I. The Monarchy of England was settled upon an over-bal­lance of Lands vested in the King, the Nobility, and the Church, who antiently possess'd above two thirds of the whole English Territory: But the Noblemen held their Lands upon conditi­on, that they should assist the King on all his Occasions with certain Quotas of Men well arm'd and paid: And then these Noblemen let out their Lands to their Tenants on condition they should always be ready to follow their respective Lords to the War as often as the King had any occasion for their Service. So that very small Rents were demanded by the Lord from the Tenants, because he had contracted for their Personal Service.

'Twas this disposition of Lands which enabled our former Kings to raise great Armies when they pleas'd, and to invade France (their natural Enemy) with success: and hereby it was that the Nobility upheld the Grandure of the King at [Page 4]home as well as abroad; and at the same time they were a shelter and defence to the common People, if the King were inclin'd to make any Incroachments upon them. For the over-ballance of Propriety (and consequently their greatest natural Power) was vested in the middle state of Nobility; who were therefore able to preserve both King and People in their due bounds.

Thus the English Monarchy stood upon a natural Founda­tion, the King being the great Landlord of his People, who were all bound by their Tenures (in subordination to one another) to support his Crown and Dignity.

II. This antient Foundation of the English Monarchy was sap'd and undermin'd by K. Henry the Seventh, who (having seen the Imperial Crown of England dispos'd at the pleasure of the Lords that had maintained a War against the Crown for near 400 years) could not but be much concerned at the over­grown Power of the Peers, who sometimes would pull down and set up what King they pleas'd; and this Consideration made K. Henry the Seventh seek after ways and means how to lessen the Power of the Lords, which had been so prejudicial to the Crown: and seeing that their overgrown Power was sup­ported by the great Territories of Land of which they were pos­sess'd, and which they could not alienate from their Heirs, He by the help of his Parliament found out a way to change the Tenure of Lands in such a manner that the Tenant should be oblig'd only to pay a Rent instead of Personal Service to his Landlord: and also a way was found out for the Lords to alie­nate their Lands from their Posterity. This was done to the end the Lords might be encourag'd by an expensive way of living to sell their Lands, and that the Commons who liv'd thriftily might be enabled to purchase them. Hereby it came to pass that at the end of King Henry the Eighth's Reign (in whose time most part of the Church-Lands were also sold to the People) the common People of England had near two thirds of the Lands of England in their proper Possession, and the King, Lords, and Church little more than one third part; whereby the Ballance was turn'd on the side of the Commons, [Page 5]who were therefore able to make War upon the King, Lord and Church together, as appear'd afterwards in the Reign of King Charles the First.

Thus it appears that the antient Foundation of the English Monarchy was remov'd in the Reign of K. Henry the Seventh; and the over-ballance of Lands failing from the Lords to the Commons, 'tis evident that the Monarchy has ever since stood not upon an Aristocratical, but a Popular Foundation; and such a Foundation dos naturally support none but Common­wealth Forms of Government. Wherefore a Monarchy sup­ported on such a Foundation may properly be call'd a Go­vernment of Expedients, because it is by Expedients and In­ventions, and not upon any bottom of its own that it subsists. Now what Expedients our Kings have us'd to support the Monarchy is the next thing to be considered. Where­fore,

III. The Ballance of Lands being chang'd by the end of K. Henry the Eighth's Reign, from the Lords and Church to the Commons of England, 'tis past all doubt but that Queen Eli­zabeth discover'd the popular bottom of the Monarchy, be­cause she found out the only wise Expedient by which the Mo­narchy upon its new Foundation was capable of being suppor­ted in its antient Lustre and Glory. Her Expedient was her Popularity, by which she accommodated her personal Admi­nistration to the true Genius of the Monarchical Constitution as it then stood. For the whole Reign of that Queen (of Glorious Memory) tho long, but not tedious, was past over in a constant Courtship to her People, in which not only all her Actions, but sometimes her very Words expressed her knowledg, that the Monarchy was then founded on their Af­fections. In what Glory she supported her self and the Eng­lish Monarchy by that Expedient of Popularity, notwithstand­ing very great Oppositions from the preeminent Powers of Europe, her History do's sufficiently explain.

King James the First was not in his nature inclin'd to pursues this honourable and proper Expedient, but his thoughts seem­ed to be set on his own Power more than upon his Peoples [Page 6]Good; whereby it came to pass that the Flattery of the Court was more pleasing to him than the general Interest of his King­dom. And having got some superficial skill in the Arts and Sciences, and a profound knowledg (as he thought) in Theo­logy, he made his Court to the Divines of the Church of Eng­land, that they being appriz'd of his great Learning might in their Writings celebrate his Fame, and insinuate to the People his great Knowledg in all sorts of Divine and Human Lear­ning. Hereupon at his first coming to the Crown of England he industriously assisted the Bishops and Church-Party against the Puritans; whom the Church look'd upon as no less than her Enemies, because tho they could endure, yet they did not admire her Bishops and Ceremonies. And in this manner that King found out his Expedient in the Church-party, which ad­mir'd and almost ador'd his deep Learning, oftentimes com­paring him to King Solomon for Wisdom, and indeed omitted no opportunity which might gain him an extraordinary Reve­rence among the People.

'Tis not then to be wonder'd at that King Charles the First trod in the steps of his Father, and pursued the same Expedi­ent which had been successful to his Father, especially having derived from him the same Temper of Mind, and being well pleas'd to have for his Flatterers the gravest of Divines; whose Courtship ever tended to aggrandize the King by enlarging the Royal Prerogative, and to set it above the Laws of the Realm, by virtue of some political Doctrines which they drew from the Word of God. From hence sprang the Divine Right by which those Kings were said to reign over us, and a Divine Right of Succession to the Crown of England was derived to their Posterity. But yet King Charles the First laid too great a weight upon this Expedient, and encouraged it too much, even when the People began to be sensible that the Pulpit-Law did build the King's Prerogative upon the Ruins of the People's Liberty: And herewith began the quarrel of the People against that King, in which he lost his Life; and the Monarchy, losing its Expedient of the Church party, was likewise over­thrown.

After this an Essay was made to introduce a Commonwealth-form of Government, but it was interrupted by a Standing Ar­my, which with their arbitrary and uncertain ways of Admini­stration at last tir'd out the People, that they restor'd the Mo­narchy in the Person of King Charles the Second; who being the Son of the Royal Martyr, was intitled to all that Assist­ance which the Church was capable of giving: and there was one thing more which made the Church-men exert all their Powers with the greatest vigor in favor of their restor'd King, which was this.

The Clergy and their Party having bin ill treated since the downful of King Charles the First, and being again restor'd with Charles the Second to their former Dignities, they were highly animated against the Presbyterians, by whom they had bin pro­voked in the late Interregnum, so that nothing was more in their Desires than to be avenged of their Enemies; and this Master-passion of theirs was so well gratified by their King, who grant­ed severe Laws against all Dissenters from the Church, that no Prince ever gain'd the Hearts of the Clergy and their whole Party more intirely to his Interest than Charles the Second. No Vice or Lewdness could stain the Reputation of the Mar­tyr's Son; but tho he were the greatest Encourager of all Pro­faneness and Immorality in the most open manner, yet still he was our most Religious and Gracious King. In his time all Atheists, Debauchees and loose Persons own'd the Church of England for their Mother; which numerous Party enlarging the Pale of the Church, assisted very much to advance the Power of the King upon the foundation of the Divine Right which it was said God had given him: so that the universal Acclamation was, Great is Diana of the Ephesians. and great is the Jure divino King, the Image which fell down from Ju­piter!

But notwithstanding this loud Acclamation, the cautious King, who in his Youth had bin forc'd to travel into foreign Countries, and was unwilling to take such another Journy, did not think fit to rely wholly upon this Church-Expedient, but to give it greater strength he twisted into it a Court-party, who by their Places and Pensions were oblig'd to assist his [Page 8]Royal Pleasure by their Votes in both Houses of Parliament: and thus the Monarchy had its Foundation laid in Place and Pension, which by angry People is call' [...] BRIBERY. But let that be as it will, 'tis certain that Men can never act so vigo­rously for a Bribe, as out of mere Inclination. Besides this, mercenary Men are soon discover'd in their Designs, and the discovery of their Principle forfeits all their Credit with the People. So that a small steddy Country Party in Parliament were a great clog upon the Projects of Church and Court, which, tho so closely united together, prov'd but a lame Expe­dient to support the Monarchy in the Person of King Charles the Second; so that between these two stools he sell at last to the ground, but not without thoughts of the only Expedient by which he might (had he lived) have establish'd himself upon the foundation of the People of England.

King James the Second would not trust to any of the fore­mention'd Expedients, because none of them could be suffici­ent to carry him thro all his Designs, especially thro that of in­troducing Popery. Nothing less than a standing Army could support his Tyranny, but Popery was too great a weight for the Army to stand under: So that while he was subduing the Peo­ple to Popery by a Protestant Army, he lost both People and Army; in consequence whereof he was lost himself. And that the loss of him may by means of your Majesty's happy Reign be a Gain to England, it is to be consider'd,

IV. By what Expedient your Majesty may support the Eng­lish Monarchy during your Reign, and by which you may raise it to as eminent a degree of Glory as it ever attain'd hereto­fore.

Your Majesty may remember that the original foundation of the Monarchy was the great Territory of Land possessed by the King: but your Majesty is also sensible that there are but very small Remainders of this Territory in your present Possession; even the very accidental additions of Lands to the Crown have bin alienated to the Favorites of the Scotish Line: So there is need of an Expedient now as much as ever for the support of the Monarchy.

Be pleas'd therefore to review the Expedients of former Princes, end see if any of them be sutable to your particular Circumstances, or proper for your Majesty to depend upon for the Support and Glo­ry of your Throne. And,

As for the Church-party, which was the darling Support of the Scotish Line, it is so much worn-out by a Succession of three Kings, that 'tis very weak and feeble at present. The Craft of the Priest, which consists in framing such Interpretations of holy Scripture as serve an indirect Interest, was never discover'd so much as of late, and no Person has so much contributed to the discovery hereof as your own self; who by the Revolution you have lately made have revers'd all the Political Divinity which the Clergy have bin pro­pagating since the Reign of King James the First. 'Twas the Church Clergy and Party who by their preaching and voting op­pos'd the Bill for excluding James D. of York, a known Papist: 'Twas this Party who imposed upon the Nation the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to a Tyrannical King upon pain of eternal Damnation: They always avow'd the divine right of a Lineal Suc­cession to the Crown (by which your Majesty is excluded) and that all Kings are of God's (not the Peoples) making. From those Principles some of 'em openly refus'd to swear Allegiance to your Majesty; and those of them who yield a passive Conformity to your Title and Government, have bin found in several differing stories about the ways and means whereby they satisfy their Con­sciences in this matter. Some have alledg'd, that your Majesty ha­ving conquer'd us, they may lawfully submit to a Usurpation which cannot be avoided, and is settled by success: but all of 'em know that your Majesty can make Bishops and Deans de facto, and therefore they will not question the Defactoship of your Preroga­tive Royal. But it cannot be expected that the Clergy, who have usually requir'd the Peoples submission to their Sentiments under the pain of Damnation, should upon this Revolution be content­ed to cry peccavi, and openly recant all their former Dectrines of divine Polity by a hearty active conformity to your Majesty's rightful Title and Government. For this reason it is you have re­ceived so little respect from the body of the Clergy, tho we have receiv'd all that we enjoy from you.

But yet suppose the Church were willing to exert it self in your Service, its Influence is not at present so powerful as it has [Page 10]bin: for by medling so much in State-Affairs she has lost (in great measure (her former Reputation: Nor has she near so numerous a Party as formerly she had: for all the Deists, Socinians, and Lati­tudinarians own no such Church-power at all. The Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, and Quakers. tho they have their several forms of Church Government, yet are no friends to that publickly establish'd, but they are unfeigned lovers of your Majesty, Bigotry likewise has lately suffer'd a great diminution, and Incredulity is strangely increas'd, and almost become fashionable. Thus the Au­thority of the Church is forc'd to submit to the Reason of Man­kind; and all those who are dutiful to your Majesty, are to averse to the Homilies of the Church, because they exclude you from all pretence of Right to the Crown you wear: So that the Tolera­tion granted by your Majesty has done you more Service than Uni­formity can ever do.

As for the Court-party 'twas never esteem'd to he any more than an Auxiliary to the Church for the support of K. Charles II. in whose Reign too it was discover'd that after a Catalogue of Court-Pen­sioners was publish'd from the Press, the Complexion of his Parlia­ments was very much changed. And if at any time such a List should be printed, the People of England would refuse to give their Votes for them in the next Election of a Parliament, and in their stead will elect Members of a contrary temper: People commonly run out of one extream into another; and when they reject a Courtier, they will probably choose a morose-humor'd Man in his place.

It must be allow'd that it has the face of a politie Expedient to adopt Men of known Integrity and Love to their Country into the Court-party; for hereby the Hearts of the People will be for the present gain'd to the Court: tho these Patriots being endued with a ductile temper, will soon become conformable to the nature of the Court. This very Expedient has for a time done good Service to your Majesty's Affairs both at home and abroad. But I think it ought to be considered only as a Cordial which for a short time may revive a languishing Man's Spirit, but yet ought not to be depended upon as a constant support of Life. And as for these new Whig-Courtiers, they will raise the Expectations of all Men to hope for a steady virtuous Administration. But when this reputed Patriot shall accommodate his Discourse to the old style of the Court; when he shall insinuate such Notions to [Page 11]his old Acquaintance, the baseness and unworthiness whereof his old Friends had heard him frequently detest all his days in which he was unprefer'd; this new Courtier soon loses all his Credit and Interest with his old Friends, who refuse to follow the Decoy Duck into the Net.

But this is not all the mischief which attends this Project of a Whig-Courtier, but a personal loss of your own Reputation is actually the Consequence hereof: for as long as the Court was made up of Tories, the People were willing to excuse your Ma­jesty, and lay the faults of Male administration upon the Tory-Court, saying, That the old Tools would still do no other than the old Work. But when a Man of known Honour, Integrity and Love to his Country, upon getting a Preferment shall change his former Note, do Violence to himself by changing his avowed Principle, and thereby losing all the Reputation which his former Virtue had gain'd him, every Man will be apt to conclude that this new Courtier is encouraged to do this by some higher Power, if not engag'd thereto by the fear of losing his Place or Pension. And when the People of England shall come to know that as sure­ly as a Land-man who is imploy'd at Sea will turn Seaman, a Pa­triot imploy'd in the Administration will turn Courtier, they will begin in earnest to think of such a Form of Government as can sub­sist without a Court.

And having said this, I cannot forbear telling your Majesty my Thoughts concerning a Commonwealth Party which has bin much talk'd of in England during the Reign of K. Charles the Second, and has not quite bin forgotten at any time since,

A great Veneration for Monarchy has bin frequently made use of by Men to recommend themselves to the particular favor of our Kings of England; and when real occasions have bin wanting to recommend their Affection for Monarchy to the notice of the King, a mere fantastical imaginary fear of a Commonwealth has bin made use of: hence they have bin perswading our Sovereign Princes that a great number of their Subjects have form'd them­selves upon Commonwealth Principles, and are still waiting an opportunity to extirpate the Monarchy, and to introduce into its place a Republican form of Government. But your Majesty has seen this fantastical Opinion sufficiently confuted: For those who were the suspected Commonwealths-men join'd heartily together [Page 12]in preserving the Monarchy, by voting your Majesty (then Prince of Orange) into the English Throne, in opposition to those Ado­rers of Monarchy who were setting up a Regency; who had they put the Kingly Power into the hands of a Committee, had founded a Commonwealth, or something very hardly to be distin­guish'd from it. But to proceed from matter of Fact, to reason freely upon this matter. I cannot suppose any man who has the use of his Reason, and lives under a Monarchy, to be fond of a Commonwealth, if all the ends of Government are answer'd by the settled Monarchy. So in Holland he would be thought to have lost the use of his Reason, who should hazard his Life by en­deavouring to introduce a Monarchy there, where all the ends of Government are perfectly answer'd by the establish'd form of a Commonwealth. The end of all Governments is the common good of the People; and if that great End be attained under any establish'd Form, he is fit only for a Mad-house who will endea­vour to pull down the establish'd form only to introduce a new one: And a Party of such mad men as these can never be suffici­ent to raise a jealousy in any Government which is under an up­right Administration. Tho it must also be acknowledged, that as corrupt Prelates make way for a Presbyterian Government in­to the Church, so a corrupt Court-party may occasionally intro­duce a Republican form of Government into the State. Besides, there is no man who understands the political Structure of the English Monarchy, but will find it so agreeable to the Interest of a free People, that nothing can be added to it to render it more per­fect: and it is particularly manifest, that all the Advantages which may be suppos'd to arise from a Commonwealth, may be as freely and fully deriv'd from the Temper of the English Monarchy; as may thus appear.

If any man would know what is the Constitution of the Govern­ment under which he lives, there are but two things to be done in order thereunto. 1. He may consider the nature of Sovereign Power in relation to all those particular integrating parts out of which it is form'd and composed: And 2. It will be also needful to consider in what Persons these integral parts of Sovereign Pow­er are vested and lodged. For every independent Government comprehends a Sovereign Power within it self, and is specified by the different Lodgment of the parts of that Sovereignty.

Now the integrating parts which compound Sovereign Power are these:

• 1. Legislative Power, or Authority to make Laws.
• 2. Executive Power, which consists in creating Officers to exe­cute the Laws, and discharge all the Functions of the Government according to Law.
• 3. A Power of making War and Peace.
• 4. A Power of raising Money for support of the Government either in War or Peace.
• 5. The last Appeal in all cases of Law. To which may be added,
• 6. The Power over the Mint.

And of these six parts of Sovereign Power, 'tis notorious that there are but one moiety lodged in the Person of the King of Eng­land, viz. The executive Power, the Power of War and Peace, and the Coinage. And of these three branches of Royal Power, the Executive (which is the greatest) is so limited, that the King▪ cannot employ any man in Civil or Military Office under him, but such a one who is qualify'd by Laws of the Peoples ma­king. And tho the power of War be vested in the King, yet the Commons have reserv'd to themselves the power of raising Mo­ney, without which no War can be carry'd on. As for the Coin­age, 'tis only an honorary Trust, rather than any real Power. But in the Legislature (which is the greatest point of Sovereign Power) 'tis certain that the Commons have their share, insomuch that no Law can be enacted without their Authority. And they also having the power of opening the Purse of the Nation, 'tis certain that no War can be carried on without their Consent. The last Appeal in Suits of Law is usually made to the House of Lords.

And as long as this happy Constitution shall be preserv'd from the power of Violence and Fraud, I cannot tell what to wish for which may be of greater advantage to the People of England.

But yet nothing is more notoriously known than chat in the four last Reigns many Church-arts and Court-practices were used to break in upon this happy Constitution, by raising the Power of the King above what it ought to be, and by reducing the Commons to a narrower compass of Power than what of Right belongs to them. And 'tis also very well known, that whoso­ever have shewn their Resentments hereupon, have bin represent­ed [Page 14]as Commonwealths-men and Antimonarchical. But tho these men were declared Enemies to the Turkish and French forms of Monarchy, 'twas very visible that they were me truest Lovers of English Monarchy, because their Behaviour provoked only that sort of men who were promoting such Principles and Practices as tended to change some part of that Constitution. Upon the whole matter, a Commonwealth-form of Government can never be receiv'd among us in England, but only as the last Refuge, when the Church-party and Court-party have, thro corruption, subverted the admirable Constitution of English Monarchy. But to return from this Digression, since Priest-craft and Court-craft have been of late so much discover'd; since Bigotry of late days is grown out of request; since the unbigotted People are more dutiful to your Majesty than the Bigots are; and since the common People of England are more firm and trusty than a Court-party, I cannot but think that

A Real Popularity would be a better Expedient than a Church and Court-party join'd together can be: for as to the Expedient of a Standing Army, 'tis certain, that besides its own inrrinsic insuffici­ency, Lewis the present French King, and James the last of England have render'd it odious. It stinks in the Nostrils of all freeborn Men, and can only be an Expedient to set up a Commonwealth. But 'tis plain that

A professed regard to the Common-weal of the People of Eng­land steddily pursu'd did raise the English Monarchy under the Ad­ministration of Q. Elizabeth (of blessed memory) to as high a degree of Glory as it ever attain'd when it stood upon its natural Foundation. Nor is any Expedient so proper for your Majesty to use as this. For,

• 1. Upon this Foundation the Glory of your Illustrious Ancestors was built. And,
• 2. Hereby your Majesty was recommended to the just and right­ful possession of the Crown which at present you adorn. Party-taking, Party-making, or Partiality of all sorts over-threw King Charles the First, shook the Throne of King Charles the Second, and overturned the Monarchy under the Administration of the late King James, which by your Majesty's Affection to the People of England was restor'd, and by the same means is still preserv'd, and [Page 15]may be advanc'd to as high a pitch of Glory as ever heretofore it had gain'd. For hereby,
  • 1. All the true Ends of Government will be fully answered.
  • 2. All Factions and Parties will be sunk and forgotten: there will be no Whig nor Tory, no Jacobite, no Church-party, Court-party, nor Country-party: for the Interest of Court and Country will be one and the same, which has not been known since the Death of Queen Elizabeth, and therefore will be wonderfully plea­sing for its Novelty, as well as for its Profitableness.
  • 3. Virtue and Honesty (which have bin much decay'd of late years) will be encourag'd and restor'd. For no Man can pretend to recommend himself to your Royal Favour, but by advancing the Design which your Majesty openly dos encourage.
  • 4. Hereby your Majesty will gain such a Credit with your Peo­ple, as by virtue thereof very much to increase the Wealth and Strength of the Nation in a short time. And your Majesty's Re­venue must necessarily bear a sutable proportion to the Trade of your Subjects; so that he who commands the Trade of the World, will consequently command the Wealth of the World. And,
  • 5. Hereby you may be able to follow the two great Maxims of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, which were,
    • 1st. To be the Head of the Protestants all over the World. And,
    • 2dly. To keep the Ballance of Europe equal and steddy.

And thus the Glory of the English Monarchy under your Ma­jesty's gracious Administration will be the Terror of others, and the Delight of all English People, which is the sincere desire of