CHAP. I. Peter-pence.

PEter-pence, Cowell In­terp. in verbo. Spelm. Gloss. Matt. Westm. in An. 727. Polychron. lib. 5. cap. 24. Antiquit. Bri [...]t. fo. 58. 69.Denarii Sancti Petri, call'd in the Saxon Tongue, Romefeoh, the Fee of Rome: and sometimes also Romescot, and Rome-peny, was, if we may so properly term it, a Tribute of Alms, given by the ancient Saxon Kings to the See of Rome. Some say that Ina, a King of the West-Saxons, was the first Donor about the year 720. at such time as he was in Pilgrimage at Rome. Others say that Offa, a King of the Mercians, first gave them, about the year 790. But probably the truth may be, and Matt. Westm. insinuates no less, that these being Kings of several Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptarchy, each of them might be the first Donor within their respective Dominions. The occasion upon which Offa gave the same, Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. fo. 311. Acts and Mon. fol. 103. is storied thus: Ethelbert King of the East-Angles, a vertuous Prince, being per­swaded by his Council to marry, against his own inclination, went to Offa, in design to obtain his Daughter Athilrid to Wife: but King Offa's wife being averse to the match, in treacherous manner caused Ethelbert to be slain, whereupon Offa, in some sort to ex­piate [Page 3]that horrid act, Chro. Jo. Brompt. Coll. 776. gave the Peter-pence to St. Peter's Church in Rome. But at last, by Adelwolph, this tributary Alms was ra­tified, and given throughout the whole King­dom.

The Charter whereby King Offa gave the Peter-pence remains still extant under seal, 1. Instit. fo. 7. a. W. Dugdale Antiq. of Warw. 133. 673. Vid. Matt. Pa­ris in vita Ro­b rti Abb. S. Alb [...]ni. fo. 80. as Sr. Edw. Coke affirms: which if true, it was not heeded by such as have affirmed, that the first sealed Charter that we have in England, is that of King Edward the Con­fessor, upon his founding of Westminster Abby; and that in imitation of the Nor­mans, amongst whom he had been educated. But Sr. Edw. Coke adds further, that the sealing of Charters, and Deeds is much more ancient than some have imagined; and to that purpose, besides that sealed Charter of King Offa, he makes instance in a Charter of King Edwin, Brother of King Edgar, bear­ing date An. Dom. 956. under his own seal, with the seal also of the Bishop of Winchester to it; and this long before the Normans en­trance. But this by the way only.

For the Peter-pence, Sim Dunelm. Coll. to. 150. [...]tow Annal. fo. 26. which in the Saxon Laws are often termed Regis Eleemosyna, it was a Penny for every House in which was Twenty Penny-worth of any kind of goods, to be paid yearly on Lammas day. Lambert fo. 78. J [...]rnall. Col. 871. And in K. Edwards Laws there is a very strict con­stitution for the payment of them: so that in time it was esteemed, consuetudo quasi Apostolica, as Matt. Westm. hath it, à qua neque Rex, neque Archiepiscopus, Abbas, vel [Page 4]Prior, aut aliquis in regno immunis erat Only I find that the Monastery of St. Camb. Britt. fo. 410. Spelm. Con­cil. Tom. 1. fo. 311. Al­ban's, in honour of that Proto-Martyr, to whose memory it was founded, was alone quit, as to that charge; and that by the In­dulgence of King Offa, as Mat. Westm. re­lates.

This payment, as before is said, at first, and for a long time, was termed and esteem­ed, as indeed it was, a Tribute of Alms; be­ing styled in the Laws of Canutus, Leges Canut. in Jornal. 920.Larga Regis benignitas; and in those of the Con­fessor, Regis Eleemosyna: and so it was re­ceived also by the Court of Rome, Epist. Hen. 1. in Eadmer. fo. 113. as Pope Paschalis the 2. to one of our Kings, Elee­mosyna beati Petri, prout audivimus, ita do­lose collecta est, ut neque mediam ejus partem hactenus Ecclesia Romana susceperit. Sim. Dunelm. Coll. fo. 150. And Sim. Dunelmensis thus, Hoc anno E [...]helhelm comes Wilton. Eleemosynam Regis Elfredi detulit Romam. And all this importing no more, but that Charity was the first founda­tion of it; and the Pope to have been the King's Beads-man as it were, and not the King the Popes Homager. Yet the continu­ance occasioned the pretence of an absolute Tribute: Pol. Verg. lib. 4. and Polydor Vergil the Historian, and sometimes the Pope's Collector of the Peter-pence here, improperly terming it Vectigal, S. Cressy Church H st. li. 29. ca. 15.S. Cressy is so ingenuous as to give him a reproof for so doing: yet in that no­tion it was exacted a long time by the Pope's Officers: But yet upon some distaste, some of our Kings would sometimes adventure to [Page 5]deny payment; as King Edward the Third did once in his time: the reason whereof is storied to be this, viz. Polychron. Stow. Mat. Westm. &c. when in his raign was the great contest between the two Kings, for the Crown of France, and many of the Popes then residing at Avignion in the Territories of France, being most of them French-men, did too partially take part with the French King: So that after the great and famous victory obtained by the Black Prince, at the Battle of Poitiers, this was set up in Vienna, and several other places, and after grew into a kind of Proverb, viz.

And therefore, because the Popes took part with the French, our King Edw. 3. commanded the Peter-pence should be no longer paid: which Prohibition all that King's time continued; till the raign of his next Successor King Rich. 2. And some offers being then made to gather them again, at a Parli­ament a Petition was preferr'd, that it might [Page 6]be declared by Parliament, whether the charge called Rome-penny, should be levi­ed of the Commons, and paid to the Pope's Collector, Rot. Parl. 1. R. 2 na. 84. or no: and the Answer to it was, Soit fait come devant ad este use: and so they were reviv'd again by that weak King. But yet it was Resolv'd by the Casuists of those times, of which John Wickliffe was one, and of great esteem, and so represented to that King Rich. 2. That in case of necessity, such payments as were but in nature of Alms, might lawfully be withholden, according to that Rule of the Divines, Extra casus neces­sitatis, & superfluitatis, Eleemosyna non est in praecepto. But the payment of them, de facto, being indulged by that King, as is be­fore said, I do not find but they so continued till the raign of K. Hen. 8. in whose time the above named Pol. Pol. Vergil H [...]st. fo. 90.Vergil, an Italian, Arch­deacon of Wells, was Collector of the Peter-pence in England, as he, in his History testifies.

But one thing is to be noted, that though the payment of them continued so long time, and the Popes had constantly their Colle­ctors here: yet the Pope could not alter the accustomed proportion, nor the manner of gathering of them: for when, in the time of K. Acts & Mon. Ed. 2. f. 335. Edw. 2. Rigandus, the Popes Officer went about to make some alteration in that, he was severely prohibited by the King. And at last, Stat. 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21. Sleid. com. lib. 9. amongst other things, these Pe­ter-pence were totally taken away by K. H [...]n. 8. of which Sleiden takes special [Page 7]notice. Antiquit. Brit. fo. 302. And although Queen Mary set her self to put all things in such plight, in refe­rence to the concerns of Rome, as they were in the beginning of her Fathers time, yet the Peter-pence were never restor'd in all her raign: For Pope Paul the 4. Hist. Concil. [...]rident. fo. 392. receiving the English Ambassadours which came from Q. Mary, urged much to them the duty, and necessity that lay upon the Queen to make restitution of all Church-lands, Revenues, and Goods, that her Father K. H. 8. had taken away: and in particular told them, That the Peter-pence ought to be paid; and that, according to the ancient custome, he would send a Collector for that purpose: He also told them, that he himself had performed that charge three years in England, where he was much edified by seeing the forward­ness of the People to deposite, and especi­ally those of the meaner sort: further pres­sing, that they could not hope St. Peter would open the Gates of Heaven to them, so long as they usurp'd his Goods on Earth. The relation of all this much quickned the Queens zeal for restitution, but her short raign, and some other impediments prevent­ed her intentions: and so the Peter-pence vanisht. Only whereas some Monasteries anciently collected some proportions of them, and then answered so much to the Pope's Collector, in continuance of time it became fixed as a Rent, or duty to the said Monasteries, which afterwards devolving to the Crown, and from thence by sale, or grant [Page 8]to others, Sr. Rog. Twis­den. Hist. vin­dication. cap. 4. with as ample profits, as the Re­ligious Houses had enjoyed the same; it is conceived that at this day they are in some places paid, as appendant to the Mannors which belonged to some such Houses, and in some places by the name of Smoak-mo­ney. And further we may note, that these Peter-pence were sometimes called Praestation money, collected by some Arch-deacons, who handed the same, sometimes to the Bi­shop of the Diocess, and sometimes immedi­ately to the Pope's Collector General; as appears by a certain Instrument discovered by that excellent Antiquary Mr. Antiq. of Warw. fo. 126. Dugdale, setting forth some part of the Office of an Arch-deacon.

For the yearly value, or summ of these Peter-pence, what they did amount unto, through the whole Kingdom, the very man­ner of the duty, and collection, speaks them uncertain: yet it seems there was a rate set upon every Diocess, Spelm. Con­cil. Tom. 1. fo. 313. Sr. Rog. Twis­den fo. 77. Selden Ana­lect. lib. 2. cap. 3. Acts & Mon. in Ed. 2. as appears by one of the Pope's Bulls for that purpose, said to be Gregory 5. the Bull it self is pointed to by Sr. Hen. Spelman; but the rates we have specified by the other learned Knight from an old Manuscript belonging to the Church of Chichester, as also by others.

There it seems were the certain rates to be answered to the Pope's Exchequer; the over­plus to remain to the Collectors, or it may be Farmers, like those of our Excise, or Hearth-mony, sic parvis componere, &c. Whilest the People were racked to pay the utmost penny; for upon reasonable compute, the Peter-pence could amount to no less than 7500 l. per annum.

Know we must also, An. Dom. 852. Will. Malm s [...]b. de gest. Reg. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 2. that King Athelwolph gave a yearly pension to Rome of 300 marks, thus to be imploy'd, To buy Candles for St. Peter 100 m. To buy Candles for St. Paul, 100 m. For a free gift to the Pope, 100. m. [Page 10]This by some Writers hath been confounded with the Peter-pence, Matth. Westm. in An. 855. Florent. Wi­gorn. in An. 857. agreeing so near with the rates above; but certainly they were se­veral charges: and this though small, yet being paid many years, the sum. total. could not choose but be very great: and once John of Gaunt opposed the payment, An. 46. Ed. 3. be­ing demanded by Pope Gregory the thir­teenth.

CHAP. II. First Fruits, and Tenths.

FIrst Fruits, Primitiae, are the Profits of every Spiritual Living for one year: and these antiently, and often were called An­nates, because the rates of First Fruits of Spiritual Livings is after one years profit of the same.

Tenths, Decimae, are the Tenth part of the First Fruits, or yearly value of all Spiritual Livings: And these were antiently paid to the Popes, as in England, so throughout all Western Christendome: For the Pope, as Pastor Pastorum, claimed Decimas Deci­marum.

Now though these were of a later date than the Peter-pence, yet by whom they were first imposed, or in whose time first taken, De Schism. in­ter Urban. 6, &c. lib. 2. cap. 9. there is much difference amongst the Historians. Theod. à Niem. Secretary to Pope Gregory the eleventh sayes that Boni­face [Page 11]the ninth about the year 1399. reserv­ed first the First Fruits of vacant Churches, and Abbies: with whom agrees Platina, Platina in vita Bonifac. 9. in the life of that Boniface, saying, Primus Annatarum imposuit usum; though he con­fesseth also, that some refer their Original unto Pope John the two and twentieth, of which opinion is Polydor Vergil, Po [...]yd. Vergil. de Inv. n [...]. re­rum lib. 8. cap 2. though he intimates also, as if some thought them of a higher time. But indeed our own Coun­trey-men assign their beginning here to that Pope John the two and twentieth: An. D. 1316. among whom Walsingham, speaking of that Pope, saith thus, Tho Wal­singh. in Ed 2. fo. 84. Summus Pontifex reservavit Camerae fuae primos fructus beneficiorum om­nium in Anglia per triennium vacantium. And Ranulph. Cestrensis thus, Johannes 22. Lib. 7. cap. 42. in H. Knighton Coll. fo. 2534. Beneficiorum per mortem, seu resignationem vacantium, sive per translationem, primos fructus reservavit. But howsoever, or by whomsoever these became first impos'd, after the Popes had been absolutely, and through­ly seized of them, then they claimed them, Jure Divino, by example of the High Priest amongst the Jews, Numb. 18.6. who had Tenths from the Levites. But Pol. Vergil sings another note, in the place above referr'd to, insinuating the maintenance of the Pope's grandeur to be the first rise of them, and that this was one of the fairest flowers in the Triple Crown: but when the payment of them had been continued some competent time, it was po­litickly done, upon any questioning, to as­sign them a Divine Original, which was sure [Page 12]to satisfie such as used to take the Pope's word for far greater matters.

The payment of these, with other great summs (of which more anon) so strangely impoverish'd the Kingdom; that notwith­standing that allegation, or pretence of Di­vine Right, the Kings of England made no scruple sometimes to forbid the payment of them; 2 Ed. 3. Claus. Rot. m. 4. 25 Ed. 3. 47 Ed. 3. as K. Ed. 3. once discharged the Pope's Nuntio from collecting the First Fruits, &c. and many Prohibitions were granted against the Popes Collectors, on complaint made by the grieved Commons in Parliament, as appears by the several Col­lections thereof made by the Lord Coke: Coke Jurisd. of Courts, cap. 14 Stat. 2 H. 4. cap. 1. 1 Ric. 2. and in one Statute made to remedy that griev­ance, it was termed a Horrible Mischief, and Damnable Custome: and at another Par­liament it was call'd a Very Novelty.

But herein did the policy of the Court of Rome notably appear, that sometimes, when the Kingdom complain'd of its burdens, and the Kings in some exigency calling for the Subjects Aids, and thereupon the Pope's re­venue in danger of a temporary, if not a total stop, the Popes would in such a jun­cture, and perhaps in a frolick of bounty, concede or assign the First Fruits, &c. for some time to the King, as for one year, or more, as the occasion seem'd to require: and in particular, Pol. Vergil. Hist. lib. 20. fo. 405. Pope Ʋrban gave them to King Richard the second to aid him against Charls the French King. And this project serv'd excellently well, both to habituate [Page 13]the People to payment, and to win the Kings for their continuance, to whom they might be thus useful in any case of extremity. But the policy of after Parliaments went a reach beyond that of the Popes: for as a perpetual addition to the revenues of the Crown, they were by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eighth given to the King, his Heirs, Stat 26 Hen. 8. cap. 3. and Successors for ever. And then for the or­dering of these First Fruits, and Tenths, there was a Court erected An. 32 Hen. 8. Stat. 32 Hen. 8. cap. 45. but this Court was dissolv'd again An. 1 Mariae; but King Philip, and Queen Mary gave them not again to the Pope, but by Authority of Parliament discharged the Clergy thereof.

Afterwards by a Statute, Stat. 1 El [...]z. 4. in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, they were revived, and reduced again to the Crown, yet was the Court never restored; but the First Fruits, and Tenths were ordered to be within the Rule, Survey, and Government of the Court of Exchequer, and a new Office, and Of­ficer created, viz. a Remembrancer of the First Fruits, and Tenths of the Clergy, who taketh all compositions for them, and maketh out Process against such as pay not the same. And now they are to be paid in such man­ner as is directed, and appointed in, and by the said Statutes o [...] 26 Hen. 8. and 1 Eliz. The Stat. 26 Hen. 8. appointing that every Spiritual person shall pay, or secure by Bond, his First Fruits before his actual pos­session of his Ben [...]fice: and that an Obliga­tion for First Fruits shall be of like force as [Page 14]a Statute Staple: and that no more shall be taken for such an Obligation than eight pence, and for an Acquittance four pence: and if any person shall be convict, by Present­ment, Verdict, Confession, or Witness, before the Lord Chancellor, or other Commissi­oners, to have entred upon any Spiritual Living before composition, or payment, he shall forfeit the double value of the First Fruits: Stat. 3 Ed. 6. cap. 20. And if Tenths, being due, shall not be paid within forty dayes after demand thereof made by the Bishop, or his Officers, and thereupon certificate made under Seal of the Bishop, or Collector, the party making default shall be deprived, ipso facto, of that one Dignity or Benefice. Besides, it is to be remembred, St [...]t. 1 E [...]iz. 4. that Vicarages not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum, and Parsonages not exceeding Ten Marks per annum, shall not pay First Fruits, but all are to pay Tenths.

Then, for the valuation of Ecclesiastical Livings, we are to know, that antiently they were valued by a Taxation Book made An. 20 Ed. 1. Coke 4 Instir. fo. 120. which still remaineth in the Exchequer: But then another Book of Taxa­tion was made An. 26 Hen. 8. kept in that Court also; and according to this latter Taxation are the values of Ecclesiastical Liv­ings computed for the payment of the First Fruits, and Tenths: And so much as every Living is there valued, so much it is said to be in the Kings Books; and so much must be paid for First Fruits. Yet every Spiritual person, at his Composition, and entring into [Page 15]Specialties to pay the same, shall have de­duction of the Tenth part thereof, and that in respect of the Tenth, as shall be by him paid that year; for by the Stat. 27 Hen. 8. Stat. 27 Hen. 8. cap. 8. none shall pay Tenths the same year that they pay First Fruits, therefore they are de­ducted, as aforesaid.

The way now of Composition for First Fruits, is for the Parson Presented, Admitted, &c. with sufficient Sureties, to enter into Four Bonds, each conditioned for the payment of the Fourth part of the First Fruits (deducting the Tenth, as aforesaid,) the first Bond payable at half a years end: the second Bond at a Twelve-moneths end: the third at a year and halfs end: and the fourth at two years end: and so the party hath two years time to pay the First Fruits. And then by the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 4. it is appointed, That if an Incumbent continue in his Benefice half a year after the last avoidance, and then dye, or be legally outed, before the end of the year, then he, his Executors, Ad­ministrators, or Sureties, shall pay only a Fourth part of the First Fruits: If he live out the year, and dye, or be outed within six moneths after the year, then only half the First Fruits shall be paid: If he live out the year and half, and dye, or be outed within two years, then only three quarters thereof shall be paid: But if he live out two whole years, then the whole First Fruits are to be paid: these Bonds being of like force as a Statute Staple. And thus the First Fruits, [Page 16]and Tenths stand at this day. Concerning which it may be further noted, that the Bishop of Norwich antiently had, Fitzherbert Tit. Jurisdi­ction 22. 19 Ed 3. and en­joyed by Prescription the First Fruits within his Diocess of all Churches after every avoidance: as also had the Archdeacon of Richmond, within his Archdeaconry; but these also were given to the Crown, by the said Statute of 26 Hen. 8. cap. 3.

What great summs were antiently paid to the Popes upon these accounts, by the rule of proportion may be guessed at: but no other certainty known, but that they were very great, as by the complaints about them, and the impoverishing of the Realm by that means, of which you shall hear more, may be observed. And what every Bishop paid to the See of Rome at his entrance, for First Fruits, I find thus particularized, viz.

Canterbury is rated in the Kings Books at the summ of 2816 l. 17 s. 9 d. and used to pay to the Pope, G [...]d w [...] de Praes. Ang [...]. Note, that every Floren contained 4 s. 6 d. of our money. D [...]a. 8 s. for First Fruits 10000 Flo­rens, besides 5000. for his Pall.

London is valued at 1119 l. 8 s. 4 d. and used to pay to the Pope for First Fruits 3000 Florens.

Winchester is valued at 2491 l. 9 s. 8 d. ob. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 12000 Ducats.

Ely is valued at 2134 l. 18 s. 5 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope 7000 Ducats.

Lincoln is valued in the Kings Books 894 l. 18 s. 1 d. ob. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 5000 Ducats.

Coventry and Lichfield rated in the Ex­chequer at 559 l. 17 s. 7 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope, some say 1733 Ducats, others but 300.

Salisbury is valued at 1385 l. 5 s. ob. and paid to the Pope upon every vacancy 4500 Ducats.

Bath and Wells is valued at 533 l. 15 d. and paid to the Pope at the ingress of every new Bishop only 430 Florens. Quod miror, saith Bishop Godwin, in regard it was esteem'd one of the richest Sees in England.

Exeter, by a late valuation set in the time of King Ed. 6. is valued at 500 l. and yet paid heretofore to the Pope for First Fruits 6000 Ducats.

Norwich valued at 899 l. 8 s. 7 d. q. and used to pay to the Pope upon every vacancy 5000 Ducats.

Worcester valued at 1049 l. 17 s. 3 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 2000 Florens.

Hereford valued at 768 [...]. 10 s. 10 d. ob. q. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 1800 Florens.

Chichester valued at 677 l. 15 d. and used to pay to the Pope 333 Ducats, as an In­come.

Rochester valued at 385 l. 3 s. 6 d. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 1300 Flo­rens.

St. David's valued in the Kings Books at 426 l. 22 d. ob. and paid to the Pope 1500 Florens.

Landaff valued at 154 l. 14 s. 1 d. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 700 Flo­rens.

Bangor valued in the Exchequer at 132 l. 16 s. 4 d. ob. and paid to the Pope for First Fruits 126 Florens.

St. Asaph valued at 131 l. 16 s. 4. d. ob. and paid for First Fruits to the Pope 126 Florens.

York Archbishoprick payes to the King for First Fruits 1609 l. 19 s. 7 d. and paid to the Pope 10000 Ducats, besides 5000 for the Pall.

Durham valued at 1821 l. 17 d. and used to pay to the Pope for First Fruits 9000 Florens.

Carlisle valued at 531 l. 4 s. 11 d. ob. and used to pay to the Pope on every avoidance 1000 Florens.

What was paid to the Pope for Spiritual Livings, other than Bishopricks, we must conclude it uncertain, though certainly ve­ry great; part whereof, as also from the Bi­shopricks, was annual, and certain, as the Tenths; and part casual, and uncertain, as the First Fruits, depending on the uncertain deaths of Incumbents, and such as did suc­ceed them.

But, besides these ordinary, and known rates, and summs, payable as Fines, or In­comes, at first entrance; and the annual summs proportioned from them as aforesaid; it commonly, and generally hapned, that some other vast summs extraordinary went [Page 19]to Rome, before any Bishop could be abso­lutely setled in his See, and that upon Ap­peals, and several other accounts, of which we will here give a few instances.

By the death of Geffrey Plantagenet the Arch-bishoprick of York becoming void, Godw. in vita Walteri Gray, Eborac. Simon Langton, Brother of Stephen Langton, was chosen Archbishop by Capitular Ele­ction: but because Stephen was fallen into the Pope's displeasure, and suspended; the Pope refused to confirm Simon, and sent order they should choose another: where­upon Walter Gray was pitch'd. upon, and recommended to the Pope's approbation: with this commendation, that he had never known woman in all his life: At which the Pope swore by St. Peter, Virginity was in those dayes a great vertue, and he should be the man. But the private agreement was, that Walter should give the Pope ten thou­sand pound Sterling: for payment whereof he became bound in the Court of Rome: which cast him into such a debt, that he was necessitated to be continually scraping, to discharge his bond: and for that reason, as my Author sayes, the Bishop is by all Histo­rians charactered to have bin a most niggard­ly, and penurious man.

At another time, Matt. Paris in An 1243. H [...]n. 3. the Bishoprick of Win­chester being void, the Monks made choice of one William de Raley, aliàs Radley, but altogether against the mind of the King, who intended another: and therefore the King sent his Messengers, Theobald a Monk of [Page 20] Westminster, and Mr. Alexander a Lawyer, with a great summ of money to Rome, to get the election vacated; and commanded the Magistrates to shut the Gates of Winchester against him: whereby Raley finding himself repulsed, he curses, and interdicts the whole City of Winchester, and posts away to Rome; where, in despite of the King, he gets his election confirmed, upon the tender of eight hundred marks, of which the Pope, as the Historian sayes, would not abate him one penny: whereby he was constrained also to live a miser, and in debt, all his dayes.

The Bishoprick of Durham being once vacant, Acts and M [...]n. T [...]m. 1. fo. 259. and several putting in for the place, King Henry the third, laboured what he could, that Mr. Lucas his Chaplain should be elected: but the Monks, slighting the King, made choice of one William Scot: who runs presently to Rome, for confirma­tion: and the King presently sends after him the Bishop of Lichfield, and the Prior of Lanthony, to sollicite against Scot: but after a long tugging, and expence of all their money on both sides, it was determined that a third man, viz. Richard Poor, should have the Bishoprick.

After the death of Stephen Langton, Matt. Paris in An. 1228. fo. 350. 355. An [...]quit. Brit. in viti Richard Ma [...]. Archbishop of Canterbury, the Monks made choice of Walter de Hempsham to succede him: at which the King then being displeased, Walter hasts away to Rome, as the use then was, for his confirmation: and the King presently sends after him, as his Proctors, [Page 21]the Bishops of Coventry, and Rochester: who appearing before the Pope, com­plained grievously of the misdemeanor of the Monks, in making choice of that man, as being of no experience suitable to that Dignity: but of mean learning: one of a debauched, and scandalous life, having gotten several Bastards upon a Nun: and for his extraction, his Father had bin con­demn'd, and hang'd for Theft; as himself had also deserv'd, having bin a Ringleader amongst Rebels, and Traitors. But all this would not satisfie the Pope, to set him aside, Polychron. 1.7. cap. 34. until the King ingaged the Pope should have a Disme, or the Tenth part of all the moveable goods, both of Clergy, and Laity, throughout England, and Ire­land: which granted, the election of Wal­ter Hempsham was declared null, and Richard Wethershed promoted to the place.

The next Successor to Richard Wethershed was Edmund, between whom, Antic. Brit. & Godw. in vita Edmundi. and the Monks of Rochester, a great contest hap­pen'd, about the election of one Richard Wendover to be their Bishop: whereupon the Bishop goes to Rome, and the Covent send their Proctors, and these carrying the most money got the cause, and Edmund con­demn'd by the Pope in 1000. Marks.

The Bishoprick of Chichester being once void, Matt. Paris i [...] Hen. 3. the Canons there elected one Robert Passelew, to gratifie the King, who had a great kindness for the man: but others ste­maching [Page 22]him, means was made at Rome to have his election quashed; and one Richard de la Wich to have the place: and there­upon all parties run to Rome with money, Bribes, complaints, and recriminations; all which being heard, and the money taken, the King's man was fob'd off, and Wich setled in the See. The story is at large in Matthew Paris; and a multitude more of like nature might here be exhibited; but these shall suffice, with this averrement, that seldom any election went so cleverly off, but something extraordinary came to the Pope, besides what was certain by the first Fruits. From which we proceed to payments of other natures.

CHAP. III. Legatine Levies.

THE Statute of 25 Henry 8. Stat. 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21. Pro­viding that no more summs of money shall be pay'd to the Bishop of Rome, begins with recital, how the subjects of this realm had for many years been greatly decayed, and impoverished by intolerable exactions of great summs of money, taken and claimed by the Bishop of Rome, called the Pope, and the See of Rome, as well in Pensions, Censes, Peter-pence, Procurations, Fruits, suits for Provisions, and Expeditions of Bulls, for Archbishopricks, and Bishopricks, and [Page 23]for Delegacies, and Rescripts in Causes of Contentions, and Appeals, Jurisdictions Legantine, Dispensations, Licences, Fa­culties, Grants, Relaxations, Writs of perinde valere, Rehabilitations, Aboli­tions, and other infinite sorts, &c. as the words of the Statute are: I cannot now pre­tend to enumerate, or specifie them all, when the Statute declares them to be infi­nite; and therefore we shall content our selves to point but at some of them; begin­ning with the

Legatine Levies, as I may call them: Vid. Matthew Westm. Flor. Hist. in An. 1245, 1246. &c. Mart. Paris. Poly­chron. &c. And these were summs of money exacted, and levyed upon the King's Subjects through­out the whole Kingdom, by Legats, and Officers for that purpose deputed by the Pope. And these were called for, as often as the Popes pretended a need of them; for the Court of Rome did inculcate, and would have the world to believe, Matth. Paris An. 1226. fo. 328. That being a Mother, she ought to be relieved by her Children. Now the first Extraordinary Contribution raised for the Pope in this Kingdom of this kind, appears to have bin about the year 1183. when Pope Lu­cius the third having some quarrel with the Citizens of Rome, Rog. Hovede [...] P. Postenor, fo. 622. sent to King Henry the second, postulans ab co, & à clericatu An­gliae auxilium, requiring Aid from him, and his Clergy: whereupon, Consuluit Rex Episcopos suos, & Clerum Angliae de peti­tione Summi Pontificis. Cui Episcopi & Cleri consuluerunt, ut ipse secundum volun­tatem [Page 24]suam, & honorem, faceret auxilium D. Papae, tam pro seipso, quam pro illis: quia tolerabilius esset, & plus placeret eis, quod D. Rex, si vellet, accepisset ab eis auxilii recompensationem, quam si permi­sisset Nuncios D. Papae in Angliam venire ad capiendum de eis auxilium, quia si aliter fieret, posset verti in consuetudinem ad regni sui detrimentum. Adquievit Rex consilio suorum, & fecit auxilium magnum D. Pa­pae in auro, & argento. The King con­sulted the Bishops, and Clergy, about the Popes request; to whom the Bishops, and Clergy returned, That the King might, if he so pleased, and for his honor, send aid to the Pope, as well for himself, as for them: because it would be more tolerable, and more acceptable to them, for his Ma­jesty, if he pleased, to take a Compensa­tion from them for his Aid, than that he should permit the Pope's Officers to come into England, to receive it of them, which might turn to a custom detrimental to the Kingdom. To this counsel the King ad­her'd, and sent a great Aid to the Pope in Gold, and Silver; as Rog. Hoveden hath at large related the Carriage of that business: In which several passages are very remark­able; as, that the King did, in matters that concern'd the Pope, consult with the En­glish Church, and follow'd their advice: and then the care, and circumspection of the Clergy, to avoid mischievous conse­quences for the future: and that not without [Page 25]very good cause, for the Popes were so prone to be busie, and tampering in this matter of money, that afterward in the time King Edward the first, Papa mi [...]it bullas inhibi­tatorias, quod nulla persona Ecclesiastica daret seculari personae con­tributionem ullam abs (que) licentia specialita Romana curia concessa in hac parte. Henry de Knighton Coll. 2489. he prohibited the Clergy from giving any thing to the King without his leave first obtained, and that un­der pain of the great excommunication: a great presumption this, but without any con­siderable effect to the purpose intended.

But notwithwanding the before mention'd caution, the Popes gained much upon the Clergy, afterward, though the King and Temporal Lords oftentimes prov'd sturdy: Matt. Paris fo. 361, 362. For Pope Gregory the ninth, An. D. 1229. demanded a Tenth of the moveables both of the Lay, and of the Clergy; to which the Lords would not consent, Nolentes Baronias vel Laicas possessiones Rom. Ecclesiae obli­gare, but the Clergy with some grumbling pay'd it. And eleven years after, he de­manded a fifth part of the goods of the Clergy; upon which great debate was taken, Matt. Paris An. 1240. fo. 536. the Clergy appealing to the King, that they held their Baronies of the King, and could not charge them without his consent; that having before given a Tenth, this again of a Fifth might create a custom; with divers other weighty reasons: But all would not do, for the King was not against it, and the Archbishop, for his private ends, beginning [Page 26]to deposite, all were drawn in at last to pay: which occasion'd that complaint the year fol­lowing, Id. fo. 549. That there remain'd not so much treasure in the Kingdom, as had in three years bin extorted from it, (the vessels, and ornaments of the Church excepted.)

But notwithstanding that reluctancy, Matt. Paris, fo. 549. 666. 701. not­withstanding that notable Remonstrance pre­ferred in the Council of Lions An. D. 1245. from the body of the Kingdom, of the heavy burdens the Nation lay under by the exacti­ons of Rome, and likewise to the Pope himself the year following; Pope Innocent the fourth invented a new way, to charge every Reli­gious House to find a number of Souldiers yearly for his service, and to fight for the Church militant: and about the same time attempted also, ut si Clericus extunc dece­deret intestatus, ejusdem bonas in usus D. Papae converterentur; that is, the Pope would make himself heir, or Executor, to every Clark that should dye intestate: and not long after it was, that he received from the Clergy eleven thousand Marks, as an ad­dition to six thousand he had receiv'd the year before. And then, and from that time, the Pope made no spare to drain, and ex­haust the English Clergy at his pleasure, to the shameful scandal of the Holy See at that time, and to the notorious ignominy, po­verty, and contempt of this Church, and the Clergy thereof. Matt. Westm. Flor. Hist. in An. 1301. And of these times it was that Matthew Westminster makes this com­plaint, Porro illis diebus, sal terrae, & [Page 27]caput vulgi in magnum Hydropem cecide­runt: quanto enim plus pecuniam (humorem) hauriebant, tanto amplius eam sitiebant. Sedit ergo in tristitia fidelium Ecclesia, de­ducta per vocales tutores suos miserabiliter sub tributo: In those dayes the Head of the people was fallen into a dropsie, which the more money it suck'd in, the more it thirsted after more: therefore the Church of the faithful sat disconsolate, being by her Gover­nours brought under a most miserable tribute, and servitude. An. D. 1302. Annal. of Ire [...]. in Camb. Brit. fo. 163. At this time also it was that these grievous exactions reached into Ire­land, recorded in the Annals thereof, That the Tenths of all Ecclesiastical Benefices in England, and Ireland were exacted by Pope Boniface the eight, for three years, as a Subsidy to the Church of Rome, against the King of Arragon. Neither did our Hy­perborean neighbours escape Scot-free, in this deluge of exaction: Tho. Walsing. Hist. fo. 48. Ypodig. Neust. fo. 89. Flor. Hist. in Ed. 1. fo. 417. H. Knighton Coll. &c. Pol. Vergil. Fabian. Speed, &c. Nay no less there would satisfie the Pope, but the whole King­dom; for it was that Boniface the eight, that then claimed the whole Realm of Scot­land, as part of St. Peters Patrimony, against our K. Edward the first, and sent his Bull of demand to the King for that purpose: between whom there passed several Answers, and Replies, in the point; and the conclu­sion was, That the incroaching Pope was glad to sit down worsted in the cause; the transactions of all which stand registred amongst the Tower Records, exemplified at large to posterity by Walsingham, Matthew [Page 28]Westminster, Knighton, and more briefly by others. But all this while the poor Clergy languished, being continually pill'd, poll'd, and squeezed by the unlimited avarice of this Pope, and his successors, emptying the King­dom of its money, and filling it with com­plaints, the product of its poverty.

CHAP. IV. King John's Pension.

THe troublesom raign of our King John is sufficiently related by all our Histori­ans, in whose straits the Pope appeared some­times for him, and sometimes against him: but once taking him in a great exigence, Jo. Serres Hist. in Phil. Au­gust. Matt. Paris in An 1213. fo. 236. the King was wrought upon to surrender his Crown to Pandulfus, the Pope's Legate, and substitute, laying the same, with his Scepter, Robe, Sword, and Ring, the Royal Ensigns, at his feet; subscribing also, as is said, to a Charter, whereby he surrendred his King­dom to the Pope, and professing that thence forward he would hold his Crown as a Feu­datary to the Pope, and paying an annual Pension, or Tribute of 1000 marks for both his Kingdoms of England, and Ireland: the insolent behaviour of the Legate at this, the Historians fully describe, which I list not now to insist on, but cannot but remember, that Matt. Paris says, that with this Charter, and 10000 l. sterl. in hand, Id. fo. 237. Pandulfus goes [Page 29]triumphing away to Rome. But then, when, or how long after, this yearly rent, or tri­bute of 1000 marks was paid, our Writers seem not to agree; though all concur in the invalidity of the surrender: Vid. Speed Chron. in vita Johan. Rot. Parl. An. 40 Ed. 3. And at a Parlia­ment held at Westm. An. 40 Ed. 3. the Chan­cellour, then Bishop of Ely, declared to the Lords, and Commons, How the King under­stood that the Pope, for the Homage that K. John did to the See of Rome, for the Realms of England, and Ireland, and for the Tribute by him granted, meant by Pro­cess to cite the King to Rome, to Answer thereunto, wherein the King required their advice: The Bishops for themselves desired respite of Answer till the next day, as also did the Peers, and Commons; at which time the whole Estate came together, and by common consent Enacted, and Declared, That forasmuch as neither King John, nor any other King, could bring this Realm and Kingdom in such thraldom, and subjection, but by common assent of Parliament; the which was not done: And therefore that which he did was against his Oath at his Co­ronation, besides many others causes. If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by process, or other matters in deed, that the King with all his Subjects should with all their force and power resist the same. Then, for the Tribute or Pension of 1000 marks, it appears to have been sometimes paid, with intermissions: for Pope Honorius, having gratified K. Hen. 3. by his [Page 30]menacing Bull to Geoffry de Lysimaco, ear­nestly demanded, by Otho his Legate, all the arrears of the 1000 marks annual rent granted by his Father K. John, due from the beginning of his Papacy, and the King's reign, who therupon paid all those arrears, amounting to 10000 marks, for which he desired the Popes allowance, and acquittance by this Letter, Claus. 10 H. 3. m. 2 [...]. do [...]so. still kept upon the file. Dom. Papae salutem. Ad instantiam magistri O. Subdiaconi & Capellani vestri, viri utique prudentis & merito commendabilis, qui ad nos transmissus ex parte vestra, requirebat à nobis instanter ea quae restare à tempore Papatus Vestri credidit de annuo censu nostro vobis debito: Paternitati vestrae praesentibus intimamus, quod venerabili Pa­tri P. Norwic. Episc. septem millia qua­dringentas & tresdecem marcas & dimi­dium de praedicto censu solvimus, sicut m [...] ­minit ipse pariter & confitetur: Et ad per­ficiendum octo millia marcarum, praedicto magistro Ottoni solvi fecimus quingentas quater viginti & sex marcas & dimidi­um: Et praeterea mille marcas tibi assig­nari fecimus. De mille vero marcis vobis satisfecerint Magister Stephanus de Eketon, & Magister Stephanus de Ducy, nuncii nostri, sicut nobis significastis: Et sic de toto tempore Papatus vestri plenarie vobis est satisfactum. Supplicamus igitur san­ctitati vestrae quatenus nobis super hoc lite­ras vestras patentes dignemini destinar [...]. Teste meipso apud Westmonast. 24. die Martii, [Page 31]Anno regni nostri Decimo. An even reckoning so far. And then it appears, that in the 33 year of King Hen. 3. Pope Innocent the 4th, in the sixth year of his Papacy sent to the King to demand this 1000 marks due for that year, An. 33 H 3. in Turri Lond. by this In­strument, or Bull, Innocentius Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, charissimo in Christo filio Regi Anglorum illustri, salutem & Apo­stolicam benedictionem. Excellentiam tuam affectione paterna rogamus, quatenus mille marcas sterlingorum quas pro anno prae­senti Ecclesiae Romanae nomine Census debes, dilecto filio Thesaurario Domus militiae Templi London. solitae devotionis affectu, nomine nostro facias assignari. Dat. Lug­dun. 5 Kal. Augusti, Pontificatus nostri sexto.

Dorso, De censu annuo Dom. Papae debito.

But whether any thing, or no, was paid upon this demand appears not: But by the Liberate Rolls, it appears, 31 H. 3. m. 1. that this rent due for the 31 year of K. H. 3. was then paid to the Treasurer of the Temple.

In the year 1276. Pope John 21. sent such another Bull, or demand to K. Edw. 1. still preserv'd amongst the Tower Records, whereby he demanded the arrears of this annual rent of 1000 marks, for seven years then last past, and also for that year: but whether payment was made accordingly, there remains no evidence: and when, or [Page 32]how much was afterwards paid upon this account, is now uncertain. But from these footsteps thereof, which we find amongst our Records, it may well be col­lected, that the Popes being sensible of the defeasibleness of their Title to this Rent, durst not always insist upon it, but some­times when they met with an easie King, or one whose affairs required the Pope's countenance, or aid; then they would put on a demand of this rent, with the ar­rears of it, and many times, without doubt, were gratifi'd therein: but then with wise, and resolute Kings, they had the discretion to let it alone; and so by continuance of time, and non-claim, the rent came at last to be extinguish'd.

CHAP. V. Appeals.

APpeals to the Court of Rome was ano­ther way of drawing great summs of money out of England continually thither. And these began most visibly in the time of King Stephen, Gervas. Do­robern. coll. fo. 1667. according to that of Gervasius Doroberniensis, Inusitatae enim erant in An­glia Appellationes, usque quo Henricus ex­titit Wintoniensis Episcopus: remembred also by Hen. Huntingdon, Hen. Hun­tingd. lib. 8. [...]0.395. who tells us also the occasion; related at large by Bishop God­win, in the life of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury. And then when the Popes had tasted the sweets of the gains accruing this way, all incouragement was given to Appel­lants, so that afterwards there scarcely hap­pen'd any controversie of value, but one par­ty, or other would presently Appeal to the Pope, and Court of Rome: for the manage­ment of which Appeals, it was necessary to retain Proctors, Notaries, Advocates, A­gents, Sollicitors, and many other Officers, who all living by the employment, expected always to be well paid: And in the Court of Rome were continually resident a multi­tude of Officers, Judges, Clarks, Scribes, Advocates, Canonists, Civillians, Referen­daries, who every one must have a finger in every cause brought thither by Apppeal, and [Page 34]be all well paid, and brib'd, for Bulls, Breves, Citations, Commissions, Sentences, Refe­rences, Expeditions, with innumerable sorts of Processes, issuing during the depending of causes; which were never speedily ended, but spun out to the utmost length, with all incouragement of Appellant Suitors, bring­ing grist to the mill, and as long as any mo­ney flowed to make the wheel go.

And as these Appeals were purchased in suits between party and party, most com­monly to the utter undoing of the Plaintiff, or Defendant, and many times of them both, the Pope having the fineness, when he had cracked the Nut, to take the kernel to him­self, and to give one shell to one of them, and the other to the other: so oftentimes they caused a far greater mischief, being made use of by haughty, turbulent, and undutiful sub­jects, especially Church-men, to cross, and oppose their Soveraigns, upon every, or any pretence whatsoever: Witness the Appeals of Anselme, Becket, the Monks of Canter­bury, with multitudes more, from the King, and his Laws, to the Pope, as in all our Histo­ries most frequently occurr: All which tend­ed only to carry huge sums to Rome, and to bring thence no less mischiefs to the King, and Kingdom. And besides this, multitudes of Appeals were founded upon the Elections of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Deans, &c. for it was very rare to have all parties acquiesce in an Election, but Incapacity, Simony, Sur­prize, or some irregularity would be pre­tended; [Page 35]and then presently an Appeal must be made to Rome, and there generally the cause determined for that party which brought the most money. Venalesque manus, ibi fas, ubi pluri­ma merces. Acts & Mon. fo. 259. As once John Hereford was elected Abbot of St. Alban's Monastery, but upon some dis-satisfaction taken thereat, Reynold the Physician, and Nicholas a Monk, were instantly posted away, with a huge bag of Money to Rome, whereby the Election was confirm'd upon these terms, That the new Abbot should swear, every third year, by himself, or some other, to visit the Limina Apostolorum in Rome, with a subintelligitur, that he should never come empty handed: and this was very frequently injoined to others, in such, or the like cases. Now for the particulars of these Appeals, I could produce a multi­tude of instances, and Cases; but designing brevity, I had rather refer you to Mat. Paris, and others, who are not sparing therein.

I shall only, upon this Head, further note, that not only many particular persons were ruin'd, and undone, by reason of the great ex­penses they were put unto, upon this account, at Rome: but also many religious Houses, and Covents, became by that means so impove­rished, that they would certainly have been utterly broken, and dissolved, if some extra­ordinary courses had not been taken for their support; as once the Abbot, Par. 3 Ed. 1. m. 13. Pre Abbate, & Conventu, de Fev [...]sham. and Covent of Feversham, being greatly indebted to Mer­chants, Usurers, and others, by reason of their vast ex ences at Rome, the King, by his [Page 36]Soveraign Authority, to preserve them, and their House from ruine, took them, with all their Possessions, Fulco Peyfo­rer, & Hamon Doges. Lands, Goods, and Chat­tles, into his special protection, and com­mitted them to the management of certain persons, for the discharge of their debts, and their necessary support, as appears by the Pa­tent for that purpose, yet to be seen, but too large to be here inserted. Lambert Per­omb. in Fe­versham. Note, it was the Monks of this Abby of Feversham that once contended in a Controversie with King John, both by way of Appeal to Rome, and by force of Arms against the Sheriff, and the Posse Comitatus, but had the ill fortune to be worst­ed at every turn.

The like Protection, and Provision, in the same form, and for the same reason, was granted, and made, by King Ed. 1. to the Abbots, and Covents of Bordesley, and Byne­don. And also to the Prior, and Covent of Thornholm: but the custody of them, their Lands, and Goods, were granted to other persons.

CHAP. VI. Dispensations.

DIspensations, Vid. Centum gravamina G [...]rm. An. D. 1521. and Absolutions from cases reserved, and Faculties, were other great means of drawing vast summs of money hence to Rome. And for the ma­naging and dispencing of these, the Popes had their Ministers, Officers, and Courts, ready to make out, and grant these Dispen­sations to such as had occasion, or to whom it would be a convenience to purchase them: and that in a multitude of cases: As to Dispence with one man to hold two Bishop­ricks, or a Plurality of Benefices. To make Infants capable of Benefices, and Offices. To Legitimate Bastards. To qualifie per­sons to marry within the degrees prohibited by the Canons, or by God's Law. To lay aside Habits of Professions Regular, to re­vert to a secular State. To give liberty to live without Rules, Order, and Discipline, which had bin entered into. For liberty not to keep rash, or prejudicial Oaths. To eat Flesh at times ordinarily forbidden. To wave the performance of Vows. To rescind contracts, marriages, and covenants. And innumerable other the like cases, in which exact care was taken, that the party pur­chaser should be served to the height of [Page 38]his ability, and the benefit of the Dispensa­tion.

King Henry the third, Matt. Paris in Hen. 3. swore to main­tain Magna Charta, and Charta de Fo­resta, with other liberties of the People; and for that had a great Subsidy given him; but for money the Pope Dispenced with his Oath, and then he would perform no­thing.

Simon Montford, Id. An. 1238. fo. 471. Earl of Leicester, marryed the Daughter of King John named Elianor, who was professed in Religion: at which King Henry the third, and others be­ing offended, the Earl posts to Rome, and there effusa, & promissa infinita pecunia, as the Historian hath it, he obtained of the Pope, to give Order to his Legate Otho, to give sentence for the marriage.

John of Gaunt, Tho. Walsing. in E. 3. An. 1359. Cambd. An. Eliz. fo. 2. Sr. Fr. Bacon Hist. Hen. 7. fo. 199. by a like Dispensation, marryed his Cousin Blanch.

King Hen. 8. Marryed his Brothers Widdow by such a Dispensation; not cheaply obtained; for a noble Author sayes, the Pope was very difficil in granting it; not for want of power, I suppose, but to scrue the more money out of the Royal Purchaser. It was Pope Julius the Second that gave this Dispensation. But asterwards the validity of the Marriage, upon such a Dispensation, being questioned, as being directly against the Scripture, Pope Clement 7. at the in­stance of King Henry, Hist. Cont. Trid lib. 1. f [...]. 68. Camb. Speed, &c. sent Cardinal Cam­peggio into England, framing a Bull, or Breve, to dissolve the King's marriage with [Page 39]Queen Catharine, (to be published when some few proofs were passed, which were made ready) and to give liberty to the King to marry another: But afterwards, the Pope conceiving it would disgust the Em­perour, who was Katharines near Kinsman, he sent another Nuntio to Campeggio, with order to burn the Bull, and to proceed slowly in the cause: Resolving, like his Predecessor, to make the best advantages he could of the plenitude of his power. But the King, perceiving the juggling, went another way to work, and how he procured his marriage to be vacated, our Histories and Records testifie.

Also Charls the fifth Emperour, pro­cured a marriage between Philip his Son, and Mary Queen of England, by a Dispen­sation from Pope Julius the third, because they were allyed in the third degree, and that Charls himself had contracted to marry her, when he was under age. Camb. Annal. Eliz. And after her death King Philip, desirous to keep his interest in England, treated seriously of a marriage with Queen Elizabeth, his late wives sister, with promise to obtain a spe­cial Dispensation from the Pope, which the French King laboured secretly to hinder, but the Queen gave him a repulse.

By vertue of these Dispensations it is, Sr. Edw. S [...]nds Earop. Spec. [...]. that the House of Austria, for some reasons of State marry all amongst themselves, so continuing all of the same family, or as limbs of the same body. Whereby Philip the se­cond [Page 40]of Spain might have called the Arch­duke Albert both Brother, Cousin, Ne­phew, and Son; for he was so either by blood, or affinity; being Uncle to himself, Cousin-german to his Father, Husband to his Sister, and Father to his Wife. And it so hapned, that by reason of the multitude of Canons, as were put forth by divers Popes, of restrictions, and limitati­ons, very few Princely Families in Europe could at any time intermarry without Dispensations from such, or such a Canon, and then let the Pope alone for setting his own rates and prices upon his own Instru­ments.

As great summs of money came thus to the Popes, upon their Dispensations in point of marriage: So frequently they made their advantages by dispensing with promises, Vows, and Oaths. How King Henry the third, obtained a Dispensation about Magna­Charta, we have touched before; And that power claimed, and exercised by the Popes, made them very necessary for all such Princes, as either upon extremity were constrained to enter into hard conditions; or such as had fair opportunities put into their hands of taking advantage against their neigh­bours. And this was the case of Francis the First, the French King, to whom Pope Clement the seventh, gave a Dispensation from performance of Covenants made upon Oath with Charls the fifth, upon his release, after he had bin taken Prisoner at the Battle [Page 41]of Pavia [...] whereby, in gratitude, Joh. Serres in vit. Franc. 1. Francis was ever after a sure confident of the Pope's, testified to the world by that famous enter­marriage between the Son of the one, and the Kinswoman of the other. The contem­plation whereof, Sr. Edw. Sands ut Sup. fo. 43. with other the like in­stances, and the observation of the short continuance of divers Sworn Leagues at this day, hath made some, with reason enough, believe that the unlimited fingers of the Popes have been, and are still secretly stir­ring, in untying those knots of the bonds of Conscience, and more frequently than the world is well aware of, and that some Popish Princes themselves, in imitation thereof, have assumed the like faculty, of dispencing with their own Oaths, when it seems advan­tageous for their Kingdoms interest, as it did to the Popes for that of the Church. To justifie which transcendant, extravagant power of the Popes, they and their Crea­tures are not without some comprehensive Principles, and Maxims, whether of Re­ligion, or policy, I leave it to others to judge; as, That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks: Mosconius de Majest. Eccl. vid. Revieu del Conc. de Tr [...]nt [...]vid. 100 gravam. c. 1. Fascicul. re­rum expetend. That the Pope can dispence with the Law, above the Law, and against the Law, by the plenitude of his power: and that in every promissory Oath that a man Swears, the Pope's power is tacitely before excepted. The notorious abuse, and mischief in which matter, framed one of the principal Articles of Grievances, pre­sented [Page 42]to the Pope from the Germans, for a reformation, at an Imperial Diet at Norem­berg An. D. 1522. a little before the Council of Trent.

The Pope's practice in Dispencing with Oaths brings to mind this story, Helmold. in Chron. Slavo­rum. cap. 29. That when contest was between the Emperour Henry 4. and Pope Gregory the seventh, the Pope Ex­communicates the Emperour and puts on Rodolphus Duke of Saxony to rebel against him, in order to his deposition, and absolves the Duke of his Oath of Allegiance given to the Emperour: after which a Battle happe­ning between the Duke, and the Emperour; the Duke was mortally wounded in the right hand; which made him cry out to his com­pany, See you that this hand, with which I first made, and then broke my Oath of Allegiance to my lawful Soveraign, is thus struck by the Divine vengeance; the Spe­ctacle whereof I pray God may work re­pentance in the causers of my defection and perjury, as it hath done in me. Not long after which he expired miserably, and de­plorably.

Once it was, Epist. ad Zach. Pap. 2. Tom. Conc. that the import of one of these Dispensations mightily puzled a certain Archbishop of Germany, Legate there for the See of Rome: for he sent to Pope Za­chary, to know his opinion, or resolution about a Dispensation which a German pro­duc'd, and pleaded, as obtained from Pope Gregory his Predecessor; which was, To [Page 43]marry a woman, that had first bin mar­ryed to his Uncle, and afterwards to a Counsin of his, from whom she was di­vorced, and he yet alive; besides she was his kinswoman in the Third degree, and had bin a Nun: but it is thought the Pope was as much gravell'd at it, as the Arch­bishop, for it doth not appear that he return­ed any answer.

Charls the Eight, the French King, Phil. de Com. lib. 7. cap. 3. Arnold. Ferron de Reb. gest. Gall. in vita Car. 8. made great use of this dispensing power of the Popes; For this Charls had taken the Daugh­ter of Maximilian, King of the Romans, for his wife: but afterwards, to obtain the Duchy of Brittain, he Sollicited to marry Anne the heir thereof, though she was betrothed, nay already marryed to Maximi­lian, by his Proctor, openly in the Church: a double injury to Maximilian, to have her taken from him, whom he accounted his Wife; and to have his Daughter sent home again, who had bin divers years Queen of France; but 'this was an easie thing for the Pope to do, as Phil. de Comines tells the story at large: adding, that there was great disputes, and arguments, in those times, Pro, & Con, whether those actions could agree with Laws of Holy Church, or not; and relating, that the ussues of those Ladies became very unfortunate, and that many ca­lamities proceeded from those marriages: but the interests of the Pope, and the French, being twisted in this affair, he spared not to [Page 44]cut asunder the sacred bonds of mar­riage, which had been made so solemnly be­fore.

By these practices the Popes acquired infi­nite advantage: for thereby they did not only in hand get great summs, or some other valuable considerations; but also oblig­ed, and secured the favors of many, and of their posterities also, whose estates, and legitimation depended altogether upon the validity of these purchased Dispensa­tions.

These Dispensations were experienc'd the more mischievous in this regard, that whereas the Popes gull'd the People of great summs of money other wayes, by the fineness of a pia fraus, where the common saying, volenti non fit injuria, might take some place: but here the estates, and fortunes of persons, and families frequently became rent, and torn, by the ruinous con­sequences of these Dispensations: And hence all those grievous complaints that have been made against them. Hist. Conc. Trid lib. 7. fo. 676. vid. Terr. Torti. fo. 51. In the very Council of Trent, spake stoutly, and freely against the abuses of them, one Johannes Verdun; but it was not a time then to have his story heard, so as to be regarded.

Dispensations are stiled Legum Vulnera; and indeed when a Law is once, in the least, wounded by a Dispensation, it proves such a stab, that there is but little life left in it afterwards. Christ came not to [Page 45]dissolve, but to fulfil the Law: but the Popes have made it a practise to dissolve Laws, that they might fill full their own Coffers.

Complaints against this grievance we find most frequently in our Parliamen­tary Records, and Histories, Matt. Paris in Hen. 3 Anno D. 1246. of which more hereafter: and at present we will only note that of Matthew Paris; how the Estates of the Kingdom being once assembled, they made an unanimous Remonstrance of the manifold grievances indured from the Pope, and particularly of that which was wrought by that damnable clause of Non obstante, contained in a multitude of his Bulls, Breves, and Instruments, which he sent abroad to torment the People, and by which the Authority of Grants, Laws, Statutes, and Priviledges was vacated, and overthrown, and his own revenues establish­ed upon the ruins of the Nation, Dispen­sing with any thing, nay every thing, by which he might gain any thing, as may be read at large in that notable Hi­storian, to whom, for brevities sake, we referr those that would receive fur­ther satisfaction therein, and pass on to the

CHAP. VII. Indulgences, Pardons.

INdulgences, and Pardons, shall in the next place be remembred, as most power­ful devices to draw money to Rome. And because the import of these, generally, hath not been so well apprehended, we will take liberty to make a little enquiry into the na­ture, and vertue of them.

In the Primitive Times, when the Chri­stians had committed any hainous offence, as for example, either in denying their Faith, or sacrificing to Idols, for fear of persecuti­on: the parties offending were injoyned some severe, and long Penance: and the rigour of this the Bishops, and Pastors had power (if they saw cause) to mitigate, at their discre­tion: which mitigation, or relaxation of Punishment, was called Indulgence, or Par­don. And this derived from St. Paul, who released the incestuous Corinthian from the bond of Excommunication, upon his humili­ation, and serious repentance.

And this manner of Indulgence was anci­ent, and continued long in the Primitive Church: But the Indulgence in the Roman Church is of another nature: for seeing that Sin, as they say, deserveth as well some Temporal punishment, as Eternal Damnation, their Indulgence is a supposed Absolution [Page 47]from the guilt of Temporal punishment, Vid. Pol. Ver­gil. de invent. rerum. lib. 8. cap. 1. which punishment is inflicted, they say, in Purgatory; and all this, as they further add, by the application of the merits of Jesus Christ, and his Saints, by the medium, and method of the Church: and these merits are termed Thesaurus Ecclesiae, The Treasure of the Church, and appliable to the souls of the dead burning in Purgatory, to work out their Temporal punishment. And this is the notion of Indulgence in the Roman Church, if I mistake not, for it is a Doctrine as difficult to understand, as to maintain. But this is certain that these modern, new coin'd In­dulgences, differ infinitely from that of the Primitive Times; for those which were first used for mitigation of Penance, or Punish­ment, are now reduced to be in stead of real private satisfactions: and that which was formerly left to the discretion of every Bi­shop in his own Diocess, to dispence, in that manner, with summum jus, is now solely transferred to the Power, and authority of the Pope: and that not only from Penances, and Punishments in this life, but also from imprisonment, pains, and tortures in Pur­gatory for many thousands of years: As, whosoever in the state of Grace shall say seven prayers before the Crucifix, Horae bea [...]ae Mar. Virg. secundum usum Sarum. and seven Pater nosters, and seven Ave Marys, shall obtain Six and Fifty Thousand years of par­don: fourteen thousand granted by St. Gre­gory: fourteen thousand by Nicholas the First: and eight and twenty thousand by Six­tus [Page 48]the 4th. Bul [...]a Pli Quarti. Dat. Rom. 1564. And amongst the Articles framed at the Council of Trent, to be owned super forma juramenti professionis fidei, this is one, That the power of Indulgences was left by Christ in the Church, and that the use thereof is most wholesom for Christs people.

For the Antiquity, Authority, and validity of these Indulgences, as now practised, let those maintain, if they can, whom it most concerns, and who get by them, for my bu­siness now is not to dispute; only I cannot forbear to tell you what a learned Romanist says of them, Cunerus De­clam. Dolendum & mirandum, &c. It is to be lamented, and admired, how Ca­tholicks write of Indulgences, so timorously, so coldly, so diversly, so doubtfully, as if they were so far fetch'd, or so uncertainly framed, that they could hardly be proved. We will therefore only take notice of their efficacy to draw money out of the Peoples purses, our present purpose; and for their power of drawing Souls out of Purgatory, we leave it to another opportunity.

For the purpose of drawing money from the people, there could not have been a more neat contrivance, Rivet. and therefore, by one, they have not improperly been called Emul­gences; Romarorum loculos im­praegnare. Mat. Paris. Hen. 3. and by the Romanists themselves, in their truest signification, The Treasury of the Church. For seeing the Pope was be­come the sole dispencer, and disposer of them, when he had occasion, or a mind to amass moneys, it was a ready, and sure [Page 49]way upon pretence of Wars against the Turks, or of Wars against Hereticks, or Wars against the Emperour, or any neighbor Prince, or State, with whom the Pope was at odds, to send out, and proclaim Marts, and Sales for these Indulgences, upon terms that those who would disburse any summs of mo­ney, for the purposes aforesaid, as the occasi­on was, they should have Pardons, and In­dulgences for numbers of years proportiona­ble to the summs they could, or would de­posite; Hen. de Knighton Coll. 2671. Nam aliter non absolvebantur nisi tribuerent secundum posse suum, & facul­tatem suam, For people could not be absolv'd, except they did disburse as much as their abilities would afford, as Hen. de Knighton deals plainly in the case: And then for the poor, and indigent, truly they deserve our pitty, when the Taxa Camerae Apostolicae deals thus plainly with them, Taxa Cam. Apost. Im­press. Paris. Nota diligenter quod hujusmodi gratiae non conceduntur pau­peribus; quia non habent, ergo non possunt consolari, Note diligently, that such graces are not granted to the poor; because they have not wherewithal, they cannot be com­forted. A very sad Case!

Now for those people that were conscious, and certain they were guilty of many sins, and perswaded they should lye frying in Purgatory many thousands of years, to purge themselves, and make them fit for Heaven; who would not presently unstring, and give even almost all they were worth, for such advantages, and to be freed from [Page 50]those bitterly represented pains, and tor­ments?

Then to assure people they were not cheat­ed in these penny-worths, and bargains, the Mysterie of the Pope's Triple Crown was sufficient: for anciently, if not still, the word, Mysterium. Mysterium, was engraven thereon, to denote, and signifie the Rule, and Authority, the Pope bears in Heaven, in Earth, and in Purgatory. And so these Indulgences, and Pardons were trucked for, and bought up, at any rates: untill people began a little to consider, and look about them, and to ob­serve upon what terms, and for what pur­poses these Indulgences were sent abroad, wherein no distinction of persons, or sins was made, which reasonably might have been expected from Christ's Vicar; that whosoever performed some religious rites, and paid certain summs of money, should have all their sins forgiven, whatever they were: so that all men, who would come to the price, were not only promised everlast­ing life, but made capable of delivering the souls of others out of Purgatory: consider­ing also, that in employing the money raised by these Indulgences, there was no regard had to the end for which they were given, but frequently, Centum gra­vam. Germar. by way of anticipation, it was assigned to some other purpose, as to carry on the Popes revenge, to pay his debts, to gratifie a friend, to inrich a Nephew, to mar­ry a Neece, to wage a War, to subdue an Anti-pope, or the like: that all immaginable [Page 51]shifts, sharking, Hen. de Knigh­ton Coll. fo. 2671. and tricks were used to make the most of them, in regard they were gene­rally farmed out to the most cunning snaps, and such as would give most for them. So that in time people began to be a little wary in laying out their money that way, and the Markets, and sales for Indulgences began to be very cold: but then the Collectors, and Factors would sell the cheaper penny-worths, and play at small games before they would give out; as once in Germany, An. Dom. 1520. when these wares began to be a little out of credit, the Pope's Officers would sell them for a very small price, Cuicciard. Hist. lib. 13. fo. 629. or play at Tables for them in Taverns, and Gaming-Houses, wherein mo­ney was staked against Pardons esteemed of such a value. Vid. Hist. Concil. Tri­dent. And so from the discoveries of the cheats, and rapine hereby practised, the Indulgences were not only contemned, and exploded, but way made for Reforma­tion of other Corruptions in the Church.

Now, as well to shew the liberality of the Popes, in granting these Indulgences, as also somewhat further to explicate the nature of them; we will here take a view of such In­dulgences, and Pardons, as formerly have been granted to some of the Churches in Rome, as they are specified in an old Book called, The Customes of London, as follows.

CHAP. VIII. Reliques, &c.

REliques, Agnus Dei's, Crosses, Pictures, Beads, Swords, Bracelets, Feathers, Roses, Shoos, Boots, Parings of Nails, Drops of Milk, drops of blood, Hair, Medals, Ashes, Dust, Rags, Chips, Consecrated Wax, and innumerable other hallowed knacks, come next in play: And by these the People were con­stantly gull'd out of their money: For these were daily brought over from Rome, and bar­tered for Gold, and Silver: a cheat practi­sed, to my knowledge, upon many Devoto's at this day.

Amongst these commodities, having named the Beads, those precious helps of Romish devotion, and the Virgin Mary being some­times observed painted with Beads in her hand, some have therefore conceived them to have been of Divine, or Apostolical Insti­tution: Polyd. Verg. de In [...]. rerum. l b. 5. cap. 9. But Polydore Vergil informs me, that Peter the Hermit, about the year 1090. was the first Inventor of them, to be as tram­mels to hold their Offices, and Devotion, to a right pace: At first (says he) they were made of wood; but, Hodie (says he [Page 71]again) tantus honor calculis accessit, ut non modo ex ligno, succino, & corallio, sed ex auro, argento (que) fiant, sint (que) mulieribus in­star ornamenti, & hypocritis praecipui fucosae bonitatis instrumenti; that is, At this day Beads are in such esteem, that they are not only made of Wood, Amber, and Coral, but also of Gold, and Silver, used by Women as Ornaments; and by Hypocrites as instru­ments of fained devotion.

Then, for these, and all the other precious things before mentioned, such vertue was im­puted to them, that scarce any that had money, would stick to give the rates set upon them: especially when it was given out, and believed, they had power, and vertue, to fortifie against Temptations: infuse, and strengthen grace: fright, and drive away the Devil, and all evil spirits: allay winds, and tempests: purifie the air: secure from thunder, and lightning: stop all raging infections, and contagions; and be as panpharmacons against all diseases: with a multitude more benefits, and advan­tages which they brought to the possessors of them: All which, I say, being considered, who would be without such precious things, when they might be had for money? Be­sides, it always was (as was but reasonable) in the Pope's power, to set his own price upon his own commodities, as best knowing the vertue, and value of them. And then such hallowed things, the dearer they were, the better, and more virtual they were esteemed; like Tobacco, and such other [Page 72]fantastical commodities, that take their esti­mation amongst the fond, ignorant, and undi­scerning, far more from their high price, than their intrinsick worth, and value. And, as one specimen of the respect which these Re­liques, and trifles once had, as also how their esteem fell; Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. fo. 377. there is a pretty story, That upon the dissolution of Monasteries, and Abbies here, in the time of King H. 8. care was taken, that upon the surrender of any foundation, the debts of the House should be paid. Now so it was, that there had be­longed to one of the Monasteries, as part of their treasure, a piece of St. Anthony's fin­ger, covered only with an ounce of Silver; which Relique the House had pawn'd to one for Forty pounds, who repairing to the Commissioners for his money, and offering to deliver the pledge, they refused to redeem it, as not taking it to be of so much value, and so left the cheated Broker to make the best he could of the forfeiture.

And besides the price of these Reliques, and Wares, at the first hand, many of the more famous sort of them were made daily pick-pockets to multitudes who brought their devotion, and offerings in vows, and pilgri­mages to them, when they were kept, and expos'd at some famous place. For,

As these Reliques, many of them, were bought up, and ingrost by private persons, so multitudes of them were treasur'd up, and preserved in Cathedrals, Abbys, and Religi­ous Houses: And that we may make some [Page 73]estimate of the number, and quality of them, we are here again beholden to Mr. Dagdale, for exhibiting an Inventory of such as were once kept in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul's in London.

Hae sunt Reliquiae quas Radulfus d'Diceto Decanus Lundoniae contulit S. Paulo. W. Dugd. Hist. of S. Pauls. fo. 234.

• De Cultello Domini.
• De Capillis S. Mariae Magdalenae.
• De S. Stephano Papa & Martyre.
• De Osse beati Laurentii Martyris.
• De Pallio aliisque reliquiis S. Martini Turonens. Episcopi.
• De S. Marco, & Marcellina Martyr.
• De S. Victore Martyre.
• De Testa S. Ypoliti Martyris.
• De Baculo S. Martini Turon. Episcopi.
• De S. Oswaldo Rege & Martyre.
• De Stola & pallio S. Maximini.
• De Baculo S. Maximini Treverens. Episcopi.
• De Capite S. Eugenii Martyris.
• Os cujusdam Martyris de sociis S. Mau­ritii.
• De Sandaliis & Sudario & Casula S. Re­maclii.
• De Osse & vestimento S. Walburgae Vir­ginis, & de margaritis armillae ipsius.
• De Osse Alexandri Papae & Martyris.
• De Pulvere reliquiarum.

Other Reliques in the same Church.

A Vessel of Crystall, with two ribs of St. Laurence in it.

A Crystal Vessel containing some Re­liques of St. Swithin, Cosmus, and Da­mianus, The sepulcher of our Lord, St. Mary, Mount Calvary, and other Re­liques.

A Crystal Cup containing the Hairs of the blesled Virgin, and the hand of St. John the Evangelist.

A Vessel of Crystal holding some of St. Paul's blood.

A Crystal Vessel containing two pieces of the Head of St. Thomas the Martyr, some of his Hair, and Garment.

A Crystalline Vessel containing some of the Garments, Milk, and Hair of the blessed Virgin.

A Vessel of Silver gilt, made like a Cup, containing Reliques of SS. Oswald, Alban, and Dunstan.

A precious Image of St. Paul.

The Head of St. Athelbert King, and Martyr, in a Silver and gilt Box.

The cheek of St. Ethelbert Confessor, and Founder of the Church, with four Teeth only remaining in it, in a Silver and gilt Vessel inrich'd with precious stones.

A Rib of St. Richard in a Silver Vessel: and another of his Ribs in a Crystal Vessel.

A Vessel of Jasper, lined with plates of Silver and gilt, containing Reliques of SS. [Page 75] Andrew, and Philip Apostles: of Dionys, and Blase, Martyrs: and some of the wood of St. Andrews Cross.

A great black Chest of Gilbert Bishop, containing a multitude of Saints Reliques.

Another Chest cover'd with red Silk, full of Reliques of divers Saints.

A little chest of Copper, full of Saint's Reliques.

A Box of Ivory, with Reliques of St. Austin, and others.

A little Ivory Box, with Reliques of St. Agnes, and others.

A Silver gilt Box, with a multitude of Re­liques in it.

A Coffer colour'd blew, with many Re­liques in it.

A certain Lapis de Israel, expressing the Majesty of God, inrich'd with Silver and many precious stones.

A curious consecrated Image of the Bless­ed Virgin, with her Son, holding a Pearl in her right hand, richly adorn'd.

The great Arm of St. Melitus, curiously adorn'd.

The little Arm of St. Melitus, in a border of Gold.

The Arm of St. Osith, holding her Head in her hand, adorned very richly.

The Head of St. Gamaliel.

Another Arm, with some bones of the 11000 Virgins.

A Crystallin vessel, containing many Reliques of St. Thomas the Martyr.

Three holy Crosses, with the Images of the Crucifix, St. Mary, and St. John, of Silver gilt.

A Silver gilt Cross, with the Crucifix, St. Mary, and St. John, having on the top some part of the wood of the Holy Cross.

Many other curious Crosses, and Cruci­fixes.

Many other Coffers, Chests, Boxes, and Vessels, all stuffed with precious Reliques, Agnus Dei's, Beads, &c.

The Rochet of St. Edmund Archbishop of Cant.

The Reliques of St. Apollonia, and a mul­titude more.

On the top of the spire was a great Cross, Contin. Matt. Westm. in An. 1314. wherein were many Reliques of divers Saints, put there by Gilbert de Segrave Bishop of London, to the intent, that by the glorious merits of those Saints, the Steeple might be preserved from Tempests.

King Canutus, Speed Chron. in Canut. as our Historians gene­rally say, in his return from Rome, bought at Pavia the Arme of St. Augustin, the great Doctor of the Church, and gave it unto Coventre, for which he paid one hun­dred Talents of Silver, and one of Gold: though others say it was Egelnotus, Hen d'Knigh­ton cod fo. 2318. Godwin in vi­ta Egelnoti. Arch­bishop of Canterbury, that bought it, and as a [...] of his respect to Earl Leofric, gave it to his City of Coventre. But were it the one, or the other, I find not any abate­ment in the price; which being so large, it gave it the greater reputation, to draw [Page 77]multitudes, with great expences, to visite it.

But the bounty of this K. Canutus ap­pear'd most excessive to the Abby of Hide near Winchester, to which he gave a Cross, Cambd. Britt. in Hanshire, fo. 266. Speed in vita Canuti. so costly for the materials, and curious for the making, that he bestowed as much there­on, as his own years revenue of all England amounted to: But the fate of this Costly Cross, was, that about the raign of K. Henry the sixth, it was burn'd, with the whole Mo­nastery, by the malice, and practice of Honry de Blois Bishop of Winchester.

To all these Reliques, and hallowed wares, and infinite more ejusdem farinae, where­with our Abbies, monasteries, and Ca­thedrals were furnished, according to the blind, and extravagant devotion of those times, a strange veneration, and esteem was had by the People, until the Reforma­tion made many notable discoveries of the cheats, and delusions wrought in, and by them; as

Our Lady's Girdle, shewed in eleven several places, and her milk in eight. Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. fo. 431.

The Bell of St. Guthlac, and the Felt of St. Thomas of Lancaster, both remedies for the Head-ach.

The Penknife, and Boots of St. Thomas of Canterbury, and a piece of his shirt, much reverenced, and confided in by great-bellyed women.

The Coals that roasted St. Laurence.

Two, or Three Heads of St. Ʋrsula.

Malchus his Ear. And the parings of St. Edmund's nails.

The Image of an Angel with one wing, which brought hither the spears head that pierced Christ's side.

An Image of our Lady, with a Taper in her hand, as burned nine years without wasting, till one forswearing himself there­on, it went out, and was then found to be but a piece of wood.

Our Lady of Worcester, from which certain veils, and dressings being taken away, there appear'd the Statue of a Bishop, ten foot high.

Our Lady of Walsingham, Cambd. Brit. in Norfolk. Stow in An. 1538. the termina of many a costly, but fruitless Pilgrimage.

The Rood of Grace, at Boxley in Kent, made with divers vices, and wiers, to turn the eyes, and move the lips, was shewed publickly at Paul's Cross, by John Bishop of Rochester, and there broken, and pull'd in pieces, the people laughing at that, which they ador'd but an hour before. And here it will not be amiss a little further to give you the Legend of this famous H. Rood: which I find this: Lambert Per­amb. of Kent, in Boxley. An English Artist being taken Prisoner, in the warrs between us and France, and wanting money for his ransome, set his wits on work, to make some famous piece, and having got some materials, he made a curious Rood, the like had never bin seen, The Rood of Grace at Box­ly. for it's gestures, and moving all it's Joints, as bowing the head, lifting up it's self, rolling the eyes, shaking the hands, [Page 79]knitting the brows, &c. which being finish­ed, he got leave, upon his parol, to bring it into England, to sell, and make money of it for a ransome, and layd it on the back of a Jade, which he drove before him: coming to Rochester, and staying there, to drink, the Jade went forwrds, a way not intended by the Master, and stayed not till he came to Boxly, and running to the Abby Church dore, he made such a knock­ing, and bouncing against the dore with his heels, that at the noise the Abbot, and Monks came, and open'd the dore, which no soo­ner done, but the beast rush'd in, and ran to a certain piller, and there stood: whilst the monks were busie in taking off the load, in comes the owner puffing, and sweating, and satisfying them that the Jade, with his load, was his property, endeavours to lead him out of the Church, but notwith­standing all his beating, and pulling, the resty beast would not stir one inch from the piller; then he takes off the Image, thinking to carry it away himself, but that would not stir neither, and therefore after much heaving, and lifting to no purpose, they all thought that God had sent, and destin'd it to that House, like another Palladium, and so the Abbot, and Monks giving the Master his price for it, they set it up just at that piller, where it stood for many years, doing rare feats, to the inriching of the House, till it was easily removed to Paul's Cross, and there uncased, as you have heard before.

In the same Church there was also the Image of St. S. Rumwald. Rumwald, which was a very small one, the representation of a Boy-Saint: and the use of this Image was this; If you were minded to have any Benefit by the Rood of Grace, you must be shriven by one of the Monks first, and then by lifting at this St. Rumwald, proof was made whether you were in clean life, as they said, or no; and if you proved to be clean, then was your way made for your offering to be accepted before the holy Rood: If you were not clean, which was known by your not being able to lift that little Image, then you must be confess'd again, on presumption you had conceal'd some foul sins. But then here was the trick on't, the Image being small, hollow, and light, that a Child of seven years old might easily lift it, there was a divice to fasten it to a post with a pin of wood, which a Knave standing behind could put in, and out as he list, which pin being put in, the strongest man could not stir it: and then when any person offered bounti­fully, the pin was pulled out, that he might easily lift it; but to one that prov'd stingy, the Image would not stir at all: and so, in stead of devotion, this frequently proved great pastime, to see a great lubberly fel­low tugge, and lift in vain, at that which a Boy, or Girl, had easily took up before him. The Blood of Christ at Hales in Glocester-shi.

Another the like imposture was practis'd at Hales in Gloucester-shire, where the Blood [Page 81]of Jesus Christ brought from Jerusalem, be­ing kept, as was affirmed, for many ages, had drawn many great offerings to it from remote places: And it was given out, and believed, to have this property; That if a man was in mortal sin, and not absolved, he could not see it; otherwise he might see it very well: Therefore every man that came to see this Miracle, this most pre­cious Blood, confessed himself first to one of the Priests there, and then offering some­thing at the Altar, was directed to a Chap­pel, where the Miracle was shewed; the Priest who confessed him, in the mean time, retiring to the back part of the said Chap­pel, and putting forth a little Cabinet, or Vessel of Crystal, which being thick on the one side, that nothing could be seen through it, but on the other side thin, and tran­sparent, they used diversly: For if a rich, and devout man entered, they would shew him the thick side, till he had paid for as many Masses, and given as large Alms, as they thought fit: After which, to his great consolation, and the assurance of his not being in mortal sin, they turned to him the thin side, where he might see the Blood: And all this at last was discovered to be the Blood of a Duck, every week renewed by the Priests, who to their great gain, kept the secret a long time amongst them­selves.

The curiosity of some possibly may here expect to be gratified, in some memoirs [Page 82]of the once famous Lady of Walsingham; and the notorious Sainted Becket, of the riches of his shrine, the confluence at his Jubile, with the reverence to his Reliques, and me­mory: But, in pursuance of my design of brevity, I shall referr them to the learned Mr. Cambden, Cambd. Brit. in Morfolk. Will. Sommer Antiq Cant. fo. 247. &c. Vid. Erasm. Coll. Pereg. Re [...]. ergo Anatomy of the Nuns at Lisbon. De Schism. lib. 1. fo. 171. for the first: and the in­dustrious Canterburian Antiquary, for the other; with the assurance they will not fail of satisfaction on the matter: And, for what concerns Becket, I shall only add this, That the English Nuns at Lisbon, in Portugal, do pretend, that they have both the Arms of Thomas Becket; and yet Pope Paul the third in a Bull exemplified by Sanders, pittifully complains of the cruelty of K. Hen. 8. for causing all the bones of Becket to be burnt, and the Ashes scatter'd in the winds; the so­lemnity thereof recorded in all our Chroni­cles: and then how his Arms should escape that bone-fire, is very strange.

We will pack, and shut up this show of Reliques with this one more memorable: In the raign of K. Edw. 6. the Teeth of St. Apollonia were in great esteem, as conceived effectuall to cure the Tooth-ach, and for that purpose were bought by many ignorant people, and carryed about with them: this being notified to the King, order was given, that all her Teeth should be brought in to a publick officer appointed to receive them, which being done, they filled a Tunne there­with: and so the cheat was discovered.

The consideration of the nature, and use of [Page 83]these Reliques, together with the Saints to whom they were affirmed to have belonged, the Miracles, and cures said to be wrought by them; and also the Indulgences, the sub­ject of the last Chapter before; unriddles to me a certain difficulty, which hath puzled divers to give a satisfactory reason for: And that is, why the livings in London were antiently esteemed of so great value and so highly rated in the Kings Books, for first Fruits, and Tenths, when it is well known the Tiths, and Church dues there, are very small, and inconsiderable, compared to the Country Livings, whose certain profits, by reason of the predial Tiths, far out-strip those of London. And certainly this was the reason, because every Church in London was furnished either with some famous Saint, some precious Relique, some gracious Indul­gences, some wonderful Miracle, or some other pia fraus, whereby, and whereunto, people were continually enticed to be suppliants and visitors, with their vows, and offerings: as at one Church was a Saint celebrated for giving easie travel to big-bellyed women: Another gave safety to Merchants, and Mar­riners, in their Sea voyages: here was cure for such a disease; and there for another: so that at every Church there was something virtual, and peculiar, to draw customers, and profit to the Priests. And then London being the Metropolis of the Kingdom, unto which people flocked from all quarters, both natives, and strangers, and none but had [Page 84]their Special, and proper designs, griefs, and difficulties, or at least curiosities, for which, if they wanted ease or satisfaction, there, as they were told, they might be sure at one place, or other, to find it. And so the Priests never wanted vent, or customers for their wares; as Mountebanks, Juglers, Punchinello's, and such like, with good suc­cess, choose to open, and show at Fairs, and at times, and places of the greatest re­sort, and concourse of people. But then at the Reformation, when all these cheats were detected, and exploded, and the Churches cleared of them, and the Priests reduced un­to their standing legal revenues of Tiths, and Church dues: Stat. 37 Hen. 8. cap. 12. then all those City livings fell so low, that the Parish dues respectively proved too small to maintain one Priest: And thereupon the King, and State thought good, to make provision by a Decree, confirmed by Act of Parliament, that the Parsons, and Ministers in London-should have a mainte­nance by the payment of the summ of two shillings and nine pence out of every Twenty shillings Per annum rent of Houses, shops, &c. without which they could not have subsisted. And more lately, Stat. 22 & 23 Car. 2. for the better settlement of the maintenance of the Parsons, Vicars, and Curates in London, an Act of Parlia­ment hath passed since the late dreadful fire, to ascertain the annual revenue, and summs to be raised by every Parish for the main­tenance of the Ministers, and how the same is to be assessed, and paid: for which those [Page 85]that are further concern'd may consult the Act; whilest we prepare our selves to go on to the Jubile's, and Pilgrimages, which now call us away.

CHAP. IX. Jubile's, Pilgrimages.

JUbile's Pilgrimages, Vows, &c. and con­fluences to Rome, both at stated, and arbi­trary times, upon those accounts, were means to carry vast summs thither out of the King­dom: the devout Travellers always when they came home, (though many of them hapned to drop short) saying as Naomi, after her peregrination, We went out full, but return empty. Whilest others who stayed at home, fearful, or unable to take such long, and perillous journeys, would not be behind in their liberal Donations, Bequests, and Pre­sents; especially when they were perswaded, it was for their soul's health, and to which full hands would contribute as much, as bare feet: For, A Papa undique nunciatum est, Antiq. Bri fo. 302.si Romam Jubilatum veniant, accepturos singu­los peccatorum veniam: at his qui aut vale­tudine, aut negotiis impediti ire non poterant, fecit potestatem vota pecuni [...] redimendi; as the provision was in that case.

Here I conceive it will not be impertinent to make a little inquiry into the Original, Use, and Ends of these Jubile's: And for that we must know, Platina in vita Bonifac. 8. Polydor. Ver­gil. de Invent. [...]er. lib. 8. cap. 1. Lassels voiage of Italy. part. 2. fo. 38. that Pope Boniface the Eight, (in some imitation of the Jewish Jubile) in the year 1300. instituted the first Jubile, promising remission of all their sins, to all such as should, at Jubile time, visit the Limina Apostolonum at Rome: Lassels, a mo­dern Traveller, in his voyage of Italy, af­firms these Limina Apostolorum to be some steps about the High Altar in St. Peter's Church at Rome. And this Pope Boniface ordained should be observed every hundred year: at which solemnity there was such a confluence of people, that they scarcely could all crowd into the City. After that Clement the Sixth appointed the Jubile to be celebrated every Fiftieth year, An. D. 1350. Platin. in vita ejus. Vid. Chron. Will. Thorn. fo. 2195. Tho. Wal­fingh. in Ed. 3. fo. 160. that all men might be in compass to receive the benefit of it; the hundred year Jubile, like the Ludi Seculares in old Rome, being thought too much out of distance for many that might thirst for the comforts of a Jubile. But then Pope Sixtus the 4. out of compassion to all those longing souls, appointed the Jubile to be kept every Five and Twentieth year, An. D. 1475. and began it in the year 1475. But lastly, Pope Alexander the 6. in a strain of Cha­rity beyond all the rest, and to accommodate all that should desire the benefits of a Ju­bile, Polyd. Vergil. u [...]supra. to save the charges, and hazard of journeying to Rome, as also to improve the [Page 87]profit, thought good to make over those graces, by way of exchange, to such as would pay a competent rate, seeing many could not, or would not come so far to fetch them: And in his time the Jubile falling in the year 1500, being the 16th. year of our King H. 7. he sent one Jasper Pons, Lo. Bacon H [...]st. Hen. 7. fo. 199. a Spa­niard, his Commissioner, over into England: One represented to have been better chosen, than such as went into Germany, on that ac­count, who carryed the business with some prudence, and semblance of holiness: inso­much as he levyed great summs of money to the Pope's use, and with little scandal at that time: with whom, it was thouht then, the King shared the moneys, although some ar­gument was made to the contrary after­wards, by a Letter which Cardinal Adrian, the King's Pensioner wrote to the King from Rome some years after: for this Cardinal being to perswade the Pope, on the King's behalf, to expedite the Bull of Dispensation for the Marriage between Pr. Henry, and the Lady Katharine, to which the Pope seemed somewhat difficil, he used it as an argument of the King's merit to that See, that he had touched none of those Deniers that Pons had levyed in England.

And now because the proceeding, and ma­nagery of this noted Jubile, as to the rates, and summs, that were paid upon the distri­bution of the Heavenly Grace (as they call'd it) in that manner, may give a little light to [Page 88]what was done elsewhere in like case; we will here exemplifie the rates thereof, as they were Copyed out of an old Roll heretofore in the custody of the late learned Sr. Wever Fun. Mon. fo. 165. Simonds d' Ewes. The Roll contains the Articles of the Bull of the holi Jubile of full remissyon and gret joy graunted to the Relme of Englond, Wales, Irelond, and Garnsey, according to the trew meaning of our holy Fader: wherein was declared, That the Kyng, with all his pro­geny, all Archebuschopps, Buschopps, Abbots, Duks, Erles, Barons, Knygtes, Sqyres, Gen­tilmen, Yeomen, Cetezins, and all oder Chry­sten peple, which truly confessyd, and con­tryte, shold vysit soche Chorches as should be assigned by Gaspar Pons, the Holi Fader's Imbassator, and ther put into the Cheste soch sum of mony as is here following taxed, shall have the same Indulgence, Pardon, and Grace, with remissyon of all syn, as if they had gone personally to Rome in the year of Grace, &c. And then, after some prelimi­nary Articles, about ordering of the business, comes this,

CHAP. X. Offerings, Gifts, and Presents.

OFferings, Gifts, Presents, Bequests, and Legacies, to Saints, their Altars, Shrines, and at Holy Places, amounted to a very great value. We have mentioned be­fore, and shall have occasion to mention more of those many occasions, which many had, or made unto themselves, of running to Rome, upon Appeals, or as Ambassadors, Agents, or otherwise. And few would hope their journeys to prove successful, if they did not visite such famed Holy Places, with suitable Gifts, and offerings: whilst many that stayed at home, would take the oppor­tunity, to send by the hands of others, what they had vowed, or design'd for that purpose.

The proximity, Major è Lon­ginquo re­verentia. and commonness of a thing takes off much from the esteem con­ceived by hear-say, or first sight: Many famous Saints, and Shrines, we had here in England, and they were zealously adored, and presented from Forrainers; whilst the devotion of the English was not satisfied with our home objects; but he was the happy man, that could bestow something at Rome the Holy. And the Italians would laugh at the English, for their bigottry, as they call'd it, in travelling so far, with such ar­dent [Page 98]zeal, and liberality, to so little pur­pose, as they thought; in regard those ob­jects, by reason of their vicinity to them, and experienc'd inefficacy, were by them contemned: whilst on the contrary, they themselves, in a like strain of Fanatick zeal, or devotion, would run to St. James of Com­postella, in Spain; or to our St. Thomas of Canterbury, or further, to shew they could be as fond, and liberal in our quarters, as we had been in theirs.

And hence it was that the Shrines, and Al­tars, of many Saints became so excessive rich. What vast treasure, in Jewels, Gold, and Silver, Stows Anna's in Hen. 8. W. Somner Antiquit. of Cant. Erasm. Pereg. Relig. Ergo. Antiq. of Darham. Camb. Britt. was conferred on our St. Tho­mas of Canterbury; Cuthbert of Durham; Lady of Walsingham, and multitude more, in our own Country, both by natives, and strangers, our Historians, and others, with admiration testifie. So, for the reasons aforesaid, great quantities of our English Gold, Silver, Jewels, &c. were swallowed up in the Treasuries of Saints beyond the Seas, especially in Italy, and at Rome.

The greatest Treasure, of that nature, thought to be in the world at this day, is at the Lady of Loretto, in Italy, esteemed sufficient, if so imployed, to maintain a Warr against the Turks many years: the same being daily increased by Gifts, and offerings from those who have an esteem to the pretended Sanctity of the place. This Treasury being shewed to Strangers, and Travellers, with admiration they behold, [Page 99]the most costly vestments, the hugest, and massiest Plate, the most precious Jewels, with the choicest rarities of Art, the world affords; and for Silver, the plenty of it there makes it of as little esteem, as in the days of Solomon: and all this, for the most part, the Oblations, Gifts, and Presents, of Kings, Princes, Queens, and Nobles of the Romish Religion, of other Countrys.

Now, to shew that all the Gifts, Pre­sents, and Bounty did not always run to Rome, and Italy, but that sometimes there were Vestigia pauca retrorsum, we find that sometimes, and on some occasions, the Pope would send, as tokens of his grace, and benediction, some presents hither again, of which we will produce a few instances.

Pope Alexander the second, Speed in vit. Harald. sent to William the Conqueror (besides a consecrated banner, and an Agnus Dei) one of the hairs of St. Peter.

King Henry the second, Rog. H [...]veden in Hen. 2. S [...]eed Chron. Hen. 2. obtained of Pope Ʋrban the third, that he might make one Son of his Lord of Ireland, and particularly his Son John: to whom the Pope sent, as a special mark of grace, a Coroner made of Peacocks feathers, woven with gold.

Pope Julius the second sent to K. Hen. 8. a precious consecrated perfumed Rose of Gold, and constituted W. Warham Arch­bishop of Canterbury, his Deputy to present it, with fitting ceremonies, as appears by his Letter, or Instrument, for that purpose, preserved amongst our Metropolitical Ar­chives, [Page 100]in these words: Cod. Ms. in Regist. prin­cipali Archb. Cant. (nun­cupato War­ham) fo. 26. Venerabili Fratri Guilielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, Julius Papa Secundus, Salutem & Aposto­licam benedictionem. Charissimum in Chri­sto filium nostrum Henricum Angliae Regem illustrem, quem peculiari caritate com­plectimur, aliquo insigni Apostolico munere in hoc regni sui primordio decorandum pu­tantes, mittimus nunc ad eum Rosam au­ream Sancto crismate delibutam, & odori­fico musco aspersam, nostrisque manibus de more Rom. Pontificum benedictam, quam ei e tuâ fraternitate inter missarum Solemnia per te celebranda, cum ceremoniis in notula alligata contentis, dari volumus cum nostra & Apostolica benedictione. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, Die quinto Aprilis, Anno Millesimo quin­gentesimo decimo, Pontificatus nostri Se­ptimo.

In the Irish rebellion, in the raign of Queen Elizabeth, Cam [...]. E [...]zab. the Pope, as a token of favour, sent to Desmond, a principal Leader amongst the Rebels, a gracious Agnus Dei, and a hallowed Ring [...]rom his own finger, which Desmond wore about his neck, as a charm, or preservative against all dangers: But his traitorous Consederates being beaten, and dispers'd, this pittiful deluded favourite wander'd a long time in the woods, and bogs, till at last, almost starved, he was found in a poor Cattage, and notwithstanding his Defensative, had his head cut off by a common Souldier.

Afterwards, Speed Chron [...] in Eliz [...]b. in another rebellion in Ireland, the Pope sent to Tir-Oen, the grand Ringleader, for his incouragement, certain Indulgences, and a precious Plume of Phoenix feathers, for a Trophey of his victo­ries: but they proved but Icarus wings, whereby he soared the higher, to get the more miserable fall.

Sometimes again, the Pope, Bishop Carl­ton's Remem. cap. 4. fo. 39. Greg. 13. out of good Husbandry, rewards, or incourageth his Creatures with Titles of Honour; as Thomas Stukeley, an Arch Traitor to Queen Eliza­beth, was by the Pope Created Marquesse of Lagen, Earl of Wexford and Caterloghe, Vicount of Morough, and Baron of Rosse, all famous places in Ireland. And it was the Pope's design, if Stukeley's Rebellion had succeeded, Boon Com­panion. to have made his Son James Bon­compagno King of Ireland.

CHAP. XI. Collections.

COllections, and Contributions, set on foot, and vigorously promoted for divers purposes, was another means of draining great summs frequently out of the Kingdom. And amongst these, Contri­butions for relief of the Holy Land, as well for the quantity of the summs, as for the mis­imployment, were very considerable: but of that, we will note more anon, in a Chapter apart for that purpose. And here we will take notice of some other occasions, for which such Collections were made.

King John, to gratifie the Pope, granted license, and safe Conduct, to the Fryers of the Hospital of St. Maries, in Rome, to Preach, and make Collections throughout England, for the maintenance of their House, built by the Pope, as appears by his Letters Patents: Pat. 15 Jo­han. m. 7. nu. 20. Rex omnibus suis fidelibus tam Clericis, quam Laicis, &c. Salutem. Scia­tis quod concessimus fratribus Hospitalis S. Mariae in Saxia apud Romam licentiam praedicandi in regno nostro Angliae; & fide­li [...]m eleemosynas caritative petendi & acci­piendi ad sustentationem pauperum praedicti Hospitalis, secundum formam privilegii Apostolici quod inde habent. &c. Teste mo­ipso [Page 103]apud Rading 10. Die Decembris An­regni nostri 15.

In the seventh year of King Edward the first, some counterfeit Fryers, Bre. Reg. 7 Edw. 1. in Turri Lond. Pro fratribu [...] S. Antonii. of the Order of St. Anthony of Vienna, wandring abroad, and Collecting Alms throughout England, the King, upon Complaint thereof, issued out his writ for their apprehension.

The Abbots of the Cistercian, and Prae­monstratensian Orders beyond the Seas, Bundel. Inq. An. 26 Ed. 1. im­posing subsidies, Aides, and Contributions, on the Monasteries of their Orders in Eng­land then under them, whereby much mo­ney, wools, and other Commodities were transported out of England, to the great grievance, and mischief of the Kingdom; King Edward the first, issued out writs to all the Sheriffs of England, to inquire of those abuses, and to stop the current of them: As by the said writs still preserved upon Re­cord it doth appear. And afterwards to stop the like exportation of moneys, and Goods, (for they would not be brought totally to give over) the same King, Pat. 27 Ed. 1. Pro Abbate de Gerendon. by his special writ, prohibited all of the Cistercian Order, except one, viz. the Abbot of Gerendon Com. Leic. who was of that Order, to presume to go beyond the Seas on that ac­count.

So the Abbot of Cluny sending his Pro­ctors into England, to demand and Collect great summs of money from the Monasteries, and Priories of their Order here, and on all Ecclesiastical persons on whom they had [Page 104]conferred Benefices, without the King's license: the King sent out his Writs, as well to the said Proctors, to inhibite their pro­ceedings; as also to the Warden of the Cin­que Ports, not to permit any Monk of that Order, or any other Servant, or Messenger to pass the Seas, or carry over any moneys, without his special license; the writ to the Warden of the 5. Ports was thus: Rex dilecto & fideli suo Roberto de Burghersh Custodi Quinque Portuum suorum, Claus. 28 Ed. 1. m. 14.Salutem. Da­tum est nobis intelligi quod Abbas Cluniacen­sis quosdam ex suis Monachis in Angliam specialiter destinavit, ad petendum & le­vandum, &c. (reciting the occasion at large) Ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod nullum Monachum Ordinis praedicti, vailettum seu alium nuncium quemcunque pecuniam deferentem ad partes transmarinas transire permittatis, sine nostra licentia spe­ciali. Teste Rege apud Blidam, &c.

The like mandate went out afterwards to the Constable of Dover, Claus. 29 Ed. 1. m. 8. dorso. and Warden of the Cinque Ports, not to permit any Canon, Valet, or other Messenger of the Order of the Praemonstratenses, to carry any mo­neys, or to pass out of England, without the King's special license, as was done before for Cluny.

But yet so prevalent were these begging Fryers, by their importunities, and fa­vourers; that the Monastery of Cluny hav­ing sustained great losses, and being deeply in debt, as was suggested, the King, not­withstanding [Page 105]his former Prohibitions, was perswaded to grant to the Abbot thereof, and his Agents, to come and collect an Aid, and relief from all the Cells, and Monaste­ries here subject to that Order, and from all their Tenants within his Dominions, with full protection, and incouragement so to do; Cl. 34 Ed. 1. Pro Abbate Cluniacensi. as by his Patent for that purpose, remain­ing upon Record, and too long to be here inserted, it doth appear.

And upon such, and the like occasions, it was that sometimes privately, and at other times openly, and with the King's license, Collections, and Contributions were fet on foot, and carryed on through­out the whole Kingdom, wherein all art, and Rhetorick imaginable was used, by suing, Preaching, and begging, to draw people to unstring, and deposite according to their respective abilities, and inclinations: by which means, the Nation was always kept bare, and poor, whilst the wealth thereof was carryed away into forrain parts, and mostly unto the Kings Enemies, as ap­pears by many complaints thereof, for that purpose made. Particularly, Rot. Parl. An. 8 Ed. 3. in a Parlia­ment held An. 8 Ed. 3. a special Petition, and complaint was made by the Commons in that behalf. And afterwards, in several King's raigns, a multitude more to the like effect; as by our Parliamentary Records it doth appear, which for brevities sake we here omit to specifie, referring such as would re­ceive further satisfaction therein, to that ex­cellent [Page 106]Abridgement of the Tower Records, collected by the learned Sir Robert Cotton, and lately printed.

Cardinal Woolsey at one time had raked up Twelve Barrels full of Gold, Speed in H. 8. nu. 77. and Silver, to serve the Pope in his warrs, &c.

CHAP. XII. Courts.

COurts, and Jurisdictions of the Pope, both at Rome, and within the King­dom, drew constantly out of the People's purses incredible Masses of money. For, to these Courts belonged Judges, Officials, Delegates, Referendaries, Commissaries, Dataries, Scribes, Notaries, Proctors, Registers, Summoners, Apparitors, Clarks, Sollicitors, and a multitude of other Of­ficers, who all by their places, and pra­ctice, grew rich, sent great summs to their chief, the Pope, and help'd to beggar the people. In these Courts all causes of Con­tentions, and Instance, between party and party, as also ex officio, were entertained, and cherished: And the charge, and ex­pence going this way, was so much the worse, in regard of the danger, turmoil, and vexation continually attending those that had to do in these Courts: For by some other wayes men were wheadled, and gull'd out of their money, to their no [Page 107]small content; but here they were squeezed, racked, and tortur'd, as long as their purses, or themselves could breath.

These Courts, at first were pretended to be instituted for Ecclesiastical Persons, and causes only; But then, at the instance of Ecclesiastical persons, many of the Laicks were cited to Rome, to make Answer con­cerning businesses not at all belonging to the Cognizance of that Court, as matters of Inheritances, Gages, Pawns, Contracts, &c. And Laicks also, upon Oath, or Allegation, that they could not have Justice before their proper Judges, were admitted, and incouraged to bring their Causes to Rome, or out of the King's, into the Pope's Court. And thereupon the Pope's Judges, and Officers spared not to disturb all other places of Judicature, in dero­gation of the King's authority, excom­municating all that would not obey them.

And these Courts, as they were manag­ed, became an accumulative charge, and burden to the people: For the right of Pa­tronage belonging to divers Lay, and Ec­clesiastical persons, was (under Colour of Prevention, or Provision) by the power and authority of these Courts, usurped by the Pope, his Legats, and Officers, when Benefices were vacant; and then the same usually conferred on Courtiers, Fa­vourites, Italians, and Strangers: And these men dying, either at Rome, or in their way thither, or thence, their Bene­fices [Page 108]were conferr'd again, by these Courts, upon others, to the great wrong of the right Patrons. And then great Benefices would not he conferr'd on worthy persons, or on any other, unless temporary gratuities, and continuing Pensions were first given, and secured out of them to the Courtiers, Dependants, and Officers of the Pope. And in granting these Benefices, many Arts were used to get money under the names of Reservations, Permutations, Surroga­tions, &c.

In these Courts also Excommunications were often denounced for trifles, but not taken off without great charge.

Confirmations of Foundations Ecclesiasti­cal, Religious, and charitable, were here purchased with great summs of money.

When the Pope had any Aid, or exhibition from the Ecclesiasticks, here were contri­vances that they should be sure to be repair'd again by the People.

All trifling frivolous causes drawn to these Courts, but no dismission without good pay­ment.

No Publick Penance here awarded, with­out some private summs to be paid.

Licences for money to keep a feme putein. Money exacted of Monks, and Fryers for concubinage, on presumption they had or might have quam pro quo. Farming out Livings, and Benefices to poor Vicars, at such high rates, as they were forced to get their money again of the People by Con­fessions, [Page 109]Anniversaries, Obits, &c. Bu­rial denyed to all that died suddenly, or by chance, on presumption they dyed in mor­tal sin, until here some good summ was paid. With infinite other tricks, and devices, to draw money from the people, practised by these Courts, and their Officers, tedious to enumerate, but more intolerable to be born; as may in some measure appear by the Stat. of Praemunire, and Provisors, Vid. Coke Pl [...]cit. Coren. cap. 53. W. Prin Re­cord of King John H. 3 Ed. 1. pointed at in the former discourse; with the Suits, At­tachments, and Prohibitions, for suing for Lay Fees in these Courts, in derogation of the Crown, and impoverishing of the People, exemplified by Mr. Prinne out of the Tower Records.

To these Courts also the Popes sometimes would be so audacious as to cite even Kings themselves, as claiming Jurisdiction over them. Thus Pope Boniface the eighth, Matt. Wes [...]m. in An. 1301.10.435. having a Controversie with our King Edw. 1. touching the Realm of Scotland, which the Pope affirmed belonged to the Church of Rome, wrote to the King, That if he pretended any Title to the Realm of Scot­land, he should send his Proctors to the Court of Rome, with all his evidences, proofs, and Instruments touching the same, there to have and receive Justice in the pre­mises.

At another time Pope Innocent the fourth summoned King Henry the third, Westm. M [...]tt. An. 1246. fo. 3 [...]7. to ap­pear to Answer to one of his Vassals, Da­vid by name, and to give him satisfaction, [Page 110]for some wrongs, as he said, he had done him. But, in the first case, the King, by advice of his Lords, and Barons, slighted the citation: and to the other nothing was re­turn'd but scoffs, and derision.

CHAP. XIII. Contributions for the Holy Land.

COntributions for relief of the poor di­stressed Christians in the Holy Land, and to carry on the War against the common Enemy of Christendom, were frequently set on foot: Sim. Dunel [...]. Hist. fo. 249. And by that means great summs were as often drain'd out of the Kingdom: but then a small, or no part thereof imploy­ed for those purposes. Chron. W. Thorn. Coll. 1926. Gervi [...]s. Doro­bern. 1522. For to this end the Popes often prevailed with Princes to impose on their subjects, and made them the Instru­ments, on this pretence, to hook money out of their pockets.

Johannes Ferentinus was sent hither from the Pope about that matter An. D. 1206. and sped so well in his negotiation, and carryed such a great quantity of money away with him, that King John wrote to the Pope the next year, Matr. Paris in An. 1206. fo. 214. Quod uberiores sibi fructus proveniant de regno Angliae, quam de omni­bus regionibus citra Alpes, &c. That the Pope had greater profits out of England, [Page 111]than all other Countreys on this side the Alpes, &c. Nay and these Levys were con­tinued sometimes for six years together, as Thorn notes: Thorn ut supr. wherein the Kings themselves were wont to promote the business, by being indulged by the Popes to go snips in the gains.

After the death of Pope Clement the 4th. the See of Rome continued void two years, and ten months, Matt. Westm. fo. 352. Contin. Matt. Paris. fo. 976. Tho. Walsingh. by reason of the great dis­cord, and potent factions amongst the Cardi­nals: And at last Theobald, the Arch-deacon of Liege, who had been comrade, and fellow-souldier with our King Edw. 1. in the Holy Land, was elected, and took the name of Gregory the 10th. whereupon was made these verses,

King Edward the First coming out of the H. Land into England, after the death of his Father King Henry the Third, touch'd at Rome, where he was nobly entertained, and caressed by his old friend this then Pope Gre­gory the 10th. and between them it was con­trived to raise some great summs in England, [Page 112]under pretence of aid, and succour for the Holy Land: and in pursuance thereof a special Nuntio was sent from the Pope, Reimundus. to compell all Ecclesiastical persons to pay Two years Dismes: but so it happened, that as the moneys came in, the King, and the Pope's Collectors scrambled for it, but the Pope, as was believed, got the greatest share; and the King wanting for his occasi­ons of state, was forced to borrow several summs of the Collectors, on sufficient secu­rity given for repayment, Pat. 20 Ed. 1. m. 10. as by the Bonds, Securities, Counter-bonds, and Acquittances, upon that occasion, still extant amongst the Tower Records, may be seen; and by this token, that at one time the King received of the Pope's Collectors 100000 marks, but not one penny, as I can learn, employed for the use pretended.

And from this practice of the King, and Popesgoing sharers in these, and other summs, gotten from the People, when discovered, grew that infamous Proverb, Matt. Paris in An. 1255. fo. 917. That the King, and the Pope were the Lion and the Wolf: as, on the like distasted occasion, these Sa­tyrical Rhimes had also been made,

Which trick, of sharing with the Popes, Arnold. Fer­ron. de reb. Gall. was learned by the French Kings, of ours: but some of them grew so cunning at last, as to put all that was raised that way into their own Pockets, and so out-shot the Pope in his own Bow.

CHAP. XIV. Croisado's.

CRoisado's, and vowed expeditions to the Holy Land, and against Turks, and In­fidels, dispenced withall, or commuted, was another trick of the like nature, and often­times brought great summs into the Pope's Exchequer.

For it being observed that the Turks ever warred against the Christians with great ala­crity, S. Hen. Blunts voiage into the Levan [...]. upon a belief, that if they were killed, ipso facto, they went into Mahomet's Para­dise: The Pope, to beat the Turk at his own Weapon, would oftentimes publish a Croisado, that is, invite persons to under­take expeditions against the Infidels, upon promise of pardon of all their sins; Gapitula apud Gaitintun. Chron Ger­vas. fo 1522. Temp. Hen. 2. Speln. Concil. Tom. 2. fo. 117. Rad. de Di­ceto Coll. 707. Qui­cunque Clericus, vel Laicus, crucem accepe­rit, ab omnibus peccatis suis, auctoritate Dei, & beatorum Apost. Petri & Pauli, & sum­mi Pontificis, liberatus est, & absolutus, as was declar'd in one of our Councils. Upon which multitudes of all sorts, as Kings, No­bles, and Common people, according to the zeal, and perswasion of those times, would vow to go, and list themselves for the Holy War, and in token thereof continually after­wards wore upon their Backs, Crouchbacks. the sign or badge of a Red Cross, as being to fight against the enemies of Christ's Cross.

Now the Pope being God's Lieutenant over these Troops, for mony would absolve these of their vows, or such of them, as up­on second thoughts, desired to stay at home. Will. Malm [...]. lib. 4. cap. 2. Frequently would he also divert, and turn their Arms to other uses, as to subdue the Albigenses, Waldenses, and many others of the Popes private enemies. Matt. Paris in An. 1250. fo. 803. And Matt. Pa­ris tells a story, how once the Pope sold these crossed Pilgrims to others, even for rea­dy money, as the Jews did their Sheep, and their Doves in the Temple. Besides, when some great expedition was in hand, and great contributions made to carry on the War, the Pope must be made the Treasurer; but never gave any account of his disburse­ments, keeping, or converting all, or most of the money to his own use. Also in ab­sence of Princes upon those expeditions, the Popes, and their Officers, took their full swings, to the inriching themselves, besides many other considerable advantages, and ac­quists, as by the Histories, and Complaints of Christendom, in that matter, most fully, and at large it doth appear.

CHAP. XV. Ambassadors, Agents.

AMbassadors Leiger, and Extraordinary, Proctors, and Agents, constantly resi­ding at Rome, with their retinues, and servants, maintained there by our Kings, drew as con­stantly great summs of money out of the King­dom. For Rome being the seat of Policy, and the Popes making themselves concern'd, and busie in the affairs of all Princes, these took it, as it was indeed, their interest, to have con­tinually their respective Agents, and Ambas­sadors there, to sollicite for their Master's interest, to oppose contrary Factions, and to gain intelligences.

And for these, and the like purposes, our Kings always had two, three, or more at a time there: from, and to whom, multitudes of Internuntio's, Carryers, and Messengers, were continually posting, and running, with Letters, Instructions, and Dispatches; all occasioning a vast expence. And by these it was, [...] Ninotismo d [...] Roma. that the Popes were courted, and caressed; their Nephews, Cardinal Patrons, and Favourites bribed, and presented: For the Popes are never without their Creatures, and Privado's, a Caesar Borgia, a Donna Olympia, or some such like, who must be effectually dealt withall, and by them way made to the Pope's ear, and savour; besides [Page 117]Pensions, and Gratuities to servants, and Of­ficers, through whose hands business ran, for expedition, Intelligence, &c.

One memorable Record testifying all this, with the King's care to transmit moneys to his Ambassadors, for the purposes aforesaid, it will not be amiss here to exhibit, Pa [...]. 8 & 9 Joh. Reg. [...].5. m. 3. Rex omnibus Mercatoribus ad quos, &c. Sciatis quod quicunque mutuo tradiderit Hen. Ab­bati Belli loci, & Thomae de Ardinton, & Amfredo de Dene, nunciis nostris, quos mi­simus ad curiam Romanam pro negotiis no­stris, quingentas marcas: nos ei vel nuncio suo has literas nostras referenti una cum li­teris praedictorum nunciorum summam illius mutui, eas plene persolvemus: Et ad hoc nos obligamus per nostras has literas patentes. Teste Dom. P. Winton. Episcopo apud Ro­kingham 20 die Febr. anno regni nostri 8. Et injunctum est Thomae de Ardinton, & Amfredo de Dene, qui habent in hac forma quatuor paria chartarum, singulas de D. Marcis, ita quod per totum sunt M M marc. quod nihil inde expendant sicut diligant cor­pora sua, ante consummationem negocii pro quo remittuntur ad Curiam: Et debent red­dere Justic. cartam de M marcis de priore iti­nere suo, in quo tulerunt chartas de MMM marcis, & non expenderunt per totum nisi M M marcas, vacatis inde 30 Marc. de uno anno de foedo P. fil. Ric. fratri Dom. Papae: & O. Hanibal 60 Marc. & ad dict. ter­min. cassand. de 50 Marc. Et nepoti Dom. [Page 118]Port. 20 Marc. Et Praeceptum est Justic [...] quod cartam illam afferat Regi. Et praece­ptum est Thomae de Ardinton quod cartam nepotis Dom. Port, quae liberetur antequam nomen inserebatur, afferat, quoniam nomen nesciebatur cum carta scripta fuit. A no­table Record this, implying the King's care, and caution in that affair.

So King Edward the First, sending Fran­ciscus Accursius, and other Messengers to Rome about his Affairs there, issued several Instruments for furnishing them with mo­ney; and payment of the annual Pension to his Advocate in Rome; and to a Cardinal at Rome, granted to them, till they could be preferred by him to Benefices, or Offices, of greater value; all preserv'd to this day, too long to be here transcrib'd, Pat. 6. Ed. 1. m. 6. De D [...] ­ [...]iis Fran. Accursio, & fociis nunciis Regis ad cur. Roma [...]am. and of which let this one satisfie, as a specimen of the rest, Rex Orlandino de Podio, & sociis suis mer­catoribus de Luk salutem. Mandamus vo­bis, quod de denariis nostris vel vestris is custodia vestra existentibus habere faciatis dilecto Cierico nostro Domino Francisco Ac­cursio, & sociis suis nunciis nostris ad curi­am Romanam proficiscentibus, rationabiles ex­pensas suas quibus indigent in cundo, ibidem morando, & redeundo, ad expeditionem nego­tiorum praedictorum. Et cum sciverime [...] quantum eis liberaveritis, nos debitam allo­cationem seu quietanciam vobis inde habere faciemus. Teste Rege apud Shetwik xvij. die Sept.

Many other transcripts, Chart. 1 John nu. 12. Claus. 10 Hen. 3. m. 1. dors. Pat. 52 Hen. 3. nu. 15. Pro R.S. Angeli Diacon. Car­dinal. Claus. 9 Ed. 1. and Instruments of like nature might here be produced, as like­wise promises, and assurances of gratuities, and annual pensions to Cardinals, and others, to ingage them to promote the King's busi­nesses in the Court of Rome. And in one year only King Edw. 1. sent Letters, and Addresses, with competent summs, and ar­rears of Pensions to no fewer than seventeen Cardinals, and Officers in the Court of Rome, to ingage them to attend, and promote his af­fairs there.

By these Ambassadors, and Agents the Kings gratuities, and bounty, was handed to the Popes, upon several occasions: Lo. Herb. Hist. fo. 211. as King Henry the Eighth, in the year 1526. sent to Pope Clement the seventh being in some distress, Holinshead in H [...]n. 8. Thirty Thousand Ducats for a Present. At another time, in the same King's raign, the Pope being under restraint, and want, by the Emperours means, the Car­dinal of York carryed at one time out of the Kingdom 240000 l. of the King's Treasure, Speed in H. 8. to work his delivery.

The last publick Ambassador sent hence, and residing at Rome, was Sir Edward Carne, Doctor of the Civil Law, Knighted by the Emp. Charles the Fifth: who lay Leiger there several years, and there dyed about the beginning of the raign of Queen Elizabeth; and ever since that way of negotiation, and expence, to the great ease of the Exchequer, hath ceased.

CHAP. XVI. Strangers Beneficed.

ANother way of draining infinite summs out of this Kingdom, to Rome, and Italy, was the conferring of Bishopricks, and all sorts of Ecclesiastical Benefices, Of­fices, and Promotions, upon Strangers, and chiefly Italians.

These constantly residing at Rome, and in Italy, had their Farmers, Factors, and Agents here, to Collect their Rents, and Revenues, and transmit the same to Rome, to be receiv­ed, and spent there.

In the year 1253. Matt. Paris in An. 1253. an Inquisition was taken of this, whereby it appeared, that the Ecclesiastical Revenues in England, of the Italians (whereof many were Boys, more Dunces, but all Aliens) did amount to no less than Threescore and ten thousand Marks per annum: esteemed a greater re­venue, at that time, than that of the King: which occasioned the sharp Letter of Rob. Grosthead to the Pope, about that grievance, with the Pope's disdainful reception of the same, at large related by Mat. Paris, and of which more hereafter.

At a Parliament held An. 1379. Rot. Parl. An. 3 Ric. 2. a great complaint was made of forrainers hold­ing Ecclesiastical Benefices: many Cardi­nals at Rome having the best Promotions, and Livings conferred on them, or grant­ed to hold in Commendam, Acts & Mon. Tom. 1. f. 389. of which there are Catalogues yet extant. And of this many mischiefs did insue; As little or no Divine Service, or Instruction of the Peo­ple: No Hospitality kept, for relief of the Poor: Decay of Houses, and increase of Barbarisme; so that between the Ita­lian Hospitality, which none could ever see, and a little Latin Service, which few, or none could understand; the poor English were ill fed, but worse taught: And lastly the exhausting the wealth of the land, to the impoverishing of the People, and weak­ning of the King, and Kingdom, in case of invasion, or any attempts against them. But how all this was then resented, you shall hear more anon.

Memorable is it, that in the raigns of King Hen. 7. and King Hen. 8. the Bi­shoprick of Worcester had four Italians successively, of which none ever lived there.

Johannes Gigles, or de Liliis, Go [...]w. de P [...]ae­ful. Angl. in W [...]g [...]n. born at Luca.

Sylvester Gigles, his Nephew, suc­ceeded.

Julius Medices, a Cardinal of Rome, Nephew to Pope Leo the tenth, and after­wards [Page 122]Pope himself by the name of Clement the seventh.

Hieronymus de Nugutiis, upon the resig­nation of Jul. Medices, injoyed it many years.

And such prevalence had the Popes, and Cardinals in this matter, that once King Edw. 1. having promised the Cardinal-Bi­shop of Sabine, at his instance, to present one Nivianus, an Italian, his Chamber­lain, to a Benefice in Licolnshire, then in his gift by the death of another Italian the Popes Chaplain, and forgetting his pro­mise, presented his own Clark thereunto; but being reminded thereof, to make good his promse, P [...]t. 5 E. 1. m. 16. De prae­semation: pro M Aptonio de Niviano he revoked his first Presenta­tion, and Presented Nivianus to it, as ap­pears by his Patent for that purpose, still pre­served amongst our Records.

At such time as Rubeus, Mar. Paris in An. 1240. fo. 540 and Ruffinus, two of the Pope's Factors, were very busie here in England in Collecting money for the Pope, one Mumelinus comes from Rome, with Four and twenty Italians, with orders that they should be admitted to so many of the best Benefices that should next fall void. M [...]t. P [...]j [...] codem anno. And in the same year it was, that the Pope made agreement with the People of Rome, that if they would ef­fectually aid him against Frederick the Emperour, their Children should be put into all the vacant Benefices in England: And thereupon order was sent to Edmund [Page 123]Arch-bishop of Cant. the Bishops of Lin­coln, and Salisbury, that Provision should be made for Three hundred Romans Chil­dren, to be served of the next Benefices that should fall; unde stupor magnus corda haec audientium occupavit; timebaturque quod in abyssum desperationis, talia audiens mer­geretur, as the Historian hath it: But this made such an impression upon the Archbi­shop, being a tender man, to see the Church in that manner wounded, and so much evil in his days, that he disposed of his affairs, and retired into France, where for a little while he lived, Godw. in vita ejus. bewailing the deplorable state of his Country, and of grief dyed at Pontiniac.

CHAP. XVII. Priories-Alien.

PRiories-Alien were another cause, or means of carrying great summs, for a long time, out of the Kingdom. And these were of this Original, viz. according to the devotion of the times, many forraign Mona­steries and Religious Houses were endowed with possessions here in England: and then the Monks beyond Sea, partly to propagate more of their own Rule, and Order, and partly to place Stewards, as it were, to transmit a good proportion of the Rents, and profits of these their new acquir'd pos­sessions, at so great a distance, would ei­ther by themselves, or the assistance of others, build a Cell, or competent and con­venient reception, for some small Covent, to which they sent over, from time to time, such numbers as they thought fit, and con­stituted Priors over them successively, as occasion required: and thereupon they were called Priories-Aliens, because they were Cells to some Monasteries beyond the Seas. And these Foundations became frequent after the Conquest; So as in the raign of King Edward the third, they were increased to the number of one hundred and ten in Eng­land.

With some proportion, or allowance out [Page 125]of the revenues of these, the Prior and Monks sent over were maintained, and the residue transmitted to the Houses to which they were allyed: to the great damage of the King­dom, and inriching of strangers.

In time, the Foundations of these Priories-Alien became very numerous, being spread all over the Kingdom. Lamb. Peram. of Kent. Weav. Fun. Mon. One John Norbury erected two, the one at Greenwich, the other at Lewsham in Kent; both belonging to the Abby of Gaunt in Flanders.

At Wolston, in Warwick-shire, a Cell, W. Dugd. Warw. in Wol­ston. or Religious House, was founded, subordi­nate to the Abby of St. Peter Super Dinam in France. Another at Monks-Kirby, in the same County, Id. fo. 50. founded by Geffry Wirce of Little Brittain in France, appropriated to the Monastery of Angiers the principal City of Anjou. And another at Wotton Wawen, in the same County, Id. fo. 604. a Cell of Benedictin Monks, belonging to Conchis in Normandy: of all which Mr. Dugdale hath several remarks of Antiquity.

At Hinckley, in Leicester-shire, Burton De­scrip. of Leic. fo. 134. a Priory of Canons Aliens was founded by Robert Blanchmains Earl of Leicester, or as some say by Hugh Grandmeisnell Baron of Hinckley, belonging to the Abby of Lira in Normandy: and this of a very good value.

Roger de Poictiers founded a cell for Monks-Aliens at Lancaster. Cambd. Brit. in Lancast.

Edward the Confessor, Id. in Glocest. fo. 362. by his Testament assign'd the religious place at Deochirst in [Page 126]the County of Gloucester, and the Govern­ment thereof, to the Monastery of St. Denis near Paris in France: in this remarkable, that it will be hard to given another instance of such an assignation before the Norman Conquest.

King Henry the third once gave licence to the Jews, Stow Survey in Broadst. Ward. Lindwood Constit. lib. 3. Tit. 20. at their great charge, to build a Synagogue in London; which when they had finished, he order'd should be dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and then made it a Cell to St. Anthony's in Vienna.

And near unto Charing-Cross there was another, Stow Survey in Westm. fo. 495. annexed to the Lady of Runciavall in Navarre, in the Diocess of Pampelone, founded in the fifteenth year of King Ed­ward 4.

At Sion, Cambd. in Midd. fo. 420. in Middlesex, there was an­tiently a Monastery for Monks-Aliens: Mr. Cambden tells us when they were expuls'd, and how it was converted into a Nunnery for Virgins, to the honour of our Saviour, the Virgin Mary, and St. Briget of Syon.

But Lindwood tells us, Lindwoed l. 3. Tit. 20. that the Superior House, to which at first it belonged, not mentioned by Mr. Cambden, was at Waste­na, in the Kingdom of Sweden, of the Rule of St. Austin.

But the richest of all for annual revenue, Harpsfield Ca­talog. Ae l. Rel. fo. 762. was that which Yvo Talbois built at Spal­ding in Lincoln-shire, giving it to the Monks of Angiers in France: the yearly revenue whereof was valued at 878 l. 18 s. 3 d. per annum.

Instances might be made of a multitude more of the like Foundations, all tending to carry money out of the Kingdom, and most commonly to the King's Enemies beyond the Seas. Which mischief being apprehended, Rot. Parl. 50 E 3. nu. 128. and great complaints thereof frequently made in Parliament, these Priories-Alien be­came oftentimes seised into the King's hands, and the revenues thereof sequestred to the King's use: and then restitutions made, and seisures again, as occasion required; untill the fourth year of King Henry the fourth, Claus. 4 H [...]n. 4. nu. 30. when a new consideration was had in Parlia­ment about these Priories-Alien, and re­solved that all should again be seised into the King's hands, excepting those that were Conventual: and thereupon Summons was given to all the said Priors to appear on the Octaves of St. Hillary at Westminster, and to bring with them all their Charters and Evidences, whereby the King and his Coun­cil might be satisfied, whether they had been Priories Conventual time out of mind, or not. But notwithstanding this Act, and that the former seisures had been made upon this ground, that by transportation of the re­venues belonging to these English Cells, to those Houses in France, whereunto many of them belonged, and were subordinate, the King's Enemies, at such times as he had warrs with the French, were assisted: in the Parl. held at Leic. An. 2 Henry the fifth, it being considered, that though a final peace might afterwards be made between [Page 128] England and France, yet the carrying over such great summs of money yearly to those forraign Monasteries, would be much pre­judicial to this Kingdom, and the People thereof: there was an Act then made, that all the possessions in England, belonging to the said Priories-Alien, should thenceforth remain to the King, his Heirs, and Suc­cessors for ever, excepting such whereof special declaration was then made to the Contrary, Rot. Parl. 2 Hen. 5. nu. 9. Al intent (sayes the Act) que divine Services en les lieux avantdictz pur­ront pluis duement estre fait per genti An­glois en temps avenir, que n'ount este fait devant cest heurs en icelles per gents Fran­cois, &c. intimating the mis-imployment of the same. And so from thenceforth our Kings disposed of these Priories-Alien, and all their revenues arising hence, in such manner as they thought most conducible to the good, and ease of themselves, and the People: Which Act of State proved a Praeludium to the dissolution which befel the intire En­glish Monasteries, in the raign of King Henry the eighth.

CHAP. XVIII. Knights Templars, and Hospitallers.

THE Orders of the Knights Templars, and Hospitallers were also possessed of large revenues, and lands here: a great part of the profits whereof was transported away, and spent out of the Kingdom.

For the Original, Rule, and nature of these Orders, several have collected, and exhibited them, particularly Mr. Dugdale, W. D [...]gd. Hist. of Warw. fo. 704 An. 1 Ed. 2. to whom those that would be satisfied therein are referred. For our purpose, let it be sufficient to note, That in the year 1307. by the King's special command, Hen. d'Knigh­ton coll. 2531 and a Bull from the Pope, the Templars were gene­rally throughout the Kingdom laid hold on, and cast into prison, and all their possessions seised into the King's hands. Th. Walsingh. Hist. fo. 73. An. D. 1311. The crimes objected against them were very hainous, contain'd in divers Articles, but whether true, or false we will not now examine. And it was not long after that the whole Order was condemned, and suppress'd in a General Council at Vienna, under Pope Clement the fifth, and their possessions given to the Knights Hospitallers: who injoyed the same here till the 32. year of King Hen. Stat. 32 H. 8 [...] cap. 24. 8. when an Act of Parliament was made, reciting, That divers of the King's subjects called Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, [Page 130]abiding beyond the Sea, receiving yearly out of this Realm great summs of money, have unnaturally, and contrary to the duty of their allegiances, substained and main­tained the usurped power, and authority of the Bishop of Rome, lately used, and practised within this Realm, he the said Bishop being common Enemy to the King our Soveraign Lord, and this his Realm: and considering, that it were better that the possessions in this Realm belonging to such as adhered to the Bishop of Rome, should be imploy'd, and spent within this Realm, for the defence of the same, than converted to and amongst such unnatural subjects, &c. It was enacted, That the said Corporation of Knights Hospi­tallers, within his Majesties Dominions, should be utterly dissolved; and that the King, his Heirs, &c. should have all their Man­nors, Lands, &c. And so the Kingdom was freed of that mischief, which their transport­ing so much money yearly out of it had oc­casioned.

Queen Mary (a Princess more zealous, than wise, or politick) made some attempt to restore the Convents dissolved by her Fa­ther, Sand. de Schism. lib. 2. fo. 30 [...]. and Brother: particularly re-instating the Benedictines at Westminster: The Car­thusians at Shone: The Brigetteans at Sion: The Dominicans at Smithfield in London: A sort of Franciscans, heretofore zealous for the legality of her Mother's marriage, at Greenwich: And the Hospitallers of St. John's of Jerusalem in Clarkenwell: But [Page 131]her example was not followed by any of the Nobility, or others, who had incorporated any of the Abby Lands into their estates; but the Queen restored only what remained in the Crown un-aliened from the same: But yet such a beginning of hers gave a shrewd alarme to all the rest, that they should be attaqued, in convenient time, with some Acts of resumption, which would compel them to refund; and that the rather, because Cardinal Pool, in that Act in this Queen's raign, to secure the Abby Lands to the then Owners (without a formal passing whereof to quiet at present so many persons concerned, Popery would not so easily have bin restored at that time) would not absolve their con­sciences from restitution; but only made, as it were, a temporary palliate cure, the Church of Rome but suspending that power, which in due time was to be put in execu­tion. But, for our Hospitallers, as I said before, they were, with some others, re­stored, and placed in their shatter'd mansion in Clarkenwell, Stow. Survey fo. 483. Sir Thomas Tresham being made the Prior of the Order. But the short raign of that Queen prevented further re­stitutions: And Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, permitted all things to remain for some time, as she found them; so that at her first Parliament she sent writs to the Lo. Prior Tresham, and Abbot Fecknam, to appear as Barons therein; but they were scarce warm in their Seats, but they, with all the rest of the late restored Orders, [Page 132]were once again dissolved; and the King­dom's fears of refunding, and resumption, for that time cured, with addition of hope never to be so frighted again.

As Allies, and Successors to these Knights Templars, and Hospitallers, it will not be amiss something to note of the Knights of Malta. How they were first expulsed out of the Holy Land, and then out of Rhodes, by the Turks; how afterwards they seated at Nice, and Syracuse successively, and at last setled in the Island Malta, where now they are, we referr those that would be satisfied therein to the Historians, and Travellers that have taken notice of them. Gro. Sandies Trav. lib. 4. fo. 229. Travels of Jo. Ray. fo. 303. But we are in­formed by our late Travellers, That now in the City of Valetta, in Malta, they have Alberges, Halls, or Seminaries of the eight several Nations of the Order, which are the French, Italians, German, English, Pro­vençal, Auvergnois, Castilian, and Ar­ragonian: These Albergs are buildings like Colledges; and the Seignior of each Nation is Superiour of the Alberg, Grand Prior of his Nation, of the Gran Croce, as they call it, and of the Privy Council of the Great Master. Amongst these there is an Alberg, or an apartment for the English Nation, or rather a piece of ground inclosed, with the foundation of an Alberg, the Walls be­ing not quite reared up. This standing now void, for want of English to stock it, some of the Citizens would have bought the ground, to have built upon: but the Grand [Page 133]Master and Council would not sell it, ex­pecting that one day the English Nation would be reduced again to the Obedience of the Roman Church, and then it would be finished, and replenish'd with such for whom it was first designed. In the time of Mr. Sand's being there, an Irish-man, living in Naples, and receiving a large Pension from the King of Spain, bore the Title of Grand Prior for the English; but who hath since succeeded in that Office, I have not thought it very necessary to inquire. And in like manner, as we are informed, the other dissolved Orders, especially those as were of greatest note, and most richly endowed, still keep up, and continue their Successions, as well as they can, with Rentals, and Par­ticulars of the possessions of their respective Houses, in hopes they will revert once again to their former use.

CHAP. XIX. Elections of Popes, and Cardinals.

THE Election, and making of Popes, and Cardinals was another way of car­rying great summs frequently out of Eng­land to Rome: And that upon this account.

The Pope being both a spiritual Monarch, and a Temporal Prince, it could not other­wise be, but by that sway which he bore in the Consciences of such as owned his autho­rity, he came to have a great influence over all the State affairs of Christendome, besides his challenging a power to depose Kings, absolve Subjects of their Oaths of Allegiance, dispence with Vows, and Oaths, and dispose of Kingdoms, and States as he pleased: and then the Kings, and States of Europe acting according to their respective rules of State, and Policy, there continually happen'd a reciprocation, and recurrence of Treaties, Leagues, Al­liances, Quarrels, and Warrs amongst them: And the Popedome being Elective, all those Princes, and States (amongst whom our Kings had their proper concerns) made it their interest, and utmost endeavour, in a [Page 135]vacancy, to procure the promotion of such a one to that See, as might be favourable, or at least not noxious, to their interests, and designs. And hence all the subtile con­trivances, the secret Cabals, sometimes the twisting, and at other times the unravelling of interests, and factions, the canvassing of parties, the buying of votes, the pur­chasing of intelligence, the bribing of Offi­cers, and any thing, or every thing that money would do, must be set on foot, and carryed on with utmost vigour, cost, and pains. At such a time, and occasion Rome becomes throng'd with Ambassadors, and Agents, with their Guards, and Retinue, from all quarters, and all at a vast expence, watching, labouring, and sweating, every one for his Master's business: whilst the roads are pester'd with Messengers, Cur­riers, and Posts, carrying, and re-car­rying of News, intelligence, and instru­ctions.

Then, by reason of all this packing, and canvassing, it often happens that the Con­clave cannot agree in many moneths, though generally those Princes who had bin most liberal, have had their turns serv'd; and many times again, by reason of the fierce opposition, and difficulties, the Cardinals, not to disgust the contending factions, are fain to pitch upon some heavy, old, over­grown man, who is likely to do neither hurt, nor good, or at least not long, and [Page 136]sometimes again the Conclave becomes so divided, and rent, that one part of them chooses a Pope, and another part an Anti-Pope, and when these (with their parti­sans) have for some time scuffl'd, tug'd, and fought for't, in comes a third dog, and catches the hare from them both: and sometimes three Popes have been up, and in play at one time. In this hurly-burly St. Peter's chair is overturn'd, and broke in pieces; one Pope snatches up part of it, and runs into Germany; ano­ther scrambles for another part, and runs with it into France; whilst another pieces up the remaining shivers, and seats him­self at Rome. Presently the world is fill'd with complaints, Remonstrances, and Manifesto's: The Emperour storms, and sayes his man had foul play, and that his Imperial Eagle shall fly his ut­most pitch to do him right: The surly Spaniard grumbles, and protests he will hazard all his Indies, before his Crea­ture shall be so baffled: And the French King swears that all his Flowers de Lis shall wither, before his Confident shall be rooted out: neither are our Kings of England only lookers on whilst this game is in playing, but either their Arms, or their money, must be layd to stake on one side.

In this Battle-Royal, after many in­counters, and ran-counters, the weakest, [Page 137]though not alwayes the worst, most com­monly goes to the Walls: one of them per­haps sent out of the world with a Fig, or a Potion: another entrapp'd, and thrown into a Dungeon: whilst the third, for a few moneths, or it may be years, struts up and down, claps his wings, and crows as victor; and then goes him­self to the Pot, and leaves the Pit for other Combatants, and the spectators to their expectation of more sport.

Of this sort Bellarmine reckons up six and twenty schisms in the Roman Church, but Onuphrius, a more exact accountant, Onuphr in vita Clem. 7. rec­kons up thirty; whereof some lasted ten, some twenty, and one fifty years. The Contemplation whereof hath caused some to make a very shrewd objection, against the perfect unity, compleat succession, and Divine Infallibility, so much boasted of in that Church.

I might, and could easily here make par­ticular instance of all these famous bickerings, scuffles, and counter-scuffles: but the same being obvious to all that converse with books, Dr. Stilling-fleet of the di­visions of the Rom. Chur [...]h. and something having bin lately worthily done to that purpose, and it be­ing a Parergon to the drift of these papers, we will no further ingage in these quarrels, than to note, that they were cause, for the reasons aforesaid, of great expence to our English Kings, when they thought it their interest to have a friend seated in the Ponti­fical [Page 138]chair: and the reason of that Policy now ceasing, we being altogether uncon­cern'd in that affair, the money that used to leak that way, is kept within the King­dom, to the great ease, quiet, and benefit both of King, and People.

I will only here take liberty to mention one famous schisme, the procedure, and conclusion thereof justifying all that we have before pointed at in this matter. About the year 1404. Platina in vitis Innoc. 7 Greg. 12. Alex. 5. Jo 24 Innocent the seventh being Pope; by the prevalence of a Faction, one Petrus de Luna was set up at Avignion, as Antipope against him: between these was great strugling, and holding, till the death of Innocent; but the Faction dyed not with him, Pet [...]r Moon. for the Cardinals chose Gregory the twelfth, between whom, and Peter de Luna, who called himself Benedict the thirteenth, the schism continued with great sury, where­by such mischief, and disturbance grew in the world, that to appease the matter there was no other remedy, but to depose them both; which was done in a Council at Pisa; and a third man, Alexander the fifth, chosen in their rooms; the two disbanded, Popes sneaking away to their Friends: But this Alexander soon dying, as not injoying his dignity above eight moneths, A Neapolitan. Balthasar Cossa was chosen in his stead, who took the name of John the twenty-fourth, and then the two discarded Popes peep out, and begin to stir again, with many abetters on all sides. To [Page 139]compose all which, (there being now three Popes on foot, at once:) a Council was call'd at Constance, where all these three were deposed: in which transaction the King of England had a great stroke, as Platina expresly sayes: but long it was, In vita Johan. 24. and with much ado, before all would sub­mit to Martin the fifth, who was then chosen; Gregory the twelfth dyed soon of grief upon it: Peter de Luna betakes him­self to a strong Castle, and stands upon his guard, and justification, having many friends, and particularly the Scots, as is specially remembred; but all would not do, his party was run down, and he from that time vanished: The third, that is John 24. took his heels, and ran for't, in a disguise, but being discovered, and apprehended by the Count Palatin, he was kept several years a Prisoner, Platina sayes in the Castle of Heidelberg, Camerar. Hist. meditat. l. 4. cap 7. but Camerarius hath it in the Castle of Mansheim, where, sayes he, they use to shew the Chamber, in which he was imprisoned, and where, at his Exit, he left these verses, of his own making, bewailing the lubricity of fortune, the vanity of the world, and his own Capti­vity.

Neither was all this labouring, tugging, and canvassing, for that supream dignity of the Popedom only, but proportionably as great endeavours, and expences were had for the obtaining of the intermediate promotions of Priorys, Abbacys, Bishopricks, and Car­dinalships, all being as mediate steps, where­by to mount at last the Pontifical Throne. And this matter of promotion, and prefer­ment, continually carryed great summs to Rome, from private and particular persons, who aimed to climb as high as money would carry them; and without that, the greatest merit, or endeavours were but to little pur­pose. Ambition is rooted in the nature of all men, and scarce ever any took Orders, but he design'd to arrive at the highest dig­nity his Order was capable off: hence all that holding, thrusting, and striving, for all those improveable, and growing preferments here, from the Priest, to the Bishop: and all that appealing, and running to Rome, for Confirmation: and after that, all the sollici­tations, bribing, and driving of interests for a Cardinalship: and never any rest, till they arrive at St. Peter's Chair, or the Grave.

In the raign of King Henry the Fifth, Sp [...]ed Chron. in Hen. 5. what a vast summ of money was amassed by H. Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, of which at one time he lent the King 20000 l. and took his Crown to pawn for it; with part of this he obtain'd a Cardinalship, but lived not to finish, with the rest, his design'd purchase of the Papacy.

In the raign of King Henry the Eight, Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. the great, and rich Woolsey was never quiet, but alwayes caressing, and presenting with great summs, sometimes the Emperour, sometimes the K. of France, and at all times some leading Cardinals, for their interest, and favour for his Election to the Popedom; and thereup­on, after the death of Pope Leo the tenth, he renews his sollicitations to the Emperour, and French King, and sends Doctor Pace, his Agent, with good summs to the Cardi­nals at Rome: but Adrian the sixth was cho­sen before the heavy sollicitor came to the end of his journey. But then again, after the death of this Adrian, Woolsey puts hard for it again, with all that wooing, intreaty, and money could do; but such an ill Planer reign'd over his projects, that he was gull'd of his money, and baffled once again, Julio de Medici, by the name of Clement the seventh, carrying it clear from him: but, a little to comfort our repulsed Cardinal, upon his ear­nest request, this Pope Clement condescended that the Legantine power, which Adrian be­fore had granted only for five years, and so from five years, to five years, should now be [Page 143]conferr'd [...]on Woolsey for term of life; whereby he might injoy a kind of Papal au­thority in England, which he missed at Rome: but this Cordial proved too strong for him to digest, and utterly ruin'd his constitution, as by the series of his story doth appear.

And now these mighty endeavours, and expenses for those promotions in the Court, and Church of Rome, to Cardinalships, and the Papacy, makes me conceive it not altoge­ther impertinent here, to make a little en­quiry, what Countrymen of ours attained those dignities, and whether the pains and cost expended was answered by the prefer­ment.

I confess not many of our Countrymen have reached those high dignities of Pope, and Cardinal; though always some or other of them, have been gaping, and aspiring that way; the Pontifical Chair, and the steps to it, having been mostly possest by Italians, in­timated by that noted Observation in Italy it self, That of the Romans, Sr. Edw. Sands E [...]rop. specal. 10.91. the Priests are the most wicked: And of the Priests, the lewdest are made Cardinals: and of the Cardinals, the worst are chosen Popes: But the most famous that sprung up there of the English growth, of both sorts, take as fol­lows.

Pope Joan shall lead the dance, Pope Joan. Pla [...]ina in vita J. han. 8. Jo. Bale in vita ejus, Et Godw. Alex. Cook of Pope Jour. of whom much might be said; but let it suffice here to be known: That all writers agree her to be English by Parentage, though some say she was born at Mentz in Germany, others that [Page 144]she was born in England. When she came to ripe age, she ran away, in man's apparel with a Monk of Fulda, and studied in many famous Academies, both of the Greeks, and Latins, especially Athens, where her Para­mour dyed, and then she came to Rome, where in Disputations, and Scholastick ex­ercises, An. Dom. 855. she got such a fame, that after the death of Leo the fourth she was elected Pope: which office she exercised two years, Contulit sa­cros ordines, promovit Epis­copos, mini­stravit sacra­menta, caete­raque Rom. Pont. exercuit munera. Cor. Agrip. de Van. scient. cap. 62. de fact. monast. O Lucina fer opem five months, and three days, celebrating Mass, giving Orders, and acting, in all things, her part, as a compleat Pope, only wanting the Masculine Gender. But so it proved, that in the time of her Papacy she was gotten with Child, and going to the Lateran, between Colosses, and St. Clements, she fell in [...]bour, but wanting a Mid-wife, and other accommo­dations requisite in that case, she there dyed: and for the scandal thereof, her successors, in all their Processional pomps, have ever since avoided that way: and to prevent the like to come, the Porphyry Chair was de­vised, Sabellic. lib. 1. Aenead. 9. thus described by Sabellicus, Spectatur adhuc in Pontificia domo, marmorea sella, circa medium inanis, qua novus Pontifex residat, ut sedentis genitalia ab ultimo Di­acono attrectentur, A marble Chair, with a hole in the seat, wherein the new Pope fit­ting, the junior Deacon may handle his Ge­nitals. This story of Pope Joan the mo­dern Pontificians do not like, though related by all these Writers, and who were all Ro­manists.

And for them all Platina, the famous writer of the Pope [...]s lives, who tells all the story at large, concluding thus, Platina in vita Johan. 8. Quae ideo ponere breviter & nude institui, ne obsti­nate nimium & pertinaciter videar omisisse, quod fere omnes affirmant; that is, He would not omit the relation, because almost all men then believ'd it to be true.

Nicholas Breakspear, Adrian. 4. An. D. 1154. born at Langley near to St. Alban's, in the County of Hart­ford, acquir'd the Popedom, by the name of Adrian the fourth. This man suffered Fre­derick the Emperour to hold his stirrop as he alighted from his Horse, and then checkt him for not shewing himself an expert Groom: and after excommunicates him, for standing upon his right, and writing his name before the Popes: but not therewithal sufficiently revenged, and with his Cardinals conspiring to ruine the Emperour, sending a Counter­feit to stab him, and an Arabian to poyson him, he was choak'd with a Fly that got into his Throat; verifying what he used often to say, That none can be more unfortu­nate than to be made Pope.

William Grisant, Urban 5. An. D. 1362. Tho. Walsingh. Hist. fo. 172. an Englishman, obtain'd the Papacy, by the name of Ʋrban the fifth. Of this man Thomas Walsingham tells this story, That he waiting long in the Court of Rome for preferment, and none coming, he complain'd to his friend, that he verily thought in his heart, if all the Churches in the world should fall, yet none would fall upon his head: but when he was Crowned Pope, his friend remembred him of what he had said, and told him he had now gotten on his Head all the Churches in the world. But the vertue of them all could not preserve him from poyson, Balaeus in vita ejus. of which he dyed at Marseils, in his return (as is said) into Italy.

Geffry of Monmouth, Geffry of Monmouth. Pontic. Virun. Ciacon. Magdeburgens. the famous Histori­an, is affirmed by some to have been a Car­dinal: But the very learned Bishop Godwin, in the Lives of the Bishops of St. Asaph, of which this Geffry was one, much doubts it. I think it not worth the while now to exa­mine the business, or seasonable to animad­vert upon the fabulosity of his History: on­ly there comes to mind a story that Roger Hoveden tells of him, Rog. Hoved [...]n pars posterior Hen. 2. fo. 544. how once he was slurr'd both of his Bishoprick of St. Asaph, and the Abbacy of Abingdon, when he cunningly de­signed to have held both. The story is thus; In a Council then held, the Clergy of St. Asaph beseeched the Archbishop of Can­terbury, that out of the plenitude of his pow­er, he would command Geffry their Bishop to return to his Cure, and charge, or send them another in his stead, for that he had withdrawn himself from them; and being come into England, King Henry had given him the Abbacy of Abingdon, then void [...] whereupon the Archb. convented Geffry be­fore the Council, and injoined him, either presently to return to his charge, or to re­sign it, and stand to favour: in hope where­of, he resigns into the hands of the Arch­bishop, by delivering up his Ring, and Pa­storal staff. But the consequence was, that thereby he became strip'd of both; for the King presently gave the Bishoprick to one Adam a Welchman, and the Abbacy to a certain Monk.

Boso, Boso. An. D. 1155. Balaeus. an Englishman, was made a Cardi­nal, of whom nothing is left memorable, but that by his vehement stickling, he prov'd mainly instrumental in the Election of Alex­ander the third to the Popedom, against the strong factions of Victor, Innocentius Pascha­lis, and Calixtus, who all stood for the place; and thereupon came to participate of the al­ternate fortunes of his Master, in his bicker­ings with the Emperour at that time.

Stephen Langton was created Cardinal of St. Steph. Largton An. D. 1206. Matr. Paris. Antiquit Britt. in Steph. Langt. Godw. in vita. Chrysogon, and the Archbishoprick of Canterbury falling void, by the death of Hu­bert, the Monks chose Reginald the Sub-Prior, with great secrecy, and injoined him silence, till he could get his confirmation at Rome. But he being big of his Honour, could not forbear tattling, insomuch as King John then raigning, dealt with the Monks to elect John Gray, Bishop of Norwich: upon which, the two Elects appeal to Rome: but the Pope, to end the strife, put Stephen Langton, his Cardinal, and Creature into the place: whose insolence promoted, if not occasion'd, all the mischiefs that happen'd in that King's time, too large to be here speci­fied, but fully related by all Writers of that time.

Roger Curson, Roger Curson. An. D. 1211. Mart. Paris. Matt. Westm Balaeus. Onuphrius. about the year 1211. was created Cardinal. Of him I find little amiss, spending the most of his time in the Holy War, untill at his return, he came the Pope's Legate into England, as an instrument to promote the intolerable exactions which the [Page 149]Kingdom suffered in the time of King Hen. 3. but he presently vanished, the time, place, or manner of his death, being not now to be re­trived.

Robert Somercot, Rob. Somer­cot. An. D. 1231. Ciaconius. Onuphr. M. Paris. created Cardinal under Pope Gregory the ninth, is character'd to have been a person of very great merit: and af­ter the death of that Pope, stood fairest for the Election: but the Italian Cardinals re­solving to have none but one of their own Country, our Somercot was poison'd in the very Conclave.

Robert Kilwardby sate six years Archbi­shop of Cant. R. Kilwardby. A. D. 1278. Godwin in vita ejus. and then for a Cardinalship relinquish'd his See; and going into Italy to take possession of his new dignity, within a few months he dyed, of poyson, at Viterbium there. Of this man there is a memorable story, implying the practice of the Popes in making the English money their property, and disposing the same at their pleasure; as also his ingenuity once in shifting himself neatly out of such an incumbrance: Antiquit. Brit. in vita Kilw. fo. 189. William Chillenden the Prior of Canterbury had spent 1300 marks about his Election, but the Pope setting him aside, a little to stop his grum­bling, and make him some recompence, pro­mised him that the next Archbishop should pay him 1300 marks, which sum when Chil­lenden came to demand of Kilwardby being the next comer in, the Archbishop dealt se­riously, and plainly with him, and told him, that if he persisted to have the money, he [Page 150]knew privately so much of his irregularity, that he could, and would out him of his Priory: at which Chillenden was so frighted, that he durst make no further demand, and so the Archbishop sav'd his money.

Hugo de Evesham, Hugo d'Evesh. An. D. 1287. a famous Physician was dignified with a Cardinalship by Pope Mar­tin the fourth; after whose death, he for his worth, Bal. de Script. Brit. and learning being just at point of being chosen Pope, was poisoned, as Somercot had bin before him: to colour which, Ciacon. Ciaconius sayes he dyed of the Plague.

William Macklesfield, W. Mackles­field. An. D. 1303. was made Cardi­nal by Pope Benedict the eleventh, but he dyed four moneths before his Cap came; and therefore when it was brought, it was with great solemnity set upon his Tomb.

Walter Winterborn, W. Winterb. An. D. 1305. created Cardinal, to succeed Macklesfield, but injoy'd his honor a very few moneths.

Thomas Joyce presently succeeds Winter­born: Thom. Joyce. Fratres Praedi­catores. these three last were all of the same Order: In the year 1311. this Cardinal returning from his negotiation with the Em­perour, Godw. in vita Tho. Joyce. in Sabaudia lethali morbo correptus, vitam terminavit, as our Author hath it.

Sertor of Wales, Sertor Wallens. An. D. 1361. dyed in Italy, the fates denying him the honour, in the juncture of time, ante susceptum pileism, as Mackles­field did before.

Grimoaldus de Grisant, Gri. d'Grisant An. D. 1366. Kinsman of Pope Ʋrban the fifth and by him created Car­dinal, dyed at Avignion, but how not known.

Simon Langham, first Bishop of Ely, Sim. Iangham An. D. 1376. Antiq. Britt. & Godw. in vita. and thence translated to Canterbury, and at last created a Cardinal: on which account he went to Avignion, and there, as he sate at dinner, was suddenly snatch'd away by a Paralysis.

Adam Easton, Cardinal, Adam. Easton. An. D. 1385. siding with some other Cardinals in a great faction be­tween two Anti-Popes: seven of his Com­rades were sewed up in bags, and thrown into the Sea; whilst this Adam, degraded and tortured, was thrown into a most loathsome dungeon, where he lay starving for five years together: but upon the turn of times was afterwards drawn out, and liv'd a few years.

Phillip Repingdon, Canon, Phil. Reping. An. D. 1408. and Abbot of Leic. Chancellor of Oxford, Bishop of Lincoln, and at last created Cardinal of St. Nereus, by Pope Gregory the twelfth, Acts and Mon. fo. 409. be­came upon his promotions so intolerably terrible, and cruel, that he dyed most hate­ful, and hated, being towards his latter end generally called Philip Rampington.

Henry Beaufort, the rich Cardinal, H. Beaufort. An. D. 1426. of whom something before: Notwithstanding all his wealth, dyed frustrate of the Papacy, and despairing of better injoyments in ano­ther world.

Christopher Bambridge, Chr. Bamb. Godw. in vita P. Jovius. Archbishop of York, and then Cardinal, Sojourning, and intent on his office, at Rome, was there poisoned by Rivaldus de Modena, a Priest, and one of his domesticks.

Thomas Woolsey, Tho. Wolsey. An. D. 1520 a Butcher's sonne of Ipswich, Archbishop of York, Chancellor of England, Lo. Herb. Hist. Hen 8. Cardinal, and Legat à Latere; whose high spirit not content with all the preferrement the world could afford, except the very highest, put him upon wooing, la­bouring, and bribing, at a vast expence, to obtain the Papacy; in which attempt he re­ceiv'd two notable repulses, a Brewers Son, by name of Adrian the sixth being preferr'd before him. Thereupon he applies himself to Pope it so in England by vertue of his Legatin power, that he ranne himself into a Premunire, and the displeasure of a terrible, and resolute King; Cook 4 Instit. fo. 89. and many Articles were framed against him, of which this was one, That he was so audacious, as to rown the King in his Eare, and blow upon him, at such time as he had the foul, and contagious disease of the great Pox broken out in se­veral places of his body: but as he was going towards London, under guard, to make Answer to his crimes, in sad apprehension thereof he dyed heart-broken with grief, or poison, Guicciard. Hist. of Italy. fo. 910. at the Abby of Leicester. Gui [...] ­ciardin hath this note of him, An example in our dayes worthy of memory, touching the power which Fortune, and envy have in [Page 153]the Courts of Princes. And it was his inso­lence that made Charls Brandon, the Noble Duke of Suffolk once say, It was never merry in England since we had Cardinals amongst us.

John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, John Fisher. An. D. 1535. Speed Chron. in Hen. 8. Herb. &c. hav­ing made himself obnoxious to the King's Laws, and displeasure, by opposing his Su­premacy: the Pope, to secure his life, as conceiving the King would not touch one of such a Character, made him a Cardinal, but the policy fail'd, and it rather hastned his death, for by that time his Hat was come to Callis, his Head was struck off at Tower-Hill.

Reginald Pool, Regin. Pool. An. D. 1536. Sleidan. C [...]m. Charls 5. Archbishop of Canter­bury, and Cardinal, being beyond the Seas about the beginning of the Refor­mation, wrote a Book for the Pope's Supremacy, against the King, and there­in incited the Emperour preparing against the Turk, to bend his forces against his natural Soveraign, and native Country­men, as being worse than Turks: This Book writ by a natural born subject of the King of England, was then adjudged a sufficient overt act, within the Stat. 25. Edward the third, De proditionibus, and therefore High Treason, Cook. Pl. Coron. fo 14. Brook Treason Tit. 24. Antiq. Brit. in vita Poli. and Pool attainted thereupon. But he keeping out of the reach of Justice, after the death of P. Paul the third, was just up­on point of being elected Pope, but his [Page 154]own stupidity, Act. & Mon. fo. 1774. with the imputation of incontinency, slurr'd him of the digni­ty. In the raign of Queen Mary over he comes, and what he did, both to the Living, and Dead, our Histo­rians abundantly testifie; and that the next day after the Queen, dyed Car­dinal Pool. Et sic exit Papismus in An­glia.

Peter Petow, Peter Petow. Cambd. Britt. in Warw. made Cardinal, and Lega [...] à Latere, by P. Paul the third, in time of Queen Mary, was coming over in pur­suance of his Legatine power: But the wary Queen suspecting he might act something derogatory to her regality, forbad his en­trance; which the Cardinal took so to heart, that he dyed presently after.

Allen, Will. Allen. the last Cardinal Englishman, in the raign of Queen Elizabeth appears a He­rald before the Spanish Armado in 88. and by a Book dispersed over England, stirs up the Nobles, Sp. fo. 1177. B. Carlton Re­membr. 141. and People to joyn with the Spaniard in execution of the Pope's sentence of deposition of the Queen: But all coming to nothing our Cardinal dyed an exile at Rome. An. D. 1594. Godw. in vita. Bishop Godwin takes farewel of him with this character, He was last of our England Cardinals in time, and worst in wickedness, deserving not to be reckon'd amongst Englishmen, as like another He­rostratus, to get himself a name, endeavoring to fire the English Church (without envy be it spoke) the noblest in the world; so that [Page 155]his memory deserves oblivion. Et sic exit Cardinalismus.

Several others are reckon'd in the Cata­eogues of England Cardinals: but because it is doubtful, whether some of them were English, and others whether ever Cardi­nals, and little memorable left of most of them; these already mentioned shall suffice to testifie, that the Italian promotions were generally more fatal, than fortunate to our Countrymen, and that the pains, and cost was not recompensed by the acquist. And so we pass from these highest dignities on Earth, to such coelestial Honour as was, and is to be purchased in the Church of Rome.

CHAP. XX. Canonizations, &c.

CAnonization, and Sainting of Men, Women, and Boyes, was ano­ther way whereby great summs were often brought unto the Popes. And that was, when any person lived more austerely, or devoutly than ordinary, or being fam'd for any mira­cles pretended to have been done by him, in his life time, or by his Reliques, or at his Tomb, after his death: or that he dyed for, or in defence of the truth, or the Church's cause: Then if his Surviving friends, or relations made application to the Pope, upon payment of good summs, ac­cording to the abilities, and qualities of the persons solliciting, for sentences, fees, Orders, references, and others things re­quisite in such case, the party, by a kind of Apotheosis, was made a Saint, and a place assign'd him in the Calender. Of this ex­traction were the famous St. Cuthbert, St. Guthlac, St. Dunstan, St. William, St. Swithun, St. Tibba, St. Thomas of Can­terbury, St. Thomas of Lancaster, St. Wini­sni [...]d, St.Hugh, and infinite more; who for money had their names put into the rolls of Glory, and their fames, and merit cele­brated, and supplicated here on Earth.

I find that great endeavours were used to [Page 157]have Robert Grosthead, the renowned Bi­shop of Lincoln sainted; and particularly King Edward the first, laboured it by an express unto the Pope for that purpose: Rot. Rom. An. 34 Ed. 1. but nothing could prevail, in regard he had so signalized himself against the corruptions of the Church, and times then; when as Becket, Anselme, Hugh of Lincoln, and multitudes more, were Canonized for mo­ney, or something they had done signally, and meritorious for the Papacy.

But this King had better success in his sol­licitation to the Pope for the Cononization of Thomas de Cantelupe Bishop of Hereford then deceased, famed for a multitude of mi­racles, as was suggested. Tho. Walsing, in Ed. 1. fo. 11. Thomas Wal­singham abounds in the celebration of him, and his miracles: Mart. Westm. in Ed. 1. but more modestly than the Monk of Westminster, who ascribes to him no less then 163 miracles: and others many more, too many in all conscience to be believed, or here remembred in particular. But of such esteem it seems he was, Godw. in vita ejus. that this King Edward the first, to obtain the benefit of his Prayers, and intercession in Heaven, for himself, and his Realm, according to the perswasion prevailing in those igno­rant times, sent his Letter of request to Pope John 22. to have him a Canonized Saint, to which the Pope, after some deal­ing withal for that purpose, was at last wrought: But for the King's Letter, being still preserv'd amongst our Records, and which we conceive may be acceptable to some [Page 158]to peruse, we will take the liberty to tran­scribe.

Sanctissimo in Christo Patri Domino Di­vina Providentia Sacrosanctae Romanae ac universalis Eccles [...]ae Summo Pontifici;Claus. 33 Ed. 1. m. 3. dorso. De translati­one S. Thomae de Hereford.Ed­wardus eadem gratia Rex Angliae, &c. de­vota pedum oscula beatorum. Pium & justum esse censetur, ut sicut gloriosus Deus in Sanctis suis & in Majestate mirabilis, Ministros fideles suos magnificat, altis de­corat honoribus, & coelestis efficit beatitudinis possessores in coelis: Sic & Sacrosancta Romana Ecelesia vestigia ipsius prosequens, eos ad quorum memorias ipse Deus suae vir­tutis potentiam manifestat, signa ac pro­digia faciens pro eisdem, digno venerationis offlcio laudari, glorificari, & studiis sol­licitis honorari efficiat in terris, ut per hot fides catholica roboretur, & idem altissimus qui laudabilis est in saecula, glorificetu [...] amplius & laudetur, ac ex hoc salutis nostre causam miserecordius & miseribilius operari dignetur. Cum itaque Thomas dictus de Cantilupo Ecclesiae Herefordensis Antistes, qui nobili exortus prosapia, dum carnis clausus carcere tenebatur, pauper spiritu, mente mitis, justitiam sitiens, misericor­diae deditus, mundus corde, vere pacificus prout firmiter recolimus nos expertos, ut­pote cujus apud nos diu, & laudabilis con­versatio & gloriosae vitae insignia, ex mul [...]a familiaritate quam nobiscum habuit eadem fuerunt evidentius nobis nota, quod Sancti­tatem & ipsius conversationem laudabilem [Page 159]cernebamas, quemadmodum degens in seculo magnis pollebat meritis; nunc veniens in coelo, magnis corruscare miraculis dig­noscatur, in tantum, quod ipsius meritis & intercessionibus gloriosis, lumen caecis, surdis auditus, verba mutis, & gressus claudis, & alia pleraque beneficia ipsius patrocinium implorantibus coelesti dextera conferuntur: de quorum miraculorum corruscatione mul­tiplici nonnullis de regno nostro certitudina­liter innotescit. Nos attendentes per Dei gratiam fideles in Christo, nosque praecipue, & populum regni nostri ejus posse suffragiis adjuvari, ut quem familiarem habuimus in terris mereamur habere Patronum in coelis: Sanctitati vestrae devotissime supplicamus, quatenus tantam lucernam absconsam sub modio remanere diutius non sinentes, set eam mandantes super Candelabrum collocari, hiis qui sunt in domo Domini solatium praebituram, dignemini ipsum ascribere Sanctorum Cathologo venerando, ut ejus pre­cibus Dominus exoratus gratiam in praesenti, & gloriam nobis praebeat ia futuro. Conservet vos Altissimus ad regimen Ecclesiae suae per tempora foeliciter longiora. Dat. apud Westm. Secundo die Novemb. Anno regni nostri 33. And upon this, as I said before, he was Canonized for a Saint. The Letter it self I have the rather exemplified at large, that you may see upon what ground the Popish Confidence is founded, and what by-wayes have been beaten, in quest of Heaven.

King Henry the seventh had a desire to have had King Henry the sixth, Lo. Bacon Hist. Hen. 7. fo. 227. his Prede­cessor Canonized for a Saint, thereby to ac­quire some coelestial Honour to his own House, and Line of Lancaster: and for that purpose he dealt with Pope Julius; who knowing that he had an able Chapman in hand, made his demands accordingly. Some indeed say, that that Pope (who was a little more than ordinary jealous of the dignity of the See of Rome, and of the Acts thereof) knowing that King Henry the sixth, was re­puted in the world but for a simple man, was afraid it would diminish the estimation of that kind of Honour, if there were not a distance kept between Innocents, Lo. Bacon supr. Speed Chron. in Ed. 4. fo. 885. and Saints. But the general opinion was that Pope Julius was too dear, which the wary King per­ceiving, having somewhat tasted of the charge, in expences upon witnesses, References, Commissions, and Reports for the verifica­tion of his Holy Acts, and Miracles, (a thing usual in the Court of Rome, when a good Client comes:) thought good to re­serve his money for some better bargaine, and withdrew his suit betimes, Et sic nihil inde venit.

The manner of Canonizations, with the Ordinary charges, Sir H. Spelm. Conc. Tom [...]. fol. 717, 718. too long to be here in­serted, but most worthy to be noted, you may find exhibited by Sir H. Spelman, in the second Tome of his excellent collection of the English Councils.

CHAP. XXI. Pope's Legats, Collectors.

IN the foregoing Chapters particular in­stances have been made of some of those many, and great summs of money heretofore going out of England to the Pope, and Court of Rome; with some of the wayes, and means of drawing the same thither: wherein we had occasion of mentioning the Pope's Legates, Agents, Collectors, and Officers, imployed about the gathering, and transmitting those summs: of some of whom, it will not, I conceive, be impertinent to revive some memorials, as tending some­thing to the amplification of the particulars before specified.

Pandulfus of these shall be the Antesigna­nus, though not first in time, Pandulsus. Matt. Paris. John Serres Hist. in Phil. August. Speed Chron. yet as most notorious: To him, as the Pope's substitute, it was, that King John was inforced to sur­render his Crown, laying the same, his Scepter, Robe, Sword, and Ring, the Royal Ensigns, at his feet; subscribing to a Charter, whereby he surrendred his King­dom to the Pope, and paying an Annual Pension of 1000 marks for both the King­doms of England, and Ireland, and pro­fessing that thenceforward he would hold [Page 162]Crown, and Kingdoms, as a Feudetary to the Pope. But of this Legat, and this acti­on, enough before, in King John's Pension; from whom we pass to.

Nicolas Thusculanus, Nicolas Thus­culanus. who was the next Legat, and came to get the former Grant of King John renewed: This man sped so well in his Negotiation, as he returned to his Master with great summs of money: be­sides having disposed of a multitude of the spiritual Dignities, and Benefices, to the Pope's Kinsmen, to Italians, and Strangers, all absent, unknown, and insufficient, yea, and to some unborn.

John Derlington was several years Col­lector of Peter-Pence, Jo. Derlingt. Disms, and other summs accruing hence, to Pope John, Ni­colas the third, and Martin the third, of whom Leland sayes thus, Jo. Leland. Coll. Nullo enim tem­pore defuerunt suae artes Romanis corrodendi pecunias, relicto religioso Apostoli Petri, Derlingtonus iniqui proditoris Judae per­mansit in Officio: to reward which service of Derlington, the Pope, by Provision, made him Archbishop of Dublin; In an. 7 Ed. 1. Bal. de Script. Britt. Cent. 4. c. 56. wherein, as John Bale sayes, he carryed himself, ut mercenarius, & non Pastor, non ut pascat, sed ut mulgeat vel tondeat.

Otho comes next, Otho Matt. Paris. fo. 446. Acts & Mon. Tom. 140.260. H. d'Knight. coll. fo. 2440. who, how received, and presented, how he abused the King, pilled the Clergy, and in intolerable manner damnified the whole Kingdom, is at large related by Matthew Paris, and others: one, viz. Henry de Knighton, gives him [Page 163]this exit, Hic cum esset onustus pecunia, & quaedam Statuta edidisset, reversus est ad locum unde exierat. Of him we meet with this passage; Once making an essay to enter Scotland, to see what he could get there; the Scots King advised him to beware, for his Subjects were rough fel­lows, and certainly would do him a mischief, when they understood his er­rand. Besides, it being a bare Coun­try, he might well be slighted, as once an honest poor man did the Thieves, which he was told were broken into his house, Let them alone, said he, for they will have much ado to find some­thing in the dark, when I my self can find nothing in the light. But notwithstanding all this discouragement, on he went as far as he durst, that is, to the Borders, where some of the Bishops of Scotland meeting him, partly with good words; and partly with meances, something he got out of them, as I remember about 3000l. of which no doubt but he gave a good account. At another time, this Otho came to Oxford, where he was enter­tain'd with good respect: Ypod. Neustr. fo. 59 Knighton Coll. 2432: Polychron. l. 7. c. 35. and the Schol­lers, after dinner, coming to give him a visite, the rude Porter at the Gate gave them an uncivil repulse; which, with throwing scalding water in one of their faces, and in revenge thereof the death of the Master Cook, such a hubbub was raised, that the Legate was glad, for safe­ty, [Page 164]to get into the Steeple, where sculk­ing, he might hear the rabble, ranging about, searching for him, and crying out, where is that Usurer, that Simoniack, that piller, and poller, and filcher of our money, who perverting the King, and subverting the Kingdom, inricheth stran­gers with our spoils. But in the dead of the night, out he creeps, and with some difficulty got over the River, running to the King not far off, to whom he tells a pittiful story, with his hazards, beseech­ing his protection for those of his Com­pany, in great danger, left behind. Where­upon the King presently sends a Company of armed men, who apprehended thirty Schollers ingaged in the Riot, which they carryed in Carts to Wallingford Castle, and thence to London, who being brought barefoot to the Legate's dore, upon great intreaty of the Bishops, and their penitent submission, all were pardoned, and the University released of Interdiction.

Petrus Rubeus comes next in play: Pet. Rubeus for the understanding of whose Negotiation, and Artifices, I will give you only one Pa­ragraph of Matthew Paris, Matt. Paris in An. 1240. fo. 533. Flor. Hist. An. 1240. viz. Per eos­dem dies, venit in Angliam nova quaedam pecuniae exactio, omnibus saeculis inaudita & execrabilis. Misit enim Papa, pater noster Sanctus, quendam exactorem in An­gliam, Petrum Rubeum; qui excogitata muscipulatione, infinitam pecuniam a mi­seris Anglicis edoctus erat emungere. In­travit [Page 165]enim Religiosorum Capitula,, cogens & seducens eos ad persolvendum, exem­plo aliorum Praelatorum, quos mentitus asse­rebat gratanter persolvisse: Dixit enim, ille Episcopus, & ille: ille Abbas, & ille jam libens satisfecit: quidnam vos ignavi tam moramini, ut grates cum muneribus amit­tatis? Fecit enim praedictus Impostor jurare, ut hoc genus pecuniam extorquendi nulli hominum infra dimidium anni facerent manifestum; quasi eliciens hoc ex singu­lorum primitiva professione, cum tantum de honestis sit Consilium Papale celan­dum. Hoc faciendo more praedonum do­mesticorum, qui fidem ab expoliatis ex­torquent; ut nulli pandant nomina spo­liantium. Sed etiam si homines silerent, lapides Ecclesiarum contra grassatores cla­morem levarent. Nec potuit hoc malefi­cium latere sub tenebris: quomodo enim possent Praelati à suis & sibi subjectis pe­cuniam exigere, nisi causa exactionis ex­primeretur? To all which, being so plain, and notorious, although there needs nei­ther Translation, nor Comment: yet the English Reader may please to know the import of it to be this; An D. 1240. That about that time came into England an abhominable way of exacting money, never heard of be­fore: For our Holy Father the Pope sent a notable fellow, Peter Rubeus, by name, who with a cunning mouse-trap trick, wip'd the poor English of infinite summs of money. For he would come [Page 166]amongst the Ecclesiasticks, when they were met together in their Chapters, and perswade, and compel them to promise, and pay certain summs, telling them lies that many others had given freely, That this Bishop, and that; this Abbot, and that, had given such and such summs; and upbrai­ding them for their slackness. Then the Impostor would make them swear that they would not discover to any one within half a year what they had given; telling them that was the antient way of keeping the Popes secrets according to their Oath or promise at their first profession: There­in doing like Thieves that extort Oaths from them they rob, not to discover their names. But here, if men should hold their peace, the very stones of the Churches would cry out against these rob­bers, &c.

Contemporary with Rubeus, Ruffious. Mumelinus. were Ruffi­nus, and Mumelinus, who acted their parts also in this Tragedy; and of whom some­thing before.

Stephanus, Stephanus. An. D. 1249. another of the Pope's Le­gates took his turn also, to the great profit of his Master, and the universal damage of the Kingdom. For the Pope being at difference with the Emperour Frederick, this Stephanus was sent to de­mand, and collect the Tenths of all movea­bles of all the Clergy, and Laity, both in England, Ireland and Wales: on which occa­sion the Argument was apply'd, That [Page 167] Rome being the Mother of all Churches, ought to be relieved by her Children; which was done very dutifully at that time.

Walo, another Legat, Walo. must not be for­gotten, and his Province was to gather Procurations throughout all England, of all Cathedrals, Churches, and Religious Houses, which he managed strenuously.

William de Testa was another of the Pope's Legates, and Collectors; W. de Testa. Flor. Hist. An. 1307. Tho. Walsin. fo. 64. Ypod. Neust. 97, 98. Mat­thew Westminster, and Thomas Walsingham, end the raign of King Edward the first, with the general Complaints of the Nobles, Commons, and Clergy of England, against the grievances, and exactions of this William de Testa, and one Peter Hispan, the Pope's Legat à Latere, in the Parli­ament held at Carlile. The Petitions, and address to the King, Ryley Placit. Parliamenta­ria, fo. 376, 377. Albertus, &c. for remedie of those grievances, are very remarkable, still pre­served amongst our Records, and lately ex­hibited to publick view.

Albertus, Alexander, Johannes An­glicus, Johannes de Diva, Ferentinus, Martinus, Rustandus, Petrus Enguel­banck, Gasper Pons, Pol. Vergil, and a multitude more, might here be remembred, but our Histories being generally fraught with their Acts, and devices, the curious are referred thither for more satisfaction, if they please.

Besides these Legates, Collectors, Caursins. Lombards. and Factors, there was another sort of men [Page 168]came over into England much instrumental in improving, An. D. 1235. and transmitting the Pope's moneys: And these were called Caursins, and Lombards: Mart. Paris in Hen. 3. fo. 417.Italians by Country, and terming themselves the Pope's Merchants: these drove the trade of letting out of money, of which they had great Banks, and were esteemed far more severe and merciless than the Jews. Matthew Paris gives this Ety­mology of the name Caursini, quasi Capien­tes, & ursini, because they worryed men like Bears.

Now, because the Pope's Legates, and Collectors, were all for ready money, when any summ by Levy, First Fruits, Tenths, Dispensations, &c. became due, and payable to the Pope, by any Prelate, Covent, Priest, or Lay person, these Caursins would furnish them with present Cash, upon their entring into some solemn Bond, or Obligation, as security for so much money lent: The form of which Bond, or Obligation, in English, was as follow­eth; To all that shall see this present writing, Thomas the Prior, and the Convent of Barnwell greeting, &c. Know ye that we have borrowed and received at London, for our selves, and profitably to be expended for the affairs of us and our House, from Fran­cisco, and Gregorio, for them and their partners, Citizens and Merchants of Millain, one hundred and four marks, 13s. 4d. of lawful money Sterling being counted to every mark. Which said one hundred and 4 [Page 169]marks we promise to re-pay at the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula at the new Temple in London, An. D. 1235. And if the said mo­ney be not fully payd at the said time and place, we bind our selves to pay to the said Merchants, or to any one of them, or their certain Attorney, for every Ten marks forborn two moneths, one mark for damages by reason of non-payment, with the expences of one Merchant with his horse and man, till the money be all payd. And for payment of Principal, Interest, damages, and ex­pences, we oblige our selves, our Church, and successors, and all our goods, and the goods of our Church moveable, and im­moveable, Ecclesiastical, or Temporal, which we have, or shall have, wheresoever they shall be found, to the said Merchants and their heirs. And do recognize and ac­knowledge, that we possess and hold the said goods from the said Merchants by way of courtesie only untill the said money be fully payd. And we renounce for our selves and successors, all aid of Canon and Civil Law, all Priviledges, and Clerkship, the Epistle of St. Adrian, all Customs, Statutes, Letters, Indulgences, Priviledges obtained for the King of England from the See Apo­stolick: as also we renounce the benefit of all Appeals, or Injunctions, with all other ex­ceptions real or personal which may be ex­cepted against the validity of this Instrument. All which we promise faithfully to observe. In witness whereof we have hereunto set [Page 170]the seal of our Covent. Dated at London, Die quinto Elphegi, Fest. S. Elph. April 19. in the year of Grace, 1235.

You see by this how sure, and firm they made their security: and then the severity of these Caursins oftentimes constrained their Debtors to sell even their Chalices, and Church Plate, to discharge these Obliga­tions, and secure the rest of their goods: for which they became so hated, and ob­noxious, that Roger, Bishop of London, once excommunicated them for their wicked oppressions; but then they appealing to their good friend the Pope, Stow Survey of London. fo. 217. he interpos'd, and caused the Bishop to desist. A street in London, from their meeting, and residing there, then acquir'd, and to this day re­tains the name of Lombard-street, quasi Banker-street. On sall of the Pope's revenues here, these Caursins pack'd up, and tran­splanted themselves into other Countrys.

CHAP. XXII. Complaints of the People.

WHat sense the People had of all these grievances, burdens, and extorsions, and what complaints they made upon the same, if I should go about to exemplifie, out of our Records, and the Historians who have delivered them amply, and at large, it would be infinite, and far exceed our designed li­mits. Nay, many learned Romanists them­selves, as Cl. Espencaeus, Marsilius of Padua, Nic. Clemanges, Theodoric de Nyem, Aeneas Sylvius, Mantuan, and a multitude more, have with open mouths, cryed out against the avarice, and exactions of the Popes, and Court of Rome: one of them saying, That Rome being at first founded by Robbers, doth yet retain her first Original: and that it is called Roma, quasi rodens manus, and this Rhime thereupon made, ‘Roma manus rodit, quos rodere non valet, Johan. An­dreas. odit.’ and this, ‘Dantes custodit, non dantes spernit, & odit.’

And Germanus, Matt. Paris in Hen. 3. Archbishop of Constanti­nople, once signified to the Cardinals at Rome, That the Grecians were much scanda­lized, and stumbled at this, That the Cardi­nals desired to be accounted his Disciples who said, Silver and Gold have I none, when they were altogether intent upon gathering of Silver and Gold.

Petrarch, in an Epistle of his, saith, That the grim Porter is appeased with Gold, That Heaven is open'd with Gold, and Christ him­self sold for money. Impres. Paris. An. D. 1520. And for the prices, and rates, there is a notorious Book, styled Taxa Camerae Apostolicae, specifying what may be had at Rome for money, and for how much.

For our selves, what a multitude of com­plaints do we meet withall, made in, and by Parliaments, in the raigns of King Hen. 3. Ed. 1. Ed. 3. and of other Kings of all these grievances, An. 21 Ed. 3. An. 40 Ed. 3. Rot. Par. and mischiess, all preserved upon the Rolls, as so many scarrs of the wounds, which that way our Ancestors received from Rome. And what advices the Parliaments gave to our Kings in that case, our Records abundantly testifie.

Anno 18 Ed. Rot. Parl. 18 Ed. 3. 3. The Commons find great fault with Provisions coming from Rome, whereby strangers injoyed the best Dignities, and Benefices, causing decay of Hospitality, transporting the Treasure of the Land to the Kings Enemies, the discovering the secrets of the Realm, with many other mischiefs, and inconveniences; humbly be­seeching [Page 173]the King, and Nobles, to find some remedy: whereupon, by common consent, the Act of Provision was made, to remedy those mischiefs, as by the Act at large it doth appear.

The transactions in Parliament held at Carlile are very memorable to this purpose, Ryley Placit. Parliament. fo. 376, &c. consisting of Petitions to the King for some relief in these grievances, which produced a Letter, or Remonstrance of all the Papal oppressions, and exactions, drawn up in the name of the King, Nobles, and Commons of England, and sent to Pope Clement by special messengers, all still preserved amongst our Tower Records, and lately published to the World.

A multitude more of Petitions, Remon­strances, Orders, Ordinances, and Statutes, to the same purpose might here be amassed, against the Pope, and the intolerable exacti­ons, and extorsions of his Legates, Nuncio's, and Collectors: but, to avoid tediousness, I referr the Reader to that excellent Abridge­ment of the Tower Records from K. Edw. 2. Sr. Rob. Cot­ton's Records. Impres. An. 1657. vid. ib. 50 Ed. 3. fo. 128. to K. Ric. 2. by Sir Robert Cotton, lately Printed, where most plentiful satisfaction may be had.

Hitherto of publick complaints, now for those of particular persons, I cannot omit that of Robert Grosthead, the devout, and fa­mous Bishop of Lincoln: who observing the miserable burdens endured by his Countrey from these Romish exactions, took the bold­ness to write a Letter thereof to Pope Inno­cent [Page 174]the fourth exemplified at large by Mat. Matt. Paris in Hen. 3. An. 1253. fo. 870.Paris, expostulating with him to this pur­pose: That by his exactions, and Instruments with non obstante, he brought on this Nation a Noah's flood of Mischiefs, whereby the purity of the Church was desiled, and the Common-wealth perturbed. That by his Reservations, Commenda's and Provisions of Benefices for such persons as sought to fleece, and not to feed the flock of God, he com­mitted a sin, than which none was at any time more hateful to God, or destructive unto man, except that of Lucifer, nor ever will be, but the sin of Antichrist. He sig­nified further, that no man could, with a good Conscience, obey the mandates he had sent, though they came from the highest or­der of Angels; for they tended not to the edification, but the utter ruine of the Church. With much more to the like purpose. At all which the Pope was so gall'd, that he ex­claim'd against him thus, What means this old dotard, this surd absurd man, thus to ar­raign our actions; By Peter and Paul, I could find in my heart to make him a dread­ful example to all the World: Is not the King of England our Vassal, and both he, and his, at our pleasure? But some of the more temperate Cardinals endeavour'd to allay the Pope's heat, telling him the Bishop had said nothing, Ut enim vera fateamur, vera sunt quae dicit. Mat. Pari­supr. but what they all knew to be true, and that it would not be discretion to meddle with a person of his piety, worth, and fame; whereupon all was smother'd, [Page 175]and no more words made on't. But for that notable Epistle it self, I have been credibly told, that it is inrolled, in perpetuam rei me­moriam, in the Red Book, in the King's Ex­chequer at Westminster, with this Marginal Note, Papa Antichristus. And there is a very memorable Epistle of Petrus Cassiodo­rus, a noble Italian Knight, Jo. Bal. de Rom. Pont. Act. lib. 6. Acts & Mon. vol. 1. fo. 46 [...]. written to the English Church about the twenty ninth year of K. Edw. 1. exhorting them to cast off the Romish yoak of Tyranny, oppression, and exaction, formerly preserved in Manuscript in St. Albans Monastery, but since made publick; too large to be here inserted, but most worthy to be perused.

The Poets also, according to the scantling of the wit of those times, spared not to saty­rize upon these intolerable exactions of the Popes, one whereof made this Distich,

Observable also is it, upon these incroach­ments, and extorsions, how sometimes our Kings would despond, and tamely suffer the [Page 176]Popes, and their Legates to grow upon them: and at other times rouze up themselves, and give some check to their insolencies: As K. Hen. 3. though a facile man, yet was once so inrag'd against Rubeus, that he bad him be gone out of his Kingdom in the De­vil's name. And as these exactions were at the height in that King's time, yet his Suc­cessors did not always suffer them so to con­tinue, being forced to set some bounds to those avaricious torrents, Pol. Vergil. Hist. in Ric 2. lib. 20. by the Statutes of Pro­visors, and Premunire: and oftentimes to give stout denials, to unreasonable de­mands; as the English Clergy themselves, at last, Lo. Herb. Hen. 8. fo. 57, 59. adventured to do, in the years 1515. and 1518.

And observable also is it, that Q. Mary, though most zealous for the Doctrines of the Church of Rome, yet in restoring the Pope's Supremacy, she and the State were very cauti­ous, like those whom others harms had made to beware; and some prudent provisions were made in that behalf: Stat. 1 & 2 Phil. & mar. cap. 8. Coke 3. Instit. cap. 4. fo. 127. neither were the Sta­tutes of Premunire repeal'd in all her raign; but the Pope's Supremacy was restor'd, not simpliciter, but secundum quid, as bounded within some legal limitations. But her raign was short, and not pleasant, and the Pope wanted time to work her for his purpose, for having got his head in, he did not doubt but by degrees to thrust in his whole body: for it is ever observable, that in the Papal concerns there is no moderation, for they must have all, or nothing, let their pre­tences, [Page 177]and promises, at first admission, be what ever they will. And whatever Prince, or State shall once admit of any Papal au­thority within their Dominions, their destiny may easily be read, that they, and their peo­ple, must for ever after be slaves, or if they once begin to boggle, or kick, the Casuists have legitimated many ways to rid them out of the World, for the advancement of the Catholick cause, and the propagation of the Roman Faith.

Now, after this imperfect Account given of the Rents, and Revenues of the Popes, heretofore issuing out of this Kingdom, if any one shall desire to have some estimate made of the summs, I must profess it beyond the reach of my Arithmetick, and when I see any Accountant do it, Erit mihi magnus Apollo. Yet this is certain, that they were very vast: Otherwise there was no ground for that Complaint, which was made by the Kingdom's Representative in the raign of K. Edw. 3. Rot. Parl. 50 Ed. 3. nu. 105. Mat. Paris. 224. That the Pope's Collector held a receipt, or audit, equal to a Prince. Or for that which King John wrote to the Pope in his time, That this Kingdom yielded him more profits, than all the other Countreys on this side the Alpes. Id. 224. Or for that boast of the Pope, Vere, inquit Papa, hortus noster deliciarum est Anglia, vere puteus est inex­haustus: Et ubi multa abundant, de multis multa sumere licet. Antiq Britt. fo. 178. Or for the computation made in the time of King Hen. 3. Repertus est annuus redditus Papae talis, quem ne re­gius [Page 178]quidem attigit, That the Pope's rents exceeded the Crown revenues. Or the Re­monstrance to the same purpose from the whole Kingdom to Pope Innocent the fourth in the year 1245. Matt. Paris. fo. 666. 698. Act. & Mon. Tom. 1. exhibited by Mat. Paris, Fox, and others, too long to be here inferred, but most worthy to be read, and the import thereof throughly understood. Nay we may well judge the Pope's incomes to exceed all account, when it appears, that notwithstand­ing some notable provisions of State to the contrary, the Pope's intradó should yet carry so huge a proportion, That in the Parlia­ment held in the twenty third year of King Hen. Io. Herb. Hist. Hen. 8. fo. 330. 8. it was computed, that the Papacy had received out of England, for the Investi­tures of Bishops only, since the second year of King Hen. 7. not much above 40 years, 160000 l. sterling; an incredible sum, con­sidering the scarcity, and value of silver at that time, and the laws against such expor­tations. And the sums going to Rome must needs be infinite, Stat. 25 H. 8. cap. 21. when a Statute prohibiting the payment of any impositions to the Bishop of Rome, and enumerating some of the ways, whereby the same were exacted, and raised, concludes those ways, and means to have been infinite.

But it is not more difficult to give a per­fect account of all the summs, than it is easie to apprehend and understand the malevolent influence that all this had upon the King­dom: when it is most evident, that our Kings were thereby continually affronted, [Page 179]vexed, and debased: The Rights of all per­sons injuriously invaded, and usurp'd upon: The Coin, and Treasure of the Nation con­tinually drained out: The secrets of the Kingdom discovered: All Arts, Learning, and Trading discouraged: The whole Na­tion weakned, and reduced to a state of po­verty, and slavery to Strangers, and laid open, and naked to the invasion of all ene­mies. All which we have transmitted to us by unquestionable Authorities, the Rolls and Records of Parliaments, Statutes, and the Historians of those times, generally Roma­nists, not sparing to speak out, though so much reflecting upon their Holy Father the Pope, choosing rather to discover the Truth, than conceal their Fathers shame.

CHAP. XXIII. Matthew Paris Vindicated.

OF the Historians which we have made use of in these discoveries, and Col­lections, you see we have been much be­holden to Matt. Paris, who seldom spares to cry out, with great resolution, upon the cor­ruptions of the Church in his time, and par­ticularly upon the cruel exactions, and ex­torsions of the Popes, and their Creatures; who biting so hard upon this sore, I find the Cardinals Bellarmine, and Baronius, endea­vouring to loosen his teeth. Bellarmin speaks of him thus, Bell. de Script. Eccl. in M. Pa­ris. fo. 248. Haec Historia multa ha­bet scitu digna, praesertim de rebus Ecclesi­asticis, de concilio Lugdunensi, de dissidio inter Ecclesiam & Imperium. Sed quoniam editaest ab haereticis Tigurinis, caute legen­da est: non pauca enim leguntur tum in ipso libro, tum in notis marginalibus, quae viden­tur addita ab haereticis, ad invidiam conflan­dam Rom. Ecclesiae, i. e. This History hath many things worthy to be known, chiefly touching Ecclesiastical affairs, the Council of Lyons, and the difference between the Church, and the Empire: But inasmuch as it is now published by the Tigurin Hereticks, it is to be warily read; for there are not a few things, as well in the Book it self, as in the Marginal Notes, which seem to have [Page 181]have been added by Hereticks, to throw en­vy on the Roman Church. And then Ba­ronius, thus, Baron. Annal. An. Ch. 996. Matt. Paris Hist. Ang. à quo si quis demat calumnias, invectivas, dicaci­tates, & blasphemias in Sedem Apostolicam, ejusque Pontifices (nisi probra illa fuerint additamenta potius ejus qui primus edidit, haeretici hominis; cum peculiare sit illis, li­bros, quos potuerint, depravare) aureum sane dixerit comentarium, i. e. Matt. Paris, the English Historian, whose calumnies, in­vectives, twatling malapertness, and blasphe­mies, against the See Apostolick, and the Popes, if any one lay aside (unless those reproaches were rather the additions of some Heretick that first publish'd him, as it is pe­culiar to such to deprave all the Books they can) he might esteem it a golden Comentary. Which aspersions upon the credit of our Historian, induces me to make a little en­quiry into his quality, and reputation: and that the rather, in regard I find two of our own Countrymen endeavouring also to throw some blots upon his credit, viz. John Pitz, a Collector of our English Writers, insinua­ting his discoveries of the corruptions of the Church in his time, non ab ipso sic scripta, Jo. Pitz. de Script. Angl. Aet. 13.367. Brian Twine de Antiq. Ox­on. li. 3. fo. 283.sed ab aliis illi falso ascripta fuisse. And Brian Twine the Oxford Advocate, suspect­ing the fidelity of Archbishop Parker, in his Edition of Matt. Paris.

For what the Romanists say against our Historian, it imports no more than a light suspicion only, that something was added [Page 182]by the first Editor, and nothing affirmed di­rectly; or if it were, it would soon vanish, upon this consideration, that what Matt. Pa­ris writes, stands justified, not only by all the authentick, Eadmerus lib. 2. Malmsb. lib. 2. fo, 136. Nubrigens. lib. 1. cap. 10. and uncontroulable Records, but also by the concurrence of all the Histo­rians of that Age, (besides what we shall presently hear in vindication of our Editi­ons more directly:) And first, premising that Matthew was a Benedictine Monk of St. Alban's, a Servant, and Favourite of King Hen. 3. in whose time he liv'd, and at whose instance he compil'd his History; im­ployed by Pope Innocent the fourth, not only to visit the Monks in the Diocess of Norwich, but also sent to reform a Convent in Norway much corrupted: Let's then see what testi­monies are given of him.

Leland thus, Jo. Leland. Tom. 4.10. 207. Domum reversus assidue, quemadmodum & ante fecit, studiis vaca­bat, ac doctos viros, quotquot tunc temporis in Britannia claruerunt, impensissime coluit, unde variam sibi multarum rerum cognitio­nem pariebat. Quid dixi, sibi pariebat? immo patriae potius, & posteritati.

Jo. Bale, Jo. Balaeus de Script. Brit. cent. 4. n. 26. to the same purpose, and further, giving an account of his Histories, In quibus, says he, quorundam Rom. Pontificum avari­tias, fraudes, mendacia, dolos, pompas, im­pudentias, tyrannides, & artes pessimas ita depinxit, ut nunquam ullus Apelles melius.

The Centuriators of Magdeburg give him this Character, Cent. Aet. 13. cap. 10. Vir imprimis eruditus fuit, qui & singulari fide & dexteritate Histori­am [Page 183]Anglorum conscripsit; proceeding in the words of Bale before.

Flaccius Illyricus, Catalog. Test. lib. 16. speaking of his Histo­ry, saith thus. In eo opere valde multa narrat de gravissima Papae tyrannide, qui miris arti­bus omnia Eccles. jura ad se rapuerit, imo & quam multiplicibus artibus Angliam pe­nitus sit depraedatus, expilaverit, & exsu­xerit.

The learned Isaac Casaubon, Is. Casaub [...]n. Epist. ad Ca­rier. Ep. 1. without que­stion, for good reason breaks out thus, Quis nescit sanctissimam Paparum authoritatem dudum versam esse in horribilem tyranni­dem? Jam elapsa sunt multa secula cum omnes boni hoc vident, & gemunt. Ʋnus Matthaeus Paris probationi ejus rei satis su­perque fuerit. And, Epist. 99. in another Epistle of his, he defends Matt. Paris against the false accusations of Coifetellus drawn from that of Bellarmin, and Baronius before: adding, Proleg. ad Ex. Baronian. that his own Eyes, comparing the Prints, with the extant Manuscripts, sufficiently con­futed their slanders, as vain, ridiculous, and false; in regard he found no variance at all between them, especially in that which con­cerns the Pope's rapines; and thereupon he concludes thus, Quare falsissima est Baronii, & Bellarmini confectura.

The modest, and learned Ger. Jo. Vossius, Ger. Voss. de Hist. Latinis lib. 2. cap. 58. on whose credit much may be taken up, of our Historian saith thus, Historia Matt. Paris Cantabrigiae adservatur in Collegio S. Benedicti: Ʋti & in Bibliotheca Baronis de Lumleio: ac primum Londini, post Tiguri, [Page 184]typis divulgata fuit: atque id fide bona, ut Manuscripti quos dixi, codices culvis fidem fecerint: and then he takes notice of that invidious aspersion of Twine; who being an Oxford man, it seems he was never so happy as to see that incomparable treasure of Anti­quities in Benet Colledge Library in Cam­bridge, congested by that most worthy Pre­late; where his own Eyes might have con­futed the slander of his pen.

Degoreus Whear, Deg. Whear de M [...]h [...]d. legend. Hist. sect. 29. in his excellent Metho­dus, &c. ranks our Historian amongst the rest thus, His etiam adnectat veram illam & fidelem Matthaei Parisiensis Historiam.

Lastly, An. D. 1640. Londini. Dr. W. Watts, a very good Anti­quary, and Historian, puts forth Mat. Paris again, in an excellent Equipage, and with all attendants befitting his merit; having first compared the former London Edition of Archb. Parker, with all the Manuscripts ex­tant, and then Printing this Verbatim with the former, as not finding that differing at all from the Manuscripts. One whereof, re­maining in the King's Library at St. James's, Proleg. ut supr. and which Is. Casaubon examined, and had some time in his keeping, is taken to be the very authentick [...] of the Author, writ­ten with his own hand, and heretofore kept in the Monastery Library of St. Alban's.

Then, for the aspersion of Twine, it is, without all doubt, as false, and frivolous, as it is unworthy; proceeding chiefly from his inveterateness against the most eminent University of Cambridge, which it seems he [Page 185]could not vent, without endeavouring to blast the memory of a most reverend, learned, and faithful Prelate, whose great integrity, and fame, will ever stand impenetrable to the teeth of this angry nibler.

Thus, having set our honest Author rectus in Curia, upon the testimonies of so many creditable Witnesses, we may well conclude, That the Times, the Popes, and the Court of Rome were corrupted, and not the Histo­rian: and that what we have of Matt. Pa­ris is but the Eccho of the People's com­plaints, and groans, in those times, which sounding so harsh in the Romanists ears, it is no wonder they are so displeased to hear it.

CHAP. XXIV. Abbies, Monasteries, &c.

HItherto our Collections have reached only to mention, or point at such summs of money as heretofore went out of England to the Popes, and Court of Rome, whilst they excercifed any power here. Now, if I should proceed to specifie the other vast summs of money, as yearly, nay daily issued out of the King's publick Exche­quer, and the People's private purses, upon the score of Popery, and as appurtenant thereunto, spent and expended within the Kingdom, to vain, insignificant, and super­stitious purposes; I should tire my Reader with multitudes of particulars, and yet shame my self, in falling so infinitely short of such an Account as Truth would make: And therefore I shall only hint briefly at some heads, or generals of the same.

In the first place then, V [...]d. Speed's Catal [...]g [...]e. the founding, and endowing of a multitude of Abbies, Mo­nasteries, Nunneries, Chanteries, Free-Chappels, and Colledges, within the Realm; and those generally with the best lands, and revenues, exhausted and swallowed up many fair estates, diverting them from the right heirs, to the ruine, or decay of many noble Houses, and Families.

Then the Votaries that entered into these Abbies, Monasteries, and Nunneries, al­wayes carryed their portions, and estates along with them: and by themselves, or their friends, gave either Lands, Goods, Plate, Jewels, Copes, Vestments, or some other Ornament, at their first ad­mittance into one of the Convents: as many English do at this day, upon their entrance into religious houses, and Orders, beyond the Seas.

These Houses were also wonderfully in­rich'd by the burials of great Persons in them: Weaver Pun. Mon. fo. 158. For in this matter of Sepulture, Monaste­ries, and Abbies were alwayes preferred greatly, before all other Churches, upon the estimation of the Sanctity of those places, and a presumption that their Souls in Purga­tory should have some benefit by the Prayers of the professed there: with this further confidence, that such as were buryed in Fryers habits, should have wonderful ad­vantages thereby: For which purpose, St. Ri [...]. Baker in K. John. Dugdal. Ant. Warw. fo 115. it is said that King John was buryed at Worcester in a Monks Cowl. And Mr. Dugdale makes mention of some of the Honourable family of the Hastings, that lye buryed in the Grey Fryers, at Coventre, in the very habits of Fryers Minors: Proceeding, that this Orders of Fryers was so much re­verenced by the generality of people, that by the Bequests, and Testaments of most men, and women, of abilities, it appears that formerly they seldom neglected to give [Page 188]more, or less to one, or other religious House of this Rule: and if they were Per­sons of quality, they commonly made choice of their Sepulture in one of them. Neither was it the least policy of these Fryers to obtain from great persons such a disposal of their bodies, considering how they were generally employed, and trusted in making their Wills, and Testaments: for where ever they sped in that kind, they were sure to have a good Legacy from the Testator, and not without hope, by so fair an Exam­ple, to obtain no less advantage by his poste­rity.

Thomas Walsingham, Tho Walsing. in Ed. 1 fo. 20. speaking of the bu­rial of Queen Elianor's heart in the Church of the Fryers Minors in London, did not without cause complain thus of them, Qui (meaning the said Fryers) sicuti & cuncti fratres reliquorum ordinum, aliquid de cor­poribus quorumcunque potentium morientium sibimet vendicabant, more canum cadave­ribus assistentium, ubi quisque suam parti­culam avide consumendam expectat, i. e. These, as all the Fryers of the like Orders, challenged something as their due from the bodies of great men dying, like a company of dogs snatching every one at a piece of a dead Carcass: Thus Walsingham, being a Monk, out of envy, spared not to snarle at the nimble Fryers; who, no doubt but some time or other would be even with him, and those of his Order.

Then these Professed Monks, and Fryers, [Page 189]upon their visiting, and confessing of the sick, alwayes used the most perswasive ar­guments they could, for the sick person to bestow something toward maintenance of their Fraternities, or repairing of their Covents: and that he would bequeath his Body to be buryed in the Church of their Covent, promising they would daily say Prayers, and Masses, for his soul's ease in, and release out of Purgatory. And by con­fessing such as were in health, they frequently injoined such penances, as made to the preju­dice of the sinners purse, but their own profit.

Of the Exorbitances of these cloister'd Monks, and Fryers, many examples might be produced, as of their Ribauldry, Leche­ry, Quarelling, Fighting, Idleness, Cheating, Thieving, Debauchery, Glut­tony, &c. all maintain'd by the People's mo­ney: but we will here content our selves with one instance only. Cook 4 Insti. c. 11. fo. 112. King Edward the first, about the latter end of his raign having collected a vast summ of money, to carry on his warr against the Scots, and layd it up in his Treasury at Westminster, his Treasury was broken up in the night, and one hun­dred thousand pounds in money, besides Plate, and Jewels, stol'n out of it, by the Abbot, and Monks of Westminster, and their confederates, whereof eight and forty Monks, with the Abbot, were apprehended, and sent Prisoners to the Tower; and by In­quisition, and examination of witnesses, it appeared that divers of the Monks, and [Page 190]other persons in the night time were seen often passing to and fro the Kings treasury, Pat. 31 Ed. 1. m. 23. dors. De inquirend. de thesaurar. Regis fracto. and the Abby, carrying bundles in their arms, and laps, and that they conveyed away by water great hampers that were very heavy; and some part of the King's Plate, and Jewels, were found, and seised in London, and other places: upon which the Monks, were long detained in prison, till afterwards released by the King's special command, when he repaired to Westminster to give thanks to God, for his Victories over the Scots.

Matthew Westminster, Matt. Westm. An. 1303. a Monk of that Abby, minceth this story of the Robbery of the Kings Treasury, in favour of the Monks, and sayes that only Ten of them were im­prisoned; when it appears by the Record, that 48 of them, Cook ut Supra. with the Abbot, were im­prisoned, and Indited for it. And upon this occasion it was, that the Court of Exchequer, sometimes called the Novel Exchequer, was new built.

Chanterys, Free-Chappels, and Col­ledges, as they were instituted, and em­ployed, spent and exhausted huge summs of money, and revenues, the purposes of which expence will appear in the brief descri­ption of the nature of those Foundations.

A Chantery (so called à Cantando) was a Chappel (commonly annexed to some Pa­rochial,Chantery.Collegiate, or Chathedral Church) endowed with Lands, or some other yearly revenues, for the maintenance of one, or [Page 191]more Priests, daily to sing Masse, Vid. Stat. 37 H. 8. ca. 4. & 1 Ed. 6. ca. 14. for the souls of the Donors, or Founders, and such others as they did appoint. Now the exact number of all these in England cannot be known, for they were very numerous: but if at Mathematician measured Hercules by his foot, a probable conjecture may be made of them from those which were founded in the Chathedral of St. Paul in London; for in the second year of King Ed. the sixth, a certificate was returned by the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, to the King's Com­missioners, affirming, that they had seven and forty Chanterys in that Church: ac­cording to which proportion there was cer­tainly a vast revenue swallowed up by them throughout the whole Kingdom: For there was not a Cathedral, or Collegiate Church in England, but some number of Chanterys were founded in them, and in many Pa­rochial Churches also: And if the modell of the Country Churches be observed, very often some additional building, or ex­crescence appears, differing from the old, or first. Fabrick, erected and used for these Chanterys. And that the nature, and use of these may be the better apprehended, we will here specifie the Foundation, and Ordina­tion of one of them, viz.

Thomas de Pakinton, in the year 1348. W. Duadale Amiq. Warw. in Chelmscote. An. 22. Edward the third, founded a Chan­tery at Chelmescote in Warwickshire, and setled Lands, and Tenements, of a good value to maintain four Priests, to sing Mass [Page 192]for his Lord the Earl of Warwick, his Coun­tess, Children, and Ancestors; as also for himself, his Parents, Kinsfolks, and their po­sterity, and for the Souls of all faithful people deceased, in manner following, viz. Two of them, which were to inhabite near the Chappel at Chelmscote, every day to sing the Mattens of the day, and of the blessed Lady, with all Canonical hours distinctly, and openly: and to sing Mass daily; viz. one of them every Sonday, and on the great Festivals; and on Monday the Mass of the holy Trinity; Tuesday of St. Thomas the Martyr; on Wednesday of St. Katherine, and St. Margaret; Thursday of Corpus Christi; Friday of the holy Cross; and Saturday of the Annunciation of our Lady, The other Priest to celebrate every day the Mass of Requiem for the Souls of all faithful departed this life; and in every Mass to say 7 Collects, one of the celebration of the Mass; the second for him the said Thomas de Pukin­ton, viz. Deus qui Caritatis, &c. the third also for him after his death, Deus cujus misericordiae, &c. the fourth of St. Thomas the Martyr: the fifth of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin: the sixth for the Souls of the deceased, beginning with Inclina: the seventh the general Collect, which be­ginneth Sanctissima Dei genetrix Maria, especially naming therein the said Earl, his Countess, and Children, and him the said Thomas de Pakinton, and all his kindred: and upon all Holy dayes to say a Placebo, and [Page 193] Dirige; with special commendation of the Souls of the Persons before spoken of, and the souls of all the faithful deceased, Like­wise he ordained that the other two Priests should live together near the Church, and be daily present therein at Mattens, and all other Canonical hours, to joyn with the other Priests, except just cause and hinde­rance happened; and daily sing Mass at the Altar near his Fathers grave. And that all these Priests, before their admission to these Chanterys, should take their corporal Oaths to observe all the Orders to their ut­most power. And this Ordination, con­taining several other particulars, was con­firm'd by the Canons of Kenilworth, Rectors of the Church; by John de Chelmescote Vicar; the Earl of Warwick; and Bishop of Worcester.

Free-Chappels, were such as were founded, Free-Chap­pels. and endowed, and had no relation unto, or dependance on a Mother-Church; (saving only the right of Sepulture:) and these were greater than Chanterys, having greater Re­venues, and more room for Priests, and more Priests for that room, to fing Mass, and pray for the souls of the Founders, and others, according to the institution.

Colledges were Foundations of like nature, Colledges. and though fewer in number, yet were richer than both the former: amongst which the Colledge of Fotheringhay, Speed Catal. in Northampt. in Northampton­shire, was yearly valued at four hundred nineteen pounds, eleven shillings, ten pence, [Page 194]half-penny. For the Offices, and imploy­ments of the Priests in these, and the Free-Chappels maintained, they were much of the nature of Chanterys, of which enough before.

Now, the yearly value of all those Lands, Tenements, Rents, and Revenues, which were setled upon these Abbys, Mo­nasterys, Nunnerys, Chanterys, Colledges, and Free-Chappels, without doubt was as vast, as to us now unknown; the Pope being better able to give an account of them, at this day, than we our selves: for they say that Rentals, and Particulars of all those Lands, and revenues, are still kept upon the file, in the Pope's study, that great Landlord of the world, in expectation, and hope, they will once revert to their former use, and behoof: but the generous English will not easily be gull'd, and they will not be wheadled, by Romish Arguments, out of their Estates.

In the next place, Shrines, Ima­ges, Reliques, &c. Shrines, Images, Reliques, Indulgences, &c. in a multitude of places within the Kingdom, daily drew great summs out of the People's purses, both in the pro­curing, and purchasing, and donation of such precious Commodities, and in daily resorting to them afterwards with Vows, and Offerings. But these being of the same nature, and ejusdem farinae, with those at Rome, and elsewhere, of which enough before, we will trouble you no more with them here.

So the Commanding, Dispensations. and forbidding many things, wherein Dispensations might be had from Courts, and Officers here; as certain obstacles of marriage; the use, and difference of meats; vows, &c. and all to be redeem'd for money.

Many wandring Mountebank Priests went up and down the Country, Mountebank Priests. preaching the lives of some holy men, and Saints; and promising the simple people, that if they vowed themselves to those Saints, and payd something in hand, and such a yearly tribute, they should be freed from such diseases as they desired.

The Bishops had divers wayes, Bishops, and Priests. and Arti­fices, to scrue money out of the Priests un­der them; and then those Priests, to heal themselves, were forced to cheat, and wring money out of the people.

Great, Consecrations. and frequent expences were had in Consecrating, and hallowing of Churches, Church-yards, &c. Baptizing of Bells; making, repairing, apparelling, and adorn­ing of Images; and such like matters: for upon pretence that these, or any of these, were prophaned, by several and trifling wayes; then all must be consecrated anew, and the Parish, and the People Assessed, and constrained to pay deeply for it. And of this kind of grievances, great complaints were often made.

Many Courts were also in England, Courts. to which citations, and summons were made; and therein People continually vexed, tor­mented, [Page 196]and excommunicated; and thence dismissed never, till excessive summs were extorted, and payd: the aggrieved partys not daring to appeal to Rome, for fear of more excessive charges. Nay the corrupti­ons in, and the grievances growing by these Courts, as they were innumerable, so no other way tolerable, but that all was to be redeemed for money. And one pretty trick the Ecclesiastical Judges had in these Courts; that when the business of matrimony had proceeded so farr, that one of the partys had pretended a Contract, which the other denyed, and that some gifts, as earnests of love, or marriage, had passed between them, the Ecclesiastical Judges, sepa­rating the partys, would keep the gifts for themselves, as forfeited, or escheated.

Visitors, Visitors &c. and Synodal Judges, travelling about the Country, with a numerous retinue of Advocates, Proctors, Notaries, Re­gisters, Summoners, Servants, Appari­tors, and Officers, under Colour of visiting of Churches, Chappels, and Parishes, were a very great burden, and charge to the People where ever they came, scruing money upon every pretence out of their pockets, as they pleased, besides annual summs claimed as due; making themselves stalking-horses, whereby any man might satisfie his revenge, or malice upon his Neighbour, upon Complaint, Suggestion, or information, of wrongs done, or Ca­nons broke; whereupon sentences, cen­sures, [Page 197]Condemnations, and Excommuni­cations, with all rigour, followed, to the utter undoing of many men, the inriching the Judges, and Officers, but never turning to any avail, or satisfaction of the Com­plainant. These Itinerants also extorted great summs, as they pleased, weekly, monethly, or yearly, from Usurers, Bro­kers, Scriveners, Bakers, Butchers, Vi­ctuallers, Physitians, Surgeons, Midvives, Schoolmasters, &c.

Private Confessions, Confessions. as they were ma­naged, were the more frequently, and ex­cessively abused, for the drawing moneys out of men; in regard the cheat was closely handled, whilst the Sinner's conscience was quieted, and the world served with a pu­blick penance, or some visible addresses to these Confessors.

The new Doctrine, Purgatory. and invention of Purgatory, bred by Superstition, and nursed by Covetousness, as it was managed, be­came a most forceable engine, continually to drain the People's money. For when men were made to believe, that after death their Souls should enter into a region of Fire, there to suffer long, and bitter torments, to be purged, and fitted for the region of bliss: but yet to be eased there, and the sooner released, according to the measure, and number of the Masses, Offices, and Prayers, which should be made on their behalf here, whilst they lay broiling in that fearful State: People were put upon it, to [Page 198]make the best provision they could in their life-time, or at least at their deaths, that such helps, and means should be used, on their behalf, as they might reasonably reckon upon a short, and tolerable continuance there.

To this purpose the Founding, and En­dowing of Monasteries, Abbys, Nunne­rys, by the best, and richer sort, and the Colledges, Free-Chappels, and Chan­terys, by the middle sort of people, ac­cording to their respective abilitys, and the apprehensions they had of this future State, all pointed at the good of the Foun­der's soul after death, and the souls of such others as he appointed; of which we have had something before.

But then, alas, for those poor Crea­tures, whose small estates, and narrowness of fortunes, would not reach to such pro­visions, what would become of them? These then were put to it, to make the best shift they could for themselves; by endeavouring in their life-time, to get an interest in the favour, and merit of some Saint, and by purchasing, and getting all the Indulgences they could: for it was a very sad thing to leave all to chance, or to trust to the vo­luntary intercession of others; this would leave them at a great uncertainty, and, in articulo mortis, make the poor Soul shift its mansion in a most fearful apprehension, and horrour. Indeed Sir Thomas Moore was so Charitable a Sollicitor for these poor [Page 199]Souls, Sr. Thomas More's Supp [...]i­cation of souls. In imitation of Gerson's quer [...]a de­functorum in igne Purgatro­rio ad Super­sites amico [...]. Pars 4 oper. Coll. 959. that he drew up a most Pathetical Supplication for them, and presented it in their names thus, To all good Christen people, in most piteous wise continually calleth, and cryeth upon your devout Charity, and tender pitie, for help, comfort, and relief, your late acquaintance, kindred, Companions, Spouses, Playfellows, and friends, and now your humble, and unacquainted, and half forgotten Suppliants, poor Prisoners of God, the silly Souls in Purgatory, here a­biding, and induring the grievous pains, and hote clensing fire, &c.

But yet, not trusting to the uncertain Charity of others, most persons strained to the utmost, and many most excessively, their fortunes considered, to leave some provision behind them, for that purpose: and most commonly by their last Wills, and Testaments, which were accounted sacred, and carrying an Obligation more than or­dinary, for all persons concern'd to see them performed: and thereby, or by Acts exe­cuted in their life-time, it was not rare, for many men, though they had many Children to provide for, or many debts to pay, to post-pone all relations, and consi­derations to this concern of the Soul, and to appoint, and take Order for Masses Satis­factory, Anniversaries, Obits, Requiems, Dirges, Placebo's, Trentalls, Lamps, Lights, and other offices, to be performed daily, weekly, monethly, or yearly, as far as the summs destin'd would afford, [Page 200]for the ease, and help of the Testator's Soul.

Masses satisfactory, Masses. were the Romish service appointed to be said, or sung, at a certain time, or times, and at an appointed place, at such an Altar, or in such a Chap­pel, with special reference to, or remem­brance of such a Soul, or Souls, tormented in Purgatory.

An Anniversary, Anniversa [...]y. was the appointment, and performance of Prayers, at such, or such a time, once a year, for the souls of deceased persons: Commonly upon the day of the death of the party who appointed it: and this in imitation of the old Anniver­sary dayes, whereon the Martyrdom, or deaths of Saints were celebrated.

An Obit, Obit. was a funeral Office, per­formed for the dead, and for his Soul's health, at certain times, and place appoint­ed.

A Requiem, Requiem. was on Office, or Mass, commonly sung for the dead, so called from those words in it, Requiem aeternam dona eis, Domine.

A Dirge, Dirge.quasi dirige, was an office of the same nature, for Souls in Purgatory, so called from the first word of the first An­tiphone in the Office, Dirige, &c.

A Placebo, Placebo. was another such like Office, or Service, performed for the health, and good Estate of some Soul, or Souls, so called from the word Placebo, being the first word of the Office.

A Trental, from the French Trente, Trental. was a service of thirty Masses, said or sung for the dead, or a service performed thirty dayes after their death.

Lamps, and Lights, Lamps, Lights. were by many or­dered to be continually burning before some certain Altan, Image, or place, or over some Sepulcher, so hallowed, as conceived to afford some ease, or benefit to Souls in Purgatory.

The revenues that were given, and setled, for the maintenance of these, and such like devices, which were very considerable throughout the Kingdom, were by the Stat. 1 Edward the sixth, Cap. 14. Stat. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 14. given to the King; and they, as vain, and Superstitious inventions, quite nulled.

What an esteem was formerly had of the vertue, and efficacy of these Masses, &c. may partly appear by a memorable Record still extant, viz. Alianor Consort of King Edward the first, dying, Pat. 19 E. 1. m. 11. Litera supplicatoria de orando pro regina de­functa. the King sent out a writ to all the religious Houses, and Monks of Cluny in England, to sing Masses, and make Prayers for her Soul, and to c [...]r­tifie him the number of the Masses they should perform on that behalf, that propor­tionably he might shew his gratitude to them.

So, in the year 1290. Chron. W. Thorn. Coll. 1958. Dominus Thomas (Prior of Christs Church in Canterbury) concessit Domino Regi in festa translationis beati Edvar [...]i Quinquaginta Psalteria, Duo Millia CCCL Missas, pro anima­bus [Page 202]Progenitorum suorum & Reginarum Angliae, as an Extraordinary liberality, and spiritual Alms. As is related by W. Thorn.

And about the same time also it was, Bundel. Brev An. 19 Ed. 1. in Turt. Lond. that Arnald Otho, Abbot of Condam, sent a certificate to the King, to inform him what Prayers, Masses, and Anniversarys, he and his Monastery had ordered for the speedy translation of his deceased Queen to the heavenly joys.

From all this now may easily be appre­hended the force of vitiated, and depraved Imaginations; when men's Intellectua's are first blinded with ignorance, and then led by Superstition; being affrighted with uncouth relations of Apparitions, Miracles, and the horrours of an imaginary Purga­tory: what will they not do, or undertake, to alleviate, and mitigate, in tanto, if not in toto, those approaching torments? and for that purpose, suffer themselves to be haled, and pulled, sometimes one way by guides, as blind as themselves; and some­times another, by treacherous, and dan­gerous designers. Yet in the darkest of these times, there wanted not some, that could discern that all was not right, and that they were gotten into a very uncertain, and dangerous road; and in as much danger from their guides, as the enemy which they would avoid. Some of these, in a more serious way, protesting, and advising both against the Errour, and the danger of it, [Page 203]had their mouths soon stopp'd; when others more jocular, between jest, and earnest, as it were, made bold with the corrupti­ons, and abuses of the times, witness the wits, and Satyrists of their respective times Rob. of Glocester, John Harding, Jeffrey Chancer, John Gower, Rob. Longland, aliàs Piers Plowman, Lydgate, and ma­ny more, whose dull rimes carryed a cut­ting sence with them. Indeed though the Lashes of a Satyrist seldom or never pro­duce amendment of Epidemical vices, and Errors; yet in this they have their fruit, that thereby posterity is oftentimes more truly informed of the manners, and genius of times, than by the professed Historian, who rarely touches that string: And by these, the abuses, and cheats of Priests, Monks, and Fryers, in their Masses, Con­fessions, Shrifts, Penances, Pardons, Indulgences, Miracles, Reliques, &c. all serving to fill the people's brains with vain, and terrible apprehensions, and to empty their purses, were, according to the wit of their respective Ages, to the warning of this, notably, and smartly detected, ar­raigned, and condemned.

A multitude more of instances might be given, of the Chargeableness, and expen­siveness of Popery, whereby the People were daily abused, and improverished, to the inriching of others with their spoils, whose natural office, and duty was, to feed, and not to fleece the flock. Hence [Page 204]hath bin noted the ready tendency of de­generate Religion, when it throws off its spiritual temper, at the same time to grasp at Temporal Power, and Temporal Riches. How that Power was usurp'd, we have in part seen in the first Tract: and how the Riches were ingross'd, we have endeavour­ed to make some discovery in this; and amongst all the Arts used for that purpose, none proved more effectual, than this de­vice of Purgatory: this was the fire that alwayes kept the Pope's Kitchin warm, and gave life to Indulgences, Pardons, Dispen­sations, Jubiles, Regular Foundations, Shrines, Masses, Confessions, &c.

I must confess I have sometimes en­deavour'd to understand the nature, and import of this Popish Purgatory; but could never yet meet with any satisfacti­on therein: And to say truth, the differ­ences amongst the Papists are so many, and irreconcileable, in all the points, and circumstances which concern this Doctrine; that they serve sufficiently, in stead of all other reasons, and arguments, to confute it. E [...]kius in En­chei [...]id. First, for the place, Eckius will have it to be in the bottom of the Sea: Some will have it in mount Aetna, Vesuvius, Hecla, Ande, or some such other ignivomous Montgibels; and Ber­nard de Bustis in an Hill of Ireland. In Rosa [...]. par [...] 3. Ca. 2. Next, for the torments, Sir Thomas More will have them to be only by fire; but Fisher his fellow-sufferer by fire, and [Page 205]by water: Lorichius neither by fire, Lorich. Instit. Cathol. nor water, but by the violent convulsions of Hope, and Fear. Then, Vid. B. Jewels Defence part 2. cap. 16. for the Execu­tioners, or Tormentors, these differ no less again; for Bishop Fisher will have them to be the Holy Angels, but Sir Thomas More to be the very Devils. Then, for the sins to be there expiated, some will have them to be the Venial only, and others say the Mortal too. And for the time of Souls continuance in that State, Dionys. Car­thus. de 4. Noviss. Dennis the Carthusian extends it to the end of the world; when Domi­nicus à Soto limits it to ten years; and others make it depend on the number of the Masses, and Offices, that shall be done on their behalf, or if the Pope do but speak the word. Lastly, for the ex­tremity of the pains, Aquinas makes them as violent as those of Hell: But the Rhemists say, Rhem. Annot. in Apoc. 14.13. Durand. de Offic. mor­tuor. cap. 7. Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 13. that the Souls there are in a very fine condition: And Du­randus, between these extremes, gives them some intermission from those ter­rible pains, upon Sundayes, and Holy­dayes. Beda tells a long story of a Northumberland man, that after he dyed returned to life again, and gave a re­lation of the condition of those piteous Souls, viz. that he passed through the middle of a long, and large valley, that had two lakes in it, on either side one all along, both top-ful of Souls, con­stantly leaping out of one, into the other; [Page 206]in the one of these lakes the Souls were tormented with Fire, and in the other with freezing cold, and when a Soul had bin so long in the hot lake, that it could endure no longer, it would skip out into the cold lake; and when it had layn so long there, as that became in­tolerable, it would leap back again into the fiery apartment: and so they conti­nued continually tormented with that al­ternation of heat, and cold. But by all this uncertainty, or contrariety rather of opi­nions, it may clearly be seen, upon what weak foundations they have raised this building; which certainly would have fallen to the ground long ago, if it had not bin for the profit which the Popes, Priests, and Fryers have raised by the ficti­on.

And upon this one point of Popish Do­ctrine, viz. Purgatory, as I noted be­fore, their Masses, Requiems, Dirges, Trentals, Prayers for the dead, the Do­ctrine of merits, works of Supererogati­on, Indulgences, Pardons, Jubiles, &c. do depend; all tending to bring into the heavenly Exchequer at Rome, where, by inversion of the Holy Scripture, Gain is great Godliness: and though St. Peter said, Silver, and Gold have I none, yet those which pretend to be his Successors, ingross to themselves the Treasures of the world: for to the support of that usurp­ed Hierarchy, all Kings, with the People, [Page 207]were by these Arts forced to contribute, and to make surrendry of their Temporal Power, and Temporal Riches: And though the Pope, as the Head there­of, glutted himself with the cream of the Kingdom's wealth; yet all the other members, down to the very petty-toes, of that Romish Body, would be conti­nually raking, and scraping for themselves; being as spunges to suck from the People: that they might afford sometimes to be squeezed by the Pope.

CHAP. XXV. The Frier's Case.

ONe way, specified before, of carrying great summs out of the Kingdom to Rome, was Appeals, and drawing a multitude of Causes to be heard, and determined in the Court of Rome: and though those were not always the most weighty, or difficult; yet, whatever the suggestion was, if introduced with money, the cause was receiv'd, and treated accordingly. And now, for a Con­clusion, and that my Reader may as well be a little recreated, as informed what kind of causes were brought sometimes before his Holiness, and his Courts: I will give him a Report, or Relation of a certain case, trans­mitted thither, as it receiv'd a hearing, re­hearing, and re-re-hearing, before it had its final Resolution in the Court of Rome; as depending there near upon Fifty years, be­fore it was dismist.

St. Francis, Anti-mach. fo. 86, &c. the Founder of the Order of Franciscan Friers, about the year 1198. amongst other Articles of his Rule, Ordain­ed thus, That all that were of his Order, for Apparel, should cloath themselves with the basest, vilest, and of the lowest price that [Page 209]could be: That they should only have one Coat, with a Hood, and another without a Hood: That they should wear no shoos, nor ride on Horseback. Now amongst the Fri­ers of this Order, there grew great diffe­rences, and disputations, about the Inter­pretation of this one Article. To compose which, a General Chapter, or Convention was held, that the true meaning of the Article might be understood, and declared, and that all might sort themselves to one Habit, for some wore habits of one colour, and some of another: and some wore short, and others long; insomuch as they seemed not to be all of the same Rule, and Or­der.

In this Chapter, or Convention, there were notable disputes, and arguments, upon all the points, or branches of this Article. But about the two last points they came to agreement without much difficulty: for see­ing they were forbidden to ride on Horse­back, they resolv'd to ride but on Asses, and Mules, or to go on foot, as now commonly they do; wherein they considered also the convenience of Asses, in regard they could keep them in their Covents at an easier charge than Horses, for they would live very well without Provender. And for Shoos, they resolved, that they would take away the uper leather, leaving a sole only with a thong, to go over the foot, to make the sole fast to the foot, and so they should not be Shoos, but Soles. But the great difficulty was about [Page 210]the Coat, and Hood: And there were some cunning Friers, good at division, who divi­ded the first branch of the Article into three principal Points or Questions: The First, about the Colour; The Second, about the Quantity; And the Third, about the form, or fashion of the Coat, and Hood.

To the First, First great Point. about the Colour, there were divers Opinions, and no accord could be amongst them. For the glorious St. Francis had spoken nothing of the Colour in his Rule; but only ordained, that they of his Order should wear Habits of a low price: and thereupon fell out a great Question, viz. what Colour was of least price, and would seem to be most vile. Argum. Some reasoned thus, That the Green Colour was the cheapest, and vilest; and that it was ordinarily seen, that people of the lowest condition, as Carters, Mariners, and other mean people, wore that Colour in the linings of their Doublets, as the meanest of all; not forgetting the green Apron, generally worn by the plainest sort of people, and never by the rich. They ar­gued further, that the matter wherewith the Green Colour is made, is Cheaper, and rea­dier at hand, than any other; for with Herbs, Leaves, and Grass, the Green Colour may be made, both for Linnen, and for Wollen; Nay take a Maid, and lay her but along on the Grass, and every one will say she has a Green Gown.

Ans. But others were of Opinion, that the Murrey, or Smoky Colour, was viler, easier to be gotten, and cheaper, than the Green, or any other colour; for to make that colour, there need no more than to take white wool, and soot, and one need not go over the threshold for materials for that dye.

But then there were others of a Third Opinion, who thought themselves more cer­tainly in the right, than either of the other Two; and these said that no colour was more easie to be had, viler, or more suitable to their Order, than that which came pure from the Beast's back, and that was Black, or White: And that it would correspond with St. Francis his mind, and design, that they should wear the Colour of the Beast, in token of Humility, and Patience: and further adding, that all other Colours cost some­thing, if it were but labour, but the Co­lour of the Beast would cost nothing at all.

But to all this, they that were for Green, or Smokey Colours, replyed; That they who disputed for the Colour of the Beast shewed they had too much of the Beast in them; because their Conclusion was alter­native, and indeterminative; for they con­cluded upon White, and Black, without re­solving either upon the one, or the other; and that such a Conclusion implyed a con­tradiction; for, said they, nothing is more contrary, than Black, and White. Besides, [Page 212]if they weared the Colour of the Sheep, it might give occasion unto men, to censure them for being Wolves, in Sheep's cloath­ing. They urged also, that already other Mendicants had taken up those two Colours, for the Jacobins wore White under, and Black above: and the Carmelites contrary, Black under, and White above: and that ge­nerally all other sorts of Monks, which held the Rules of St. Augustin, St. Bernard, St. Benet, and others, were either Black, or White; and it might be esteemed, either presumption, incroachment, or usurpation, to assume the Habits, or Colours of others; and therefore that would not be the way to draw unto them the Devotion of the World: And then these concluded, That if they should take the Colour of Black, there were some Countreys where were no Black Sheep, as in Berry, Limoges, and Languedoc; in which Countrys they must be forced to dye their Wool, and that would make it dear, and, by consequence, directly against the Rule of the blessed St. Francis; and how should they pay for dying, when they are expresly for­bidden to handle any Silver? And then, if the Order should choose the White Co­lour, there are other Countreys, where there are no White Sheep, or but few, as in Tus­cany, and other places; so that there the Friers must have their Cloaths out of far Countrys, which would be to their greater cost, and directly also against their Rule, and Liberties: And therefore these concluded, [Page 213]no Colours so fit, as the Green, or Smoaky.

But then, Rejoin'd. those that were for the Colour of the Beast, rejoin'd, and said, That that Opinion for Green, and that other for Smoaky Colours, were the most Savage, and Sordid opinions in the World, answerable to the Reason of those as maintained it: for, said they, Green is a Colour most fit for Fools, and Jackanapes's that are ordinarily seen in that Colour. And then, in Coun­trys, where they say there is none but Black Wool, how can they dye that into Green, or Smoaky? But, by this time the Contest grew very hot, which a shrewd old Frier observ­ing, and suspecting that this wrangling about Habits, would bring them to a habit of wrangling, and make a rent in the Order, stood up, and after silence commanded, he commended all those that had so throughly, and learnedly debated the matter on both sides: but seeing, said he, the case is very weighty, and difficult, it seems to me to merit the Resolution of our Holy Father the Pope, and that it ought to be referred to his determination: to which motion, for that time, they all assented.

After this, Second great Point. the Seniors of the Fraternity caused the second Question of the three to be proposed, touching the quantity of their Ha­bits, whether they should be long, or short; wide, or strait. And to this, a number stood up, declaring their Opinion to be, That the Garments of their Order ought to be short, [Page 214]and strait, and that for many reasons, as they alledged: Argum. For, said they, Garments that are short, and strait, are more vile, and better cheap, than such are, that be long, and large, because they have not so much stuff in them: Therefore, since the Glorious St. Francis, our Founder, ordained we should wear Habits vile, and of little price, we cannot better observe that Holy Rule, (wherein consisteth the estate of perfection) than in making our Habits as short, and strait as is possible. Besides, said they, our blessed Founder hath made us all Mendicants, to live on the Charities of good people, to gather which, we must be al­ways travelling, and running about the Country; and therefore we cannot possibly be so nimble, in a long, and wide, as in a short, and strait garment.

But then presently another company steps up, Answ. and condemns this Opinion, as the most strange, and ridiculous as might be: Be­cause, said these, if Friers should wear short Habits, they would look more like Jockeys, and Millers, than Friers: and experience shews, that in some Countrys, where Friers used to wear short Habits, the Order was presently contemned, and derided, and men call'd them curtail'd Friers. Besides, the very mind of St. Francis, in this, may some­what be understood, because in this Article he uses the word Tunic, which seems to sig­nifie a long Robe, or Garment. Moreover, long habits are more seemly for religious men, [Page 215]and short Habits for Lay-men. Further they said that all other sorts of Monks wore long, and wide Habits, and it would be a great blemish, as well as a Novelty, if the Or­der of the most glorious St. Francis should take a short Habit. And then, said they, when we go into the Pulpit to Preach, or when we go to say Mass, will it not be a rare sight for us to go like Skipjacks, and Millers? Therefore these concluded, that their Habit should be long, and large.

Notwithstanding all this, Reply. the first Opinio­nists in this point Replyed, and said, That the good St. Francis had taught them the way of Humility, and therefore they should not wear long Garments, like Pharisees, to be reverenced in the World; for that tasted of Pride, and not of his Humility; and they which are despised of the world, are esteemed of God, and so contrary. Then for the Notation of the word Tunic, they said, that in the Rule of S. Benet, it signified not a long Robe, but a little Coat, or Cas­sock, and so it is found in Ambrose Calepin's Dictionary (who was of our Order, said they,) not a long Robe, but Toga, and that therefore the Letter of the Article made for them in that point. And as for what had been said, that other Monks wear long, and wide; these said it would be so much the better, that there might be a distinction be­tween them, and others; and that they might not look like Lay-men in short Habits, the [Page 216]Hood would make a difference sufficient for that purpose: and length of Garments alone would not distinguish them from the Lay­people, for many of them also wore long Robes, as Advocates, Councellors, Proctors, Physitians, and Merchants, and divers others: And though we may confess, said they, that at the beginning, it possibly may seem a no­velty, to wear short, and strait Garments, with a Hood; but time, and custom will take away the strangeness of it, for to all things there is a beginning. But, by this time the disputes upon these points began to be very warm also: so that some of the old subtile Friers commanded silence again; and having given due commendations to the in­genuity, and nimbleness of the Disputers on both sides, they Resolved to remit the reso­lution of these high matters also to the great Oracle of the World, their H. Father at Rome.

Then the Third Question was started, Third great [...], touching the form, and fashion of these Ha­bits: and upon that it was put to the Cue­stion, Whether their Habits should be single, or double: If they might be any whit fine, or not: If they should have Collers, or none: If they should use Points, or But­tons: If they should have skirts, or none: Or sleeves, or no sleeves: Or, if sleeves, whether the hanging sleeves, Argum. or no: And upon this matter of sleeves, some were for little sleeves, because the great ones would take up more stuff, and be dearer, and so [Page 217]contrary to their Rule: Answ. But then others that were for the great sleeves, said, they might serve them in stead of a scrip, or pouch; for the good St. Francis had commanded them to beg, and live upon Alms, and also had forbidden them to carry pouch, bag, or scrip, and it was necessary they should have something wherein to put their Alms. To Answer which, the others said there might be another help, viz. to take a Man, or a Boy with them, (whom they might call a Judas) to carry a bag, or scrip, for that pur­pose, who also might take mony, if any gave it. But this project did not, in all re­spects, please the others; though as to the taking of money, they liked that well enough, but such Boyes, and Men would be Judas's indeed, and steal, and purloin what was given; however if they should be honest, they must be maintained, which would strike a great stroke, and make a hole in their gains, and so the bread would be eaten out of the poor Fryer's mouths by these hang-by's.

Then they came to debate the fashion of their Hoods: And as to that, Argum. some were for flat, and close Hoods, which they said would betoken Humility; and would be warmer: But others were for the sharp pointed Hood, Answ. which they said would denote their sharp, quick, and piercing Conceits, and how they aspired upwards. And many allegations, and exceptions were made, and taken to all these, and [Page 218]divers other the like points, which blew the Company into a great Combustion: which some of the more discreet amongst them perceiving, and considering what bad success they had in the disputes upon the former Points, and that in these there was like to be no better harmony: they moved that the differences in these great Points also might be referred to the infallible Judgement of the Pope, holding it as expedient to send for a resolution of three Questions, as of two; for said they, when a fire is made, it is as cheap roasting Three Chickens, as Two. And to this they all consented.

Not long after, certain Delegates of the Order took their Journey to Rome, to Pope Nicholas the Third, about the year 1280. who convened all his Cardinals, that with them he might understand, and determine all these high, and subtile Points. And af­ter long debate, and mature deliberation taken, upon all things alledged, and in­sisted on, in these matters; at length, with the advice of his Cardinals, the Pope made this Resolution, viz. He ordained, and commanded, that in all those Questions, that only should be observed, which should be concluded and determined in a Chapiter General, or else in Provin­cial Chapiters, or Conventions, which for that purpose should be Congregated: Pro­vided, that there might alwayes shine in the Fryers an holy Poverty, according to their holy Rule. Upon this, and for this [Page 219]purpose, many Chapiters were afterwards assembled: but all to no purpose at all, for therein they fell out, in as great heats, and differences, about all these difficult points, as ever they were before.

Then, about thirty years after, the Fra­ternity, by reason of the great dissentions amongst them, touching these matters, sent Delegates to Rome again, to Pope Clement the fifth, who then held a Council at Vien­na, An. D. 1311. giving the Pope to un­derstand, How, according to the Ordi­nance of Pope Nicholas, the Chapters had done all they possibly could, to overcome the said difficulties, but could not bring them to any tolerable conclusion; but that contrarily, the more the matters were de­bated, the more doubts, and difficulties al­wayes did arise: therefore, as to the very Oracle of Truth, they wholly submitted to him all their differences in the premises. Upon this the Pope, after hearing all that they alledg'd, and offered, touching the points in difference, with advice of the Pre­lates, Cardinals, Doctors, and others assembled in that Council, puts forth a true Oracle indeed, that is, nothing of cer­tainty to the Questions propos'd to him: For his Resolution was, That the Guar­dians, and the other chief Ministers of the Order, should judge of the vility, colour, length, wideness, and fashion of their Ha­bits: Commanding all the Fryers punctually to observe, and obey the Orders, and re­solutions [Page 220]of their Guardians, and Chiefs, without framing, or proposing any more doubts, subtilties, or scruples. With all this, contained in a very fair Bull, the De­legates, and Agents returned home: And the Guardians, and Chiefs of the Order, in pursuance thereof, applyed themselves to order, and settle these matters: But then, besides the differences that arose amongst themselves, when ever they agreed on any thing, those Fryers, against whose Opinion it was carryed, would quarrel in­solently at it, and would be so far from yielding conformity, that they did not spare to revile their Superiours, calling them Fools, and Dunces, for no better under­standing the Text of St. Francis his Rule: And in this disorder they continued a long time; untill

In the year 1323. in the time of Pope John the 22. who resided at Avignion, the Guardians, and superiours of the Order went to complain once more to his Holiness, that the Fryers would not obey the Orders they had agreed upon by vertue of the Bull of Pope Clement; and humbly prayed his Holiness further directions, and aid therein. Whereupon the Pope sent Sum­mons to all those Fryers who refused to obey their Superior's Decrees in all those contro­verted points, that they should either per­sonally, or by writing certifie the Reasons of their obstinacy: and when these were come in, the Pope assembled all his Cardinals in [Page 221]Conclave, where the Allegations for, and against the Fryer's disobedience, were all canvassed, and debated at large, and many offers, and proposals made for a final con­clusion of all: but nothing of that nature was accepted, and no agreement there was like to be except, the Pope would juridically, and openly, and plainly give his Sentence in the case. And thereupon the Pope gave Order for his definitive Bull to be drawn up: wherein, in the first place, he highly ex­tolled the Bulls of his Predecessors, the Popes Nicholas, and Clement, wondring why men should decline the import, and [...]enor of them: and then for himself, he ordained, and declared, That the vilitie of Habits should be measured by the custom of every Country: and after gave power, and Commission to the Guardians, and Su­periors of the Order (as did Pope Clement) to make a Rule for the longitude, latitude, colour, thickness, fashion, substance, and vility, as well of the Tunics, as the Hood; and upon all other circumstances, accidents, and dependances upon the same: command­ing all the Fryers to obey the Rules that should be made, without any more Ob­jections, Arguments, or Contradictions. But neither would this Third Bull do the business; for men esteemed it, in effect, no more than what had bin order'd before, without any fruit. And so the heats, and disputes continued amongst the Fryers, as high as ever: Nay some spared not to re­flect [Page 122]on the Pope himself, saying, that he did not rightly understand the points in con­troversie: Others, that he used too many Councellors, and that one honest Tailor, if the Pope could have found him, would better have inform'd how to stitch up these rents, than the whole Conclave: and the greatest Scandal was, that if the Pope, the Vice-deus, the Oracle of Truth, the un­erring Head, the infallible Guide, could not settle, and put an end to dif­ferences of such inferiour nature; how could he (did many say) infallibly judge, and determine in matters of Faith, and the more sublime points of Religion, about which there were such differences in the world?

But at last these heats amongst the Fryers were somewhat allayed, and cool'd with time: and the generality of the Order be­took thmeselves to the White, and Black Colours, as they come purely from the Beast, and thence the denomination to the white, and black Fryers: and some of them intermingled the two Colours, and made a third, and from them came the Grey Fryers. And for the Garments, and Hoods, they came to wear them long, and large: only the difference about the Sleeves was never yet accorded, for some wear strait, and little Sleeves; and others wear large, and wide, for some conveniences, and of this sort was that Fryer, who when he was Preaching against stealing, had all the time a Goose in [Page 223]his Sleeve. And thus, though their Infallible Judge could not, or would not, put an end to these differences amongst his own Crea­tures, with all his Decretals, and Extra­vagants, as those Bulls were called; yet at this time we shall here to them all put a