­bret; which perhaps made some affirm in writing, that the Spanish Embassa­dour indeavoured it,A match be­tween the King of Navarre and the Queen of Scots falsly rumoured. Thuan. in his History l. 28. and treated with the King of Navarre to divorce him­self from his wife, because she was fouly poysoned with heresie: and gave him hope of a marriage with Mary Queen of Scots, by the help of her Uncles the Guises: and that he should have with her, the Kingdome of Scotland, and likewise all Great Brittain, wherein he should be established by the Popes au­thority, and the King of Spains assistance; Queen Elisabeth being deposed for heresie. But these were either vain rumours, or contrived out of envy. Nor is there any colour of truth, that Granvel or Sancta Cruce could be ignorant, that heresie is not a sufficient cause of Divorce; or that King Philip would offer the Kingdome of Scotland to one he could not choose but fear, because of former enmity in the businesse of the Low-countreys: and his power to offend Spain for the future,1562. in case he should conquer that whole Island. Indeed two years after, when there were Treaties between the same Queen of Scots, 1564. and the Arch-duke Charles sonne to the Emperour Ferdinand, and Charles Prince of Spain, The King of Spains Letter concerning the Queen of Scotlands marriage. King Philip writ to Granvel, That he was well pleased The Archduke should, in that, be preferred before his sonne. But if the King of France should think of a marriage with her (whereof he had some intimation, that troubled him not a little) then he should willingly consent to a match betwixt his sonne and the Queen. Dat. 6. of August. Out of which words it may easily be collected, What Philips mind was touching the Kingdome of Scotland. Nay that the Spanish Embassadour did not so much as pretend the Proposall of that Match to the King of Navarre, this assure me; because when he communicated all parti­culars to his brother Granvel, (as I observe in their letters) and often men­tioned the business of Sardinia, there is not one word of this marriage. But be what it may, it is certain Alibret incensed against her husband (who day­ly grew more averse from the Hugonots, Alibrets in­dignation. and wold not hear her when she was a suiter for them) in a rage left his Court, and withdrew into some Towns of her own. The King of Navarre did not so much neglect,The Guises power revives. as his brother the Prince of Conde and the Collignies earnestly imbraced the patro­nage of the hereticks, especially, because the Guises were restored to grace and favour at Court. And now, such was the face of things, not onely at Court.And the Malice of their Rivals. And now, such was the face of things, not onely at Court (divi­ded into factions) but likewise all the Kingdome over: that arms were taken [Page 60] up to maintain the different opinions in Religion,Either party pre­pares for war. and all things seemed to boad a Civill warre. To the Prince of Conde and Generall Collignie the he­reticks from all parts sent assistance. Nor were the Guises and Comestabilis Memorancy lesse ayded by the Catholicks. With whom the King of Na­varre joyned himself; but he was brother to the Prince of Conde; the King a child and ignorant of deceit. Mean time,Katharine of Medices. the Queen mother was distracted between two factions, wavering, and fearing the successe of either. Things being in this condition, whilst King Charles made all the friends and means he could, to help himself:King Philip sends Foot out of Italy & Spain. King Philip was extraordinarily carefull to dis­patch away succours to his kinsman. Perhaps moved by zeal to Religion: perhaps solicited by his wife, who trembled at her brother Charles his dan­ger: perhaps jealous of the Low-countreys, lest the arms or example of the French, should there prejudice his affairs. Therefore having raised three thousand foot in Italy, and made Iohn Anguisciola their Colonel, to be com­manded in chief by Imbertus Platerius Bordillon, Lieutenant Generall for the King of Spain in Piemont: May 2. and dispatching as many more from Spain by the way of Navarre, he writes to his sister Margaret, Governess of the Low-countreys, presently to choose two thousand horse out of the Low-coun­trey Militia,And commands the Governess to dispatch a­way the Horse out of the Low-countreys. to march against the French Rebells; and if the Queen or the Guises shall desire more men,The Belgick Lords oppose it. to furnish them. The Governess reading the Kings letters at the Counsel board, observed, that all the Lords were against sending assistance to the French. The Prince of Orange and Count Egmont argued, that the horse was maintained by the Provinces for a guard to the Low-countreys, and to that end they were at first ordained. Therefore to carry them out of the Low-countreys, the Provinces must give their con­sent: but that would be a work of time and exposed to much danger; now especially when the Low-countreys wanted additionall forces, and ought not to have their own taken from them. But they had perhaps a higher Consideration.Perhaps set on by the Prince of Conde. For it was believed, at the instigation of the Prince of Con­de, some German Princes had threatned their neighbours the Low-coun­treymen, if they assisted the Guises, enemies to the new Religion, they in defence of the Cause would bring an armie into the Low-countreys. Nor do I think it unlikely, that both the Prince of Conde attempted it, and the Germans undertook it. For on the one part, the Prince of Condes faction was much troubled about the raising of those forces in the Low-countreys; as appears by a book then published,1562. and sent by the Spanish Embassadour Cantonet, April 4. with letters to his brother Granvel; wherein they give the Here­ticks many reasons, why the King of Spain should not assist the Catholicks in France. Iune 30. On the other part, the Governess by an Express to his Majestie informs him, That the Low-countrey men, either terrified by the Germans, or out of some other cowardly considerations, would hardly, nay could by no means be drawn; to give order for the horse to march into France: and threatned mischief if they went. In which letter she seems to touch, what I have here mention­ed, the cause of their dissent. And she her self (either despairing that the Provinces would let them go,The Governess cools in the bu­siness. or believing they could not be well spared from the Low-countreys, equally endangered by a war from Germany, and an Insurrection at home) pressed the business more remissely at the Coun­cel Table:Iuly 1. When on the sudden came an Express from the King, wherein the Governess was not a little chid for her delay;She is checkt for it by the King. and commanded, without further consultation, immediately to send away the Horse. She, anxious how she might obey his Majesty in that particular, by the advice of Granvel, changed the name,Instead of men she sends money. not substance, of the Kings desires, demanding money [Page 61] instead of men: Which being granted, she presently returned it into France to the Queen-wother, And writes her reasons to the King. and signified to King Philip the reason of her so doing, Not onely because she knew money would be far welcomer then men to the Queen (according as she her self formerly intimated, and after the receit confirmed) but likewise for fear the Governess should loose both her endeavours and authority, August 31. in pressing the Low-countrey men to that, which she found by experience was not to be obtained; or if it were obtained, would be disadvantageous. That she feared the Low-countreys now their hearts were down, and that in Tournay and Valencena were begun no inconsiderable stirrs about Religion; and no doubt but they would en­crease, if the seditious once saw the Low-countreys left naked, without defence of their Horse. Lastly, for that some by their Place were to conduct the Horse, whose faith she might very well suspect; it seemed to be no less dangerous to trust them with Arms, then to shew a diffidence in them, by choosing other officers. The King received, rather then approved the condition of the money, which the States had granted, and sending fifteen hundred horse out of Spain to the Queen-mother, which the Governess was to pay, he strengthened the Catho­licks in Franc [...]. But before these succours came, the King of Navarre, the Guise, and Momorancy, The King of Navarre enters Roan triium­phant, and dies. had taken Roan from the Prince of Condes men. The King himself, though dangerously shot, lying upon his bed in a kind of Chariot, was triumphantly brought into the Citie. But a few dayes after, his wounds bleeding afresh, in the same sepulchre with himself he buried his hopes of the Kingdome of Sardinia; which he had kept alive till his last gasp, to the great good of the Catholicks. Nor was the War prosecuted with lesse care, Momorancy commanding in Chief, both Armies exceeding­ly increasing. For with the Kings forces were joyned 6000 foot sent from King Philip, and the fifteen hundred Horse, formerly mentioned. And near to Dreux, A memorable Battel Dreux. a Town in Normandy, they fought a battel; with great cou­rage on both sides. The Prince of Conde and Momorancy, both the Generals were taken prisoners, and above ten thousand men slain: the Victory at last fell to the King, but with more honour then joy. Such fatall wars issued from the liberty given to the Hereticks, and cherished by the ambition of the Lords. But these miseries of the French, which I have related (for to that end I have related them) brought the same mischief upon the Low-countreys, The French & Low-countrey tumults paral­leld. as any man will easily perceive that hath leasure to compare the practises of Hereticks in both Nations, and the differences of either Court, the names of Hugonots, and Gueses, raised in their severall tumults: The Cardinal of Lo­rain answering to Cardinal Granvel; the Queen-mother of France to the Dutchess of Parma in the Low-countreys: the like conspiracy of the Nobility, the like Edicts of their Princes, the plunder of Cities and Churches not to be distinguished: all things in both Countreys almost the very same, as springing from the self-same Causes; save onely, that the War was more suddenly begun by the French, and more obstinately pursued by the Low-countrey men.

The first Low-countrey Towns that followed the example of the French, The first Bel­gick tumults occasioned by French Calvi­nists. were their next neighbours, Tournay, Lisle, and Valencena; which by their sudden motions, plainly signified the subsequent ruine of the Netherlands. For in October the year before, two French Calvinist preachers in the same night,L [...]isle. the one at Valencena, the other at Tournay, openly before a great assem­bly in the Market-place, delivered their new Gospel; and when they had done it, were followed through the streets by the multitude, to the number of an hundred at Valencena, and six hundred at Tournay, singing Davids Psalms in French. At this Psalm-singing and these night-sermons, tumults [Page 62] were raised in both Cities, between such as favoured and such as hated them. The cognizance whereof taken from the Magistrates, was brought before the Governess; who commanded the Governours of those Provin­ces, Florence Momorancy Lord of Montiny, and Iohn Glemè Marquesse of Bergen (that were both at this time by accident in Breda, to joy the Prince and Princess of Orange, newly come out of Saxonie) forthwith to return to their Governments, and use their best endeavours in what concerned them nearest.The insurrection at Tournay quieted. The Lord of Montiny posted to Tournay, with Christopher Assonvill and Iohn Blaser, whom the Dutchess had joyned with him, to examine the business: Where he apprehended the owner of the house the Conventicles were kept in: and found and burned many hereticall books. A moneth after,Novem. 15. 1561. hanging up Lanoy the night-preacher, Tournay was quieted. But at Valenciens things fell out far otherwise: For though the Marquess of Bergen presently went thither,That at Valen­ciens inflamed, by the Hereticks escape of pu­nishment. and by the assistance of Filibert Brux [...]ius and Autrux (assigned him for Adjuncts by the Governess) two preaching Calvinists, Philip Maillard and Simon Favian, were committed to prison; deferring their punishment, contrary to the Dutchess command. Before the Citie was pa­cified,1562. the Marquess of Bergen went to Leige, to visit his brother Bishop of that City: For which, being reprehended by the Dutchess, and command­ed back to his Government, he boldly excused himself, That it was nei­ther agreeable to his place or nature,March 22. to put Hereticks to death. Which in­solent answer, she wrote to the King, commending in the letter the industry of the Lord of Montiny; and so comparing the ones deserts with the dis-ser­vice of the other, made both appear the greater. And indeed, that Heresie like other contagious diseases, is caught in an instant, and must with expe­dition be prevented, as may be instanced in the examples of Tournay and Va­lenciens. There by the present punishment of a few, all being put in fear: here, by delay and negligence, the turbulent people having time given to encourage them. For now that brace of Hereticks (I spake of) had been in prison seven moneths, and the Magistrates were affraid to proceed to judg­ment; because they saw the peoples affection daily increasing towards them; and divers bills posted up, that threatned mischief to the Judges, if any harm came to the Prisoners. And many passing by the Jayl in the night, were heard to chear up the prisoners; and bad them fear nothing: for if they should be led to execution, the people would rescue them. But the Dutchess informed of all this, taxed the Magistrates with the fear they had brought upon themselves, by seven moneths delay; and seriously fore-warn­ed them, not to make the disease incurable, by further delaying. Therefore according to the Emperours Edict,Which at last are condemned. sentence was pronounced, and the delin­quents condemned to be burned. But because some tradesmen were su­spected, especially the Clothiers, the execution was put off to a day, when they alwayes used to be absent from Valenciens; their custome being on Sa­turday night, to walk abroad into the fields, and not to come back to town till Monday morning. Part going a feasting to the Villages near hand, with their parents and their wives; part getting out of the way, lest they should be observed not to be at Church with the Catholicks. On Monday therefore by day-break, the condemned persons were brought into the mar­ket-place. Yet it was not so privately carried, but multitudes of people fol­lowed: And Favean, when he came near the faggots, cried out as loud as ever he could gape,But rescued by the Commons. O Eternall Father: At which words the whole Mar­ket-place made a hideous noise, and suddenly strove to fetch off the prison­ers, casting stones at the Officers, withall breaking into the place of execu­tion, [Page 63] they seized upon all the instruments of death; threw about the fagots, and for very madnesse,And by the Ma­gistrate carryed back to prison. broke them into little pieces. Till the officers, too weak for the multitude, were forced to carry the prisoners back to the Jayl, and to run for it themselves, the stones flew so fast about their ears. Having freed their companions, by degrees the peoples fury cooled; or rather, not knowing what to do for want of a Leader, they met all in a peaceable man­ner: that you would have rather thought them Petitioners, then Mutineers, singing Davids Psalmes by Calvin's Psalter: then breaking out again into rage,Davids Psalmes turned into French meeter. they blamed their own sloath, and resolved to take their opportunity while the Citie was in fear and trembling. Before I proceed, because the singing of Psalmes hath casually been twice, and must be oftner mentioned, I conceive it will not be amisse for the Reader to understand the Originall thereof.

Among the Grooms of the bedchamber to Francis the first of France, The Authour Clement Ma­rot. there was one Clement Marot, born at Davean; a man naturally eloquent, of a voluble fluent tongue, having a rare vein in French poetry, wherewith the King was much taken,Ex. Florim. Hist. de ortu, &c. Haeres. l. 8. His Manners. Dubious Reli­gion. and kept him as a choice instrument of his learned pleasures. But (as his wit was somewhat better, then his conditions) by his acquaintance with the Lutherans, he was suspected to have changed his Reli­gion: and therefore fearing the King would be offended, he fled to his Ma­jesties sister at Bearn, the old Sanctuary for Delinquents. A while after, the King was pacified, and he returned to Paris. Where he was advised by his friend Francis Vatable, the Hebrew Lecturer, to leave the trifling subjects he wrote upon, and study divine Poesie.His Translation of the Psalter. Hereupon, he began to translate the Psalmes of the Hebrew Prophet into French stanza's, but so ignorantly and perversely, (as a man altogether unlearned) that the King (though he of­ten sung his verses,Forbid by his Majesty. yet upon the just complaints of the Sorban Doctours and their severe censure passed against them) commanded that nothing of Maro's, in that kind, should be from thenceforth published. But being for­bid by Proclamation, as it often happens, the longing of the Reader and fame of the Work was increased: so that new tunes were set to Marot's thimes,Marot flies his Countrey. and they were sung like profane ballads. He, in the mean time, growing bold by the peoples applauses, and not able to forbear bragging: for fear of punishment ran to Geneva. And flying from thence, for new crimes committed, but first having been well whipped for them, he died at Austune. Dyes. The successe of this Translation of Psalmes, moved Theodor Be­za a friend of Marot's (that wrote an Elegie in French upon his death) to joyn to the fifty,Beza finishes Marots Work of the Psalmes. which he had printed, the other hundred in French meeter too; so the whole book of Davids Psalmes was finished. And to make it pleasing to the people, they had severall tunes set to them by excellent Composers, that chimed so sweetly, as every one desired to have the new Psalter. But many errours in it being detected against Religion,It is published but prohibited immediately by the Catholicks. Retained by the hereticks. and the Work therefore prohibited, as well because the sacred verses of the Pro­phet were published in a vulgar tongue by profane persons: as that they were, dolo malo, bound up with Calvin's Catechisme at Geneva: these sing­ing Psalmes, though abhorred and sleighted by the Catholicks, remained in high esteem with hereticks: and the custome of singing Geneva Psalmes in French, at publick meetings, upon the high way, and in shops, was thence­forth taken for the distinctive sign of a Sectary.

The seditious Townsmen of Valenciens warbling in this manner (as I was about to have told you) passed along the streets,The Valence­nian Sedition renued. as if they meant to deliver a Petition. But making a stand in the market-place, they lifted up their sing­ing-Master, [Page 64] and bad him preach ex tempore. Immediately, either by the Preachers perswasion, or the increase of their company, the mutinie was revived: and finding themselves grown strong (for they were about two thousand) they would not part, without doing something worthy such a Muster. Wherefore they resoved to pull down and burn a monastery of Dominicans. But changing their minds upon the way (for they were tossed and tumbled like billows in a storm) a fury possessed them, when they re­membered that the condemned persons had been taken out of their hands and carried back to prison.They incourage one another ei­ther to rescue or revenge the Prisoners. To what end had they raised this tumult, and frighted the town to no purpose, if their associates should suffer death in the Iayl, which they had escaped in the market-place? no, they would look into the matter, break open the prison, and either release their fellows, if living: or if dead, re­venge them. They forceably [...] them out of the Iayl. So they cried, to the Jayl, to the Jayl. And thither they ran, forced the doors, knocked off their shackles; and that they might appear to do nothing out of contempt of Law, they onely set those two at liberty, and kept in the rest that were committed for other causes; sending word to the Magistrates, they had onely met to deliver their brethren, but if they might live quietly, and not be troubled for their conscience, not a man among them would stirre any more. In the mean time, Michael Hovey, De­puty-governour of the Town, was sent by the Magistrate to the Dutchess, who amazed at the news of the sudden tumult, sent Hovey himself imme­diately to Boldu [...] a town near Valenciens, to desire Iohn Hennin, Count of that place (whom she knew to be faithfull and industrious) that he should instantly get into the City: and in the Kings name, till the Marquesse of Ber­gen returned, at discretion quiet the troubles, if any yet remained. She commands him likewise to signifie to the Marquesse, in what condition Va­lenciens was, whilst he neglecting his publick office, minded nothing but his private business.Souldiers are brought into the Town by the Governesses Order. But now the Marquesses Lieutenant (the Low-countrey­men call him the Count-governour) with two troops of horse (one where­of he took out of the Bolduc, the other he himself commanded under the Marquesse of Bergen) entered Valenciens, the people not daring to attempt any thing against him. Thither also with all speed marched the horse of Philip Croy Duke of Areschot, by order from the Governess. Lastly the Marquesse of Bergen himself, and the Count of Bosch came into the town: and, con­trary to their exspectations, found all quiet, not so much as any signe of a Sedition. But Indeveltius, who was in Commission with the Marquesse to examine business of that nature, being sent by the Magistrate to the Dutchess for authority to pursue the fugitives, was earnest with her, to take from that turbulent Citie both their priviledges and arms; and that, with the fines payed by the Mutiners for their composition, a fort should be built to hold in the stiff-necked people like a bridle; & the Valencenian; might be compelled to this, if her Excellence would but send one thousand two hundred foot,A Councell is called about pu­nishing the city. to the horse already in town. The Governess caused it to be moved at the Councell table; where the gentler vote carried it, That the fugitives should be brought back to execution, and the authours of the Se­dition punished: but that the rage of the mad people should not ruine the honest Citizens.The milder opi­nion carries it. The Governess consented, the rather; because that Citie (as she wrote to the King) standing much affected to the French, must have been unseasonably provoked, whilst the French were in arms within sight of the town. But she her self forbare, as much as was possible, to make any Levies: lest the sword, and consequently the power should come into the hands of some of the Low-countrey Lords. Yet, because nothing could be [Page 65] done in that City without souldiers,New souldiers put into the Town. she commands the Marquess of Ber­gen, to draw souldiers out of his severall Garrisons, not above thirty out of any one; and so on the sudden, to put two hundred into Valenciens, giving it out, that company after company should follow them, to aw the Town▪ that the Judgement, pronounced against the offenders might accordingly be executed.The seditious executed. The Marquess readily obeyed: And though the two sediti­ous Preachers were then escaped, a while after one of them was taken, and put to death; and the Citie, terrified with the decrees of the Magi­strates and the continuall fresh supplies of souldiers; within a few dayes, having taken the fiercest of the Mutineers (or those that bragged most of their doings in the tumult) they were severely punished.Valenciens quieted. So for that time the mutiny at Valenciens ceased.The Governesses vigilancy. The Governess was not more glad of the success, then fearfull of the consequence, because such a multitude of Calvi­nists were crept into one Citie; especially, because in other places, she saw the like beginnings and motions, she was jealous lest Calvinisme, which then infected France, might be caught by their neighbours of Haynolt. Her particular care of Religion in Frisland. In like manner the commerce with Denmark, and the neighbouring towns of Germany, might corrupt Frisland with Lutheranisme. And though on the one part Heresie had hardly touched any of the Lords of Frisland, but one­ly crept upon the ground among the Commons, as suteable to their capaci­ties, being a rude plain people, and therefore credulous; and on the other part, Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg looked very carefully to that Province; yet questionless the disease would spread it self, and by degrees seize the No­bility, unlesse it were prevented by strong Physick.

This seconded by Granvels advice,New Bishops brought in. moved the Governess to bring in the designed Bishops into their several Dioceses, that by example, word, and deed (which most conduces to the advancement of Religion) they might be a stay and support to the people committed to their charge. Indeed things were put into a handsome way; and by the industry of Granvel, and the Nuncio (the one having the Popes Commission to this purpose, and the other the King of Spains) they were received into the Cities.The Brabanters will have no Bi­shops. But the Bra­banters stood out, and would suffer no change of Government in their Pro­vinces, though Cardinal Granvel pressed it very much: and delivered his opinion for the present suppression of those tumults and designes, which would grow daily worse and worse.The Popes Buls were delayed at Rome. But from Rome the Popes letters for the endowment of the Bishops (without which nothing could be done) were not dispatched away by Francisco Varga the Spanish Embassadour; not so much out of the humour of demurring, which is naturall to the Spaniards, as out of the Popes indignation,Pius IV. incensed by the practice of some near about his person, who had taken offence at Varga's carriage in the Court of Rome: and therefore the Embassadour was put off. The truth is, he had insinuated himself into the secret [...] of the Cardinalls, which many of them sto­mack'd very much; and by his endeavours, Cardinal Pacecho by divers votes of the Conclave, had like to have been chosen Pope, a dignity propor­tionable to his merits: his Chair being once lifted up by the Cardinals his friends, as the custome is at the Election of a Pope. This was perhaps re­membred by some of the Popes Court, that were not yet reconciled to the Embassadour, by whose means their master had almost lost the Papacy. But from what cause soever these delayes proceeded,The Abbots ex­asperated the Brabanters. the Abbots thereby had time given them (whom it concerned to avoid their Reversioners the Bishops) to meet at divers consultations about it: and to desire assistance from the Estates of Brabant, and some Lords, which their own private inter­ests [Page 66] engaged, and to try all remedies that either counsel or fear could find out, or opportunity present.The Brabanters send Agents publickly to Rome, and pri­vately into Spain. And the Estates, because they could not prevail with the Governess, Their Instructi­ons. resolved to send two Agents out of the Low-countreys, the one privately to Pius the fourth, about the end of the old year; the other publickly in the beginning of the new year, to the King himself. To Rome they sent Moulin a Civil Lawyer, of good account, to supplicate his Holi­ness, that the goods of the Monasteries might not be given away to Bishops, contrary to the Doners minds; and that the Monks might not be deprived of their ancient priviledges, to choose Abbots; lastly, that he would not per­mit the King to ordain any Bishop, that should not be maintained out of his Majesties Exchecquer. With these instructions, private letters to the same effect were written to the Pope, and other eminent persons, by the Prince of Orange, and the Marquess of Bergen, whose Tutour Moulin was: and by his favour, which he still enjoyed, continually employed in weighty affairs. Be­sides,Expedition mo­ney given them. they furnished him with great summes of money, that his way at Rome might be the smoother; and they allowed, that he might with some bounty purchase patronage to the cause. To conclude, besides his expen­ses, they gave him to his own use 1200 Florents, and as much to the other joyned with him, for the honour of the Emba [...]age: and if they got their business dispatched,The Governess prevents them by Agents of her own, that came before them to Rome. they were promised great matters at their return. But the Governess, from whom nothing of all this was concealed; to prevent the Brabanters, writ to the Spanish Embassadour Varga, to pre-ingage the Pope; to have an eye upon Moulin, and to use his best judgement to frustrate that mans endeavours, that opposed the good of Religion, and the pious inten­tions of the King.And into Spain She likewise wrote to his Majesty, letting him know, that within few dayes some men would come to petition him, in the name of the Brabanters; The Agents for the Estates re­rurn from both places without Dispatches. and in January came Tserclasse and Nyssus: twice the King gave them Audience, and in March following, returned them to the Low-countreys with a doubtfull answer. Nor had Moulin any better for­tune at Rome. The Agents for Antwerp, Godfrey Streck, Pretour of the Town, Vrselt and Wessembeck, set forth in May, to petition the King that Ant­werp might not be compelled to receive a Bishop, but they prevailed not in their suit. Yet still they in the Low-countreys practised against the Bishops: For the Abbots wearied the Dutchess with complaints; and some of the Lords, especially Granvels enemies, encouraged the discontented party. The States of Brabant stood as for their Lives and Religion,The Brabanters will not give it over thus. against the breaking of their Priviledges. The common people would have no In­quisition, no Bishops: And Philip Momorancy Count Horn, (who some moneths since was returned from Spain, Count Horn writes for them to his Maiestie. and by the King commanded to write back) certified his Majestie, That the complaints of Brabant were grown more violent then ever, Iune 2. upon a rumour spread among the people (as it was supposed by the French and German [...] that without the consent of those two Nations, out of whose Provinces some Low-countrey Diaceses had been enlarged, new Bishops could not be created in the Netherlands: and therefore the Low-countrey men would do all they could, to hinder their institu­tion, for fear the French and Germans should come upon them at once, and make sudden invasions by severall wayes. To this purpose he wrote likewise to E­rasso, one the King trusted with his secrets, a civil Gentleman, and power­full at Court. But in the close of his letter he laid all the fault upon Gran­vel, who ambitiously and weakly designed that, which could never come to good effect. Indeed Granvel was an eye-sore to many, and a [...]emora to their projects; and if I may freely speak my opinion, I believe there had [Page 67] been little or no stirring or trouble about matters of Religion,Many Low-countrey Lords assist them, if the Nobi­lity had not drawn another way. But some of the Lords (as I have told you) took it ill that the Bishops were increased; that is, they conceived it prejudiciall to their own authority and freedome, especially when they met in the great Councel. The Hereticks had engaged the rest, many upon pri­vate discontents were alienated from the King.Discontented at the King, and at Granvel. But the most were incensed against Granvell, concluding him to be the authour of increasing the Bishops, because they saw him declare himself for their coming in. Out of the ha­tred hereupon conceived, the Lords either absented themselves from Coun­cel, or came thither to oppose the Cardinall. Their principall Abettours the Prince of O­range, and Count Egmont. These quarrels the Governess discovered at her first coming to the Government, particularly in Count Egmont, and the Prince of Orange, each of them having hoped to be Go­vernour of the Low-countreys; and therefore so much the more sensible of their late repulse. But the Prince of Orange carried it more closely.Count Egmonts liberty of speech. Count Egmont a blunt souldier, open-breasted in his love and hatred, was so farre from dissembling; that in his own house he suffered his friends to speak things derogatory to the Majestie of the King, of which the Governess was informed, and gave the King intelligence by her letters; wherein she named Simon Regnard, 4. Octob. as an encourager of these unlawfull assemblies,1559. a Counsel­lour of great subtilty and volubility of tongue,Regnard sooths him in it, Out of emulati­tion to Gran­vel, begun when they were school­boyes. nor of lesse authority with many of the Lords, especially with Egmont. There had been an old emula­tion from their very childhoods, between this Regnard and Granvell, in the Schools where they studied, because the one had the more excellent, wit, the other the more plausible. And as the quarrels of wit use to be irreconcilia­ble among children;Mart. Delrio lib. 1. Tumult. Belg. Granvel, Regnard. these being now grown men, and the subject of their business changed, the same contention held still in King Philips Belgick Court. But because in Dignity and the favour of his Prince and the Gover­ness, Granvell far out-stripped him; he that was cast behind, had the more envie, in regard they had once been equals.Continued when they came to Court, And there turn­ned into envy against his Su­periour. Regnard therefore finding a way open to mischief Granvell, through the hatred born him by the Lords, began every where to solicite and dispute the cause of the discontented No­bility; and by aggravating the indignation of such as were his own friends, plotted in the mean time his private revenge. The Governess fearing the sting of this Viper would secretly poyson the State;This made Reg­nard so active against Gran­vel. she, to avoid shipwrack by a dry tempest, perswaded the King to remove him out of the Low-countreys, under colour of some advancement; but it was deferred till five years after, and when the storm was grown too boystrous,The Governess therefore labours to have Reg­nard sent for out of the Low-countreys, Which at last, but too late, was effected. Regnard was called into Spain, almost to no purpose, but onely to shew how strong a disease grows by the delay of remedy. And although Count Egmont (who was not of an ill nature, when he had no advisers) at the beginning of these troubles, carried himself with obedience and fidelity to the Governess; yet his private grudge to Cardinal Granvell interposing, he inrolled his name among the Conspiratours, and sided with the Prince of Orange; who being at that time grievously injured by Granvell, sought but to match his own indignation with some other alike offended.The Prince of Orange sets on the Brabanters. Now the Prince of Orange, to ingratiate himself with the Brabanters, casting out words of these differences, especially of the new Bishops, said, There was no other help for it, but that the Brabanters (who have no particular Governour, but onely such as commanded the whole Low countreys) should petition the Governess, to appoint them one of the Lords that should look into their affairs, and onely regard their interest. And some to please the Prince of Orange, moved this at the board.His Ambition is checkt by Gran­vell. But Granvell, suspecting what was aimed at, bitterly inveighed against that [Page 68] Counsel, and at last, What man soever (said he) undertakes their protection, ought to consider with himself, that he is created Prince of Brabant, and divides the Sovereignty of the Low-countreys with the King. Who put a kind of affront upon him. Not contented thus, he moved the Governess a while after, when the Magistrates were to be cho­sen for Antwerp, that the Prince of Orange should not be called to Councel, lest he should boast himself the Authour of that benefit to the Town: which neglect he deeply resented.Which occasion­ed the Prince of Orange and Count Egmonts first complaints to the King, that they were ne­glected at the Councel-board. That one ruled all. This caused the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont, to write their complaints to his Majesty; That they were seldome called to Councel, and what concerned their particular Govern­ments never communicated to them, but all things privatley determined by the advice of one or two: and then, they were called in merely for a show, to consult upon the reliques and refuse of Affairs, being there contemned, here mocked. To say truth, it is a great incentive to anger and dis [...]tent, and hath raised mighty troubles in many States, when a Prince imployes onely one main in divers Offices. For though a River swell by the accessi­on of waters; yet so long as it keeps it self in the Chanel, it is injurious to none: but when it flows over the banks into the adjoyning medows, and in­trencheth upon anothers harvest, then it is accused by the just grief and complaints of the Husbandman.And Granvell was the man. And indeed, Granvell was not limited to any certain employment. The Governess both of her own accord, and by the Kings command suffering him to do what he pleased. The very Expres­ses that came to her Excellence from Spain, or other parts, were never brought to the Councel, till she had privately, either by conference or by letter, acquainted Granvell with the contents; who weighed every thing with himself; and gave his judgement upon the particulars, then returned them to the Governess, or to Viglius President of the Consult or Cabinet-Councel, and he (omitting those heads which Granvell had marked with his pen) read them to the Lords at the Councel-table: and though it was pri­vately carried (for Viglius was true to Granvell) yet because the Pr [...]nce of Orange often received Duplicates of the Dutchese's letters, they found some things were concealed from them, and therefore suspected all: complaining, That business was malignantly communicated to them: and the Low-coun­treys and the King defrauded of much good counsel.But the Gover­ness defends him in her letters to the King. But this moved not the Governess. She onely gave the King an account of her proceedings, put­ting him in mind of his letters dated June; wherein he enjoyned her, That whatsoever concerned England, Decemb. 18. or the Councel of Trent; or Religion in ge­nerall; should be,1561. as the Pope had advised, [...]4. 1561. privately debated; Yet I deny not (said the Governess) that in other things, wherein the Provinces are interessed, sometimes the Lords are not admitted to consult. As lately in choosing the Magi­strate of Antwerp, the Prince of Orange was not called; which I did on purpose, lest he should aim to increase his present authority by that election. Notwithstand­ing, I cannot but acquaint your Majestie, that it is not for our Honour to communi­cate all concernments freely to the Councel, lest the dangers, fears, and necessities wherewith I am sometimes pressed, be laid naked before their eyes: and then, if any of them be false, they may abuse that knowledge, by preventing our designis with contrary counsels, and secretly hinder the successe of our affairs. Howsoever as well in these, as other things, all shall be done according to your Majesties letters and commands. But the King writing nothing to the contrary, the Gover­ness continued her former custome of privacy in her Councels.The Governess denies her assent for summoning the Estates ge­nerall. Whereupon a rumour was spread by some of the Conspiratours, that there was a neces­sitie to summon the Estates generall, to raise subsidies for his Majestie, and to put the Low-countreys into a posture of defence against their neighbours [Page 69] the French, that were in arms. Some perhaps really intended it, but the most onely made use of that publick remedy, to alter the present condition of the Court. But the Governess, who borrowed the ears of many faithfull per­sons, was present at their Councels and conferences, almost in their very thoughts: and cut off that exspectation, publickly professing that the King among his other commands, left in charge with her, not to call an Assem­bly of the Estates till he returned.

This harsh deniall of the Governess was mollified,But gives way to a convention of the Knights of the Order. Where the seeds were s [...]wn of a conspiracy a­gainst Gran­vel. by permitting (for this was another of their requests) a Convention of the Order of the Golden-fleece. But as soon as ever they were met at Bruxels, presently it appeared, that summons was not endeavoured for the publick, but for their private Interests. For besides the meeting in presence of the Governess, where they consulted about the preservation of the Low-countreys against the French; they had private discourse with the Prince of Orange, and there it was re­solved, they would no longer suffer the power of Cardinall Granvel. To this ingagement entered into by the great Commanders, the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont and the Marquesse of Bergen endeavoured to get hands: and severally sounded the Knights of the Order, but some refusing to sign an in­gagement, against the Cardinall, it was laid aside. Especially, because the Governess calling them more frequently to Councell, and wearying them with fresh imployments, took from them all opportunitie of meeting apart; and in good time put an end to their publick consultations.The result of the Convention. The result whereof was, that some of the Lords should be sent into Spain by the Go­verness in her name to inform the King of the necessities of the Low coun­treys. Florence Momorancy, Montiny sent into Spain. the Lord of Montiny, was chosen to go with letters delivered him by the Gover [...]ss, but penned by Granvel. He like­wise received instructions for his carriage, and four thousand crowns to de­fray the expences of his journey, which he began in June. But before Mo­morancy set forth, the Governess to make her vigilance appear,The Governess dispatches a Messenger be­fore him with this private letter. and to pre­pare his Majestie sent him by a sure messenger an Expresse in cypher to this effect, That she, making it her business to look into the secret consultations of the Knights of the Order, at last had got all out of Charles Count Barlamont one ever found Loyall▪ that he assured her, Iune 14. the indignation of the Nobility sprung chiefly out of these heads, What Grievan­ces the Lords pretended. That they were perswaded his Majesty confided not in them; and therefore the Governess called them not to her Cabinet-Councell, for as much as Granvel, jealous of his power, had wrought the King to that suspicion: and had boldly written to him, that he should never be absolute Lord of the Ne­therlands, unlesse he cut off six or seven Noblemens heads. And that Granvel by his letters had further moved the King to invade the Low-countreys with a formidable Army, and being so possessed of them, he might then impose upon the Low-countreymen what Laws he pleased, by the right of Conquest. That the in­crease of Miters, the first whereof Granvel wore, tended to no other purpose, but to bring the Spanish Inquisition into the Low-countreys. How the Go­verness an­swered them. To which words of Bar­lamont she had answered: That the Lords were not kept from the knowledged of any secret fit to be communicated to them, as Barlamont himself being one of the Councell very well knew; Nor was Granvel (whose transactions when he was but a young man were approved of by Charles the fifth and King Philip) so igno­rant a Statesman, that now in his old age and experience the King might not imploy him: or of so rash a malice, that he would offer to perswade his Majesty to take away their lives which he knew were dear unto the King, and might be sure she would oppose him in it. Nor did that seem lesse improbable and ridiculous which was said of his advising his Majesty, for would any man make war upon him­self, [Page 70] and with vast expence to purchase what already is his own? Lastly for the Bishops, Granvel indeed sought to bring them in, as the King had injoyned him, in pursuance of the Popes command, not to make way for the Inquisition, but to protect Religion in a troublesome time. The charge whereof (as of all things else, which conduced to the maintenance of the Kings prerogative) because Granvel fearlessely undertook, despising all mens murmurs, he was therefore hated ly many; as they should ever be that stoutly defend the authority of their Prince. With these discoveries the Governess pre-acquainted the King, and desired him in a little note by it self, that he would use the service of some one of spe­ciall trust in the decyphering of her letter.The faith and freedome of Count Barla­mont. Though Barlamont himself, as he was open hearted, and thought, that in this relation to the Governess he had both served his King and Countrey; being asked by the Prince of Orange who took notice of his long stay with the Governess, whether he had told her what private conference they had among themselves: he ingeniously repeated his whole discourse with the Governess: Nor did the Prince of Orange seem to take it amisse; I suppose, because he saw the grievances of his own framing, were proposed in the name of a generality, which there­fore could not be imputed to him alone, but would receive authority from the multitude.27. Iuly. In the interim, the King adviseth the Governess, by no meant to suffer private assemblies of the Nobilitie,The Governess is commanded to find out Some expedient for setting the Lords at diffe­rence among themselves. but to find out some expedient, that the publick meeting of those men packt together to destroy the quiet of the State, might be handsomely dissolved; and that, keeping Spies upon the Prince of Orange and his Counsells, she should still have him at Court and in her eye. And to set Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange at variance was not thought very difficult, because they had formerly stood at a very great distance, before their common hatred to Granvel united them.What disparity betwixt Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange. Count Egmont was of a sweet disposition, free of speech, and confi­dent: the Prince of Orange of a sower nature, not to be discovered, there­fore to be avoided. In this, you could not but commend his cunning; but the other better kept his faith.P. Orange. The one was an Ajax, a better Commander then a Councellour,C. Egmont. the other an Ulysses, that could fight better with his brain, C. Egmont. then with his sword. This had a great forecast, and alwayes fixed his mind upon the future, so that he was still fit for any emergent occasion. That, seldome took care but for the present; yet upon a sudden misfortune was rather unprepared,P. Orange. then unready or unwilling to encounter it. You might hope more from the one, and fear more from the other.C. Egmont. You would rather chuse the friendship of Count Egmont, and decline the enmity of the Prince of Orange. And to demonstrate, that there was not the least resem­blance between them; Egmont had a well-featured face, a strong-timbered body, & a look full of honour: the other was a thin-faced tawny-complexi­oned man, and bald. Yet they were exceeding popular both; but the people loved the one, and reverenced the other.P. of Orange. Which the Go­verness made use of to divide them: and it ministred a double occasion. The Governess, who exactly knew them, wrote to the King what she thought would the soonest cause a divi­sion: and pointed out the best means to effect it, viz. that the Kings Pay and his Munificence (about the sending whereof at that time to the Go­vernours of the Provinces, he had before consulted with her) should not be distributed to all, but come onely to the hands of the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont; and the Count should have more then the Prince, that the Prince of Orange might suspect him for his Rivall in his Majesties fa­vour: and the rest of the Lords, because they were passed by, somewhat resent it in them both. This plot went on, and their ill-pieced conspiracie began to crack a sunder: the Governess still having her irons in the fire. [Page 71] And to this purpose, at the generall Dyet (or convention) of the Estates of Germany summoned by the Emperour Ferdinand at Franckford to create a King of the Romans, some of the Low-countrey Lords being to go thither in the name of King Philip; whilst all the Nobility were in exspectation of the imployment, the Dutchess made choice of Philip Croy Duke of Arescot; not because he was bred up in Germany with Charles the fifth (as she decla­red her self at the Consult) and therefore was likely to be well received by his brother Ferdinand: But because he was an enemie to the Prince of O­range his faction, she honoured him with that Embassage, that others might follow his example on like hopes of honour. Yet the Prince of Orange re­solved to be present at the Dyet, as a private man, pretending business with the Elector of Saxonie about his wifes portion, and with the Emperour con­cerning his Estate. And though the Governess would not, without the Kings consent approve of his journey, yet he departed; in such hast, as he would not tarry till his wife was brought a bed.The Princesse of Orange brought a bed of a Daughter. Montinys Em­bassage out of the Kings letter to the Governess Who three dayes after was delivered of a daughter, that was christened, by her appointment, with the ceremonies of the Church, to the great satisfaction of the Governess.

Montiny having twice had audience of his Majestie, prepared for his re­turn, and when he took leave, the King, whilst he commended to his care the state of the Low-countreys, as it were upon occasion of discourse, began to fift him, and charged him by his faith and sinceritie,23 Novem. virtues he had found in him, to deal plainly,His Conference with the King. He imputes the generall discon­tent to the new Bishops and Granvel. what he thought was the cause of those Grievances and Heart-burnings of so many in the Low-countreys. Montiny though he said he knew nothing, whereof his Majesty had not been long since inform­ed, yet as farre as he could conjecture, the reasons partly proceeded from the new Bishops put upon the Provinces without the consent or privity of their Governours, & therefore the people believed they intended to bring in the Spanish Inquisition: partly out of the hatred conceived against Cardinall Granvel from the highest to the lowest, so implacably, that it was to be fear­ed, that at one time or other it would ingage the people in an insurrection. The King replyed, that all this was indeed known to him,The King gives his reasons for increase of the Bishops. but that he ad­mired the Low-countreymen could be moved with such vain rumours. For seriously no other cause brought him to augment the number of the Bishops, but onely the necessity of his people, and the Councell of his father Charles the fifth. And that was not concluded so secretly or suddenly, as the Mar­quess of Bergen could tell him, who had given his advice therein, and com­mended his design when he waited on the King into England, at his Mar­riage with Queen Mary. And that for his own part, it never entered into his mind, by that adjunction of Bishops to impose the Spanish Inquisition upon the Low-countreys; Nor had Cardinall Granvel ever perswaded him to do it, or was so much as acquainted with that purpose of his Majesty till he sent Francis Sonnius his Embassadour to Rome. Desends Gran­vel. He likewise assured him, they were much deceived that hated the Cardinall as conceiving him, by private information, to asperse the Lords, for he did never attempt it,Possesses Mon­tiny with his Resolution to go in person to the Low-countreys. Montinies Re­lation in Senate nei­ther had his Majestie himself at any time discovered in Granvel any malici­ous inclinations: which if he should hereafter find in him, or any other of his ministers of State, he never should indure them. But, howsoever, he hoped shortly to be in the Low-countreys, and then to satisfie both his own person, and the Provinces desires. Montiny thus dismissed by the King, re­turned to Bruxels in December;14 Day of Decemb. and reading to the Councel his letters which contained the Kings pleasure for settling the intricacies of the Ex­checquer for assistance in future to be sent to Charles King of France, Which they cre­dit not. and [Page 72] specially for defence of Religion; he added, of himself,1562. many arguments of the Kings affection towards the Low-countreys; but to little purpose. For in Montinies absence, they had conceived still greater jealousies. The Prince of Orange and some others, reasoned against the promises made by the Embas­sadour, for they rather trusted their own reall, or (to justifie their discon­tents) pretended intelligence from their private friends in the Court of Spain, then the professions made either by King Philip, or his sister. Their indignation was augmented, because Montiny told them the French ac­counted them Patrons of the Hugonots. The Lords of­fended at Granvel upon new suspitions. About which scandall they passio­nately expostulated with the Governess, affirming, it was onely forged in the Cardinals work-house. The Dutchess declared her self of a contrary opinion, and shewed them, it was rather invented by the French hereticks and rebells, who to advance the authority of their faction, would have the ignorant believe the Low-countrey Nobility were of the same sect. To conclude,He despiseth his enemies. they being more and more exasperated, because the Governess would not displace their Competitour, that feared not their plots or envie, but proposing to himself onely the Kings favour, respected this Iove alone despising the other petty Gods; (as if a man could be onely struck with a thunderbolt, and could not be killed by the hand of a common souldier: or that Ioves lightning were not fed by the baser elements.)His Rivals plot against him. the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont particularly agreed to write letters to the King against Granvel, Some dissenting. in the name of all, though all were not consenting: perhaps, because the Governess had formerly scattered among them seeds of dissen­tion: perhaps, some of the Lords therefore differed in opinion, because they were not chief of the Conspiracy. Indeed the Duke of Areschot, pressed by Count Egmont as they were hunting, to joyn with the rest, denied to set his hand against the Cardinall, or to prescribe the King how he ought to use his servants; and it proceeded so farre, that at last the Duke concluded, he would receive the Law neither from Count Egmont, nor the Prince of O­range, to neither of which he thought himself or his family inferiour. The Counts of Aremberg and Barlamont then present were much troubled at the accident, and lest it might come to more then words, turned the discourse to another subject. Nor was there lesse heat between Count Aremberg and the Prince of Orange upon the same occasion.22. March. Of both which passages the Governess certified the King.Letters writ against the Car­dinall to the King by C. Egmont. C. Horn. and the Prince of O­range. But though by these Lords example, and for private reasons many withdrew from the conspiracy: Yet were letters direct­ed to the King signed by Count Egmont, the Prince of Orange, and Count Horn; a Copy whereof (which the King afterwards sent to the Dutchess) I give you verbatim out of the French Originall.

These Letters thus signed by the Triumviri, Count Egmont secretly sent into Spain to Charles Tisnac a Low-countrey man, and the Kigns Procura­tour in Spain, for business of the Low-countreys. Of these letters the Governess preadvertised the King. But before the Dispatch was made, the Governess understanding what they had writ, pre-acquaint­ed the King. Nor was the intelligence she gave concealed from the Con­spiratours, Count Egmont charging the discovery upon Count Aremberg, March 9. as if he were fallen off;How the Go­verness came by her intelli­gence, causes a grievous falling out between Egmont and Aremberg. especially because there was difference between him and the Prince of Orange. But he seriously denied, that ever he had spoke of it to any man living; nor needed their project a discoverer, which they themselves in every place vain-gloriously divulged. Yet Count Egmont in­sisting upon it, replied, That a friend of his had assured him, it could not be revealed by any but himself. Aremberg growing into a rage, And I (said he) assure you, he lyes who ere he be, that fathers this upon me; which I am ready to make good with my sword. May 5. The Governess writing this passage to the King, forgot not to complain of Count Egmont, that he whom his Majesty had accounted faithfull above the rest, could so far ingage against him, as pub­lickly to solicite and encourage others to joyn their minds and endeavours for their Countreys benefit and liberty. And now after three moneths, the Kings Letters came from Spain, written by the hand of Charles Tisnac, [Page 74] wherein his Majestie answered the demands of the Triumviri, The Kings an­swer to the Let­ters sent from the three Lords, inviting one of them to Spain. in this man­ner; That he had received their Letters, and doubted not but that they signified these things out of sincere affection to their Prince and Countrey. For they had given many sufficient proofs of their fidelity and service. But since they had not yet given particular reasons for Granvels removall, and that it was not his cu­stome to change any of his Ministers of State, without proof against them: He should therefore take it well, if some one of them would come over to Spain, and make him understand the matter; 1563. for by how much they affirmed there needed the greater remedy, by so much the lesse ought the business to be agitated by absent per­sons. Iune 15. Besides these Letters,A private letter from his Maje­stie to Count Egmont. the King wrote privately with his own hand to Count Egmont, that he should be glad to hear from the Count himself, the causes that were not inserted in their Letters. His Majesty likewise acquaint­ed the Governess what answer in common he makes to all three, and what particularly to Egmont; that he invites one of them to divide them, and wishes it might be Egmont, because he, separated from the rest, might be easi­ly wrought upon, new moulded, and so brought again to himself, and his right reason.But none of the three would go. But neither Count Egmont, nor any of the rest could be brought to go the journey; perhaps thinking it below them, to undertake so great a voyage to accuse Granvell: perhaps their guilty consciences durst not trust themselves in Spain. Yet in their answers to the King, they laid the cause of their stay upon their neighbours the French, For which they give reasons to his Majestie. who having souffled up a kind of Peace at home, it concerned them to watch whether they would use their Arms abroad: and while the people continued in that Jealousie and fear; they held it impious to leave their Countrey, to inform against any man. Notwithstanding, if the King pleased to send for them upon other terms, they would immediately obey his Maiesties commands. In the mean time, they would forbear the Councel-board, lest they should meet there to countenance Granvels Actions. In all things else, they would never be wanting to their Prince and Countrey. The like auswer was made particu­larly by Count Egmont; who likewise humbly thanked his Maiesty for his speciall grace and favour to him.Granvel grows out of date at Court. Whilst this was in agitation, Granvell tottered at Court: For 'tis hard to stand long in a slippery place, if a man be iustled by many; specially when a Prince is made jealous, as if his ser­vants derivative power detracted from his own ability to govern. Nor have the old Court-Engineers many better inventions to crush the favour of their Rivals; especially with such Princes, as are ambitious to be famed for wit, whether deserving or undeserving. With this very stratagem, a few years after, Didacus Cardinall Spinosa, no lesse endeared to the King in Spain, then Cardinall Granvell to his Majesties sister in the Low-countreys, was cast down (they say) from the highest point of favour,Aloyfio Can­tera lib. 9. in the life of King Philip. by such as knew the King loved his Ministers of State, so long as they carried themselves as ser­vants, and not as authours of his Counsells. And now the Governess seem­ed to be altered in affection towards Granvell, The Governess displeased with him, for three reasons. perhaps weary of the man, as if he were her adjunct in the Government, if not her superintendent: per­haps seeing her self in danger of being infected with the peoples hatred, which he was incurably sick of: perhaps, at length she had looked into him, and found him ambitious and envious, fomenting the divisions between the King and his people, as she afterwards enformed his Majesty.August 29. Which last reason, being contrary to the commendations she had so often set upon Granvell in her letters to the King, whether it were true, and discovered by the Governess upon long acquaintance: or that she knew it at first; but then, as she concealed it in favour of the man: so now weary of him, and fearfull of [Page 75] imminent mischief, she revealed it: or whether mis-informed, and compel­led by his enemies, she wrote thus to the King, I dare not absolutely affirm. The Governess therefore, as she had resolved,She sends Ar­menterius into Spain. sent Thomas Arment [...]rius an old Courtier and Counsellour into Spain, with an exact account of business, part whereof he was to read to the King, and part to insert in his discourse, if occasion were offered.Who was to in­form the King among other pas­sages, The heads were these, To let the King know the State of the Netherlands, and the Countreys adiacent; and how to that day the Governess had ordered the Sacred and Civil Government: And when they came to speak of the combination of the Lords against Granvell, Of the Lords complaints a­gainst Granvel. that he should punctually tell the King, how the Prince of Orange, the Marquess of Bergen, the Counts Egmont, Horn, Mansfeld, and Megen, came to her in Iuly last; and the Prince of Orange, On the 25. after many complaints made in the name of the Estates, touching the present condition of affairs, the appears so long due to the horse and foot, the Kings Collectors undone with pay­ing interest, and the complaints of the Merchants thereupon; concluded, that since all this proceeded from the dominion of the Cardinall, and his fol­lowers, they were resolved henceforth to come no more to Councel, not for any exceptions taken at the Governess, whose wisdome and affection to the Low-countreys they would alwayes gratefully remember; but lest they should contribute to those Acts passed, with so much prejudice to the King and the Low-countreys. Moreover, (which Egmont added) lest by co­ming to the Councel-table, and yet not providing for the necessities of their Countrey, they should loose the Peoples affection, together with their own reputation, and consequently the Opportunity of doing his Ma­jesty service. Nor would this seem strange, if the King pleased to remem­ber, that long since, when Charles Count Lalin was President of the Coun­cel, Granvell being then Bishop of Arras, refused to come to the Board, offended at the Counts Potencie. Then he should tell his Majesty, that the Prince of Orange, and the Marquess of Bergen, bitterly inveighed a­gainst Granvell, and the Arts he had used to make the King believe, they juggled with Religion and their Prince. Nay, they very well knew, that Telidan a Divine of Lovain (as he himself boasted) wrote to the King. That the Low-countrey Lords were all tainted with Heresie; and that the very same occasion of enmity, which the French Hereticks took against the Cardinall of Lorain, was now revived by the Nobilitie of the Low-coun­treys. And that another day, the Governess taking Egmont aside, he con­firmed the same grievances, wondering the King would suffer the Low-coun­treys to be troubled for one man, who was not so much as a Low-countrey man; and therefore both his fortunes and affections were forreiners: nei­ther had he taken the Oath of Allegeance to the King; but partly to the Emperour, as born in an Imperiall Town: and partly to the Pope, from whom he had received his scarlet. When Armenterius should have dis­coursed this to the King, he was then to acquaint his Majesty, what the Governess answered to the particulars, according to his Notes containing the summary of his Embassage.Of Granvells danger. Lastly, she charged him, upon the same heads, to be sure to remember, That Egmont had lately told her, it was by his onely means, that Granvell lived to that day; but that hereafter he would leave that care to the Governess, whom he had now clearly inform­ed, that the Cardinalls life was every houre in danger: and therefore when his Majestie should well consider, what Insurrections such publick crimes draw along with them, he would in his wisdome resolve how to dispose of Cardinall Granvell. Septem. 13. With these Commands; after a moneths voyage, Ar­menterius [Page 76] arrived in Spain; The King at large hears him. and as he found the King very desirous to know the State of the Low-countreys, accordingly at his first Audience he held him four hours together, in the speech which he made out of his Notes. At which,Who first sus­pends, and then alters his Ma­jesties resoluti­ons. as likewise at other not much shorter Addresses, he exceeding­ly satisfied the King with the Governesses endeavours, first suspending (which seldome any man could do) and finally altering his resolution, to retain the Cardinall in the Low-countreys. But whilst the King deferred his purpose, busied in the assembly of the Estates of Castile, then sitting: and being like­wise of himself a Prince naturally jealous and apt to demurre; the Low­countrey Lords,The Belgick Lords leave the Court. as if their suit were neglected, in the beginning of the new year with-drew from Court;1564. all but Count Egmont, who told the Gover­ness, the rest would not return till Granvell was departed, with whom in compass of the same walls they would be no more confined.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The fourth Book.

BEfore the end of this year,1564. a sad uncertain rumour was raised at Madrid, A report raised that King Phi­lip was mur­thered. and immediately dispersed through all the further Spain, Which he him­self was active to suppresse. That King Philip was pistolled. This report he was so farre from sleighting (though otherwise subject to delays) that he laid it, before it could passe out of Spain; sending Duplicates of letters post both by sea and land, into the Low-countreys: wherein, under his own hand, he certified his sister,4. Ianuary. that in all probability this fame was forged by the hereticks, upon some close design set afoot by that treacherous kind of people. Withall he commanded her, that if she did but hear the least intimation of such a report, she should presently dispatch letters through the Low-countreys, and so into France, Britain, and Germa­ny, to rectifie the errour; not onely that his uncle the Emperour, and his cousen-germane the King of the Romans, might be freed of their fears: but likewise the insurrections prevented, for encouraging whereof these reports, whether true or false, did equally prevail with men desirous of innovation. But the Governess having certain intelligence, that he news was no where divulged in those parts, would not mention it at all: lest she might ingraft the opinion she indeavoured to eradicate. Especially when she had business at home of greater concernment; the Nobility being discontented, and no­torious Libells read upon every post, or passed from hand to hand;Scandalous Pamphlets post­ed up, and handed through the Low-coun­treys. the re­medy whereof was ever difficult, whether you take no notice of them, and so invite them by impunity, or punish them; for neither way can extinguish the memory of what is done, nor deterre abusive writers from the like bold­nesse. And King Philip grown now more severe,15. Iuly 1561. since the tumult at Valen­ciens from whence that liberty chiefly took its rise, injoyned the Governess not to suffer such ignominious verses, that commonly ushered in rebellion. But she quickly gave over her inquiry,10. August. 1562. fearing to take knowledge of the Au­thours, or to run the hazzard (as she wrote to the King) of struggling with so desperate a disease.Emblematicall Cognizances given by the Lords-Conspi­ratours. At this time besides those jeers against Religion and the Bishops, especially Granvel, boldlyer vented because pleasing to the No­bility: there were added dark ridding Emblems and Cognizances of the [Page 78] Lords,29. Of March. great symptomes, as many thought, of [...]. The whole passage (as the Governess related it to the King) I shall briefly [...].

The last year, in the beginning of December, the Lords Egmont, Bergen, Montiny, and the rest of the Order,Invented at a feast. were feasted by Gasper Schert [...] I [...] of Grobendonch the Kings Receiver; There, in their cups, they fell in a dis­course, of the moderating of expence in Liveries, whether it [...] que­stion by accident (as the Dutchess affirms upon their own relations) or out of premeditation,In imitation of the Germans. I leave to others judgement. They commended, upon this occasion, the Germane fashion where all the year long they are waited on by men in the same leathern breeches, and black cloth-cloaks, or coats with sleeves: nor have about them any thing of gallantry; but that the pin­nions of their sleeves, which they call wings, are laid with silk fringe of di­vers colours; spending their money much wiselier, in their stables upon hor­ses for service. This example pleased the whole company, and they re­solved to leave off their sumptuous and silken Liveries, with all the pomp of their gawdy trains: and never after to be distinguished by the severall co­lours worn by their servants, especially by their footmen; but that they would all give one Livery; and so it should not be thought the invention of any particular person that desired to save charges. And by the uniformity of their apparell,They throw the Dice who shall name the Live­ry. it would appear their minds were uniform. Some therefore proposing what colour would do best, they cast the dice who should chuse, and the lot fell to Count Egmont, who made choice of black cloth-coats with long sleeves,Egmont chuses such as I told you were called silken wings: in which were imbroidered the heads of men and hoods of divers colours such as fools and jeasters wear upon their coats. A pattern of these wings, that nothing might be concealed from the King,29. Of March. the Governess sent him. And now imbroider­ers and taylours shops were full of these Coats and Cognizances, and the people looked and talked high upon the matter:How the People interpret the Device. nor are they alwayes out in their conjectures. For some said the hoods signified the Cardinall, who according to the habit of his illustrious, Order wore such an hood falling up­on his shoulders; and the heads, they guessed to be the Cardinals and his adherents, among whom they numbered the Duke of Areschot, Count Bar­lamont, and Viglius President of the Councell; and they interpreted the fools coats to signifie, that the Low-countrey Lords were not fools heads, as Granvel once called them, but that Granvel himself and his party might be pointed at for idiots. Others rather thought those heads and fools-hoods were brought in fashion by the Lords, as if they were contented to be called fools: but yet they would have the Cardinall understand how [...] the fools were: and to beware, least in that number there might be a Brutus. But the Governess, though she made a better construction of these Em­blems, yet feared that the people, which she saw begin to grow discontent­ed and mutinous, should divide into factions and raise tumults: he was therefore very earnest with Count Egmont and the other Lords, to give off their design,The Governess gets them to leave off part of it. and lay aside the new incouragements to insurrection. But be­cause a great sort of the coats, and above two thousand of the wings were already made:Which the Lords supply with another Em­bleme. her Excellence thought it would be well, if she could get them to leave out the heads and hoods, the principall matter of offence; which with much ado they did; and instead of the old, Count Egmont de­vised another Embleme,As the King answered Eg­mont. Prince of Orange in his Apollogy 1481. viz. a sheaf of arrows, which he said was the arms of the Kingdome of Castile, (though it was not the arms of the Kingdome; but of the Catholick Queen Isabella, and afterwards given by the States of Holland when they were confederate, and revolted from the King and [Page 79] gave out, that it signified the concord of his brothers of the Order in their duty to his Majesty.What many men conceived it to boad. Yet this very change was censured by many that sung Granvels Dirge, expounding it, as if the conspiracy were made now not with hoods, but arrows, and those tied together in a bundle, and therefore not easie to be broken. Nor did the Governess take notice of the alteration, hoping to cure the evil by contempt, and having often found by experience, That some mens proud natures are inraged if forbidden, but if left to them­selves will in time recover.The King and Occasion puts an end to these Rebuses. By which connivence, the fashion of giving this kind of Livery was long followed by the Lords: till the Kings command and other new accidents interposing, it was quite left off.

In February Armenterius, long looked for, at length returned from Spain, 20. and changed the face of the Governesses Court.Granvel sent for out of the Low-countreys. For among other Man­dates which he brought from his Majestie the first was, the sending Cardi­nall Granvel, out of the Low-countreys; to which the King finally consent­ed, that the Low-countreymen might not have so much as this colour of Grievance. For King Philip as he had no Courtier that governed him,Why the King consented. nor would have his favour to any one eclipse his own authority: so he advan­ced and cherished divers persons, but such as were very usefull to himself and his Kingdomes; among whom Granvel may deservedly be numbred. Yet because his Majesty knew that, especially in the Low-countreys, the power of forreiners would not be long indured; and that he had an eye upon the example of the French Court: and thought it best to do that, while his authoritie was intire, which perhaps necessity might unhandsom­ly inforce him to; for quieting the Provinces, he granted the Low-coun­treymens Petition,Why the Gover­nesse wished it. whereto was added the approbation of the Governess either altered in her mind or Counsels, and hoping by that sacrifice to the publick odium, to gain the affections of many of the Lords.Granvel pre­supposed as much by the change of faces at Court. This Granvel long since foresaw, & upon the return of Armenterius presently observed the Courtiers, which used to adore him, would not take pains to stoop so low, and that he had a thinner train and fewer suiters waiting at his gates; divers of his friends then forsaking him, when they were brought to the test. Nor did Granvel upon receit of the Kings letter decline his departure:No [...] is he at all dejected. but very cheerfully shewed himself ready to go whithersoever his Majesty would please to send him.But seems to desire a dis­charge. And before his departure, as if he were tired out with tedious cares, he was often heard to argue with his friends like a Philosopher, Of case, and retirement from the hurry of affairs; That he had long enough followed others occasions; that a man broken with continuall toil could not but wish for rest; and that to one besieged with Petitioners liberty was not to be refused, especially when he knew that Petitioners and flatterers met like pitcher-carriers at a spring, which they drain and trouble; That favour at Court hath a better face, then inside; and that all humane things are found to be farre lesse in the possessi­on, then they are fancied in our hopes. You would think he discoursed this out of a mind armed against dangers, long foreseen and exspected. Unless per­haps it was not constancy, but discontent, putting a face of mirth upon his griefs; whereby he might at least defraud his Rivals eyes, of that sad object which they looked for.Yet rather wishes to be re­moved to Spain, and to that end solicits the Duke of Alva. Indeed a few moneths before, when he saw his Re­move inevitable,Who deliberates upon it. he wrote to his old friend the Duke of Alva, that if he must needs leave the Low-countreys, he would please to make it his suit to the King to send for him into Spain. But the Duke was in great suspence, whether he should bring a man to Court, that was not unpractised in Court-designes, and might happily precede him in the Kings favour (for no virtue is lesse raised at Court, then that which is most feared) or whether by the [Page 80] accession of a friend, he might increase his power, or at least by using a man hatefull to the Low-countreysOctob. 1565 (as Armenterius wrote to the Governess out of Spain) he might revenge himself of his enemies in the Netherlands? At last moves for him. this later reason carried it with the Duke of Alva; his fear was overcome by his fury, the stronger motive to prevail with Courtiers, whom long prosperity makes not more secure of favour then impatient of affronts.But prevails not. But in vain the Duke solicited for Cardinall Granvels coming into Spain. For the King had been lately perswaded by Armenterius, that it would be greatly to his prejudice, to have the Cardinall in his Court: who out of his hatred to the Low-countreys would be suspected, in all their affairs to corrupt the Kings commands,For Granvel is commanded in­to Burgundy. which would be thought to be the Cardinals pleasure. His Maje­sty therefore would rather have him retire into Burgundy, and to live not far from the Low-countreys, where He hoped in time to settle him again. Granvel was the more willing to go thither, because he had the fair pretence of doing his duty at Besonçon to his mother now old and diseased: in com­pany of his brother Cantonet; Thomas Pere­not Lord of Cantoner. Whether at length he goes, giving out, that he will return very shortly. who having dispatched his French embassage was for the same cause travelling towards Burgundy. Therefore not suffer­ing his going away to be named till his brother arrived at Bruxels, that it might seem he resolved of himself, and with his brothers advice, to visit his Countrey, and not upon the Kings command to leave the Netherlands; on the tenth of March he took his journey into Burgundy, giving it out, that he would shortly return.10 of Marc. Likewise about this time, the Low-countrey Lords, upon letters from the King commanding them to fit again in Councel,6 of March. and more to regard the authority of their Prince, then their own hatred to any private man, waited again at Court, to the joy of all degrees and qualities. Save that it took off a little from the generall contentment,Which report spoiled the mirth of his ad­versaries. And troubled the Governesse. that it was re­ported the Cardinall would come back; though many thought it an idle rumour, invented by the man himself, who (as they said) was proud in mi­sery, and would not stoop, but even as he fled still threatned. But others were not of that opinion, especially the Governess, that knew with how much difficulty and reluctation the King had called him away.29. of March. By her let­ters therefore she acquainted his Majesty, That Egmont concealing the Au­thours names had discovered to her a plot against Granvel,Who certifies his danger and la­bours to keep him out of the Low-countreys. who, if ever he set foot again within the Netherlands, was to be murthered the same day. The Low-countrey writers, out of uncertain reports name one Villet, a Coun­treyman of Granvels that undertook to kill him. And the Counts Egmont and Horn were charged, as privy to Villets intention, at their Triall in the year 1568. Besides in the private intelligence, which a Lady of quality from the Borders sent into the Low-countreys, I find this design against the Car­dinall mentioned; unles perhaps all this was feigned, to fright the Governess.

Granvell being gone for Burgundy, The joy for Cardinal Gran­vels departure, as well of the People as the Lords. the Town and the Court seemed quite another thing. The people that, as a comfort to their low fortunes, use to be­hold with greediness the fall of powerfull men, especially of such as are Princes Favourites, because they impute to these Privadoes all the severer mandates of the Prince; began now to rejoyce, as if they were freed of a heavie tax-master. In particular the officious Courtiers joyed the Lords for having banished their Corrival: and they themselves boasted, That now they had sued out the Governesses Livery, who had lived long enough under a Guardian; That it was sufficient, they had for so long time endured the insolence of a new man, an upstart, that triumphed in his scarlet robes, for his Conquest over the Low-countryes. From thence forth, they were much more observant to the Governess, came oftner to the Councel-board; be­stowed [Page 81] more time upon the Publick. The Governess thinking it best to use that opportunity,The Governess makes use of this alacritie in both. pressed them to many things at once; particularly to con­tinue the Subsidie of the new year, for three years yet to come: which she had often, but in vain attempted; and most of her Proposals were in a fair Way to be effected;But it was d [...]sht again by new fames of the Cardinals Return. when by letter after letter, coming from the Cardinall, that spake of his return into the Low-countreys; and by increase of the faction of the Cardinalists (for so they called the Duke of Areschot, Count Barla­mont, and the President Viglius) many mens minds were filled with fresh su­spicion, and much of their new joy and alacrity abated. For on the one part diverse of the Lords said, They feared, (unlesse they pretended fear, to colour their private meetings) that if they should, removing all Obstructions, dispose things to a good conclusion, Granvell upon a sudden would return, and boldly claim a share in the success: On the other part, the Cardinalists more slowly followed the Kings business; either offended at the Governess, or to endear the Cardinall by his absence, and to make him the more longed for.That they may have no more such frights, the Governess moves the King. But the Governess persisted in her desires to bar all hope of his return, and wrote to his Majesty many letters,Novem. 29. wherein she did not a little tax the life of Granvell, I suppose to shew she had reason for consenting to his remove. Which was the cause, why an Officer extraordinary was sent into Burgundy in the Kings name, to take the accounts of the Exchecquer, and so by the by to examine Granvells actions.To send him a­way to Rome. At this Inquisitours return, the Governess made it her suit, forasmuch as the Lords suspected, Granvells stay in Burgun­dy had too near an influence upon the Low-countreys, and that they likewise said, Though his person was absent, his Counsels and Directions still or­dered the affairs of State, his ghost as it were haunting the Low-countryes, that his Majestie would please to free the Provinces of that kind of fear; and send the man to Rome, the place he had long since chosen, whither afterward Granvell went of his own accord, not by the Kings command.

For in December the year following,1565. Pius the fourth deceasing,The rest of Car­dinal Granvels life. Cardinall Granvel came to Rome to the Conclave (it will not do amiss,He goes [...] Rome to the Conclave. I suppose, to let you know the further progress and end this great man) where he was re-im­ployed by King Philip (the show, not substance of whose favour he had lost) in soliciting all businesses at Rome that nearliest concerned his Kingdome: with higher expressions then ever of his affection to the Cardinal. By which is evi­dent, what difference there is, between such as get into favour with a Prince by accident, & such as are advanced by merit: for those if they once fal, never rise: these their absence ingratiates with their Prince, and necessitie restores them to their places.Solicites the Generall peace of Christendome Is created Vice­roy of Naples. Delivers the colours to Don John of Austria And it fell out very opportunely for Granvel, who, being as am­bitious of employment, as prepared for present business (the League betwen the Princes of Christendome, so often begun to be treated, & so often broken off, coming now again in agitation) received from the King a large Commis­sion, that together with Francis Cardinall Paceco, and his Majesties Embassa­dour Iohn Zuniga, he should upon what conditions he thought good,1571. make a league between Rome, Spain, and Venice, Labours and votes in the Conclave for the Papacy of Gre­gory XIII. which he (clearing the matters of controversie that daily were revived) faithfully and actively endeavoured on the Kings behalf. After this, he was created by King Philip Vice-roy of Naples, and delivered from the Pope to Don Iohn of Austria the Standard and commanding Staff, that declared him Generall of the Christian Fleet.1572. After the Popes death,Into whose dis­pleasure he shortly after falls, for viola­ting the rights of the Church. coming to Rome, he so applyed himself, that besides his advancing the Spanish party, whereof he was chief, he was the principall cause that Gregory the thirteenth, to the great benefit of Christendome, was created Pope. And yet he exceedingly displeased that very Bishop at his re­turn [Page 82] to Naples; where he carried himself somewhat more harshly towards he Church, then could be exspected from a Prelate of his Robe; but not other­wise then we see many sacred and mitred persons do, that shew themselves more earnest then the Lay-ministers of Princes, to advance their politick Dominion. Whether it be their care to decline the suspicion of being for the other party: or that their knowledge and emulation discovers the ab­strusest points that are to be opposed. Nor are they lesse violent for being in holy Orders, familiarity and injoyment taking off their respect to that of which they are possessed. The Vice-roy Granvell had signed a warrant to his Officers,In a suit with the Archbishop. to take out of Marius Caraffa the Archbishops prison, a notorious offendour; whose cause Granvell said belonged to his Jurisdiction: For which fact, Marius Caraffa excommunicated the Kings Officers, whereat Granvell being implacably displeased, laid the Archbishops servants by the heels; and sequestred the rents and profits of the Archbishoprick: the Popes Nuncio Anthonius Saulio in vain labouring against it,The Pope by his Nuncio justifies the Archbishop. and threatning the Popes indignation if he persisted. Gregory the thirteenth was exceedingly vexed thereat, especially because when this was done at Naples, the like was attem­pted in Castile by the President of the Councel, Didaco Covarruvia Bishop of Segovia. His Holiness therefore commanded Saulio to go to the Cardinal Vice-roy, and directly tell him, That unless within so many dayes, he would revoke and make null all he had done against the Archbishop and his ser­vants, he by the authority given him by his Holiness, would turn Granvell out of the Colledge of Cardinalls. The Vice-roy at last submits. Which message (though some fearing the Vice-royes dipleasure, perswaded Saulio to put in milder terms) boldly de­livered according to his instructions, so terrified Granvell, that he discharged the prisoners, and restored the Bishop to his own. Nay, he gave the Arch­bishop a prisoner in exchange for the condemned man taken from him, that occasioned the dispute, and had been forthwith executed. Afterwards he submitted to the Canons with much more care and reverence. So you see Threats and Menaces, proportioned to the greatest spirits, will at last hum­ble them. Granvell having now four years governed that Kingdome with great Prudence indeed, but not so great regard to Chastity, as beseemed his age and scarlet, being in some measure reconciled to the Pope, returned to Rome: From whence three years after,1575. he was sent for by the King into Spain (being then 62 years old) and the Italian affairs of State wholly in­trusted to his disposall;He is made Pre­sident of the Italian Councel in Spain. which was distastfull to some of the Grandees, whose weaker and lesser iudgements were eclipsed by his old and solid experience,His free carri­age towards the Grandees. And towards the King him self. and looked on by him with a kind of scorn. I find likewise the King him­self was offended with him,Q. Curt. lib. 8. whilest by too passionately extolling the Acti­ons of Charles the fifth, and instancing what he had done upon the like oc­casions, he seemed to urge them as presidents for his sons imitation, with a freedome odious to Princes, which had ruined many of Alexanders greatest Commanders, that spake too liberally in his fathers commendations. But Granvell knew he had to do with a Prince, enamoured of his merits, whose favour towards him he had found rather suspended, then extinguished; whereof he had this further proof,1580. that King Philip going to take possession of the Kingdome of Portugall, He governs Spain in the Kings absence. left Granvell to govern Spain: and returning out of Portugall, when he made his entrance into Madrid, waited on by in­finite multitudes,1583. and received with the acclamations of all sorts of people, he rode through the Town with this aged Cardinal onely on his left hand.The honour done him by the King at his Return. His death. Lastly, three years after Granvell returning from the Citie of Auspurge (vvhere he had married the Infanta Katharine, King Philips daughter, to E [...]manuel [Page 83] Duke of Savoy) being now seventy years of age,At Madrid. departed this life at▪ Ma­drid the very day 28 years after the death of the Emperour Charles the fifth. His corps a little while after was carried to Besan [...]on, and buried in his fa­thers Monument.His speciall Commendations. The man is particularly remarkable to the favourites of Princes, because without the help of flattery, for about fourty years, with unspotted fidelity he mannaged the principall affairs of a great Court, and being once outed, from his fall rebounded with ease, and rose higher then before: because he was gracious with a Prince that suffered him (a happi­ness seldome known) to enjoy both favour and freedom to the last. But our present History bears older Date.

The Governess in the mean time,The Governess provides for Re­ligion. bent her endeavours to maintain Religi­on, which she heard went to decay in many places:Commended to her by the King, for the King by Ar­menterius enjoyned her that in the first place: and since then, wrote many ef­fectuall letters to the same purpose. Indeed that King Philip did more then pretend to be carefull of Religion,Seriously, the letters (about a hundred of which I have) written with his own hand, or in cypher to the Governess, do clear­ly testifie. Wherein he never used dissimulation, as in those that were read to the Councel by the Governess; but discovered to his sister without reser­vation, all his necessities, fears, and secret thoughts. And in these private Letters, he so earnestly commends and commits unto her the protection of Religion; that he plainly declares it was to be her master-care, and all other Interests whatsoever, should give place to it.With almost in­credible care to root out Here­ticks. Nay, many times he instructs her how to hunt out Hereticks, and trace them to their holes. His Majesty likewise had Catalogues of their names (which I have by me, enclosed in his Letters) so exactly taken, as every ones condition, neighbourhood, age, and stature is to the life described, that truly it is wonderfull, how a Prince distracted and diverted with such a multiplicity of State-affairs, could have the leasure to inquire out, for the most part, obscure people, which a private man could hardly get time to turn his thoughts and hand to. And by this means, as often as Catholicks fled out of England into the Low-countreys, And with no little bounty to the banished English. in whose behalf the Governess wrote to the King; with incredible celeritie (besides his Pensions bestowed upon Priests of that Island, which for the cause of Religion lived as banished men in the Low-countreys) he divided a­mong them sometimes 2000 Ducats at once: sometimes more, sometimes less, alwayes something. Incouraged by this royall bounty, some Col­ledges of that Nation were begun to be settled, to the great good of Ca­tholicks in Spain and the Low-countreys. The Governess therefore of her own accord, and by the Kings command, laboured to preserve Religion; and having the Nobility particularly obliged to her for her late favour; she dispatched letters to this effect to the Bishops and Governours of Towns, which exceedingly awaked their industry.

And now the Hereticks were carried to prison,Hereticks put to death with va­rious success. and put to death: which terrified many, and those that died were often reconciled to the Church. At Rupelmond, a Priest that was turned Heretick, when he saw no hope to escape out of the Tower wherein he was imprisoned,A bold fact of an hereticall Minister. fell upon a desperate designe of firing the next room in which the Records and Monuments of the Provinces were kept supposing that while the guards were busied in pre­serving things that concernd the publick, he might get away. He acquaint­ed his fellow-prisoners, which were nine, with the plot; and now the Tow­er was in a flame, which the souldiers presently extinguished, and the Priest being taken, was, with the rest of his companions, but a little more happi­ly,But it saved him at last. executed. For openly renouncing his Heresie, before the multitude that [Page 84] was assembled to see him die; twice he cursed Calvin, and all the contrivers of Heresie, and bad the good people take warning, how they came near that plague-sore, which the Devil had sent from hell to infect mankind; and so professing he died a Catholick, his head was struck off. The Governess left out none of these passages in her Letter to the King,August 13. not doubting but they would be welcome to a Prince desirous of such news. But at Antwer mat­ters were carried somewhat more tumultuously.The punishment of Fabricius the Apostate, out of her Ex­cellencies let­ters, 8. Octob. Christopher Fabricius was to be executed, who forsaking the Order of Carmelites, married in England, The Execution­ers dexterity. and had corrupted some citizens of Antwerp with hereticall opinions. When the Executioner brought him to the stake to be burned, suddenly as the faggots were kindling, a showre of stones (cast from what hands was not known) fell upon the place; the Hangman seeing his own danger if he stay­ed, yet resolving not to leave the condemned man to the people, whipped out his sword, and when he was half burned, killed him: then leaping down among the souldiers, saved himself in the crowd. The mutineers thus de­feated of their hopes, gave over for the present; either unable to master the souldiers, or conceiving they should stir to no end, the prisoner being dead. Yet,The people mu­tiny. the next day, some of them lighting upon a woman, who (they said) first discovered Fabricius, they made a ring about her, railed and threw stones at her; and had killed her, but that she fled and hid her self in a neighbours house. The same day Verses: were posted up in the Market-place, writ in bloud, to this effect. That there were in Antwerp some that vowed shortly to re­venge Fabricius his death, whereof vvhen the King had knovvledge (perhaps vvith some addition to the truth and manner) he severely commanded his sister,25 Novem. not to let crimes of that nature escape long unpunished. And her Excellence causing one of the stone-casters to be hanged (for the rest,They are quieted as they vvere all of the basest sort of people, vvere either fled the Tovvn, or lay there concealed) quieted the City for the present, rather by Terrour, then Punishment. But at Bruges, the very Senate offended at the same time far more contumaciously;The Senate of Bruges affront the Inquisitour. if vve credit a Spanish Monk, vvho lay then pri­vately in Bruge [...], and sent intelligence into Spain. Septemb. 10 For the Inquisitour by his Deputy (the Pretour of the Tovvn delaying to assist him for fear of the Senate) had sent an Heretick to prison, guarded by three Officers, the Se­nate presently commanded those Officers to be seized, and committed them close prisoners, to be kept vvith bread and vvater, till themselves had spo­ken vvith the Governess, and this vvas proclaimed by the Crier in the Mar­ket place, the Heretick in the mean time being released; a grievous vvrong both to Religion, and to the Inquisitour. The Senate did not in very hum­terms acknovvledge their contempt; but posting to the Governess, com­plained to her of the tumult that undoubtedly vvould have been raised by the Inquisitour, in a City that vvould not suffer the Breach of any of their Priviledges: if they themselves, peradventure by a sharp, but yet by a safe remedy, had not opportunely pacified the peoples minds. What vvas done herein by the Governess,Novem. 25. or vvhat she ansvvered to the King, after she received his letters by the Monk, I find not.

These and the like attemps (as I conceive) moved the Governess to con­sult,Of the Councel of Trent. how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys (some of which were not yet clearly ex­pounded) might be there observed. For the King having many times wrote letters to her, wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks bold­nesse, and the connivence of the Bishops: and having commanded his fa­thers Edict to be revived, which had long lyen dormant, the judgement be­ing [Page 85] translated to Ecclesiasticall persons, The Governess replyed, that al­though it would be very seasonable, in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places, then timerous in them; yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed, if the Coun­cell of Trent were received: by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall. Besides that,The dilig [...]nce used by Pius iv. to get is to be received. when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred six­ty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel,Which was rea­dily done by King Philip. earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes, it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent: not onely out of his Ma­jesties native piety, but likewise because that Councell was called at the re­quest of his father Charles the fifth,1536. when he was at Rome: Paulo iii. Pont. and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheri­tance.

But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain, The difference between the Pope and King. Onuph. Pan. in Pio iv. Adrian. l. 8. Hist. Thuan. l. 35. Hist. and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys; something happened at Rome; which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope, and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain, or the Low-countreys. For there was an acciden­tall Dispute in the Councel of Trent, whether the French or Spanish Embas­sadour should take place;About the Spa­nish Embassa­dours place. Which began at the Councel of Trent. this would not indure the other should precede him, nor would he suffer this to his equall. The controversie was for that present time composed, the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest. But when the Councel was ended, upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome; And being there composed, Was revived at Rome. that the precedencie might be determined, Pope Pius, it being in re odiosa, first began to put it off, and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest: finally, he per­swaded them severally and in private, to referre the cause wholly to the sa­cred Colledge of Cardinals; in the mean time, they were to forbear the cere­monie of coming to the Popes Chappell; The Pope not willing to de­termine it. Puts it off to the Cardinals. his Holinesse supposing the con­trary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time, and free him of the necessitie, and so of the envie, of giving sentence. For, as he said very handsomely, a Prince should imitate Iupiter who (according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers) hath two kinds of thunder-bolts, the prosperous he himself useth to shoot, but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods. Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed, they are like horses at full speed, hard to be stopped; and both the Embassadours took it ill, that the Pope so delayed them, especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident, who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized, especially fearing least the contention might be end­ed now, as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court, where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns; which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Empe­rours Court; and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome. But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be in­termitted,At last he ex­plains himself. Whereupon the Spanish Em­bassadour in a fury leaves Rome. at last, upon the sacred day of Pentecost, commanded, that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place. Whereat Reque­senes, in a fury, after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name; by his Majesties command left Rome. This bu­sinesse held many in suspence,This Accident troubled many. Especially the Governesse. what king Philip would do, particularly con­cerning the Councel of Trent, which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions; and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma, [Page 86] because she governed the Low-countreys, which among all his Ma [...]esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks: and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there. The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters, and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks; and some were absolutely of opinion, the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys.The Hereticks rejoyce in hope the Councel of Trent will ne­ver be received in the Low-countreys. But they were deceived. This rejoyced the Hereticks, who jeered the wisdome of the Pope, that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard, by whom if the Councel were refused, what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent. Though some upon the same premises, concluded otherwise, and said, the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear: nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie, or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protecti­on: which if he should do, the French would not fail to undertake it, if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it.August 6. And behold, Letters came from King Philip, which acquainted the Governess, that the Dispute was ended, but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause, or his observance to the Pope deserved. That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome,A letter from the King of­fended with the Pope. where he might not appear with honour, that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse: but for the pub­lick, or his service and obedience to the Pope. and the holy Apostolick See, from which he would never depart, he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco, Pa­tron of the Spanish at Rome, with whom she should hereafter transact all bu­sinesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion: for defence whereof, as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys, it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever. Yet carefull to establish the Councel of Trent. And indeed the King having thus declared him­self, she would easily have brought it in, if she had not stumbled at the threshold.The Governess doubts whether some Decre [...]s of the Councel are not to be excepted in the promulgation. The Senate would have it so. For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls, and of the greatest Cas [...]ists in the Universities: and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate; they voted against the Councel, and advised her not to propound the Decrees, containing certain heads repugnant to Mo­narchy and the Priviledges of the Subject, unlesse the said heads were ex­cepted. And this they urged more freely and peremptorily, because they imagined, such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King, which, under the pretence of liberty, served the Princes ends, and yet exc [...]sed the Prince from any fault. But the King, whom the Governess in every thing consulted,But the King will not. liked it not: and therefore made answer, It was not his pleasure in propounding the Councel to his Subjects any thing should be excepted, lest Rome,Septemb. 30 Novem. 25 a Citie apt to prejudicate, should from thence have matter of censure, and other Christian Princes, that looked upon Spain, occasion of imitation. For that which is said in the Councel, touching Sovereignty and Subjection, was sufficient­ly considered, when the publishing thereof was disputed in Spain, where all those difficulties were discussed. And as at that time no exception was taken, but the Councel absolutely proposed, onely with a little moderation to be used in the pra­ctice: so it should be in the Law-countreys, whither he had sent a copie of the Spanish Proclamation, that his Subjects, throughout all his Dominions, might obey him by one rule. The Governesse finds it difficult. The Governess according to his royall Mandate, beginning to be active, and indeavouring to put an end to what she had in the Nether­lands begun; how sad a commotion followed, in the end of the next year, when the people,1565. to the ruine of many, broke out into Rebellion, I shall in its due place commemorate.Count Egmont sent into Spain. In the mean time, the Governess seeing the [Page 87] difficulties of the Exchecquer and Religion to increase: and that she could get nothing of his Majestie by Letters, resolved to send some great man her Embassadour to the King, and looking upon Count Egmont, as one, that, besides the Nobilitie of his birth and his experience in the affairs of the Low-countreys, she did believe would have all things granted to his great and acknowledged merit: her Excellence designed, and in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred sixty five, with the advice of the Se­nate sent him into Spain. Feb. 15. And Count Egmont willingly undertook the im­ployment, because (as he said to the Governess and she informed the King) by the opportunity of this publick Embassage he should dispatch hi own private businesse with his Majestie. Having therefore received large instru­ctions, with the consent and hopefull exspectation of all, many of the No­bilitie for honours sake bringing him on the way, he set forward, the same day that Francis Hallevine Lord of Zeveghem returned from Germany, The Lord of Zeveghem sent to condole the death of the Emperour Maximilian. whi­ther he was sent by the Governess, in the name of King Philip, to the Empe­rour Maximilian, his Empresse, and the Princes of Germany; to condole the death of his father, that religious Prince the Emperour Ferdinand, which the Emperour Mazimilian took extreme kindly, and made great promises of service to his uncle.

At this time the Prince of Orange had,The Princesse of Orange brought a bed of Prince Maurice. by Princesse Anne of Saxony, ano­ther sonne called, by the name of the Prince Electour her father, Maurice. This is the Prince Maurice whom we must often mention, not without the commendations of a valiant and cautelous Generall, who (being chosen by the States Confederate in the place of his father lately killed) after he had for two years commanded the Hollanders as a Prince, though by another name, which is commonly the end of long Governments; dyed of grief, con­ceived at the siege of Breda, Feb. 15. when he saw, it must inevitably be taken. The Governess wrote to the King,Christened with Catholick rites by hereticall Godfathers. that the child had all the Orthodox rites of Baptisme: but that which most troubled her was, on his Christening day they delivered him in tutelage to the Prince Electour Augustus Duke of Sa­xony and Philip Landgrave of Hessen, both Lutheran Princes: in whose names, two Lords, infected with the same heresie, were his Godfathers. For even in this likewise, the Prince of Orange, who alwayes acted two parts, had something Catholick and something Hereticall, to please both sides, still attending their severall fortunes as a neuter.

In the letters, the Dutchesse informed the King,Of the conference of K. Charles of France and the two Queens at Baion. what jealousies and re­ports were raised by the message which she had communicated to the Se­nate, touching the meeting, that was to be upon the borders of Aquitaine, between Katharine of Medi [...]es Queen-mother of France, governing that nati­on joyntly with the King;Feb. 3. and her daughter Isabella Queen of Spain. For King Philip, For which the King of Spain gave reasons to the Belgick Lords. And to the Princes of Eu­rope. by his letters, had commanded his sister to assure the Low-countrey Lords, that nothing more was intended by that interview, then the satisfaction of King Charles and his mother, being in their progresse come so near the confines of Spain. To the same purpose, he either wrote or sent Embassadours to most of the Princes of Europe, not so much as any Lord of Italy, or Spain, or any one Minister of State, but was by instructi­ons from King Philip acquainted with the occasion of that conference.Yet many were jealous. Yet all this took not away the Low-countreymens fears and jealousies, but ra­ther increased them;Especially the Hereticks. many, especially Hereticks being apt to believe, that the Queen mother did not this out of love to her daughter, but to lay the foundation of some great design against the hereticall factions, and the dis­turbances of both Kingdoms: which they suspected the rather, because it was [Page 88] rumoured, King Philip would be there in person. And indeed when Queen Isabella moved him,Who were trou­bled the more fearing King Philip would be at the Confe­rence. to add to their contentment his presence; I find by his letters to the Governess, that he was pretty well inclined to the iourney: though she diswaded him, and said it was below the Majesty of so great a Prince, to trust himself to the power of the French, at that time, when part­ly the French Kings minority,Why the Go­vernesse dis­swaded his coming. partly the condition of a Quen-regent, made the subjects so contumacious towards their Governours. Yet his Majesty replyed, that if he were sure his presence were necessary for the good of Re­ligion, he was resolved, for Gods cause, to decline no trouble or danger whatsoever.March 3. Yet consenting to the going of his Queen,Duke of Alva. and commanding Ferdinand Count of Toledo and Duke of Alva to wait upon her, and pre­sent, in his name, to the King of France, the Order of the Golden-fleece, he himself went not:Why King Phi­lip was not present. either diverted by many cares,Septemb. 17 having then (as he wrote to the Governess) received intelligence that the Turk besieged Malta: or else, to give his resolutions with greater authority at a distance; which, I suppose, was the cause why he left it not in his wife's power to determine any thing,Various reports touching the conference at Baion. before she had, by her letters advised with him. But at this en­terview, so highly celebrated in the writings of all Scholars, even of the Poets themselves, when in so great state and glory, King Charles and the two Queens met at Baion, the French sleighting the Spanish pride, with greater pride; all that was concluded, the more secretly it passed, onely in presence of the Duke of Alva; with the more confidence, do some writers (as if they had a blank before them) fill up the space with wit, and de­duce from hence, strange secrets of State. Omitting such divination, out of the letters,Septemb. 25 which I have,What they con­sulted of. written in King Philips own hand, to his sister about that conference, this I know. The Queen of Spain for divers weighty reasons (no doubt by the command of King Philip) had desired her Bro­ther, and Mother, whom it nearly concerned to preserve Religion then great­ly indangered in France, and they, very well affected to the cause, had laid their designes; the Queen Regent by the by propounded some Marriages, wherein she would have ingaged her Daughter, but the Queen of Spain, and the Duke of Alva returned thereunto no absolute answer, reserving the finall determination of all things to King Philip. Lastly, upon occasion of an Embassadour sent from Soliman the Turkish Emperour to renew the league between King Charles and him, the French spake of renouncing the said League, and that their King should joyn with King Philip and the Em­perour against the common enemie. But this, though it was opportune, took no effect, the Queen of Spain declining all overtures, but onely, con­cerning Religion: which she, at the Duke of Alva's earnest motion, again commending to them, after they had imbraced and kissed, they took their leaves.The Hereticks very much af­fraid Thuan. l. 36. Hist. The Hereticks (that guessed at their intentions) exceedingly fear­ing, lest by the meeting of these Princes, as by the conjunction of malevo­lent Starres,An Herre [...]a l. 12. c. 1. in the Life of Philip 11. and others. was portended some fearfull storm that would fall upon their heads. And indeed that great massacre of the Hugonots, which seven years after was acted at Paris, was they say plotted at this meeting, which I will neither denie, nor affirm.The massacre at Paris thought to be designed at this meeting. Though I am rather inclined to believe, that the mutuall succours which since this time we see have been often sent, by the French into the Low-countreys, and from thence into France, against the Rebells to Religion and their Prince, together with the marriage five years after solemnized by King Charles and Elisabeth daughter to the Emperour Maximilian, were concluded at this conference. For King Philip, in the fore-mentioned letter, gives an intimation of mutuall assistance to be from [Page 89] thenceforth given, to expell heresie out of their Kingdomes: and plainly faith, the Queen had not directly declared her self against the marriage, but left a door open to a new consulation; since in regard of their tender years, the young Prince and Princesse (he being but fifteen, and Princesse Elisa­beth eleven) might very well stay a good while before they married.

In the beginning of March, C. Egmont ar­rives in Spain. Count Egmont came to Madrid, contrary to the exspectation and command of his Majestie, who would have had his journey put off;Feb. 15. I suppose, because the Governess had informed him that the Count was willing to go, in hope of his private advantage. Yet the King received him very graciously, answerable to the quality of so noble a person, and so great a Generall, famous for many victories: and often with good approbation heard him move for relief to the publick necessities of his Countrey. Nay, when he descended to his particular affairs, the King granted his suit, almost in every thing. Finally,The Kings An­swer and Com­mands. his Majestie gave him large instructions in writing for answer to the Governess, and that he might resolve upon more certain grounds he advised, in that which concerned Religion, with Divines,April 2. which to that purpose waited on him. In that Assembly of learned men,Having first consulted the Divines, In this manner. I have heard one that was present, say, The pietie of the King was admirable: For having summoned the greatest Schoolmen and Ca­suists, and demanding their opinions touching the Libertie of Conscience which some Low-countrey Towns so earnestly petitioned for: when many of them considering the present condition of the Low-countreys, said, That for the avoiding of a greater evil, much to be feared, in Cities ready to re­volt and shake off Obedience to their Prince, and to the Orthodox Faith, his Majestie might, without offending God, allow his subjects the free exer­cise of their Religion; He replied, That he sent not for them to instruct him, whether such a Permission were lawfull, but whether it were necessary. And when they told him, they saw no necessity; then the King, in their pre­sence, kneeling before a Crucifix; And I, said he, pray and beseech thy Di­vine Majestie, thou King of all men, O God, that thou wilt please to keep me al­wayes in this mind, that I may never care, that the men which deny thee for their Lord, may either be, or be called my Subjects: and then he opened his determi­nation concerning Religion in those Letters, which I told you were de­livered to Count Egmont. His Majesty checks C. Eg­mont, for the Cognizances de­vised to affront Granvell. But before he had his dispatch, the King dealt plainly with him, That he was not a little offended at the last conspiracie of the Lords, when they gave the Coats and Cognizances, wherein they aenigmatically threatned Cardinal Granvel, that especially Eg­mont (reputed the Authour of that invention) might therein have shewn, if not more fidelity, at least more discretion.Egmont excu­ses himself, But Count Egmont faithfully assured his Majesty, that it was mere mirth, and childish sport at table, to make a jest to laugh at in their cups, not to be feared by any man: that done, he omitted not to accuse the Cardinall as the principall cause thereof,And accuses the Cardinall. because he daily mustered those of his faction against the Nobility, and therefore deserved to be requited with the like Assemblies. Yet in these meetings (and this he often confirmed by oath) they did not so much as think of any thing contrary to their sincere Allegiance to his Majesty: Nay, if he had found any of their party an Enemy to the King; he himself would have been first, though he were his own brother, that should have stabbed him to the heart. This Discourse having passed between the King and Count Eg­mont (of all which the King by a private Letter certified the Governess): Instructions were given to the Count thus indorsed; Instructions of those things which thou, Prince of Gavera, Count of Egmond, our Cousen, and [Page 90] Counsellour in affairs of the Empire, art commanded in our Name, to communicate to Our Sister the Dutchess of Parma.The Kings in­structions deli­vered in writing to Count Eg­mont. The summe of his large Instructions was this: At his arrivall in the Low-countreys, after he had saluted the Go­verness from the King, and returned her his royall thanks for her good Go­vernment of those Provinces, and for sending into Spain the fittest man to negotiate for the Low-countreys; he was to deliver her this answer from his Maiesty:For preservation of Religion. That in the first place he was struck with unutterable grief, to hear of the growth of Heresie; and that he was firmly resolved, and would have the whole world know, that he would not suffer it within his Domi­nions, though he were to die for it a thousand times. Therefore he desired the Governess to call a Senate extraordinary, to which divers Bishops should be summoned, particularly Rythovius Bishop of Ipres, with the like number of Divines, and such Counsellours as stood best affected to Religion and their Countrey. The pretended occasion should be to examine the Councel of Trent; but the reall meaning to find out an Expedient, how the people might be kept in their ancient Religion;For destruction of Hereticks. how their children might be virtu­ously bred up at School; how to proceed in punishing Hereticks, by some other course, that might take off the odium: not that he meant to pardon them (for that he neither resolved to do, neither did he think it would be acceptable to God, or safe for Religion;) but that he might in their deaths prevent all hope of glorying, which was the cause of their impious and wil­full sufferings. Moreover the Senate was to be so ordered, that the Councel of Estate was to superintend the other two Councels of Law and the Trea­sury,For regulation of the Councel. but nothing to be concluded, before the Governess knew thei [...] Reso­lutions and Reasons. This vvas the Effect of his Majesties Letters, deli­vered to Count Egmont. April 2. But he wrote others to the Governess, wherein he gave her to understand, That it pleased him not, that the Authority of the Senate (wherein sate the principall Lords of the Low-countreys) be in­larged, which both straitens the power of the Governess; and might open a way for divers great men, enriched by the Treasury, to change (as from other hands was intimated) the present form of Government.For disposall of the moneys sent by his hand. He likewise com­manded Count Egmont to let the Governess know, That his Majestie remem­bred the necessities of the Netherlands, which she had so often moved him in: and therefore sent her, part in ready money, part in Bils of Exchange, 60000 Ducats to pay the common souldiers, and 200000 to be distributed among the Garrisons; and for the Governours of Provinces, and the Magistrates pensions 150000, and that he would have returned her more, for the forti­fying of Towns, and disbanding of souldiers, if he had not been in many places to provide for his Fleet against the Turk. But some of this money could not be got of the Bankers, because they were not satisfied in Spain. Lastly, commending the integrity of his Judges and Officers, he put the Governess and his Subjects of the Low-countreys, For signification of his Majesties intended journey thither. in hope, that he would make a voyage thither, purposely to hear their Grievances, and in person to redresse them. The same day that his Majestie gave these Letters to Count Egmont, Prince Alexan­der Farneze delivered by the King to Count Egmont, who is to conduct him into the Low-countreys. he called in Alexander (sonne to Octavio Farneze and Mar­garet of Austria, Princes of Parma and Piacenza) and delivered him to Count Egmont with these words; Among other things which thou art to carry to the Governess, I trust thee likewise with this Youth: do him those services, which the Sonne to my Sister, and your Governess deserves. Count Egmont kissing the Kings hands again for this speciall favour, departed the more pleased, be­cause it would add to the Governesses joy, for the success of his Embassage, that he should bring her sonn, a happiness she had long desired. Indeed it [Page 91] rejoyced her very much; for when she saw her sonne Alexander, so well bred, so lively spirited,The Governesses joy upon the sight of her son. And news of a Match intended him by the King yet tempered with such gravity, as became one that had been educated in so great a Court, under his uncle King Philip; she received infinite satisfaction. Especially for that Count Egmont, together with her Sonne brought her the news of a Marriage intended him by the King. Whereupon the Steward of her House, the Lord Theuloi, was purposely sent into Spain, April 30. to give his Majestie most humble thanks, for his Royall fa­vours conferred upon her, and her husband the Duke of Parma, by de­signing such a wife for their Sonne.

King Philip had been moved about a match for Prince Alexander four years before.Of Marriages treated for Prince Alexan­der. His Father Octavio was inclined to marry him to the Sister of Alphonso Duke of Ferrara, Daughter to Hercules the second and Renè Daughter of Lewis the twelfth of France; because he thought it would be a great support to his Power,Duke Octavio would match him to the Duke of Ferrarars sister. to joyn in alliance with Princes so near neigh­bours to him; and he said,His reasons. (which I believe he had from Charles the fifth) That as in the Globe of the Earth and Sea, the Moon is more predominant then most of the Starrs, not because she hath a greater, but a nearer influence; so we should think of our neighbours. And he maintained this opinion, as I suppose, more fervently, because about that time Pope Pius the fourth challenged the Principality of Camertio, which he entended to bestow upon Frederick Borromeo, his Sisters sonne, lately married with his consent, to the Noble Lady Virginia Ruveria Verana. Octavio therefore, weighing, in case this dispute might beget a War, how much it concern'd him to be in amity with the Duke of Ferrara, held it very convenient to make up this Marri­age. Nor did the Governess disapprove of the designe;The Governess is of the same mind. but in her husbands and her own name, wrote about it to the King. But he, either because he would have no affinitie with a Duke of the French Faction; or because he had thought of another Wife for him,Octob. 1. and had already shewed himself in it; answered the Governess in these words.1560. ILLUSTRIOUS Princess, The King dis­sents. long since when I resolved upon the Treaty of a Marriage for your Sonn and my Alexan­der (for I esteem him as mine own Sonn) with the Daughter of our Uncle the 1565. Emperour Ferdinand;and names ano­ther. I did assure my self, it would be very well received by you, Sister, and by the Duke your Husband. Nor have your Letters altered my Opinion, Decem. 9. or what was said to me by Ardinghell in favour of the match with Fer­rara.1560. She that I have designed him, His Majesties Letter. is Daughter to an Emperour, and our kins­woman. The Duke of Ferrara's Sister and Prince Alexander are of years so dis­proportionable, that it may cause disagreement. Indeed I commend the Duke of Parma, that seeks the friendship of his neighbours, by desiring to match into this family, but he ought likewise to consider, that so long as he hath me for his Brother and Protectour, no man dare presume to trench upon him. As he may well perceive by the late change of things, when Pius the fourth gave over his attempt. For after I had taken care to inform his Holiness of my resolutions, and how I am obli­ged in honour both now and for ever, to maintain the Rights of the Farnezes: he answered me, He would not onely forbear to molest the Duke, but would be as much a Patron to his Family, as I my self. But though I have commanded Ardinghel to signifie this to the Duke; yet out of my brotherly love, I could not but acquaint you with it, that I might satisfie the near relation of our bloud, 1565. and likewise desire you to insert this my determination in your Letters to your Husband: The King upon further conside­ration proposes Mary Princess of Portugall. The Offer is em­braced. and with all pos­sible speed to let me know both your resolutions. But while the Father and Mo­ther remained in suspence, and knew not which of these matches they should wish [...] the one being more noble, the other more advantageous; the King up­on second thoughts, pitched upon Mary Princess of Portugall, Daughter to [Page 92] Prince Edward and Isabella of Briganze, Niece to King Emmanuel; and by his Letters sounding the inclination of the Duke and Dutchess;Edward bro­ther to Iohn the III. son to Emmanuel. the Match was at once propounded by the King, and approved of by all parties: For at that time, the name of Portugal was glorious, a great part of the Earth being dis­covered by their religious and fortunate Souldiers. And King Philip was not onely descended from this House of Portugall, by his Mothers side, be­ing Sonn to Isabella, and therefore Nephew to Emmanuel; but he himself, almost twenty years before, married into this Family, to Mary Daughter to Iohn the third,Her Nobility both by Father and Niece to Emmanuel. It was therefore thought an high honour to the Farneze's, that one of King Emmanuels Nieces should be mar­ried to King Philip, and the other to Alexander Prince of Parma. Especially because She and King Philip were Brothers and Sisters children, and Mary of Portugal was in the same degree of bloud, both to King Philip and his Queen:And Mother. besides, by her Mother she was of the noble familiy of the Brigan­zes, which had often match'd with the Bloud-royall of Portugal, and kept a House like a Kings Court. But Prince Alexander was farre more in love with the Beautie and Virtue of the Ladie, then with the Merits of all her Ancestours.

The fame of this Princely Virgin was spread through Spain, and most de­servingly;Princesse Ma­ries peculiar commendations. Her wit and learning. for she had such an understanding that it was reported, there was nothing she did not comprehend. She spake Latine fluently, and very well. She was a pretty good Grecian; not ignorant of Philosophy, and excellent in the Mathematicks. So versed in Scripture, that she could readily turn to any Text in the Old or New Testament.Sanctity of life. But above all, she was admired for innocency and holiness of life. Nothing pleased her so much in her hours of retirement, as the contemplation of things Divine. And in her familiar discourse, she often quoted short Maxims out of the Bible, or the Fathers; wherewith in the day time while she was at work, she sweetly offer­ed up her heart to God.Childish exerci­ses. Indeed she never put her hand to sowing, either nee­dle-work or imbroyderie, but onely to adorn the Altar, and for the use of the poor,Modesty. that she might in both, adorn and cover Christ himself. Touching her modesty, she was not onely carefull but proud of it, and said, Though women were to conceal their other virtues, yet they might glory in their Chastity. There­fore she forbare all publick Shews and Entertainments:Care to preserve it. as often as her Pa­rents and the King her Uncle would dispense with her absence. And in read­ding of the Poets, though she was very much taken with their wit, yet she looked upon them with great fear, lest she might encounter any amorous passages: and once, when she had took up Francesco Petrarch, and had run over a few of his Verses, she threw him out of her hands. For the same reason she could not be induced to let any Courtier lead her; or to lean upon their arms or shoulders, the common garb of great Ladies, either out of pride, or to be the better supported, going in high Chopines. These, and many other virtues, commended the Match with Mary Princess of Portugal. The Governess therefore, loosing no time after her Sonn Alexanders co­ming: sent the Royall Fleet well manned to sea,The Low-coun­trey Fleet sent to transport the Bride. and made Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt, a great Commander, Admirall, sending with a noble train of Lords and Ladies onely the Count himself with his Lady, Mary of Momorancy, sister to Count Horn, and his sonn Charles Mansfeld. Weigh­ing Anchors from Vlushen in August, about the beginning of September he arrived at Lisbon, 14 day. Who left Portu­gal nobly atten­ded. and not long after, the Bride, attended by many of the Portugall Nobility went aboard, but would not suffer them to hoyst sail, till she had sent for the Portugeses a shipboard, and desired a Priest of the Soci­etie, [Page 93] who used to preach to her, and to hear her Confession, that he would arm her and the company with some Exhortations,Septemb. 21 as an Antidote to pre­serve them from Heresie,Sebastian Mo­rales after­wards Bishop of Japan. She is overta­ken with a storm at Sea. that had poisoned the Low-countreys, whither they were bound. Which being accordingly performed, by that eloquent and religious man, with a fair gale of wind they failed out of the Port. But when they were upon the main, the billows on a sudden growing angry, swelled, they knew not why, and the storm increasing, the other ships being scattered, onely one fell foul upon the Admirall that carried Princess Mary, and having sprung many leaks, the poor ship was left a miserable spectacle, the sea almost devouring her in their sight, and within hearing. But Princess Mary moved with the piteous cries and lifted-up-hands of the wretched drowning people p [...]esently called the Admirall,She pitties and helps the poor creatures ready to be drowned. Count Mansfield, and pray­ed him to vere to them, and take in as many men and women as he could possibly, before the Vessel sunk, and [...] many Christians should be cast a­way, whilest she looked on. The A [...]mirall told her it could not be done, without endangering her Highness, and the whole ship. The Marriners affirmed the same, particularly the Master, an excellent Pilot, but unskilfull in that Art of Navigation, which is directed by Divine hope. Then said the Princess: But I, mark what my mind presages, do hope in God, if we do our best to help them, that he will so graciously accept our endeavours, as it will please him of his Goodness, to help us all. And this she spake with such a sense of Pi­ety, and so sweet a look, that the Admirall durst not oppose her, but gave order for the ship to succour them, which struggling and crowding through the furious waves, at last came near them, and putting out her long Boat op­portunely saved them all; but the ship it self, out of which they escaped, having obeyed the Princesses command, a little while after sunk before their faces, onely one man being lost in her. Nay, the very hour that Princess Mary by Divine inspiration said, her mind presaged they should do well, the rage of the winds abaited, and the scattered Fleet came together again. Though within a few dayes, a new storm rising,Another tempest drives her upon the coast of England. She refuses to send her service to Queen Eli­sabeth. drave them upon the unhappy Coast of Britain, and forced them to put in at an English Harbour. Where whilst they lay for a wind, Count Mansfoldt thought it a fitting Civi­lity, to send some Noble person to present her service to the Queen of Eng­land, in whose Dominions they remained. But Princess Mary would not, she said; hold any correspondence with the Enemies of the Church. And though others pressed her to it very much, affirming that she might safely, upon such an occasion interchange common courtesies, she was constant to her first resolve; adding, that it was safest for her self, and best for the ex­ample of others. Yet beyond all exspectation, at the same time, she court­ed a noble hereticall Lady,She invites an English Lady. that came, among a multitude of the English, to see the fleet. For Princesse Mary casting an eye upon her,Begs her two sonnes of her. and two fine boyes, her sonnes which she brought with her, entertained her in a very friendly manner: and finding, by her discourse, that she was the Mother of many more children, she importuned the Lady to bestow these two upon her, promising that she her self would be such a Mother to them, as it should not repent her of the change. This she did, because (as she her self professed) she was not able to suffer such a pair of young Innocents, that looked like Angels, being corrupted with heresie, to be made Devils, and numbered among the slaves condemned to eternal torments. And although Princesse Mary could not prevail with the Mother,But is denied. in her suit for these boyes; yet a few years after, God gave her the same number of that sex: and it is probable that her desire of breeding up anothers children to be [Page 94] Gods servants,3565. was recompensed by God himself with as many children of her own.One of her ships fired acciden­tally. Nor will I omit a memorable passage, that happened in the same Port, where one of the Kings ships, by accident was set on fire, not farre from the Admirall where the Princesse was aboard. And while some strove to quench the flame, and some to save themselves, and their goods: she running out of her Cabin to the Prow, made a little stop, and said▪ Well, and shall I lose my box of sacred Reliques? presently the flame approach­ing near her,Her care greater for her Reliques then for her jewels. she ran back, and with a mighty courage plucked the box out of the Cabinet: either forgetting or despising the jewels it contained, to an infinite value. Presently returning again from her Cabin (for the furie of the fire was not yet asswaged) a Gentleman met her, and stepping in, with great reverence, took her by the arm, and beseeched her, whilst she might, to flie the danger. But she, casting a frown upon the man, said, Sir, you were best unhand me.For her soul then for her body. As if she [...] more fearfull to be touched by him, then by the flame: so, unsuppo [...], she went forward to the Prow, and the fire being presently extinguished, they set sail for the Low coun­treys.She lands in the Low countreys. About the beginning of November, the fleet arrived at Ulushing, where she was received, and attended, by such as the Governess had sent upon the sudden news of her landing:3. Day. that train being augmented by the horse and foot of the severall towns through which she passed, till she came to Bruxels. Is conducted to Bruxels. Where all sorts of people welcomed her with greater joy and gratulation, because they heard she had so difficult and dangerous a passage. Octavio Duke of Parma being,The Marriage solemnized on the Anniversary of the Institu­tion of the Or­der. a few dayes before, come out of Italy, pur­posely to be at his sonnes wedding; upon the next Saint Andrews day, ap­pointed by Philip Duke of Burgundy for the Anniversary feast of the Or­der of the Golden-fleece, which he instituted, and commended to the patro­nage of that Saint;Octob. 8. the Nuptials were celebrated at Bruxels, with such magnificence, as befitted the Neice to Emmanuel King of Portugall, 1430. and the Grand-sonne to the Emperour Charles the fifth; but likewise, with such Christian Pietie, as was exspected,Emmanuel K. of Portugall Paternall Grandfather to Princesse Mary Charles the fifth mater­nall Grand­father to Prince Alex. out of the opinion conceived of so reli­gious a Lady, and made good by her presence, beyond all imagination. Maximilian de Bergen, Archbishop of Cambray married them. The King of Spain was present by Didacus Gusman à Silva his Majesties Embassadour to the Queen of England; commanded, for this reason, to take the Low-countreys in his way: Embassadours of neighbour Princes were at the wedding to joy them from their Masters.The particular joy of the Knights of the Golden-fleece. All the Low-countrey Nobili­ty was there; the Knights of the Golden-fleece expressed a particular con­tentment, because about a hundred and fifty years before, their Order had been founded at the marriage of Duke Philip of Burgundy, with Isabella of Portugall, and now at the like marriage of this Princesse of Portugall, they revived the memory of that Day in all kind of shews and pleasures, seem­ing to forget their present discontents and factions. So great was the gal­lantry of the Lords, and they so taken up with revells.

But after the nuptiall feast was over,The Bride and Bridegroom leave the Low-countreys. and the Bride and Bridegroom de­parted from the Low-countreys: as if the Truce were ended, they fell to their differences again. The narration of which differences I shall wave a while, till I have, in reference to Princesse Mary, related some passages no­ble in themselves, but rendered more illustrious by her royall Bloud: and because they equally concern her husband Prince Alexander and his po­steritie,She is welcomed into Italy with great magnifi­cence. which we must often mention in the progresse of this History, there­fore it will be the best, in this place to summe them up together. Princesse Mary now come into Italy, was received with unusuall pomp and ceremo­ny. [Page 95] For drawing near to Parma she was met by two gallant troops,1565. one of Lords, the other of Ladies, her husband Alexander being in the head of that, and this led by his Aunt Vittoria Farneze, wife to the Duke of Urbin. On that side, such a multitude of horses, and on the other, such a world of Coaches, vying bravery and rich Liveries; that seldome hath been seen a more magnificent and glorious Show. But the Princesse,Her example re­forms Parma. after she had been the second time thus entertained, applyed her self to serious matters, her example and endeavours, in a few dayes changed the face of Parma. Her pious de­sign to beg a Son of God. And she her self many times having prayed to God for a Sonne to continue the name of the Farnezes, accidently conceived a hope, that if she took up some Orphan or beggar-boy, and bred him for Charity, she should compasse her desire. She therefore took up one in the street and bred him in her Court: and nine moneths after, she was delivered of Ranucio. She prayes for and obtains another. But her hope proving as fruitfull as her self, she resolved to beg of God another Sonne, that she might settle the house upon more pillars; and directing her prayer to our Lady,Ranucio Duke of Parma and Piacenza. in the Church called the Scala, Prince Alexander by chance coming thither, she turned to him, and said, Come, Sir, let us joyn our prayers to God, that in obedience to his Virgin-mother, he will gratiously please to give us another Sonne. They prayed together with great faith, and within nine moneths af­ter, she brought forth Od [...]ardo, Cardinall Odoardo. which was not the cause of greater joy in Prince Alexander, then it was of admiration and reverence towards his wife, at whose suit, God had given him both his Sonnes. From thenceforth, he more and more honoured her Sanctimonie;Prince Alexan­ders confidence in her prayers. insomuch, as at the battle of Lepanto, boarding the enemy, with more valour, then caution, and after­wards being reproved by Don Iohn of Austria, he replyed, He had at Home the Cause and Patronesse of his confidence. Indeed she spent the whole time of that warre in devotion and penance for her husband.The education of her children. But for her children, because she knew they were granted her by Gods speciall favour, she bent her study, while she lived, to season their tender years with divine precepts: and when she came to die, was not so earnest with her husband for any thing,Which she dy­ing commends to her Lord. Qu. Blanch with an excel­lent Prayer. as to be carefull of their education, using that very prayer to God, which she heard was made by the Queen of France, Mother to Saint Lewis, In this moment of time, which is my last, I pray and beseech thee, O Fa­ther of mankind, that if my children be inclined to commit any fouler crime against thee, 1577. thou wilt hasten their ends, and prevent their treason against thy Majesty. A prayer worthy all mother-Queens, that would have no children, but such as will acknowledge God, the Lord of all, to be their father, And so the eleventh year after her marriage, dyed Princesse Mary, no lesse admirable in her death,Her patience in the pangs of death. then in her life. For as in this, she was most nobly active, so in the other she was most undauntedly passive, the onely glory that remains for dying persons. Her patience, and the strong assaults of the Devil, di­vers, then present, have set down in writing. A little after her departure, in a private box within her Cabinet,The Form of her dayly exer­ [...]se penned by her self. was found a short Diary written by di­vine instinct with her own hand, containing the heads of her actions, every day, and almost every houre of her life. In which may be seen (for it is printed, and bound up with her life) what her judgement was, concerning Christian perfection; and how she applyed her self to that progressive rule, indeed so exactly, as the Houses of Portugall and Farneze may glory in the beauty of her mind: and the example of Princesse Mary, may be set for a pattern to all princely maids and wives.

And now,The Low-coun­treys in new trouble. to proceed with the businesse of the Low-countreys: The Go­vernesse had begun with great industry to execute the Kings commands, [Page 96] brought by Count Egmont out of Spain; but receiving new letters from his Majesty at Validolid; Iune 2. wherein he seemed to command the quite contrary to what he wrote by the Count; the Governesse, amazed, was at a stand: and Count Egmont excessively troubled in his mind,Count Eg­monts com­plaints. complained, That his au­thority & esteem would be lost among his enemies by that change of the Kings Coun­sell; as if he had delivered one thing, and the King enjoyned another; that it seemed the Kings Councellours were in a way, if they held on, to force the Low-countreys into the receiving any form of Government, rather then the present; though it were to put themselves in the power of the Germans, the French, or of the Devil himself. For his own part, he was resolved, if the King would not make good his determinations, to retire to his own house: and leaving his Go­vernment of Flanders, to testifie to the world by his absence, that Egmont had no hand in the troubles of his Countrey. Iuly 22. When the Governesse had writ this to the King as she had it, from the mouth of Count Egmont: three moneths after, she received an answer from his Majestie dated at Segovia, [...]n these words.Octob. 2. That it was a false allegation of those men, who affirmed he had com­manded any other thing in his dispatch of Count Egmont,His Majesties Letter touch­ing the punish­ment of Here­ticks. then in his late letters from Validolid, therefore to expresse himself more fully, In the first place, he would have the Anabaptists and other Hereticks put to death, of what families soever they were descended, and their punishment, neither remitted, nor them­selves reprieved. Since experience had sufficiently demonstrated that a violent and volatile disease, The Inquisi­tours. was but ill cured by indulgence or delay; Then, That he com­manded the Inquisitours of faith (a judicature neither new, nor unnecessary for the Low-countreys) to be every where with reverence retained, and assisted with all the power of the Dutchesse her self, and the Governours of the respective Provin­ces. And the Coun­cell of Trent. Lastly, because the Councel of Tre [...]t was now established in the Low-coun­treys, it was their duty to they the Decrees of the said Councell, and likewise the Imperiall and Royall Edicts. Moreover, he desired the Governesse that in the execution thereof, she would use her greatest care and industry: for asmuch as no one living could do any thing more acceptable to himself, or more advantagious to the Provinces. This was the summe of those letters, which the Prince of Orange charged with all the calamities that befell the Netherland. Out of which Heads the Go­vernesse con­ceives an Edict. And though the Governesse thought it a work of danger, to undertake so many things at once, and therefore wrote many letters to be [...]eech the King to ex­cuse her; yet she attempted it,Novemb. 9. and by her Proclamation, commanded all the King had enjoyned her; and advised the subordinate Governours, in these words, as appears by her Edict speedily sent to Ernest Count Mans­feldt, And sends it to the Gover­nours of Pro­vinces. Governour of Luxemberg, the rest being onely transcripts of the same. For asmuch as nothing is dearer to the King, then the peace of these Privinces; and that his Majesty desires to prevent the great evils wherewith we see many nations afflicted that change their Religion. Decem. 18. Therefore it is his Royall pleasure, A copie of the Edict. that the Edicts of his father Charles the fifth, and his own, with the Decrees of the Councel of Trent, as likewise of Provinciall Synods, be kept intirely. That all Favour and Assistance be given to the holy Inquisitours, and the Cogni­zance of Heresies left to them, unto whom it appertains both by divine and hu­mane Laws. This is the Kings command, who respecteth onely the Worship of God, and the good of his people; and hereof I give you notice, that you may, with­out exception, imbrace it your self, publish it to the Magistrates of your Province, and take speciall care, that no man, upon any pretence whatsoever, slight its due observation, you terrifying the con [...]umacious with those punishments specified in our letters annexed to the Edict. And that you do this with more facility; you shall chuse some one out of the Senate, to visit and superintend your Province, [Page 97] whether the Edict be punctually and justly observed by the Magistrates and the People: you your self, together with the Magistrate you make choice of, every quarter of a year, giving us an axact account of the premises. And it shall be our pa [...]t to endeavour that your pains may receive due recompence and advancement. In short, partly the care of these Edicts, partly of the late Marriage ended this yeare; which was the last of peace and happinesse that ever the Ne­therlands enjoyed.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The fifth Book.

NOw comes in a year,1565. memorable for the open conspi­racy of the Gentry, seconded by the mutiny of the people, and the turbulent counsels of the Lords, the furious incursion of Hereticks, Sacriledge; with ruine of Religion, and no lesse ignominy to the Authours. The Edict formed by the Governess, was sent and pub­lished in the Kings name, by the severall Governours of Provinces,What the Go­vernours of Pro­vinces conceived of the Edict proposed. but some of them first complained to her Excellence, pro­testing they were not able to govern the people with that severity enjoyned by the Edict. Nay, divers plainly told her, they would not be guiltie of burning five or six thousand men in their Provinces; whereof the Gover­ness advertised the King,Ianuary 9. warning him of the storm which she foresaw. The first signe and terrour of the Tempest lightened out of Brabant. For when the Chancellour of that Province had propounded the Kings Edict to the Brabanters (who have no other Governour but his Majesties Lieutenant over all the Low-countreys)Brabant first re­fuses to obey the Edict. immediately the chief Cities of the Nether­lands, Bolduc. that is, Lovain, Bruxels, Antwerp, and the Bus, assembling the Senate, and petitioning the Chancellour, very violently and angerly, desired that their Priviledges might not be violated, to which in regard the Judicature of the Inquisitours, and the Emperours Decrees were repugnant, they ought not to have been so easily proposed by the Chancellour, nor could they pos­sibly admit them. The Governess having notice of the Petition, command­ed it to be brought and read at the Councel Table. And though some held it a bold request, yet it was her pleasure, the Annals and Records of Brabant should be searched, especially the Commentaries of Francis Hulst a Braban­ter, who first executed the Office of Inquisitour in that Province. Upon sight whereof,Some condescen­sion made, but it gives no satis­faction. answer was made. That because from the year 1550, this kind of Inquisition was not used in Brabant, and that the King had declared his resolution, to innovate nothing, therefore it pleased his Majestie there should be no change within their Government; but onely that the Decrees of Charles the fifth should be in force, till it was otherwise ordered by the King. Which moderate Answer neither satisfied the Brabanters, that pro­mised [Page 99] themselves all their desires: and yet encouraged those of Flanders, to present such another Petition to the Governess. But her Excellence was by a speciall Messenger, ingaged in business of higher concernment. For she re­ceived fearfull intelligence from a man, till then unknown,Intelligence of many persons of quality in Bra­bant, that were to enter into a League against the Edict. but by the en­deavours of Christopher Assonvill, a worthy Senatour, privately admitted to her presence; That many noble persons of Brabant had entred into an As­sociation, in case the King should by force impose the Inquisitours upon their Province, that they would by force defend themselves: which confidence was built upon a privy confederation betwixt them and certain forreiners, principally Gaspar Colligny Admirall of France. Some such thing the Prince of Orange a little while after wrote from Leyden to the Governess.March 29. And the same was discovered to her by the Counts of Egmont and Megen, who said, The Conspiratours had privately issued out Commissions to Captains and Colonels; and that if need required, they had in a readiness above twentie thousand men: But what manner of Conspiracie this was, and the Original of it, I shall now demonstrate out of the Letters, which are in my custody, written by some that were purposely appointed to examine the matter of fact. For when the Governess, the year after this, by the Kings command sent certain persons, hastily to inquire in the respective Provinces, who they were that had raised or fomented this years tumults: they seized upon the Letters, Books, and Notes of many men, out of which compiling a Trea­tise, they informed his Majesty and the Governess, of the beginning and progress of this designe. And in discharge of what I have undertaken, partly from thence, partly from other Records, I borrowed this which in short I shall deliver to you.

Long before the bloudshed of this year 1566,1550. some of the Nobilitie of the Low-countreys,The Originall of the Low-coun­trey mens con­spiracy, some Noblemens sons bred up Here­ticks abroad. in particular some young Lords (none of which I can readily name, but onely Lewis of Nassau, brother to the Prince of O­range) sojourning for a long time at Geneva, and such like Towns, were ea­sily intrapped by the Hereticks. For they had onely been so far instructed in Religion, as might serve to keep them Catholicks at home; but not a­broad to teach them, if they should be circumvented, how to distinguish truth from falsehood; and truly no man ought to come near infected per­sons, without a Preservative about him. These young Noblemen there­fore having been new-catec [...]ed by Hereticks,Which coming home wish for liberty of Con­science. when they returned to their Countrey, often spake in commendation of forrein Religions, and libertie of conscience: and found the people intentive and inquisitive after new Do­ctrines. Nor did many of the Merchants wish a greater happiness,The Merchants are of the same mind. then this Liberty: for themselves were inveigled with the like strange opinions, and consequently would have no one for Religion to be barred free Traffick. These joyning their Counsels, plotted,They consult to­gether. for which they had divers examples, by degrees to shake from the shoulders of their Countrey, the yoke of the Catholick Faith, that would not suffer any other doctrine to predominate within their Cities. This designe,When they first set afoot their Designe. I collect, was laid in the year 1559, when King Philip, resolving to return to Spain, commanded that his Fathers and his own Edicts (which during the Wars could not) should now be strictly observed. Which happening in that conjunction of time, when the Prince of Orange advised the Low-countrey men,Falling just up­on the point of time, whilst the Prince of O­range endea­voured to expell the Spanish. to petition for disbanding the Spa­nish souldiers, lest by their means the Spanish Inquisition should forcibly have been imposed upon them (as he himself hath left recorded in his Apology) I do not think it improbable,1581. that the Prince of Orange might be privie to matters then in agitation: Yet I believe not, that upon the first conference [Page 100] of the Nobility and Merchants,3566. any thing was certainly pitched upon,For a long while they are quiet. Vpon accasion of the Councell of Trent, they shew themselves. or the form of a Confederation conceived in writing, Nor is it likely, that a Conspiracy of many persons, should for six years lie undiscovered. But then the seeds of Rebellion were onely sown, which afterwards in the year 1564, when Cardinal Granvell went into Burgandy, sprung up by occasion of the Councel of Trent, as I am well assured out of the said Notes and Let­ters.1564. Moreover, in that year 64, those Gentlemen and Merchants which met about it, knowing that so great a weight could not be supported with­out arms, determined to try the Hereticall Princes of Germany, either to get their assistance, or at lest to have some colour for using of their names to aw the Governess and her Party.And have r [...] ­course to the Princes of Ger­many, For this cause they sent Agents into Germany, which had secret conference with the Prince Electour Palatine, and brought all their transactions to Egidius Clerus, a Lawyer of Tournay imployed by Lewis of Nassau, and lying at Ausburg onely for this purpose, as appears by many Letters and Pamphlets of his writing.About the be­ginning of 1565. Whence it may be conjectu­red, that Prince Lewis himself was at the same time in Germany, soliciting the same business. Which though it was concealed with wonderfull s [...]lence, till the end of the year 653 yet in the beginning of 66, when the Edicts con­cerning the holy Inquisitours,After Promul­gation of the Edict they grow tumultuous, Printing Libels. with the Decrees of Charles the fifth, and of the Councel of Trent were Proclaimed, which were by many accounted great grievances; then the Conspiratours, pretending to maintain the Li­berty of the Subject, with incredible dexterity scattered Libels over all the Provinces (to the number of five thousand,April 3. as the Governess afterwards wrote to the King) jeering, cursing,And Books a­gainst the Inqui­sition, to stir up the people. and railing at the Spanish Inquisition, and advising the people; Not to enslave themselves to Tyranny, which all Nations, and as it were the generall consent of Mankind resists. That the Inquisition was not introduced at Rome without a tumult; what then should be done in the Low-countreys, armed with so many Priviledges against any Innovation whatsoever. Fears and Jealousies were increased by preparation for a war,They are trou­bled with fears and jealousies. made in Spain by the King: wherein the Duke of Brunswick, Pay-master-generall for his Majestie in the Low-countreys, was very active. The design was commonly reported to intend the establishment of this new Judicature in the Low-countreys.Brunswick. Though the Duke (as afterward it was evident) levied men one­ly to defend his own towns amidst the tumults then threatning the Low-countreys;K. Philip. the King, to supply Malta, and to oppose the Turk in other pla­ces Yet when the Governess went about to perswade the multitude, she found it Labour in vain; the Hereticks disputing against her, and affirming That it was the ordinary trick of State, to pretend war for one place, and fall upon another. So that many men openly professed, they would fell their houses and land, and seek their Countreys lost Libertie in forrein Nati­ons.They threatning­ly inveigh a­gainst the Kings Edict. At publick meetings, in the Market place, and upon the Exchange, divers men were heard boldly to say, that against the crueltie of the Kings Edict, they onely wanted a Generall; which if once they should have, they would make the King leave meddling with the Priviledges of the Low-coun­treys. The multitude thus storming, the Lords neutrall or wavering, and the Hereticks, that were in danger of the Edict, stirring them up to muti [...]ie, the Conspiracie was ripened.Which matures Rebellion. The Governess to the King.

Nine Lords, that were not Officers of State,March 25 at Breda, a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange, An Ingagement signed. subscribed and propounded unto the rest a confe­deration penned by Philip Marnixius Lord of Saint Aldegund, long since corrupted and now a corrupting Calvinist. In the Preamble, they inveigh­ed against the Inquisition, which being contrary to all Laws divine and hu­mane, [Page 101] farre exceeded the cruelty of all former Tyrants.The summe of the Ingagement. The Lords declared their sense of this indignity, the care of Religion appertaining to them, as Coun­sellours born; and protested they entered into a league, to prevent the wicked pra­ctices of such as by these sentences of banishment and death, aimed at the fortunes of the greatest persons: they had therefore taken an holy oath, not to suffer the In­quisition to be imposed upon the Low-countreys: and prayed, that both God and Men might forsake them, if they ever forsook their Covenant,Which they cal­led, the Cove­nant. or failed to assist their Brethren suffering for the Cause. Lastly, that they called the Lord to witnesse, by this agreement they intended nothing but the Glory of God, the Kings honour, and their Countreys Peace. This is the summe of their League, which either for the interchange or multiplicitie of their promises was called the Covenant, and was afterwards printed, that it might be every where published, in di­vers languages: with this Title (according to the English copy) A tran­script of the Covenant signed by the Lords and Gentlemen of the Low-countreys,Its Title or In­scription. by reason of an attempt to impose upon them the Spanish Inquisition. Their Emissaries were forthwith dispatched to the severall Provinces, to acquaint them with what was resolved, and to court the people, which took exceed­ingly,Many take it. For at their Assemblies, many were so violent, as when they but heard the Spanish Inquisition named, not knowing any more of the matter, they set to their names.These first. The first that subscribed were Nicholas Ha [...]es He­rauld to the Knights of the Golden-fleece, commonly called Tosond' or, a prin­cipall instrument in the Conspiracy, Baronius Glibercius Lefdal servant to Count Egmont, Iohn Marnixiu [...] Lord of Tholose, March 24. Ghisell, Meinser, and Ol­hain, as Anderlech steward to Count Megen wrote to the Governesse. The number and quality of the rest cannot easily be described: they that took Catalogues of their names, varying them, as they supposed it would con­duce to the augmentation of the fame, They bragge of more. or extenuation of the fact. Indeed Hames bragged to Anderlech, whom he indeavoured to bring into the faction, that he had a roll of above two thousand noble persons names subscribed: But Anderlech abhorring the treason, not onely refused to sub­scribe, but thought it the duty of a good Subject, to discover their proceed­ings to the Governesse. And though he found her not ignorant of many of their names, and curious to know them all: yet he opened some things to her, wherewith as his familiar friends they had privately acquainted him. That, among others, the Duke of Cleve had signed the Covenant, with the Princes of Saxony, Count Suartzemberge, Gasper Colligny, and many others. Besides some Abbots of the Low-countreys, and certain Lords of the Or­der of the fleece. I cannot tell if this were given out to countenance the fa­ction, but I am sure the Rumour of the Duke of Cleve's Revolt soon va­nished, as that of the Companions of the Order increased;Some do it se­cretly or are but supposed to in­gage. and Count Megen that was one of the Colledge, told the Governesse, that two of his Col­leagues (whose names he knew not) with divers other Noblemen were joyned with the Conspiratours. But one of them might be well suspected; and the Prince of Orange, Of which num­ber was the Prince of O­range. expressed himself very sensible of mens opinions, for he complained in Senate, that he was commonly reputed one of the num­ber of the Covenanters; the other must be either Count Horn Admirall of Flanders, or Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat, Count Horn. Count Hoch­strat. as appeared by their conve [...]sa­tion, out of which men ordinarily draw conjectures. Nor doubt I but ma­ny others were reputed Abettors of the faction, (as, besides the above na­med, it was thought Elisabeth Queen of England might be one) though up­on no other argument,The Queen of England. but onely their severall interests in the troubles of the Low-countreys. For every one will allow of Cas [...]ians Maxime, That we [Page 102] may justly suspect those for Authours, that are advantaged by the design. But,Onely 400. Gentlemen de­clare. it were superfluous to inquire after dubious or concealed persons, when enow declare themselves, no fewer then four hundred of great quality, giving in their names: whereof almost one hundred were Hereticks, as Count Me­gen informed the Governesse: besides Merchants, and others of the vulgar sort,Which had four Protectours. not to be numbered. The chief of the Conspiratours were, Henry Count Brederod, Lewis of Nassa [...], Brother to the Prince of Orange, Florence Pallantius Count of Culemberg, a town in Holland, he himself being a Bur­gundian, and Willam de Bergen Count of Bergen in Gelderland, all of that youth and courage as animated them to high attempts; Brederod especially, who took place of them all: either for his antient Nobility, being descend­ed from the old Earls of Holland: or for the sharpnesse of his wit, which he used with great freedome against such as were in authority; and it was there­fore applauded by the people, and very usefull for the Mutineers. But the nobler and baser sort of the Party were not all of the same mind,All these Con­spiratours had not one aim. no [...] had the same ends, as it is usuall in actions of this nature, For some would rest quiet if the Pontifician Inquisitours were outed, and the penalties of the E­dicts qualified. Others had yet a further design, for the Liberty of Religi­on. Many cared neither for Religion nor the Edicts, but onely desired spoil and pillage. Lastly, there were some that had yet an higher reach, and aimed, by these troubles, to shake off their old Prince, and set up a new Go­vernment. But all of them pretended and petitioned for the taking away of the Inquisition, and a gentler execution of the Emperours Edicts against the Hereticks. And this Petition was presented in all their names to the Gover­nesse,March 15. who by her letters certified his Majestie, as well of the publick as private carriage of the conspiracy.The Governesses diligence to frustrate their designs. Moreover▪ as she was ignorant of no­thing that passed among them (for in their Cities and private houses her Spies, which are the ears and eyes of Princes, knew all they did, and gave her intelligence) so, making no shew of fear, she thought it best to strength­en her self, in case they should break out into Rebellion. She therefore minded the people of their duty by her Edict, the Magistrates by her let­ters, and she had her private, Confidents that viewed the towns and their Fortifications. She caused it to be reported that the King would shortly come in person. She sent Expresses post to the Spanish Embassadours resi­ding with the Emperour, the King of France, and Queen of England, to let them know what a conspiracy was set a foot in the Low-countreys, where­unto, as it was said the Germans, English, and French were the Incendiaries. Shortly, she omitted nothing, that might either expresse her knowledge of what was then plotted,She hath intel­ligence of their resolution to come to Bru­xels which frights her ve­ry much. or her courage to oppose it. At this time she had intelligence given her by Count Megen, That about the beginning of A­pril, some five hundred Gentlemen intended to come to Bruxels, and pre­sent her a Petition against the Inquisition, and the Emperours Edicts. Others told her (as commonly true reports are mixed with falsities) that the con­spiratours were resolved, unlesse she gave them audience, to bring their for­ces into the Town, and carry away the Governesse to Vilvord, there to de­tain her prisoner, till she had granted their desires. Which though a [...] first she laughed at, yet in the end (as it may be gathered by her letters) she doubted, whether it would not be safest for her to leave the Town, and re­tire to some place of strength. In the mean time,She summons a great Councel. she summoned a fuller Senate then ordinary, to meet upon the twenty seventh of March: not so much to hear their advices, as to sound their affections; and lest they might turn her enemies, whom she did not acknowledge to be her friends. Then [Page 103] writing new letters into Spain, she represented to his Majestie the present condition of the Low-countreys, complaining, that she had often foretold it, but never could be heard.

The Governours of Provinces, the Knights of the Golden-fleece, and the Lords of the privy Councell,April 3. met all upon the day appointed, and sate in Senate next day; where by the Senatour Filibert Bruxellius divers letters were read containing, whether true or false, the conspiracie of the Lords, and the Hereticks designes. The Governesse making a short speech,The Governesse asks the Sena­tours advice Whether the Covenanters were to be ad­mitted. That she had called that noble Senate, to prevent by their counsels and indea­vours the impendent evils, in the first place, asked their advice, whe­ther it were safe to admit those that were shortly to come to Bruxels led By Henry Brederod. Then, what answer she should make to their demands, which Fame had then divulged. Lastly, what course should be taken to dissolve that confederation, and how the new motions of those turbulent men might speedily be composed. The Lords came thither severally affect­ed, many hated the Inquisition, others had secret projects, and few but pre­ferred their private interest before the publick.Duke Areschot and Count Bar­lamont answer negatively. Philip Croi Duke of Areschot and Charles Count Barlamont were of opinion, that the Conspiratous should not be suffered to enter the citie so many at once, For what need of five hun­dred men to deliver one Petition? that they could not think such pomp fit for sup­pliants: that they might send, out of their number, some one of quality, to pre­sent their desires with lesse ostentation and envie. Lastly, that either the Ports should be shut, which they rather inclined to; or that, in the next place, there should be many eyes upon their behaviour, and such as carried themselves contumacious­ly to be forthwith punished. The Prince of Orange is far their admission. Contrarily the Prince of Orange (that hated those Lords as Cardinallists, and especially Areschot, for the old contest of the Houses of Croi and Nassau about Precedency) affirmed those fears to be vain, that were conceived against persons not unknown to him, many of them being allyed to him in friendship, some in bloud; that it would be a great indignity, if that were not permitted to Noblemen which is lawfull for the poorest peasant, to petition. To the same effect, that no danger could be in their coming, spake Count Egmont: Especially since,Count Egmont concurs with him. if they were to be resisted forcibly, or by the sword, he did not see how the Governesse was prepared to encounter men already armed, and likely, by such a re­pulse to be exasperated:Count Mans­feldt is against their coming. That it was not safe to affront those we have not power to destroy. But though Count Mansfeldt liked not the Popes Inqui­sitours in the Low-countreys, yet he said, it was ill done of those that by such mutiny and tumult behaved themselves more proudly then became pe­tioners; and added, that he had schooled his Sonne Charles, who he heard was one of the Conspiratours. And indeed I have a letter of his,March 26. wherein with great fury he disclaims him for his sonne, unlesse he presently renounce that league, and bids him otherwise never hope to recover his fathers favour. But the youth being of a fiery nature, slighted those admonitions and threat­nings, belike he thought his Father was not in earnest, and therefore would not leave his party for the present. The Counts of Aremberg, So are the Counts Arem­berg and Me­gen. and Megen, had the same sense of the conspiracy and Covenant, as if by such ostentation of their forces, they came to compell, not to intreat their Prince: and concluded, That a Treaty of this kind should be rejected, or, to use milder terms, put off. Nor could such a sudden confederacy last long, but in a little time must ne­cessarily fall asunder, for no Mutineers were ever constant to their Principles, or to one another. The rest of the Senatours spake doubtfully and mode­rately of the Covenanters,How the rest voted. violently and plainly against the Inquisition. The [Page 104] same arguments, though in a more obscure and remisse manner, were made against the Emperour's Edicts. By degrees,Many of them complain of the King. they fell to complaints against the King,The Prince of Orange parti­cularly. and pressed them with more confidence, because they knew he had then more use of their services. The Prince of Orange said, he could add to those old Grievances (but perhaps he feigned new ones, that he might have the more colour to desert the Kings interest, and to pursue his own) be­cause he was lately informed, some enemies to the House of Nassau, had moved his Majestie to take off his head, and confiscate his estate: and that the King onely exspected an opportunity to sign the warrant.In these words. Was this the reward of service done in the late warres by the Low-countrey Lords, for defence of his Authority in the Netherlands? though he had now sufficient experience, that King Philip looked not upon the Low-countreys with the eyes of his Father Charles the fifth. That the King had sent forty thousand Ducats to the Queen of Scots to pay her souldiers, whilest the Low-countreys were greatly distressed for money, which his Majestie never thought of. That he taxed not the King for the unseasonable­nesse of that assistance, For the money was lost, as we have told you. nor the unfortunate successe it had, but he feared the En­glish, whose throats were to be cut (if report were true) for that summ of money, would revenge it upon the Low-countrymen. Especially since the money was come into the Q. of Englands hands, Her Excellence endeavours to give him satis­faction. driven upon that Island by a tempest. The Governess to break off his speech, intreated him to forbear his private expostulations whilst the publick business was in agitation: & that he would not wrong his discreti­on so far, as to have such thoughts of the King, who was the mercifullest of all Princes. That she knew for certain, what was reported of that money, was the mere invention of some seditious persons, intending, by such lies, to bring an odium upon his Majestie; as well with his subjects of the Low-coun­treys, At first in vain. as with forrein Princes. For all this, the Prince of Orange would not make an end, though he was at other times a rare dissembler, and had pow­er over his passions. But it may be, he thought it concerned him to speak on, lest it should be imagined he begun without a cause. As if were an argument of just anger, not to be friends upon the sudden. Following his example, neither Count Horn, nor any of the rest were silent, but every one made his complaint. Nevertheless,But at length he and all seem better contented and the Councell proceeding re­solves to admit the Covenanters qualifying them with gentle and gra­cious language, and putting them in hope of his Majesties royall favour, the Governess called them into the Senate; and by the major-vote it was resol­ved, that the Covenanters should be admitted, but without arms, and upon promise of their good behaviour. And the Governours of Provinces (through which it was supposed they would pass to Bruxels) were com­manded by their Letters, to acquaint the people with this resolution of the Senate: Courts of guard were likewise appointed through the Citie, Cen­trees to keep the gates, and a Garrison put into the Tower, lest there might be a tumult among the distracted people. It being now almost night, the Senate was adiourned till the next morning. At which time,At the Senates next meeting, the Lords and Senators meeting in the House, the Governess fearing they would fall upon private differences, and obstruct the business of the day, prevented them with a speech,The Governess speaks to them in this manner, which I give you, as she wrote it to the King.April 3. If the approach­ing Evils could be cured with quarrelling and complaining, I should not have desi­red you to take the pains of coming again this day to Councel, since we had complaints enough yesterday: scarce any thing being spoke in publick by the most of you, but what related to your private discontents. But admit they were just, yet they loose part of that Iustice if they be importune; at least they avert the minds of the Coun­cell, and provoking their spirits, hinder their discovery of the Truth. Brederod intends to petition Vs, in the name of his Confederates, for abolishing the Inquisiti­on, [Page 105] and mitigating the Penalties inflicted by Edict for the cause of Religion. 1566. I now desire Advice from you, (of whose fidelity and discretion I have had so good expe­rience) what Answer I should return them. But before you declare your selves, I think it will be neither troublesome to you, nor improper for the business in debate, to prepare you with a few words. Of the Edicts. I hear there are many that presume openly to cavil at the Edicts of the Emperour my Father (for to the Inquisition I will speak anon) as if it were a barbarous tyrannie, not to be endured by Subjects. Truly whosoever sayes it, not onely injures the memory of that wise Prince, and most affectionate to his Countrey; but wrongs your Order of the Fleece, this Senate-house, and the States Generall of the Low-countreys: for by all your approbations and consents, the Emperour passed these Laws, as no doubt but some of you remember; and all may read in the Edict published the year 1531; upon which, all the rest of his Decrees are grounded. Why then do they now accuse the severity of the Emperour? Why do they condemn those Acts which they did once approve: and which they know were established by the suffrages of all? What? because the disease is more violent, must the remedie therefore be neglected, and that which reason perswades? When the Gangrene of Heresie daily creeps upon new parts of the Common-wealth, should we remissely use fire and incision? Of the Inquisi­tion. Nor was the Ecclesiasticall power of the Inqui­sition against Hereticks, delegated for any other cause, but that the impudence of wicked men might be abated by fear, or extinguished by punishment. I know there is a generall hatred against this Court of Iustice, which for the present my meaning is not to contradict or confute; Which she proves to be neither new, nor more severe then for­mer Edicts. yet you know, this Tribunall is no innovation in the Low-countreys: It is now sixteen years since my Father settled it in these Pro­vinces. But I pray, what severitie is in this Censure of the Inquisitours, that is not in my Fathers Edicts? Nay, if you will rightly consider it, they were much more severe; so that his Majestie in his Letters, which three years since I read to many of you, iustly admires how the Low-countrey men could be so terrified with the Spanish Inquisition; they being for the same causes of Religion, liable to farr more and greater penalties, comprehended in the Edicts of Charles the fifth. Which Edicts, if they were wisely drawn up and passed, by the Consent of the E­states; I see no reason why men should so bitterly and violently inveigh against the Inquisition, that relates to the same thing in a more gentle manner. Nor have I spoken this to controll the freedome of Your votes, Then leaves them to the free­dome of their Votes. they had and shall ever have their full libertie for me: Be you carefull that neither discontent nor faction may deprive you of that Libertie. So proceeding to suffrages, many voted that nothing in the Emperours Edicts should be altered.Some approve the Edict, and would not have the Laws alter­ed. Lawes before they passe should be debated: after they are passed, obeyed. Nor can a State be more indanger­ed, then by the altering of their Laws: especially since it concerned them in point of honour at this meeting, to make no concession to the Hereticks, who, if they pre­vailed in their first suit, The major part dislike it, and would have a temporary alte­ration. would never make an end of petitioning. Divers others argued against it, very passionately shewing, That it plainly appeared those Imperiall Edicts neither provided sufficiently for Religion, which every day was lesse observed; nor for the security of the State, which they saw was disturbed mere­ly upon that occasion. And yet the end and intention of Laws is, to preserve Religion and Peace, but neither was effected by these Edicts. Why therefore should it be thought unlawfull, that some penalties should be remitted, some changed? The Edicts by that means rendered more moderate, and the Subjects more obedient to them. Truly it was more dishonour to a Prince to keep Laws in force, which his Subjects will not obey; then to apply them unto their natures, Rayling at plea­sure against the Inquisition, as hatefull to all sorts. and so keep his people in obedience. But for the Inquisition, it was apparent, that none of any condition whatsoever, would receive it: insomuch that the meanest tradesman of Antwerp, can shew either a Musket or a Pike, which he threatens to use upon them, that shall [Page 106] endeavour to bring in the Inquisition. Nay, Injurious to the Bishops. it was no little iniury to the Bishops to have the cause of Religion, which by Law appertains to their Iurisdiction, trans­ferred to this late Iudicature of Inquisitours. But it is to no purpose any more to dispute this point, And opposed by the Covenan­ters. when the Covenanters are at the gates, before whose Requests be denied, it must be considered, in case the Hereticks joyning with them, should offer to storm the Town, whether we have sufficient forces to resist the people and their Confederates.

Lastly,And they pre­vail. the opinion, number, and faction of these men carried it: For though there wanted not some that easily refuted all that was pretended in behalf of the Bishops; yet hardly any one of the Senate thought this kind of Judicature seasonable for the time: therefore after many heats, the business was thus composed.The Resolution of the Councell upon both the points. Forasmuch as the Emperours and the Kings designe reached no farther in these Edicts and Questions of Faith, but one­ly to preserve Religion in her ancient purity; those remedies were onely so far to be made use of, as might conduce to its preservation. Besides, there was a twofold Inquisition, the one annexed to the function of Bishops, the other granted by Commission from his Holiness to certain Judges Delegates. Now the odium onely fell upon the Popes Inquisitours; which though brought into the Low-countreys by Charles the fifth; yet he was inforced thereto, by reason of the small number, and great negligence of the Bishops. This being no longer a reason,To put down the Inquisition. and men so much abhorring the name of this forrein Inquisition▪ so violent and impolitick a Remedie ought not to obtru­ded upon refractory people. Therefore without preiudice to Religion, some part of the Covenanters petition might be granted. But lest they should seem to be over-awed by the Hereticks, or to passe any thing in fa­vour of them,So the Cove­nanters are to be answered. this answer was to be returned: That they had no cause to trou­ble themselves about the Inquisition, which was out of date; the Inquisitours them­selves forbearing to exercise their authority, having not renewed their Commission from the new Pope,Pius V. which they use to do, for the better confirmation of their power. Touching the penalties which by the Imperiall Edicts were to be inflicted upon He­reticks, And to qualifie the Emperours Edicts. they should not be repealed; but whereas most of them were capitall, they should be hereafter qualified; for the Bishops, the greatest Divines and Lawyers, and the Inquisitours themselves had so advised: which Charles the fifth would have consented to, if he were now living, who himself upon the like difficulties, in the year 1550, at the request of his Sister Mary Queen of Hungary, thought it not unnecessary nor unbeseeming his Imperiall Maiesty, to rectifie and moderate the Laws he had formerly decreed. Thus, for the present the Conspiratours being graciously received, in a little while their meetings would be dissolved (a work of great con­sequence) and in the interim, time might be gained to agitate the publick business without Tumults, and therefore with more Authority. The Governess, though she wished better,Why the Gover­ness rather re­ceives then ap­proves this Decree. yet approved the Counsel given, because she knew that in this juncture of time, she must either grant something to the Conspira­tours, or else forcibly resist them. But this she durst not attempt, being un­provided of a Generall, for she trusted not the Prince of Orange: and put­ting the question to Count Egmont, he denied to draw his sword against any man for the Inquisition, or the Edicts. For the rest of the Nobility, they either had not much more loyaltie, or had far less abilities. Her Excel­lence therefore told them, she would follow their advice, and so answer Bre­derod and his Companions, that she might at once both satisfie them, and withall reserve the Judgement entire to the King, without knowledge of whose pleasure, nothing could be done in a matter of so great impor­tance.

[Page 107]Every one of these particulars she wrote to his Maiestie by speedy messen­gers,April 3. beseeching him presently to resolve her what she was to pitch upon. The same day about evening, the Covenanters came into Bruxels. The Covenanters enter Bruxels, They were full two hundred horse, apparrelled like forreiners, every one a case of pistols at his saddle-bow. Brederod their Generall,Led by Henry Brederod. rode in the head of them, next him Lewis of Nassau, for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen arrived not till three dayes after. Francis Verdugo, a Gentleman that followed Count Mansfeld, Publickly vaun­ting. told the Governess, that Brederod bragged at his entrance into the City, in these words: Some thought I durst not come to Bruxels; be­hold I am come to see the Town, and will shortly▪ make another visit, but upon a new occasion. They alight at the Prince of Orange's. Where with o­Lords, they fall upon turbulent Proposals. Then Brederod and Grave Lewis went to his Brother the Prince of Oranges house, where the Counts of Mansfeld and Horn were come to wait upon them. That night, no body being present but Count Mansfeld, Count Horn used many arguments to perswade the Prince of Orange to send back his Order of the Fleece into Spain, and thereupon Verdugo was commanded to bring the Statute-book of the Order, that they might see in what words they had obliged their faith to the King, as supreme Master of their Society. But Count Mansfeld interposing,Afterward Bre­derod assembles the Covenanters at Cuilemburg-house. nothing was determined. The same was moved another time, as Anderlech informed the Governess. The next day Brederod, staying for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen, in Cuilemburg-House at Bruxells assembled his Confederates, to encourage them in the en­terprize they had undertaken. First, he shewed them a Letter, writ in Spa­nish, lately sent him, as he said, out of Spain: unless the man, who wanted no subtiltie, had peradventure counter [...]eited it; as he suspects that wrote all these passages in cypher, to the Governess. In which letter it was certified, that one Moro, a man known in the Low-countreys, was with a soft fire burned alive in Spain, which infinitely exasperated and enflamed the minds of his Associates against the cruelty of such sentences. Then taking his hint to come to the matter; as if he were to make a generall muster of his Army, he produced the Roll, signed by all the Conspiratours. Which he and Lewis of Nassau reading unto the people, they answered to their severall names, professing constancy to their resolutions: For those that were absent (being to the number of two hundred) they that were present being almost as many, engaged themselves. Then he required them, in confirmation of the Covenant,An additionall Oath taken. every one to joyn his heart, and set to his hand again. Which was accordingly done, and they all now the second time took the Covenant, their Oath being this in substance;The form of the Oath. That if any of the Covenanters should be im­prisoned either for Religion, or for the Covenant▪ immediately the rest, all business laid aside, should repair to both or one of those that were to tender the Covenant in the severall Provinces, and that all of them, if need were, should presently take up arms to assist their brethren. So he dismissed them full of courage and alacri­ty, resolved next morning to attend the Governess; Which day being the fifth of April, From thence they march to the Court. the Conspiratours to the number of about two hundred, met again at Cuilemburg-House, and from thence took their way directly to Court, marching through the high Street, the whole City beholding the spectacle with amazement, and many not well knowing by what name to call that new kind of Embassie. For they looked not like Petitioners, that came to make demands in so confident and imperious a way; especially be­ing led on by Brederod and Nassau, that did not use to supplicate: nor did they seem to be a Faction, or to pretend force, coming with such appearance of simplicity, that rather shewed like Fryars going in Procession. They rode two a breast, most of them matched in years: Brederod and Nassau brought [Page 108] up the Rere. The Town took notice that one of the Generalls was lame, which many looked upon as an evil Omen, and not without much laughter. Entring the Court, they found the Governess, (the Senate then newly risen) speaking with some of the Lords; Brederod coming up to the chair of State, after he had done his duty with the Ceremonies due to the Governess, spake in this manner:Brederod in the name of them all, speaks thm to the Go­verness. These Gentlemen of the Low-countreys, now standing in your Highness presence, and others of the same quality that will shortly follow in great numbers, are come with me to let Your Highness know by their multitude, how ear­nest they are in their demands, expressed in this humble Petition: [...]nd whilst you read it, I beseech your Excellence to believe, that these honest men propound no­thing to themselves, but obedience and honour to the King, and safetie in their Countrey. And presents her a Petition con­sisting of three Heads. When he had spoken this,Subjoyning these Complaints out of his Papers. he presented the Petition, and said that he had something else to offer to her Highness in the names of his Confede­rates; but lest he should mistake their sense, if he might presume so far, he desired leave to read it out of his own Papers. The Governess was pleased he should read his Notes, the summe whereof was, That the Gentlemen were much aggrieved, because her Excellence had writ to the Provinces of their League, as if it were made by a concurrence and association with the French and Germans, pretending indeed the safetie of their Countrey, but intending onely spoyl and plun­der. Which information given unto the Governess, as it was an insufferable inju­rie to the Low-countrey Gentlemen, so they humbly and earnestly beseeched her Excel­lence to declare the Informers names, & compell them to bring in their impeachment publickly, in a Legall way. That if their Confederates be found guilty, they may be sentenced; or if they be cleared and acquitted of the Crime, those informers, by the Law of Retaliation, may have the punishment of Traitours. The Governess sup­pressing the trouble and indignation of her mind, as well as she could, with a chearfull look received the Petition, wherein it was prayed, that the Inqui­sition might be abolished, the old Edicts repealed, and new ones made by the Estates of the Low-countreys. Her answer was,To part she an­swers. She would consider of their Petition, and since it related onely to the Kings Honour and their Countreys safety, they need not doubt but she would give them satisfaction. But whereas they complained of her Letters written to the Provinces, they had no reason for it: she did but what her place required (having received intelligence from many hands, of a certain League made with forreiners) in advising the Governours and Magi­strates to be vigilant, lest upon that occasion, their Provinces might be troubled, not so much by the Low-countrey men, whom the King ever found loyall; as by the Borderers that resorted to them. Without more words, she dismissed the Gentlemen,Part she takes no notice of. not naming her Intelligencers, which they exceedingly pressed, her Highness letting such questions pass, as she had not minded them; or ra­ther seeming offended, that they should press her to reveal secrets of State. Nay, the same day at evening, when a Senatour in the House perswaded her Excellence, to give in to the Covenanters the names of those Intelligencers; she answered somewhat angerly, That she admired, that he, who refused to name his Authour for things which he himself a little while since had dis­covered, should now perswade the contrary, that might be prejudiciall to so many. In that Senate the Governess read the Petition of Brederod, Put to the que­stion, whether the Covenanters should be requi­red to set their names to the Petition present­ed to the Go­verness. and ask­ed them if they had not altered their opinions. But when they had debated it, they voted the same again, in other words. It was then disputed. Foras­much as the Covenanters had writ in generall; We his Majesties most humble Subjects, whether it should not be required that every particular person under-write his name, whereby the King might know, whom to thank, or rather whom to be revenged upon. But it was carried by most voices in [Page 109] the Negative:1556. lest upon occasion of getting the names of such as were ab­sent,Resolved, that they should not be required to subscribe their names. the Petition shold be sent to the great Towns, and more drawn in. The next day, the Confederates returning in greater numbers (for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen, were yet in time come post) the Gover­ness returned the Petition, which she had received the day before, together with her Answer writ in the Margine;The Governess returns the pe­tion, with her Answer an­nexd. wherein she gave them hope, that the Inquisition should be taken away, and the Edicts moderated, onely she must first acquaint the King with their desires. But because this did not sa­tisfie them all;Florence Pal­lantius C. Cuilenburg. William C. Bergen. they withdrew to consult together, and having passed their votes, came back, and in all their names Eustachius Fiennes Lord of Esquerd (for Brederod durst not speak in publick, unless he had conn'd his Lesson, or that he read it out of his Book) giving her Highness humble thanks for that Answer, desired, that she would please to certifie, whatsoever had been done at this meeting of the Gentry, was out of their dutie to the King, and for his Majesties advantage. But the Governess expresly denying it, replyed, Time & their Actions would testify that sufficiently to all the world, and so left them.

The same day Brederod entertained the Covenanters at Cuilenburg-house and made them a great feast,Brederod treats the Con­spiratours. but unfortunate to the very House where they were feasted, which for this onely cause was afterward pulled down and levelled with the earth. The invited were about three hundred, and there­fore more confident,In their cups, they would have a title of honour given to their Asso­ciation, and the like to their Generall. especially at the table in their jollity: Among other passages, they put the question, how that Society should be named, and it pleased them to give it the title of the Noble Concord: and they called their Generall the Restorer of lost liberty. But these denominations after this feast were never heard of. Perhaps, because they were of another mind when they were sober, and rejected those titles, as lyable to envie and offence: or perhaps, because a new and accidentall nickname was received with greater successe, and easily cancelled all those former appellations. For Brederod told Cuilenburg and Bergen, that he himself, and divers others which yester­day stood near the Governesse, heard Charles Count Barlamont, whispering in her ear,What Gheuses signifies. scoff at the assembled Nobilitie, and call them in French, G [...]eux, or as they pronounced it, Gheuses, using that word of disgrace to encourage the Governesse, as if she needed not fear Beggars and Rogues. But signifie what it would, they willingly accepted of the name, and for their King and Countreys sake seemed content in good earnest to be Gheuses and Beggars. Count Cuilenburg stomacked this exceedingly; and so did many more, that either were not in the presence, or else heard not Barlamont when he spake it. Notwithstanding they were pleased to call themselves by that name & fromThe Covenan­ters much taken with the name of Gheuses. thence to take the Arms or distinctive Mark of their Party. Therefore drink­ing hard (Count Ho [...]chstrat by chance coming in) they animated one another by the name of Gheuses, and then calling for great bowls, drank a health to the name, and happiness of the Gheuses, crying long live the GHEUSES. Lastly, when they were rising,Ensignes fit for the faction. Brederod took a wallet that lay in the room, casting it over his shoulder as beggars do: and holding a wooden dish in his hand, full of wine, drank to all the company; and gave them thanks, for follow­ing him to that day with such unanimous consent, and therefore, he doubted not, but they would for the future continue in th [...] [...] intentions and de­sires. For his own part, he would never be of other mind. Nay he took it upon his honour, that he would die, if need should be, for the generality of his Confederates, and for every particular person. At these words, they doubled their acclamations, of, Long live the GHEUSES. Then Brederod having taken off his dish, gave it and the wallet to his next neighbour, and [Page 110] so when it was gone round,1566. and every one had drunk Brederods health, and repeating his words,Their mutuall devotement. had devoted their own lives for the rest of their com­panions, they rose from the table, and when the dish and the wallet were come again to Brederod, he nailed them to the wall: and the rest following his example, every one drave in his nail, and removing them, in a frolick, round about the room, they were initiated with these ridiculous Ceremo­nies. At which time the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, and Count Horn coming in from Count Mansfelds house,They take ano­ther touch. where they dined, they fell to their cups afresh, & as they drank about, the same wishes for the Gheuses were with great shouts renewed. The particularities of this feast I had, out of private letters and notes, which, upon this occasion were speedily conveighed to the Governesse, by those that heard most of them from Sarnapulius Hus­band to Brederods sister.And being fox [...]d Some say that these good-fellows after they were well fudled, to make their clothes drink with them, cast wine upon one an­other; changed hats, and put them on, the crown downward (being turned the wrong way like their brains) with many such like Gamebols, which may easily be supposed in a multitude corrupted with abundance of friends and wine.Own the style of Gheuses, proper for Low-countrey Hereticks. This was the Originall of the Gheuses, a name given in contempt to the petitioners, as to a company of prodigall fools and rascals, which they took upon them in their drink, and so styled their faction, with beastly clamours, and such tricks as boyes would be ashamed of. Afterwards, it was translated from their faction to their heresie, the next neighbour to it: and made the proper name of the hereticall Rebells in the Low-countreys. And as in France the hereticks are called Hugon [...]ts, so in the Low-countreys they are known by the name of Gheuses. Nor did the drunkards so leave off, but the same day, about evening, Grave Lewis, supping with his Brother the Prince of Orange, where Brederod was, with Count Horn, and many more of the Covenanters; the whole house made the same wishes for the Gheuses; 1568. as two years after, Count Horn confessed, upon his examination taken by the Duke of Alva. The Gheuses walk the streets. Thus growing confident, they resolved, with great pomp, to carry the name of Gheuses out of doors, to trie if the people would be taken with the novitie. Perhaps they observed, that some of the Lords approved of their proceedings: or perhaps, they hoped, what they had done in private, would be commended, it may be applauded, if they did it publickly,Accoutred like beggars. inserting the Kings name. Therefore the Covenanters, for some dayes next following, walked the streets in ash-coloured cloth-suits. Some of them wore little wooden cans, cups, or saucers (the beggars houshold­stuff) in their hats:But with gal­lant Medals. some had this Impresse stamped in wax or wood, after­wards cut in gold or silver, which they hung like Medalls about their necks; on the one side whereof was the King of Spains picture,Arnol. Haven. de novis Epise. & Franc. Ha­raeus in An. Belg. Fide­les au Roy Jusque a la beface. & An. Societ. Jesu in Belg. and shaved like Turks. The citie upon this occasion di­versly affected. Some good springs from this evil. with this circum­scription, but in French, Faithfull to the King; on the other, a wallet in an hand with this inscription, down to the wallet. Lastly, they began to cut their beards, leaving onely great mustachios, turned up like Turks; I suppose their meaning was, to take away the contempt of their beggars clothes, by the terrour of their upper lips, and to shew themselves at once both humble and formidable. In the mean time, the City was full of doubts and news. Many being glad the conspiracy went on, and hoping, by those tumults, and the assistance of the Lords, to free themselves from the fear of the Inquisi­tion. Many onely looked on, as at a play, and were glad they had seats up­on the stage, not caring what became of the actours; few there were, which foresaw the mischief that ensued.

One thing of great advantage to the Christian faith, I finde at this time [Page 111] to have happened; which, the place minding me of, I give it in a word or two. [...]. Lipsius in D. Virg. Haev. de init. lib. 2. & Mich. ab Iffel. in H [...]st. sui temp. At Hall a Town of Haynolt, there is a rare and farr famed Image of the blessed Virgin Mary. Thither went Philip Croi Duke of Areschot, out of that devotion to our Lady of Hall, which was hereditary to him from his Ancestours, for the Low-countery Annalls attribute to his family the disco­very of that Image.Duke Areschot having done his devotions to our Lady of Hall, stamps hers and her sons figure in a Co [...]ne and weares it in his Hat. There he caused certain silver medalls to be cast, re­presenting the Queen of Heaven with her Son Iesus in her armes: and these, in opposition to the faction of the Gheuses, he himself and many Gen­tlemen, that followed him, stuck in their hatts, as an embleme or cognizance of their holy pilgrimage, and Catholike Nobility. And when Duke Ares­chot appeared in Bruxells with this gallant distinction, many of the Gentry, either out of devotion to the Mother of God, or in imitation (as it often happens) of a fashion brought up by a great person,Many imitate him. wore the like medalls in their hats.The Governess commends him for it, to the Pope J. Ant. Gabut in the life of Pope Pi­us. lib 6. cap. 2. Who gives in­dulgences to all that weare those Medalls. Thus came Medalls into the Church. To the great honour of the house of Croi. The Gheuses present a new Petition. They say the Governesse much pleased with it, among other things which she wrote to Pius the fifth,April 8. exceedingly commended this piety of the Low-countrey men, especiall in that point of time; and Pope Pius, who received no less contentment, to encourage the Low-countrey mens Religion, consecrated those Medalls, and (as he wrote to the Governess) out of his Pontifician power, gave to them that should have such Medalls, stam­ped with the Image of any Saint, indulgence and pardon for their sinnes. It is reported that (the devotion towards these kinde of figures increasing in the Netherlands, and other orthodox countries, striving to follow the Low-countrey mens example) the use of Medalls was upon this occasion, brought into the Church, or at least, from hence they received their first fame and lustre; if it be so, this likewise ought to be recorded in the book of Honour, that registers the acts of the Low-country Nobility, and particu­larly placed among the Monuments of the house of Croi. But Brederod, before his departure from Bruxells, returned to the Governess, two daies after his last address, to get his petition signed. There came along with him the Counts of Bergen, Nassau, and Cuilenburg, heads to the faction of the Gheuses, and they delivered a new petition,Angered at the Governesses delay. containing their old demands, onely with these additionalls, That the delay of expecting the King of Spaines resolu­tion, would be dangerous, in respect of the incensed and furious disposition of the people. Truly they themselves, out of that affection they owed un­to their Country, could not but acquaint her Highness, that the Low-country mens violent desires, would questionless break out into insurrecti­on. Howsoever, if her Excellence were resolutely bent, to apply to such an imminent danger, so slow and so remote a remedy, they called God and men to witness, what mischief soever came of it, the Low-country Nobility should not hereafter bear the blame.She treates them with fair language. But the Governess, nothing moved withall this, promised to cut of all delayes, by sending speedily to Spain; and all occasions of tumults, by giving instructions to the Inquisi­tours and Magistrates of Towns, to proceed with greater moderation. Onely she seriously desired them, that since they conceive they have in this imployment done their duty,And minding them of their duty dismisseth them they will stop here, invent no new designes, draw in no new partisans, nor meet any more at private conventicles: other­wise she resolved to do her duty, in maintaining the Antient Religion, and the Kings authority in those Provinces. Having received this answer, many of the conspiratours took leave of the Governess, and presently de­parted from the City, leaving spies behinde, to give intelligence to the Covenanters,Brederod goes to Antwerp. of all that passed at Bruxells; Brederod, Cuilenburg, and Bergen going out together with 150 horse,April 10. for a military farewell, discharged their [Page 112] pistolls before the City gates; and so, the first of them went to Antwerp, and the other two into Gelderland. But there was a post dispatched from the Governess, to the Magistrate of Antwerp, to let him know of Brede­rod's coming, and to be a spye upon his counsels and actions. And though the Magistrate certified the Governess, that Brederod carried himself with great civility;May 14. yet afterwards she wrote to the King (having it seems better intelligence from another hand) that about 4000 of the common people of Antwerp flocked to the Inne,Where the people come to him in multitudes. where Brederod alighted with 43. horse, and when he heard that such a multitude were come to the house, he rose from dinner, and looking out of the window, with a great bowle of wine in his hand, saluted them standing below in the yard, in these words, You of Antwerp, He offers him­self to be their Generall. here I am, that will, with the hazard of my life and fortunes, protect your selves, and free your children from the tyranny of the Inquisition and the Edicts. If your consent goes along with me in this glorious action, come on, and as many of you as would have your liberties preserved, and mee for your Generall, pledg me this bowle with a good heart, and hold up your hands, in taken that you accept of my good will. And is accepted. Then he drank it off, and first held up his own hand, instantly the most of them did the like, and lifting their hands with an odd kinde of hum, signified, that they took it as an argument of his love; and when he departed from the city, the same rabble brought him on his way.

The rest of the Covenanters were but newly returned to the towns from whence they came,The subtilty of the Gheuses slandering the Knights of the Golden Fleece with the pa­tronage of their faction. In a printed Declaration. yet (lest they might seem to have carried their petiti­on to no purpose) they made it be reported through the Low-countreys that their businesse was dispatched. And to that end, they counterfeited a Declaration, subscribed by the Knights of the Golden-fleece, either to induce the world to believe, that they were protected by the Knights, or to make the Governesse jealous of the Order. The Declaration was thus penned. The publick faith concluded upon, at Bruxels, by the Gentlemen of the League, and signed by the Knights of the Order, the seventh of April 1566. We Lords whose names are underwritten, having sworn by our Order, do promise to the Gen­tlemen chosen by the Estates and legally sent into the City, that the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours, and the other Magistrates shall, from this day, punish no man for his Religion, neither by Imprisonment, Exile, nor death; unless it be joyned with a popular tumult and the ruine of our Countrey, of which crimes Be the Covenanters the sole legall punishers. But this power of theirs onely to be in force till the King with the consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys shall otherwise determine. The news of this Declaration at first startled the Governesse, then she sent for the Manifesto it self,The Governesse is at first af­fraid of this kind of Artifice. and read it. For though she rationally conjectured, that is was an impudent lie,April 13. invented by the Covenanters: yet she very much feared it would be such a bait as might easily catch the people▪ prone to believe what they desire: or making a shew of believing, to colour their delinquencie with an handsome excuse.Which before it can come to be consuted leaves the impression of a wound. At least she knew, that before the trick could be discovered, many insolencies might be committed against Religion, and the Kings Authority, which afterwards could never be re­voked or rectified by any means or industrie. And truly many do spread abroad such forgeries, not out of hope they will continue long concealed: for they have their ends, if they last but till the people that are fooled with them,To which end such things pub­lished. begin to pull the frame of the State in pieces, the Result whereof will be, that when they come to see their errour, at the same time despairing of their [...]don, licentiousnesse and love of sinne likewise increasing, they raise one tumult upon the neck of another, cruell but cowardly: and ima­gining [Page 113] danger it self to be the best remedy for danger. Many indeed make use of lies, as builders do of buttresses and scaffolds.And serve the turn like tempo­rary scaffolds till the building be up. For as they are usefull whilest Arches are in making, but when they be finished are cast away; so the subtiller sort of people devise falsehoods, to no other end but to support their Architecture a while, which if compleated and able to stand alone, then they easily suffer their fictions to grow out of date, to be pulled down and cast away, like props and scaffolds when the building is brought unto perfection. And the Governess knowing it was now no time for delayes,Atlast the Lords denying that any of their Order was ingaged. sent for as many of the Order as could conveniently attend her (for it was Passion week, and the major part had retired themselves to make their Con­fessions in the Monasteries of their own Towns, according to the custome of the Nobility) and shewed them the Declaration; upon sight whereof, Count Egmont and Count Mansfeld, who were the first that came, protested, that no part of it was either done or said by their Companions of the Order. It was therefore resolved, that expedition should be used whilst the multi­tude had onely a tast of the Errour,She gives notice of the deceit to the Provinces. but had not as yet swallowed down the Falsehood; and that they should not expect till the wooll dipt in Ink, were made uncapable of another die. That the Governours of the Provinces, and the Magistrate of every City and Town, should be immediately inform­ed of the truth; and a copy sent them of the Petition presented by the Co­venanters, with the Governesses marginall Answer. They were likewise to take notice, that if any thing else were published by any whatsoever, it was to be reputed as the Invention of some seditious persons, endeavouring to beget domestick Tumults, and accordingly by the Kings Laws, and Autho­rity to be punished. These Letters, though presently sent into the Provin­ces,April 25. yet failed to undeceive the people:Whereupon she dispatches an Embassage for Spain, nomina­ting the Marq. of Bergen, which in many places had already heard and believed the untruth,But not timely enough to all Places. to the great prejudice (as I shall presently shew you) of the ancient Religion, and the Publick peace. Which forced the Governess to hasten the Embassie into Spain, that was lately voted by the Senate. Iohn Glimè Marquess of Bergen and Governour of Haynolt was named for the imployment. But he, whether his guilty conscience could not brook the Kings presence, or whether the trouble of the voyage frighted him, at first refused to undertake it; then was willing, so that another might be put in Commission with him; Florence Momorancie Lord of Montiny was therefore joyned with the Marquesse.And the Lord Montiny. Both of them, because they doubted their business would not please the King, were suiters to the Go­verness, to dispatch away a Messenger into Spain, that should prepare his Majestie with the knowledge of their coming: in the interim, they resolved so to order and spin out their journey, that the Messenger should meet them upon the way, with the Kings Letters: wherein they might perceive if his Majestie approved of their imployment. Notwithstanding all this cau­tion, which their ill-presaging minds rather used for their security, then for their Honour, they escaped not, but this Embassage cost them both their lives. They had yet other unlucky Omens; for two dayes before they set forth, the Marquess of Bergen, as he walked in the open Court of the Governesse's Palace, was hit upon the thigh with a Ball of wood, by some playing at Pall Mall; and being very grie­vously hurt, kept his bed, and was constrained to deferre his journey. You would think, this good office was done him by his Genius, who not contented by other warnings to have pulled him by the ear, now laid him by the heels,1. montiny sets for [...]ard. and kept him lockt in fetters to [...]inder his unfortunate voyage. But what Fate hath ordained for every man, is not so easily prevented, as fore­seen. [Page 114] In the mean while, the Governesse (it concerning her to loose no time) got the other Embassadour, though against his will, to go before the Marquesse of Bergen (who should follow as soon as he recovered) and to acquaint his Majestie with the state of affairs in the Low-countreys, after the Gentlemens petition was delivered. To this purpose, besides letters, instructions, and other appendents to an Embassage, her Excellence gave him a Book containing in eighteen chapters the principle actions of that year, which she left to his Majesties consideration; and concluded, that onely his presence would, with the least hazard, settle the Low-countreys. Yet before his departure, the Governesse (as she had promised her two Em­bassadours) sent away Fabius Lembus a Neopolitan, an old Courtier,A Messenger, with private in­structions, goes before him. and faithfull; with private commands, and notes, wherein she interpreted most of that which she had given in charge to Montiny. She sent likewise a copy of Charles the fifth's Edicts somewhat qualifyed in the penalties against. He­reticks, by advice of the Senatours and Divines; likewise signifying, that she had shewed that qualification severally to the Estates of the Low-coun­treys, and that by most of them it was approved of; yet that she would not publish it, nor propound it to the People, without his Majesties consent: but she earnestly beseeched him, to command it; and to deferre his intention of establishing the Popes Inquisitours. So on the seventeenth of May, she dis­patched Fabius Lembus thus instructed. In ten dayes after, Montiny follow­ed, and the seventeenth of June was by the King gratiously received at Ma­drid and divers times had Audience. Yet before he could get a determinate Answer, he was commanded to exspect his fellow Commissioner, the Mar­quesse of Bergen: The King gives no dispatch to the Embassa­dour. nor found he the King inclinable to, or well pleased with his Embassage. Indeed to divert his Majestie from consenting to the Low-countreymens desires (though he was of himself sufficiently constant both to Religion, and his opinions) Pius the fifth interposed his authoritie: by whose Nuncio, The Pope mo­ving him to revenge the As­front offered to Religion. Pedro Camaiono Bishop of Asculum (who had an eye upon that Embassie from the Low-countreys) his Majestie was continually so­licited not to suffer the Catholick Religion to fall in the Low-countreys; but that he would personally by force of arms, punish the disloyaltie of that turbulent people.Who likewise sends his Legate to the Gover­vernesse. That should extoll her and promise assi­stance from his Holinesse. And for this cause, his Holinesse commanded Iulio Pave­sio, Archbishop of Surrentum, whom he sent Legate to the Emperour Maxi­milian, to take the Low-countreys in his way: and in his name to set a high commendations upon the Dutchesse of Parma, for her zeal to Religion, ma­nifested in her Government of the Low-countreys; wherein he should incou­rage her, by promising supplies of money from the Pope, with his utmost assistance. For now a Cause was controverted, for which he would not fear to stake his triple Crown.Delivering his letters to Count Cuilemburg and the Prince of Orange. Moreover, he was to advise with the Go­vernesse, about delivering the Popes letters to the Prince of Orange and Count Cuilemburg, exhorting the Count to forsake the Hereticks, unto whom, it was said, he adhered, and to reconcile himself to the old Religi­on: and admonishing the Prince not to suffer with impunity so many foul things,She advises him not to give the letter to the Count, But to let the Prince have his, whom she undertakes to prepare. as were committed by Hereticks in his Principality of Orange, to the great dammage of all the neighbouring Cities,Decem. 15. 1563. especially Avignion. But the Governesse, whose counsell the Legate was commanded to follow, did not approve of the delivery of the Popes letters to Cuilemburg, least, as he was a youth of a weak and fantasticall brain, he might not value or receive them with due reverence. She said, he might safelier treat with the Prince of O­range, in regard the like admonition, formerly sent from Paul the fourth, had struck him with a fear of loosing his Principality, neverthelesse she would [Page 115] prepare him for the Legate. But for his liberall offer of assistance from his Holinesse, she acknowledged her obligations to the great Bishop, and desired Pavesio to represent her, for that favour, kneeling at his feet, and humbly kissing them: though she had not power to admit of his promised supplies,In the mean time excuses her self for not receiving the money offered by the Pope. Her Excellence gives the Le­gate a true de­scription of the Low-countrey Bishops. unlesse the King would please to give her leave. But she assured his Holi­nesse, that the Cause of Religion should be alwayes to her, as it had ever been, dearer then her life. Lastly, touching the nature and industry of the Low-countrey Bishops (for Pavesio intreated her to instruct him in that particular) she very graphically discoursed their lives and manners, and gave him their severall characters, telling which deserved Rebuke, which Praise or Pitie. The Legate, finding all she said to be true, and the Prince of Orange the easier to be wrought upon, (belike her Excellence had pre­pared him, as she promised) admiring her industrie and pietie,Who is amazed at her Piety and Prudence. professed that he would publish in the Court of Rome, how Religion standing now in the Low-countreys on a dangerous precipice, was supported onely by her Highnesses vigilance and prudence. But the Factions and Tumults ceased not for all this.The impudence of the Gheuses incouraged by hope of impu­nity. The Covenanters being returned (as I have told you) in­to their respective Provinces, and giving it out, that they had the publick Faith of the Knights of the Golden Fleece for their indemnitie; all those that had been banished for heresie came back from the adjacent Countreys, and such as had lyen concealed at home appeared again, magnifying the name of the Gheuses, calling them the Assertours and Champions of their libertie, and putting themselves under their protection.Their new Con­spiracy. Thus the number of the Covenanters was much increased, especially in Antwerp, even the Merchants themselves began to wear the Habit aud Cognizante of the Gheu­ses. Nay there sprung up a new-brotherhood of the Common People, wearing in their hats, besides the wallet stampt in silver, a wreathed pilgrims staff,And new fa­shion. the ends bowing acrosse, signifying (as I suppose) that they were to go a pilgrimage out of their Countrey, and seek libertie in another Climate. This conspiracie was spawned out of the other, it being the off-spring (as the Governesse wrote to his Majestie) of that two years before,The Originall of these kind of confederacies. raised by the Lords against Cardinall Granvel, where they first wore hoods, and then Darts.May 17. But that which at the beginning was onely private difference at Court, and the ambition of a few, afterwards turned into the publick mu­tiny of the Provinces. Great men, it seems, never can offend alone; and vi­ces, whilst they passe from hand to hand, are soyled with being touched, and grow still fouler. Neither did the Governesses letters to the Magistrates,Not cured ei­ther by the Go­vernesses care. concerning the counterfeit Declaration in the Lords names,6. or 21. of May. do any good: nor the Kings letter to the Governesse and the Provinces, about that time received, wherein his Majestie promised, That having now secured himself from the Turks and Moors, he would presently make a voyage into the Low-countreys, Or by the Kings letter gracious indeed. and in person moderate the severitie (if any such were) of his fa­thers Edicts. In the mean time, he rested confident that the troubles would be quieted by the Lords endeavours, whereupon formerly relying, both his father the Emperour and he himself never feared what their enemies could do:March 15. and now,But unseasona­bly protracting the Grant of Generall Par­dons to some great ones. he doubted not but their old loyalty would easily compose a sedition raised by a few private men.1570. Onely the pardons which the Go­vernesse in her letters to the King,The Low-coun­treys over flow­ed with Here­ticks. desired for certain persons, were by his Majestie, more resolutely then seasonably put off till another time. In the interim, the evil increasing, and the opportunitie of applying a fit remedie being past, his Majestie lost the Grace and favour he intended.

And truly mischiefs sprung not up severally, or by intervals; but com­pleated, [Page 116] and in a knot,1566. breaking forth all at once. For in the bordering Countreys the Master-hereticks watching how discord prospered in the Low-countreys, that they might take occasion to vent their outlandish wares and sell them the new Gospel; flocking in crouds, the Calvinists out of France and the Lutherans and Anabaptists out of Germany, invaded, and as it were attached their nearest neighbour-towns.Privately at first, First, they held their Con­venticles in the fields by night, then, successe smiling upon them, fearing likewise that if differences chanced to be composed, they should fail of dis­patching what they came for; they thought it best,Then openly preaching. by way of prevention, to shew themselves in the light; and before the people (that ran to meet them out of towns and villages) boldly to preach against the Spanish ti­rannie, against Religion corrupted by the Bishops, and for the pure and sin­cere light of the Gospel.Three [...]orts or Classes of them. Emulation made them more impudent,Calvinists. Lutherans. Anabaptists. lest the Cal­vinists (that had indeed fewer great persons of their faction, but more Pro­selytes and applause (should be lesse powerfull then the Lutherans. And the Anabaptists being farre more in number then the Lutherans, scorned to be worsted by the Calvinists: or that the Lutherans should have more great Pro­tectours then both the other Sects. Therefore they made haste in zeal of spirit to feiz upon Cities and Towns, as if they were to make new planta­tions; every one being for himself,Catholicks. and all against One. Miserable and ca­lamitous at that time was the condition of the Low-countreys, many of the noblest Provinces being suddenly hurried into factions,What they were that came in. Infinite Resort to hear them. and running upon the rocks of errour. Whilst impure men, Apostates both from divine and humane faith, whilst the scumme of their own nations, the Refuse of Ger­many and France, promised themselves a kind of sovereignty in the Low-countreys, and ran up and down as if hell had been broke loose, filling all places with turbulent sermons, infamous libells, hopes, fears, and jealou­sies. Whilst such a multitude; first out of the next villages, but at last out of great towns, came, with incredible desire, to hear these trumpeters of the new Gospel; that once, in the fields of Tournay above eight thousand men were seen at a sermon. Near Lisle they appeared in greater shoals. At Antwerp, in one day, were gathered together thirteen thousand, next day fourteen thousand,And to the Sa­craments after the hereticall way. a while after sixteen thousand men. Lastly, taking more freedome in many places, especially at Valenciens and upon the borders of Flanders, they married people in the fields, and baptized infants after the Calvinisticall manner. And that all this might be done with safety, they meet at these Conventicles and Sermons, armed with pikes and muskets. I know the Reader will not a little wonder to hear (what they say the Low-treymen themselves were amazed when they saw) how the People [...] zeal of hearing sermons came to such a height,Why the people are so fond of sermons. that neither the Magistrates by au­thoritie, nor their Officers by force, nor the Laws by reverence, could con­tain them, but that men, women, and children left their houses, and [...]an like mad, to these Teachers in the fields. But all the Auditory were not drawn by the same motive.Some out of zeal to heresie. For many that had long ago banished the Catholick Religion out of their hearts, went chearfully to imbrace the opinions of Hereticks, and to joyn in Communion with them: and in their violent mo­tion, took others along, that knew not well whither they wandered, but half against their wills,Divers taken with the Ra­rity. shoved on by the croud, like swimmers by the stream, I cannot properly say they went, but were carried. Many were taken with the noveltie,1565. and a longing to see what kind of Religion those forreiners had brought from Saxonie or Geneva; out of which Countreys,Many delighted with singing of Psalms. as it was re­ported, they had at a distance wrought so much upon the rest of the Provin­ces. [Page 117] A great sort were drawn in, with the tunes set to the Psalmes, translated, as I have told you, into French meeter, by Marot and Beza, and now sung at their great meetings in the fields according to Geneva mode. But most of them itched after the [...]landers and jeers of their preaching ministers.But the most, with hearing them rail and jeer in the Pul­pit. A­mong which, as every ignorant Mountebank had some little smattering of learning, and abounded in impudence, and the juggling art of catching ap­plause; so with greater lies and fooleries they raised against the Bishop of Rome, the Councel of Treat, and the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours, shamefully and fouly abusing all things holie; but yet so, as the peoples minds were tickled: who clapped their hands, as if they had been in a play-house; and measured things that were spoken, not by a true estimate, but meerly by the pleasure of their ears. Nay, though some of the wiser sort, un­derstood their fea [...]s of activitie, and knew they told fables and gul­leries, yet they were pleased to be deceived themselves, meaning short­ly with the same artifice to cosen others: and to repeat those Ser­mons as truths, which they had by their own industr [...]e discovered. Ca­lumnies and defamations without any distinction of truth or falsehood, are ever greedily entertained, and as greedily communicated. Lastly, the Cities were by these incendiaries distracted into factions.Their audience increased by se­verall Countrey­men striving to have their here­sie preferred. Those that bor­dered upon France favoured Calvin, those neighbouring to Germany, were for Luther; both of them followed the Preachers, not out of any will to be instructed in their Tenets, but onely fiding with their own Nation. Nor was the Governess less active all the while, but tried all wayes possible to ob­viate and encounter the increasing mischief.Which necessi­tates the Go­verness to hasten away the Marq. of Bergen into Spain. She sent the Marquess of Ber­gen, as soon as ever he was recovered, in all haste to Spain, to give his Maje­stie an account of what he had seen with his eyes; and to beseech him to think no more of the Inquisition; but that he would please, and speedily, to mitigate the severitie of the Edicts, lest while they consulted in Spain, the Low-countreys should be lost. But the Marquess of Bergen falling ill again at Poicto [...] in France, Who sickning by the way, Sends the Stew­ard of his house before with his Letters. received instructions from her Excellence, to send some trustie messenger before him, to deliver the King his Letters and Embassage. Which was done by his Major [...] domo, upon the 25 of Iuly. The Governess was likewise informed by the Magistrate of Antwerp, 1566. that forreiners every day came into the Town, and pestered it extreamly.Her Excellence by Edict banishes Forreiners. But cannot re­solve what course to take with the new Preachers. Whom her Excellence commanded to depart, by Edict, set forth by authoritie of the Senate; and many perswading her, upon that occasion, to revive the penall Laws against banished men, that should return into the Low-countreys, against scandalous Libellers, and such as read and kept their Pamphl [...]ts; as likewise a­gainst all Conventicles and hereticall Sermons; though a while she remain­ed in suspence, because on the one part, she knew there was no hope to ma­ster the stubborn multitudes without souldiers, which then she had not means to levie, and therefore held it more wisdome to wave those Laws, the contempt whereof she had not power to punish: and on the other part, that she might not sit still, and seem to sleep over so many affronts, with a kind of encouragement to the tumultuous Rebels,She revives the Edict against them. she confirmed and aug­mented the old Edicts. But all to little purpose; for the Ministers still preached, and because they were silenced, were followed with more eager­ness: it being a fault in humane nature,Who were more followed because prohibited. Especially at Antwerp. to conceive things greater because prohibited. The worst disorders were at Antwerp, that Citie lying between the French and the Germans, and therefore exposed to their factions. Inso­much as a few dayes after the Edict was published, when the Lutherans, ac­cording to their custome, met in the fields on the one side, and the Calvinists [Page 118] on the other, these being no fewer then fifteen thousand, their number en­creased their confidence, When the Sermon was done, they set the preach­er of Calvins Gospel on horsback, and carried him into the Town trium­phantly, attended with a great guard of Horse and Foot. The Magistrate not daring to oppose that fudden tumult, contented himself with sending speedy intelligence thereof to the Governess,The Governess is desired to come thither. beseeching her Excellence (in regard that many thought those assemblies might at last engage the City in some insurrection) by her presence there to give assistance unto Antwerp. 1564. And her Highness,She sends count Megen before her. as if she meant presently to come, sent before her Charles Brimey Count of Megen, a faithfull and valiant Commander, enjoyning him to make experience of the strength and loyaltie of the Citizens, what they would or could do, for quieting those commotions; lest necessitie might force her to be an eye-witness of things, which she might with lesse danger to her Authority, hear of at a distance.But upon a mu­tiny of the people But upon sight of the Count, the Town began to mutiny: the people crying out, That Count Megen was come to do a mischief to the Gheuses, and that Count Aremberg was to fol­low with twelve Ensignes; and when those souldiers had possest themselves of Antwerp, then the Governess would appear, and at her pleasure, together with the Spanish tyranny, erect the Pontifician Tribunall, and put a Garrison into the Fort to aw the Town. Lastly, the Brabanters having received that yoke, should be just so enslaved as the Millanois and Neapolitans are in Italie, caught by the like stratagem.He is called a­way. These tumults still increasing, the Governess called away Count Megen, pretending it was necessary he should attend his Government of Gelderland. The Town peti­tions for the Prince of O­range, And when the Magistrate of Antwerp, by divers posts, wrote to the Governess fot the Prince of Orange, who was de­sired by the people, nor would they easily endure another Governour, the Prince of Orange himself promising his utmost fidelity and endeavours in that employment; the Governess not knowing what to do,Who is made Go­vernour of Ant­werp. seeing no way safe, at length, lest she might seem to distrust his integrity and promi [...]es, and consequently, in that point of time, distast so great a man with a publick re­pulse, she gave him Commission to compose the mutinie at Antwerp. He was met upon the way, a mile without the Town,Multitudes of people meet him upon the way. by Brederod, with a great sort of Citizens of Antwerp; who saluting one another with discharge of their pistols, they joyned companies, and went on; such multitudes of men, partly meeting them upon the rode, partly standing to behold them upon rising ground, and tops of houses; that you would think Antwerp had em­ptied it self of all the inhabitants. Yet the Prince of Orange seemed not to be elated in his looks, perhaps conceiving it to be a point of magnanimity: or rather, fearing that immoderate popular applause, might offend superiour Powers.He silences their shouts, and the Hereticks accla­mations. And therefore, when that huge crowd began to sing Psalmes in French, he commanded them presently to hold their peace. Others in divers places crying, Long live the Gheuses: he often silenced them with his hand. Nay, those that were got upon the walls, louder then before shouting out the same wishes for the Gheuses; when he could not rule their tongues by signes, he grew in choler, and swore by God, they were best consider what they did; for if they proceeded, some of them should repent it. But the greatest presumption of the people was, when he entred Antwerp; and rode through the streets, then in many places they clamoured in this manner, Behold the man that brings us liberty. Behold the man that brings us the Confes­sion of Auspurg. We have no more need of the Covenanters. This is [...]e whom hereafter we will follow, this is he whom we will petition to. But the Prince of Orange appeared much offended at these expressions, especially in Brederods [Page 119] presence.Consults about a remedie for the present mischief. He lighted at the Palace, and that night consulted with the Magi­strate, how to reduce the people to their former duty and obedience; how to hinder the Merchants from leaving the Town, which they resolved to do; and how to break the meetings at seditious Sermons; for these were his in­structions from the Governess.Sermons in the fields frequented as much as ever But whilest the remedies were referred to the Senate, the disease abroad being fed with the same humour, increased, and it was thought, seldome less then 4000 men met at one Sermon, which exceedingly grieved the Governess, who by many Letters, sometimes re­membred the Senate and People of the promise, wherein they obliged them­selves to the King,For which she justly reprooves the Senate of Antwerp, and tries severall wayes to make the Prince of Orange. when (to avoid the imposing of a Bishop) they under­took to be more tender of Religion, then ever any Bishop was. Sometimes she praised and encouraged the Prince of Orange for his industry in prevent­ing mischiefs; and withall remembred him of the Duty of his place, his faith to the King, and ingagement to her self in this present Office; that ma­ny had ill thoughts of him, and the occasion was now in his own hands ei­ther to enflame, or extinguish them: When behold, upon the sudden, new troubles call away the attention of the Governess to another quarter.

News was brought, that the Confederate Gheuses had a new designe, and were about two thousand. to meet at Centron, and in that Citie,A meeting of the Gheuses at Centron, or San-Truden. belonging to the Bishop of Liege, to resolve whether they should take up arms, whereun­to in every place they had animated the people. The report of the taking up arms was false, but their determination to meet proved true. And Bre­derod with the chief of the Covenanters, wrote Letters to the Towns about them, in the end of Iune, summoning them to convene the 14 day of Iuly. Lewis of Nassau undertook to make the Bishop, sending unto him the Lord of Villers, They desire the use and freedom of the Town, from the Bishop of Liege, Ge­rard Grosbech. Which he denies who in the name of Lewis and his companions of the League, should work him to give way to their holding an Assembly at Centron. The Bishop excusing himself, as bound by the Imperiall Laws, not to suffer any such meeting in an Imperiall Town; wrote all that had passed, in cypher, to the Governess, and commanded the Governour of the Town, not to admit them if they came. But the Townsmen fearing,But the Towns­men let them in. that if they did shut their gates against them, they would spoil their Harvest, and fire the houses and Villages round about; without contest received Brederod and his men into the Town.They convene in the City. In this convention (begun about the middle of Iuly, and end­ed the last day of that moneth) two things were put to the question: The first, How they should be secured, in case the King were minded to revenge himself upon them: and then, Whether they should move for more, then was expressed in their Petition delivered in April, touching the Edicts and Inquisition.Where they una­nimously agree to petition for their Indemnity. The generall vote was, that security should be demanded of the Governess; but the other passed in the negative: some affirming that upon the grant of those particulars for which they took the Covenant, they ought to proceed no farther. Others said, That if they had success in their first Petition, they would enlarge it, and desire, that no certain form of Religion might be prescribed the people; but that every one might be left free, to serve God his own way.Touching Liber­tie of Religion they differ among themselves. Many were extreamly offended with that abominable opinion, and thereupon by degrees disengaged themselves from the Covenant (among which was Charles Mansfeld sonne to Count Ernest) so as nothing was determined in that point.A few Pages lower. But whether the Hereticks a­mong themselves,The Governess sends Count Eg­mont and Count Horn to break off the Conven­tion. unknown to their other complices, resolved upon that which presently followed in the Netherlands, that is, the violation of holy Images, I shall in its proper place deliver. Whilst these things were in agi­tation, the Governess sent Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange, to [Page 120] fright the Covenanters and these Assemblies; not that she was ignorant, how farre either of them was to be trusted, but that by such expressions of her confidence, and by making them of Counsel with her, she might oblige them, and put it in their power to set things right, and consequently to me­rit the Kings favour. They appointed Brederod and the heads of the Cove­nanters to meet them at Duffle, a village hard by Antwerp. And among other things, they admonished them, in the Governesses name, tha [...] they should forbear by those kind of Assemblies to make any Innovation, till his Majestie sent his absolute determination concerning their demands: but ra­ther,These Lords re­member the Covenanters of their promise. that by their authoritie with the Commons they should restrain them (as they had promised) growing dayly more and more stubborn and con­tumacious. Brederod wrote the heads of this conference (which were nine) to his confederates at Centron; who agreed among themselves,But they by a new message from S. Tru­den make high demands from the Governesse. to send Lewis of Nassau with twelve Gentlemen to present the Governesse a new Petition, consisting likewise of nine heads, wherein partly they stood upon their justification; and that so absolutely, as they refused the act of Oblivi­on promised them by the Governesse, affirming what they had done was more worthy to be published, then forgotten: partly they desired that the Governesse, by her own letters and under the hands of the Knights of the Golden-fleece, would secure them from force of arms, which as it was said were preparing against them. Moreover, that she would give Commission to the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, and Count Horn to hear the Grie­vances of the Covenanters, and to mediate betwixt his Majestie and them. Lastly, they moved for a generall Convention of the Estates, as the best ex­pedient for restoring peace to their Countrey. Otherwise, though against their wills, they must be necessitated to have recourse to forrein help. These letters being read in Senate,She puts them off for the pre­sent. after every man had delivered his opinion, the Governesse answered Lewis and his companions (that were called, by jeering people, his twelve Apostles) that upon the twenty sixth of August the Knighrs of the Golden-fleece were to meet at Bruxels, and she would ad­vise with them about it.The Prince of Orange would be made Go­vernour of Ant­werp, to enable him for ruling of the Town. And is made Governour ac­cordingly. with power to chuse himself a Guard. In the interim, the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp; when no good could be done there, certified the Governesse, that the Citizens had been earnest with him to receive the Government of Antwerp, and for his securitie to put a Garrison into the Town. The Go­vernesse consenting to it, he not onely raised men, but was so bold, as to ask leave to have a Guard about his person, which she likewise granted. And so to his great contentment he was made Governour, meaning shortly to make himself an absolute Prince, by the too much indulgence of the Go­vernesse, who with these favours endeavoured to ingage the Prince of O­range, or at least would have him believed to be of the Kings partie.But this conces­sion was a great weakning in her Excellence. But the despair of succours long looked for out of Spain, together with her fear, increased her indulgence. Now at length, upon Montinyes sollic [...]tation, the Kings letters came,The Kings let­ters wherein he grants the Go­vernesse her de­sires. wherein those three particulars the Dutchesse had so often requested of his Majestie, were all granted, but upon certa [...]n con­ditions. For his Majestie gave way to the remove of the Ecclesiasticall In­quisitours; provided the Bishops were first placed in their stead: for he was resolved and fixed, not to leave Religion naked, without a guard of those that should take cognizance of her cause, and revenge her injuries.So limited, as gave the people no satisfaction. It was his pleasure likewise, that the Imperiall Edicts should be somewhat moderated by his Councell in the Low-countreys; but it must be certified to, and approved of by, his Councel in Spain, before it should be published in the Provinces. In the last place, his Majestie was contented that [...] Co­venanters [Page 121] and others should be pardoned;And so long a coming, as ren­dered them un­usefull to the King. but the other two heads were first to be dispatched. But these remedies came from Spain too late, when the face of things was altered in the Low-countreys: When the fury of the Hereticks, plundering the Churches, and openly defacing all venerable and sacred monuments of Religion,Of the plunder of Churches. was to be incountered in another way.

And indeed that destruction (which I think was one of the greatest that ever happened, if we consider the sudden mischief to Religion, the rage of the People,From whence that Mischief came into the Low-coun­treys. their small number, and mean qualitie) from what parts or by whose Counsell it was brought upon the Low-countreys, is no more cer­tainly known, then the causes and originall of a sudden plague. I should think by many letters I have read, that in all probability it came thither from the Geneva Calvinists, their next French neighbours: perhaps by acci­dent, perhaps upon design; for so Peter Ernest Count Mansfeld informed the Governesse, and she the King. The very same intelligence she received from Pedro Ceballio, August 28. an old Spanish Commander, who assured her, that the Prince of Condegrave; and the three brothers of the Colygn the heads of the Hugonots, What forreiners incouraged them. to advance their own partie in France while Heresie reigned in the Low-countreys, by their Emissaries, dayly solicited the Hereticks in these Provin­ces to make some attempt, wherein they promised sufficiently to furnish them with men and Arms. The like hope they had of the Queen of En­gland. This agrees with what was resolved upon at Centron by the confede­rated Gheuses, in which number the Admirall of France and others of that nation being comprehended, it was easie for them, upon this occasion, to trouble the Low-countreys. Besides these mysteries of State,Why the Low-countreymen joyned with them. other things were plain to be discerned. For the people, partly corrupted with Heresie, part­ly dreading the Inquisition, exceedingly favoured the Hereticks that sought to overthrow that judicature. The confederated Gheuses willingly took up­on them the protection of the Commons, because many of the Covenan­ters were birds of the same feather, and all of them ambitious to be Ma­sters and Tribunes of the people. The Knights of the Order, and the Lords, were divided among themselves. Those that continued faithfull to their Religion and their Prince, were the weaker party: the stronger either de­clared themselves for the Conspiratours, or at least were of their chamber-counsell. And now the Governesse wrote to the King,August 28. that she had certain knowledge of the Prince of Orange's design, by those tumults to invade the Government of the Low-countreys: and share it with his fellow-rebells. Therefore, upon Assumption-eve,The day ap­pointed for the Picture-scuffle. The Place. they began to rifle the Low-countrey Churches: first rising in the lower Flanders, which lies between the river Lys and the West Sea. In these parts a few of the raskall sort of Hereticks met and joyned themselves with some companies of thieves,The quality of the Image-breakers. Their Instru­ments. upon the day appointed for proclaiming warre against heaven, lead on by no Commander but Impietie: their Arms were staves, hatchets, hammers, and ropes, fitter to pull down houses, then to fight withall: some few of them▪ had swords and muskets.First the Vil­lages are plun­dered. Thus accoutered, as if they had been furies vomited from Hell, they broke into the towns and villages about S^t. Omer, and if they found the doors of Churches or Monasteries shut, forced them open, frighting away their religious inhabitants: and overturning the Altars, they defaced the Monuments of Saints, and broke to peices their sacred images. Whatsoever they saw dedicated to God, and to the Blessed, they pulled it down and trod it under their feet to dirt, whilst their Ringleaders clapt them on the backs, and incouraged them with all their force to destroy the Idols. Then the Cities. [Page 122] The Hereticks glad of this successe to the first that ever they sent out upon a party, left the place with speed, and with unanimous consent, shouted and cryed aloud, Let us to IPRES, that being a citie much frequented by the Calvinists. And they were drawn thither, as well out of hope of protection, as out of hatred they bare to the Bishop of that City, Martin Rithovius, an eminently virtuous and learned man, and therefore meriting the spleen of Hereticks. Whereupon they ran violently thither, gathering upon the way such vagabonds and beggars, as joyned with them out of hope of plunder. And as a snow ball rolling from the top of a hill, grows still greater, by the accesse of new snow, through which it passes, and wherein it is involved: so these thievish vagabonds multiplying by the way, the farther they go, the more they rage, and the more considerable their thievish strength ap­pears.They are re­ceived at Ipres. And when they had pillaged a few small villages about Ipres, upon the very day of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin, the citizens of Ipres opening their gates unto them,Deface and pillage the great Church. they entered the town, and went directly to the Cathedrall Church, where every one fell to work. Some set ladders to the walls, with hammers and slaves battering the pictures. Others broke a sunder the iron work, seats, and pulpit. Others, casting ropes about the great statues of our Saviour Christ, and the Saints, pulled them down to the ground. Others stole the consecrated plate, burnt the sacred Books, and stript the Altars of their holy ornaments: and that, with so much securitie, with so little regard of the Magistrate or Prelates, as you would think they had been sent for by the common Councell, and were in pay with the citie. With the same fury they likewise burned the Bishop of Ipre's library,Burn the Li­brary. Violate all things sacred. and de­stroyed the rest of the Churches and Religious nouses of the town, react­ing their villanies, and because the first prospered, still presuming. This sacrilegious robbery continued a whole day.The People, and the Magistrate, diversly af­fected. Part of the people being a­mazed to see them, not taking them for men, but devils in humane shapes: and part rejoycing, that now those things were done which they them­selves had long ago designed. Nor had the Magistrate and Senatours any greater care of Religion. Perhaps this sudden inundation took away their sense and judgement; perhaps, being privy to the plot, they, idle and carelesse, kept their houses. Indeed the whole Citie fright­ed, like passengers in a Shipwrack, beheld the destruction, never put­ting to their helping hands.A new Party of Image-breakers in other Towns. The next day, another party of Church-robbers, either kept for a reserve, or taking example by what was done about S^t. Omer, S. Omer, had orders to plunder Menin, Commines, Vervich, Menin, Commines, Vervich. and other Towns upon the Lys, which they did with the like violence. All things holy that were portable they carried away: the rest they cut in pieces and burned. Thence passing the River, they came within the Liberties of Lisle, many of the Townsmen joyning with them; and having robbed a rich Mo­nastery, which they call Marquet, mad and drunk, some went to Doway, some to Seclin: Encountred by the Secliners. But the Secliners and other neighbour Towns, catching up any weapon that came to hand, faced them upon their march, and shewed themselves ready to punish the injury offered to Religion, unless those thieves would take another way.And defeated. But they with the same impudence, striving to go forward, and to break through them, the Countrey came in, and falling upon them, slew a great sort, and routed the rest, making them flie in great distraction, forcing many into the boggs, drowing some in the river, and carrying others into the Town in triumph. But this was a slight revenge: when at the same time, almost all Flanders did as furiously assault God him­self, and all his Saints, no man resisting. The news whereof much afflicted [Page 123] the Governess, who, in great grief of heart, turning to Count Egmont, The Governess's words to Count Egmont. that waited on her from the Sermon to her Privie-chamber, said, Do you hear, Egmont, what good news comes from your Province of Flanders? Unhappy Wo­man that I am, to see in the time of my Government, such indignities offered to God, and to the King. And will you, in whose worth and fidelity his Majestie hath alwayes put such confidence, suffer these foul villanyes to passe unpunished, in the Province committed to your charge? His Answer. and when he answered, That in the first place the Kings Authority must be carefully maintained, and then Religion would easily be restored; the Governess not without indignation replied,Her reply. that his counsel was not just; but rather before all humane things, the honour and worship of God ought to be preferred, the neglect whereof would be a farre greater misery, then the losse of any power or fortune whatsoever. This was her opinion, and like­wise the Kings, His Rejoynder. who resolved to put nothing in ballance with Religion. And when Egmont added, That men were of another mind, who had estates in these Provin­ces, which they feared to loose: Her Conclusion. she concluded with the same constancie, that it was indeed to be wished, and would be a more prudent course; to preserve both Re­ligion and temporall Power: but if one of them must go to wrack, the safetie of Religion ought principally to be respected; which, once lost, would never be repaired with the addition either of Wealth or Empire. To this purpose her Excellence spake in Senate also,The Senates re­solution upon the Exigent. which she speedily summoned. Wherein it was decreed, that Maximil. Rassinghem, who succeeded Iohn Currier deceased, in the Go­vernment of French Flanders, should immediately enter Lisle with the horse commanded by the Lord Montiny, who was then in Spain, and not suffer the people, that had been plundering consecrated Goods, to return into the town, before they had yeilded up their Arms, and that he had carried them to the Magazine. And notwithstanding Egmont did not well approve of this kind of proceeding, but affirmed, that if the Governess went by the way of Arms, this Insurrection would not be quieted, till 200000 men hast lost their lives, yet she gave not off her resolution, but answered, It were better that Roat, the dregs of mankind (if they would not renounce their heresie) should be banished or destroyed, then they should be suffered to commit such execrable wicked­ness; lest the good men of the Low-countreys should, at length, either be infected with their contagion, or forced by them to flie their Countrey, in case the multitude prevailed.

Whilst these preparations were made at Court,A new Iconoma­chy at Antwerp the rage of the Low-coun­trey Hereticks was not laid, but like a storm, now violently carried into this, now into that quarter,Begun with scorn put upon the holy P [...]oces­sion. terrified every Province, especially Antwerp. Where upon the day of the Assumption of our Lady (for the Antwerpers have the Blessed Virgin for their Patroness) whilst her Image in solemn Procession, was carried upon mens shoulders, from the great Church, through the streets, the symptomes of that disease appeared, which brake forth soon af­ter. Some jeering rascals of the meaner sort of Artificers,Mockerie. first laughed and hissed at the holy Solemnitie: then impiously and impudently, with mimick salutations and reprochfull words, mockt the Effigies of the mother of God, and had presumed to lay sacrilegious hands upon it, but that by the care of those that ordered the Procession, it was set down, not (as was usuall) in the middle-Isle of the Church, but speedily conveyed into the Quire. And next day (for base people grow bolder if they find themselves feared) many came into the Church, and some playing their gambols before our Ladies Chap­pel, asked her in scorn, why she had so early flown up to the roust. Others ran about the great Church, threatning the Altars and Images; among whom an impudent Rogue, a Sadler, got up into the Pulpit, and when this [Page 124] impious Mimick had counterfeited the tone and gesture of a Preacher, de­siring them to reach him a Bible,And quarrelling in the Cathe­drall Church. he challenged any of the Catholick Priests to come and dispute with him: and whilst they received him on the one side with applauses, and on the other with casting faggot-sticks and rubbish at him (which he threw at his audience again) at length the scuffle increasing, as if they had been in the streets, a Catholick Spipper, not able to endure the insolence of the fellow, ran up the side of the Pulpit, and catching the Buffon about the waste, lustily tossed him over to the ground; and he him­self, in the heat of the brawl, avoiding many blows made at him, was shot in the arm with a pistol-bullet, the rest, when some cryed, that the Officers were coming for fear of being taken, slipped out of the Church. Not­withstanding the quarrell continued, and they met every day, like Gladia­tors upon the stage,Whereof the sa­crilegious people, shutting out the rest, possest themselves. to cut and hack one another. Untill upon the 21^th of August, the Hereticks increasing in their number, came into the great Church with concealed weapons; as if they resolved, after some light skirmishes for a few dayes past, to come now to a battel. And expecting till Even-song was done, they shouted with a hideous cry, Long live the Gheuses; Nay, they commanded the Image of the Blessed Virgin to repeat their Acclamation, which if she refused to do, they madly swore they would beat and kill her. And though Iohn Immercellius Pretour of the Town, with some Appara­tours, came and commanded them to keep the Peace, yet he could not help it; but the people running away to get out of the tumult, the Hereticks shut the doors after them, and as Conquerours possessed themselves of the Church: Now when they saw all was theirs; hearing the clock strike the last houre of the day,And singing Psalmes fall to work. and darkness adding confidence, one of them (lest their wickedness should want formality) began to sing a Geneva Psalme, and then, as if the Trumpet had sounded a charge, the Spirit moving them alto­gether, they fell upon the effigies of the Mother of God, and upon the pi­ctures of Christ and his Saints,Breaking all things consecra­ted. some tumbled them down, and trod upon them; others thrust swords into their sides; others chopped off their heads with axes; with so much concord and forecast in their Sacriledge, that you would think every one had his severall work assigned him. For the very harlots,And defacing the whole Ca­thedrall. those common appurtenances to thieves and drunkards, catching up the wax-candles from the Altars, and from the Vestry, held them to light the men that were at work. Part whereof, getting upon the Altars cast down the sacred plate, broke a sunder the picture-frames, defaced the paint­ed walls: Part, setting up ladders, shattered the goodly Organes, broke the windows flourished with a new kind of paint. Huge statues of Saints, that stood in the walls upon Pedistalls, they unfastened and hurled down among which, an ancient and great Crucifix, with the two thieves hanging on each hand of our Saviour, that stood right against the high Altar, they pulled down with ropes, and hewed it in pieces; but touched not the two theives, as if they onely worshipped them, and desired them to be their good Lords. Nay,O Profane! they presumed to break open the Conservatory of the celestial bread; and putting in their polluted hands, to pull out the blessed Body of our Lord, those base off-scourings of men, trod upon the Deity adored and dreaded by the Angels. The Pixes and Chalices which they found in the Vestry, they filled with wine prepared for the Altar, and drank them off in derision. They greased their shooes with the Chrisme or holy oyl; and after the spoyl of all these things, laughed and were very merry at the matter. My meaning is not, lest I should scandalize mankind, nor suits it with Histo­ry, to repeat all the foul actions wherewith in this destruction of holy things, [Page 125] these traitours to God and his Saints glutted their cruelty.What a great stately Church was this. But the greatest wonder was, to see them make so quick dispatch: that one of the fairest and greatest Churches of Europe, How small a number defaced it. full of Pictures and Statues, richly adorned with about seventy Altars, by a few men (for they were not above one hun­dred, as the Governess wrote to the King, that she was certainly informed) should before midnight,In a few houres. when they began but in the evening, have nothing at all left entire or unprofaned. Truly, if the hundred men had not an hun­dred hands apiece, that in so short a space demolished such a multitude of things,Some thought the Devil helpt his Children. it is not unreasonable to believe (which I know some at that time suspected) that devils mixing with them, joyned in dispatching their own work; or at least that the furious violence, which (in scorn of Religion) stript the Altars, mangled the Statues and Pictures, defaced the tombes, and in foure houres time robbed and layed waste so rich and goodly a Church; could not have any other cause, but the immediate impulsion of those re­bellious and infernall spirits, that add both rage and strength to sacrilegious villains,Because none of the Sacrilegious were so much as hurt in the do­ing it. offering an acceptable sacrifice to hell. Especially because in such a hurry and crowd of hasty labourers, whilst they run about the Church like Bacchanals and Bedlams; whilst they mount the rounds of their lad­ders; whilst they with great pains loosen the brasse and marble; whilst they endeavour to spoil and steal the richest things; none of all their number had so much as a fall, or a knock, though such loads of stone and wood came tumbling down, and so many fragments and splinters flew about; nor recei­ved the least hurt by the workmens tools, which they ran with in their hands: it is no slight argument (as I said before) to prove that by Gods per­mission, the Devil was the Surveyour of their works, and by the assistance of his evil Angels, that enterprise, no less difficult then impious, was in­stantly, without harm to any of them, and therefore prodigiously ef­fected.

But these sacrilegious thieves committed yet more villanie in the Town,From the Church they fall upon the City. presuming upon their fortune: For running out of the Church with hal­lowed candles,And their num­ber encreasing, triumphantly singing and crying, Vive le Gueux; they were received by others that had lien concealed near the Church, exspecting en­couragement from the success. Their Companies therefore joyning (for Bootie invited them)Plunder all the Churches, still as they came to any Church-doors, they broke them open, spoyling and carrying away all their consecrated furniture. They climbed into Monasteries, And Religious Houses in the Town, With incredible security. searched them, entred their store-houses, seized upon their meat, drank off their wine, and took from them all their money, plate, and wardrobes, both sacred and profane. And this impiety was act­ed with such impudence and impunitie; that truly I knovv not vvel, vvhether the Reader vvill conceive more indignation against those impious Ruffi­ans, that vvithout any reverence to God or man, plundred consecrated places, and other mens houses at their pleasure, destroying and steal­ing Church-ornaments, and Religious mens goods; or against such as ought to have protected those sacred things,Terrifying the Inhabitants. The Merchants keep their own houses, and there stand upon their guard. and against the Religi­ous Houses themselves, that looked on, whilst these Rogues with pol­luted hands abused and profaned all. But fear had possessed the generalitie, this hapning about midnight, when the Citie was in their dead sleep, and so the more affrighted, being awaked with sudden and severall kinds of Out-cryes. And therefore, as unexspected and doubtfull accidents ever strike the greatest terrour,Those that had the custodie of things sacred, run away from their charge. many of the Merchants, fearing an universall plunder, shut their doors, and barricadoed them. The Clergie, knowing themselves unable to resist a multitude of thieves (not discerning how few [Page 126] they were) forsook the Churches,Religious men dare not appear. All the Town in a fright. and provided for their own safetie. Nor had the religious Orders time to collect their spirits in this common trepi­dation, when so many fled. In a word men had no more consideration to defend themselves against this misfortune, then against a thunderbolt, which every one wishes to avoid, but none labours to oppose,The Nuns flie to their fathers Houses. But the poor Nuns were in the greatest fright and amazement, whose Cloysters were broke by these Hobgoblins, which making havock of all things in their way, and prying into every secret corner; whilst their furie or theivery kept them imployed, it was the onely preservation of the holy Virgins, that getting on their clothes of any fashion, escaped these sacrilegious dogs, and fled most of them into their Parents houses. By which means, lesse mischief was done, then uses to be committed in night-robberies. Their principall aim being to make haste,The Sacrilegi­ous make but one nights work of it. and ruine all things in an instant. And truly their hast was so great, that the noblest Churches and Religious houses of Antwerp were profaned and pillaged by the severall parties of these infamous Ras­calls. Nay, when it was day light, and that they saw the citie, amazed with sudden fear,Both Catholicks and Hereticks conceal them­selves out of mutuall distrust. had made no preparation to suppresse them: for both Catho­licks and Hereticks kept within doors; those fearing the Hereticks, which they believed to be masters of the Town: and these, in regard they knew the odium of the fact would reflect upon themselves, and therefore feared the Justice of the Magistrate, and to be assailed by the Catholicks: but all were of opinion, the libertie taken by these base Artificers, depended upon some superiour causes;The Church-robbers plunder with more li­centiousnesse then before. the Church-robbers secured by other mens terrour, fell to plunder in the day time, returning to the Churches and Mo­nasteries, unworthily and basely fouling the pure ornaments with their filthy souls and bodies; and buttering the Books in the library, set them on fire. Then in mockerie, arming the Saints statues, they ran a tilt, and overturn­ing them, insulted over them. And every where like Conquerours, having as well surprised, Religion as the Town, they bore the spoils in triumph.The Pillage continues for three whole dayes together. At last the drowsie Citizens awake. Three dayes together in Antwerp lasted that spoil and destruction of things sacred: with so great a losse of rare pieces, drawn by the hands of Masters, that some writers stick not to say, the great Church alone was damnified to the value of four hundred thousand Ducats. But it being strongly suspect­ed, that after the spoil of Churches, hope of prey having multiplyed this wicked rabble, they would at last plunder the rich Merchants (as many times men fight more eagerly for their houses, then for their Altars) the Townsmen thinking it their best, no longer to stand neuters, especially perceiving the small number of these Rogues,And taking Arms, Fright away the Sacrilegious. appeared at their doors in arms, and (as if they meant to revenge the Commonwealth) shut up all the Ports but one, out of which that damned pack of villains ran, and poured out their furie upon the adjoyning towns and villages, where they exercised the same kind of sacrilegious freeboot.

While this was done at and about Antwerp, The like mis­chief at the same time, Shaked all the seventeen Pro­vinces, like an Earthquake. the rage of these Traitours was no lesse, upon the very same dayes, at Gant, Ondenaerd, and other towns in Flanders, from the river of Lys as farre as Schelt and Dender, all the Churches and holy Ornaments going to wrack. For this destruction was more like an Earthquake, that devours all at once, then like the plague that steals upon a Countrey by degrees. Insomuch, as the same tainture and whirlwind of Religion, in an instant, miserably involved and laid waste Brabant, Onely sour ex­cepted. Flanders, Holland, Zeland, Gelderland, Friesland, Over-Isell, and al­most all the Low-countreys except three or four Provinces, viz. Nemure, Lucemburgh, Artois, Tac. l. 2. An­nals. and part of Haynolt. And as of old, in the reign of Ti­berius [Page 127] Cesar, they tell us that twelve cities were swallowed by an earth­quake in one night; so in the Low-countreys, not the like number of Cities, but Provinces,To an infinite losse. by the Spirit, struggling and bursting out from hell, were devoured; with so sudden, with so great a ruine, that the Netherlands which had as many populous Cities, Towns, and Villages, as any part of Europe, within ten dayes, was overwhelmed in this calamitie: the particular Pro­vince of Flanders having four hundred consecrated houses,Especially in Flanders. either profaned, or burnt to the ground.Some thought this Pillage, a design to betray the Low-coun­treys. So as indeed the Governesse could not but believe Count Mansfeld, who called that conspiracie, a plot laid to betray all the Low-countreys, by the Heads of the hereticall party in France: from whence came almost all these cryers of the new Gospel. For by their practice the state of the Low-countreys being troubled,Martin Delrio in Alter. Belg. l. 1. they might the more easily, as when an Army is confused at the first volly of shot, send fresh men, that assailing the Provinces,Sen. Truden. l. 4. already weakened, might totally subdue them. With this opi­nion theirs agreed,Plotted between the French and Low-coun­trey Hereticks. who thought this impious plunder, acted with such con­sent and such impunity, not to be accidentall, nor the villanie of a few, but to be contrived by the Hereticks, and Orders given at Centron, that by one Massacre they might prevent another, which they feared hung over their heads,With consent of the Gheuses. ever since the conference of the French and Spanish at Baion: the chief of the Gheuses giving way to it, that they might the sooner, by the fright of these tumults, extort from the Governesse all which they had petitioned for. Indeed when the Churches and Monasteries of Gant were rifled, the spoil having continued for three dayes together, the like whereof happened at the same time in Antwerp; An instance whereof, is Lewis of Nas­sau's letter. a letter from Lewis of Nassau, and six others, were delivered to the Ministers, Consistories, and Merchants of the Low-countreys (for so ran the superscription) wherein he advised them, that, in regard the cause of the reformed Religion seemed now to be in sufficient se­curitie, they should oppose themselves against the saucinesse and insurrecti­on of the people, confident that, hereafter, no body would trouble them for the free Exercise of their Religion: and they were to give credence to the Bearer, who was one Giles Clerk a Lawyer of Tournay, his name being writ in cypher in the same letter. Upon receit whereof, they ceased from profaning the Churches of Gant. And his Patro­nage of the Iconomachy. Add to this, the words of Count Mans­feld to the Governesse,Septemb. 8. which she sent in Character to the King, that she was advised by Count Mansfeld, to beware of Lewis of Nassau before all men living for he was the wickedest Traitour in the world; to whom the Ministers and Elders of the Hereticks communicated all their Counsels, and that he carried in his hand the spoil of Churches and religious Houses; and by this means, that turbulent spirited desperate man hoped, to levie warre against the King. And it is evident, that Lewis was one of the first movers in all the Sacriledge committed: it was by his incouragement, that the com­mon sort of hereticks would not obey the Magistrate, but contrary to his command, furiously ran out of the Citie to Vilvord, to hear sermons.

The Governess having notice from all parts, The Governesse calls a Senate or Great Coun­cell. of these sacrilegious actions, no lesse doubting the future, then grieving and amazed at the present, spee­dily called the Senate, that being indeed the ordinary, but many times a post-humous and ineffectuall remedy. Aug. 27. The Prefects of the Provinces and al­most all the Lords were there, but onely Philip Croi Duke of Areschot, and Charles Brimè Count of Megen, he excusing himself that he was not well, and this that he feared his enemies had a plot upon him. Her Excellence spake to them, in these very words (which she inserted in her Letters to the King) Grief and her inbred Nobleness giving them vigour and authoritie. [Page 128] To what condition the Low-countreys are brought,Her Speech. by the wickedness of a few men, we see, the absent will hear, and posterity admire, to my great disparagement and yours. For I know many things will be imputed to me, Princes names being al­wayes registred in the Kalender of publick calamities: and you are famed for so many noble actions at home and abroad, that your names cannot possibly be concea­led. Nor were the Netherlands so intrusted to me, but that you had your parts in the Administration of the Government. The particular Provinces committed to your trust; the Order of the Golden-Fleece, wherein your Oaths and Names are upon Record, the Allegiance due to their Prince from his subjects, amongst whom you are the chief, multiplyes your Obligations to the maintaining and enlarging of his Royall Power. And yet in these your Provinces, while you stand Spectatours, the Churches of God and his Saints, founded by the ancient piety of your Princes, which your Ancestours and your selves have adorned with victorious trophies, by sacrile­gious and impious traytours are burned down, and profaned, your Ancestours tembes violated, the Statues of your Order, and your Coats of Arms, in many places im­pudently thrown to the ground, trod upon, and broken. To omit their barbarity to Virgins consecrated to God, robbing of their Nunneries; and for addition to their contumelies, cruelly turning out of their cities and holy mansions, all the Priests and Religious. But what kind of men are they that have raised this storm in the Low-countreys? What dregs of the people, what vile and abject fugitives, and Apo­states from Religion? cruell, but to those that fear them: cowardly slaves if they themselves be terrified. A few Secliners and Countreymen, accidentally taking Arms, destroyed a multitude of these Church robbers. Did not one man yesterday, catching up a spear, when a great sort of these Traytours were gathered together, fright them not onely from a Chapel which they threatned, but from the Citie it self? Will you suffer this pestilence to rage without opposition, and to ruine the State and Peace of your Countrey, and your Religion, before your eyes, and these troubles to open the way unto a forrein Conquest? Nay, it is commonly reported, these villanies are committed, some of you not onely not resisting, but being also privie and assistant to the plot. I am not ignorant, that such Calumnies use to be spread abroad by wicked men, to make good Subjects less active in doing Iustice upon the enemies to Religi­on. And perhaps they hope to fright me with great names, and so inforce my con­sent to their unjust Demands. What is fit to be done by men of honour, look you to that; for what concerns my self, I religiously profess, that no mans menaces shall compell me, to mix the new figments of these people, with the ancient and Orthodox Religions established in these Provinces. Nay, if the King himself, upon whose Grace and Pleasure I depend, should dispense with the Low-countrey men, to be of what Religion they list, (which how farre it is from his Maiesties intention, none can be ignorant) I would instantly depart the Low-countreys, because I would not be an Agent in, or Interpreter of such Indulgence. But if I were stayed by force of Arms (which I hear they threaten) I call God to witness, I would offer my self to the slaughter, and be torn in pieces, rather then suffer a Profession of Faith, contrary to the Catholick Religion. To prevent all this, be it your care, my Lords, I do coniure you by your duty to God, your Allegiance to the King, and your Love unto your Countrey. And because gentle remedies will not prevail with de­sperate people, and that they trust to the protection of the confederate Gentlemen, let us at last receive the Arms and Assistance which you have often promised, and ought long since to have performed. That when the King shall come, who will be here very shortly,The divers sen­ses of the Sena­tours upon this Speech: some for, others a­gainst a Warre. he may find these Provinces quieted by your means, and no less re­munerate your fidelity with his royall Bounty, then he will requite the perfidiousness of others with severe punishment. This speech, made by the Governess, took according to every ones severall interest and inclination; quickning the de­sires [Page 129] if found in their minds, but not introducing any new Resolve. There­fore the Counts of Mansfeld, Aremberg, and Barlamont, all true to the Kings cause, chearfully offered their services: Egmont, Orange, Horn, and divers others, spake against levying war; whose opinion carried a greater appea­rance of Reason, because of the multitudes of Hereticks, whereof there was above fifteen thousand in Bruxels, it being unsafe for the present to pro­voke them by a warre. Their heat end­ed. But the Governess cut off that dispute, and leaving the mention of Armes out of her Speech, not out of her mind (for she re­solved the Warre should be her Great Councel) she asked their opinions, how those troubles might be otherwise composed. The Senate made this Decree, ne­mine contradi­cente. The result of their two dayes consultation was, That the Gove [...]ness should offer them an Act of oblivion for the time past, and security for the future provided, that the Confederates should first burn the instrument of their Association (they cal­led it the Covenant) and afterwards take an oath to be true to the Catho­lick Religion, and faithfull Subjects to the King for ever.

But the Governess delaying to set her hand to the Act, [...]he Gheuses threaten Bru­xels and the Governess. as if she were yet doubtfull whether it should pass or no, more of these turbulent people hourly gathering together, and being themselves tossed upon the waves of sedition, thrust others on, that else would have sate still. And they were heard to say, prompted by Lewis, brother to the Prince of Orange, that un­less the Governess would secure the Gentlemen Covenanters, unless every one might have liberty to go to Sermons, and no man be punished for Reli­gion; the Governess should with her own eyes see all the Churches in Bru­xels fired,Who frighted, resolves to leave Bruxels. the Priests murthered, her self imprisoned. And because this was said to be as well privately intended, as publickly reported▪ the Gover­ness resolved to steal out of Bruxels and retire to Mons, a city of Hay­nolt, partly that she might not be an eye-witness of the destruction of holy Images in Bruxels, partly that being in a safe place, she might not be forced to accept of unjust conditions.But is stayed by prayers & force. But whilst Orange and Egmont, to whom she would needs bid Farwel, disswaded her from the journey, the news was all over the Town; and some of the Citizens shutting up the Gates, others went to the Governess, humbly beseeching her, that she would not by her flight, adde to the impudence of wicked men, and make the K [...]ng condemn that faithfull Citie, under the notion of Conspiratours against his Majestie. Nor did she alter her resolution for all this, though a great man informed her Excellence,The Prince of Orange ex­presses verymuch trouble. that the Prince of Orange speaking of her going away to some at Court, told them, among other discourse, That if the Governess would leave the Town, and consequently desert the State, he himself was resolved, his Towns and Fortunes should not become a prey to any: That their French neighbours might easily possesse themselves of Flanders: and that long since, they pretended a title to Artois, and Haynolt nor could the rest of the Provinces want new Lords.The Governess more and more threatned. But that which most of all troubled the Governess, was a rumour dispersed in Bruxels, that she was the onely cause why the Gheuses had not their Petition granted, which she might do of her self, having received plenipotentiary Authority from the King, to signe any conditions for quieting the Low-countrey tumults. And that if still she pre­tended to exspect answer from Spain, putting them off with such flammes, there were some in readiness,Ulricus that seizing upon her,Viglius together with Viglius, Keeper of the Seal, and Egmont himself, would extort by force, what they could not obtain with modestie.Yet not suffered to depart the Town. Such reports as these, though at first the Governess accounted them vain threatnings of the Hereticks, which had cunningly named Egmont, to make her think the Conspira­tours [Page 130] hated him:And very much terrified. Yet when she saw the same affirmed by many, that seemed utterly to despair of any good; once more attempting to get out of Town,Makes some concessions to the covenanting Gheuses. and being staid again: Fear overcoming her, she at last was induced to grant some of the Covenanters demands. Which, after other businesse, she wrote to his Majestie, in these words. Now when I come to add what finally I granted to the Covenanters, Giving the King this ac­count by letter. unworthy my Resolution, unworthy your Majesties Religion; truly, the grief of it peirces my very soul, and shame comes upon my face in blushes. I call God to witnesse, who knows the secrets of my heart, that often and with my utmost power I resisted them; many nights together I have not shut mine eyes, being at that very time afflicted with sorrow, and a fever. Of the Causes moving her to do it. At last, besides the spoil of Churches, which I heard of, from other quar­ters; when the storm hung over this Citie, and that so many openly rung in mine ears, that the destructive spight to holy things would never cease til I should grant two demands made by the Covenanters. When my house was besieged, my mind languishing, and my body sick, sending for Orange, Egmont, and Horn, and protesting before them, And of the particulars granted. that my consent was extorted thereunto, I made a conces­sion of pardon and indemnity to the Covenanters, and to the rest I gave libertie to hear their Ministers preach, onely in places where they had been accustomed so to do; provided they came unarmed, and molested not the Catholicks. With a spe­ciall clause limiting these two Grants to such time, as the King with consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys would be pleased to allow. Blaming her own indulgent Act and be­seeching his Majestie not to confirm it. But rather to vindicate Re­ligion. Yet to both these I consented not in your Majesties name, but in mine own, so as when you please you may avoid them, without the least blemish to your Honour, which you have not your self ingaged; and being ill-ingaged by me, you should not, and (I hope) will not make it good. Nay, I beseech and conjure you, Mighty Sir, by that which is dearer to you then your life, your care to defend the Catholick faith; that imme­diately, not exspecting the convenience of the Spring, you will please to come in person, and revenge the wrongs d [...]ne to afflicted Religion, which now sadly and solely addressing her self to your Majestie, exspects relief (which otherwise, she dispairs of) from that right hand of yours, renowned for faith, and power, indeed, unlesse this one hope remained, my life, which lingers in a miserable manner, would soon part from me, though perhaps this hope it self will be hardly able to keep off death. She in the inte­rim secures her self and the Town of Bru­xels. Thus her Excellence (fainting under the burden of her grief) wrote privately to the King, but publickly shewed no womanish passion, and still intent to affairs of State, gave Count Mansfeld Commission to go­vern Bruxels as her Lieutenant, put into the town a new Garrison of horse and foot, fortified the Count; left nothing undone, that either concerned her own or the Cities preservation.And gets time to breath, upon the present al­teration of af­fairs by the en­deavours of the Gheuses at Bruxels. Indeed having made that agreement with the Covenanters, they gave her jealousies a short breathing-space; for, upon the foresaid terms, taking a new oath of obedience to the Gover­nesse, they so ordered the matter, that upon the day appointed the Gheuses attempted nothing against the Church. Nay, the Prince of Orange return­ing to Antwerp hanged three of the sacrilegious villains,And of the Prince of O­range at Ant­werp. and banished three more, setting open the great Church, commanding the Priests to exercise their function, and boldly to instruct the people. Which had not a little rejoyced the Governesse,Who afterwards offended the Governesse, by his grant of Churches to the Hereticks. but that, in the same letter which he about it, he inclosed two petitions, delivered him by the Germans, that desired some Church in Antwerp, where they might freely exercise the confession of Auspurg. This took off much of the Governesses contentment, especially because,Septemb. 3. the day after, she understood, by other letters from the Prince of Orange, that he, and the Senate of Antwerp, had permitted Hereticks to preach in the citie, and to use all the other rites of Luther and Calvin, as­signing [Page 131] them three places for that purpose.For which he gives her rea­sons. The reason whereof the Prince of Orange explaining, affirmed to the Governesse (who very hainously re­sented it) in three letters, sent immediately one after another, that he was extreamly unwilling to make conditions with the Hereticks,Septemb. 4. but some con­siderations inforced him:Septemb. 4. 5. 7. First, that he might by this means restore the Churches and Churchmen to securitie. Then, whereas no lesse then twen­ty thousand men used to go out of Town to sermons, he greatly feared lest, at their return, some pragmaticall knaves, gaping after pillage, might joyn with them, and (the multitude prevailing) plunder the rich Merchants houses. Lastly, because the Hereticks already had sermons in Antwerp, therefore in pursuance of that agreement, he had assigned them places in the citie.But not satis­factory. Notwithstanding, the Governesse liked not the proceedings of the Prince of Orange; perhaps because she her self was guilty of too much in­dulgence, and likewise in fear to be reproved for anothers fault: perhaps, because the Prince of Orange had indeed given further allowance to the He­reticks then they could challenge by their articles, which licensed their Ser­mons within the walls, but not their Baptisme, Marriage, or other Hereti­call ceremonies.The like done at Mechlen and Tournay by the Counts of Hochstrat and Horn who ex­cuse themselves. But whilst the Governesse chides the Prince, and wi [...]s him to revoke his Act, news is brought to her, that the Counts of Hotchstrat, and Horn had followed the example of Antwerp, he at Machlin, this at Tournay, and both, rebuked by the Governesse, gave her an account of their actions. Hotchstrat said, he could not do withall,Septemb. 8. for the law was given to him by the inraged people, whom he found, at his entrance into the citie, barbarously spoiling the Churches. But Horn (of whom her Excellence complained to the King, as of a greater Delinquent then the rest, because when he had made suit for the Government of Tournay, it was granted him upon certain conditions, which he ingaged to observe, yet had broke every particular) laid the fault upon the citie, so full of Hereticks, that of five parts scarce one continued Catholick.The very same at Utretcht. And at Bolduc. The Governesse heard yet worse news from Utrecht, and worst of all from the Bus: those having chased away the Catholicks from the Churches, and these the Bishop from the citie.The Francis­cans, at Ant­werp, endan­gered by the Hereticks. A while after, the Prince of Orange certified the Governesse, that three hundred of the common people at Antwerp, in hope of spoil taking arms, were ready to break into a Monasterie of Franciscans; but that he came in with his horse,Septem. 17. and scattered them. But the same wickednesse prospered better at Amsterdam. And turned out of doors at Amsterdam. Where a few men of the poorest roguey sort of He­reticks, but countenanced by many and potent Citizens, rushing into a Church and Monasterie of Franciscans, and defacing all the consecrated things, beat and stoned out the Religious, hurting the Consull of the town, and one of the greatest Senatours, that opposed them; and so made them­selves masters of the Convent.The pious Act of the Amster­dam women. At which time, the women of Amsterdam did a memorable exploit. For while these impious madmen running to all the Churches in the town, closely followed their victorious beginning, and broke into a Chappell famous in those parts for miracles wrought by the holy Eucharist: where they laid hands upon that heavenly bread; the wo­men, that were about the Altar, took to themselves mens courages, rising up in defence of the blessed Sacrament, and resolving rather to die then suf­fer that execrable rudenesse. And what with threats, and authoritie (for some of them were women of qualitie) what with force and clamour, those barking hell-hounds ran away, without so much as touching the Altar, or tearing the Church-ornaments. These women are indeed worthy the knowledge and commendations of posteritie. Unlesse perhaps their praise [Page 132] may seem a disparagement to the men.The impious act of the wo­men of Delph. But the women of Amsterdam me­rited not more honour, then the same sex deserved infamie at Delph, a town in Holland. For a whole Regiment of them, undoubtedly possessed by the Devil, knowing one anothers minds, upon the sudden, like Bedlams or Fu­ries, got into a Church of the Franciscans, broke the Saints images, towsed and spoiled the holy Altar-clothes. From thence, with like speed and rage, they furiously made their way into the Monasterie it self, with such vio­lence, as if they had been the Snake-haired hags sent from Pluto, running over the house, and rifling every corner; so as the Franciscans frighted with the strange sight of these Bacchides, thinking this to be the prologue to a massacre, (for it was rumoured that within two or three dayes all the Priests should have their throats cut) part of them to save themselves, fled; and the rest hid themselves. I know some were of opinion they were not women that durst make this attempt, but men in womens clothes. Yet, that the wo­men of Holland might be so wicked, it is agreeable to their mannish prin­ciples in mastering of their husbands. And that it was their Act, the Go­vernesse (who shrewdly sifted things out), affirmed; and, among divers such like prodigies,Septem. 27. Octob. 10. and 16. whereof in many severall letters she informed the King; her Excellence laments the desperate condition of the Low-countreys, that had no hope but onely in his Majesties presence therefore she humbly beseeches him,The Governesse beseeches the King to come with an Army. if he meant to keep those Provinces, to cut off all delays; and by the example of his father Charles the fifth, who marched through France into the Low-countreys in the deep of winter, onely to quiet one mutinous city; now, when all the cities were indangered, he would please himself personal­ly to come, and speedily with his Armie to subdue that stubborn people, as his father had done Gant: Gant 1539. and to impose such laws upon them, as should stand, with the pleasure of a Conquerour, and a Revenger. And now the King as appeared by other letters to the Governesse, resolved upon a war.14. and 24. Therefore in two packets sent by his Majestie from Segovia dated in Au­gust, he appoints her, the place, and number of men she shall raise and pay. Yet in his first Expresse,And the King, after he had communicated the joy of his Daughters birth. before he opens his determination of levying for­ces, he acquaints her with the Queens happie deliverie, who having been two dayes in labour, was brought a bed of a daughter, baptized at the holy Font by Iohn Baptista Castaneo the Popes Nuncia, afterward Urban the seventh, by the name of Clara Isabella Eugenia. The first of these names was given her from the Saints day on which she was born,August 12. the second from her mo­ther, the third in honour of the martyr Eugenius, Clara Isabella Eugenia. Bishop of Toledo, whose sacred body, brought out of France, King Philip helped to bear, the same day that he perceived his Queen to be with child. This is the Isabella that, as she was born in the heart of the Low-countrey tumults; so afterwards being married to the Archduke Albert, Brother to the Emperour Rodolph had the Low-countrey Provinces and tumults for her Dowrie.Approves of her advice. His Majestie ha­ving passed these complements to his Sister,Directs her what numbers to raise. commands her to raise three thousand horse, and ten thousand foot in Germany, and giving them two moneths pay, to have them ready, in case they should be sent for into the Low-countreys, And what Commanders to employ. Of these horse she was to order one thousand to be raised, and commanded by Erick Duke of Brunswick, five hundred under his Brother Philip, 250 under Iohn Barnise, the rest under Iohn Valhant. The foot she was to distribute into 33 colours, ten whereof to Count Iohn of Nassa [...], brother to the Prince of Orange, as many to Count Otho Erber stein, eight to Colonell Cremberberg, Sends Commis­sions, the other five to Captain Valdersong. For all these severall Officers, the King sent Commissions the the Governess; to­gether [Page 133] with 300000 Ducats, part whereof she was to distribute among the said Commanders: and part to others, if more should be entertained; or any else thought fit to be nominated;And money to the Governess. in their places that were already chosen. For which purpose, his Majestie sent her divers blanks, signed with his signe manuall.Giving reasons to the Princes of Germany for his levies. Particularly to the Emperour. Finally, lest any of the Germane Princes should make an ill con­struction of his levying those men, he enclosed in her packet letters to them, acquainting them all with the ground of his designe, particularly the Empe­rour Maximilian, to whom he explained himself both by Express, and by the mouth of his Embassadour at Vienna, intreating his Imperiall Majestie, for the nearness of their love and bloud, to assist with his authority those le­vies. But the Emperour,Who disswades him. because he had heard, that the Governess and the confederate Gentlemen were now agreed, commending the wisdome of that policy, diswaded the King from those Arms and Levies. Perhaps, be­cause the Turk then threatning him, he could not spare so many men: per­haps, because he thought it an honour to be the Arbiter and Composer of other Princes quarrels.And offers him­self to the Go­verness to arbi­trate the diffe­rences between her and the Co­venanters. Therefore in his Letters to the Governess, the Em­perour promised her his endeavours, if any thing was yet uncomposed. And wrote likewise to the Covenanters to this effect, That he was much troubled to hear of their difference with the Governess, and of the stirres that daily followed thereupon: which because they were in the confine of the Empire, in the Dominion of the King his Uncle, Octob. 13. in Provinces so much by him esteemed, it concern­ed the Majesty of the Empire, that he should by his assistance and authority assert the obedience of the Subiect [...] to their Prince. That he hoped these his endeavours would be acceptable to the Catholick King, and he was sure, they would be safe for the Confederates. Therefore he advised them in the interim, to attempt no Inno­vation, but as Allegiance bound them, to compell the tumultuous people to be quiet. This Letter, and divers more of the same subject written to the Lords, the Emperour sent the Governess to read, and as it should be needfull, to deliver. But the Governess sending copies of them to the King, a good while exspect­ed his Answer,But her Excel­lence prayes his assistance in the levies. till the stirres daily encreasing, her Excellence receiving new commands from his Majestie to levy forrein forces, gave thanks to the Em­perour Maximiilian, letting him know, that the present condition of affairs was such, as no capitulation could be made with an armed Faction without arms. Wherefore dispatching the Kings letters to the Electours of the Em­pire, and others, especially to those that were to raise the men, she beseech­ed the Emperour, that the Assistance which he had graciously offered in the Low-countreys, he would please to perform among the Germane Princes, and the Commanders there; which would be now more opportune, and a farre greater favour to the King.And obtains more then she re­quested. Whereat the Pr. of Orange chases. And truly the Emperour did not onely this, but likewise by Edict prohibited, and made it death, for any Germane to bear arms against the King of Spain. Which among divers others, how deeply it was resented by the Prince of Orange, though otherwise subtil and close, he expressed at table, wine laying open the secrets of his heart. For being invited by Gresser, Agent for the Queen of England, after he had drunk soundly,And threatens. the Prince began in great fury to inveigh against the Emperours E­dict, That the Emperour, and the King, and whosoever was of their opinion, de­ceived themselves; that not onely the Germans would take arms, but a great sort of other Nations bordering upon the Empire. That the Danes, the Swedes, and ma­ny others would not be wanting, which both would and could help the confederate Low-countreymen.The rest of the Germane Prin­ces return diffe­rent answers. Thus threatning in his rage, after supper he was mol­lified with a song. But the Letters which I have mentioned, sent from the King and the Governess to the Princes of Germany, were by them diversly [Page 134] answered.Triers and Mentz approve of the Kings de­signe, and offer passage to his man. The Electours of Trier and Mentz did much approve of the Kings designe against the Rebels and disturbers of the Catholick Religion; promising their assistance, as befitted good friends and neighbours, both Princes of the Empire, and allies unto his Majesty; they would therefore give free passage through all their Towns, and Jurisdictions, to such forces as upon this occasion should, with the Emperours consent be raised. The like promises were made by the rest of the Catholick Bishops in Germanie. The rest of the Catholick Prin­ces do the like. The Duke of Bavaria added, that all men were bound by force of Arms to oppose such tumults, that as plagues laid cities desolate: and he desired his Majestie would be very vigilant in it.The Landtgrave of Hessen, and others do the contrary. Farre different expressions were re­turned from the hereticall Princes; for the Landtgrave of Hessen, and the Duke of Wirtemberg, excusing themselves in point of Religion, which would not suffer them to prejudice those of their own Profession,Novem. 11. advised the Governess to seek redress without arms, onely by allowing the Confes­sion of Auspurg, Especally the Palsgrave. and Liberty of conscience. But the Count Palatine, Fre­derick the third, who declared himself Defendour of the new Faith in Ger­many, wrote the most confident and longest letter of them all. For he not onely pleaded to the Governess the cause of the Low-countrey men, and maintained their innocence; but defying the Bishop of Rome, the veneration of holy Images, and the tyrannie of the Inquisitours, concluded, that Religi­on bound him, not to oppose his brethren, professing the Faith of Ausburg, and the pure word of God. The Landtgrave of Hessen, and the Palsgrave not thus contented, perswaded the Duke of Brunswick, not to engage in a warre undertaken merely for Religion, and not to accept the Command of horse offered to him. Notwithstanding he took it, nor did any other Com­mander invited by the King, refuse his Commission, but onely Iohn of Nas­sau, brother to the Prince of Orange. Charles the ix of France de­clares for the K. of Spain. Nor did Charles the ninth of France, requested by the Governess, fail to declare himself enemy to these insurre­ctions, commanding by Proclamation, that none of his subjects should presume to assist the Rebels of the Low-countreys, 1565. with relation (as I conceive) to the mutuall promise of Assistance made at Baion: and particularly fear­ing, if the Hereticks should be masters of the Netherlands, France would be overflowed with the same filthy sink.Who writes thanks to the French King, and his intent of coming to the Governess. I am certain King Philip sent him let­ters full of thanks, and likewise signified to the Governess his Intention pre­sently to begin his voyage, for which all things being now in readiness, he onely wanted health; for his quartane Ague had not yet left him; though he meant not to exspect a perfect Recovery,Octob. 2. but to go forthwith to Madrid, that having setled his affairs, he might from thence, contemning any danger to his life,A private meet­ing of the Lords at Dender­mund where they produce Of all which the vigilant Governess had exact intelli­gence, pass over into the Low-countreys. This, which was likewise by Ber­gen and Montiny, writ from Spain in cypher, began to be believed.

The minds of many were exceedingly troubled at the news, insomuch as the Prince of Orange, his brother Lewis, the Counts Egmont, Hochstrat, and Horn, met at Dendermund, betwixt Antwerp and Gant; to communicate the in­telligence which every one of them had received, concerning the Kings co­ming; and thereupon to advise what generall course was to be held. Though this meeting was appointed, and came together with all secresie, yet the in­dustrious Governess knew all their proceedings.Novem. 12. And as multitudes of spies alwayes attend a Jealous Prince,Letters, signify­ing the Kings displeasure and resolution to be revenged on three Low coun­trey Lords. there wanted not that kind of men, Eves-droppers, and Hocus-Pocuses, the summe of whose life is to know and not to be known, which pryed into all their secret consultations and resolutions. And as farre as she could understand, the Governess wrote to the King, that by many Letters sent from Spain, and there produced, it was confirmed, [Page 135] that the King incensed at the plunder and spoil of Churches, was resolved to bring an army into the Low-countreys, to punish such as had either been prin­cipalls or accessaries to the fact. In other Letters it was added, that the Prince of Orange, Egmont, and Horn, were believed at Court to be the Advisers and Protectours of all these commotions, and therefore the King aimed chiefly at their Heads. To this effect were read the Letters of Francisco Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to Charles the ninth, writ­ten from Paris to the Governess, and pretended to be intercepted, which cer­tified the Governess of the Kings coming with a potent army of Spaniards and Italians, and of the new League concluded between the Kings, Philip and Charles, A fourth Lord is added, falsely, that his Majestie might be the better able to punish the Rebells, and four Lords, that is, besides the fore-mentioned triumvirate, Peter Etnest, Count Mansfeld, as he himself told the Governess, he heard it from divers reported.but subtily. Whether all this was cunningly given out, to move the people to despair of pardon, or really writ from Spain, and by Alava, I leave to in­different Judges.Novem. 12. Sure I am, that the Governess writing to the King, pro­fessed she had as yet no certain knowledge of the Letters sent her by Alava, and said to be intercepted; and assured Count Mansfeld, that he was in very great esteem with his Majestie, and that lie was onely invented to draw him from the Kings party. The Kings coming being therefore ascertained by many mens Letters read in that private Convention of the Lords, the que­stion was put how the King might be prevented from bringing his Army into the Low-countreys. A Quere made whether they should oppose the King with an army, or admit him. And when on the one part severall wayes of resi­stance were proposed; on the other part a warre was feared, which they could encounter with no proportionable strength; and that a third sort held it the best course to trust to the Kings mercy,Both wayes seem dangerous. from which the major part dissented: herein their different opinions concurred, that to oppose his Majesties pas­sage into the Low-countreys, the treason would be certain, the victory doubt­full; and to admit him, were yet more dangerous. For now the Breach was so farre made, as it would be a madness to hope for mercy, when they had received an angry and an armed Prince. They must therefore either flie the place, and leave their countrey unpeopled to the Conquerour; or they must set up a new Prince, under whose protection they may live in safetie. This last Proposall seemed the best,They resolve to change their Prince. and they might take a singular good oc­casion, if (now that the Emperour Maximilian shewed himself desirous to compose those differences) under colour of making him the Umpire, they secretly treated to put the Low-countreys into his hands; which would be less subject to censure, because in so doing they should not strike at Monarchy, but onely change their Monarch; Especially, since they still adhered to one of the House of Austria. And this advantage would ensue, that the new elected Prince would have so great an obligation laid upon him, as if their Designes should haply want success, howsoever the Emperour would be en­gaged never to desert them, without making their peace with King Philip Having in this manner consulted, they left Dendermond, full of cares and doubts, particularly Count Egmont, who either to draw more of the No­bility to the cause, or that being yet unresolved himself, he had a mind to try how his friends stood affected, wrote a letter to Count Mansfeld, Novem. 9. where­inThe summe of C. Egmonts letter to Count Mansfeld. putting him in remembrance of what they had ioyntly acted in the begin­ing of these troubles, he complained of Mansfelds abandoning their friend­ship without any iust pretence. Then he accused the inconstancie of the Go­verness, who would not see that performed which she had promised to the Covenanters: but that she her self had solicited the King to annull her Act. [Page 136] as forced, and therefore pressed him to come with an Army, and make his seditious and rebellious subjects a formidable example to posterity. Final­ly, Egmont assured him, it was evident by many mens letters, which he had compared at Dendermond, that the King resolved to cut off the heads of four Lords (in which number Mansfeld himself was listed) to keep the rest in obedience. In the last place, he said, he should be very glad by his answer to know what he would advise him to do. This Letter Count Mans­feld privately gave the Governess, and with the same fidelity shewed her what he answered.C. Mansfelds Answer. That no man could justly complain of him, when, from the beginning he went a long with Egmont and the rest, upon no other ground, but be­cause it seemed advantageous to Religion, and their Countrey, that Cardinall Granvel should be removed, the Inquisition taken away, the rigour of the Empe­rours Edicts mitigated, and lastly a generall Pardon granted to such as the Gover­ness would move for to the King. To all which particulars his Majestie having graciously condescended, he saw no colour of a grievance now remaining. He would therefore freely speak his thoughts, (especially at his Request) that things were gone too farre, to the great contempt of the Divine Majesty, and scandall of the Christian world. 1565. That there was time yet left to make some kind of Satisfaction for offences past, that is, by so behaving themselves among the present troubles, that when the King comes, they may meet him, not with a cloudie look, nor such a mind as can be taxed by any. Touching the report of the Kings anger and intended re­venge, for his own part he feared it not. He had ever been, and ever would be so faithfull to his Sovereigne, that if he pleased to command his attendance in Spain, he would instantly go thither, and having rendred an accompt of his actions, hoped to receive from his Royall Master no little Grace and Benefit. Nor spake he this as if Count Egmont could not securely say as much; but that he might daily adde to this security, by cutting off all occasions of suspicion. And having so often affronted the King, with pretending publick Necessity, they would now at length forbear to press their Prince, to govern his Provinces by other mens directions. Lastl [...], (for thus Mansfeld concluded) if Egmont would hear his friends advice, he should re­main his friend for ever; if not, he was resolved to value nothing in this world e­quall with his Honour. Having read these Papers, and highly commended the constancy of CountThe Governess sends abstracts of both Letters to the King, and writes in count Mansfelds behalf. Mansfeld, the Governess sent the heads of both let­ters to his Maiestie, beseeching him, that since he found so much faith in Mansfeld, especially at such a time, he would be pleased abundantly to re­compence him with the grant of his just desires, a particular whereof she had annexed to the Letter. This, moved by the Governess, might perhaps make one suspect these Letters to be forged by Mansfeld, to ingratiate himself with her Excellence, and to obtain with more facility those things, for which he had been a long and earnest suiter to the King; or at least, that he had counterfeited, if not Egmonts Letter, yet his own Answer to it: But many things offer themselves,Assured of the truth of his in­telligence. which absolutely clear this doubt; as, Count Eg­monts hand, well known to the Governess; and her intelligence of the truth of Egmonts actions, which may fright the greatest confidence in the world into a blush, that shall presume to charge him with such a forgery. Add to this, the reputation and manners of Count Mansfeld (which manners either absolve or condemne every one) far from the least imputation of any such deceit;The Governess grievously com­plains to the King, that her letters were be­trayed in his Court. and lastly, his constant adherence to the Kings cause. So as the Go­verness justly confident in his integrity, commended him as much as she could possibly to his Maiesty; one thing she seemed to admire, that she found in Egmonts Letter, the very words she had writ in cypher to the King. She therefore complained to the King, that secrets were brought out of his [Page 137] Court into the Low-countreys. Was any of his Ministers of State so dull-brain­ed, or open breasted, to suffer these mysterious parts of Government to be scrued out of his mouth or hands? or so ill-natured and perfidious, as to reveal the Counsells of his Prince to the enemy? That she certainly knew many copies of Letters she had sent his Majestie for two yeares now past, and divers of the Originalls them­selves, were come to the hands of the Low-countrey Lords. How destructive was this to his affairs? how derogatory to the Royall Dignity? She therefore beseech­ed the King, that hereafter, he would either see her Letters burnt, or give them in custody to faithfull Servants, that would keep them from the knowledge of such as were otherwise. But no course was taken to help it, so great an influence the Prince of O­range had upon the Kings Councell. And yet I find, after this time, the Prince of Orange brag­ged to Christopher Assonvil, that every word the King spake, as well private, as publick, was faithfully conveyed to his ear in the Low-countreys. Indeed these discoveries cost much money; but money cannot be more fruitfully laid out. For it is the Philosophy of Princes to dive into the secrets of men, leaving the secrets of Nature to such as have spare time.For which he paid well. Which being grant­ed, what Councel-chamber can be impervious or inaccessible to royal boun­tie, since the Court of so prudent and circumspect a Monarch was bought by private Persons?

But the Covenanters not content with the ambiguous deliberations of the Lords at Dendermond; A new Con­vention at Am­sterdam. the leading men, and such as could be suddenly got together, met at Amsterdam, unknown to the Prince of Orange, (as he wrote to the Governesse) yet he was near the town, but peradventure he connived.Where they re­solve to beseech the Emperour to be their Ad­vocate to the King. It is believed they agreed, at this meeting, to use their utmost in­deavours to keep the King from coming in with an armie, and that, either by the mediation of the Emperour Maximilian; or by a publick Revolt from their obedience, to petition with swords in their hands. And it fell out ve­ry commodiously, that the Diet of the Empire was then to be held at Aus­burg, And the Ele­ctours to medi­ate for them to the Emperour. where they resolved to petition the Emperour in the name of the Low-countreymen: but in case he denied their request, then to addresse them­selves to the Electours,And if he deny them, then to deny to serve him against the common enemy. who might signifie to the Emperour, that unlesse herein he would over-rule the King, they (the Electours) could not be able to give him assistance against the Turk. Nor was it handsome, whilst the King visited the Low-countreys with an armie,If no good could be done so, to make a league with the Swisse. that they, destitute of men and money, should leave themselves exposed to the injuries of bordering forces. If this succeeded not, they would venture upon any thing, make a league with the hereticall Cantons of the Swisse, and by their assistanceAnd to puzzle the Spaniards in their saith by sending thitherCalvinisticall Books and Mi­nisters. (which some say was promised) stop King Philips passage into Savoy. Nay more, to find the King work at home, they would send to Sivill three thou­sand of those Calvinisticall books, of which they had long since consulted with some Calvinist-ministers (of these twelve were nominated) that should disperse those Volumes throughout Spain, and turn the Kings mind from going into a forrein Countrey.Whereof her Excellence pre­monishes the King. This Expedient was committed to the ma­nagerie of a Spanish Merchant, lying then in Antwerp, a hot-headed fellow, and malitious to Catholicks. So the Governesse wrote to the King, and added,Decem. 18. that she would lay all the Ports to prevent that plague-sore from sailing into Spain. And is her self vigilant in the Low-coun­treys. But these deliberations, because sudden and full of fear, did more terrifie, then hurt. Yet in that Assembly this was resolved. The Gentlemen-Covenanters (for men that are in like danger easily associate) conspired with the Merchants,The Gentlemen and the Mer­chants promise to one another mutuall Assi­stance. and the rest of the hereticall people, and took the Sacrament on both sides to this purpose, That the Covenanters should protect them, against all men, that sought to restrain the libertie of Con­science: and the Merchants ingaged to furnish them with money, and their ut­most [Page 138] indeavours,The Confession of Auspurg onely to be held forth.for the common securitie. But lest the Hereticks should be distracted with multiplicitie of Sects, Lewis of Nassau wrote to the Ant­werpers, perswading them, for a while till things should be settled to lay aside private opinions in Religion, all to give way to the confession of Auspurg; Novemb. 7. for so, not onely the Electours, who professed that Religion, would be their earnest Advocates with the Emperour: but likewise the Germane souldiers would be hardly drawn to fight against the Low-countreymen, their brethren in Religion; and it was done accordingly. For though the Calvi­nists hate the confession of Auspurg, yet (as Religion among Hereticks is not their own, but accidentall and translatitious) asking advice as far as Ge­neva of Theodore Beza, and he approving this truce of opinions, they sub­scribed a new form of discipline like that of Auspurg, which was to be pre­sented to the Emperour at the next Session: together with a Petition, where­in they prayed, that his Imperiall Majestie would please to patronize, and reconcile them to the King.Consistories and the Hereticks Republick set up. Moreover they instituted Consistories (which are a kind of Parliament or generall convention) in many cities, according to the pattern of that now begun at Antwerp, creating Magistrates and Se­natours, by whose advice (it being first communicated to the Court of Ant­werp to which they gave the preheminence) the whole Republick of the Hereticks was to be governed.They enter into league with the Hereticall Prin­ces of Germa­ny. They likewise made a confederation with the Prince Electour Palatine, and the rest of the Hereticall Princes of Germa­nie, enemies to the house of Austria, and therefore ready to enter into any league, whereby they might hope, by such troubles as these, to dispossesse the King of Spain (as the Governesse informed him) of the Low-countreys.Novem. 21. The Governesse was likewise privately informed by the Count of Megen, Novemb. 4. that Vesterholt was raising one thousand two hundred horse in Saxonie for the Prince of Orange. Arms promised them from France. At the same time the Hugonots in France set on by Gaspar Coligni, consulted about sending aid to the Low-countreymen, which was re­ported to be ten Cornets of horse, and thirty foot colours; and these le­vies were to be made in Germanie, by reason of King Charles his Edict com­manding that none should be raised in France. Nay even from Constanti­nople. All this the Governesse knew by private letters out of France. Lastly, at the very same time, in the Con­sistorie of Antwerp, letters were read dated at Constantinople (from so many and so remote places were the Low-countreymen incouraged to rebell, either out of malice to the Catholick faith, or to the house of Austria) sent from Iohn Michese a powerfull man,From whence, Michese the Jew incourages the Low-coun­trey Hereticks. and highly favoured by the Turkish Empe­rour. Wherein he advised the Calvinists of Antwerp, and inflamed their zeal, To proceed as they had valiantly begun, in rooting out the Catholicks; that the Turk had great Designes a foot against the Christians, and shortly Philip King of Spain would be so ingaged in a Turkish warre, that he would not have leasure to think of the Low-countreymen. And indeed Michese spake not this at randome.Who this Mi­chese was. He was born a Iew, (for it will not be amisse to speak somewhat of the man,A Jew that fled from Spain to Antwerp. illustrious for mischief, and often mentioned in the history of Cyprus, and other destructive warres) and when he was a youth, fle [...] out of Spain, for fear his ill-dissembled superstition might be discovered; and li­ving long in Antwerp, From thence to Venice. he was much esteemed by many persons of honour, particularly by Mary Queen of Hungary, then Governesse of the Low-coun­treys; from thence impudently stealing away a maid of noble parentage, he went to Venice; and there had the confidence to treat with the Senate, about assigning a place for the Jews,And from Ve­nice sailed to Constanti­nople. in some of the Islands belonging to that Si­gniorie: his Suit being with scorn rejected, first he made a voyage to Con­stantinople, and there married a rich Jew; then he passed into Cilicia, to Se­limus, [Page 139] the sonne of Soliman, Where he in­gratiated him­self with Se­limus. and finding the Prince in a vacancie of affairs, or not disposed to serious businesse, being altogether inslaved to his pleasures; Michese, as he knew all the points in the compasse of Luxury, feeding him every day according to the variation of humour, to the height of appetite with exquisite and new delights, became one of his Minions, or Privadoes: & by how much he excelled in the art of flatterie, or the artifice of pleasures, by so much he preceded all others in the Princes favour. Therefore Sul­tan Soliman was easily intreated by his sonne, to grant (what the Venetians had denied) a Citie and Territorie for the Iews. Nay Selimus after he came to the Crown, made him of his Councell of Warre: much about the time, when the Moors in Spain resolving to take up arms, implored the assistance of the Turkish Emperour, to a people of the same Religion, that in hope of aid from the Turk, intended a warre against King Philip. Nor was the Em­perour Selimus averse from sending an armie into Spain; And moved him to assist the Moors in Spain ready to begin a warre. and whilst Michese advised him to it, because he saw it pleased Selimus, his sonne in law, Achmet (who had infinitely indeared himself to Selimus, by his rare policie used in concealing his father Soliman's death at Zighet) he doubted not but the de­sign would shortly take;Of which he advertises the Low-coun­treymen. and therefore, by that which I have mentioned, animated his friends at Antwerp, putting them in hope of a rebellion of the Moors. But Mustapha and others voting for a warre with Cyprus, Michese came over to their opinion,And promoves a warre with Cyprus. and when the Emperour was doubtfull which way to incline, Michese alone turned the scales, and carried it for Cyprus; so great was his envie to the Venetians, In hatred to the Venetians. whose incivilities and scorn he often with much passion mentioned.And in hope to be King of Cy­prus. Besides he had a foolish hope to be created King of Cyprus, vainly grounding upon some words spoken by Selimus at his table. And that his endeavours might be answerable to his Counsell, they that wrote the historie of that warre affirm,De [...]gneth the siring of Ve­nice Ant. Mar. Gratian. de bel. Cypr. it was he that laid the plot for blowing up of the Arcenall at Venice, which not onely shook the foun­dation of the citie, and beat down the buildings round about it, with a huge destruction of men; but even the neighbouring towns and cities were af­fraid they should be shattered with that Earthquake. Those that gave fire to the powder, being sent from the Turk, by advice of Michese, to the end that so great a losse might weaken the Venetians, and render them in no ca­pacitie for the warre. And if, a few dayes before, the better part of their powder had not been shipped away for Corcyra that Citie, the fairest in the world, had been utterly ruined: and one man had, in a moment, ended the warre of Cyprus. So great a fire can spleen kindle in any mans bosome, raised even in the midst of the water.The Lowcoun­treymen by his letters ani­mated. Among the Low-countreymen Mi­chese his letters and incouragement did no little mischief. For this news put­ting them in heart,Begin to collect money. it was decreed by the Consistorie of Antwerp, that whereas an opportunity was now offered to strengthen their partie, they should make up among themselves as great a summe as possibly they could, to be ready upon all Emergencies; which was with great zeal immediate­ly put in execution.Which they sub­tilly offer to the King. At which time Count Hochstrat (Lieutenant Gover­nour of Antwerp for the Prince of Orange) sent a Petition to the Governesse, delivered him by the Hereticks of that citie, wherein they desired libertie of Conscience for themselves, and their brethren, for which they offered the King three hundred thousand Florens, which was supposed to be the Arti­fice of some, that they might with lesse suspicion go to and fro to gather money; and in the mean time, both deceive the Spaniard, that would be easily tempted with so much gold, and likewise their own partie, that would more willingly open their purse for obtaining the free exercise of Religion, [Page 140] then for the maintaining of a warre. Unlesse perhaps that vast summe was offered to set forth the greatnesse of their faction. And therefore many co­pies of the Petition were sent about the Provinces, subscribed by the Gen­tlemen and Merchants that ingaged for payment of the money: thereby to advance their reputation and to fright the Governesse with so great a power. But her Excellence,The Governesse contemns their offer. nothing moved with the vain noise of their wealth, did not so much as vouchsafe an answer to Hochstrat. The Petition it self she sent to the King,Novem. 18. to quicken him upon so many provocations.

In the interim she her self,The same of the Kings coming staggers the Conspiratours. Whom the Go­vernesse endea­vours to work upon with letters and promises. knowing all that passed in their Consistories and Assemblies, when she saw that divers of the Conspiratours, believing the news of the Kings coming, grew very fearfull, thought it best to make her advantage of that fear; and therefore writing letters to them, full of af­fection and confidence, instructed the messengers to make them large pro­mises to some, which she knew were no enemies to Religion, she wrote letters upon those blanks the King had sent her signed with his sign Manual; where­in suiting her words to the times, she exhorted them to defend the Cause of Religion to keep the people in their antient Duty and Obedience:Not without Artifice, and these were to be so delivered, that they should not be altogether concealed from such as were not invited, whereby jealousies and differences might arise among them.And successe. And it happened very conveniently, that at the same time, the Governesse received some letters from the King writ with his own hand to the Prince of Orange, and some other of the Low-countrey Lords, ex­pressing much affection to them, which she presently sent to the presse, and had them published; the result of all this was, That partly out of fear the Lords would desert them, whose resolutions the Confederates perceived to waver: partly out of hope, which they were full of, because they saw them­selves courted and honoured by the King: partly out of malice to others, which as they thought suspected and hated them; divers of the Covenan­ters, leaving the publick meetings of the Conspiratours, returned to their own houses, to follow their private businesse: or came over and submitted to the Governesse,Whereupon, the Governesse ha­ving recovered her spirits, striving rather to merit the Kings favour, then his indi­gnation. Which great defection elevating her spirits, the Governesse re­solved to use her utmost force and policy to scatter their seditious Congre­gations.Begins her great businesse with Prayer and Fasting. And to begin the right way by craving a blessing from God, she wrote letters in the Kings name to all the Bishops and chiefest Prelates, to appoint in all their Cities Fast-dayes, and publick Prayers, and to use all other means for appeasing the Divine wrath.To the French King she noti­fies the Hugo­nots prepara­tions for a warre. She likewise sent an Agent into France to Francis Alava, the King of Spains Embassadour, to inform him of the preparations made by the French Hugonots: and another into Germany, to the Emperour, to pre-acquaint him with the Petition, that was to be presented at the Diet, To the Empe­rour the Low-countreymens intentions to petition him at the Diet: and how the Ele­ctours threaten him. and to give him intelligence how he was threatened by the Electours, Augustus Duke of Saxony, and Frederick Count Palatine. And truly Count Mansfeld would have offered the Emperour, that he, him­self would either convert the Duke of Saxonie to his Allegeance; or take away the power of his disloyaltie, by imploying the sonnes of Iohn Fre­derick, that bore an inveterate malice to Duke Augustus, for depriving their Father of the Electorate: and if they should be incouraged to take arms, no doubt but they would involve all Saxony in a War,Count Mans­felds advice upon this point. Which the Go­vernesse com­mends but makes no use of. and Augustus would have enough to do, to extinguish the fire in his own Dukedome, without scattering it in anothers Dominions. But the Governesse could not at that time spare Count Mansfeld, she therefore held it sufficient to commend his design, and to inform the King of it, and his readinesse to serve his Maje­sty, [Page 141] pretermitting no occasion to name him for the advance of the Counts former Suit; and perhaps he himself had an eye upon it, when he made this offer, which undoubtedly would more advance his favour with the King, then his trouble in Saxony. Thus many proffer huge service to such as they know will not accept it; especially if they think themselves able to do their businesse without the profferer's help.She increases the souldiery. Moreover it was Mansfelds plot (the Counts of Aremberg, and Megen, being of the same opinion) that the number of souldiers should be increased in the Low-countreys, and the Governours attended with greater Guards: and presently the Governesse directing her Letters to them,Decemb. 15. advised them severally,And writes to the Governours of Provinces, to take away the Hereticall meet­ings and exerci­ses, in this man­ner. Not to suffer the Here­ticks to have any more meetings. That she knew besides their Sermons, that were with limitation permitted, they held I know not what Consistories, and setting up Schools for Children, bred them to impious Opinions. That they married, buryed, and baptized in a new manner, published filthy Books, and posted up Pictures in mockery of God and the King: and at their Calvinisticall Suppers, the multitude then meeting, solemnly professed, that they had broke the League with Catholick Re­ligion, and were resolved never to make a Peace, but constantly to endeavour the ex­tirpation of it, Root and Branch. And yet, was it possible, men should so far for­get all Modesty and Shame, as to affirm that these abominations were licensed by the Governess, when she permitted them Sermons? That she was not so foolishly wic­ked, as not to distinguish things so distant, or to suffer so execrable impiety. There­fore in the Kings name, she commanded the Governours of the Provinces, that as many as they should apprehend at any Hereticall meetings, Sermons onely excepted, they should proceed against them as Traytours to the King, and disturbers of the publick Peace. Which Letters she seconds with an Edict some­what severer then her custome was. To these Letters she joyned an Edict, which clearly explain­ed every particular thereof, and imposed penalties upon the contumacious, somewhat more sharp and severe, then well consisted with her nature. I sup­pose, Grief made a deep impression in her mind, as if all that mischief came of Sermons, which her too much fear and lenity had toleratrd. Where­fore her Excellence,Decem. 16. sending the King a Transcript of the Edict, said, She was forced to use that rigour, because the detestable carriage of the Here­ticks, contrary to agreement, so required. And she hoped, if their other exercises were once suppressed; that Sermons, whensoever the King would declare the grant to be void, and disallow them, would be likewise banished the Low-countreys. Egmont onely dissenting. She added, that when the Edict was penned, all the Pri­vie Councel consented, but onely Egmont, who said that Edict would be an Alarum to the Low-countreys: Whereupon the Conspiratours hasten their de­sign for a War. and indeed either upon that occasion, or be­cause the Church-robbers, and such as met at Sermons in prohibited places were punished; they hastened the warre which they meant not should begin, till a long while after. To this end, they met more frequently in their Con­sistories and Committees, many Letters passing by the hands of Gyles Cleark to the confederate Gentlemen, and from them to the Merchants and Consi­storians. By all which it was finally resolved, that whensoever the Gover­ness should use force, they would be ready to take the field, making their levies partly in Saxonie, Brederod made Generall. partly in the Palatinate: but the Palsgraves offer should be first embraced. Commission for Generall was given to Henry Brederod, 1567. with a list of the names of Antwerp Merchants that engaged for money to raise men.With Lewis of Nassau, who solicits friends, and collects mo­ney in Germa­ny and the Low-countreys Brederod immediately named Collectours, and made Philip Marnixius of S. Aldegund, Treasurer of the Army. Lewis of Nassau undertook to solicit Augustus Duke of Saxony. For though Saxony was then embroyled in a Warre between Iohn Frederick (sonne to the late Electour Iohn Frederick) and his cosin-germane by the fathers side, Augustus [Page 142] Duke of Saxony, de facto; yet Lewis liked the employment, because he ho­ped by authority of the Germane Princes (that were active in it) the diffe­rence would be soon composed, and he should from thence be furnished with stout and well armed souldiers for the Low-countreys. But because the war continued,But the Gover­ness puts rubs in their way. Iohn Frederick despising the conditions of Peace, and that the Governess (knowing the Covenanters designe) to trouble Lewis his negoti­ation kept some faithfull Agents in Augustus his Army, which lay before the city of Goth, therefore the Covenanters not relying upon this slow assistance, met at the Prince of Oranges City Breda, They meet at Breda. where these three things were de­creed, as the Governess sent the King intelligence by Alphonso de Lapes a French man;Endeavouring to draw Egmont into their new League. By Letter. That they should frame a Letter to invite Count Egmont to joyn with them; give an account of their proceedings to the Governess by a new Petition, and in the mean time levie men even in the bosome of the Netherlands. And a Letter was writ to Egmont, by the Prince of Orange, Hochstrat, and Breder [...]d, desiring him to give in his name to their Association: for by this new conjuncture, they promised to silence the preaching Mini­sters in the Low-countreys; whereby they would either take away any pre­tence of the Kings coming with an Army, or else, if when all things were quieted, his Majestie (though intreated) should come armed into the Provin­ces; they might justly unite their endeavours and forces to stop the Kings passage, and preserve their Countrey from Tyrannie, which by the rigour of punishments, building of Forts, Spanish Garrisons, and forcing of the Low-countreys was certainly intended.But they per­swade not. Egmont imparted this to a friend, ei­ther out of love, or for advice, or perhaps that he might acquaint the Go­verness with their letter, and his answer; for he likewise shewed him h [...]s ab­solute deniall to joyn with them. Notwithstanding the Governess confided not in Egmont, who, as she now feared all things, suspected this to be merely artifice and deceit. But Brederod, They offer to bring a new Pe­tition to the Governess. who was to present this Petition from the Covenanters, desired a safe conduct from the Governess, for himself and fourty horse; which she, long since offended at such Treaties, absolutely de­nied,Feb. 2. and commanded that if he came to the gates, they should give fire up­on him.Not admitted. It is sent. Whereupon Brederod contented himself with sending the Petition; and with it his particular complaint.Containing ma­ny complaints. The Covenanters remembred the Dutchess, that in August last they met by her command, to disarm and quiet the people. They complained, that by letters directed to the Magistrates from her Highness, they were prohibited to exercise the Ministery of the Gospel in those places where they were allowed to have Sermons; when notwithstanding that under the notion of Sermons, all other rites were comprehended. For it is the solemn custome where Sermons are permit­ted, there likewise to tolerate all appendences to the same Religion; and they accordingly explained the toleration to the People, and promised them the free use of Sermons, and all their other Rites, of which freedome the People being now debarred, they claimed promise of the Covenanters & every day implored their faith, by new Expostulations and Letters, some of which they had annexed to this Petition. Lastly, they were amazed and grieved to see the Low-countreys every day frighted with great forces, themselves expel­led the Cities, watched in the fields, and every where reputed for enemies to the State. All which being inconsistent with their own Loyalty and Honour, and the Tranquillity of the people; they humbly prayed her High­ness, that according to her Princely word obliged under her hand and seal, she would both secure the Covenanters and suffer the People to hear Ser­mons, and those things which alwayes go along with Sermons. For the [Page 143] better effecting whereof,1566. they humbly desired, that her Excellence would please to disband the souldiers lately raised, and call in her Edict contrary to the capitulation.And many de­mands. For which they should be so much bound to his Maiestie & her Highness, that both their Dignities should by them be ever valued far above their own lives or fortunes. But otherwise, in spirit they foresaw a great destruction of the people and the imminent ruine of the Nation; the foretelling whereof, and labouring to avert it as much as in them lay, would hereafter free them, if not from sorrow, yet from any crime. This Petition the Governess communicated to her Privie Counsellours,Febr. 16. and a few dayes after, by their advice, returned answer to Brederod (withall commanding it should be printed and published) the heads whereof I shall briefly give you. She understood not, But the Gover­ness in her An­swer grants them nothing. she said, who those Gentlemen were, or those People of the Low-countreys, in whose name this Petition was presented; when many of those Gentlemen that petitioned in April last, did not onely profess themselves to have re­ceived satisfaction; but daily came to offer their services to the King. That she one­ly tolerated Sermons, and that so much against her will, as may testifie how farre she is from giving them power to appoint Consistories, create Magistrates, to levy taxes, to collect above twenty hundred thousand Florens, to confound the marriages of Catholicks and Hereticks, and consequently their Successions and Honours. Be­sides the Calvinisticall Suppers which they had, and Congregations; in most part whereof, since they detracted from the Authority of the Prince, and his subordi­nate Officers, and sought by degrees to introduce a new Commonwealth, they might see how likely it was that these things (which they call onely Ceremonies of Religi­on) should be permitted by the Governess, to the so great Dishonour of God and the King. That indeed she had capitulated with them, and that the capitulation was and shall be observed; but not in things prejudiciall to Religion, and the Royall Au­thority. But why should they, that complain of the breach of Articles, passe over in silence, That since their own agreement in the moneth of August, so many faithlesse and sacrilegious Villanies have been done; Churches destroyed, Religious Persons turned out of their Monasteries; Hereticall Gospellers from forrein parts, by force of Arms brought to preach, in places where their Sermons were never heard before; Cities a [...]d Provinces by their Letters or Emissaries solicited to mutiny and rebell; and diverse other foul things committed, whereof the Petitioners themselves were Authours: for under their Protection, the people have presumed to seize upon his Majesties Magazines; to expell his Officers; at the ringing of a Bell, to muster in the fields; to destroy Monasteries and Gentlemens houses with fire and sword; to possesse themselves of Towns, and marking out all Catholicks for the slaughter, the Governess her self not excepted: they would have made a generall Massacre in the Low-countreys, if the Traitours Letters to them of Valenciens had not been in­tercepted, and so their horrid Designe by Gods goodness prevented. That by the premisses they may perceive how unseasonably they petition for her Edict to be revo­ked, and the Souldiers disbanded, that is, in other words, for Iustice to be disarmed, and exposed to the injuries of the wicked. Let them not cozen themselves, she would do neither of both; but was resolved to guard the Commonwealth, if need should be, with new Laws and Souldiers: and not to lay down, especially at this time, the sword that God puts into Princes hands. She therefore advised them to forbear meddling with Publick Affairs, and every one to mind his private business, that they may not shortly force the King at his coming to forget his native Clemency. That she her self will use her utmost endeavours, to save the Low-countreys from the Ruine threatned by these popular Tumults, which they have raised.

The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES. The sixt Booke.

BUT whilst the pen was thus imployed,C. Brederod prepares men and armes. Brederod raised some Forces at Antwerp, and upon receipt of these Let­ters from the Governesse, made hast to increase his num­ber; of which he carried with him above 1400 to Vi­ana, a Towne of his own in Holland, fortified to that end a little while before.So doe the rest of the Confederates. Part of these men marched by land, part was transported in seven Shipps, followed with a Uessell laden with Armes and Ammunition. It was said that William Count Lumè a Marcha, Escanbechius, Villers, and Malberg were to bring thi­ther 1500 horse from the Covenanteers; and that Lewis of Nassau was like­wise expected there, with the German Forces under his Command; that having mustered the Army at Viana, they might send them into severall parts, as occasion should require.

This rejoyced the Hereticks,The Hereticks rejoycing who now openly bragged that at length their cause was well followed, and the Nobility revolting from the King, had cut off all hope of pardon; That it was not to be doubted, but that be­sides the Counts Hochstrat, and Horne, Orange himselfe would declare for them; nor durst Brederod presume as he had done, but that he relyed on higher powers:And many flat­tering up Count Brede­rod. though it was conceived, that amidst those troubles, he aymed at the Principality of Holland, whereunto he pretended a Title, and to that private end used the Assistance of the Lords. His Ambition was flatter [...]d by the Covenanteers, but in the mean time every one had their par­ticular Designe.

Wherefore a while after,The first revolt of the Cities. most of the principall Cities of the Low-coun­tries,Bolduc. Antwerp, the Bus, Vtrecht and Maestriecht, Amsterdam, Groeningen, Tournay (besides Valenciens and others) by the increase of their Souldiers seemed to threaten a desertion from the King.Vtrecht. Anthony Bomberg of Ant­werp fell upon the Bus, Mastriecht. a Towne of Brabant, Bomberg one of the Conspi­rators invade Bolduc. and tooke it by the helpe of the Hereticks that were the stronger party: he was lately fled thither, out of the storme of the French commotions, wherin he served under the Prince [Page 2] of Conde; from thence being rebandied to his Country, as he was of an Vn­quiet restlesse Spirit, he bounded againe into the Belgick Tumults; and increased the number of the Covenanteers. But the Governesse having for­merly sent Merodius, Lord of Peter Semy, and Scheiff Chancellour of Bra­bant, to settle the Motions of that Towne, when she heard they Could not do it, her Excellence commanded the Count of Megen, to draw towards the Town with some Troopes of Horse: directing withall Her Letters at the same time both to the Citizens of the Bus, and to her agents there, Graciously conferring with the Citizens about receiving a Garrison into their City, and restoring it to the antient Priviledges; and giving Instructions to Her Agents for pressing it to the Magistrats. The Letters were intercepted by Bomberg, And coz [...]ning the Citizens enrages them against the Governesses Agents. in place whereof he coun­terfeited two others, as written from the Governesse proudly to the Citi­zens, and deceiptfully to her Agents: and when he read them to the Ma­gistrate, having given out among the people, that the towne should have beene betrayed by Merodius, and the Chancellour, the furious Multitude flocked about their Houses, railing vpon them for Traytours, and besie­ged them a day and a night, till Bomberg had ripened his Plot. Who tak­ing the incensed Rabble before their fury cooled, the rarest time for Mis­cheif, perswaded them that Count Megen was the principall Traytour,And against Count Megen. and that they should therefore come upon him whilst he expected but the word for entering of the Towne. They easily believed that Count Megen would attempt it, to revenge the private Iniuryes done to his Towne of Megen by those of the Bus: which being their neighbours and the stronger, had oppressed them. Bomberg therefore takes vpon him the Command in cheife; and instantly raising 800 men, and planting some great Cannon on the walls when the Count march'd up, he unexpectedly fired and beat him back,Whom they beate from the Walles. with the losse onely of his Plot upon the Towne, and an affront received, which he deepely resented.

Count Megen, C. Megen en­ters Vtrecht, not having then sufficient forces to lay seige to so strong a place, marched to Vtrecht; for this was in his Orders from the Gover­nesse, and the charge was stricter, because she feared that Towne, by rea­son of the neighbourhood of Viana, which was the general Rendezvous of the Covenanteers. And they of Vtrecht, because their lands daily s [...]ffered by the incursions of Brederods Souldiers, willingly received a Garrison from the Count, and by his directions presently built a Fort upon the banke of the River Leck, right against Viana. Nor was Brederod lesse acti [...]e, but in the interim having setled Viana, and C. Brede­rod Amsterdam and being called to Amsterdam by the Gheuses, he came thither disguised, and then in his owne opinion his hope stood faire for the Principality of Holland.

At the same time Iames Marnixius, Tholouse aymes to be Lord of Zeland Lord of Tholouse, one of the Cove­nanteers shipt 600 men at Antwerp in three bottoms, and sent them downe the water into Zeland; March. 2. hoping, whilst other parts were in combu­stion, unobserved in the Tumult, & assisted by the Pretour of Middleburgh, to possesse himself of Vlushing, and the whole Island of Walcheren, which is the Head of Zeland. But the Governesse was before him, for she had made Cattey a faithfull and valiant Gentleman, Governour of Vlushing, and com­manded him to carry some Regiments from the Marches of Flanders, and draw them out in order of battaile before Walcheren. Therefore when the Tholousians came within sight of the Island,But is disop­pointed. they were easily beat back; and vainely expecting Brederod, who was kept in action by Megen, (t [...]at ap­peared with his horse sometimes before Amsterdam, sometimes before Vi­ana) [Page 3] they fairely passed the River againe into Brabant, but at Ostervell, a village neare Antwerp, He makes a stand neere Antwerp. they made a halt; and ayming at things above their strength, pitched their Tents upon the banks of Scheldt, and there intren­ched:From whence he frights the neighbours. and daily increasing with multitudes of Exiles and Outlawes that fled unto them for protection, they sent them out in partyes to the adjoy­ning Townes and Villages; where they robbed and fired the Churches, returning to the Army loaded with spoyle; and frighting or incouraging Antwerp: according to the severall factions within the City. But the Go­vernesse particularly fearing Antwerp, Beavor is sent against him with this com­mand. lest Tholouse might bring in his Ar­my, and strengthen the Gheuses, calling to her Philip Lanoy, Lord of Bea­vor, a noble and industrious commander, she said, ‘I call God to witnesse, I am unwilling, and with much reluctation forced to a War; the Fame of Uictory, (a glory, that hath wrought with many Women, and might with me, out of the sense of my Fathers invincible and martiall Bloud) I never aspired unto, in my Province of the Low-countries. But since with stub­borne-natured and implacable wicked men, neither by indulgence nor pardon I have beene able to effect any thing, but onely the lessening of my Authority and their feare; truly I should not lay to heart either the cause of Religion, or of the King and Country, if I should not at last, by making new examples, punish their perfidiousnesse, imboldened by my too much Lenity; and by force of Armes (which through your valour I may easily effect) endeavour to destroy these Enemies and Rebells, some­times bringing in Heresie to raise Tumults, sometimes plotting to take Armes and breaking into open Hostility. Courage therefore, Beavor, for I have chosen thee, to revenge this Treason to Majesty Divine, and Humane. And since it is necessary to be speedily at Ostervell, take thy Commission and be gone; fight with Tholouse, whose tumultuary Forces without opposition plunder the Country, terrible only to such as en­tertaine them. Be sure that pitty move thee not to give them quarter up­on any termes; but those wicked men that have committed unpardonable Villanies, do thou, without pause or mercy, destroy with fire and sword.’ Having thus instructed the Generall, her Excellence command­ed him to take out of the Garrison of Bruxells 300. Musketteres, and joyne to them the Flanders Horse, lately called back from Wallacron, un­der the command of Valentine Pardieu Lord of Mott, Valentine Pardieu. with the Foot com­panies of the Counts Aremberge, and Barlamont. Besides, she gave him many of her owne Life-Guard, and enjoyned him with this Army to march against Tholouse. The Prince of Orange hin­ders the Ant­werpers from Sal [...]ying. The Prince of Orange that governed Antwerp, imagining what the Governesse would doe, had tooke order the day be­fore Beavor came to Ostervell, that the Bridge between that and Antwerp should be broken: lest the Gheuses sallying out of Antwerp, should help the Tholousians (as he signified to the Governesse by Marius Carduin) or more probably lest, to succour Beavor, the Bridge should give passage to the Catholiques, whose cause he could not desert, nor would defend. Also by his command, the next day, all the ports of Antwerp were shut, the Citizens wondring what should be his reason;They fight at Ostervell. when on the suddaine hearing the thunder of Cannon hard by the Towne,The Citizens of Antwerp. they ran to the wals, and saw a Battaile fought at Ostervell. They knew the Ensignes of both Armies,See the Battell from the walls. They act their different wi­shes to both sides. displayed alongst the River side, and almost heard the cryes both of those that charged, and fell. Nor did all the Towne behold that Martiall Scene with the same wishes, but shouted according to their seve­rall inclinations, with divers kinds of clamour, as if they had been upon a [Page 4] Stage: sometimes chearefully incouraging their Partie, sometimes doubt­full, and crying shame upon them, they shooke their hands and mo­ved their bodies, as if they themselves were really in the Feild, strik­ing or avoyding Blowes. Till the routed Tholousians fled. For Beavor had been so quick in his march, that comming upon them before they could well arme themselves,The Tholousi­ans defeated. and repaire to their Colours, they had scarce time to put their men in Order of Battaile. Yet for a while they stood. At first their number imboldened them, and at last their Houses and Fortificati­ons saved them. But those being fired, part of them were burnt in their owne dwellings; some few slaine in the Field, but the most forced to leap in the River, and either drowned, or as they swam, shot in the backs. Tholouse himselfe despairing of Releife or Pardon tooke a Barne, and was there burnt.Their Generall burned. There fell at this Battaile (the first that was fought with the Low-country Rebells) 1500. of the Gheuses. About 300. were taken prisoners, and all put to the Sword by Beavors command, because it was conceived the Antwerpers would sally out, and assist the Remainder of their conquered Friends. And indeed when the Calvinists saw their Brethren routed,The Calvinists would have sallyed out of Antwerp to helpe their Fellowes. But finding themselves lockt in they grew rageous. and put to flight (for it troubled not the Lutherans, who hate Calvinists farre more then they doe Catholiques) presently taking up Armes, they marched directly to the Bridge to succour their distressed Party. But when they found the Bridge broken downe, and saw the Ports shut up, they ran through the Streets, as if they had been drunke, and cryed Arme, Arme. And in foure houres space 14000. men were come together, having neither any certaine Generall, nor resolution whether to make way through the Ports, or turne their fury upon those that kept them in. They say Tholouse his Wife, in Antwerp, helped forward this combustion. For understanding the Defeate and Danger of her Husband,Tholouse's wife sets them on. (his Death as yet she knew not) almost out of her wits, she ranne about the Towne, howling, and crying to the Calvinsts for Assistance or Re­venge. And now the Prince of Orange (with Count Hochstrat (meet­ing these furious Rebells,The Prince of Orange oppo­ses them with danger to him­selfe. doubted not by the Majesty of his presence, and their great opinion of him, easily ro quiet this Distemper, and began to give them reasons why the Bridge was broke, for feare the conquering Army, having a Party within the Towne, should make themselves Masters of it. But the rest of his words were drowned with hideous cryes and Railings. They called him Traytour to the Cause, and then he found by experience,The Insurrecti­on of the Cal­vinists increa­seth. that Majesty without strength is not safe among the incen­sed multitude. Nay one of those Calvinisticall Rogues set a Pistoll to the Prince his brest, as if he would give fire upon him: so much dares the ba­sest Rascall animated by his contagious Fellowes. The Prince of Orange therefore thought it well for the present, if he could get off; for the num­ber & boldnesse of the Calvinists increased. And now seizing upon the Me­rian Bridge, and taking the Cannon out of the Magazine, they drew them upon their carriages,They take up Armes. and planted them against the Court, resolving to set up a new Magistrate; madly and barbarously proclaiming that all the Clergie and Religious should be turned out of the Towne. Nor lesse active on the other part,The Catho­licks and Lu­therans march against them led by the Prince of O­range. was the Prince of Orange, who taught by his late danger, commanded sixe Companies of the Garrison Souldiers to guard the Pi [...]zza, and the Mint, and drawing after him a huge sort of Lutherans, joyned them to the Catholiques, whereof no lesse then 8000 had armed them­selves. The Catholiques and Lutherans formed into a Body, with Colours flying marched to the Pallace of Justice, and there made a Stand, ready [Page 5] to defend it, if the Calvinists should attempt any thing; and these, as if they would fight, came on, and presenting their Muskets seemed to ex­pect the word. When the Prince of Orange, attended by all the Senate, and a strong Guard of Souldiers,The Calvinists terrifyed. came to the Calvinists, and with a commanding countenance, advised them to lay down Armes, if they had any Demands to make, they might be more easily obtained without Tumult: if they did otherwise, he swore he would be a perpetuall Ene­my to the name of Calvin. Whereat the Calvinists seeming to be dismay­ed submitted, as if it were in Honour to the Prince; when indeed they found themselves much too weak for the Catholique and Lutheran Forces, to which the Italian and Spanish Merchants flocked in great numbers armed, fearing they should finally be plundered by the Calvi­nists, who had either to that end begun the Tumult, or at least would so conclude. Therefore Hostages being given and received on both sides,and quieted upon conditions the Calvinists upon certaine conditions (which both they and the Prince of Orange took their Oaths to see observed) for the present laid downe Armes: which notwithstanding were shortly taken up againe, both by the Calvinists and Lutherans, when they heard of the Siege and Danger of Valenciens, The seige of Valenciens. occasioned in this manner.

Among the towns that after the Church Robberyes, refused to sub­mit unto authority, one was Valenciens, animated by a strong faction of Hereticks,The Condition of the City. and by their owne nature; being like the rest of the people of Haynolt, impatient of Subiection; insomuch as they have a proud Proverb, that Haynolt is only subiect to God, and the Sun. And they were the freer, because of their Vicinity to France, which being considered the Valen­cenians were ever ruled with a gentler hand, but with a more attentiue eye. The Governesse was very fearefull, lest the French if they stirred at that time might first lay hold vpon this key to the frontiers, especially because they knew that one Grange of Narbon a Calvinist Minister by his French Lectures had now confounded all in Valenciens, and much increased the commerce betweene the Valencenians, The Valence­nians comman­ded by her Ex­cellence to receive a Gari­son. and the French. The Gover­nesse having many times written to the Magistrate about it, at last, when she found her selfe strong enough, she sent an expresse commanding him to receiue a Garrison into the Towne, of those men commanded by Phi­lip Norcarmius of St Aldegund, Lieuetenant Governour of Haynolt for the Marquesse of Bergen then Ambassadour in Spaine: December. 1567. And that by these Souldiers nothing was intended but the Authority of the Magistrate, and Concord of the People.They seeme willing, Norcarmius coming to the Towne in the Evening was met by Commissioners from the Magistrate of Valenciens, affirming they had ever beene and ever would be faithfull to the King, and to the Governesse; withall they demanded, how many men he would quarter in in the towne, desiring him to be contented with as few as might be. But in the morning,But at their appointed time fly off. at the time when they had promised to receiue his Gar­rison, new commissioners came from the Burghers and told him, that by the industry of the Hereticks running all night from house to house, the People had changed their minds, & were resolved not to admit the Garri­son, and to write their Reasons for it to the Governesse. But Norcarmius terribly offended with that Inconstancy and affront departed, threatning Ruine to the City. Their Messengers he carried away Prisoners, but be­cause that was against the Law of Nations, four dayes after he sent them back, by command from the Governesse.For these Reasons. And indeed the Towne presen­ted her Excellence their Reasons for not admitting a Garrison of Norcar­mius [Page 6] his men, as well because they feared he would Vse them cruelly, and like Enemyes, by reason of his different Religion; as likewise they were perswaded that Garrison was to have come in, without the consents of the Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, Horne, and Hochstrate. But if those foure Lords would ingage, for the Security of the Towne, it should im­mediately submit.Which offended C. Egmont. This touched Egmont to the quick, who of the foure was only present when these Letters were read in Senate, he therfore pro­fessed, that he and his Collegues had greivous Iniury done them by these men.And much more the governesse. But the Governesse thought her selfe most iniuried, her Power be­ing looked upon as inferiour to the Authority of these Lords. Therefore implacably offended,Who resolves to beseige them she resolved to revenge this Scorne, and no longer expecting the kings Presence; sent for Norcarmius, and Cressonerius an excellent Engineere, determining by their advise to lay speedy S [...]ege to Valenciens, appointing Commanders, and giving Order for all necessaryes.But first sends againe to them to receive a Garrison. By Norcarmius she sent a Letter (writt in the Stile of Anger) briefe and decretory, to be delivered to the Magistrate, before he should at [...]acque the Towne; wherein she commanded the Valencenians in the Kings name immediately to receiue foure Troopes of Horse, and as many companies of Foote yeilding Obedience to Norcarmius, Governour of their province; which if they refused to doe, she declared them Enemies to their King and Country.And upon their refusall de­clares them Rebells. They obstinately stood out, and therefore, by the Kings Edict, were proscribed, and their Goods confiscated. The Reasons of this Proceeding the Governesse wrote severally to the Provinces; ‘That she had often admonished the Valencenians,Writing to the Provinces. not to suffer the Hereticks, Decemb. 14 co [...] ­trary to her agreement with the Covenanters, 1566. to possesse themselves of Catholique Churches, and to preach within the City: nor to protect the Heads of the Conspiracy, Guy Brare of Mons. especially Grange and his Companion, five yeares before condemned at Tournay; if they could not doe it of them­selves, 1567. then to receive a Garrison from Norcarmius to that end; but they contemning both these Proposalls, SHE in the King [...] name declared them Tratours, and besieged them, to bring downe their pride: Commanding upon paine of death, that no one, either with Advise, Armes, money, or otherwise should presume to assist them, or goe ar­med within their Liberties, or be present at any of their Meetings; and that whosoever should doe the contrary, did it against his King and Country.’ The Gheuse [...] every where perplexed. This Newes troubled the whole Faction of the Gheuses, and be­cause it much concerned them to incourage their Friends in such an Ex­igent, presently Letters were directed from the Consistories of diverse Cities to the Valencenians bidding them be resolute, and fearelesse, for shortly the besieged should be relieved: and the besiegers called away to quench a fire kindled in another place.

Nor were these vaine Brags.The Tournay-Gheuses take up armes. for a few dayes after, not farre from Tour­nay, 4000 of the Gheuses tooke the Field, Vnder the command of Sorean. Their Designe was to take L'isle the chiefe City of French Flanders. They were put vpon it by certaine Consistorian Merchants,With a designe to surprize [...]isle. great rich men and dwellers in that City. The Plot was so laid, that vpon a day when Max­imilian Rassinghem Governour of L'isle must necessarily be out of Towne,Decem. 22. the calvinists should goe, as they were accustomed,1566. to their Sermons in the Fields, and in their Returne the Souldiers of Tournay should come in mingled among them,1567. the Merchants undertaking to have an eye upon the Citizens of L'isle, that they did not in their Comming back shut the Gates against them.The Armente­rians conspire. In the meane time, to keep Rassinghem, away, some [Page 7] Foote Companyes, of the Towne of Armenter, Their Plot dis­covered. had Orders to plunder the Country about Lisle The Governesse having intelligence of the whole Designe, writt in good time to Norcarmius, (Lying before Valenciens) with part of his Forces to oppose the enemyes Practice, first acquainting the Governour of Lisle with his advance.Rassinghem falls upon the Arment [...]rians. Rassinghem had already heard of the Souldiers of Armenter, and without further delay, chusing out 150 Foot, and about 50 Dragoones, fought with them neare the Village of Waterloch. The Armenterians were 300 and odd, most of them fresh water Souldiers, with a Captaine more ignorant then themselves, one Cornelius a Calvinist Minister, that from a Smith, was become a Preacher, and from a Preacher a Souldier:1567. Nor did he then with any more skill handle his Armes, then he used to do his Text.Destroys them. For at the very first Charge, being frighted, relinquishing his men, this hare in a Helmet fled out of the Field. Two hundred and thirty of his Disciples were slaine, and presently stripped of their armes, leaving Rassinghem Victorious without bloud.And following his Victory enters Lisle. Who with his Triumphant Souldiers laded with the Spoiles of the enemy entering into Lisle, the newes of that sudden execu­tion made the feare of the City greater, then his honour by the Defeat of such an inconsiderable Enemy. Their consistoriall Counsell was therefore now at their witts end; and the Souldiers of Tournay hearing of the Ar­mentarians Overthrow,From thence pursues them of Tournay. retreated from Lisle to Lanoy, which shutting their Gates against them, their Generall Sorean indeavouring to take the Towne, gave Norcarmius time to overtake him. But before Norcarmius came vp, Rassinghem vnderstanding by the Armenterian Prisoners that the Gheuses of Tournay were marching towards him, raising as many of the Country as he could upon the suddaine, resolved instantly to fall upon them, not imagining that Norcarmius besieging Valenciens had the same Designe.T [...]e Errour. And it fortuned that Rassinghem sending out some Scouts,1567. as the manner is, to discover the strength and motion of the enemy, they fell vpon the like number of Horse sent by Norcarmius to the same intent, [...]. and as night and suspicion doses the mind, either Partly mistaking their fellowes for the enemy, fired upon one another, and one or two being shot, retired, frighting and affrighted. While this Accident held Rassing­hem in suspense,Norcarmius comes first up­on the Place. Norcarmius, by other meanes understanding the Enemy to be neere Lanoy, presently marched thither, and going to order his men for a Bataille, her perceiued the Gheuses too weake for the open Feild, by little and little fell backe into the lanes trenched with Ditches, and bul­warkt with Woods. Wherefore he sent thither three Companyes of mus­ketteers,Fights with the Gheuses of Tournay. with some Pikes mixed among them, which he him selfe follow­ed with the Horse. The Gheuses stood the first Charge indifferent stoutly, and shot off some small Field-Pieces that guarded the mouth of the Lanes. Nay, thought many fel, they filled vp their places with fresh men, & without much Difficulty taking the Advantage of those Straits beat back the Nor­carmians. Makes a great slaughter of them. But at last, the Avenue being opened by the Pikes, the Horse and Foote breaking in, they gaue back,1567. were routed, fled, and in the Flight (more Dangerous then in the Battaile) were killed like sacrificed Beasts: A few, with their Generall Sorean, but dividing themselues, es­caped through the woods. Norcarmius, with the Losse of only six men, having taken nine of the Enemyes Colours, twentie Field-Pieces, and two Barrells of Powder, though it best to follow the Opportunity,C [...]mmand [...] Tournay to receive a Garrison. and to march with his men (now fleshed, and, desirous of Victory) up to the Walls of Tournay: and sending a Trumpet to the Towne, commanded [Page 8] them, in the name of the Governesse, to receive a Garrison of his men: if they denyed, or paused, he would use his Victorious Armes. The Towns­men hearing,The City obeye [...] by such as fled out of the Battaile, that their Army was de­feated, being struck with the suddaine and armed Summons of Norcar­mius the Conquerour at their Gates, and Feare within their hearts, depri­ving them both of time and reason for consulting, they yielded to mercy. He entered the Towne triumphantly,He enters as a Conquerour. and forthwith disarmed the peo­ple, sending Souldiers from House to House (which he did afterwards through all the Signiory of Tournay) that tooke away their Armes, and carryed them to the Magazine. Then he imprisoned the Incendiaryes,Punishes the Citizens. and restored the Bishop and Clergy to their Honour and Authority. Lastly he put downe the Consistoryes, and prohibited all such kind of Meetings, the common Forges of Sedition, thereby absolutely disinabling the Here­ticall Faction in that City. This done, by Command from the Gover­nesse he made Iohn Croy Count of Reuse Leiutenant-Governour of Tour­nay for Montiny, who was yet in Spaine; soe leaving eight Foot Com­panyes in the Towne,Returnes to the Seige of Valenciens. besides 450 Garrison Souldiers in the Fort, he returned to the Siege of Valenciens, and was ready to storme it when the Governesse should command. But she being to consult the King, presently after the render of Tournay, The Governesse consults the King about storming of the Town. with the Newes of the Victory, writt to his Maiesty her Resolution to take Valenciens by assault, because the beseiged adding Obstinacy to Rebellion, had made diverse Sallyes out of the Towne, and beate vp the Quarters of his Maiestyes men, as in Contempt of the King.His Majesty will not give way to it. His Maiesty though he disliked not the Siege, yet intimated, that he should have better liked noe Siege; now since it was gone soe farre,February 1 it concerned his Honour to continue it: but it likewise concerned his clemency and Affection to his Subjects, to for­beare the Battery of the Towne, a [...]d putting them to the Sword: lest the fury of the Souldiers should destroy the Innocent, together with the guilty. The Governesse should therefore try all wayes to win the be­sieged to yield without fighting, which was feizible, witnesse the example of Tournay. But if the Rebells stubbornesse could not be broken, but on­ly by Armes; his Majesty would not have the Town stormed, before his pleasure was known, and two Regiments come out of Germany. But these cautions were given to no purpose, the besieged growing every day more obstinat.Whereupon the Governesse pro­tracts the siege and drawes a line about the Towne. Therfore the Governesse commanded Norcarmius to make his ap­proches neerer, to look more narrowly unto the cutting off all Victua [...]l, and commerce: and to present his Cannon and Army as prepared for a generall Assault; so by frighting and wearying the Enemy, to spinne out time, till the German Regiments should arrive, commanded by Oberstein, and Scouwenberg. She likewise writ to the King, that ‘Mercy was fruitlesse, that she and the Senate thought it necessary before they were better for­tified or relieved to take the Towne, Febr. 17. which Norcarmius was of Opini­on might be effected in eight dayes; She Presses the King by Let­ters. and that Delay would be dange­rous, lest the Gheuses (being inraged all over the Low-Countryes, and upon the Borders of France) might have time to raise an Army. 1567. But all this moved not the KING,March 13. who dispatched back his Adviso with more then ordinary speed,The King wishes her to deal more gent­ly with the besieged and gives a rule for it. that they should hold off, and rather take the Towne by Feare, then by the Sword; perhaps starved and wearyed, they might yield: yet if there was no remedy, but to force them (which he must leave to their Iudgement that were upon the Place) then he would have these commands principally observed. First, that raising [Page 9] their Batteries and planting their Cannon, they should prove them with the [...] Preparations and Fore-runners of a Storme; leaving them in the meane time some space of Repentance. Then if they yielded not, they should storme the Towne, and do the Duty of Souldiers: but yet forbeare to do execution, not only upon Children, Old-men, and Women, but that no Citizen whatsoever,She obeyes.should be killed in cold bloud.’ The Governesse well weighing this letter, though she knew it was more mer­cifull then opportune (because about the same time a Company of sa­crilegious Villaines, sallying out of Valenciens, had fired cerraine Mo­nasteries that stood neere the Towne, and brought the plunder of them into Valenciens) yet mindfull both of his Majesties, and her owne mo­deration,And sends to them Count Eg­mont, and Duke Ar [...]chot. she resolved to leave nothing unattempted. It was told her, the Valencenians bore an implacable hatred to Norcarmius; she therefore sent to them two of the Lords, Lamorall Count Egmont, and Philip Croy Duke of Areschot: to see if they, by their Authority, could bring the Towne to consider of their Safety.Who perswade [...]hem to obe­ [...]ie [...]ce. These Lords sending for the Valence­nian Commissioners gently admonished them, ‘to lay downe their Fury and Obstinacy that would not secure them, when their Walls should be bat­tered with the Cannon; for to that day, their City had stood, not by their strength, but by the King's and Governesse's Mercy. That they found by sufficient experience, how vaine it was to expect forreine Ayde. That the French stirred not in the Quarrell, and if they should, it would bee neither handsome nor advantageous, for the Low-country-men to be assisted by their antient Enemies. The Consistories of Antwerp, being distracted into factions; what had they yet done? These of Tournay had taken Armes, but were withall suppressed. They of the Bus and others, had e­nough to do to looke to themselves; all the hope left them must be in Tho­louse, but he and his whole Army (let them not deceive themselves) were destroyed by Beavor, in the sight of Antwerp. Who cou [...]d be now expected or from whence, to come and raise the Siege? They ought therefore to re­deeme their pride by their Repentance, and by their Duty, and Obedience to prevent (whilst yet they might) their Princes Indignation, and their Countryes Ruine.’ Proposing con­ditions Having premised this, they read the conditions of­fered by the Governesse; that the Valencenians should render their City, and receive a Garrison, That after their rendring the Towne, and re­ceiving a Garrison, those that would obey the King, should have Liber­ty to remaine in Valenciens; the rest immediately after the Surrender were to depart the Towne,but in vains. carrying with them all their portable Goods. The Commissioners reported this Offer to the Senate and the People, which were prepossessed with wicked Counsels; their hearts hardned, es­pecially with Grange's Sermons, a man eloquent with a mischeife to the Publique; They were confirmed in their Obstinacy by a Rumour that Tholouse had the Day, and Beavor was fled, cunningly given out by the Hereticks, to amuse the Towne, and hinder them from crediting Tholouse his overthrow, at least to suspend their beliefe, so long as the Commissio­ners treated. Who returning to Areschot and Egmont, they, when they saw nothing was done by the Valencenians, and themselves slighted, in great fury threatning the Towne, presently dismissed the Commissioners. And Egmont (whose military heart, and therefore more sensible of a Pro­vocation, was grievously offended at the Obstinacy of the Besieged) that very day and the night following, with Cressonerius in his Company, viewing the Walls, and sounding of the Ditch, assured the Governesse, [Page 10] that Valenciens might be taken in a very little time.A gene [...]all Ass [...]lt resolved [...]. But for as much as the King [...]s commands were obeyed in admonishing and terriying of the Towne, and that her Excel [...]ence heard the German Forces were at hand, specially being vexed with the Newes of a Sally made by the Valencenians in the night to beat up Quarters, she commanded Norcarmius, that ma­king his Approaches still nearer, without further Delay, yet according to the King's Instructions,The [...] of Valenciens. he should storme the Towne. Valenciens is no lesse strongly then pleasantly situated, part thereof standing on a rising Ground, and the rest lying on a Levell, invironed with Walls, Towers, and Ditches; the River Schelt running through the midst of it, and fall­ing into the River of Rouell, 1567. they flow round about the Walls: and make the Place almost inaccessible. But Norcarmius, knowing he had to do with an ignorant Enemy, and that the Towne was like a strong Body governed by a weake Soule; finding the Ditch to be narrow in some places, and the Bankes by negligence fallen downe: with a great and gallant Resolution began the Assault; and calling in part of his Forces, that were set to keep the Pas [...]es,Norcarmius. takes the S [...]b urb [...]. and to cut off Provisions, under the C [...]mmand of G [...]spar Lord of Bill, Gaspar [...] Lord of Bill. he tooke M [...]ns-gate, a Port of the Suburbs, in the [...]ight. From thence, with some Companies of Haynol­ter [...], piying those that came upon the Walls with Musket-shot, so as none du [...]st put out their Heads, Cressonerius with wonderfull dexterity raised a M [...]unt, scaled the Walls, [...]. and with the losse of very few of his men, ob [...]erving the discipline of Warre, he faced and beat the Enemy f [...]om their Workes. And so dividing his Forces under the Commands of M [...]ximilian Count of Bolduc, [...] Charles Mansf [...]ldt Son to Count Ernest, and Egidius Lord of Hierg, [...] he gave the generall Assault; first making his Battery with 10 pi [...]ces of great Cannon, then with 20. besides other lesser Guns, with so great an Impression, that within lesse then foure houres space their prime Workes about the wall were beaten down. The Citisens terrified with such a beginning, sent two Trumpets to intreat, [...]hat Norcarmius would please to give safe Conduct unto their Commissi­oners to treat for the present Render of the Towne.Th [...]y sen [...] Com­miss [...]ners [...] of sur­render. He gave them leave to come, but neverthelesse the Cannon still played upon the Battery; which hastened the Commissioners, that were 20. who came about Sun­setting to the Generall, promising to yield up the City upon the same Termes, which three dayes before were offered by Areschott and Egmont. Which are not accepted. But Norcarmius laughing at them, said, ‘Belike you think your condition to be as good to day, as it was three dayes since. Valencenians, you are wise too late. I never use to article with a conquered Enemy.’ All that night he continued the Battery, giving them no time to repaire the Breaches made in so many place [...], that now the Ditch being filled up with the ruines of the Wall, the Souldiers might enter on even ground. But about two a clock in the after­noone the Valencenian Commissioners returned,They yield to mercy. and without any excep­tion yielded the Towne and themselves to mercy. Norcarmius sounding a Retreate, just when his men were got up the Wall, and in hope to sacke [...]he Towne, sent a Countermand, enjoyning them to containe themselves within those Bounds of Modesty, which by Order from the King the Governesse had set downe. The Battery held 36. houres without any in­ [...]ermission. It is reported, that 3000. Cannon were shot into the Towne, doing g [...]e [...]ter Execution upon Walls, then Men. The same day, being Palme Sunday, and making good the Omen of that victorious name un­to the Conquerour,Norcarmius ent [...]rs the Towne. Norcarmius entred the Towne, with 13. Companies [Page 11] of Foote: and was met in the Streets with multitudes of women and Chil­dren with greene boughs in their hands, lamentably crying to him to have Compassion upon the Towne. He sent them away, with gentle Language without the death of any man, or plunder of any house, though the Wealth of the Towne was a great Temptation, their Contumacy me­riting Destruction.Disarmes the Citisens. The Generall went to their Court, and first according to his Instructions, disarmed the Townsmen, and tooke from the City their Cannon (which were 50) and all the rest of their Munition.Punishes them. Then he caused Inquiry to be made for the Boutefeu's and Ringleaders of the Rebellion, with the Hereticall Preachers, and immediately laid 36 Prin­cipall rebels by the Heels: but could not take any one Minister, for they were slipt out of the Towne, though the Ports had presently been shut up, or guarded with Souldiers; but being apprehended at St Amands, they were brought back, and committed to prison. Afterwards, the Citisens were beheaded, their Teachers and some of their Souldiers han­ged. Lastly the Magistrates, and Treasures, and all other publique Offi­cers were removed from their places;Takes away their privi­ledges. their Charter and Priviledges for­feited, till the King pleased to restore them.2. Aprill. The Governesse, writing all these Particulars to the King, and annexing a List of the Commanders and Souldiers Names,The Governesse commends the Conquerors to the King. that had done most gallant Service in the Siege, humbly craved Leave to remunerate their Valour and Fidelity out of Delinquents Estates, that the Souldiers might reap the Fruit of their Victory and Modesty, and others be taught their duty.How highly Norcarmius was famed for restoring the ci [...]i [...] and sacred State of the Towne. Valenciens being in this manner settled, and all consecrated Places restored to their pious Vses, the Bishop of Arras likewise sent for out of Artois, and eight Companyes charged vpon the Towne, that He might keep the people in the feare of God, and they in Obedience to the King: it was won­derfull to see, what a glorious name Norcarmius had got, and what an alte­ration it made among the Rebels, and Hereticks of all degrees, when they heard Valenciens was taken; insomuch as it was commonly reported, that in this one Town were found the keyes of all the other Cityes.

In the meane while,15. March. her Excellence receiving a new expresse, signi­fying that Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva, was to come a little before his Majesty. Whilst in the Lowcountryes all went as well as she could wish, she thought it best to press, what she had long since designed, a Prote­station from the Magistrates and all Officers of Peace and Warre,The consterna­tion of the Rebels. wherein they should sweare, ‘without exception to obey any that should bee ap­pointed in the Kings name.’ The Oath re­quired of the Lords. Which she did; not to sound any ones mind,Why the Go­vernesse impo­sed it. for she could well distinguish the Kings Friends and Enemyes; nor in hope to oblige the Vnfaithfull, which she knew was not to be done by any Tye; but that shee might with lesse envy displace such men as should refuse the Oath, or put them to death if they broke their Faith: by which meanes the King at his coming might finde all parts of the Lowcountryes pacifyed. The Governesse set this afoote in the begin­ing of the yeare, and acquainting the Senate with it, told them, she would take it as a speciall Service, if the Lords would give Example; which the rest would easily follow.Who tooke it. The first that Voted for it, and promised to take the Oath, was Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt, then the Duke of Areschott, and the Counts Egmont, Mela, and Barlamont, who after­wards performed what they then promised. But Henry Brederod, whom the Governesse,C. Brederod re­fuses, by expresse Messengers, and afterwards by Letters, vrged to take this Oath of Allegeance,2. Febr. as he that was both the Kings [Page 12] Subject and a Commander under him of a 100 horse, of those 1400 rai­sed for the Saftety of the Provinces, a great while kept off, at last, because he was commanded to lay downe his Commission,And his com­mand of horse is taken from him complaining that he was unworthily and injuriously dealt with, refused the Oath, and sent back the Horse. The Oath was likewise refused, but with more Ci­vility, by the Counts Hochstrat, and Horne, because they said they had sworne their Allegeance some yeares before, and that they hoped was sufficient. Hochstrat was at Antwerp Lieutenant Governour there for the Prince of Orange, who was then in Holland, and from this City gave Orders for Machlin, And from Count Hoch­strate the Go­vernment of Mechlin. whereof he was Governour in his owne right. Therefore her Excellence that had long had an eye upon Hotchstrat, as a man not to be trusted, gave away the Government of Machlin [...]o the Lord Semer, 6. Ian. one that was sound in Religion and Fidelity: and wrote to Hochstrat, 1567. how she had provided for that City; which, the Gheuses having lately had a plott upon it, required a Governour that should be there resident.Who dissembles his indignation against the Go­vernesse. Hochstrat, as if he Vnderstood not the Governesses Anger lest he should seeme likewise sensible of his owne Offence, in his Answer gave her infinite thanks that she had then eased him of that burden, only whether he should lay down his Commission before the Senate of Machlin, 12. Ian. or by Letter signify so much unto them, he expected her Highnesses Commands: and if she further pleased to substitute another at Antwerp in absence of the Prince of Orange, he should take that also for a speciall Favour.But discovers it to Count Man [...]feldt. But writing to Count Mansfeldt he layd aside dissimulation.15. Ian. For when the Governesse had returned, that she better liked his writing to the Machliners about the Resignation of his Government, & that Count Mansfeldt at the same time wrote him a Letter to the same effect, coun­selling Hochstrat as his Kinsman (for they were married to two Sis [...]ers of the Momorancyes, In these words Hochstrat to Elionor, 20. Ian. and Mansfeldt to Mary) by all meanes to pacify the Governesse, he answered jeeringly, ‘That he was much bound to him, who having so many Imployments, whereby he much eased the Dutchesse in her Government, 1567. could yet descend so farre as to thinke of his poor Kinsman, and to Vouchsafe him his Advise; which Advise notwithstanding, he needed not, knowing well enough what was to be done. In the meane time, he joyed him, of those great Imployments, which shortly would be increased beyond his ambition, 18. March. by the coming of so many Whelps out of Spaine and Italy.’ The Prince of Orange like­wise ref [...]ses the Oath, and of his own ac­cord resignes his Govern [...] ­ments. The businesse with the Prince of Orange went slowlyer on, and with more trouble. For he refusing the Oath, among other Passages wrote to the Governesse, that she would please to appoint a Governour for Holland, Zeland, and Burgundy, since he understood it was the King [...]s Pleasure that he should resigne. This held the Governesse in Suspense, because she was not willing he sould de­clare himselfe an Enemy before she had sufficient Forces to subdue him.The Governesse sen [...]s Bertius to him. She therefore sent to Antwerp, Iohn Baptista Bertius, her Secretary, that found the Prince of Orange onely imployed about his private Occasi­ons, and having presented his Letters of Credence from the Governesse,Wh [...] gives him Reasons for taking of the Oath. He made it appeare by many Arguments, that the Prince of Orange's determination to resigne his Commands, could not be approved, either by the Governesse or any of the Lords, not only because it would be disadvantageous to the Lowcountryes, and dishonourable to the Prince of Orange himselfe, but likewise because such kind of Gover­nements confer'd by the Kings immediate Commission, can neither be taken away by the Governesse, nor resigned by him, without the King's [Page 13] Leave. That therefore he should presently resume his Offices, and consider it was no rash Determination of his Majesty, in this common Disturbance of the Provinces to require, that their Governours, by a new Oath, should testifie their Fidelity and Allegeance.The Prince of Orange heares and answers him with Rea­sons. The Prince of Orange re­plyed (in the presence of Count Hochstrat, who came in by chance) that for many and serious considerations, which he had as yet communicated to no man, he refused this Oath. First, because the like was never requi­red of any former Governour;The first. then,The Second. for as much as he had long agoe taken an Oath of Allegiance to the King, as other Lords did that lived within his Majesty's Dominions, it might be thought he had broke his first Oath,The Third. in regard he was put to sweare againe. Moreover, because he had sworne to preserve the Priviledges of his Provinces, if peradventure he should be commanded to the contrary, he could not obey the Order, being tyed by Oath not to doe it: and yet he bound himselfe to obey it, if he should now sweare to doe what he should be commanded in the King's name against any persons whatsoever.The Fourth. Add to this, that in the Forme of the Oath the Emperour was not excepted, to whom as a feudatary he was obliged, and would not beare Armes against him; Nay more, there was no exception of his Sons and Friends, as the Duke of Cleve, and diverse others,The Fifth. against which he would not fight. Another Reason was, for that many Edicts were daily published, making it capitall for all such as were not Catholiques; which Edicts should never be executed by his Authori­ty, for his Heart would not suffer him to inflict such punishments, as men were now liable to, for their Religion. Nay, if he should take this Oath, he might be compelled, in the last place, to put his Wife to death, be­cause she was a Lutheran.The Last and indeed the true Reason con [...]rned the Duke of Alva. Lastly it was to be considered, that he who commanded in the King's name, might be such as it would not be con­sistent with his quality and Honour to obey; and here, with Indignation, he named the Duke of Alva, and said no more. For as it was reported, the Duke of Alva's coming troubled him exceedingly, his other Reasons on­ly were pretended, and because invalid, therefore multiplyed. Nor would the Prince of Orange have lost his Government for an Oath, but he thought it unsafe to trust himselfe in the hands of that Spanish Duke, by nature melancholick and cruell; and out of an ancient Emulation be­twixt them, too likely to carry himselfe proudlier in his Command; or if he should be civill, yet the Prince of Orange could never brooke a man, from whom he must receive Common Civility in the nature of a Pardon. But Bertius sufficiently instructed as well by nature, as by the Governesse,Bertius replyes to every Par­ticular Alle­gation. answered him prudently to every particular, He said, it was no wonder, in regard the Provinces were not troubled in the time of their former Governours, that no such Oath was required of them, That to take the same Oath againe, was not by a new Profession to repaire the Violation of an old Vow, but to raise greater Alacrity in new Dangers. That to pre­serve the Priviledges of the Provinces, the King had noe lesse obliged his Faith, then the Prince of Orange his, and therefore it concerned his Ma­jesty to be careful, that nothing should be commanded, which was Breach of Priviledge. Nor was the War in agitation, against the Emperour, or Empire, or the Duke of Cleue, all which he was assured the Governesse would very willingly let him except in his Oath. That the Care of the Edicts and Pe­nall Lawes against Hereticks should not be committed to him, much lesse should he be inforced by any ones Command to Punish his wife.But perswades not. Thus Ber­tius endeavoured to overthrow the Prince of Oranges Reasons without [Page 14] mentioning the Duke of Alva; perhaps doubtfull how to answer that Point, perhaps because, vpon the naming of his Wife, the Prince of O­range replyed (not expecting till he came so farre as Alva) that he knew the King, when he arrived in the Lowcountryes, would not suffer any mans Wife to be of another Religion; therefore, for his owne part, he was re­solved to remoue into Germany with his Family, before the King's Com­ing, lest if he did it after, it might be supposed he was rather banished, then that he departed of his own accord: neverthelesse in what place so­ever he remained, he would live as became a Subject to his Majesty, ne­ver omitting any thing that might conduce to the Kings Honour.Yet brings him to a conference. Bertius seeing him not to be wrought vpon, at least, not able to make a Peace, de­sired a Truce, praying him (for this was part of his Instructions) that be­fore his Departure he would giue a meeting to Count Egmont, a [...]d any other of the Lords that he himselfe would name: whereunto he willingly condiscended, and appointed Willebroc, a Village betweene Bruxells and Antwerp for the Place of Conference.Nothing done. Where on the one part the Prince of Orange, The Prince of Orange's fare­well admoniti­on to Count Egmont. on the other Egmont, Mansfeldt, and (by Command from the Governesse) Bertius also met; and after they had treated diverse times of the same things, they departed, having concluded nothing. They say, the Prince of Orange, before he went, taking aside Count Egmont: spake of the present Dangers, and intreated him to withdraw, and by no means to stand this bloudy Spanish Tempest that hung over the Low-countryes. And when Egmont, confident in his owne merits, and scorning Danger, disputed against his opinion, and how the King's mercy would pardon all, if he found the Low-countries quieted; This ‘Mercy of the King (said Orange) that you trust to, will be your ruine; My Soule presages (I wish it may be false,) that you are to be the Bridge the Spaniards will tread upon in their coming over to the Low-countryes.’ At which words, as assured of his Prophesy, and that he should never see Egmont againe, he held him hard in his Armes, and so, both weeping, tooke their last Fare­well. Next day,His Letter to the Governesse he wrote a Letter to the Governesse, Intreating her, ‘that she would please to remember the King, April 4. and make a gracious Inter­pretation herselfe of the Paines he had taken now, and long since, both in Peace and Warre for his Majestyes Honour and Advantage. And that he himselfe wheresoever he lived would alwayes be her Highnesses most faith­full Servant.’ Immediately he removed with his wife and Children (all but his eldest Son,He leaves the Low countryes. Philip whom he left a Student, in Lovaine) to his City of Breda, many of the Nobility waiting on him. Having staid there awhile, he retired to Cleueland, and about the end of Aprill, to Dilemburg, the antient Seat of the Nassau's. And Egmont, though he was troubled at the Parting of his Friend, soone after grew cheerefuller then ever. For now being quit of his old Rivall, and therefore assuring himselfe of the first Place in the Governesses Favour, he began to offer his Service, and to be active in publique Affayres. First taking the Oath, as he had promised, in the forme wherein it was administred,Egmont takes the Oath. and putting downe the Consisto­ryes in the lower Flanders, Ioynes with the King's Party, declares him­selfe an enemy to the Cove­nanters. he in person, with six Companyes of Foote disarmed diverse Townes, and shewed himselfe so averse to the Designes of some of his Collegues, that by Count Hochstrats Servant, thei [...] vsuall Messenger, he advised them to attempt nothing against Religion, the King, or their owne Honour; if they did, he would hate them worse then a white Scarfe,Their Friend­ship with him is broken. which was the ordinary Weare of the French Horse. This made Hochstrat and the rest send to him for the Originalls of all the Letters [Page 15] and Petitions which he had at any time received from them, returning him those he had sent to them, an undoubted Argument that their Friendship was dissolved. Notwithstanding, the Governesse was feare­full,Whereupon followes a great change. that all this might be cunningly dissembled. But whether Egmont did it bonâ fide, now hating the proceedings of the Covenanteers, or whether he complyed with the Governesse, to take off the ill opinion conceived of him, now upon the King's Approach, certainly it was of much advantage to the Catholique cause.Many renounce the Covenant. For many of the Covenanteers, the Prince of Orange having left them, and frighted to see Egmont with some of the greatest Lords fall off, the rest growing jealous of one another, every man shifted for himselfe, and either personally or by friends peti­tioned the Governesse for their Pardons, and bound themselves, as they were required, by a new Oath. Not long after, Hochstrat and Horne wrote to the Governesse, promising to take the Oath in her presence, nay the last named sent a Copy of the Oath inclosed in his Letter.The Conspira­ [...]u [...]s leave the Low-countryes. The Counts Culemburg and Bergen had now left the Low-countryes: Lewis of Nassau followed the Prince his Brother. So, that Feare had severed the foure principall Confederates, excepting only Brederod, who still lived in hope. This caused an universall dejectednesse and consternation of the Mer­chants, and Hereticks, complaining they were deserted, contrary to the Covenant;Especially the Hereticks. and crying the Nobility had betraid them. This caused di­verse, especially Ministers, to fly; this incouraged the Governesse to use expedition, that whilst the Heads of the Conspirators were timerous and at difference among themselves, she might the more easily reduce the stub­borne people to their antient Obedience.

And now by command from the Governesse,The Recovery of Maestricht. Norcarmius with [...]1. Com­panies of Foote, and 10. piece of Cannon was to attaque Maestricht, in Brabant. But they of that City hearing of the Surrender of Valenciens, immediately turned out of Towne all the preaching Hereticks, and facti­ous Teachers. Then, understanding that Norcarmius drew neare, they forthwith sent Commissioners to the Governesse, to beseech a pardon for what was past, promising for the future to continue faithfull to the King, and Bishop. For part of Maestricht is subject to the Bishop of Liege, and part to the King as Duke of Brabant; The Governesse gave them a short Dispatch, and referred them (soundly chidden) to be an­swered by Norcarmius. The Bishop of [...]iege inter­cedes for the Towne. The Commissioners were no sooner gone, but Messengers came from Gerard Grosbeck, Bishop of Liege, assuring the Go­vernesse that the Hereticall Sinke at Maestricht w [...]s now cleane swept, That many of the Citisens with the Magistrate, even when that Plague was hottest, kept themselves uninfected, That the Gentry and Com­munalty were not past Cure, as plainely appeared by the suddaine change made in the City, converted, chiefly by the endeavours of one of the So­ciety,He [...]ricus Dio­nysius. sent for from Colen by the Bishop; which Father dayly chalenging the Hereticall Doctours to dispute, and dayly confuting them, had brought them to a perfect Recovery of their old Religion and Allegeance. And therefore the people, if they might but have a pardon, would satisfy for their Delinquency with more earnest Observance, and were now ready to receive a Garrison: though the Bishop himselfe did not conceive any necessity for making it a Garrison, the Firebrands of the Rebellion being now extinguished. Or if her Excellence were concerned in honour not to alter her Determination, that one or two Companyes would be suffi­cient. That he himselfe for his own part, had pardoned those of Mae­stricht, [Page 16] with promise to be a Suiter in their behalfe for the like pardon from the Governesse; the rather because he considered himselfe not only as their Prince, but as their Father, well knowing the mercy of the Governesse.Why the Go­vernesse denyes him. Who thanking the Bishop for his message full of kindnesse and charity, told them, it was not in her power to imitate their Master's Example: the King having taken from her all Authority of pardoning Offences of this nature: but she was confident, they might hope no lesse from the Kings Clemency. In the meane time, it was necessary, that a new Garrison, which she might confide in, should be put in into Mae­stricht to prevent the practice of Traitours, that made sure account of that Towne, lying no lesse convenient to receive Succours out of Ger­many, then Valenciens for Ayde from France. She had therefore com­manded Norcarmius to take Maestricht; but first to advise with the Bi­shop: and to that end, she had sent Turius Secretary of her Privy Coun­sell to give him notice of their March. The Messengers replying, that Maestricht was not like other Townes of the Low-Countryes, because part of the Jurisdiction appertained to the Bishop. The Governesse answered not that particular, for she used sometimes to returne Silence for an An­swer, saying, these that had not ill eares, would be sufficiently answered by not being answered. The Army in the meane time made long Marches, with cheerefulnesse proper to Conquerours, and invited forward by the hope of Plunder.Maestricht yieldes. But the Maestrichers were as quicke in yielding, and excepted against nothing which Norcarmius, in the Governesses name, commanded. Who entring the Towne,Norcarmius punishes them. tooke the keyes from the Magi­strate, and all their great Cannon and Munition from the City, disarmed the Townsmen, hanged the Author of the Rebellion in the Market-place: and leaving Egidius Barlamont with part of his Forces in Garri­son, he with the rest marched towards Holland, as the Governesse had appointed, to joyne himselfe with Charles Brimey Count of Megen.

The Citizens of the Bus, Of the Render of Bolduc and Antwerp. doubting which way the Conquerour would take, were so much the more fearfull of the Governesse, by how much they knew they had more justly merited her indignation. For by her Edict she had proclaimed them Enemyes to the King, for their uncivill usage and detaining of Merodius, and Scheiff Chancellour of Brabant, which she had sent unto them; for expelling Count Megen, and admitting Bomberg: which Edict confiscated the Wealth of the City, and deprived them of all their Priviledges, till such time as they should returne her Commiss.They of the Bus feare the Governesse's Army. The Townsmen though at first they slighted her Decree,And labour to appease her. yet at length better advised by the nearnesse of the Danger,But cannot d [...]e it. unknown to Bomberg, beseeched the Governesse to grant a safe Conduct for certaine Commi [...]. of theirs to attend her Highnesse in the name of the City. Which she denyed to heare of, unlesse they brought along her own Commissioners that were kept Prisoners at the Bus. Shortly after, the Chancellour and Merodius, being set at Liberty, arrived at Court, and told the Governesse, that Bom­berg distrusting his Faction, daily mouldring away, had left the Towne with a band of men, the Citisens being compelled for what he had acted to give their Approbation, and to pay a thousand Florens in the name of a Donative. As they were speaking, came in Commissioners from the Bus, desiring a generall Pardon; that the Edict might be revoked; and that a Garrison might not be imposed vpon them. But the Governesse, offen­ded with those proud Demands, answered, That their Message looked not like a Supplication made by Delinquents, and so put them off, till another [Page 17] Nor suffering them to come any more into her presence, she commanded them, by the Chancellour and Merodius, to returne home, and teach their City not to Article with her for a Surrender, but to receiue a Garrison as she commanded. And that remembring their Offences, they should leave themselues & their fortunes to the Kings Mercy.They yeild to mercy. The Governess was anima­ted, as wel by the late Victory, as by the present Forces come from Germany, wherewith the Bus being terrifyed, sent back their Commissioners ren­dring themselues to the Governesse without Conditions, only they besee­ched her, that to prevent quarrell betweene the Townsmen and the Soul­diers, they might haue a Garrison of their owne Countrymen. And they receiued part of the German Army and their Generall Col. Schovenburg, who, together with a Senatour ioyned in Commission with him by the Governesse, ordered the Common wealth; repealing indeed the Edict, but suspending both Punishment and Pardon till the King's Coming. At the same time the Governesse was attended by Commissioners from Antwerp, 18. Aprill. craving Pardon for their past Delinquency,Antwerpe sues for pardon, and promising that the Towne, now freed from the factious Inhabitants would hereafter be obe­dient Subiects. And truly,which they deserve for turning the Hereticks out of Towne, It being a very difficult worke though the Antwerpers were the last that came in, yet they deserved the greatest Commendations, and much more their Pardons; because the best of the Towne were forced to sweate hard for it, before they could remove the swarme of Hereticall Preachers. For albeit most of them were ignorant people, rather wicked then subtle, their Greatest understandings reaching no higher then Taverne-Politicks; yet they were growne so numerous & so strong by the Assistance of wicked and factious Persons, and had so captivated the affections of the Com­mons, that they were become absolute Masters of the Towne, and could not be outed but with greate paines and Trouble, and with a miserable and manifold vexation of the City. The Body of one that is possessed with the Devill is not more deadly tormented, when the evill Spirit is expell­ed by the power of the holy Exorcist, then all Antwerp was shaken by the Threatenings and Curses of this Legion of Ministers and Fugitiues: that long strugled,The Governesse will not grant their Pardon unlesse they take a Garri­son of her men. and at last was forced to leaue it. But the Governesse though she was glad at heart to see Commissioners from so great a City, yet dissembling her Ioy, grievously rebuked them; and said, there was no talking of a Pardon, till they had received a Garrison: that done, she promised them, to use her best endeavours, in preferring their Sup­plication to the King. In the interim she would forbeare to punish that contumacious and rebellious City, excepting only the chief Rebells, and the Sacrilegious people. As soone as the Commissioners were returned with this Answer,They yeild up­on her Excel­lencies owne termes. they were sent back from Antwerp to offer the Towne, and said, the Citisens were in the power of the Governesse, if she pleased to Command a Garrison they would receiue it. Her Excellence, much commending their Resolution, replyed (as if she meant it for an Honour to them, which she intended for securing of the Towne) that she would come in person to Antwerp, and honour with Her Presence the Rendition made by her dearest Subiects.She sending her Army be­fore [...] The next day she commanded Count Mans­feldt to goe before with 16 Ensignes, of her best Foote, And he for feare of a Mutiny among the people, being to guard the Passages, with Cannon planted at the turnings of the streets, entred the Towne, as if he were to storme it: and securing the Market-place and every part of the City with Musketteers and Cannon, he receiued the Governesse; who came about the end of Aprill, with great pomp, not only waited upon by his Souldiers [Page 18] that were 1200. but by the Magistrates, Gouernours of Provinces, Knights of the Golden-Fleece, and Senatours of the three Estates; Entring the Towne in manner of a Triumph,Enters the Towne Trium­phantly, with great concourse and Acclamations of the people; Attended with all those eminent persons, her Highnesse went directly to the great Church, dedicated to the blessed Virgin Mary, where she beheld the mischiefe done by those damned Villaines, which had defaced that goodly Building. The sight wereof drew teares from her eyes; but now, occasion being offered for some kind of reparation, it partly qualified her griefe. Therefore causing Te Deum to be sung, she publiquely gave thanks to God, and privately to the blessed Virgin, that without warre or bloud so great a City was returned to their Religion and their Prince.Restores things sacred, Then she applyed her selfe to regulate the Common-wealth; wherein her first care was to do right unto the Church: and sending for the Bishop of Cambray, the Altars and Churches, which the sacrilegious had either pulled down or prophaned, began to be new built and purified with Canonicall Ceremonies, and (which was best of all) furnished with active men,And orders the Civill Govern­ment of the City. fit for the Cure of Soules. Afterwards looking upon the Government of the Towne, she examined who were Authours of the Rebellion, and what Magistrates had been negligent, or false: and a Particular was brought her of all the Armes, which she tooke from the People.

While the Governesse was thus imployed,An Embassage sent from the Princes of Germany, she heard, Embassadours were come from the Electours of Saxony and Brandenburg, from the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Marquesse of Baden, and the Lantgrave of Hessen, which Princes the Hereticks, that had lost all and fled out of the Low-countryes, used as their last Refuge for Assistance.Which the Go­vernesse would gladly have put off, The Governesse imagining what their businesse was, sent Scaremberg her Secretary for the German tongue, to meet the Embassadours, and to desire, that they would passe no further, because their coming could not, at that time, be seasonable, either for the City, not yet throughly quieted, or for the Governesse, taken up with the Care of setling it. That for the present it would be best to acquaint him with the heads of their Embassage, and they themselves might come at another time more opportunely.But they are admitted, But they, affirming that would not consist with the Dignity of their Masters, were admitted: and under pre­tence of attending them, Courtiers and Souldiers were put upon them for Guards and Spyes.And heard, The next day, they had audience, before the Lords, and one of them, after he had spoke a formall Preamble,Speaking out of a Booke, read a Booke, written in High Dutch, that with many tedious and odious calumniati­ons, concluded; ‘that the profession of Auspurg, being more agreeable to the word of God then the Catholique Religion, ought to be received in the Lower Germany, at least not prohibited by Edicts and penall Lawes; The Governesse was therefore desired by the Princes of the Higher Germany, that the People, otherwise inoffensive, might not be troubled for their Re­ligion, and exposed to the Tyranny of the Spanish Inquisition and other censures of Law.’ The whole Presence being moved with indignation at his words, he gave the Booke to the Governesse. Her Excellence, when the Embassadours withdrew; advising about it in Councell, infinitely dis­pleased, delivered her opinion, that they should be returned without Answer. But it was thought more civill, that Secretary Scaremberg, should answer them in these words.To whom she returnes this Answer. ‘That the Embassadors preamble con­cerning Religion, was not worthy of a Reply. What they had said in ex­cuse of the stubborne Rebells and Church-Robbers, demonstrated, that the [Page 19] German Princes gave lesse credit to the King of Spaine's and the Gover­nesse's Letters, then to the complaints of seditious men; whose innocence belike appeared in Sacriledge, forcing of Magistrates, and stirring up the People to Rebellion. Therefore from the Governesse, they should admo­nish those that sent them, to give the King leave to govern his owne Sub­jects, and not by their patronage of Rebells to foment discords within ano­ther Prince's Iurisdiction.’ The Embassadours replyed, they came only to intreat for their Brethren of the confession of Auspurg, that were not Rebells; but they had no answer to that point.They are dis­missed, all of them unsatis­fied, And foure dayes after their Arrivall, they returned, seeming very much discontented all, but the Embassadour of Saxony, who, unknowne to the rest, told the Governesse,Save the Sax­on Embassa­dour. that his Master by others perswasions was over-ruled in the sending of this Embassy, for he himselfe was affectionate to the House of Austria, and it was his desire to be so accounted.The Covenan­teers go downe the wind in Holland, The Embassadours were not gone out of Towne, when newes came that the Covenanteers were overthrown in Holland, and Brederod forced to depart the Country, 4000. of those Rebels under the Command of Andelot, Vinglius, and Lefdale, had possessed themselves of Holland, vexing and plundering the Country: Most of which,Out of which they are beaten by Count Megen, thinking to surprise Amsterdam, were met by Count Megen with 13. Companyes of valiant Souldiers that not only spoyled their project of taking the Towne, but also pursued and forced them into Waterland, a marish part of Holland, and therefore inaccessible. Yet they were affraied that to this very place they should be followed by Megen, with whose Forces it was reported Norcarmius would joyne. Therefore they tooke shipping for Frizeland, but were caryed, the wind lying against them, into Gelderland: from thence dispersing themselves into severall Countryes, they all escaped out of the King's Dominions. Only one Ship,Their Plander­shippe taken by Count Arem­berg's men. laded with the Spoyle of the Holland-Churches, and manned with 120. Souldiers (aboard which was Andolott, Vinglius, and the two Brothers, Gisbert and Theoderick Battinburg) either by vio­lence of the Storme, or practice of the Master Duncher Harling, came into the hands of Ernest Mulart, who had Count Aremberg's Commission to give chase to the Fugitives with a nimble Pinnace. The Souldiers lost all their Armes and plunder, some of them their lives. The principall Commanders were by warrant from the Governesse imprisoned, some at Harling, others at Vilvord, and a few Months after, when the Duke of Alva was Governour of the Low-Countryes, they were put to death. Of all the confederates only Brederod yet remained, proud in the hope of recovering Holland: C. Brederod the remaining Con­spiratour at first braves the Governesse, and glorying that he alone was head of the Covenan­teers. The Governesse sending him a command to depart from Amster­dam, Brederod not only refused to obey, but likewise detained the Mes­senger, her Secretary Turrius, who in the King's name charged him forth­with to leave the Towne; but he would not so much as heare the Royall Edict read, and taking away the Secretaryes Letters and Notes kept him in his House. But the Magistrate offended at his dishonourable proceed­ing, and frighted with newes of the Render of Valenciens, sent away Turrius by night,At last his heart failes him, without acquainting Brederod. Who, seeing the Gheuses every where beaten and destroyed, the Covenanteers flying or making of their peace; and all the burthen both of the Danger and Ha­tred to lye upon himselfe, trying to get his pardon, but in vaine; and lastly, hearing how the rest of their Forces in Holland were either routed, or slaine; out of heart, and frighted with the Report of the King's [Page 20] coming, he fled his Country, and for the present waved his hopes of the Principality of Holland. And he departs the Low-Coun­tryes, With expedition thereof setling his Affaires, and leaving a few of his Servants in the Fort at Viana, his patrimoniall City; with his Wife and the rest of his Family, he arrived at Emden, a City of East-Frizeland, at the mouth of the River Eems: Being received with no great honour at Emden, May 1. he went to Breme in Westphalia. Desi­rous to change place againe; and uncertaine as well in his Resolutions, as in his Journeys, because he found himselfe mockt with the Hope of a Crowne, and not able to digest the disgrace of being only titulary Prince of the Covenant:And this life. whilst he was raising some Forces in the County of Schouwenburg, and solliciting the Count of that place, Iustus, to declare himselfe against the Low-Countryes, he sickned, and falling into a distra­ction, dyed raving,Holland sub­mits. in the Towne of Schouwenburg. After Brederods Flight all Holland was reduced. For not only Viana by speedy Messengers sued for their Pardon and a Garrison, though they obtained neither: (their pardon being deferred till the King's Arrivall, and the Governesse signifying her pleasure that the works of the Towne should be slighted and the Fort dismantled, that was built contrary to her command) but like­wise Amsterdam, Leyden, Harlem, and Delph made it their humble and earnest Suite, some to Count Megen, some to Norcarmius, to send them Garrisons.So doth Ze­land, The like did Middelburg and the other Townes of Zeland, as also Groening, The Groine and Frizeland, Daventrey and all Frizeland, submitting to their Go­vernour Aremberg. Lastly, there was no City, Towne, Fort, or village of the Low-Countryes, And all the in­fected places of the Netherlands that did not strive to turne out the Hereticall Doctours, and seditious Incendiaries, yielding themselves to the King's Pleasure and Mercy. Yet was the Governesse no lesse vigilant or secure, notwithstanding all this prosperity, having for many yeares had the Experience of good and bad Fortune:The Governesse puts Garrisons into all the Townes rendred fines them, designes Forts, Wherefore being more care­full to establish, then, for the present, to enjoy her Felicity; she placed Garrisons in the Townes, that were rendered, ordering the Cityes to pay the Souldiers, as a Fine for their Delinquency. In some places she modelled Forts, particularly at Antwerp, where she her selfe designed the Situation,Executes the principall Re­bells, repaires the Catholicks­Churches, de­stroyes the here­ticall Temples. nor was it altered by the Duke of Alva. The Church-Thieves and principall Rebells were arraigned, condemned, and hanged, and the Churches repaired with their confiscated Estates, or with the re­mainder of the publique Composition-money. Hereticall Temples built in diverse Cityes, she commanded to be pulled downe, which the peo­ple did with so good a will, that at Gant (which is almost incredible) a great Lutheran Synagogue in one houres space was levelled with the Ground.And this with wonderfull contention and alacrity of the People. You would think these were new Cityes and new People, which a few months before, having been zealous to the cause, and stood Body and Soule in defence of the Hereticall Party, were so changed, as to offer their service in pulling downe of their Temples, as if that could excuse. Indeed they destroyed the Monuments and Memoriall of their Fault with such speed, especially in the Province of Flanders, that the beames of the Churches which they ruined, served for Gallowses to hang their late Worke-men and Audience. Thus,Lastly she re­stores the Low-countryes to their former tranquility. the fire kindled by the peoples discontents, blowne to a flame by the Bellowes in the Pulpit, fed by the Emulation of the Lords, and finally scat­tered abroad by the faction of the Gheuses, devouring and destroying the Lowcountries, was so damped and extinguished by the Governesse; that Religion and Obedience were every where restored, the Hereticks restrai­ned [Page 21] by punishment, or forced to fly the Country; some few getting their Pardons, others forfeiting their Estates,The Gheuses were made Gheuses indeed and living in Banishment: so as the Covenanteers were reduced to poverty and the wallet, that is; they were made true Gheuses, and at last all the Lowcountryes enjoyed their an­tient Peace and Tranquility.Many Families leave the Lowcountries which very much troubled the Governesse, One thing amidst so many happinesses did not a little afflict the Governesse, who observed that multitudes of Lowcountrymen, which could not make their peace, frighted with report of the Army comming out of Spaine, daily left their Habitations, and to the great dammage of the Cities, carried away their Merchandise, & Manufactures, and consequently the Gaines, into other Nations. Wherefore she had of­ten intreated his Majesty,For remedy whereof she sollicits for the Kings presence there. that either he would give her Authority to pardon and settle the Provinces, or else (which she thought would be best) to come himselfe among his Subjects, now quiet, and willing to obey: not terrifying them with an army, but receiving them to mercy. And the Later of these two Courses the King indeed in many of his Letters to the Governesse promised to make use of. But how he came to alter this reall or pretended Resolution, and in stead of Coming in Person to send Ferdi­nand Toledo Duke of Alva, his Lieutenant thither, because it was the great businesse of Spaine, and for a whole yeare agitated at the Councell Board; I will here with my best industry give you a full view of those Procee­dings.

The Governesse from the very begining,Touching the Kings expedition for the Netherlands which the Go­vernesse holds necessary. desired the Kings Presence, and wrote out of her experience of the present Evill, and her foresight of a greater yet to come, that it was incurable without an Application from his Royall Hand; which the Lowcountrymen would take for a Favour, lest they should be forced to indure torments inflicted by a Servant. Many Spanish Lords of the Councell were of the same Opinion, nay Pope Pius the fifth wrote Letters, and sent Peter Camaianus Bishop of Ascu­lum, to perswade him to passe with an Army into the Lowcountryes, Pias the 5^th. Perswades the King to goe, where, no doubt, his presence would compose the Motions of his Subiects, and timely prevent the private Designes of some great Persons. But if,1566. in such a precipitate Mischeife,And Prophe­sies. he should either delay his going; or act there, by any of his Ministers of State: he much feared the Lowcountryes might change their Religion, and the King lose the Lowcountryes. K. Philip as­sents and pre­pares for the journey. His Majesty upon these and the like Advises from the Netherlands, Spaine, and Rome, resolved to go in person, Commanders were listed, Shipping provided, and his meniall Servants, that were to attend him, named.Whereof he gives notice to the Princes of Europe, And lest this warrelike Preparation might be get a Ielousy in the minds of princes, his Majesty satisfied them by his Ambassadours of his true Intent in that Ex­pedition against the Lowcountrymen. The King of France was desired to giue the Spanish Army Passage through the Provinces of Narbon and Li­ons. particularly To Emanuell Filibert Duke of Savoy, upon whom he much relyed; the King sent Iohn Acugnia, to advise with him, what time, & by what way, he he would direct him to bring his Army; and which were the most dan­gerous Places for Ambuscadoes: and to intreat him to send his Majesty a Chart exactly describing the Cityes & Forts, by which every day his Soul­diers were to march, with the locall intervalls & dimensions; who therfore desired the whole Country between Savoy & Burgundy might be accurately measured and put in Colours;To the D. of Savoy, whose directions His Majestie de­sires for the safety of his March. to which end Gabriell Cueva Duke of Al­burcher Governour of Millaine, should send him Captaine Campin an exquisite Enginere, with a painter and a Surveyer, lest his Majesty might might upon the way encounter any thing new, upon which he had not [Page 22] preconsidered.1567. But the more earnestly and formally the Particulars were requested,Yet all this was dissembled as Strada con­ceives, the lesse they were intended for Security, being only to amuse the world: and in all these Punctualityes and curious Accommodations for his March, there was nothing of substance, all meerly Show and Co­lour. Nor can any man perswade mee that King Philip, For these rea­sons. a subtill and am­bitious Prince, would at that time, leave his chiefe strength, when he found some beginnings of the Rebellion of the Moores, and was inwardly so much offended with his Son Charles, Prince of Spaine. For should he take his Son along into the Low-Countries, and bring the Lords a Patron for their cause, which the Prince was thought privatly to favour? or leave him behind, and trust him with Spain, which it was likely he would in­volve in Tumults when he was left to himselfe, whose fierce nature even his Majesty could hardly moderate in the time of peace. But the King con­cealed these Reasons,How the King was advanta­ged by this dissimulation. and with new Preparations fed the Rumour of his Voiage, thereby to keepe the Lowcountry-Lords in more obedience, and to have the fairer Pretence to put off the Emperour (whom the Lords as it was said meant to make Arbiter) from interessing himselfe in the bu­sinesse of the Lowcountryes: and by the fame of an Army to deterre others from fomenting the Faction of the Gheuses. The King was h [...]lpen in his dissimulation by a quartan Ague,A part well acted. which holding him long, was thought to be the Cause of his Delay, especially for that he still continued his care and provisions for the Voiage.Yet not so well but some saw through it. Though some of his nearest Servants knowing all this to be but Pageantry, suspected his Ague likewise to be fained. But when the King was recovered, and that by Letters from the Governesse his Majesty was certified of the Rebelli­on of some Townes,The Governess presses the Kings comming with new Arguments. and Danger of all, unlesse prevented by his Com­ing: quickned with Griefe and Anger, he made all things ready with such formall Hast,And perswades him, as not a Servant in his Court, no not the Lowcoun­try-Embassadours, the Marquis of Bergen and the Lord Montin, tha [...] had often Laughed at the Comedy of the Royall expedition, did now doubt the truth of it:Though Strada is of opinion that all was but jugling for these Reasons. yet still the King did but act his part, & was not serious. For among other dissuasions from his Voyage, Letters came from the Gover­ness giuing him intelligence; that the Lords were resolved, if the King (as they heard) would bring an army into the Lowcountryes, that they them­selves would call in forreigne Assistance, and casting off their Allegeance oppose his Entry. Which howsoever he dissembled, or publiquely seemed to slight, questionlesse he that was so jealous of his Crowne and Honour, must needs be very sensible how much both would be indangered, if by carrying an Army thither he should teach the Lowcountryes how to arme, so render himselfe contemptible to his Subiects; and to the neighbour Princes, that would looke on, or perhaps secretly assist the Rebells. Therefore in the last Consultation which he held about it at Madrid, A Councell about the Kings going. his Majesty would only have it put to the question, Whether he should goe without an Army, which some perswaded: or take his Forces along: which the Popes Nuntio earnestly advised.The Councel­lors and their Characters. Among his Privy-Councell, which then were numerous, and great Statesmen, because the King greatly relyed vpon their Iudgements; there came to the Board Ferdi­nando Toledo Duke of Alva, Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebora, both of them very powerfull with the King:D. Alva. Rui. Gomez. P. of Ebora. but as Favour tooke place of Estimation, he was greater in his Majestyes Account, this had the greater Honours conferred upon him.Cardinall Spinosa. There was likewise Cardinall Spinosa, who from very meane beginnings, was advanced to be chiefe Inquisitour and [Page 23] President of the Councell of Castile, and had beene of so high Authority in King Philip's Court, that he was called the Spanish Monarch. There was also Gomez Figueroa, Duke of Feria Manr. de Lara. Antonio de Toledo. Duke of Feria, Iohn Manric de Lara, and Anthony de Toledo Knight of St Iohns of Hierusalem and Prior of Leon: all excel [...]lent and active wits. But Feria, besides the vast indowments of his mind, exceeded them all in handsomnesse and sweetnesse of disposition. Manric was conspicuous for Prudence: the Prior for Religion.Fresneda the Kings Con­fe. or. Antonio Perez. Then sate Bernar­do Fresneda the Kings confessar, a Franciscan; Anthonio Perez Privy Seale, and diverse others, most of them Councellours of approved integrity, and such as seriously intended their Prince's Honour; which notwith­standing, as every one was of a sowre or gentle temper, they interpreted according to their owne inclinations. Thus it is that all men forme their Opinions; and the Vote which nature extorts, we thinke is given to the Cause, when indeed we give it to our Humour.Why the King was there in person. The King himselfe sate in Councell, to moderate by his presence the publique and continuall Iarres between the Duke of Alva, and the Prince of Ebora, contending no lesse for superiority at the Board, then for preheminence in Court. Or rather his Majesty came in person, that if any one (which he heard was design­ed) should move for his Son to be Generall, he himselfe might breake off the proposall.Manric. de Lara. And there was one that perswaded the sending of an Ar­my, remembring his Majesty of Tiberius Caesar, that left forrein Warres to the Managery of his Sonnes.The Prince of Ebora's opinion. But immediately Prince Roderick, who very well understood the King, as if he approved that part of the Advise for the King's Security; tooke the Speech out of the others Mouth, and by degrees brought it to this, ‘That he could not but think it unseasonable to exasperate quiet and obedient Subjects with an Army: thereby ingaging the Hereticks their Neighbours to assist their Brethren; That the Fire of Civill War is carefully to be watched, especially in such a place where they are neere, that feed the flame, and they farre off that must extinguish it, though in­deed it can never be extinguished without the Conquerours's Losse. For in the civill Ruine of Cityes, Men, and Fortunes, the Prince loses whatsoever is taken from the conquered. The Offences till that day committed by the Low­country-men, were sufficiently punished and subdued by his Majestyes Sister: and if any thing were unsubdued, it was their minds, not their their bodyes, but those should be conquered not by Armes, but Favours; be­ing more agreeable to the King's Clemency, and to the nature of the Low­country-men, of whom his Father Charles the Fifth was wont to say, There is no people under Heaven (so they be fatherly used) that more abhorre ser­vitude, or more patiently indure it.’ Then summing up the expence of an Army, the Dangers, the Jealousies of Princes, he concluded. ‘That nothing was so intricate in the Low-countryes, or ravelled into such hard knots, but might be easily, and gently untyed, without drawing of a sword to cut it. Certainly forrein Troubles might be composed at distance by a Prince, with­out diminution to his Authority, reserving his presence for cases of extreame necessity;’ This Counsell of Roderick Gomez was the sense of a man po­tent at Court, whose principall Aime was peace and quiet; and his great­est Policy to prevent a Warre, where the businesse,Fresneda and Perez vote with the Prince. and consequently the Power should be transferred to others. Of the same opinion was Bernardo Fresneda a plaine and sweete-natured man: and Anthonio Perez a Creature of Prince Roderick's. But the Duke of Alva was for Armes and Revenge,The Duke of Alva's judge­ment quite con­trary. as the only cure for Wounds given to Religion and Royall Authority. For ‘by other Artifices and facility nothing was effected, but the taking [Page 24] away obedience from the King, and feare from the Rebells. At first the Low-country-men desired only to be freed of the Spanish Garrisons, and protested nothing else was wanting to quiet the People. But when our Souldiers were disbanded, were the people quieted? or the rather, and with the more confidence did they not demand that Granvell should be re­moved from the Governesse and the Helme of State, which he protected: never desisting, till with base Libells, ridiculous Fooleryes, and traiterous combinations, at last they extorted their desires. But peradventure when one man was cast overboard, it laid the wind which raised that popu­lar Tempest? No rather, as Licentiousnesse more easily increases then begins, having now got ground, as men imboldened by our Gentlenesse, they publish scurrilous Pamphlets against the Multiplication of Bishopricks, the Revivall of the Emperours's Edicts, the Councell of Trent, and the Pontifician In­quisitours; they petition, but with their swords in their hands; they fright the Governesse with Threats, and weary the King's patience with obs [...]inate and impudent Messages. Whereupon the King, out of his clemency, con­sidering himselfe as a Father, was pleased to moderate some of his Decrees: and the Governesse to grant something more then she should have done to such base Petitioners. For what wrought her Indulgence, but only, that when they had obtained their Requests, by not obeying they forgot themselves to be subjects, unlearned their Principles of Obedience, and shaking of Alle­geance to their Prince, made an Association of the Provinces, as if the num­ber of offendors should secure them: and undervaluing all things humane and divine, in comparison of the Liberty they had once tasted off. Indeed his Father Charles the fifth, who was not ignorant of the Low-country-men's natures, had then demonstrated how they should be used, when omitting all milder remedies he chastised his rebellious Country-men with Armes, [...]nd so reduced them. But now it was not one City, but all the Provinces had con­spired against God and the King. Nor because the Rebells sit still for the pre­sent, are their hearts therefore brought downe, but will resume their Armes, when they are not awed by the Terrour of Revenge. For the most venemous Serpents may be safely handled in Winter: not that they have lesse Poyson, but because they are more unactive; it being now known by experience, that for the same man to be an Heretick and a good Subject is incompossible.’ Thus his riged disposition argued; particularly discoursing how an Army might be raised and conducted, and disputed all the policies advantage­ous for that Expedition, which he, being an old Generall and the rest of the Lords no Souldiers,Spinosa and many others go along with the Duke. was of all the councell only able to argue. And his Judgement was confirmed by Cardinall Spinosa, who made a grave Speech, complaining how the Holy Court of Inquisition was violated in the Low-countryes: The rest were of the same Opinion; all but the Duke of Feria, The Duke of Feria opposes him, who being nearer in Bloud then Affection to the Duke of Alva, and of a milder nature, differed from him altogether: not denying but ‘the Low-countryes needed some kind of Remedy’ (wherein he dissented from the Prince of Ebora, The summe of his Speech. with whom in the rest hee concurred)