THe King and the Parliament mutually fomenting fears and jealousies between each other, have caused this Kingdome to be involved in such a stupendious Laborynch of distraction, that the estate of the whole King­dome is shaken thereby. Messages, and Remonstrances, De­clarations and Replies have beene often reflected on each other; and while the Kings indignation is exasperated, the Parliaments suspition is not wanting. London is repleni­shed with griefe for his Majesties absence; and his Majesty is also himselfe perplexed at the exclusion given him at Hull, That a Subject should deny him the injoyment of his owne possessions. In respect therefore that so many troubles and distempers doe infect and contaminate this Realme, with the contagious diffusion of feares, and approa­ching miseries; and that the State of this Kingdome is at this present reduced to the very brinke of calamity: it will not be impertinent seriously to consider by what meanes it hath been brought into them, and by what meanes probably it may be emergent and brought out of them. Diverse cau­ses have produced these effects; but the principall cause is to be concluded from the variance and disunion between the King and his Parliament. But it will not be unnecessary to search scrutably into the first, and prime cause, that begot this variance and disunion, and then nourished and continu­ed the same. It was (as it is by astipulation of all Men ge­nerally affirmed) the tumultuous uprores of some factious Spirits, that did not onely scare, but affright His Majesty [Page] from his great Councell: running Catervatim, by Troopes down to White-hall, and then disturbing his Majesty with obstreporous clamours. Which caused His Majesty there­upon to constitute, and appoint a dayly Court of Guard; but perceiving, notwithstanding, their protervity so egregi­ously obstinate, he left his Parliament. And ever since, this disagreement have continued between them to the unex­pressible griefe of the Subjects. The Authors then hereof are apparantly demonstrated, not to be any forraigne, but domesticke foe: for our Enemies are only of our House and Family, such as under pretence of Peace, hatch civill Wars, and such as our own discentions, jealousies and distractions have begotten and raised up. And certainly, where such are found (especially between a King and his People) they will prove a sufficient destruction to that Kingdome, and no o­ther cause of the unhappinesse, and misery of a State need to be sought after: for civill discord is a plentifull Sourse, from whence all miseries and crowding mischiefes flow greedily into a Kingdome.

The Scripture telleth us, Of the Great strength of a Lit­tle City Ʋnited, and of the Little stability of a Great King­dome divided within it selfe. So that upon a prudent inqui­ry, we may assigne our own jealousies and discords, for the chieft cause of our past, and present troubles, and of our fu­ture feares.

The King for his part offereth to concurre with the Par­liament, in the setling all their liberties and immunities, either for the propriety of their goods, or liberty of their Persons, which they have successively received from their Ancestor, or which himselfe hath granted unto them. And (as appeares by His severall Messages, and Answers to both Houses of Parliament) what shall yet remaine for the good and comfort of His Subjects, He is willing to hearken, to [Page] all their just and reasonable Propositions? And for the ratification and establishment of the Protestant Religi­on, he woes them to it: The rule of His Government, He professeth, shall be no other, then the Lawes of the King­dome. What can be more pretended, or expected from a King?

The Parliament on the other side make profession, that they intend to make His Majesty a glorious King, to en­deavour to support his Dignity, and to pay unto him, that duty and obedience, which by their Allegiance, severall Oathes, and late Protestation, they owe unto him: and to maintain all His just Regalities, and Prerogatives.

So that this Kingdome (the Parliament and King ha­ving thus reciprocally agreed of that, which would in the the generall make at once both the King, and his People happy) will be most unhappy and unfortunate, if they doe not bring both inclinations and endeavours so to pro­pound and settle particulars, as both King and People may know, what will give them mutuall satisfaction, which certainly must be the first step to the setling of a right understanding between them. But when that con­fidence and beliefe, which should be betwixt a King and his Subject are once lost and dissolved, there can be no greater difficulty, then to conjoyne them. For it is much easier to compose differences arising from reason, yea, from wrongs, then it is to satisfie jealousies, which arising out of the diffidence, and distrust between the King and People, grow, and are varied upon every occasion. The Parliament have ordered the disposall of the Militia of the Kingdome without the Kings consent, warranted by the Authority of the fundamentall Lawes of the Land.

The King Answers to the contrary, and desire to know what those fundamentall Lawes of the Land are, and [Page] where to be found, or by what Ordinance since the first beginning of Parliaments to this present hath it been ever mentioned, that any thing hath been endeavoured to im­pose any thing on the Subject without the Kings consent?

The Parliament affirme by many Statutes the unlimi­ted power, and Authority of a Parliament.

The King acknowledgeth the same also, but withall he understandeth, that in the Word Parliament, the King as a part thereof is chiefly comprehended.

The King (being denied him to enter into Hull) pro­claimed Sir John Hotham Traytor, being an unparalel'd, high, and unheard of affront offered to his Majesty.

The Parliament maintaine that Act of his to be no Treason, and proclaime him contrarily a faithfull servant of the Parliaments, and that they are confident his Act will appeare to all the World so farre from being an af­front to the King, that it will be found rather an Act of great loyalty to His Majesty, and to the generall good of the Kingdome especially. The King affirmeth, that He hath the same Title to His Town of Hull, which any of His Subjects have to their Houses or Lands, and the same to his Magazine and Munition there, that any Man hath to his Mony, Plate or Jewels; and therefore that they ought not to have been disposed of, without, or against His con­sent, no more then the House, Lands, Mony, Plate or Jew­els of any Subject ought to be without, or against his will. The Parliaments Answer, That His Majesties Towns are no more his own, then the Kingdome is his own; and his Kingdome are no more his own, then his People are his owne; and if the King had a propriety in all his Townes, what would become of the Subjects propriety in their Houses therein, and if he had a propriety in his King­dome, what would become of the Subjects propriety in [Page] their Lands throughout the Kingdome, or of their Li­berties: if His Majesty had the same right in their per­sons, that every Subject hath in their Lands, or Goods, and what should become of the Subjects interests in the Townes and Forts of the Kingdome, and in the King­dome it selfe, if His Majesty might sell, or give them away, or dispose of them at his pleasure, as a particular Man may do with his Goods. Thus in every particular there is a moore Antipathy and Opposition on both sides, severall feares and jealousies being nourished, be­tween both the King and his Parliament; which if there be no endeavours to Allay, mitigate or remove, they will every day increase, grow stronger, and stronger, and ga­ther strength variously: Nay, they are already grown to that height, and the mutuall replies to those direct tearmes of opposition in contrary Answers, that if there be no present stop made, it is to be feared, it will speedily passe farther then verball contestations. Yorkeshire is in preparation of Armes to assist His Majesty, and the Horse-riding of that Country hath been performed ac­cording to His Majesties command, and if by provocation of Words a Civill War should arise, it would present­ly bring the whole Kingdome to a destructive and rui­nate demolution. So that we are upon the very brinke of our miseries: but it is better keeping out of them, then getting out of them: and in an Estate, the Wise­of prevention, is infinitely beyond the Wisedome of Remedies. If for the sins of this Nation these mis-un­derstandings should produce the least Act of Hostility, it is not almost to be believed, how impossible it were to put a stay to our miseries. For if it should so hap­pen (which God of his Goodnesse avert) that mutually [Page] Forces and Armies should bee raised, jealousies and feares would be much increased thereby, and in the ve­ry charge of maintaining them, the wealth of the King­dome would be consumed. Of this we had lately a costly example in the Wars of Scotland, and after paci­fication was concluded, it cost this Kingdome not much lesse then a Million of pounds. And if two Armies be once on Foot here in England, either a sudden encoun­ter must destroy one of them, or the keeping them both will destroy the Kingdome. I hope the Parliament will endeavour by moderation, and calmenesse, to put a stay to our appraching miseries, and hearken to the wise advice of our Brethren of Scotland, in their Message to the King and Parliament, wherein they earnestly entreat them, That all possible meanes may be forborne which may make the breach wider, and the wound deeper: and that no place be given to the evill spirit of division, which at such time work uncessantly, and resteth not; But that the fairest, the most Christian and peaceable way of re-union may be taken by so wise a King, and Parliament, as may (against malice and opposition) make his Majesty more glorious, and His Kingdome more happy then ever.

Which Pious, Prudent admonitions of Scotland (I hope) will be respectively embraced, to the reconcilia­tion of the King and Parliament, and consequently the security of the Kingdome.