Anglia rediviva Englands recovery being the history of the motions, actions, and successes of the army under the immediate conduct of His Excellency Sr. Thomas Fairfax, Kt., Captain-General of all the Parliaments forces in England / compiled for the publique good by Ioshua Sprigge ... Sprigg, Joshua, 1618-1684. 1647 Approx. 826 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 180 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2012-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A61191 Wing S5070 ESTC R18123 12728793 ocm 12728793 66403

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A61191) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 66403) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 369:6) Anglia rediviva Englands recovery being the history of the motions, actions, and successes of the army under the immediate conduct of His Excellency Sr. Thomas Fairfax, Kt., Captain-General of all the Parliaments forces in England / compiled for the publique good by Ioshua Sprigge ... Sprigg, Joshua, 1618-1684. Fiennes, Nathaniel, 1607 or 8-1669. [21], 335 [i.e. 331], [4] p., 2 folded leaves of plates : ill., coat of arms Printed by R.W. for Iohn Partridge ..., London : 1647. Running title: England's recovery. Clement Walker, in his History of independency, p. 32, states that Col. Nathaniel Fiennes is the real author of this work, but "his assumption is not supported on any evidence. It is probably based on the fact that Anglia rediviva justified the conduct of Fiennes in surrendering Bristol in 1643." Cf. DNB. First ed. Cf. BM. Errata: p. [21]. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Marginal notes.

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eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2011-07 Assigned for keying and markup 2011-07 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2011-10 Sampled and proofread 2011-10 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2012-05 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

blazon or coat of arms of Sir Thomas Fairfax FARE FAC

Anglia Rediviva; Englands Recovery: BEING THE HISTORY Of the Motions, Actions, and Succeſſes of the Army under the Immediate Conduct of His Excellency Sr. Thomas Fairfax, Kt. CAPTAIN-GENERAL Of all the PARLIAMENTS Forces IN ENGLAND.

Compiled for the Publique good BY IOSHUA SPRIGGE. M. A.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

LONDON, Printed by R. W. for Iohn Partridge, and are to be ſold at the Parot in Pauls Church-yard, and the Cock in Ludgate-ſtreete. 1647.

To the Honourable, VVilliam Lenthal, Eſq Speaker of the Honourable Houſe of COMMONS. SIR,

IF my own Genius had not prompted me, the Nature of this Diſcourſe would have led me to You; being of the Actions of that ARMY, which (as it received the compleat actuation of its Form, by the concurrence of the Right honourable the Houſe of PEERES; ſo it) received its firſt riſe from that Honourable Houſe where you ſit, and have ſate as Speaker, (after an unparallel'd inſtance) for ſixe continued Years together; deriving in the mean time, not ſo much wonder, as benefit to the Kingdome thereby: having, all along, by the ſame Publique Organ aſſerted the Engliſh freedome, whereby once (ſince the beginning of this Parliament) You anſwered His Majeſty, (who had then after an unuſual manner entred your Houſe:) That you had neither eyes to ſee, nor tongue to ſpeak, but what that Honourable Houſe gave you. In all the warm Influences and Motions whereby this Army hath been cheriſhed, You have been One in the Conſtellation, yea, a chief and leading One.

SIR, I mention not theſe things to lay a ſtumbling-block of Pride before you; But to minde you of that which I know you acknowledge, That One greater then States, gave you this faithfulneſſe. Now as for this Story Sir, what is wanting in it of Elegancie of Phraſe, hath been endeavoured to be ſupplied in the truth of the Relation: And next to that, a good proportion of my care hath been to carry it without ſuch diſtatefull reflection, as might render it unfit for your Candor to patronize; I make no queſtion but you will eaſily diſcern a thread of Divinity running through the whole proceeding of this Army, and that their Actions have been nothing elſe, but a Copy of the Wiſdom, Power, Providence, and love of God put forth in men.

My Prayers for you, and the Honourable Senate are, That God who hath made all your Enemies without, appear but fleſh, and that fleſh graſſe, would ſave you from the power of fleſh within, that you may act all things in the ſtrength and excellency of that Spirit that hath wrought theſe things for ye, that ye may be partakers of as much of God as of Victory; whereby ye ſhall be ſure, not only to arrive your ſelves laden with Honour, and all the ſweet fruits of your unwearied Labours at the Port of glory, but ſhall alſo direct the toſſed Bark of this Common-wealth towards the Haven of Reſt and Righteouſneſſe.

SIR, In your publike merit many thouſands are no leſſe then I am, who am profeſſedly,

Sir, Your moſt humble Servant, I •…
To his EXCELLENCIE Sir Thomas Fairfax, &c. AN APOLOGIE. SIR,

IT may be thought neither Iuſtice nor Gratitude, That this Book is not dedicated to your Name, for your great merit and intereſt in the ſubject of it.

Sir, As your worth, and name, qualifies you for the Patronage of the beſt Subject or Diſcourſe whatſoever; and your Martial fame and Proweſſe, for the beſt Story of that ſort: ſo your intereſt in, and relation to the contents hereof, is, and without controverſie muſt be acknowledged ſo great, as renders you altogether uncapable of receiving any acceſsion of Title thereto by a Dedication.

The truth is, This being but the Picture of that VViſedome, and Courage, and what more of GOD did appeare in You; I dare not preſent it to you, being not drawn to the life. But when moreover I conſider of the Kingdoms intereſt in theſe things done, and more particularly the Parliament's, who ſet you on work; I am fully ſatisfied and reſolved, That if the right of Dedication be yours, yet the debt of Patronage which is Onus, as well as Honos; a Care, as well as a Courteſie) I am ſure is theirs: For though You are the Perſon by whom; yet it is the Publike, 'tis the Parliament, for whom theſe Things have been done; And therefore the juſtice ſeems to be on that ſide, that They ſhould take theſe Services off Your hands, and own and avouch them as having been done in Their name, and by their authority.

And as Your ſervices have been of that conſideration and merit, as to engage Kingdoms and Parliaments; So the conſideration of Gratitude is not fit for the adventure of a private man, it is worthy the advice of a Parliament. And as both Houſes have with much Nobleneſſe, and in high Honour to You in that relation, acknowledged as much by a ſolemn congratulatory Viſit, at your comming to London; ſo They will, I am confident, proceed in all ſuitable expreſsions of real thankefulneſſe; and leaſt of all think their gratitude at an end, now that your ſervices are come to ſo good an end. Though I may ſay without diſhonour to them, when they have done all, They muſt die your Debters: And he is not an Engliſh-man, that doth not acknowledge, That as the Honour of theſe Actions, under GOD, is Yours; ſo all that they enjoy by theſe ſucceſſes, is alſo Yours: And that when this Generation have exhauſted themſelves, and done their part, they muſt commend it to their Poſterity, to pay the Remainder to your Name.

SIR, I ſpeak not theſe things to lift you up, for that were to inſnare you, and bring you down in that wherein you have as much exceeded the moſt of the ſonnes of men, as in any thing; I mean in the carrying of ſo much Honour as GOD hath put upon you, in greateſt humility; but to lift up GOD in you. My only prayer for you is, That as you have ſeen much of GOD in the action, ſo you may live to ſee proportionably of GOD in Ʋs, in the improvement of them; And that you may taſte as much of GOD in the Kingdomes Peace, as you have done in the Kingdomes Warres.

Your Excellencies moſt humble, and moſt affectionately devoted Servant, Ioshua Sprigge.
To all True ENGLISH-MEN.

MY dear Country-men; (For to you I direct this Story: for it is yours; In your Land were theſe Battels fought; theſe Actions done, for your ſakes, (the vindication and defence of your Parliament, Lawes and Liberties;) and by your hands.) You, that have with bleeding hearts, and diſtilling eyes, been Spectators of, and common Sufferers under the inſulting paces of Arbitrary power, and unlimited Prerogative; and have felt the twinging convulſions, and violent concuſsions of the ſame: And at laſt (to accompliſh your miſery, and your Exactors ſins) have had a Cup of Blood prepared for you, (by Divine ordination, indeed, (and ſo righteouſly;) but immediately put upon you by the luſts of thoſe, whom GOD, for your ſins, had given up to theſe things:) And have been drinking thereof theſe three years and more, (I pray God it hath paſſed from you.) Only, at preſent, God hath taken it out of your hands, (though we ſee not, yet, he hath made your Enemies drink the dregs of it.) I cannot but hope and expect, That as thoſe Feet have been beautiful that brought you the Retail-tidings of your expiring Warfare; ſo that Hand that ſhall tranſmit the Series of them to your view, ſhall not want his due proportion of benevolous acceptance.

You may not expect here an Hiſtory, beginning with our late unhappy Wars; but (that which is better) it ends with them, (For, better is the latter end of a thing, ſayes Solomon, then the beginning.) And therefore this Peece (though laſt acted, yet) being firſt intended in Providence, may well be firſt committed to Hiſtory, as containing that Point, whereinto, as into its Center, all the former Actions did thruſt; If any have a ſtory of them to bring forth, this doth not at all prevent, but prepare for it. It is pleaſant diſcourſing of the Wracks of Warre, in the Harbour of Peace; As once Aeneas to his Men: Vos & Scyllaeam rabiem, penitus que ſonanteis Acceſtis ſcopulos; Vos & Cyclopea ſaxa Experti, revocate animos, moestum que timorem Mittite; forſan & haec olim meminiſſe juvabit. Per varios caſus, per tot diſcrimina rerum, Tendimus in Latium, ſedes ubi Fata quietas Oſtendunt, illic fas regna reſurgere Trojae: Durate, & rebus voſmet ſervate ſecundis.

Into this Harbour hath GOD now brought our Engliſh Bark; Of this Peace, and the immediate Action that wrought it out, doth this Hiſtory give you a proſpect, wherein I hope GOD is drawn through all, and Providence in the faireſt colour, and the greatest letter in the Book.

The Olive branch I bring, might diſcharge me from owing any Excuſe; yet there are two things (whatever more may be) for which I ſhall tender a ſhort Apologie, viz. That this Olive branch is no fairer; That it is no freſher.

For the firſt, I may ſay of the Actions of this Army, in a good proportion of truth, what was ſaid in another caſe: If they had been all largely expreſſed, ſuch a Volume could not have contained them: For as in populous Cities, eſpecially if of great wealth and trading, Houſes are thwackt together without thoſe liberties of Gardens and Orchards, which Country villages are accommodated with: Even ſo, in the Story of this ARMY, into which ſo many great and glorious actions, and births of Providence have throng'd, to make it rich and glorious by the mutuall projections of their Lights; you cannot expect to have ſuch Elbow-room of Expreſsion, and Accommodation of Words, as in more ſingle ſtories. Or as leſſer Lights ſhining in an Orbe by themſelves, ſeem fair and ſpecious, and of greater magnitude then bigger ſtarres in Conſtellations: Even ſo, How many of theſe Actions, were each of them improved and extended by the Art of Speech, ſpread in their juſt breadth, the Folds of their particular Circumſtances, opened, would make ſo many competent Stories by themſelves.

For the latter; Should this Story have been adorned with ſuch Artificial ſtuffe of feigned ſpeeches, Proſopepeia's, and Epiſtrophe's, &c. it might find better acceſſe to ſome eares: But whether it be not the glory of the Story, Not to need the Trappings of Words, I make no queſtion at all. Truth is that, which is the commendation of History; and the greatneſſe of an action (which makes it great in Wiſemens eyes) is native, not adventitious. I ſhould count my ſelf unhappy, to detain the Reader in the Artifice of the Style, from the Greatneſſe of the Matter; Lofty language, is but to Mount Pigmee actions, and to pleaſe a lower Senſe. I dare not be too ſollicitous of arraying the works of GOD, le t while I ſeek to honour them with a gorgeous Habit, I hide the true Glory and Majeſty of them: Beſides that, the humbler the Phraſe is, the more ſutable to the Perſons by whom theſe things were done, and the manner of doing; For, not by Might, nor by Power, &c. And I write them not for men to pick Phraſes out of, but to gather matter of Praiſes to GOD: And if this be the fruit, I have my end in relation thereto, and furtherance thereof.

I ſhall adde but two or three words more: And the firſt is, concerning the Action; the ſecond, concerning the Instruments; and laſtly, concerning the Authour, GOD.

1. For the Action: You that have travelled in all Stories both ancient and modern; whoſe Mindes are ſo greatned, as that you will look upon no ſmall things; Tell me, (I will be bold to put the queſtion, and venture the ſhame of the worſt anſwer that truth and ingenuity can make) Did you ever read ſuch a Story as this? (I relate to the matter of it) Did you ever read (ſetting Iſraels warres in Canaan aſide) of ſo many Actions, ſo conſiderable, done in ſo ſhort a time? Such Vnanimity in Councels, ſuch Concord in Leaders, ſuch Succeſſe upon Endeavours, ſuch Feare upon Enemies? It was the admiration of a The Prince of Orange. Great man, and Souldier, in Foraign parts, upon the former Services: What, two Battels in a Summer! I know not what he may ſay of theſe; perhaps nothing: Admirationes leves loquuntur, ingentes ſtupent. But as the height of Mercy cannot well be taken but from the depth of the precedent Miſery; ſo neither can the tranſcendencie of this Army's Merit be eſtimated, but by the greatneſſe and compaſſe of their Work. You ſhall find therefore in a Table prefixed to the Story, the ſtate of the Kingdom ſet in your view, as it ſtood when this New-Model was raiſed and ſent forth. For as it uſually fals out, that ſickneſses and diſtempers in mens bodies, appearing in the greateſt height and threatning, is the very Criſis and forerunner of Recovery; ſo fared it in this matter: The Enemy never had a fairer day for his purpoſe; and on the other hand, the Parliaments affairs was never ſince theſe Warres more low and declining; As by referring to the enſuing Table, may appear.

2. Concerning the Instruments, The goodneſſe of GOD hath appeared to us (in furniſhing us with ſuch Inſtruments out of our ſelves, in a Paralel way to that Succeſſe he hath given out by them; in making the ENGLISH Root again to bud with Honour, after the diſadvantage of a longcontinued Peace for 80. yeares, wherein Reſt had been conveyed in our Blood, from Father to Sonne. And now to make the Gallantry, Valour, and Proweſſe of our Forefathers to riſe up in their Children, in ſuch a Cauſe, and not only to bud, but to bear ripe Almonds; is that, which, (abſtracting from the eat of the Wars within our own bowels) would have made a delectable ſtory, although it had been without ſucceſse.

3. But we would leaſt of all be thought, by this Hiſtorie of things done, to fixe unconquerableneſse, and unvariable ſucceſſe upon this Army; That were to dare Providence to undo us: We know, we are as ſoon broken, as made up; as ſoon flying, as conquering: We deſire therefore Friends, not to believe this Army ſhall do more, becauſe it hath done ſo much; and that it cannot be conquered, becauſe it hath conquered: But, that it ſhall be ſtill victorious while GOD is in it, and no longer.

Accept theſe Mercies, and with them the Inſtruments, in the undeniable demonſtration of their Love and Loyalty to their Country, in ſo free an expence of their Blood, and ſo chearfull undergoing all hardſhips of War, for your ſakes.

J. S.
The ſtate of the Kingdome, when His Excellencie Sir THO. FAJRFAX marched forth, May. 1645. Exhibited in Two TABLES. The one ſhewing, into what Counties, Cities, Towns, Caſtles, and Places of ſtrength, the KING reached, and Garriſoned: As alſo the Field-force His Maiestie had to maintain the ſame, and to enlarge his Quarters. The other ſhewing all along, what Force, Garriſons, or Places of ſtrength the PARLIAMENT had, to check or ballance the Enemie. In two DIVISIONS. The one containing the Weſtern Counties; The other, the Midland Parts.
THE FIRST DIVISION.

IN The KING had, The Parliament had, Cornwal. The whole County intire to himſelf, with theſe places of ſtrength therein well fortified, and manned: Viz. The Mount, the ſtrong Caſtle of Pendennis, Dennis-Fort, and Helford-fort, which commanded the commodious Harbour of Falmouth. The Garriſons of Foy, Salt-Aſh, Mount-Edgcombe, and Lanceſton: Beſides, His Majeſty kept ſome Forces at Padſtow, and St. Ives. Neither Field-Force, Port-Town, nor Inland-Garriſon; and beſides, the People were generally diſaffected to the Parliament. Devon. All Devon intire to himſelf (except Plimouth only) and therein theſe conſiderable Garriſons well fortified and manned, viz. Exceſter, Barnſtaple, and Dartmouth, the Fort at Exmouth, Pouldram-Caſtle, Fort-Charles at Salcombe, Ilfordcombe, Hoptons Fort, and the other Forts before Plimouth; St. Budeax, the garriſon at Sir Francis Drakes houſe, Peymouth-houſe, Barley-Houſe, and Inch-Garriſon. Plimouth only; and that beſieged. Somerſet. All in his power (except Taunton only, which was then ſtraitly beſieged by him) And in that County the ſtrong Garriſons of Briſtol and Bridgewater, Bath, Lamport, Burrough, Nunny-Caſtle, Portſhead-Point, Ilcheſter, Chidiak-Houſe, and Farley-Caſtle. The garriſon of Taunton (cloſe beſieged at that time.) Dorſet. Portland-Caſtle and Iſland, Corf-Caſtle, and Sherborn-Caſtle. The Port-Townes of Poole, Lyme, and VVeymouth. Wilts. The Garriſons of the Devizes, Laicock-Houſe, Langford-Houſe, and Highworth. Malmesbury—Garriſon only. Hants. The ſtrong Garriſons of Baſing and VVincheſter. The Garriſons of Portſmouth, Southampton, and Chriſt-Church, (Port-Towns.) Berks. Farringdon, VVallingford, Dennington, and Radcot. Abbingdon, Reading, and VVindſor. Oxford. The City of Oxford, (the Kings Head-garriſon) Banbury, VVoodſtock, Gaunt-Houſe, Blechingdon-Houſe, & Godſtowe. Henley-Garriſon. Bucks. Borſtall-houſe Garriſon. Alisbury.

The KINGS Field-Force for the VVEST. The PARLIAMENTS Field-Force for the WEST. The King's Field-Forces for the ſecuring of theſe Weſtern Counties and Garriſons, even from Oxford to the Mount in Cornwal, under the Command of the Lord Goring, the Lord Hopton, Sir Richard Grenvile, and Major-General Sir John Digby, Brother to the Lord Digby: May modeſtly be computed to be, in all, 14000. Horſe and Foot, beſides their ſeverall Garriſons ſecured with Horſe and Foot; as may eaſily be credited, if it be conſidered, the great Force they had before Taunton, during the two ſtrait Sieges thereof, and the many men they loſt in both thoſe ſervices; And yet with what a conſiderable Army they were at Lamport, when they were beaten there, and at the ſame time alſo maintaining the Siege before Plimouth with a conſiderable Force, (beſides thoſe 14000.) His Highneſſe Prince Charles was then in perſon in the Weſt, raiſing new Forces, whoſe Preſence had ſuch influence on thoſe Parts, eſpecially on the Club-men (who were thereby made bold in their Meetings, and received Commiſſions under his Highneſſe hand and ſeal, to form themſelves into Regiments) that it was no little addition of Reputation to that Army. The Parliament (not thinking it ſafe to ſpare the new raiſed Army under his Excellencie Sir Thomas Fairfax, to attend the great buſines of the VVeſt, and leave the Parliament, City, and Aſſociation without a Guard, and the Royal Army about Oxford, unattended:) Deſigned onely the remaining Regiments of the Earl of Eſſex's, and Sir VVilliam VVallers Horſe, which were not reduced into the New-Model, to buſie the Enemy in the Weſt; viz. Of Sir VVil. VVallers, Colonel Cooks, Colonel Fitz-James, Colonel Popham, and the Plimouth Regiment. Of the Earl of Eſſex's, the Relicts of Colonel Beer's, and Colonel D Albiers Regiments under Lieu. Colonel Buller, aſſigned over to Major-Gen. Maſſey: which Regiments were formed into a Brigade, and deſigned under the Command of Major-Gen. Maſſey for the Weſtern parts, but a little before the Battel of Naſeby.

THE SECOND DIVISION.

In the County of The KING had, The Parliament had, Hereford. That County entirely to himſelf, with the Garriſons of Hereford, Gotheridge, and Cannon-Froom. No Garriſon, Place of Strength, nor Field-Force. Worceſter. The City of VVorceſter, Eveſham-Garriſon, and Hartlebury-Caſtle. Hawkſworth Caſtle only. Salop. The Garriſons of Ludlow, Bridge-North, Dawly, Shrawarden-Caſtle, Caes-Caſtle, Morton-Corbet-Houſe, Stockley-Caſtle, Rowton-Caſtle, Linſel-Manour, Apley-Houſe, High-Archal, Carew-Caſtle, Embleden-Caſtle. Shrewsbury, VVem-Garriſon, and Oſweſtree. Stafford The ſtrong Garriſons of Lichfield and Dudley, and Burton and Trent. The Garriſon of Stafford. Cheſter. The City of VVeſtcheſter, Beeſton-Caſtle, Hawarden-Caſtle. Namptwich. Leiceſter. The Garriſon of Aſhby-de-la-Zouch. Leiceſter town, (ſhortly after loſt.) Lincoln. Belvoir-Caſtle. Lincoln-City, Crowland Garriſon, Hougham Garriſon, Burleigh. Nottingh. On this ſide Trent, the ſtrong Garriſon of Newark, Shelford-Houſe, and VViverton. The town and caſtle of Nottingham.

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Errata.

Page 17. §. 7. A whole line left out that ſhould begin the Section, viz. [But the commands given with publique and unfained ends were not diſputed, but obeyed] Accordingly, &c. p. 30. l. 1. for part read partee p. 68. l. laſt but one f. framing r. freeing p. 90. l. 11. f. Keniſome r. Keinſome l. 15. f. rather r. would rather l. 18 f. ſetting r. ſetling p. 95. l. 25. f. in whom r. then in whom l. 30, 31. f. and which r. which p. 119. l. 11. f. Priors fort r. Priors hill fort l. penult. f. Town r. Line p. 131. l. 4. f. Bennet r. Sir Humphrey Bennet l. 4. f. priſoners r. hoſtages p. 136. §. 7. Marg. l. 6. f. the mood r. that mood p. 140. l. 22. f. in all theſe r. in theſe p. 145. l. 6 after the word Iuſtice ſupply [an Iriſh Rebell was taken and executed] p. 161. f. Dec. 32. r. Dec. 23. p. 163. l. penult. f. ſet forward r. advanced p. 165. l. 7. f. three r. two p. 171. §. 7. l. 4. f. own r. Fort p. 177. l. 15. f. S. Edmund r. Sir Edmund p. 179. l. 8 f. William r. Will p. 181. l. 31, 32 f. in order to the Oxford horſe r. in order to the checking of the Oxford, &c. p. 182. l. 10. f. Reymouth r. Peymouth p. 185. l. laſt but two f. adviſable it might engage r. adviſable being night to engage p. 195. l. 25. f. Holſworth r. Holſworthy [ſo p. 197. l. 27.] l 30. who all dele who p. 196 l. 7. this laſt defeat dele laſt l. 14. f. Sir George Digby r. Sir Iohn l. •… d. f. Governour r. Commander p. 197. l laſt but one f. Tomerton r. Tamerton l 25. f. Taverſtock r. Tawſtock p. 198. l. 14. f. by the r. but by the p. 199. l. 9. f. Lime Regiment r. Plimouth Regiment p. 252. l. 7. f. the end r. therein p. 253. l. 16. f. old through time r. old & decayed through, &c. p. 281 l. 8. f. divine r. dimm p. 284. l. 11. f preſumptory r. peremptory p. 313. l. 4. f. laſt r. caſt p. 315. l. laſt but four f. the r. that l. laſt but two f. Victory, ſweld r. Victory-ſweld p. 317. l. 14. f. poſſimus r. poſcimus l. 23. f. commonalty r. commodity p. 320. l. penult. after acceptance of r. God.

ANGLIA REDIVIVA. OR, ENGLAND'S RECOVERY. PART I.
CHAP. I.

Containing by way of Proeme and Introduction, a generall account of the miſerable condition of this Kingdome, before this preſent Parliament; The occaſion and Inſtruments of calling it; The ſnare laid for us in a former Parliament. The quarrel between the Royall party, and the Parliament, ſtated: And ſhewing how the Command of the Parliaments Forces came to be devolved to Sir Thomas Fairfax, their preſent Generall.

Englands miſery to be reckoned from a longer date then this late diſcovery. PRRINCIPLES of Miſery, and ſeeds of Diſeaſes in the Body politique; ſtrengthening themſelves through a long tract of time, and at length diſcovering themſelves more and more in outward symptomes; afforded an happy riſe and advantage of ſeeking out the means of cure. Of which God had not left this Kingdome deſtitute, in ſo ſufficient a proportion, as that few States or Common-wealths in the world enjoy the like: The conſtitution of Englands Government, highly to be approved. Being of it ſelf of a ſound and healthy conſtitution and temper, able (if not obſtructed) to conflict with, and expell all burthenſom humours, and correct all vitious diſpoſitions to Tyranny; There being no Government better tempered in the world, if true to themſelves, in a timely application of Remedies at hand.

The Peeres at York petition the King for this Parliment. Accordingly therefore, ſo ſoon as the Body, by the Nobler ſenſes, began to take notice of, and be ſeriouſly affected with her ſickneſſes, and to be ſenſible of the meanes at hand; Recollecting their reſolution, they urge the calling of this ſecond PARLIAMENT.

The ſnare that was laid for us in the former Parliament. There was a former Parliament called by the KING; (And never was the Kingdome in greater danger: For never more danger, then when good meanes are tampered with to bad ends; when Ahab cals a Faſt to accuſe Naboth; and Satan transformeth himſelf into an Angel of light.) The ſnare broken. And this firſt act and putting forth of the Politique nature, though not perfective of the Cure, nor having any thing in it again ſo eminently remarkable, as the National juſtice and affection expreſſed to the Scots, declining upon ever ſo fair proffers and conditions, to aſsiſt the King in his engagements againſt them, (an act that ſhould ever make the Engliſh of precious remembrance with that Nation.) Yea, though this firſt Eſſay of Nature was ſeemingly overcome by the prevalency of the malignant matter, to the breaking up of that Parliament; yet was it not in vain: For notwithſtanding that for the preſent the Diſeaſe took its turn, and did appear in a higher way of oppoſition and conteſt to ſtrengthen it ſelf, and to overcome its antidote; yet this did but put Nature upon more vigorous and induſtrious actings to defend it ſelf, (as was need) and ſo was ſubſervient unto the calling of this ſecond Parliament.

The utmoſt endeavours of the Malignant party. Wherein both Intereſts conflicting, and the Malignant party ſeeing it ſelf ſo eminently threatned and endangered, and redacted to that extreme neceſsity, as to uſe the utmoſt means for its preſervation; and being no longer able to endure at ſo neer a diſtance, thoſe ſtrong motions and workings of the Heart, betakes it ſelf from the vital parts to ſome remoter members of the Body, gathers and ſettles there, cauſing an inflammation of thoſe parts, & hopes to derive the ſame from part to part through the whole body; at laſt chooſing to ſacrifice all, rather then to be corrected at all. Hereupon the Heart of this Kingdome (I mean the Parliament) which had performed its own defence ſo well, endeavours its office for the Body; The Parliaments Arms defenſive. and being neceſsitated to meet with the diſtemper in the way it had put it ſelf, oppoſeth fire to fire, force to force, ſword to ſword; hoping by this means, as by the opening of a Vein, to breath out the Diſtemper, though with the loſſe of ſome Blood.

The quarrel between the King and Parliament ſtated The King, with his unhappy Counſellours and Courtiers, who had promiſed themſelves to be petty Tyrants under him, had driven on far, and well neer accompliſhed the great deſigne of an Abſolute, Arbitrary, and Tyrannicall Government; The Popiſh and Prelatical party fall in for their Intereſt, hopeing by this means to uſher in the long-wiſhed for Alteration of Religion within this, and the neighbour-Kingdomes. The troubles of Scotland, and the Parliaments of both Kingdomes enſuing thereupon; The Execution of Strafford, and Proſecution of his Companions & Partiſans, unexpectedly croſſe and interrupt this grand deſigne. The King offered the Scots foure Counties, to be annexed to the Crown of Scotland, viz. Northumberland, Cumberland, Weſtmerland, and the Bp. of Durham, to come up to London, and ſerve him againſt the Parliament; and moreover the ranſacking of the City of London, which was reckoned to them at a greater value then the 300000. l. the Parliament granted them. Many wayes are attempted, many practices are ſet on foot, Every ſtone is turned, the Armies of both Nations, Engliſh and Scotiſh, are tampered with, to overthrow the proceedings and power of the Parliament. And when all theſe wayes proved ſucceſſeleſſe, ſecret practices and bands are ſet on foot in Scotland, a Rebellion is raiſed in Ireland; and in the end the King attempts to ſeize the perſons of ſome eminent Members of both Houſes; and by an example not to be paralleled in the ſtory of any Age, comes himſelf in perſon accompanied with a band of Ruffians, to take five of the Members of Commons by force out of that Houſe.

As divers Souldiers and other looſe people flocked to Court; ſo, many well-affected Citizens and others teſtified their affection, in a voluntary way, to the Parliament, the preſervation of their perſons and priviledges. Theſe called the other Cavaliers, and they termed theſe Round-heads; whence aroſe thoſe two Names, whereby in common talk the two parties in this War were by way of nick-name diſtinguiſhed.

The Parliament, upon the attempt of violence on their Members ſitting in Parliament; having for the preſent in an orderly way, by the aſsiſtance of the Trained Bands of the City of London, procured for the ſecurity of their Members, that they might ſit and conſult ſafely in Parliament, conſidering the many practices of force that had been attempted againſt Them and their Authority, in order to the ſubverſion of their Religion, Lawes, and Liberties; Deſire the King, that the Militia might be in ſuch hands as both Houſes of Parliament ſhould name and appoint. Hereupon the King withdrawes himſelf, refuſes to ſettle the Militia according to the deſire of his Parliament, endeavours to ſeize upon Hull, and the Magazine there, but is prevented; ſends into the Low-Countries for Cannon, Arms and Ammunition, which after arrived and was landed not far from Hull; Began the body of an Army, under the name of a Guard for his perſon, at York; Protected by force, Offenders from the Juſtice of Parliament; ſends forth Commiſsions of Aray in oppoſition to the Ordinance of the Militia eſtabliſhed by the Parliament, upon the Kings refuſal to joyn therein; ſets up his Standard at Nottingham, and declared open war againſt his Parliament.

—Blood had already dy'de The King's ſtain'd ſword, and God did well provide That there the miſchief ſhould begin, and we Firſt ſuffer wrong.—Let no man call our Arms Offenſive wars; but for received harms Our Countries juſt revenging ire. Jam tetigit ſanguis pollutos Caeſaris enſes: Dii melius, belli tulimus quod damna priores: Caeperit inde nefas— —Nec dicier arma Senatus Bella ſuperba decet, Patriae ſed vindicis iram. Lucan. Pharſal. lib. 2.

The Parliaments cauſe. The Parliament on the other ſide Arm in their own defence, and in defence of their Priviledges and Authority, and therein of their Religion, Lawes, and Liberties; and particularly, to cauſe obedience to the Summons of Parliament, and to bring Delinquents to Iuſtice, and to maintain their Ordinance of the Militia, and the Fundamentall right ſeated in them in the ordering the ſame for the preſervation of Religion, Iuſtice, and the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome, either with the Kings concurrence, or without the ſame, in caſe he either cannot, or being ſeduced by evill Counſellours, will not joyn with his Parliament therein.

No ſpoile ſeek theſe Arms, nor ſelf-ſoveraignty: But t'help the Land 'gainſt imminent ſlavery. Nec praeda hiſce Armis, nec Regnum quaeritur ipſis: Tantum afferre vires populo ſervire parato. ferè Lucan.

A brief account of the former Armies. Forces being raiſed on both ſides; Thoſe of the Parliament were at firſt put entirely under the Command of the Earl of ESSEX; but after they took ſeverall forms, and were divided into ſeveral bodies, by Commiſsions granted unto divers perſons, as Major-Generals; Each diverſity and alteration taking its riſe from an inacquieſcency and diſſatisfaction with the ſucceſſe of the preſent: which moved to turne every ſtone; and try if by this, or that means, the deſired End might be obtained. Yet ſeverall good ſervices were performed by thoſe Forces, and very notable ones under the firſt and originall conduct of the Earl of Eſſex; as beſides Edge-hill and divers others, that famous and never to be forgotten relief of Glouceſter, skirmiſhing the Enemy a good part of the way both going and comming, and at laſt upon their return giving the Enemy battel in a pitcht field at Newbury; whereof the ſtory of theſe times, whereever they ſhal come, will ring deſervedly. (In the mention of this particular, might I be ſecure from moving envy, or detracting from others (who might alſo deſerve extremely well in the action) I ſhould at leaſt glance at the ſingular and extraordinary ſervice of Colonel Harvey with his Horſe, & the gallant Foot of the City of London, who ſtood ſo ſtoutly to it that day.) Theſe being not within the line of my ſtory; and being recorded by other pens, I muſt thus paſſe over: As alſo all the conſiderable actions of the Earle of Mancheſter, and Sir William Waller, performed for this Kingdome by them, and their deſerving Officers and Souldiers; The extent of their ſervice. amounting at leaſt to ſo much, as that thereby many a Gap was ſtopt, the Kingdome ſaved from being totally over-run, the ſucceſſe of the Enemies affaires ſtill brought to a reaſonable compoſition, the balance kept pretty even, and ſometimes we were ſent before God with ſongs in our mouthes, and occaſion was afforded for greater hopes, and more bleſſed expectations. Their unhappineſſe. But, whatever was the matter, two Summers paſt over, and we were not ſaved: The Parliaments tenderneſſe of them. our Victories ſo gallantly gotten, and (which was more pitty) ſo graciouſly beſtowed, were put into a bag with holes; what we wonne one time, we loſt another; the Treaſure was exhauſted, the Countries waſted, A Summers victory proved but a Winters ſtory; the Game, however ſet up at Winter, was to be new played again the next Spring, and mens hearts failed them with the obſervation of theſe things. The cauſe hereof the Parliament was tender of ravelling into, only men could not be hindred from venting their opinions privately, and their feares; which were various, and variouſly expreſſed, whereof I determine nothing: but this I would only ſay, Gods time to deliver England was not yet come. And this was apparent, That the Forces being under ſeverall great Commanders, want of good correſpondency among the Chieftains, oftentimes hindred the Publick ſervice.

The Parliament conſcientiouſly adviſing the Remedy. The Parliament in prudence waving a ſtrict enquiry into the Cauſe of theſe things, applyed themſelves to ſeek out the Remedy, which was moſt neceſſary: This Army was conceived and brought forth by a New-Model. And there being not only no other comparable, but ſcare any other meanes at all that preſented it ſelf to them, This New-Model was propunded, The danger of this device. a deſigne that carried danger enough in the front of it, both in reſpect of diſobliging thoſe at home, and giving advantage to the Enemy abroad, while we were without an Army, or at leaſt whileſt our Army was all to peeces. But if it were here ſeaſonable to open the grounds thereof, it would appear to have been no leſſe neceſſary, then hazardous. And as deſperate cures require deſperate remedies, ſo do they often prove very ſucceſsful, as this hath done beyond all expectation, God having in moſt fair and great characters written upon it, That it was His Deſigne, and thereby owned both the Counſel and the Counſellours. This experience applied to the Parliament. And now let all men, eſpecially the Parliament of England, truſt GOD hereafter, and venture upon whatſoever is juſt, and neceſſary, by this experience; It being as much beyond the belief of man, as any thing can be, that ſuch an Enterpriſe as this, ſhould be effected ſo quietly amongſt our ſelves, and without any affront from our enemies.

The New-Model thus reſolved on, is gone in hand withall; and now where to find a General, puts them all to a ſtand: Providence ſtrangly deſigning the General. Till by a ſtrange providence, without any premeditation or deſigne, Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX was nominated. The motion took, was Voted, and carried preſently: And to be brief, the old Commiſsions being laid down, and thoſe that were waved in this New-Model being diſmiſt from the imployment; the Command of the reſt, to be recruited to Twenty one thouſand, is devolved to Sir Thomas Fairfax. Of whom, and whoſe ſucceſſe, ſince he ſerved the Parliament as General of their Forces, is this ſtory inſtituted: which I cannot better begin, then with a brief account or deſcription of him.

CHAP. II.

Wherein a brief Character of the General, and Lieutenant-General; The framing of the New-Model; The beginning of their Action at Iſlip-bridge, Blechington-houſe, Bampton-buſh, &c. And the effect theſe things had on His Majeſty at Oxford.

SIr THOMAS FAIRFAX, eldeſt Son of the Lord FAIRFAX, of Denton in the County of York: Martially diſpoſed from his youth; Not finding action ſuitable to him in his own Country, (for through the great goodneſſe and long ſuffering of God, England hath been a quiet habitation theſe 80 years) And there being imployment in Holland, he went over thither to enable himſelf in military experience: And upon his return into England, he matched into a moſt Noble and Martial family, taking to Wife one of the Daughters of that ever Renowned General, the Lord VERE. And thus the Reader may take notice, how not only his Extraction, Diſpoſition, and Education beſpake him for a Souldier, but his Contract alſo portended nothing leſſe. Albeit, ſo far was he from congratulating ſuch a condition of his Country, when he ſaw it like to need the exerciſe of his faculty; that he moſt ſincerely offered the firſt attempts of his reſolved Minde at the Altar of Peace. When at the King's firſt endeavours to raiſe a Guard for his own perſon, at York; apprehended then by thoſe parts, and found quickly after to be the beginning of an Army: He was entruſted by his Country to preferre a Petition to His Majeſty; the ſcope whereof was, to beſeech him to hearken to his Parliament, and not to take that courſe of raiſing Forces, he was then engaging in: which Petition the King refuſing, he preſt with that inſtance and intention, following the King ſo cloſe therewith in the field, called Heyworth Moor, in the preſence of 80. if not 100000. people of the County (the like appearance was hardly ever ſeen in Yorkſhire) ſo cloſe, I ſay, til at laſt he tendred the ſame upon the pomel of his ſaddle. But finding no Propitiatory here, and ſeeing a War could not be avoided, he early paid the vowes of his Martial dedication; And ſo ſoon as theſe unhappy troubles brake forth, took a Commiſsion under his Father, Ferdinando L. Fairfax, (whoſe timely appearance and gallant performances for his country in the North, deſerves a ſtory by it ſelf;) And ſerved the Parliament in lower Commands, then what Providence ſince hath adjudged his capacity and merit unto, making him now General of the Parliaments forces; to which truſt and honour he was preferred upon no other grounds, than the obſervation of his Valour, and all anſwerable abilities for the ſame, teſtified in many notable ſervices done by him in the North, whileſt he was yet in a lower ſphere. And now how delightfully remarkable is it (as a moſt apt cadency of providence) if God ſhall make him, who was by the King rejected in his milde endeavours to prevent the troubles of the Land by a Petition, (then which he ſought nothing more) a moſt powerfull Inſtrument of reſtoring Peace thereunto by the ſword!

The General perſonally aſſiſting the framing of the New-Model. Sir Thomas Fairfax, having with much modeſty accepted this command, immediately applyes himſelf to the diſcharge of it: it was the firſt of April ere his Commiſsion was granted; and the third of April he went from London to Windſor, to ſee, and perſonally to aſsiſt in the frameing of a new Army: He went in a private manner, purpoſely avoiding that pomp, which uſually accompanies a General into the field.

His Excellency continued at Windſor, from the third to the laſt of April, in that work: The difficulty of the worke. The difficulty whereof (to ſay nothing of the danger, through the diſcontents of them that were reduced under new Commanders, and of thoſe that went off the imployment; which rendred it a buſineſs requiring much wiſdome and tenderneſs, as well as reſolution) might well accompt for this time, if it had bin a longer ſpace: conſidering, that beſides the fitting the Train for the field, and the attendance of the Recruits from London, which with the old that continued, were to make up the deſigned number; an entire new forme was to be introduced into the whole Army, the Forces that remained of the old Army being not only to be recruited, but to be reduced into new Companies and Regiments, as if they had been new raiſed.

A digreſſion in due commendation of Major Gen. Skippon, for his free and faithfull aſſiſtance therein. In the mention of this particular, the great paines, care, and diligence of that valiant and diſcreet Commander, Major-General Skippon, whoſe prudent carriage added much life and expedition to the buſines, is not to be omitted: of whoſe ſingular and extraordinary ſervice therein, the Houſe of Commons taking notice, by Letters that were ſent to them, Ordered and ſent a Letter, returning him the hearty thanks of the Houſe, for this and all his former faithfull ſervices.

Whileſt the Army lay about Windſor, thus forming and fitting for the field; Prince Rupert with the Kings main force for the midland, lay about Worceſter and the frontiers of Wales, preparing from thence to take the field: but the Kings perſon, with moſt part of the Train, and ſome of their Foot, intended for the field, being then in Oxford, A Convoy of horſe, reputed about 2000. was ordered from Worceſter to fetch them off from Oxford; upon advertiſement whereof, the Committee of both Kingdomes wrote to the General, to ſend ſome horſe to march beyond Oxford, and lie on the further ſide thereof towards Worceſter, to intercept that Convoy, and keep the King and his train from paſsing out. The charge of this ſervice they recommended particularly to Lieutenant-General Cromwel; who looking on himſelf now as diſcharged of military imployment, by the new Ordinance, which was to take effect within few dayes, and to have no longer opportunity to ſerve his countrey in that way; was, the night before, come to Windſor from his ſervice in the Weſt, to kiſſe the Generals hand, and to take his leave of him; when in the morning, ere he was come forth his chamber, thoſe Commands, then which he thought of nothing leſſe in all the world, came to him from the Committee of both Kingdoms. The General then immediately commanded a party of Horſe and Dragoons, then upon the field, to be muſtered and recruited, as of the New-Model, to march under his Command into Oxfordſhire forthwith, not ſtaying at all either for Pay, or Recruits. And here alſo being the firſt mention of this worthy Commander, I muſt crave leave to digreſſe a little, to preſent the world with ſome more particular notion of him, whoſe name they will ſo often meet with throughout this ſtory, and whoſe actions wil beſt repreſent him, as in other ſtories, ſo in the ſequel of this.

A digreſſion upon occaſion of the firſt mention of Lieut. Gen. Cromwell. This Gentleman, a Member of the Houſe of Commons, long famous for godlineſſe, and zeale to his countrey, of great note for his ſervice in the Houſe; accepted of a Commiſsion at the very beginning of this War; wherein he ſerved his Country faithfully, and it was obſerved GOD was with him, and he began to be renowned: inſomuch that men found, that the narrow room whereunto his firſt imployments had confin'd their thoughts, muſt be enlarged to an expectation of greater things, and higher imployments, whereunto divine providence had deſigned him for the good of this Kingdom. When the time therefore drew near, that He, as the reſt had done, ſhould lay down his Commiſsion, upon a new Ordinance; The Houſe conſidering how God had bleſſed their affairs under his hand, thought fit to diſpence with his abſence from the Houſe. And therefore as they were in the firſt place happy in a General, they reſolved in the next place to make themſelves and their General further happy, in a Lieutenant-Generall.

Lieut. Gen. Cromwel in action at Iſlip-bridge. To return therefore from whence I digreſt. Lieutenant-General Cromwel having received the fore-ſpecified commands from the General, marched immediately, found the Enemy, and engaged them neer Iſlip-bridge; the Enemies Brigade conſiſted of the Queen's, Colonel Wilmot's, the Earl of Northampton's, and Colonel Palmer's Regiments of horſe: routed them, ſlew many, took about 500 horſe, 200 priſoners, whereof many Officers and Gentlemen of quality; and as an ill Omen of her Majeſties deſignes againſt this Army, the Queens Standard.

Improving his ſucceſſe there, to the reduceing of Blechingdon houſe. The Lieutenant-General not reſting ſatisfied with this victory, purſued the enemy, lodged moſt of the remains of the rout in Blechingdon-houſe, where Colonel Windebank kept gariſon for the King; he faced the houſe with Horſe and Dragoons, ſummoned the Governour with a ſharp Meſſage, (our Souldiers caſting out words for the Foot to fall on, as if there had been Foot in readines) the anſwer was required to be inſtantly given, or elſe he muſt expect the greateſt ſeverity that the ſouldiers could uſe towards him. The Governour having no intelligence of, or elſe doubting relief from Oxford, rendred the houſe, with all the arms and ammunition therein. Thus God was with out New-Model, or rather a branch of it, and declared himſelf ſo to be, betimes. The King himſelf confeſſeth in his letter to H. Iermyn, April 30. 1645. that this blow did much change the face of his affairs. Which was by the Enemy eſteemed of ſuch evil conſequence to their affairs, and ſo great an affront, (in regard it was done by the New-Nodel; as they ſcornfully termed this Army) that they could not tell which way to redeem their honours, but by calling the Governour to a Councel of war, whom, for delivering the houſe, they condemned to be ſhot to death. Much means was uſed for the ſparing his life; but notwithſtanding the great intereſt Secretary Windebank his Father had at Court, for the great ſervice he had done the Church of Rome, they could not prevaile for a pardon (ſo high they accounted his offence) only a reprieve for a few dayes; and ſhortly after the Governour was ſhot to death: and his brother, a Lieutenant-Colonel, laid down his Commiſsion thereupon.

The former ſucceſſes improved to a further advantage, at Bampton Buſh. No ſooner was the Lieutenant-Generall poſſeſſed of the houſe, but he ſent away the Arms and Ammunition to Alisbury, and quit the houſe, as not advantageious to our affairs, nor indeed having Foot with him to put into the houſe, only a few Dragoons, which he could not ſpare from his other deſignes. The Enemy, a few dayes after this, ſent from Oxford about 350 Foot, under the command of Sir William Vaughan, towards Radcot-bridge: The Lieutenant-Generall marching privately towards Witney, and having intelligence thereof, purſued them, forced them into Bampton-buſh; where Sir William Vaughan, Lieut. Colonel Littleton, divers Officers, and about 200 priſoners, with their arms and ammunition, were taken.

A piece of good ſervice done by Col. Iohn Fiennes. Moreover, the Lieutenant-Generall having in his March notice of ſome of the Enemies horſe, which had a few houres before croſſed his way, he ſent Colonel Iohn Fiennes with a party after them, who fell upon them, and took about 150 Horſe, 3 Colours, 40 Priſoners, and 50 Arms. The Lieutenant-Generall in the mean time marched over the river towards Faringdon, having diſpatcht his priſoners away with a Convoy to Abingdon, conſulting with the Officers of what advantage it would be to reduce that Gariſon of Faringdon; wherein they did readily concurre: but having no Foot to effect the ſame, he ſent to Abingdon to Major-General Brown, for the aſsiſtance of ſome Foot, who (according to his wonted readines to promote the publike ſervice) very readily ſent about 5 or 600. wherewith the place was attempted, but without ſucceſſe; and after the expence of about 14 men upon it, the deſigne was given over. Rupert and Maurice ſent for. The loſſes the King ſuſtained, whileſt theſe Forces hovered thus up and down, & affronted them under their walls, ſo perplexed them at Oxford, that His Majeſty ſent for Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, with all the Forces they had, to come to Oxford, the better to enable His Majeſty to march out into the field: and, for more ſecurity, Gen. Goring was alſo ſent to for that purpoſe, out of the Weſt.

CHAP. III.

The General with the Army marching into the Weſt; Vpon afteradvice recalled, and a Party only ſent to Taunton; Their good ſucceſſe in the relief of Taunton. Lieutenant-Generall Cromwel defending his Quarters againſt Goring.

The Army now raiſed, where to be diſpoſed, is controverted. AND now by this time the Army was well nigh raiſed: Whither they ſhould firſt bend, was taken into conſideration. Oxford and the Weſt are put into the ſcales of competition. Oxford, beſides that it was the head-quarter and gariſon, and lodged all the Kings Ordnance and Artillery, that he was to draw forth into the field; (which now to ſurpriſe, or at leaſt to prevent the drawing of them forth, was held very councellable, as that, that was likelieſt to hinder the Kings taking the field) Repreſents it ſelf alſo in other reſpects to be firſt conſidered, as being a Midland gariſon in the heart of the Kingdome, where to ſuffer an Enemy is moſt miſchievous: beſides that, that County had longeſt ſuffered of any place in the Kingdom, being the conſtant ſeat of the War from the beginning. But the conſequence of the Weſt, and the commiſeration of Taunton in particular, then greatly diſtreſſed by a cloſe ſiege, whereinto alſo moſt of the beſt affected in thoſe parts had drawn themſelves for ſafety; Prevailes, and ſwayes to decline the deſigne upon Oxford at that time, though otherwiſe needfull enough: And ſo the firſt fruits of this Army are devoted to the Weſt.

His Excellency undertakes the Weſtern expedition. According to this reſult, the Generall, though under an indiſpoſition of body, by reaſon of an Ague that had exerciſed him for ſome time, yet undertakes this Weſtern expedition with a great deal of cheerfulneſſe, though the whole fruit of that Yeares ſervice was in great hazard to have been thereby blaſted in the bud; the King being then in a condition ready to take the field, having made ſeverall Diſpatches for that purpoſe to imbody all his Forces, and we having no balancing Force to attend his motion, Lieut. General Cromwel being farre too weak to engage him, and the Scots at too remote a diſtance. And though it was urged to be moſt neceſſary to relieve our friends; yet the ſlight retrenching and gariſoning of many Townes of no great ſtrength by nature and ſituation, though it may ſerve for the preſent ſecuring of particular Counties, and particular mens Eſtates from plundering Parties, yet are they prejudicial to the Publike, and to the main of the wars: For ſuch places are not able to hold out long; and then either there muſt be a loſſe of charge, arms, or of our friends, which would be a diſcouragement to our whole Party; or elſe an Army muſt be diverted from their principal deſignes, and beſides the danger other places by its abſence may be expoſed to, expoſe it ſelfe alſo to the certtain toyle, inconveniences, and hazardous chances of a long March, which is likely alſo to end in a Fight. And therefore it hath been held great wiſdome by ancient and well experienced Souldiers, to have but few Gariſons, and thoſe very ſtrong, which may hold out long without relief; which is the more neceſſary, if they ſhall be in the corners of a country, and remote from reliefe.

A party left with L. Gen. Cromwel, to ſtraiten Oxford. But to returne. The firſt of May his Excellencie began his march with the whole Army (except the forementioned Party of horſe and Dragoons, which were with Lieut. Generall Cromwel, and four Regiments of Foot beſides, who were ordered, when their recruits were come up, to joyn with him to buſie the Enemy about Oxford) And by the ſeventh of May they reached Blanford in Dorſet-ſhire, marching the whole ſeven dayes, and ſome of them very long marches, without any intermiſſion: ſo willing were the Souldiers to come timely to the relief of diſtreſſed Taunton. To Salisbury were they come, before the Enemy was aware; as was diſcovered by letters of Sir Ralph Hopton to the Governours of Wincheſter and Baſing, wherein he deſired them to ſend him word, when they thought Fairfax would be able to take the field.

In this firſt March of this New-Model, the Generall, to lay an early foundation of good ſucceſſe, in the puniſhment of former diſorders, & prevention of future miſdemeanours; cauſed a Councel of War to be called, that morning that they marched from Andover, a mile from the Town; where the ſeverall Regiments were drawn up, and ſtayed two or three houres: at which Councel ſeverall Offenders were tryed for their lives: A Renegado, and four more Authors of the Mutinie in Kent, were caſt, one of which (whoſe lot it was) with the Renegado, were executed upon a Tree, at Wallop, in the way of the Armies march, in terrorem. And the next day was Proclamation made through the Army, That it ſhould be death for any man to plunder.

But little or no action or execution againſt the Enemy happened in this march; ſave that the ſame night that they quartered at Newbury, good Scouts, and parties of horſe were ſent out towards Hungerford and Marlborough, whereabouts General Goring was, with a great body of Horſe and Dragoons, comming out of the Weſt; our Parties met with ſome of the Enemies horſe, and took Lieut. colonel Hacket, and ſome other priſoners: upon examination of whom, and by other intelligence, which came in the nick of time, Goring intending to beat up the L. Gen. quarters neer Faringdon, prevented. we underſtood Gorings deſigne was, that night, or the next morning early, to beat up Lieut. General Cromwels quarters near Faringdon, and to relieve that place. The Lieutenant-General being newly come to the General at Newbury, and preſent at this Intelligence, immediately repaired to his charge, and was drawn into a Body betimes. General Goring marched with what ſpeed he could, on the Weſt of Faringdon, and recovered Radcot-bridge. The Lieutenant-General ſent a party of horſe over the river, to diſcover his motion: where Major Bethel engaging too far, in the dark, was taken priſoner, and about four men more loſt, and two Colours, ſeverall wounded. The Enemy kept his advantage of the River, and quartered his horſe as far back as Latchlade, whileſt the Lieutenant-Gen. was making a paſſage over New-bridge, and having gained the ſame, Gen. Goring either declining an engagement, or deſiring to prevent the raiſing of the ſiege at Taunton, marched back with all ſpeed after the Army into the Weſt. This is the totall routing of Cromwels forces, as the King, in his Letter to the Queen of this engagement near Newbridge, relates it to be. A poor cauſe, and a condition far from envie, that is penſioner to ſuch Royal miſtakes, to ſupport its reputation!

His Majeſty taking the field. The King, taking the opportunity of the army's marching weſtward, draws forth his artillery out of Oxford, to embody himſelf in the field. L. Gen. Cromwel, and Major-Gen. Brown, were ordered to attend his motion; and moreover, it was held neceſsary to recall his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax from the ſervice of the Weſt, and to allot only a portion of his Army for Taunton. Two Expreſses to this purpoſe were ſent from the Committee of both Kingdoms to his Excellency, who was marched as far as Blandford. And now comes the triall of this new Army, which God had deſigned for ſome more then ordinary ſervice; whohad ſcarce warmed their heads with glorious deſignments, nay, ere they could reflect upon the ſtrength & content of their united March, were by this means to be divided three ſeverall wayes, ere ever the Army came to perfection or This, like a black cloud, for the time, intercepted thoſe proſpects of glorious atchievements and ſucceſs, which themſelves and others ſaw before to this Army; and like a fierce ſtorm, threatned to daſh all.

A Brigade appointed for Taunton: the reſt march back. Accordingly, a Brigade is appointed for Taunton, of four Regiments of Foot, viz. Colonel Welden's, Colonel Forteſcue's, Colonel Floyd's, and Colonel Inglesby's, commanded by Colonel Welden as eldeſt Colonel; unto whom ſix Companies of Foot, belonging to the garriſon of Chicheſter, joyned themſelves about Dorcheſter, and as many Colours from Lime, after that; in all, 4 or 5000 Foot, beſides a body of Horſe of 1800 or 2000, conſiſting of Colonel Graves his Regiment, Colonel Cooks, Colonel Pophams, Colonel Fitz-Iames, and the Plimouth Regiment. All which Horſe and Foot were well combined in mutuall love to each other, and common reſolution againſt the Enemy. They march'd without any ſtop or ſtay, till they came within a dayes march of Taunton, near enough to raiſe the ſiege, The Enemy miſtaking that Brigade, by a happy Synecdoch of a part for the whole. as it proved (by the good providence of God) giving that Brigade the repute of the whole Army, as appeared after by a Letter from Colonel Iohn Digby, wherein he much laments his unhappineſs, in being informed that Fairfax, with his whole Army, was advanced from Blandford, to the relief of Taunton; when it proved but a part; there being double the ſtrength before the Town, ſufficient, in his opinion, to fight our party, and make good the ſiege. Neither was this intelligence of his altogether without ground, or appearance at leaſt; For the General with his whole Army did advance out of Blandford towards Dorcheſter, as if the whole had been for Taunton. But after ſome ſtay at the Rendezvouz, the General wheeled about Eaſtward, and parted with that Brigade, who marched on towards Taunton. But whether this were a fegined excuſe of Digby, or a reall truth, this we are ſure, the Enemy drew off the ſiege, upon their advance ſo near, and that in great diſorder, leaving many arms behinde them, and cut down many trees to barracado the wayes, leſt we ſhould fall upon their rear. And ſo Colonel Welden had a fair paſſage to the town, which he entred, May 14. to no leſse joy to the Beſieged, then diſcomfort to the Enemy.

Some remarkable paſſages of the relief of Taunton. The main paſſages of, and particulars, relating to this expedition and action, are briefly theſe. When the Brigade came within ten miles of Taunton, having the advantage of the hills, they gave them a Peale of their Artillery, ten Peeces being diſcharged, to give them notice of their being advanced within that number of miles, having before by their Spies prepared them with the meaning of that ſignal. Notwithſtanding they were fruſtrated in their end: By reaſon that ſome few dayes before, the Enemy divided themſelves; one party of their horſe and foot, with ſome peeces of cannon, skirmiſhing with the other in ſight of the town, but, only with powder; to make the Town believe (as they gave out) that the Parliaments forces, who were comming to relieve them, were there encountred and beaten; hoping by this ſtratagem to have drawn a Party out of the Town to their friends ſuccour, and ſo to have cut them off by an ambuſcado. But God turned this wiſdome of the enemy into fooliſhneſſe; the beſieged kept cloſe to their works; the Enemies returning from their mock-chaſe, fell to firing the Town with their granadoes and mortar-peeces, whereby two long ſtreets of the town, of fair buildings, were burnt to the ground; and withall they ſtormed moſt furiouſly. But they met with a gallant Commander in chief, Col. Blake, & as valiant Souldiers, that gave them ſuch ſhowres of Lead, as filled the Trenches with their dead carkaſes: And that which adds to the mercy, the Town, in all, from the beginning to the raiſing of the ſiege, had not loſt 200 men. Towards evening a party of horſe were ſent, who approached to the very works, (for the Enemy had drawn off their guns, and their Rear was upon their march) And the Town thereupon being confirmed of the approach of their friends to their relief, ſallied out and fell upon the rear of the Enemy, killed ſome, and took others priſoners. The whole Body marcht to Pitminſter, within two miles of the town, took up their quarters in the fields; and on Monday morning, Col. Welden with the Officers went to Taunton (where they found a ſad ſpectacle of a flouriſhing town almoſt ruined by fire, and the people nigh famiſhed for want of food.) And gave order for the whole Brigade to retreat back to Chard, where they quartered on Saturday; and the 14. was the firſt dayes reſt they had, from their firſt motion Weſtward. Thus, Taunton happily and ſeaſonably relieved, is a good Earneſt of the proſperous ſucceſſe of this Army in afteractions.

CHAP. IV.

The Army imployed to beſiege Oxford: How far they proceeded therein. Severall Gariſons thereabouts beſieged, and ſome taken. The loſſe of Leiceſter, and the Diſcontents and Diſcouragements that enſued thereon. VVith a modeſt enquiry into the cauſe of our low condition at that time.

THe General in the mean while was a good part of his way back, marching through incloſures, avoiding the Champion-way, in regard he had not many Horſe, if he ſhould meet with Gorings Horſe, who were upon their retreat from Oxford into the Weſt. By the 14. of May they attained Newbury. In their march, beſides exemplary juſtice done upon a rude Souldier, (as upon two before, in their march towards the Weſt) and other things of particular note; there was one paſſage of great wiſdome and condiſcenſion in the General, very remarkable: A pattern for Generals. viz. That when the duty became ſo hard to ſome of the Regiments, as each other day to bring up the Rear; the Generals own Regiment claiming a priviledge to march alwayes in the Van, which was convenient now to be waved for the relief of the reſt; but they being unwilling thereunto, the Gen. in ſtead of ſevere diſcipline, alighted himſelf, and marched on foot in the head of his Regiment, about two miles, and ſo brought up the Rear: and to this day, his own Regiment takes the turn upon all duties: A thing, if rightly conſidered, nothing to their diſhonour, (if it were to outvie others to do ſervice) and redounding much to the good, and good ſucceſſe of an Army; there being not any one thing that more frequently and certainly breeds diſtempers, and cauſes mutinies in an Army, then claiming of priviledges, and inſiſting thereon in time of ſervice.

His Excellency returned, imployed to block up Oxford. The Army thus arrived at Newbury, reſted there a day or two, which was a great refreſhment to the Foot, ſore gauled with a hard and tedious march to and fro, (having had but one dayes reſt in fourteen dayes march.) What was the deſigne of calling them back, or which way they ſhould now be imployed, they were yet ignorant, till the ſecond day, when the Generall received an Expreſſe from the Committee of both Kingdomes, to advance to Oxford, to lay cloſe ſiege to it: which was no more diſputed, then the former commands at Blandford; but forthwith obeyed, how much ſoever it was againſt his own opinion. Lieut. General Cromwel, and Major-general Brown, called from attending the Kings motions, to aſſiſt againſt Oxford. Lieutenant-General Cromwel, and Major-General Brown, who followed the King, and attended his motions with a party of Horſe and Foot, were recalled to joyn with the Forces his Excellency had brought back with him from the Weſt; wherein it was conceived that they might do better ſervice, for that they alone were too weak by far to engage with the Kings forces, (as by their Letter they ſignified to the Committee of both Kingdomes, and as was obvious to every man) the Kings army being grown to that ſtrength, as that they thought themſelves enough (as indeed they were, eſpecially for Horſe, wherein we fell ſhort of them) to fight his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax his whole Army. Only a party of 2500 Horſe and Dragoons (being part of the force with Lieutenant-General Cromwel, and belonging to this Army) were ſent, under the command of Colonel Vermuden, to joyn with the Scots, (Lieutenant gen. Cromwel being, for I know not what reaſon, not ſo acceptable to their Army) to enable them the better to attend the Kings motions, and check his enterpriſes, to which they were deſigned. His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, according to his Orders, marches towards Oxford, and in order to a ſiege ſends for ſo much of the Train and Ammunition as was left at Windſor, at their firſt marching forth, and called a Councel of War, to conſider what other proviſion was neceſſary; which they ſent to the Parliament to ſpeed down. Lieut. general Cromwel was come back to them, their quarters ſetled, a bridge made over the river: they lay 15 dayes before the town, but the requiſites to a cloſe ſiege were not come up to them, nor neer them, till Iune 3. the day before they received Orders to riſe from before the Town; which Orders were well received by the Army, who did not conceive themſelves ſecure, nor ſufficient for ſuch an undertaking, while that the King was unattended in the field, as was at large repreſented by the Generall to the Committee of both Kingdoms. And in that reſpect (becauſe they looked upon this deſigne againſt Oxford, as unlikely to prove ſucceſſefull) they thought not good to ſummon the Town, during their lying before it; by which means they were ſecured, that they might riſe from before it with the indempnity of their reputation.

The action of our Army, while they lay before Oxford. Nor did any great action, in relation to that place, happen all the while they lay there; ſave that at their firſt drawing neer it from Newnham, a party of horſe were ſent forth towards Oxford, under the command of Adjutant-General Fleming, who met a party of the Enemies horſe and foot, routed their horſe, being commanded by Capt. Gardiner, and took priſoners about 200 Foot: which ſerved as a good means and proviſion for the releaſe of a Footguard, conſiſting of 100 men; who afterwards, neer their riſing from before Oxford, (much through their own negligence timely to retreat to a place of ſecurity, as they might) were by a ſally of the Enemy early in the morning ſurpriſed, twelve of them ſlain, the reſt taken, but the next day releaſed upon exchange of the like number of thoſe whom we had taken (as before) and ſent to Abingdon. Moreover, upon the General's viewing the Works on the North-eaſt ſide of Oxford, the Enemy ſet a Mill on fire, and alſo quit the gariſon of Godſtow neer Wolvercot, and ſet it on fire: but ſome of Colonel Sheffields horſe came in ſeaſonably, quenched the fire, and preſerved the Powder and Ammunition in the houſe, and took the Governour and ſome others, in their flight towards Oxford, priſoners.

Boſtol-houſe beſieged. May 24. The General rode to view Boſtol gariſon, and ſome few dayes after ſent a Party to beſiege it. Adjutant Gen. Fleming was there engaged in a ſingle encounter, ſhot his enemy, yet received a wound himſelf, conceived then to be mortal, but of which he afterwards recovered.

Gaunt-houſe beſieged. May 31. The General viewed the gariſon of Gaunt-houſe, ſent Col. Rainsborow, with a party of Foot, and ſome Horſe, to beſiege it, who battered it ſore all that day; but by reaſon of the Moat, the acceſſe was ill to it. The Governour was ſummoned to deliver it: but he returned a poſitive denial, adding further, That he liked not Windebanks law. til the next day, Iune 1. when Col. Rainsborow being prepared, and ready to fall on to ſtorm, having provided carts, and all things neceſſary, the Governour perceiving the ſame, ſounded a parley, waving the conſideration he inſiſted on the day before; and ſurrendred the houſe, with all the arms and ammunition therein, upon quarter for himſelf & his ſouldiersHere we received the news of the taking of Eveſham by Col. Maſſey. A ſeaſonable and good ſervice..

About this time came news of a remarkable paſſage in Gen. Gorings army in the Weſt; which, as will afterwards appear, hath been their lot to happen among them more then once: Namely, a hot skirmiſh, which one party of his horſe had with another party of his own horſe, neer Crookhorn, thinking they had been ours, (For indeed a party of horſe of Col. Weldens Brigade were then within a mile of them, at Hinton St. George:) in which skirmiſh many of the Enemy were ſlain, both Officers and Souldiers, by one another; and that party of their horſe that was routed, fled as far as Bath, giving a hot alarm as they went, which for the preſent put them in ſome diſtraction. Providence had ordained this accident, as an advantage for that party of our Horſe, who otherwiſe might have been endangered (by the ſudden advance of the Enemies forces) in their retreat from Pederton to Taunton. The Inhabitants thereabouts confirmed the truth of this accident, when the Army marched the ſecond time to relieve Taunton, and had a rendezvouz on the ſame place where this skirmiſh was; beſides, many of the enemy have ſince confeſſed the ſame.

And upon the heels of this good Newes, viz. May 29. came two parcels of leſſe pleaſing Intelligence. The one, of the Kings advance from the relieving of Cheſter, towards Leiceſter and the Aſſociation; and of the Scots army being gone towards Weſtmerland, who we had thought had attended the motions of the King. The other, out of the Weſt, viz. That General Goring, Sir Ralph Hopton, and Sir Richard Grenvile had joyned all their Forces together, and diſtreſſed Col. Weldens Brigade, in a manner beſieging them cloſe in Taunton. And on the firſt of Iune, a third, and more ſad peece then either, viz. Of the Kings taking of Leiceſter by ſtorm, & of the cruel uſage of many of the Inhabitants: the particulars whereof are too tedious here to mention; only thus in brief.

A briefe account of the loſſe of Leiceſter. On Tueſday at noon, a Summons was ſent by Prince Rupert, to the Souldiers, Townſ-men, and Countrey-men, wherein Quarter was offered to the whole Town. Whereupon the Committee called together all the Commanders, and read the Summons unto them; and upon debate, it was reſolved to take the next morning to give an Anſwer. But the Trumpeter was no ſooner arrived at the Kings army with this deſire, but the a Drum was preſently diſpatched to demand a reſolution of the Summons within a quarter of an houre; which while they were debating at a Commonhall, before any could expreſſe themſelves, the Kings cannon from the Battery played, and all were commanded to repair to their charge, which was done with much courage and reſolution. And now both ſides plyed each other with Cannon and Muſquet ſhot, as faſt as they could charge and diſcharge, and ſo continued all day, and all night: at which time the Enemy prepared to ſtorm at ſix or ſeven places. At the Newark breach was the fierceſt aſſault, the Enemy there comming to puſh of pike: amongſt the reſt, Colonel St. George, in a bravery, came up to the cannon, and was by it ſhattered into ſmall pieces, and with him many more; for after the manner of the Turks, the Horſe forced on the Foot to fight, who being played upon by the Muſquetires, were many of them ſlaughtered. About three of the clock on Saturday, was the Town entred, the Enemy put many to the ſword at their firſt entrance, and dealt alſo extreme cruelly with the Town, plundering all they had, and putting many to great ranſomes, when they had taken away all their monies and g ods. There was buried of the Enemy in Leiceſter, 709. as hath been collected by the burials there, beſides thoſe that have died of hurts ſince: there was above 100. of the Town ſouldiers ſlain.

The ſad poſture of our affairs at that time when Leiceſter was l ſt, diſcourſt upon. Vpon the loſſe of Leiceſter many diſcourſes were raiſed, each one venting his diſcontent according as paſsion byaſsed his affections. Great was the diſcouragement of the Parliaments friends, and as great was the confidence of the Enemy; in ſo much, that ſoon after, viz June 8. the King himſelf, in his Letter to the Queen, uſed this expreſsion: I may, without being too much ſanguine, affirme, That ſince this Rebellion my affairs were never in ſo hopefull away. But what's the matrer? Was there no Balme in Gilead? Was there no Phyſitian there? Had England no Army then? Nay, had they not two armies to the Enemies one? had they not an army of our Brethren the Scots, that had Wintred then in the Kingdom, conſiſting of 21000. Had they not a New Model newly raiſed? How fell we then into this low condition? I ſhall endeavour to give a brief account of that buſineſs, in its relation to this army.

As it often fals out, that the Sun at its firſt riſing is clouded with ſome ſmal Miſt, which after it hath once broken through, enſueth a moſt fair and glorious day. So this new army, at its firſt going out, ſeemed to be a little darkned by the ſitting down, and after riſing from before Oxford; the Kings increaſing his forces and ſtrength in the field; and the loſſe of Leiceſter. And theſe Vapours gathered into ſuch a Cloud, as that they did not a little obſcure the firſt motions of that Army, at leaſt the Counſels and Counſellours whereby it was conducted: and not ſo only, but portended to its enemies, a joyfull; to its friends and favourers, a ſad prognoſtick of a ſore ſtorm ready to poure down upon them, which they could not have avoyded, but that through the mercifull diſpoſition of the all-ſeeing GOD, (privy to the integrity of good mens hearts and actions) the victorious Beams of this Riſing Sun brake forth ſo gloriouſly at Naſeby field; & ithath run its courſe ever ſince with ſuch a conſtant luſtre and brightneſſe, (not ſo much as one Cloud paſsing over it) that it hath dazeled the eyes of all the beholders, and turned the ſcorn of its enemies into bitter envie, and their choler into deep and inveterate hatred. But how, and from whence this Miſt aroſe in the morning of this new Army, I now come to ſhew.

His Excellencie, with the greater part of his Army, being recalled and returned out of the Weſt; the queſtion then was, Whether he ſhould purſue the firſt deſigne of beſieging Oxford, or whether he ſhould follow the King, who ſeemed to bend Northwards? On the one ſide it was conſidered, that the Parliament had in their pay a great Army in the North, of 21000 horſe and foot, of our brethren of Scotland; That there were conſiderable Forces in Lancaſhire and Cheſhire, under Sir Will. Brereton, which held Cheſter ſtraitly beſieged; That in Staffordſhire, Derbyſhire, Yorkſhire, Nottinghamſhire, & Lincolnſhire, there were alſo very conſiderable Forces, which might joyn with the Scotiſh army, if there were need; and were commanded ſo to do, in caſe the King marched Northwards: beſides the party of 2500 Horſe and Dragoons under Col. Vermuden, which were appointed to joyn with the Scotiſh army, becauſe they ſeemed only to want a due proportion of horſe to engage with the Kings army: and upon the appointment of them to that ſervice, the Commiſsioners of Scotland wrote to his Excellency the Earl of Leven, to advance; and the Committee of both Kingdomes ordered Col. Vermuden with his party to march into Derbyſhire, to joyn with them, which accordingly he did, and came to the rendezvouz at the time appointed. This proviſion was held ſufficient, and more then ſufficient, in caſe the King ſhould move Northward; not only to check him in any enterpriſe upon the Towns of the Parliament, or relief of Cheſter, Pomfract, or Scarborough, which were then beſieged, but alſo to fight with him to the beſt advantage, if need ſo required. On the other ſide, in caſe the King ſhould have moved Southward or Weſtward, his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax lying before Oxford, was in the moſt convenient Poſt to fight with him, and to hinder his deſignes: whereby it may appear to him that conſiders it, that our Forces were ſo diſpoſed by providence at this time, that the King had a ſufficient Army both before and behinde him, to fight with him; and as great, if not greater then thoſe that after beat and wholly overthrew his Army at Naſeby: So that a deſigne could hardly have been laid to greater advantage: yet it took not effect; for that the Army deſigned to attend the Kings motions, did not advance according to order, but inſtead of marching Southward, returned back into Weſtmerland. Sir William Brereton, fearing the approach of the Kings Army, and ſeeing no Army ready at hand to balance it, raiſed the ſiege of Weſtcheſter; whereupon the King; ſeeing the work done to his hand, marched to Leiceſter, and took it alſo, there being no Army to check or controll him.

CHAP. V.

The Army commanded to riſe from before Oxford; Their ſeverall Marches till the Battel at Naſeby, with all the particulars thereof, fully related.

VPon the ſad news of the loſſe of Leiceſter, and the danger thereupon of the Kings breaking into the Aſſociated Counties; Lieutenant-General Cromwel was ordered by the Committee of both Kingdomes, to march only with three Troops of horſe to ſecure the Iſle of Ely; which commands, he, in greater tenderneſſe of the publique ſervice, then his own honour, in ſuch a time of extremity as that was, diſputed not, but fulfilled. And his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax was commanded to riſe from before Oxford, and to march to defend the Aſſociation; accordingly Orders were immediately given for the Forces on the other ſide the river to march to Iſlip, and Major-General Brown was deſired to put a gariſon into Gaunt-houſe, being a place that was conceived would much conduce to the ſtraitning of Oxford; which accordingly was done, and the bridge lately made, pulled up: and the next day, being Iune 5. the Army roſe from before Oxford, and marched that day to Marſh-Gibeon, ten miles. The General in his march turned out of the way, to ſee the ſiege before Boſtol-houſe, where Major-General Skippon, according to order, had that morning made ſome attempt, but the ſucceſſe was not according to our deſires (the Moat being much deeper then we expected.) This night, at the Head quarter, intelligence came that the King was marching from Leiceſter towards Daventry, with intention to raiſe the ſiege at Oxford, as was conceived; which was by order before done to his hand.

Friday, Iune 6. the Army marched to great Brickhill, twelve miles, where the head-quarter was that night, which was once intended to be at Stony-Stratford, but that the intelligence which came that night to us of the Kings horſe facing Northhampton that day, rendred it not ſafe ſo to adventure: whileſt the greateſt body of our Horſe, ſent into Derbyſhire, were not as yet returned.

This night a great fire happened at the Generals quarters at Brickhil, which was ſo ſudden and violent for the time, that a man and a boy, and three or four horſes were burnt in the Barn where the fire began, before the Guard could get to preſerve them. It happened moſt remarkably, in the houſe of one who expreſſed no good affection to this Army, and denyed to furniſh thoſe conveniences for quarter, (affirming that he had them not,) which afterwards by occaſion of the fire, he was enforced to bring out. The next day, Iune 7. the Army marched to Sherrington, a mile Eaſt of Newport-Pagnel, to the end the Forces with Colonel Vermuden (who upon the Scots retreat to Weſtmerland were recalled, and upon their march back) might more conveniently joyn, but eſpecially to be on that ſide the River, the better to ſecure the Aſſociation, in caſe the King, who the day before had faced Northhampton, and ſeemed to intend that way, ſhould attempt to break into it; wherein it appeared they did not conſult their ſafety and quarter on the back of a gariſon, as without incurring any great cenſure they might have done; but rather conſulted their honour and the publick ſervice. Expreſſes were ſent to Lieutenant-General Cromwel into the Aſsociation, to inform him whereabout our Army was, that in caſe the Aſsociation were in danger, he might know how to joyn with us. Lords day, Iune 8. the Army reſting in their quarters, ſeverall parties of horſe were ſent out as far as Toceſter, to gain intelligence of the motions of the Kings Army, who brought in ſome priſoners of Sir Marmaduke Langdales Brigade, from whom information was gathered that the Kings Army continued ſtill about Daventry: Whereupon the General called a Councel of War, to conſider of the beſt way to engage the Enemy. Where taking into conſideration of what uſe Lieutenant-General Cromwel would be to them in a time of ſo great action: The General propounded to the Councel of War, and it was by them unanimouſly conſented unto, that a Letter ſhould be writ to the Parliament, to deſire that they would pleaſe for a time to diſpence with L. Gen. Cromwels abſence from the Houſe; and to give way he might command their Horſe, there being like to be very ſpeedily an engagement. Which Letter was ſent by Colonel Hamond, who went Poſt the ſame day to the Parliament, and was inſtantly returned with an anſwer according as was deſired, to the great content of the General, and the whole Army.

This day, Colonel Vermuden, who the day before was with his party of Horſe returned, and come near to the quarters of the army, himſelf came to the General, deſiring (in regard of ſome ſpeciall occaſions which he ſaid he had to draw him beyond ſeas) that he might have leave to lay down his Commiſsion, which was yielded unto, and accordingly he received his diſcharge. At this dayes debate, Major-General Skippon was deſired to draw the form of a battell: and at the ſame time the Army was divided into ſeverall Brigades of Horſe and Foot, in order to their being better diſpoſed for an engagement. The General, though not depending upon multitudes, yet ſerving Providence in the uſe of all good means; ſent one Poſt after another to Sir Iohn Gel, Colonel Roſsiter, to the Governours of Coventry, Warwick, Northhampton, and Nottingham, To march with all ſpeed with their Forces to the Army, for that there was likely to be ſpeedily an engagement with the Enemy. In the mean, the Army neglected no time, but on Wedneſday, Iune 11, though a rainy day, marched from Stony-Stratford to Wootton, within three miles of Northampton, where intelligence ſtill confirmed the Kings continuance at Daventry, quartering all his Foot and Carriages upon Burrough-hill; a place of great advantage (having formerly been an ancient fortification) and making ſhow, as if he had choſen that place to fight upon, in caſe we durſt advance to him. But afterwards it appeared, that his ſtay there, was only till a part of 1200 horſe were returned, which he had ſent from his Army to Oxford, as a convoy with the plundered cattel & ſheep of Leiceſterſhire, Northamptonſhire, &c. the better to enable Oxford to endure a ſiege, in caſe it ſhould be attempted again in his abſence, himſelf being intent upon a march for the relief of Pomfract and Scarborough; which he then apprehended to have ſmal difficulty in it, underſtanding the removall of the Scotiſh army.

The Army being come to Wotton, they found there none of the beſt accommodation for quarter; only, what was wanting that way, was kindly and reſpectively endeavoured to be ſupplied by the Major and Magiſtrates of Northhampton, who the ſame night came to the General at the head quarter, upon the errand of a congratulatory viſit and preſent. The next day, the Army marched to Gilsborough, (four miles on the weſt of Northampton, and within five miles of Burrough-hill, where the Enemy ſtill continued) Marching in very good order; for that they did advance directly upon the place where the enemy had pitcht himſelf. A commanded party of horſe gave the Enemy an alarm, and took ſome priſoners, by whom they underſtood the King was a hunting, the Souldiers in no order, and their horſes all at graſſe, having not the leaſt knowledge of our advance, and being in the greateſt ſecurity that could be; but the alarum was ſo quickly taken through all their quarters, that our Foot being ſomewhat behind, and night approaching, it was not thought wiſdome to make any further attempt. About twelve that night, the General took horſe, and rode about both the Horſe and Foot guards, till four in the morning (expecting the Enemy would have ſhewn ſome gallantry that night, and fallen upon ſome of his quarters, as he had hindred them in their ſport at hunting the day before.) In the very entrance whereof this hard condition befell the General himſelf; That having forgot the Word, he was ſtopped at the firſt Guard; and requiring the Souldier that ſtood Sentinel, to give it him, he refuſed to do it, telling him, he was to demand the Word from all that paſt him, but to give it to none; and ſo made the General ſtand in the wet, till he ſent for the Captain of the guard to receive his commiſsion to give the General the word, (In ſuch ſubjection are the Higheſt, to thoſe lawes that rſt derived their ſanction and authority in great part from themſelves) and in the end the Souldier was rewarded for his duty and carefulneſſe, (as it was interpreted.) As the General was riding in the morning about three of the clock, within a mile and half of Flowre, where the Enemy kept an horſe-guard; He could diſcern the Enemy riding faſt over Burrough-hill, to make fires in abundance, as if they were firing their Huts; which gave ſome cauſe to believe they were about to march, as indeed it proved afterwards. For,

About five in the morning, Iune 13. the General being returned to the head-quarter, the Scoutmaſter gen. Watſon (whoſe continued diligence in getting timely intelligence of the Enemies motion, then, and alwayes, redounded not a little to the enablement of the Army) brought him certain notice, that the Enemy was drawing off from Burrough-hill; had ſtood in arms all night, and were all amazed that our Army was ſo neer; it being ſpread abroad in their army we were gone for ſecurity into the Aſſociation; And four or five more of the Spies came one after another, confirming the ſame intelligence, adding further, that moſt of their carriages were drawn from Burrough-hill towards Harborough. And indeed, the Convoy of horſe being returned from Oxford the night before, and this unexpected march of the Army cloſe up to them, being in a manner a ſurpriſe of them; cauſed them ſpeedily to reſolve upon their forementioned march towards Pomfract; either judging, the Army would not follow them, or if they did, they ſhould be able to fight us at more advantage, after they had drawn us further Northward.

About ſix of the clock in the morning, a Councel of War was called, to conſider what attempt to make upon he Enemy. In the middeſt of the debate, came in Lieutenant-General Cromwel, out of the Aſsociation, with 600 Horſe and Dragoons, who was with the greateſt joy received by the General and the whole army. Inſtantly orders were given for Drums to beat, Trumpets to ſound to horſe, and all our army to draw to a rendezvouz; from whence a good party of Horſe were ſent towards Daventry, under the command of Major Harriſon, (of whoſe continued fidelity the Publique hath had ſufficient teſtimony) to bring further intelligence of the Enemies motion: and another ſtrong party of Horſe was ſent under under the command of Colonel Ireton, to fall upon the flank of the Enemy, if he ſaw cauſe: and the main body of our Army marched to flank the Enemy in the way to Harborough, and came that night to Gilling; the Countrey much rejoycing at our comming, having been miſerably plundered by the Enemy; and ſome having had their children taken from them, and ſold before their faces to the Iriſh of that Army, whom the parents were enforced to redeem with the price of money. That evening we underſtood that the Van of the Enemies army was at Harborough, the Rear within two miles of Naſeby: and no ſooner was the General got to his quarters, but tidings was brought him of the good ſervice done by Colonel Ireton, in falling into the Enemies quarters, which they had newly taken up in Naſeby Town; where he took many priſoners, ſome of the Princes Life-guard, and Langdales Brigade, and gave a ſound alarm throughout the Enemies army (the confidence of the Enemy in poſſeſsing theſe quarters, grounded upon their ſlight eſteem of this Army, and want of intelligence, was very remarkable.) Upon this alarm, the King (not having notice of it till eleven at night, as he had little imagined the nearneſſe of our Army, or that they durſt bear up to him) much amazed, left his own quarters at that unſeaſonable time; and for ſecurity went to Harborough, where Prince Rupert quartered; and ſo ſoon as he came thither, ſent to call up his Nephew, (reſting himſelf in a chair, in a low-room, in the mean time) who preſently aroſe; a Councel of War was called: the queſtion was put, What was beſt to be done ſeeing our Army was ſo neer, and as they then perceived fully intended to ingage them. It was conſidered by them, that ſhould they march on to Leiceſter, if the Rear were engaged, the whole Army might be put in hazard; and there was no marching with the Van unleſſe they could bring the Rear clear off, which they diſcerned to be very difficult. Whereupon it was reſolved to give battell, taking themſelves (as indeed they were) for a more conſiderable force then we, eſpecially in Horſe, on which they chiefly depended; being alſo as confident, they might relye upon their Infantry for valiant reſolute men; & they reſolved (as appeared) not to abide in that place till we marched up to them, but in a gallant bravery to ſeek us out. Herein the Kings Counſel prevailed againſt the minde of the moſt of his great Officers, who were of opinion, that it was beſt to avoid fighting.

Saturday Iune 14. The General with the Army advanced by three of the clock in the morning, from Gilling towards Naſeby, with an intention to follow cloſe upon the Enemy, and (if poſsible) retard their march with our Horſe, till our foot could draw up to them, in caſe they ſhould have marched on to Leiceſter (the intelligence being, that they had drawn ſome of their Carriages in the night through Harborough) that way. By five in the morning, the Army was at a Rendezvouz near Naſeby, where his Excellency received intelligence by our Spies, that the Enemy was at Harborough; with this further, that it was ſtill doubtfull, whether he meant to march away, or to ſtand us. But immediately the doubt was reſolved: great Bodies of the Enemies horſe were diſcerned on the top of the hill on this ſide Harborough, which increaſing more and more in our view, begat a confidence in the General, and the reſidue of the Officers that he meant not to draw away, as ſome imagined, but that he was putting his Army in order, either there to receive us, or to come to us, to engage us upon the ground we ſtood: whilſt the General was thus obſerving the countenance of the Enemy, directions were given to put the Army into ſuch a poſture, as that if the Enemy came on, we might take the advantage of our ground, and be in readineſſe to receive him; or if not, that we might advance towards him. And whileſt theſe things were in conſultation and action, the Enemies Army, which before was the greateſt part of it out of our view, by reaſon of the Hill that interpoſed, we ſaw plainly advancing in order towards us: and the winde blowing ſomewhat Weſtwardly, by the Enemies advance ſo much on their right hand, it was evident, that he deſigned to get the winde of us: which occaſioned the General to draw down into a large fallow field on the Northweſt ſide of Naſeby, flanked on the left hand with a hedge, which was a convenient place for us to fight the Enemy in. And indeed ſeeing his reſolution to advance upon us, we took the beſt advantage we could of the ground, poſſeſsing the ledge of a Hill, running from Eaſt to Weſt; upon which our Army being drawn up, fronted towards the Enemy. But conſidering it might be of advantage to us to draw up our Army out of ſight of the Enemy; who marched upon a plain ground towards us: we retreated about an 100 paces from the ledge of the Hill, that ſo the Enemy might not perceive in what form our battell was drawn, nor ſee any confuſion therein, and yet we to ſee the form of their battell; to which we could conform our ſelves for advantages, and recover the advantage of the Hill when we pleaſed, which accordingly we did. The Enemy perceiving this retreat, thought (as ſince they have confeſſed) we were drawing off to avoid fighting (and juſt then it was brought to the King, that our Army was flying to Northhampton) which did occaſion them the more to precipitate; for they made ſo much haſte, that they left many of their Ordnance behinde them.

The General, together with the Major-General, put the ſeverall Brigades of Foot into order: having committed the Ordering of the Horſe to Lieutenant-General Cromwel, who did obtain from the General, That ſeeing the Horſe were neere 6000. and were to bee fought in two wings; His Excellency would pleaſe to make Col. Ireton Commiſſary gen. of horſe, and appoint him to command the Left wing, that day; the command of the Right wing being as much as the Lieutenant-General could apply himſelf unto. Which being granted by the General, the Lieutenant-General aſsigned him five Regiments of Horſe, a Diviſion of 200 Horſe of the Aſſociation, for that Wing; and the Dragoons to line the forementioned hedge, to prevent the enemy from annoying the Left flank of the Army. In the mean time the Lieutenant-General having ſixe Regiments of Horſe with him for the Right wing, diſpoſed them according as the place gave leave. And the form of the whole Battail you have here inſerted.

Upon the Enemies approach, the Parliaments army marcht up to the brow of the hill, having placed a Forlorn of Foot (muſquetiers) conſiſting of about 300. down the ſteep of the hill towards the enemy, ſomewhat more then Carbine ſhot from the Main battail, who were ordered to retreat to the battail, whenſoever they ſhould be hard preſſed upon by the Enemy. The Enemy this while marched up in good order, a ſwift march, with a great deal of gallantry and reſolution, according to the form here inſerted. It is hard to ſay, whether Wing of our Horſe charged firſt: But the Lieutenant-General not thinking it fit to ſtand and receive the Enemies charge, advanced forward with the Right wing of the Horſe, in the ſame order wherein it was placed. Our Word that day was, God our ſtrength; Their Word was, Queen Mary. Colonel Whaley being the left hand on the right wing, charged firſt two Diviſions of Langdales Horſe, who made a very gallant reſiſtance, and firing at a very cloſe charge, they came to the ſword: wherein Col. Whaley's Diviſions routed thoſe two Diviſions of Langdales, driving them back to Prince Ruperts Regiment, being the Reſerve of the enemies Foot, whither indeed they fled for ſhelter, and rallied: the Reſerves to Colonel Whaley were ordered to ſecond him, which they performed with a great deal of reſolution. In the mean time, the reſt of the Diviſions of the Right wing, being ſtraightned by Furzes on the right hand, advanced with great difficulty, as alſo by reaſon of the uneavenneſſe of the ground, and a Cony-warren over which they were to march, which put them ſomewhat out of their order, in their advance. Notwithſtanding which difficulty, they came up to the engaging the reſidue of the Enemies horſe on the left wing, whom they routed, and put into great confuſion, not one body of the enemies horſe which they charged, but they routed, and forced to flie beyond all their Foot, except ſome that were for a time ſheltred by the Brigade of Foot before mentioned.

Colonel Roſsiter, who with his Regiment was juſt come into the field as the Armies were ready to cloſe; was edg'd in upon the right flank of the right wing of horſe, time not permitting a more fitting and equal diſpoſal of him: whoſe timely comming (according to his Orders) gave him opportunity of ſuch gallant performance in the battel, as deſerves an honourable mentioning.

The Horſe of the enemies Left wing being thus beaten from their Foot, retreated back about a quarter of a mile beyond the place where the battail was fought. The ſucceſſe of our Main battail was not anſwerably; The right hand of the Foot, being the Generals Regiment, ſtood, not being much preſſed upon: Almoſt all the reſt of the main Battail being overpreſſed, gave ground and went off in ſome diſorder, falling behinde the Reſerves; But the Colonels and Officers, doing the duty of very gallant Men, in endeavouring to keep their men from diſorder, and finding their attempt fruitleſs therein, fell into the Reſerves with their Colours, chooſing rather there to fight and die, then to quit the ground they ſtood on. The Reſerves advancing, commanded by Col. Rainsborough, Col. Hammond, and Lieut. col. Pride, repelled the Enemy, forcing them to a diſorderly retreat. Thus much being ſaid of the Right wing and the main battail, it comes next in order, that an account be given of the Left wing of our Horſe.

Upon the approach of the Enemies Right wing of Horſe, our Left wing drawing down the brow of the hill to meet them, the Enemy comming on faſt, ſuddenly made a ſtand, as if they had not expected us in ſo ready a poſture: Ours ſeeing them ſtand, made a little ſtand alſo, partly by reaſon of ſome diſadvantage of the ground, and untill the reſt of the Diviſions of Horſe might recover their ſtations. Upon that the Enemy advanced again, whereupon our Left wing ſounded a Charge, and fell upon them: The three right hand Diviſions of our Left wing made the firſt onſet, and thoſe Diviſions of the enemy oppoſite to them, received the Charge; thetwo left hand Diviſions of the Left wing did not advance equally, but being more backward, the oppoſite Diviſions of the Enemy advanced upon them. Of the three right hand Diviſions (before mentioned) which advanced, the middlemoſt charged not home, the other two co •… ing to a cloſe Charge, routed the two oppoſite Diviſions of the Enemy, (And the Commiſſary Generall ſeeing one of the enemies Brigades of Foot on his right hand, preſsing ſore upon our Foot, commanded the Diviſion that was with him, to charge that Body of Foot, and for their better encouragement, he himſelf with great reſolution fell in amongſt the Muſquetiers, where his horſe being ſhot under him, and himſelf run through the thigh with a Pike, and into the face with an Halbert, was taken priſoner by the enemy, untill afterwards, when the battell turning, and the enemy in great diſtraction, he had an happy opportunity to offer his Keeper his liberty, if he would carry him off, which was performed on both parts accordingly.) That Diviſion of the enemies which was between, which the other Diviſion of ours ſhould have charged, was carried away in the diſorder of the other two; the one of thoſe right hand Diviſions of our Left wing that did rout the front of the enemy, charged the Reſerve too, and broke them, the other Reſerves of the enemy came on, and broke thoſe Diviſions of ours that charged them; the Diviſions of the left hand of the right wing were likewiſe overborn, having much diſadvantage, by reaſon of pits of water, and other pieces of ditches that they expected not, which hindred them in their order to Charge.

The enemy having thus worſted our left wing, purſued their advantage, and Prince Rupert himſelf having proſecuted his ſucceſſe upon the left wing, almoſt to Naſeby town, in his return ſummoned the Train, offering them quarter, which being well defended with the Fire-locks, and a Rear-guard left for that purpoſe, who fired with admirable courage on the Princes horſe, refuſing to hearken to his offer, and the Prince probably perceiving by that time the ſucceſſe of our Right wing of Horſe, he retreated in great haſte to the reſcue of the Kings Army, which he found in ſuch a general diſtreſſe, that inſtead of attempting any thing in the reſcue of them (being cloſe followed in the Rear by ſome of Commiſſary Generals, Col. Riches, Col. Fleetwoods, Major Huntingtons, and Col. Butlers horſe) he made up further, untill he came to the ground where the King was rallying the broken horſe of his Left wing, and there joyned with them, and made a ſtand.

To return again to our right wing, which proſecuting their ſucceſs, by this time had beaten all the enemies horſe quite behinde their foot, which when they had accompliſhed, the remaining buſineſs was with part to keep the enemies horſe from coming to the reſcue of their foot, which were now all at mercy, except one Tertia, which with the other part of the horſe we endeavoured to break, but could not, they ſtanding with incredible courage & reſolution, although we attempted them in the Flanks, Front and Rear, untill ſuch time as the General called up his own Regiment of foot (the Lieut. General being likewiſe haſtening of them) which immediately fell in with them, with But-end of Muskets (the General charging them at the ſame time with horſe) and ſo broke them. The enemy had now nothing left in the Field, but his horſe, (with whom was the King himſelf) which they had put again into as good order as the ſhortneſſe of their time, and our near preſsing upon them would permit.

Charging in perſon the Blew Regimt. which kept to their Armes ſo ſtoutly. The Generall (whom God preſerved in many hazardous ingagements of his perſon that day) ſeeing them in that order, and our whole Army (ſaving ſome Bodies of horſe which faced the enemy) being buſied in the execution upon the foot, and taking, and ſecuring priſoners, endeavoured to put the Army again into as good order as they could receive, to the perfecting of the work that remained: Our foot were ſomewhat more then a quarter of a mile behinde the horſe, and although there wanted no courage nor reſolution in the horſe themſelves alone to have charged the enemy, yet foraſmuch as it was not judged fit to put any thing to hazard, the buſineſſe being brought (through the goodneſſe of God) to ſo hopefull an iſſue, It was ordered our horſe ſhould not charge the enemy untill the foot were come up; for by this time our foot that were diſordered upon the firſt Charge, being in ſhorter time then is well imaginable, rallyed again, were comming up upon a faſt march to joyn with our horſe, who were again put into two wings, within Carbine ſhot of the enemy, leaving a wide ſpace for the battail of foot to fall in, whereby there was framed, as it were in a trice, a ſecond good Batalia at the latter end of the day; which the enemy perceiving, and that if they ſtood, they muſt expect a ſecond Charge from our Horſe, Foot, and Artillery (they having loſt all their Foot and Guns before) and our Dragoons having already begun to fire upon their horſe, they not willing to abide a ſecond ſhock upon ſo great diſadvantage as this was like to be, immediatly ran away, both Fronts, and Reſerves, without ſtanding one ſtroke more: Our horſe had the Chaſe of them from that place, within two miles of Leiceſter (being the ſpace of fourteen miles) took many priſoners, and had the execution of them all that way: The number of the ſlain we had not a certain account of, by reaſon of the proſecution of our Victory, and ſpeedy advance to the reducing of Leiceſter: the priſoners taken in the field were about five thouſand, whereof were ſix Colonels, eight Lieut. Colonels, eighteen Majors, ſeventy Captains, eighty Leiutenants, eighty Enſignes, two hundred other inferiour Officers, beſides the Kings Footmen, and houſhold ſervants, the reſt common Souldiers, four thouſand five hundred. The enemy loſt very gallant men, and indeed their foot, commanded by the Lord Aſtley, were not wanting in courage; the whole booty of the Field fell to the Souldier, which was very rich and conſiderable, there being amongſt it, beſides the riches of the Court, and Officers, the rich plunder of Leiceſter.

Their Train of Artillery was taken, all their Ordnance, (being braſſe Guns) whereof two were Demi-Canon, beſides two Morter-pieces, (the enemy got away not one Carriage) eight thouſand Arms and more, forty Barrels of powder, two hundred horſe, with their riders, the Kings Colours, the Duke of Yorks Standard, and ſix of his Colours, four of the Queens white Colours, with double Croſſes on each of them, and near one hundred other Colours both of horſe and foot, the Kings Cabinet, the Kings Sumpter, many Coaches, with ſtore of wealth in them: It was not the leaſt mercy in this Victory, that the Cabinet Letters, which diſcover ſo much to ſatisfie all honeſt men of the intention of the adverſe party, fell likewiſe into our hands, and have been ſince publiſhed by the Authority of the Parliament, to the view of the whole Kingdome.

The Field was about a mile broad where the battail was fought, and from the outmoſt Flank of the right, to the left Wing, took up the whole ground.

Thus you have a true and exact relation of the work of this happy day.

1. The battail was fought much upon equall advantage, whether you reſpect the numbers on each ſide, there being in that not 500. odds, or the ground it was fought upon being on both ſides Champaign, and in that reſpect equal, and the winde at length favouring neither ſide more then other. But in this the enemy had much the odds of us, that they had on their ſide not ſo few as fifteen hundred Officers, that were old ſouldiers, of great experience through long experience in forraign parts; when on the other hand, we had not ten Officers that could pretend to any ſuch thing, as the experience of a ſouldier, ſave what this war had given them, being for the moſt part ſuch, whoſe Religion, Valour, and preſent Reaſon was their beſt Conduct; and herein God went beyond our Enemies in their pride, and ſeeming friends, in their contempt of this Army.

2. Of how great conſequence this Victory was to the whole Kingdom: That it may the better appear, let us take a view of it, and ſuppoſe we beheld it through the counter-proſpective of the contrary event, as if the Enemy had had the victory, and we been beaten; and then me thinks I ſee, not only this Army, the only guardion of the Kingdom, lying on a heap, furniſhing the enemy with inſulting Trophees, but alſo our party in the West ruined, and the enemy there like a violent Torrent, carrying all before him. Me thinks I ſee the King and Goring united, making a formidable Army, and marching up to the Walls of London, incouraging their ſouldiers, as formerly, with the promiſe of the ſpoyle of that famous City. And if this ſucceſſe had been indulged them, and London not denyed, (as who ſhould ſuch an Army have asked it of) what could have enſued worſe or more! When once that City by ſuch a fate had reſtored an Embleme of undone Rome, when Caeſar came againſt it, That The Senate ſhooke, the affrighted Fathers leave Their Seats, and flying, to the Conſuls give Directions for the War; where ſafe to live, What place t'avoid they know not, whether ere A blest-ripe wit could guide their ſteps, they bear, Th'amazed people forth in Troops, whom nought So long had ſtird. —Ingenti nec modo vulgus Perculſum terrore pavet, ſed curia, & ipſi Sedibus exiliere Patres, inviſaque Belli. Conſulibus fugiens mandat decreta Senatus. Tunc quae tuta petant, & quae metuenda relinquant Incerti, quocunque fugae tulit impetus, urgent Praecipitem populum, ſerie que haerentia longa Agmina prorumpunt.

And who needs any interpretation of this to have been, a being caſt in our Cauſe, and a looſing of our Charges. All this did God mercifully prevent by the ſucceſſe of that battail, and turned over this condition to the enemy, and thereby laid the happy foundation of all the bleſſed ſucceſs we have had ſince.

He that ſhall not in this victory look beyond the inſtrument, will injuriouſly withhold from God his due: he that doth not behold God in the inſtruments, will not know how to give him his due; for when he doth actions by inſtruments, his glory is to be ſeen in inſtruments: now had I only to deale with actions, I might poſsibly by a competent expreſsion give on account of them; but who may undertake to repreſent the lively frame of an heightened ſoul, and the working of the affections in ſuch Heroick actions. The General, a man ſubject to the like infirmities of body, as well as paſsions of mind with other men, eſpecially to ſome infirmities (contracted by former wounds) which however at other times they may hinder that puiſſant and illuſtrious ſoul that dwels within, from giving a character of its ſelfe in his countenance; yet when he hath come upon action, or been near an engagement, it hath been obſerved, another ſpirit hath come upon him, another ſoul hath lookt out at his eyes; I mean he hath been ſo raiſed, elevated, and tranſported, as that he hath been not only unlike himſelfe at other times, but indeed more like an Angell, then a man. And this was obſerved of him at this time: now with what triumphs of faith, with what exultation of ſpirit, and with what a joynt ſhout of all the affections God is received into that heart, whoſe eyes he uſes as an Optick to look through, and trouble a proud enemy, it ſelfe only is privy to? what high tranſactions, what deep and endearing ingagements paſſe mutually between God and ſuch a ſoul? (for certainly the moſt immediate worſhip gives not a greater advantage) is better felt experimentally, then deſcribed hiſtorically; but ſuch a diſcovery of theſe things was made in his outward man at this Battel as highly animated his Souldiers.

Lieutenant-General Cromwel uſeth theſe expreſsions concerning Him, in his Letter to the Houſe of Commons:

The General ſerved you with all faithfulneſſe and honour; and the beſt commendations I can give of him, is, That I dare ſay he attributes all to God, and would rather periſh, then aſſume any thing to himſelf, which is an honest and thriving way; and yet as much for bravery may be given to him in this action, as to a man.

I ſhall inlarge no further in this particular, but conclude, it was none of the leaſt pledges, none of the loweſt ſpeaking Providences betokening good ſucceſſe to this Army, and promiſing much happineſſe to this Nation; GOD's giving us ſuch a General, and ſo giving out himſelf to our General.

The great ſhare Lieutenant General Cromwel had in this action, who commanded the Right wing of Horſe, (which did ſuch ſervice, carrying the field before them, as they did at Marston-moor) is ſo known and acknowledged, that envy it ſelf can neither detract, nor deny. One paſſage relating to his ſervice in this Battel, which I have received from thoſe that well knew it, I ſhall commend to this Hiſtorie: That he being come not above two dayes before out of the Aſſociation, and (that day the battel was) attending the General in the field, who was going to draw up for an ingagement; He had the charge and ordering of all the Horſe caſt upon him by the General unexpectedly, but a little before the Battel; which he had no ſooner received, but it was high time to apply himſelf to the diſcharge of it: for before the Field-Officers could give a tolerable account of the drawing up of the Army, the Enemy came on amain in paſsing good order, while our Army was yet in diſorder, or the order of it but an Embrio: which the Lieut. General perceiving, was ſo far from being diſmayed at it, that it was the riſe and occaſion of a moſt triumphant faith, and joy in him, expecting that GOD would do great things, by ſmall means; and by the things that are not, bring to nought things that are. A happy time, when the Lord of hoſts ſhall make his Tabernacle in the hearts and countenances of our chief Commanders; from thence to laugh his enemies to deſtruction, and have them in deriſion to confuſion!

Had not Major gen. Skippon done gallantly, he had not received ſuch an early wound in his ſide; and had he not had a Spring of Reſolution, he had not ſtayed in the field, as he did, till the battel was ended; (for being deſired by his Excellencie to go off the field, he anſwered, He would not ſtirre, ſo long as a man would ſtand.) That I mention not all thoſe Officers and Souldiers particularly, who behaved themſelves ſo gallantly in this Action, is to avoyd emulation and partiality: I ſhall ſatisfie my ſelf, to adde concerning them, and the whole buſineſſe, the words of the General, and Lieutenant-General, in their ſeveral Letters to the Speaker of the houſe of Commons, with which I ſhall conclude. Lieut. Gen. Cromwels cloſe of his Letter to the Speaker of the houſe of Commons. Honeſt men ſerved you faithfully in this action; Sir, they are truſty; I beſeech you in the name of God, not to diſcourage them: (which they have not done, bleſſed be God, and I hope never will.) He proceeds, and wiſheth, This action may beget thankfulneſſe and humility in all that are concerned in it; And concludes thus modeſtly himſelf, He that ventures his life for the liberty of his Country, I wiſh he truſt GOD for the liberty of his Conſcience, and You for the Liberty he fights for, &c. The cloſe of the Generals Letter to the Speaker. All that I deſire, ſayes the General, is, That the honour of this great, never to be forgotten mercy, may be given to GOD, in an extraordinary day of Thanksgiving, and that it may be improved to the good of his Church, which ſhall be faithfully endeavoured by, Sir, Your moſt humble Servant, Thomas Fairfax.

After the Battel was ended, and the Horſe gone in purſuit; the Army marched (5 miles) that night, to Harborough, (the head-querter) Moſt of the Priſoners that were taken in the fight, were that night brought into Harborough church, except thoſe that were wounded and ſent to Northampton.

Among other Writings taken in the Battel, there was a Manuſcript preſented to the General, (written by one Sir Edward Walker Herald of Arms) of the Kings great Victories in this War; wherein there was one paſſage very obſervable: That whereas he, taking occaſion to ſpeak of the Iriſh, cals them Rebels; the King having peruſed the Book, among the alterations he had made therein in divers places with his own hand, in that place puts out Rebels, and writes over the head, Iriſh, with his own hand, (ſo much care was there to correct and qualifie any Expreſsion that might reflect on thoſe blood-thirſty Rebels.) There was alſo brought to the head-quarter, at wooden Image, in the ſhape of a man, and in ſuch a form, as they blaſphemouſly called it the God of the Roundheads; and this they carried in ſcorn and contempt of our Army, in a publike manner, a little before the Battel begun.

The next day, Colonel Iohn Fiennes, with his Regiment, was ſent up to London by the General, with the Priſoners and Colours taken in the Fight; His Regiment took 11. Colours in the Battel. Who had a great ſhare in the performance of that Day, (being placed with his Regiment in the Right wing of Horſe) carried himſelf gallantly, and was very happy in his ſucceſſe.

CHAP. VI.

The Victory at Naſeby improved, by purſuing the Enemy, who fled into Wales. Leiceſter (not long before taken by the Enemy) ſummoned, and after preparations for Storm, ſurrendred upon Articles. Some clamours of the Enemy for breach of Articles, found to be unjuſt, and the charge retorted on them. A inſtance of the Enemies deſperate Prophaneneſſe, joyned with barbarous and inhumane Cruelty.

THe Enemy thus driven out of the field, his Excellencie gave Orders for the Army, Horſe, Foot, and Train, to march after them the next day, which was Lords day, without any more intermiſsion; the purſuing of the Victory, being of parallel conſequence with the getting it: In obeying of which Orders, the readineſſe and chearfulneſſe of the Souldiers was admirable, and worthy our obſervation and remembrance, That when in reſpect of their long and hard March for many dayes together before the Battel, and the vehement and ſharp battel they had fought, they might well have pleaded for ſome time of refreſhment; yet no ſooner was the Generals order given for marching, but they repaired all to their Colours, and that very next day after the battel, marched to great Glyn, the head-quarter, four miles ſhort of Leicester. The Horſe marched within a mile of Leiceſter that night, and kept Guards, which ſo alarm'd the Nobles and Gentry that had fled thither for ſecurity, that they departed thence in much haſte, leaving the Lord Haſtings to defend that place.

This day his Excellencie received intelligence, that Sir Iohn Gell, with about 2000 Horſe, was on his march towards the Army, according to Orders formerly ſent him; as alſo that the King, with one part of the Routed horſe, not judging himſelf ſafe in Leicester, went thence that evening to Aſhby-de-la-Zouch, where he repoſed himſelf ſome few houres: but underſtanding that our Army advanced, and that our Horſe purſued the chaſe; Mounted on horſe-back in the night, and fled to Liechfield, and from thence into Wales, without any conſiderable ſtay, (ſo great was the affright) the other part of the Rout being the Northern horſe, under Sir Marmaduke Langdale, fled the ſame night near Newark; both paſsing ſo, that it was the wonder of all men how they (being in ſuch a tired and diſtracted condition) could eſcape Sir Iohn Gels horſe, who the ſame day were on their march from Nottingham towards Leicester.

This day furniſhed his Excellency with a full intelligence of the ſtate both of our friends, and our enemies affaires in the Weſt, by meanes of the contrivement of Scout-Maſter-generall, the manner thus: A Spie of his, formerly imployed by him to Secretary Nicholas in Oxford, was the day that the Army roſe from before it, ſent to him again, (yet as one comming of his own accord) to give him intelligence, that the Army would that morning march away (a thing they in Oxford knew well enough) it being conceived that either the Secretary would ſend him, or he might finde ſome opportunity to go into the Weſt, where Generall Goring then lay with his Army about Taunton, and bring us the intelligence we deſired; accordingly it fell out; Into the Weſt he was ſent, firſt to Bath, where the Prince of Wales then was, to whom he brought the firſt news of the Parliaments Army riſing from before Oxford, from thence (bearing the reward of ten pieces from the Prince) to General Goring about Taunton, who received him and the news very gladly, and looking upon him as a fit inſtrument to be imployed to the King, then about Leiceſter, and as they ſuppoſed, intending Northward; deal with him (as about a buſineſſe of great concernment) to carry a Pacquet of Letters from him, the Prince, and his Councell, to the King; He with ſome ſeeming difficulty ſuffered himſelfe to be perſwaded, received the Pacquet, brought them to his Excellency fair ſealed up, diſcovering to him the true ſtate of the Enemies Armies and affairs in the Weſt: The Letters from the Lord Goring to the King ſignifying, how that in three weeks time (nine dayes whereof was then expired) he was confident to maſter our Forces at Taunton, and by conſequence, to ſettle the Weſt of England in an abſolute poſture for his Majeſties ſervice, and march up with a conſiderable Army to his aſſiſtance; adviſing the King by all means in the mean time to ſtand upon a defenſive poſture, and not to engage till his forces were joyned with his Majeſty; Had theſe Letters bin delivered to the King (as they might have bin but for this defeatment) in all probability he had declined fighting with us for the preſent, and ſtaid for thoſe additionals, which would have been a far greater hazard: this intelligence, did withall much quicken us to make ſpeed to relieve Taunton; yet being ſo neer Leiceſter, and Leiceſter in all probability being eaſily to be made ours, (conſidering the fear that they within were poſſeſt withall by the loſſe of the day at Naſeby, beſides the want of men thereby (in all likelihood) to make good their Works, it was reſolved firſt to aſſay that, accordingly Monday Iune 16. about noon the whole Army came before the Town: The General ſent a Summons to the Lord Hastings, to ſurrender the Garriſon, with all the Ordnance, Arms, and Ammunition therein, who returned a peremptory anſwer, as if he meant to defend it to the laſt man; whereupon a Councel of War being called, it was reſolved to ſtorm the place: warrants were ſent to the hundreds to bring in ladders, carts, hay, ſtraw, & other things fitting for a ſtorm; wherein the country was very forward to give aſsiſtance.

Tueſday Iune 17. great ſtore of ladders were brought in, a battery was raiſed, upon which two Demy-Cannon and a whole Culverine taken at Naſeby were planted, which played upon an old work called the Newark; being the very ſame Guns which the King not many dayes before had uſed againſt the ſame place: The Lord Haſtings now beginning to perceive his condition was like to be deſperate, ſent a Trumpeter with a Letter to the Generall, deſiring a parly concerning the ſurrender of the towne, which his Excellency deſirous to ſave blood, hearkened unto: Commiſsioners were appointed to treate (on our ſide Colonel Pickering, and Colonel Rainsborough) Hoſtages on both ſides were given; the Treaty begun that evening, and held debate till twelve a clock that night, and was concluded upon theſe Articles:

1. TThat the Lord Loughborough ſhall have quarter granted him, and have protection for his Perſon to be ſafely conveighed to the Garriſon of Aſhby-de-la-Zouch. 2. That all Field Officers, Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Serjeants, Majors, and Captains, and Lieutenants of Horſe, (but not of Foot) ſhall march away with their own particular ſingle Horſe and Arms, with protections for their own Perſons. 3. That all the reſt of the Officers ſhall be conveyed ſafely to the Garriſon of Lichfield with Staves only, and no other weapons in their hand. 4. That all common Souldiers have quarter only for their lives, and be conveyed to Lichfield without any other weapons, ſave only ſtaves in their hands. 5. That before 10 of the clocke the ſaid morning June the 18. the Governour of the Towne, and the Lord Loughborough and all the reſt of the Officers, and Souldiers march out of the Garriſon according to the agreement aforeſaid. 6. That Sir Thomas Fairfax be permitted to enter in at 10 of the clock the ſaid Wedneſday morning aforeſaid, with his Forces, and take poſſeſſion of the Garriſon. 7. That all the Pieces of Canon, great and ſmall now in the Garriſon of Leiceſter, be left to Sir Thomas Fairfax. 8. That all the Armes, and Ammunition now in Leiceſter be left to Sir Thomas Fairfax, ſave only what is agreed to for the Officers of Horſe aforeſaid. 9. That all the Proviſions, Colours, Bag and Baggage be alſo left to Sir Thomas Fairfax. 10 That all the Horſe (ſave onely thoſe excepted for the Officers aforeſaid) that are in the Garriſon of Leiceſter be delivered up to Sir Thomas Fairfax, for the ſervice of the Parliament. 11. That all the officers & ſouldiers have quarter for their lives. 12. That all the Priſoners of War that are in Leiceſter at the ſame time, be releaſed and ſet free to ſerve the Parliament.

The Guards and Centinels of the gate-houſe priſon in the Newarke, hearing of the concluſion of the Articles, about four a clock on Wedneſday morning went away from their duty, and left their Armes behind them, and the priſon door open, whereupon the priſoners went out, and finding the Enemy a plundering, they fell a plundering too. About ſeven a clock all their guards were drawn off, the ſouldiers on the Line threw downe their Armes, quit their Poſts, and the gates were opened, which gave invitation to divers of our ſtragling ſouldiers to get into the Town at the Ports, and over the works: Complaint hereof being made to his Excellency, by ſome from the Lord Haſtings (or Loughborow) of the violation of the Articles by our ſouldiers: His Excellency ſent to the Lord Loughborow to keep all his men upon their guards, and if any offered violently to enter the Towne before the time, to fire upon them, and immediately iſſued out a Proclamation, commanding the punctuall obſervance of the Articles by his owne ſouldiers, under paine of death. But the Lord Haſtings inſtead of ſtanding upon his guard (according to the Articles, till ten of the clock that morning, which he ought to have done, whereby he might have prevented that inconveniency which fell out, and have performed his Articles in delivering the Towne to his Excellency with the Arms and Ammunition:) mounted on horſe-back in the morning with divers Gentlemen (officers and others) and left the towne ſome houres before the time appointed for his marching forth; ſo that when our Commiſsioners came according to appointment to ſee the Articles punctually performed, they found the Lord Haſtings was gone, and all the towne in a confuſion; but the ſouldiers were commanded off, and things were preſently ſettled in good order, and about eleven a clock that day, the Army entred the towne, where we found divers Commanders of note, viz. Serjeant-Major-Generall Eyres, Colonell Liſle, Lieutenant Colonell Mouldſworth, Lieutenant Colonell Pemberton, Major Naylor, Major Trollop, beſides divers perſons of quallity, all wounded in the battail.

There were taken in the towne, fourteen peece of Ordnance, thirty Colours, two thouſand Armes, five hundred horſe, fifty barrels of Powder, and other Ammunition, in a good proportion: The poor Inhabitants were overjoyed at their deliverance, though in a ſad Condition, being ſo plundered by the Enemy at firſt taking the towne, that many had nothing left but the bare walls, who before had their ſhops and houſes well furniſhed: the Mayors houſe only eſcaped at that time, which now ſuffered for it: There is one peice of eminent wickedneſſe, fit to be tranſmitted to the notice of the world, not only for its relation to this ſtory, but to rectifie their conſciences, who have been led with too good an opinion of the Enemy; and it is atteſted by perſons of good credit and quality; It is concerning Colonell Thomas a Welch-man, a Papiſt, who was ſlaine at the battail of Naſeby: There were two brothers of them; the other was a Lieutenant Colonell taken priſoner in the battail, the former was conceived to be the man, by the diſcription of ſome of the inhabitants of Leiceſter who have under their hands given this information. That the next day after the King had taken Leiceſter by ſtorme, this Colonell Thomas came to the Gaole, where the priſoners they had taken at the entring the Town were put, and called for the priſoners, and commanded ſuch as were willing to ſerve the King, to come to one ſide of the room, divers of them comming accordingly, he commands them one by one to kneel down, and ſwear by Ieſus Ile ſerve the King, which ſome of them accordingly did: He not ſatisfied therewith, required them to ſwear God-dammee Ile ſerve the King, affirming publiquely, he was not fit to ſerve the King, that refuſed that Oath, which they refuſing, he drew his Sword, cut them in the Head, in the Head, in the Arms, and other parts of the Body, wounding them in a moſt cruell manner; ſome of the Town of Leiceſter (amongſt others) were the perſons on whom this cruelty was exerciſed, and remain ſtill to this day maimed by theſe wounds.

Wedneſday Iune 18. The Treaſure being come down, the Army was muſtered, and the Town was ſetled in ſome order, and an Expreſſe ſent up unto the Parliament, with the Conditions upon which Leiceſter was ſurrendred. Intelligence came this day, that the King was gone towards Hereford; it was taken into conſideration to ſend horſe after him, but the thoughts of the Weſt occaſioned the deferring the debate thereof for the preſent.

Thurſday Iune 19. Complaint being made to his Excellency by ſome of the Kings party, that they had been pillaged by our ſouldiers, his Excellency declared, whoſoever ſhould be found guilty thereof, they ſhould ſuffer the extremity of that puniſhment that belonged to the violators and betrayers of the juſtice and honour of the Army, and therefore willed they might be informed againſt to the Judge Advocate of the Army. But upon examination of divers witneſſes, his Excellency ſaw cauſe to charge the breach of Articles on the Lord Loughborough, and the injuries he complained of to his own failour, and therefore to demand reparation of Him; and the carriage on the enemies part appearing ſo foule in many particulars, which were here too tedious to mention, the General thought fit to detain the Hoſtages; offering notwithſtanding an examination of the buſineſſe by Commiſsioners, and engaging himſelf to make good whatſoever could be demanded of him in Juſtice and Honour, as he ſhould expect the like from them. But they, loath to truſt to the iſſue, anſwered not the meeting of our Commiſsioners; his Excellency therefore for a time detained the Hoſtages, till afterwards, upon noble conſiderations, the indempnity of his own, and the Armies honour being ſufficiently cautioned, he was pleaſed to releaſe them.

ANGLIA REDIVIVA. OR, ENGLAND'S RECOVERY. PART. II.
CHAP. I.

His Excellency with the Army, marching Weſtward to relieve Taunton the ſecond time; taking in Hiworth Garriſon by the way: Curbing the Clubmen, the retaking of Ilcheſter, and the brave Fight at Langport.

NO ſooner had the Army done the work that God had for them thereabouts, but they marched towards Warwick, ſolicitous in nothing ſo much, as which way they might beſt advance the publique ſervice; and although (being very doubtfull whether it were better to follow the King, and hinder his recruiting, and raiſing a new Army in Wales, or go down to the Weſt to relieve the other part of our Army, who had deſerved no other at our hands, and ſtood in great need of it;) who ſhould they by any unhappy blow be ruined, as they were certainly in great ſtraits (the enemy being, in common report, twelve thouſand, and Major Generall Maſſey, who was ſent to their relief, hardly three thouſand; whereby it was thought that Goring might both keep off him, and keep up our men about Taunton) it would have been of ſad conſequence to the whole Kingdom; for then would the enemy have poſſeſſed the whole Weſt (except the Garriſons of Lime, Poole, and Weymouth) intire to themſelves: The conſequence of which, in reſpect of the Trade and Riches of thoſe counties, the conſiderable Towns and Ports of both ſides, both towards France and Ireland, ſeemed with a great deal of reaſon to perſwade our preſent march thither; and being deſirous, in a buſineſſe of that importance, not to determine themſelves, they had ſent to the Parliament, and Cōmittee of both Kingdoms, to have their reſolution upon it, declaring their willingneſs to be ſwayed by their advice, and counſell: Yet that they might not loſe any time, they marched on to Marlborough (with a diſpoſition, either to go over Severn at Glouceſter, towards the King in Herefordſhire, or to move Weſtward, as they ſhould be ordered) where they receiving notice from the Committee of both Kingdoms, that Letters were ſent to the Scotch Army to march towards Worceſter, and that they had their conſent, and the Houſes alſo, to march Weſtward; the Army bent their courſe that way, having yet ſo tender a conſideration of Glouceſterſhire, that they ſent Colonel Butlers Regiment of horſe to lie before Barkley-Caſtle, to keep in Sir Charles Lucas (an active enemy, and good ſouldier) whileſt the Glouceſterſhire Troops might look to the ſecurity of that part of their Country beyond Severn. This Regiment was ſent under quarter Maſter Generall Fincher, a ſtout man, and a good ſouldier, and one that knew the Country well, (Colonel Butler and his Major, Major Horton being then under cure of their wounds received at Naſeby.) In five dayes march, viz. by Thurſday Iune 26. the Army reached as far as Lechlade, where ſome of the enemies Garriſons were gathering Contribution. Our forlorn hope fell upon them, ſhot Lieutenant Colonel Nott, took four priſoners of Radcot Garriſon, and reſcued ſome Country people whom they were carrying away priſoners.

Hiworth taken. Friday Iune 27. The Army marched to Wanburrow, and in the way made an halt, and drew up before Hiworth garriſon, (being a Church fortified by a Line and Bulwarks) ſummoned the place, Major Hen the Governour refuſed to yield, they planted their Ordnance, men were deſigned to ſtorm, who beaing ready to fall on, he took took down his bloody Colours, and ſounded a Parley, and yielded upon quarter. The ſouldiers had good booty in the Church, took ſeventy priſoners, and eighty arms. This place ſtanding convenient in a Line for the garriſon of Malmsbury, the Generall appointed the Governour of Malmsbury to continue the place a garriſon, for the better in larging the Parliaments quarters.

From Wanburrow the Army marched to Burchalk in Wiltſhire, by three ſtages, without any conſiderable action, ſave that on the Lords day (June 29 while they reſted at Marlburrow) Spies were ſent from thence to Taunton, to give them notice of the Armies advance for their reliefe.

Munday Iune 30 the Army marched from Marlburrow to Almsbury 14 miles; that day being a day for a Faire to be kept at Marlburrow; ſome ſtraglers ſtayed behind the Army, whom Deut from the Devizes ſurprized. Thence on Tueſday Iuly 1. they marched to Burchalke 12 miles, and being drawne up that morning to a Randezvouz at a place called Stonage, marched in Battalia upon Salisbury plaine: ſome Officers and others of the Army who went-out of the way through Salisbury, found the townſmen very peremptory, being confident of their own ſtrength, by their aſsociation with other counties, in their meetings of Club-men, wearing white Ribbonds in their hatts, (as it were in affront of the Army) not ſparing to declare themſelves abſolute Neuters (or rather friends to the enemy) moreover news came this night that the Club-men had riſen upon ſome of Major-Generall Maſſies forces; that his men had done ſome execution upon them, and that they with much confidence required reparation.

Wedneſday Iuly 2. the Army marched to Blandford twelve miles, and in their march took Mr. Penruddock, and one Fuſſell, two Captaines of the Club-men, who being examined and convinced of their errour, in cauſing ſuch unlawfull aſſemblies without authority, promiſed never to appear any more in that buſineſs, & thereupon were releaſed.

In a narrow lane in this dayes march was a ſouldier executed, (one of the forementioned ſtraglers) being by the country apprehended and accuſed, for plundering of a Gentleman paſſing on the way neer Marlburrow.

That night Intelligence met the Generall at Blanford, that Goring had drawn off to Black-downe and burnt his hutts; that ſome of our Spies ſent to give them Intelligence, were got into Taunton, & gave them notice of our coming.

Thurſday Iuly 3. the Army marched from Blanford to Dorcheſter 12 miles, a very hot day, where Colonell Sidenham governour of Weymouth (whoſe parts and reſolution ſhew'd in the defence and recovery of that place, deſerves not to be forgotten) met the General, and gave him information of the condition of thoſe parts, and of the great danger of the Club-riſers, who would not ſuffer (ſo high were they growne) either Contribution or victuals to be carryed to the Parliaments Garriſons. That night Mr. Hollis, the cheif leader of the Clubmen, with ſome others of their leaders, deſired a Let-paſſe from the Generall, to preſent a Petition to the King and Parliament; the Petition being read, and found to be of a ſtrange nature, the matter was debated, their deſigne appear'd to be deſperately evill againſt the Parliament: Hollis peremptory in his opinion, not to be convinc'd, affirming himſelfe to be one of their leaders, and that it was fit the people ſhould ſhew their ſtrength: they were promiſed they ſhould have an anſwer in writing the next morning; They were ſo ſtrong, and withall ſo confident of their ſtrength at that time, that it was held a point of prudence to be faire in demeanour towards them for a while, for if in caſe we ſhould engage with Goring, and ſome of our men be put to the Rout, theſe Club-men would be more cruell then the Enemy, and knock our men on the heads as they ſhould flie for ſafety; and ſome of them did not ſtick to ſay, we know our own ſtrength to be ſuch, that we are able both againſt King and Parliament to defend our ſelves, and to doe more if need require; and indeed if this had not been cruſhed in the Egge, it had on an inſtant run all over the Kingdome, and might have been deſtructive to the Parliament. The King being aſſured, if this third Partie had ſo prevailed, as to be in a condition to give a Law to either ſide, it would have been no diſadvantage to his affairs, being indeed raiſed, many of them by Commiſsion from him, and countenanced by a neutrall party within our ſelves.

This night more certaine and particular Intelligence came, that Goring had drawne off his men to Black-Downe, to invite them in Taunton to ſally out, that he might take advantage to ſurprize them; but fayling of his expectation, returned back againe to his former quarters about Taunton, and made ſome ſlight attempt upon our Party there, but to little purpoſe. Our Foot hearing that Goring was fallen on againe, were eager to march all that night, after 12 miles march that day, which was alſo but the moity of 62. miles march in five dayes before, ſo far did their compaſſion to Taunton, and our party there cary them beyond conſideration of themſelves.

This day Intelligence was, that the Club-men were riſen againſt the Lyme forces, and were engaged, and many of them ſlaine, and taken the Governours brother, (Major Ceeley, a ſtout man, hardly eſcaping.) Friday Iuly 4. Hollis the Club-man received his anſwer in writing, which with the Petitions were tranſmitted to the Parliament, which for the Readers ſatisfaction, but eſpecially, that we may be affected with this great mercy of God, in checking this great miſcheife, and Royall deſigne, I ſhall inſert the extract of their Petitions, with the Generals anſwer to them, that in the dangerouſneſſe of their poſitions, as in a glaſſe, and by the help of the Generals anſwer, you may ſee the greatneſs of the deliverance. In the Armies paſſage from Blanford to Dorcheſter came four Agents of the Club-men of Dorſetſhire and Wiltſhire; the cheif Speaker was Mr. Hollis of Dorſetſhire, brother to him of Salisbury: their buſineſs was to procure a paſs from the Generall, for theſe perſons to go to the King and Parliament with petitions; to the King were to goe Docter Henry Goche of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, and Mr. Thomas Bromwell Divines, Iohn St. Loe, Peter Hoſkins, Eſquiers, Mr. Thomas Young an Atturney, and Mr. Robert Pawlet Gentleman. To the Parliament, Mr. Melchizadeck Waltham, Mr. Richard Hook Club-divines, Thomas Trenchard, Robert Calliford, Eſquires, George Hawles, Richard Newman, Gentlemen. Mr. Hollis tendered to the Generall the Petitions, ſo to be conveyed; as alſo the Articles of Aſſociation: the brief account of both is this; the Articles were, That the Aſſociates provide Armes, ſet watches, be quiet with them that are ſo, lay hold on diſorderly ſouldiers, bring them to the next garriſons, not to refuſe quarter and contribution to their ability, till their Petitions be delivered, not to favour either party, nor to protect any not aſſociated. The heads of the Petitions were, to deſire a renewed treaty, with a Ceſſation, as alſo that the Garriſons of Dorſet and Wiltſhire be put into their hands, till the King and Parliament agree about their diſpoſall; that they be free from all charge, but the maintenance of thoſe garriſons; that all laws not repealed, be in force and executed by the ordinary Officers; that all men who deſire it, may lay downe Armes; that others that have abſented themſelves from their dwellings, may have free liberty to returne and live at home.

After ſpeech had with them, and ſome conſultation what to do in the buſineſs: It pleaſed the Generall to returne his anſwer in writing, to this purpoſe.

Although the Paper brought to me, being not ſubſcribed, cannot challenge any anſwer, yet to clear my ſelf from any averſneſſe, to the ſatisfaction of the Country, who are pretended to be intereſted in theſe Petitions, I return this:

That my affections, and the affections of this Army are as much inclined to peace, as any mens whatſoever; and we undertake the War for no other end, but the eſtabliſhing of a firm and happy peace, by oppoſing the enemies thereof; and that I ſhall be ready, ſo far as concerns me, to further all lawfull and fit means to procure it: But having ſeen the Petitions, upon which a Let-paſſe is deſired, I muſt profeſſe my ſelf not ſo well ſatisfied with ſome things contained in them, as to concur to their delivering by any act of mine: In particular, in that a Ceſſation is deſired; whileſt by Letters written by the King and Queen, taken at the late battail of Naſeby, it evidently appears, that contracts are already made for the bringing in ten thouſand French, and ſix thouſand Iriſh. It is further deſired, that the Garriſons in theſe parts, whereof three are Sea-Ports, ſhould be delivered up to the Petitioners; which to grant, were for the Parliament to acquit part of the truſt repoſed in them by the Kingdom; and conſidering theſe forraign preparations, to run very great hazzard to thoſe Ports themſelves, and to the whole Kingdom. Thirdly, it is propounded, that liberty be given to all ſouldiers to diſband, and to return to their home, if they deſire it; which may with equal Juſtice be deſired by all parts of the Kingdome, and ſo the Parliament made unable to mannage the War, before peace ſetled.

Theſe conſiderations, with ſome other yet to be debated, will not allow me to grant the deſire of the Letter: But as for that part of the Petition which declares the grievances of the Country by plunder and violence, committed either by Garriſons or Armies: I do hereby promiſe and undertake for the Garriſons and Armies under the command of the Parliament, that whatſoever diſorders are committed by them, upon complaint making known the offences, and perſons, juſtice ſhall be done, and ſatisfaction given: As alſo, I ſhall endeavour that the Parliaments Garriſons may be regulated according to any reaſonable agreement with the Country; and without doubt the Parliament will cauſe them to be ſlighted, ſo ſoon as the condition of thoſe parts, and the publike good ſhall permit: And that the Army under my command ſhall be ordered as may be moſt for the good and advantage of theſe Counties, and of the whole Kingdom; of which ſome reaſonable teſtimony is already given, in their quiet and orderly paſsage through theſe, and other Counties, without many of thoſe complaints which uſually follow Armies.

I further deſire, that in the publiſhing this my anſwer to your requeſt, all aſsembling the people to publike Rendezvo z may be forborn, and that Copies hereof may be diſperſed to the ſeverall Pariſhes, that the Country may be acquainted therewith.

THO: FAIRFAX.

If this would not ſatisfie theſe men, their own Clubs would in time have beaten reaſon into them: But to leave them, and proceed with my Story.

The Army marched that day from Dorcheſter to Beauminſter, the Train and moſt of the Foot quartered on the top of an hill, ſome few in Beauminſter town, a place of the pittifulleſt ſpectacle that man can behold, hardly an houſe left not conſumed with fire; the town being fired by ſome of the enemy in five places at once, when Prince Maurice was there, by reaſon of a falling out between the French and Corniſh. Intelligence was poſitive that night, that Goring had quite drawn off the ſiege from Taunton, and was come to Ilmiſter, and as that night his quarter would be Summerton: Whereupon his Excellency ſent a party of horſe to Crookhorn, who took ſome of his ſouldiers priſoners, and brought them away to the Generall at Beauminſter, who confeſſed no leſſe then what we had heard, that the ſiege was raiſed, and that Goring was marched towards Langport. Thus is Taunton the ſecond time relieved, and our party there delivered from an eminent danger, which they feared, if we had not come thus ſeaſonably to them (being greatly diſtreſsed both for Ammunition and Victuals.) In maintaining the place this ſiege, we loſt Colonel Floyd, and Colonel Richbell, both of them faithfull experienced ſouldiers; and ſome officers more: In exchange of whom the Enemy loſt many Officers, and perſons of quality; one of them of more note, viz. Sir Iohn Digby, brother to Sir Kenelm Digby, received there his Mortall wound, of which he afterwards dyed.

But the Enemy flying, what was the Army to do but follow? And ſo they did on the morrow, a very hot reaſon, the foot weary with their long and tedious march; the carriage-horſes tyred out, the way ill and narrow; (being all incloſure) they marched that day but to Crookhorn, ſome ſix miles; but here Intelligence came that made them pull up their ſtumps, (as weary as they were) after that the Army was come into Crookhorn, they heard that our horſe ſent under the command of Colonel Fleetwood, had fallen on their Reare, taken ſome Priſoners, and the great bodies were like to engage; whereupon three Regiments more were commanded to march up and aſsiſt them, if there ſhould be cauſe; two Regiments of foot alſo being ordered for that ſervice, notwithſtanding their weary march, leapt for joy; that they were like to be engaged, and according to orders marched from Crookhorne (after they had reſted an houre) to Pederton that night; the Enemy having pulled down Pederton Bridge, and made breaſt-works on the other ſide, upon our firſt approach with the partie under Colonell Fleetwood, deſerted the paſs: We inſtantly made up the Bridge, and marched over it till we came nere Ilcheſter, and another party to Load-bridge where the Enemy kept the paſs with a ſtrong guard: the Generall and Leiutenant-Generall mounted inſtantly, and rode from Crookhorne after the forces, to order them, if an engagement; but the enemy ſtanding upon the advantage of the paſs, avoided it; the Generall having appointed ſtrong guards at Pederton, and Martock, returned back to Crookhorn, where ſome of the Commanders of Taunton met the Generall, and mutuall congratulations paſsed betwixt them and the Army by occaſion of this timely relief of Taunton the ſecond time: The valour, diligence, and fidelity of Colonel Welden, with the reſt of thoſe Commanders engaged with him in the defence of that beſieged place, deſerves to be expreſſed at large; but for want of a relation of their proceedings during that ſiege, I muſt content my ſelf only to mention their ſervice with honour: As alſo the good ſervice of the Horſe commanded by Colonel Graves, who in ſeverall Sallies upon the enemy were very ſucceſsfull.

Lords day, Iuly 6. the Army reſting at Crookhorn, and the reſt of their quarters; about four in the afternoon, (ſix in the evening, twelve at night, and two in the morning) the Generall had certain intelligence by his Spies, confirmed by ſeverall hands, that the enemy continued ſtill at Long-Sutton, keeping a guard at Load-bridge, and making good the garriſon at Ilcheſter and Langport, the two paſſes upon the River, and had broken down the Bridge towards the town of Evill, higher up the River; whereupon orders were given for Drums to beat by four in the morning. And accordingly, Munday Iuly 7. the Foot were drawn out by ſix of the clock to a Rendezvouz, in a field about a mile from Crookhorn, in the way to Pederton. The Generall, and Lieutenant Generall went with a Party, and viewed the Paſs at Load-bridge: Our horſe appearing in great numbers, gave the enemy an Alarm, whereupon they drew up their Foot, and marcht ſome Regiments from Load-bridge, along the River ſide to Ilcheſter, fearing we ſhould ſtorm that place, our horſe and theirs skirmiſhing upon the Meadows near the River by parties all that day. A Councell of war was called in the Field, to conſider what courſe to take to engage the enemy, who keeping himſelf beyond the River, and having the Garriſons of Ilcheſter, Langport, Burrough, and Bridgewater, there was no poſsible comming over upon that ſide; to force our paſsage in that place where the enemy ſtood in good order on the other ſide the River to receive us, was a buſineſs of exceeding difficulty, it being alſo a Mooriſh ground. Upon the right hand the enemy had broken down the Bridge at Evill, keeping a guard of horſe upon it, and all the Bridges upon that ſide, ſo that there ſeemed to be no paſsage convenient for us, till we came to the head of the river about Sherborn, which would prove a difficult, and long march; upon which it was reſolved to march the greateſt part of the Army to Evill, and there to force our paſsage, leaving ſtill a convenient number both of horſe and foot, over againſt Ilcheſter and Load-Bridge, to engage the enemy, in caſe he ſhould attēpt to advance on this ſide; accordingly our foot marched to Evill, the head-quarter for that night; we were no ſooner come there, but the enemies horſe retreated to Ilcheſter; Orders were given to make up the bridge, which was ſpeedily done: Iuly the 8. early in the morning certaine Intelligence was brought to the Army, by one of their ſpies (ſent for that purpoſe into the Enemies Army) that the enemy (hearing the paſs at Evill was gained by our forces,) retreated towards Langport with the Army, quit Load-Bridge, burnt divers faire houſes there. Colonel Phillips the Governour of Ilcheſter in the night time, quit the towne, leaving the works ſtanding undemoliſhed, only the Bridewell, a place the enemy had fortified, they ſet on fire, which was quickly quenched by the Inhabitants.

This day the Army declining to march over the paſſe at Evill, hearing Ilcheſter was quit, marched back towards Ilcheſter, upon the ſame ſide the river, and quartered there that night, where no proviſions were left for our ſouldiers. Intelligence alſo came, that whilſt we went on the other ſ de, Goring being drawn downe to Langport, had drawne a great part of his Army towards Taunton, as if he intended to ſurprize the Towne, thinking to find them in ſecurity: whereupon the Generall ſent Major-Generall Maſſey after Goring with his own brigade of horſe, and a conſiderable ſtrength of Horſe and Dragoons of his owne Army; and moreover the Generall took care that a conſiderable party of horſe more ſhould be ſent after thoſe horſe, as a reſerve if need were.

This day Colonel Butlers Regiment commanded by Major Fincher, quarter-maſter-Gen. of our horſe, came up to the Army, & in their march from Barkly Caſtle, did very good ſervice; firſt at Durſly, they entertained Sir Charles Lucas, comming to beat up their quarters, kil'd the Captain of the forlorne hope, after that charged the party with two troops, kil'd ten (whereof two Captains) took 39 priſoners, hurt Sir Charles Lucas himſelfe; from thence they came to Hyworth, where the enemy from Farringdon had entred the towne, whom they beat out, and delivered to the Governour the quiet poſſeſsion of his garriſon; from thence to the Devizes, where they took ſome horſe, and ſo to Dorcheſter, where they took ſome of Sherborn horſe, and ſo came to the Army very ſeaſonably, the Army being neerer an engagement then they expected.

Wedneſday Iuly 9. The Army marched to Long-Sutton, news came there that Major-Gen. Maſſey was neer upon an engagement; the Generall immediatly gave command that Colonel Montague ſhould march with 2000 muſquetiers to his aſsiſtance, (being in an incloſed country) who marched accordingly, but the engagement was over before he could come up, and the welcome newes was brought that Gorings party which the Major-Gen. had there engaged, was beaten, many ſlaine, nine Colours and 300 horſe taken, Colonel Cook a Gentleman of much temper and reſolution, carryed himſelfe gallantly in that ſervice, and received a ſhot through both cheeks: this afternoon ours had continuall skirmiſhing with the enemies horſe at a paſſe, a mile on this ſide Langport, took a French Cornet and his Colours, a Dutchman and a Spaniard priſoners.

Thurſday Iuly 10. A councel of War was held, what courſe we ſhould take to force the enemy to fight, ſeeing he ſtood upon his advantage, having the paſses upon the River, and might fight or flie at pleaſure; whileſt the counſell of War were in debate thereof, not knowing what to do (the enemy being ſtill at his election, whether to fight or not) Intelligence came that the enemy was advanced with his foot from Langport to the paſs, and had lined the hedges thick with muſquetiers, and drawne up his Ordnance; this reſolved ved the queſtion at the councell of War, without puting it; whereupon the Generall and Lieutenant-Generall Cromwell, and all the Officers inſtantly mounted, rode up to the field, perceived the enemy to put himſelfe in a poſture for an engagement; inſtantly the Army was ordered to be put in Battalia, the forlorne hope of horſe and foot drew out, Ordnance were drawn downe to places of advantage, meſſengers were ſent to recall moſt of the horſe and foot, lately ſent to aſsiſt Major-Gen. Maſsey, but before they could come up, our Ordnance began to play (a good while before the foot engaged) doing great execution upon the body of the enemies Army, both horſe and foot, who ſtood in good order upon the hill, (about muſquet ſhot from the paſſe) and forcing them to draw off their Ordnance, and their horſe to remove their ground; Our foot advanced down the hill to the paſs, and with admirable reſolution chargeed the enemy from hedge to hedge, till they got the paſs; the enemies horſe upon this drew downe towards us, whereupon our horſe advanced over the paſſe up the hill to the enemy; the Forlorne-hope of horſe commanded by Major Bethell, gave a valiant and brave charge indeed, broke that body that charged him, and the next reſerve: our reſerve of horſe that was commanded by Major Desborough, very reſolutely charged the next ſtanding bodies of the enemy ſo home, that inſtantly they put them to a diſorderly retreat, & our muſquetiers came cloſe up to our horſe, firing upon the enemy, whereupon their Regiments of white Colours; and black Colours of foot, before ever they engaged, marched away apace; the Forlorne under Major Bethell, and thoſe under Major Desborough, were going in purſuit of the chaſe, but receiving orders to ſtay till more bodies of horſe were come up, that the purſuit might be orderly, and with good reſerves, in caſe the enemy ſhould face about, and charge againe, (which was not impoſsible) they obeyed their orders, as good ſouldiers will, though it check their ſweeteſt pleaſure (as to purſue a flying enemy was no leſs:) when the enemy had fled about two miles they made a ſtand in a plaine green field, (where the paſsage out was narrow) called Aller Drove, but received only a piece of a charge, and then ſeeing our bodies comeing on orderly and faſt, faced about, and never ſtood after: the paſses being narrow in many places, and the ditches being deep and wide, eſpecially at that place where they firſt faced about, many horſes of the Enemies were loſt in the ditches, whereof our ſouldiers recovered ſtore, and the riders got into the meadows, hoping to eſcape, but could not. We purſued the Enemy within two miles of Bridgewater, (whither the enemy fled,) doing execution upon them all the way (being eight miles in length) took about 1400 priſoners, about 1200 horſe, and divers Officers of quality, Colonel Henningham, Colonel Slingsby (the General of Gorings Ordnance) were alſo taken; about thirty Colours of Horſe and Foot: and on the other hand, it was a victory as cheap to us, as dear to them; we loſt no Officer, not twenty common ſouldiers; ſome fourteen or ſixteen of Major Bethels troop were hurt, and himſelf ſhot in the right hand. No ſooner was the Enemy put to a retreat, but in great confuſion they quitted Langport, into which many of them had fled (a ſtrong garriſon, naturally well fortified, being about half a mile from the place of the fight) and ſet it on fire, but by the induſtry of the ſouldiers and Towneſmen it was quenched. The Enemy with a body of Foot drawing along with them two pieces of Ordnance by the way of Langport, were purſued by Lieutenant General Cromwel, and the Ordnance and moſt of the Foot taken. And thus you have in a very ſhort ſpace an account of a very great action.

CHAP. II.

The particulars of that gallant ſervice, The ſtorming of Bridgewater.

AFter this battail the army marched five miles to Middleſay in the way to Bridgewater; the bold carriage of Hollis the Club-man, was very notorious, who the morning (an houre) before the fight began, came with a Petition to the General, from his fellowes and followers: withall telling the General in plain terms, that if he did not give them better ſatisfaction then what he had yet given them, they muſt take another courſe. His Petition, upon reading, was found of that nature, and his impudent carriage ſo inſufferable withall, that the General committed him to the Marſhal; but he made a ſhift to get away, ſo ſoon as he ſaw the day was loſt. The next day, the whole Army, horſe and foot, with the Train, were drawn up in Weſtonmoor, otherwiſe called Penſy pound, two miles from Bridgewater. The Country-men thereabouts, that had been vexed with the Cavaliers, hearing of the defeat given unto them, and fearing to taſte of their former cruelties, roſe in great numbers, and with their colours, clubs and arms, appeared upon Knol-hill; which being made known to the General, he with the Lieutenant gen. and other Officers, marched up to them, who ſeemingly received him with joy, and in token thereof gave a volley of ſhot: whence after ome conference with them, and their Leader, who made a Neutral ſpeech, the General returned, and the Army that night went to quarter, the head-quarter that night being appointed at Chedſay, within two miles of Bridgewater.

Friday, Iuly 11. Colonel Weldens Brigade was commanded on the North ſide of the Town towards Devonſhire, and the reſt of the Army on this ſide towards Chedſay; the guards being ſet, the General, with the Lieutenant gen. went to view the Town, which they found to be very ſtrong, ſtanding in a valley, yet glorying in the equality of its level with the ground about it, there being not a clod that could afford any advantage againſt that place; the Fortifications very regular and ſtrong, the Ditch about it very deep, and about thirty foot wide, which for a great part about the town, was every Tyde filled up to the brim with water, the compaſſe of ground within the line and works not great, very well manned, having in it about 1800 Souldiers to defend it; within the town was a caſtle of indifferent ſtrength, there was planted on the ſeverall Batteries about 40 peece of Ordnance; well ſtored with ammunition and victuals, being a magazine for all the petty garriſons thereabouts.

Saturday, Iuly 12. The Army continued in quarters, and new places for guards were appointed.

Burrough-garriſon, taken by Col. Okey. Lords day, Iuly 13. We reſted at Chedſay; and Colonel Okey having, from that day the battel was at Langport, beſieged Burrough-garriſon with his Dragoons, had the ſame ſurrendred unto him upon quarter, wherein were 140 priſoners, the Officers being promiſed fair uſage.

Monday, Iuly 14. a Councel of war was called, great debate whether to ſtorm the town, or not: Some inclination to it, but no poſitive reſolution; Notwithſtanding preparations were made in order to a ſtorm, the Souldiers cheerfully made their faggots, and were drawn in readines for a ſtorm, but upon further conſideration were for that time drwn back to their quarters; and more time being taken, there were 8 long Bridges, betwixt 30 and 40 foot length, deviſed to be made by Lieutenant-general Hamond, the Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance (a Gentleman of approved fidelity, and of a moſt dexterous and ripe invention for all ſuch things) which were approved of by the Commanders and Officers, and accordingly Ordered to be made, and were of very great uſe to the Souldier in the ſtorm.

This day, the General going over the river to view the poſts on the other ſide, was graciouſly delivered from a great danger he was near unto by a ſudden ſurpriſal of the Tide called the Eager, where he very narrowly eſcaped drowning.

Tueſday, Iuly 15. the General went to Glaſtenbury, and returned that night to the head quarter.

Wedneſday Iuly 16. a Counſel of war was again called, and ſeveral propoſitions were made for the framing of our Army, and reduction of the town, both being of great conſequence, and vehemently deſired by us. To riſe with our whole Army and leave the town unattempted, was conceived to be very prejudiciall to our future progreſſe; To ſit down before it (being a place of that ſtrength, and we not ſure to carry it) leaving the Enemy at liberty to rally his broken forces, ſeemed very hazardous.

The blocking of it up by Forts on both ſides with a part of our Army was propounded; but the difficulty of laying a Bridge over the River through the violence of the current, (which yet was neceſſary for the maintaining a communication between our quarters on both ſides) hindred that deſigne.

It was propounded to attempt it by approaches; But it was conſidered, that if we ſhould have gone that way, it would have proved very tedious; and if during our ſtay about it any great glut of rain ſhould have fallen, it would have laid us wet in our trenches, and diſabled us from effecting the buſineſs.

At laſt, a reſolution to ſtorm it was agreed upon, though it carried the greateſt danger with it: yet the deſire which the Army had to be ſpeedily free for the further ſervice of the Kingdom, ſurmounted all difficulties: the ſtorming being thus happily reſolved on, to the great and generall ſatisfaction of all that Army, both Officers and Souldiers; Lots were drawn for every one to take their poſts, ſome to ſtorm, ſome to be reſerves, others to alarm, but the time of falling on not yet determined.

Friday Iuly 19. it was reſolved at a Counſel of War, that the time of the ſtorm ſhould be on Monday morning towards dawning of the day. The Brigade appointed to ſtorm on that ſide towards Devon was commanded by Major General Maſſey, being the Regiments of Col. Welden, Col. Inglesby, Col. Forteſcue, Col. Herbert, Col. Birch, and Major General Maſsies own Regiment: the Regiments deſigned on this ſide, were the Generals, Major-generals, Col. Pickerings, Col. Montagues, Sir Hardreſſe Wallers, the Regiment commanded by Lieut. Colonel Pride, Colonel Rainsboroughs, and Colonel Hamonds. The General rode round about the town this day, to ſee if all things were in readines for the ſtorm, that both ſides might fall on together. On the Lords day, Iuly 20. Mr. Peters in the forenoon preached a Preparation Sermon, to encourage the Souldiers to go on: Mr. Bowles likewiſe did his part in the afternoon. After both Sermons, the Drums beat, the Army was drawn out into the field: The Commanders of the forlorn hope who were to begin the ſtorm, and the Souldiers, being drawn together in the field, were there alſo afreſh exhorted to do their duties (with undaunted courage and reſolution) by Mr. Peters, who did it (as one ſayes of him) tàm Marte, quàm Mercurio. As ſoon as it grew dark, the Souldiers drew every one to their ſeverall Poſts allotted them to ſtorm; the ſigne when the ſtorm was to begin, was, the ſhooting off three peeces of Ordnance on this ſide, which the Forces on the other ſide were to take notice of, and to fall on at the inſtant: and on Monday, Iuly 22. about two of the clock in the morning, the ſtorm began accordingly on this ſide of the town, (the Forces on the other ſide only alarming the Enemy, which kept them upon the Line, expecting a ſtorm) Our Forlorn hope was manfully led on by Lieut. colonel Hewſon; and as valiantly ſeconded by the Generals Regiment, commanded by Lieut. colonel Iackſon; and the Major-generals, commanded by Lieut. colonel Aſhfield. The Bridges prepared to paſſe over the Moat, were quickly brought to the Ditch, and thrown in, on which the Souldiers with little loſſe got over the deep ditch, and with undaunted courage mounted the Enemies works (notwithſtanding the great and ſmall ſhot which ſhowred about them) beat them from their Ordnance, turn'd them upon the enemy, & let down their drawbridg; which made many of their Foot inſtantly cry, Quarter, Quarter. The Bridge being let down, Captain Rainolds, who commanded the forlorn hope of horſe, immediatly entred, and ſcoured the ſtreets of that part of the Town ſo gained, called Eaſtover, with much gallantry and reſolution, even up to the Draw-bridge over the main Ditch, leading to the ſecond Town: whereupon the reſt of the Officers and Souldiers that were in a body, and yet annoyed us in that part of the town which we had won, threw down their arms, and had fair quarter given them: (there were about 600. taken priſoners, Officers and Souldiers) The Enemy inſtantly made barracadoes at the gate upon the bridge, and drew up the bridge that divided one part of the town from the other. Our forces had not been two houres in the firſt town, but the Enemy ſhot granadoes, and ſlugs of hot iron, and fired it on both ſides, which by the next morning burnt that part of the town (of goodly buildings) down to the ground, except three or four houſes, Major Cowel, who had a good ſhare in that ſervice, ſtanding all that while in the midſt of the ſtreet, which was both ſides on fire, keeping guards to prevent the Enemies ſallying upon them: Captain Sampſon, in that remarkable action, received a ſhot.

The General, hoping that the Storm might have wrought upon the Souldiers, & the Fire upon the Townſ-men, ſo far, that they would have hearkened to a treaty; renewed his Summons, which the Governour peremptorily refuſed, according to his allegiance (as he ſaid) whereupon, Tueſday, Iuly 22. it was reſolved to alarm the town by our forces on this ſide, and to ſtorm it by the other forces on the other ſide, at two of the clock the next morning; for which purpoſe the General was there in perſon to ſee it done, though it was held fit on after conſiderations, only to alarm on both ſides, which much amazed the Enemy, and kept him waking that night: Alſo about two of the clock in the afternoon, the General ſent to the Governour a Trumpet with a meſſage to this purpoſe, that his denial of fair tearms had wrought in him no other thoughts, but of compaſsion towards thoſe that were innocent, who otherwiſe might ſuffer through the Governours obſtinacy: Wherefore he ſignified his noble pleaſure, that all women and children that would accept of this liberty, ſhould come forth of the town by four of the clock in the afternoon, which being made known to them, the Governours Lady and divers others came out. They were no ſooner come forth, but our Cannon plaid fiercely into the town, Granadoes were ſhot, and ſlugs of hot iron in abundance, whereby ſeveral houſes in the town were fired, and the wind being high increaſt the flame, the townſmen within were in great diſtraction, every man imployed how to ſave his houſe and goods, the Enemy in a great amazement, and the Governour ſo far melted, as to ſend forth Tom Elliot in haſte, to deſire to know the Generals tearms; the General refuſed to admit of any treaty at all, reſolved that the Governour and they within that had deſtroyed ſo fine a town, ſhould have no conditions, but ſhould ſubmit to mercy; which being ſignified to the Enemy, they yet would try the General with theſe three particulars. Firſt, that the Governour with all the Officers and Gentlemen that were in the Town, with their ſervants, horſes, ſwords, piſtols and cloak-bags, might march with a ſafe Convoy to Exeter. Secondly, that all the ſouldiers might likewiſe march to Exeter leaving their armes. Thirdly, that all Clergie-men in the town, and Townſ-men might have liberty to march with them, or abide at home. Edmund Windham.

Whereto the General returned theſe. 1. To all their lives. 2. To the inhabitants, their liberty and freedome from plunder. 3. Neither Officers nor Souldiers to be plundred of the clothes they had upon them. 4. The Gentlemen to be diſpoſed of as the Parliament ſhould appoint, and in the mean time to have civil uſage. Six Hoſtages to be ſent, and an anſwer in a quarter of an hour. Tho. Fairfax.

The Governour returned anſwer, that he found thoſe Propoſitions ſo ill reſented, both by the Gentlemen and Souldiers, that he could not accept of them. The General thereupon gave order to the ſouldiers to ſtand upon their guard, and go to their duties; Tom Elliot deſired nothing might be done till he returned, leaving Sir Iohn Heale as caution, which was agreed to; and he preſently returned with an anſwer of ſubmiſsion to the Generals Articles, only ſlipt in a motion for himſelf, that he might have liberty to carry the news to the King upon his Parol. May he have more ſuch imployment till peace be ſetled!

Thereupon the Hoſtages were ſent, Sir Iohn Heale, Sir Hugh Windham, Mr. Waldron, Mr. Warr, Mr. Siddingham, Mr. Speake. And we ſent ſome into the Town to them.

They were to deliver the Town and yield themſelves priſoners the next morning by eight of the clock, and all that night they imployed themſelves to quench the fire in the town. The loſſe of men in this ſtorm was not many, Mr. Martin an Officer in the train had his leg ſhot, and afterwards cut off, whereof he died, he behaved himſelf valiantly.

Wedneſday Iuly 23. the town was ſurrendred, about 1000 Officers and Souldiers, beſides Gentlemen and malignant Clergy, marched out as priſoners. There were taken in the town about 44 barrels of powder, 1500 armes, 44 piece of ordnance, 400 weight of match, Enemies goods of great value, that had been carried for ſecurity into that place, and were ſeized by the Commiſsioners of the Parliament, and ſould; and 5. s. a man raiſed upon the ſale, to be beſtowed as a reward upon the common ſouldiers for their good ſervice in the ſtorming of the place.

That which may ſeem to allay the happineſs of the ſucceſſe was, that the town was fired; but truly though in ſtrictneſs of ſouldiery this might be very well juſtified, yet God in his providence concurred to the juſtice of it, and our acquittance: They refuſed treaty after part taken, they fired the part we had taken, and rang the bels for joy when they ſaw it blaze: and as we are credibly informed, they fired the town themſelves in many places where fireworks could do no hurt, the ſouldiers ſaying, The Town did it to be rid of them; the town ſaid, the ſouldiers did it, when they were in little hopes to hold it. But God be thanked, we found much more of it ſtanding then we expected. Some things there are which made the buſineſſe conſiderable. As firſt, that by it a line of garriſons was drawn over that Ihſtmus of ground between the South-ſea and Severne, by Bridgewater, Taunton, Lime, and Langport, it being from Bridgewater to Lime little above twenty miles, by which the Counties of Devon and Cornwal then wholly in the Enemies poſſeſsion, except Plymouth, were in a manner blockt up from all entercourſe with the Eaſtern parts, a buſineſs of no ſmall conſequence, if we had proceeded no further. Likewiſe this being taken, our Army was at liberty for further work, which was a great mercy at that time of the year. It was a great gain with little loſſe: and that which addes as much to the commendation of the action, as any thing, we kept our Articles exactly, which is not only honourable in the eyes of men, but acceptable in the ſight of God, and that which this war hath ſcarce formerly attained; and it was not done without ſome difficulty now, in regard our ſouldiers had ſuffered ſo much, and Cornwal was ſo near.

Thurſday Iuly 24. All the day was ſpent in ordering the manner of ſending away the priſoners, and ſecuring Malignants goods in the town. And thus you have that gallant fight at Langport crowned with an eaſie recovery of that conſiderable ſtrength of Brigdewater, whoſe natural fortification by water, they that knew, muſt needs conclude, God was the Bridge by which our Army got over.

CHAP. III.

The taking of Bath. The Club-mens reply, and his Excellencies rejoynder, in two conſiderable Actions defeating them. The impregnable Caſtle of Sherborn taken by ſtorm.

FRiday, Iuly 25. A Councell of war was called, to adviſe how, and which way next, the Army might lay out themſelves to the moſt advantage and beſt ſervice of the Common-wealth; whether to make up further Weſt to Goring, or to ſtay in the Eaſtern parts to curb the Club-men. And in favour of this latter, it was conſidered, that the Army wanted Ammunition, to march far Weſt, to undertake any conſiderable action: and that this was a needfull work, there being alſo ſeverall Garriſons of the Enemy, by which the Club-men took great boldneſſe to ſhew themſelves. It was therefore inclined unto by the Councell of war, that the Army ſhould firſt make it their buſineſſe to reduce the Club-men to better manners, and to that end, to attempt the taking in, at leaſt, to keep in that Garriſon, which countenanced and encouraged them, viz. Sherborn Caſtle, where Sir Lewis Dives, an active Enemy, and reſolute Souldier, was Commander in chief: But the determination of the Councell of war was, notwithſtanding, to advance rather more Weſt, to proſecute our victory at Lamport and Bridgewater, and hinder Goring for rallying his ſhattered force, or raiſing any conſiderable body, leaving ſome force to attend P. Ruperts motion about Bristoll, and to diſturb the Clubmen if they frequented meetings as formerly. A march being thus reſolved on; it was accordingly undertaken on the morrow, whence the Army marched to Martock, ten miles, in order to a more Weſterly march: where reſting the Lords day, there was a thankſgiving for the ſucceſſe in the taking of Bridgewater. The Generall, who ever accounted it his greateſt ſafety, to act according to the adviſe of his Councel of war (whom God had ſo often bleſſed in their reſolutions) was at this time much troubled in his thoughts, concerning his march further Weſt, before Bath and Sherborn were abſolutely reduced, and the diſ-affected Club-men brought to more obedience: Reckoning it alſo a ſervice of importance to take in Bath, in order to the ſtraitening of Bristoll, and hindring P. Rupert for raiſing any conſiderable force in thoſe parts: Whereupon his Excellency took a reſolution to march back, and accordingly came to Wells that night with part of the Army and Train, being 14. long miles, and a hot day, and ſent a Brigade of horſe and foot unto Sherborn under the command of that pious and deſerving Commander, Col. Pickering, to face that garriſon, and to view the ſame; and if there were hopes to reduce it, to ſit down before it, in order to a ſiege. The Horſequarters this night were neerer unto Bath, & more force was ſent to get between Bath and Briſtol; having intelligence that their diſtractions were ſuch in Bath, that they would eaſily be driven to quit it: But the General ſtayed at Wells, expecting to hear from the party of Horſe and Dragoons under the command of Col. Rich, which he had ſent towards Bath.

Tueſday the 29. Colonel Rich facing the town with horſe and dragoons, ſummoned the town, but the Governour refuſed to ſurrender. Towards evening, our Dragoons, commanded by Colonel Okey, were drawn neer the bridge, and crept on their bellies over it, to the Gate, ſeized on the ſmall end of the enemies Muſquets, which they put through the loop-holes of the Gate, and cryed to the enemy to take quarter, which ſo affrighted the enemy, that they an to their Work which flankered the bridge, and left their Muſquets behinde them, as of no uſe to them, ſo of as little to us: Our men inſtantly fired the Gate, and became Maſters of the bridge; upon which the Deputygovernour ſent for a Parley, and upon the Treaty the town was yielded upon Articles, making the common ſouldiers, who were about 140. priſoners, and having conditions for the Officers to march away to what garriſon they pleaſed. We found in the town ſix pieces of Ordnance, 400. Arms, 12. barrels of Powder, the Works, beſides the Wall of the City, ſtrong and tenable. It was yielded in a good time, for Prince Rupert was advanced with a Party of 1500 horſe and foot from Briſtol, within four miles, to relieve the town, but comming too late, retreated.

Wedneſday Iuly 30. The Army was drawn up to Mendeep hils, with intention to march to Bath, but upon intelligence the horſe and dragoons alone had taken the town, His Excellency ſent back the Army to Wells, marching only with two Regiments of foot to Bath (which he intended to leave there for the ſecurity of that place, and parts thereabouts.) The Generall quartered there that night, ſtayed there next morning, and ſetled things for the ſafety of that place, and in the afternoon returned to Wells, leaving the two Regiments at Bath.

Friday, Auguſt 1. the Army marched from Wels to Queen-Camel, where the Head-quarter was that night, but the General himſelf went with a few Horſe to Sherborn, viewed the Works and Caſtle, and quartered there that night. And on Saturday Auguſt 2. the General and Lieut-General rode again to the Lodge, and upon a ſecond view and obſervation, conceived the place might ſhortly be reduced; guards were therefore appointed neerer to it, and orders were given for all things in reference to a cloſe ſiege.

This day Intelligence came that the Club-men of three Counties viz. Dorcet, Wilts, and Summerſet, were to meet at Shaftsbury, and that a faire opportunity would be offered for the ſurpriſall of them, who were ſo diſaffected to the Parliament; whereupon Col. Fleetwood was commanded forth with a good party of horſe, to ſee if he could ſurpriſe them; who accordingly came ſeaſonably, incompaſſed them in the towne with about 1000 horſe, and took about 50 of the Ringleaders, whereof Mr. Hollis, Carey, Young, Cradock, and Doctor Goche were the chiefe, who being brought priſoners by a guard of horſe, were preſently diſmounted, and diſarmed, and ſent to priſon, untill leiſure were afforded to examine them, and to conſider how to diſpoſe of them, which was done by a Committee choſen on purpoſe four or five dayes after; and after the reducement of Sherborne, they were ſent to London with other priſoners; but we have not ſo done with the Club-men, or rather they with us.

Lords day Auguſt 3. News came this day that all the Country of Wilts, and Dorcet, and part of Summerſet, were up in Armes, and would have a Rendezvouz of 10000. men at leaſt, pretending they did it to fetch off their Leaders; (but privately we underſtood it was to interrupt our ſiege, and to hinder proviſions from comming to the Leaguer; giving out withall, that Goring with his Army was comming out of the Weſt to raiſe the ſiege.

On Munday Auguſt 4. Lieutenant-Generall Cromwell having Intelligence of ſome of their places of Rendezvouz for their ſeverall diviſions, went forth with a party of horſe to meet with them; (being well ſatisfied of the danger of their deſigne.) As he was marching towards Shaftsbury with the party, they diſcovered ſome colours upon the top of a high hill, full of wood, and almoſt inacceſsible; a Lieutenant with a ſmall party was ſent to them to know their meaning, and to acquaint them that the Lieutenant-Generall of the Army was there; whereupon Mr. Newman, one of their leaders, thought fit to come downe, and told us the intent was to deſire to know why the Gentlemen were taken at Shaftsbury on Saturday; the Lieutenant-Gen. returned him this anſwer; that he held himſelfe not bound to give him, or them an account; what was done was by authority, and they that did it were not acreſponſible to them that had none: but not to leave them wholly unſatisfied, he told him that thoſe perſons ſo met, had been the occaſions and ſtirrers of many tumultuous and unlawfull meetings, for which they were to be tried by law, which triall ought not by them to be queſtioned, or interrupted: Mr. Newman deſired to goe up to returne the anſwer; the Lieutenant-Generall with a ſmall party went with him, and had ſome conference with the people, to this purpoſe: that whereas they pretended to meet there to ſave their goods, they took a very ill courſe for that: to leave their houſes was the way to looſe their goods; and it was offered them, that Juſtice ſhould be done upon any who offered them violence; and as for the Gentlemen taken at Shaftsbury; it was only to anſwer ſome things they were accuſed of, which they had done contrary to Law, and the peace of the Kingdome: Theſe men were well ſatisfied, and promiſed to return to their houſes, and accordingly did ſo.

Theſe being thus quietly ſent home, the Lieutenant generall advanced further, to a meeting of a greater number, of about 4000. who betook themſelves to Hambleton Hill, near Shrawton; at the bottome of the hill we met a man with a Muſquet, and asked whither he was going, he ſaid, to the Club-Army; we asked what he meant to do, he asked what we had to do with that: Being required to lay down his Arms, he ſaid he would firſt loſe his life, but was not ſo good as his word, for though he cockt, and preſented his Muſquet, he was prevented, diſarmed, and wounded, but not killed. Then we marched up the hill, which had been an old Romane-work, deeply trenched: The Lieutenant-generall ſent before a Lieutenant with a party of horſe, to require an account of their meeting; he was anſwered with half a dozen ſhot, and could get no other anſwer; thereupon one Mr. Lee, who upon our approach came from them, was ſent in, requiring them to ſubmit to the power and protection of the Parliament, and lay down their Arms; they refuſed to leave their Arms, and gave us a ſhot as we were drawing up, the Lieutenant Generall unwilling to bloodſhed, ſent Mr. Lee again, to tell them, that if they would not lay down their Arms, he would fall upon them; they refuſed this third meſſage alſo, through the inſtigation of Mr. Branell, Miniſter of Compton, who told them they muſt ſtand to it now, rather then loſe their Arms, and that he would Piſtoll them that gave back.

Thereupon Order was given to the Generals Troop to fall on, who did ſo, and received a repulſe, and ſome loſſe through the diſadvantage of the place, for the Club-men ſhot from the bank of the old Work, and kept the paſſage with Muſquets, and other weapons, which was no broader then for three horſe to march a breſt; upon this attempt we loſt a man or two, had eight or nine wounded, ſix or ſeven horſes killed: upon this, Major Desborough with the Generals Regiment, went round about a ledge of the hill, and made a hard ſhift to climbe up and enter on their rear; which they no ſooner diſcerned, but after a ſhort diſpute they ran, and the paſſage formerly aſſaulted was opened, and all the Club-men diſperſed, and diſarmed, ſome ſlaine, many wounded, the reſt ſlid and tumbled downe that great ſteep hill, to the hazard of their necks; there were brought away 400. of them to Shrawton, of which neere 200. were wounded in this ſkirmiſh, Capt. Paltiſon was ſore hurt on our ſide, of which afterwards he dyed, and about twelve more; we found among them about 16. of our men whom they had diſarmed, and taken priſoners, and threatened to hang ſome of them, but the Tables were then turned; we quartered that night at Shrawton, and kept the Club-men in the church, and with them, four Vicars and Curats which were taken with them, upon the Hill; whereof Mr. Talbot of Milton was one, and Lawford of Auckford, the worſt, another. There was taken about 12 Colours, the Motto of one of them was thus: (If you offer to plunder or take our cattel, Be aſſured we will bid you battel.) In others of them they had ſentences of Scripture, profanely applied by their Malignant Prieſts, who were the principal ſtirrers up of the people to theſe tumultuous aſſemblies.

The next day, Aug. 5. we took their names and examinations, who were their Leaders, and what the grounds of their meeting were; which they freely diſcovered, and confeſſed that Mr. Bravel the Miniſter of Compton, ſent out the Warrants; and the intent was (as appeares by a Warrant from Mr. Rogers of Langton) gallantly to demand their Countrymen, or to take ſo many priſoners as ſhould releaſe them, as the Warrant ran. And that they had laid down their arms and ſubmitted, had it not been for Bravel, and White, and Lawford; and that they ſent to Wiltſhire to come and joyne with them, whoſe journey is now ſtopt. After the examination, the Lieutenant-Gen. ſpake to them, giving them liberty to defend themſelves againſt plunderings; only forbidding any ſuch meetings, which they proteſted againſt, and freely conſented, that if any of them (whoſe names were in the paper) were taken again oppoſing the Parliament, or in any ſuch aſſembly, they deſerved to be hanged, whereupon they were diſmiſsed, to their very good ſatisfaction, and confeſsed they ſaw themſelves miſled by their leaders, who by a pretence to ſave their goods, indangered both their goods and lives, and ſo ours parted with them, hoping never to meet them again upon ſuch terms; but their leaders were extreamly partiall on the Kings ſide, notwithſtanding their pretended indifferencies, as appeared in Bravels activity, ſince he was at Court with their Petition, & their calling men Roundheads that refuſed to joyn with them; thratening no leſs then loſs of goods and danger of life, to them that would not come in to them. This work, though unhappy, was very neceſsarie, for that the Army could ſend neither meſsengers nor parties before; whereas this done, a man might ride very quietly between Sherborne and Salisbury. The influence the King had upon them was very palpable and notorious, and that they acted his very deſigne; Commiſsions were found under the Princes owne hand, for raiſing Regiments of Club-men, which commiſsions were ſent up to the Parliament; and that this deſigne was to have been ſet on foot in other parts, yea in the Aſsociated counties, and all the parts of the Kingdom, to raiſe a third party (as that that the King did much rely upon, if other aid did faile) there is but too much reaſon to beleive; and that Letters of the Club-men were found among Sir Lewis Dives his papers, declaring their intention to ſerve the King, is no temerity to affirme, and ſuch was the ſenſe of the danger the kingdome and the Parliaments cauſe was in by this third party, had it gone on as it was beginning, that to repeat it is ſufficient (I need not inlarge upon it) to provoke thankfulneſſe to God for the ſeaſonable laying of this ſpirit, which never afterwards appear'd.

On Tueſday at night Auguſt 5. The Lieutenant-Generall with the party returned to Sherborne, where they found the Generall and the reſt of the Army very buſie at the ſiege; a ſtorme was intended, but upon ſecond thoughts diverted; the Army ſeeing recruits come ſo far below expectation, both in time and number, it behoved them to take more then ordinary care of their men, though after all their tedious marches, and deſperate ſervices, to that time the Army was not much abated; that day a commanded party crept underneath the ſtone wall cloſe by Sherborne Caſtle, and gained the hay-ſtack within a ſtones caſt of their Works.

Wedneſday Auguſt 6. The Enemy making a new work to plant Ordnance to beat our men from the hay-ſtack, we beat them off that work, and diſmounted their Canon, but had four Captaines wounded, and one ſlaine; all things were in a preparation to ſtorme; this day the ſouldiers had every one his faggot prepared, another Summons was ſent unto the Caſtle to ſurrender the ſame, but a deniall was returned, whereupon a councell of War was called, and it was reſolved, that ſince an whole Canon was upon the way from Portſmouth, and that from Mendeep hils we might have excellent Miners, that therefore we ſhould proceed in approaches & Batteries for the reducing of the Caſtle, being well informed that the ground whereon it ſtood was mineable: This day towards evening, Capt. Horſey another of Colonel Rainsboroughs Officers was ſhot dead in the place with a birding peice from one of the Towers: who with Captain-Lieutenant Flemming of Col. Rainsboroughs Regiment, (who was ſhot before) were the next day buried after a martiall manner in the Church at Sherborne, being the place where Captaine Horſeys Anceſtors were intombed.

On Friday Auguſt 8. The Generall going to ſee the working of the Mine, (as afterwards both Saturday and Lords day he did ſeverall times,) and the making of the Gallery, eſcaped another great danger by his own ſouldiers, who encompaſsing ſome Dear, ſhot round, and killed one of their fellows, and miſſed the General (as he was paſsing by) narrowly.

Very freely did the ſouldiers work in the Mines and Galleries, and making of Batteries, every man being rewarded twelve pence a piece for the day, and as much for the night, for the ſervice was hot and hazardous.

By Monday Auguſt 11. The whole Canon, and the Treaſure for the Army formerly mentioned, and then long expected by the Army, came to the head quarter. This day his Excellency had intelligence, that Major Generall Maſsies horſe, who were quartered near Taunton, to interrupt Gorings forces in caſe they advanced this way, had fallen on ſome of Gorings horſe, and taken ſeverall priſoners.

Tueſday Auguſt 12. The Mendeep Miners came, and were ſet to work; the enemy threw fiery Faggots over thoſe parts of the Wall where the Miners were, and where a Bridge likewiſe was making (over a little Rivolet,) which was in part burnt thereby, but the ſouldiers preſently quenched it, and it was put over that night. The Generall according to his wonted nobleneſs ſent to Sir Lewis Dives, That if he pleaſed to ſend out his Lady, or any other women, he would give way to it; Sir Lewis thankfully acknowledged the favour, ſeemed to incline to accept of it, but gave no poſitive anſwer, expreſsing withall his reſolution (ſouldier-like) to hold out to the laſt; but under favour, it was a madneſſe rather then valour, ſeeing he deſpaired of relief, and ſince that he hath felt the miſery of it by a long impriſonment in the Tower.

Wedneſday Auguſt 13. The Canon and Demi-Canon were planted on the new Battery, where another chiefe Gunner of ours was ſlain, beſides one Ienkins, another Gunner was ſhot from the Tower. The Miners wrought within two yards of the Wall, where the Rock appearing, we feared it would have given more interruption then it did, but it proving but a ſoft ſtone, was eaſily wrought thorow. The Generall and Lieutenant Generall vvere twice again this day at the Works and Mines, ſo much did they ſtill engage their perſons in the care and overſight of every ſuch vvork.

Thurſday Auguſt 14. The great Guns began to play about eleven of the clock, and before ſix had made a breach in the middle of the Wall, that ten a breaſt might enter, and had beaten down one of the Towers, vvhich much diſheartened the enemy. On this occaſion the great adventurouſneſs of many of the ſouldiers comes fitly to be remembred, vvho (vvhileſt our Canon played hard upon the Caſtle, and vvanted ſhot) fetcht off the Bullets (that vve had ſhot) from under the enemies Walls, and had ſix pence a piece for every Bullet they ſo brought off, vvhich vvere vvorth as much to the ſervice at that time. After the breach ſo made, ſuch vvas the noble and mercifull diſpoſition of the Generall, that he ſent a third Summons to ſurrender the Caſtle, or to expect extremity, vvhich drave the Governour into a great paſsion (vvhich is not hard to do) in ſo much as he ſaid, he vvould hang the Drum; and vvhen the Drum, delivering his meſsage ſtoutly, vvas as he thought, ſawcy, he told him he muſt have more manners in his preſence, and ſent an anſwer to this purpoſe; That the language was ſo far differing from vvhat he had formerly received, that he could not believe that it came from the ſame hand, but ſaid, that he vvould not loſe his honour to ſave his life (it may be (as one ſayes of him) becauſe his Cauſe and carriage had already loſt it) if the laſt vvere, he ſhould think it vvell beſtowed in the ſervice. This day another of our Gunners vvas ſhot vvith a birding piece. By this time our approaches vvere ſo near, that they could have no uſe of their Muſquets, only threw down ſtones: And this day our ſouldiers upon the guard, (commanded then by Colonel Inglesby, a gallant and vveldeſerving Gentleman) happily gained the Tower in the corner of the Caſtle, out of which our Muſquetiers playing into the Caſtle, recompenced with a fatall ſhot one of the enemies chief markſmen, that had ſo often ſhot out of the Tower with the birding piece, and killed our men: Impatient were our men to fall on, but in regard the Mine was not ready to ſpring, that night it was reſolved to put off the ſtorm till the next day, but in the mean time ſo near did our ſouldiers venture to the Walls from the Gallery, that they pulled the Wooll out of the Wooll-ſacks that lay on the enemies Works, vvhich cauſed that ſtrong guards vvere ſet by the enemy: this night great fires were made in the Caſtle all night long, to diſcover our approaches and mines.

Friday Auguſt 15. Two in the morning, the Governour having cooled his brain with a little ſleep, (without any other provocation) ſent out a Drummer with a meſſage, that he was willing to ſurrender upon honourable terms; anſwer vvas returned, no terms but Quarter, ſeeing he had ſlipt and ſlighted the opportunity, and he vvas not to expect that, except he rendred ſpeedily. Immediatly the Generall went in perſon to the Works, and viewed the Caſtle within, over the Wall, not without great hazard, gave Orders for all things to be prepared for a ſtorm, every ſouldier to cut his freſh Faggot, whereby in two houres they had above 6000 Faggots, with which they were to fill the Trenches, and to throw ſtones and rubbiſh upon them; whilſt this was in doing, our ſouldiers that had before gained one Tower, recovered alſo another of their Towers, and from thence proved as good markſmen as theirs vvere; and out of the ſame Towers vvhere they ſhot ſo many of our men, did good execution upon the enemy within: (Sir Lewis Dives his Secretary vvas ſlain by a ſhot from thence;) and being ſo happily poſſeſt of this Tower, vve improved it further, to the inforcing them from their Guns within, which they had planted to oppoſe our entrance at the breach; the Miners had by this time wrought quite through the foundation of the Wall, and our foot plaid ſo hard from the breach, that they were forced to quit the great Court within the Caſtle; this much diſheartened the enemy, and eſpecially ſeeing our ſouldiers comming forwards ſo merrily with Faggots on their backs to fall on, ſome of them before their time appointed leaping over the Works, all which concurring, ſo daunted the enemy, that they fled out of one Work into another, and ſo into the Caſtle; which being diſcerned by the reſt of our Army, they all went over without any more ado, which ſo ripened the amazement of the enemy, that inſtantly they pulled down their bloody Colours, hung out a white Flag, had no power to make oppoſition, ſent a Drum for to crave Quarter, but before he could get out, and return, a great part of our foot were entred, they within had thrown down their Arms, and cryed for Quarter to our ſouldiers, which our ſouldiers (inclining rather to booty then revenge) gave them, but ſtript they were to the purpoſe, all except Sir Lewis Dives, and his Lady, and ſome few more, and ſo we became Maſters of the Caſtle, and all within it; the ſouldiers finding plunder of great value, the taking of which in a diſorderly manner could not then be prevented: There was taken about 400 priſoners in the Caſtle, beſides Sir Lewis Dives the Governour, Col. Giles Strangewayes, formerly a member of Parliament, Sir Iohn Walcot, Col. Thornhill, and others of quality, and 18. pieces of Ordnance, and a Mortar-piece. The reducing of this place was of the greater cōcernment, in regard of the influence it had upon the diſ-affected Clubmen in thoſe parts, who having the countenance of this garriſon, were made ſo much the more bold in their attempts and meetings.

The ſouldiers ſpoil laſted all that day, and moſt part of the night, whoſe fair demeanour in the town of Sherborne during the ſiege, deſerves commendation, when notwithſtanding that about ſixty townſmen who had families in the town, were in the Caſtle, and fought againſt them, yet not one of their houſes were plundered.

On Saturday Auguſt 16. Being market-day, our ſouldiers, with the booty they had got, kept a great market to the Country, who bought the goods of them; and all this day and the next was neceſſarily ſpent in ordering the diſpoſall of priſoners, and in conſidering what to do with the garriſon, which not above two or three dayes after was ordered to be ſlighted: And thus hath God led us into another ſtrong hold of equall difficulty and conſequence. In the reduction of which place, as elſewhere, the dexterity, induſtry and reſolution of Captain Dean, Comptroller of the Ordnance, deſerves to be had in memory.

CHAP. IV.

The ſiege of Briſtol, the taking of it, with the actions that intervened, viz. The taking of Nunny-Caſtle, &c.

SHerborne being now by Gods bleſsing reduced, a councell of war was called, where the ſubject of the debate was, what ſhould be the next deſigne of the Army, the Weſt, or Briſtoll; the reaſons upon which it was endeavoured to perſwade the Weſt, were, The purſuing of our Victory at Langport, the hindring of Goring from re-inforcing his ſhattered Army in Devon and Cornwall, (whereunto he might probably finde the Corniſh, being generally diſaffected to the Parliament, eaſily drawn, the Prince being in perſon with them, and acting to that purpoſe) the miſeries of the people in the Weſt, and the neceſsities of Plimouth crying for preſent relief: beſides, it was urged on the negative of Briſtol, that to go thither, was to hazard the whole Army, the Plague being ſore in the City, an hundred dying weekly, and that it was in moſt of the Villages about the Town. But on the other ſide, it was conſidered, That Prince Rupert being in Briſtol, and able to draw into the field 3000 Horſe and Foot (leaving alſo ſufficient to defend that gariſon) Might, with the aſsiſtance of the illaffected Club-men (of whoſe diſaffection to the Parliament there was ſufficient proof) and having the advantage of ſending Forces and Recruits out of Wales, (which were eaſily to be tranſported over Severn) raiſe a conſiderable Army in the Midland parts, which might interrupt the proceedings of our Army, by marching on their Rear, when they were far advanced Weſt, vvhereby Goring being in the Front, they might come to be incloſed between two Armies, and ſo all intercourſe vvith London, and the Eaſtern parts would be thereby cut off; beſides, the great importance of the place, as to the enemy, Briſtol being the only conſiderable Port the King had in the whole kingdom, for ſhipping, and trade, and riches; being withall his magazine for all ſort of Ammunition: which ſhould it pleaſe God to make us maſters of, muſt needs prove ſadly fatal to his affairs, and would ſo be judged in this and forraign Kingdoms. What advantage it would be to the Parliament, both in reputation and reall improvements (it being juſtly reckoned in the firſt rank of populous and rich Cities in this Kingdom) was very clearly evident.

Theſe and other like conſiderations being offered, for the preſent reducing of Briſtol; After long conſultation and debate, it was reſolved to march thither in order to the reducing of that place. After once this reſolution was taken, it was ſaid by the General: Seeing our Iudgements lead us to make Briſtol our next deſigne, as the greateſt ſervice we can do for the Publique; As for the Sickneſſe, let us truſt God with the Army, who will be as ready to protect us, in the Siege, from Infection, as in the Field, from the Bullet.

Hereupon orders were given for the Army to march towards Briſtol. The Generall reſting all the next day at Sherborne to ſettle the buſineſs of the County. And on Monday (after Sir Lewis Dives and the priſoners, together with the Club-leaders before mentioned, who were had in hold, were ſent away with a guard to London) the Army marched to Caſtle-Carew (ſave that Colonel Rainsborough with his own, and Colonel Hamonds Regiments, and two pieces of Ordnance, was ſent to Nunney caſtle, for the reducing thereof) the reſt of the Army marched that night to Caſtle-Carew: the next day the General himſelf went to view Nunney caſtle, and found it to be a very ſtrong piece. The Head quarter was that night at Shepton-Mallet, but 5 miles from Carew, far enough for the Train, which was 4 miles behind from the quarters the night before: but to expedite, what might be, this deſigne againſt Briſtol, and the relief of the country thereabouts, in the mean time, two thouſand Horſe and Dragoons were ſent under the command of Commiſſary General Ireton, to preſerve the towns adjacent to Briſtol from plunder and firing, for the better accommodation of our quarters the next day the Army marched to Chue, 9 miles, and ill way; and in relation to the ſtraiter ſiege, Meſſengers were ſent to the Vice-Admiral, Captain Moulton, riding about Milford Haven, to ſend ſhips into King-roade to block up Briſtol by ſea, as this Army intended to do by land. Some priſoners were taken by our Horſe near Briſtol, others came in voluntarily unto us; all agreeing, ſaid, the Enemy did not imagine our forces to be ſo near, or that we had any deſigne upon Briſtol. And by a Trumpeter that came with a Meſsage from thence, they ſeemed to be ſo far from a belief thereof, that he ſaid he did not expect to finde us on that ſide Sherborne, and when he met our Horſe, he took them to be the Kings (not offering to ſound his trumpet as he ought to have done) that night there was a ſtrong party of Horſe and one Regiment of Foot diſpoſed at Hanham, within three miles of Briſtol, on Glouceſterſhire ſide, by whom the Enemy was alarm'd. Vpon this approach of ours, the Enemy fired Benminſter on Somerſetſhire ſide, and burnt it down to the ground, as alſo divers houſes on Glouceſterſhire ſide. It was but the day before, when Prince Rupert was ſending out a party to relieve Barkley-caſtle, which was much ſtraitned by the Glouceſter forces; but the approach of our Horſe under Commiſſary Ireton diverted that deſigne.

Thurſday, 21. in the morning, to encourage us in our engagements, we received intelligence of the ſurrender of Nunny caſtle to Colonel Rainsborough, upon condition to have liberty to go to their own houſes. By reaſon of the Train coming in ſo late; the Army reſted that day at Chue, ſave that another party of Horſe and Foot advanced towards Benminſter, upon intelligence that the Prince intended to break through with his Horſe, and joyn with Goring; with which party the General and Lieutenant-general went, viewed the Town, and appointed guards and quarters on the Weſt ſide the River, and quartered himſelf at Keniſome that night; where divers Lords ſent for Paſſes to come out of the City and go beyond ſea, but upon good reaſon were denyed; it being a received opinion, that perſons of quality and great eſtate, in a beſieged town, rather encline to a timely yielding, then hazardous defending thereof, when no relief is at hand.

Friday the 22. there was a general rendezyouz of Horſe, and all that day was ſpent in ſetting of guards on Somerſetſhire ſide, where the Countreymen maintained a paſſage at Clifton, the Head-quarter that night being removed to Hanham.

Saturday 23. the General and Lieutenant-General imployed the whole day, in the ſetling of quarters and guards on the other ſide of Briſtol. This day the Enemies Canon played from the great Fort, and Pryors Fort, but hurt none but one Dragoon, who had his thigh ſhot off. The Enemy ſallied out alſo with a party of Horſe, but were beaten in again, where Sir Richard Crane was mortally wounded, who preſently after dyed of his wounds. The Head-quarter this night was removed to Stapleton.

Lords day, Aug. 24. the Enemy about noon ſallied out again, at the Sally-port near Prior-hill Fort, in a full career, and were upon our Dragoons on the ſudden; yet by our Horſe comming on, were beaten back again, as alſo their Foot were, by the Foot of Colonel Rainsboroughs Brigade, made to retreat in diſorder, and worſe then they came forth, by the loſse of a Major and ſome others.

Monday, 25. Warrants were iſsued out by the General, to Sir Iohn Horner, High Sheriffe of the County of Somerſet, to raiſe the power of the County, which was much promoted by the intereſt and endeavours of Mr. Aſh and Mr. Moore, two worthy Members of the Houſe of Commons. This day the army had intelligence, that Goring, then about Collumpton in Devon, did ſeem to draw to a Rendezvouz, as if he intended a march to interrupt our ſiege. But Major-Gen. Maſsies Brigade of Horſe were quartered not far from Taunton, in ſuch an advantagious poſture, that the Enemy could not move, but he might flank them, and interrupt their motion, whileſt our Horſe might draw off to meet them, in caſe they ſhould attempt the forementioned deſigne.

Tueſday, 26. four in the morning, the Enemy made a third ſally on Somerſetſhire ſide, on a poſt of Colonel Weldens Brigade at Bedminſter; and through the negligence of the Officer that had then the command there, they took 10. and killed as many: towards a recompence of which affront, the ſame day, Captain Molleneux, a very valiant man (Captain Lieutenant to Colonel Butler) and with him another ſtout ſouldier, perceiving three gallant Cavaliers under their Works (whom afterwards they found to be Sir Bernard Aſhley, Colonel Daniel, and a third man) rode up to them, askt them who they were for, they ſwore, God dam them, for the King, and ſhot at ours: whereupon, our men diſcharged their Piſtols at them, wounded them, and after ſome bickering took Sir Bernard Aſhley, who dyed within few dayes of his wounds: But Colonel Daniel, though dangerouſly wounded, eſcaped from them.

Wedneſday 27. the Enemy drew out the fourth time, about the cloſe of the evening, with intention to fall on our guards; which ours perceiving (& they underſtanding that they were privie to their intention) they drew back to their Works. All this night, the General and Lieutenant-General were abroad upon the field, to be in readineſſe if any alarm ſhould happen.

Thurſday 28. Rupert ſent out thoſe foot of ours, which were taken priſoners on Somerſetſhire ſide, being in number ten, with a Trumpet, propounding alſo an exchange for Sir Bernard Aſhley, but the exchange was not hearkned to. This day we had intelligence of the Kings plundring of Huntingdon, and the cruel uſage of the people by his forces in thoſe parts, having unhappily eſcaped the Scotch and Northern horſe, out of Nottinghamſhire. Mean while, as an earneſt of the whole, the Fort at Portſhead point that had bin four dayes beſieged by Lieutenant Colonel Kempſon, of Colonel Weldens Regiment, with a party of Foot, was with ſix pieces of Ordnance this day ſurrendred unto him; who managed that buſineſſe with much judgement and reſolution; by the taking whereof the paſsage into King-road with our ſhips was made open.

Friday 29. A Faſt was kept through the Army, to ſeek God for a bleſsing upon the deſignes againſt Briſtol: Mr. Del and Mr. Peters kept the day at the Head quarter. The Enemy endeavoured to interrupt us by a ſally about noon time, upon our quarters near Lawfords-gate, where he took three or four ſouldiers. After the publick exerciſes a Counſel of War was called; and it being agreed in the firſt place, to puniſh the vices of the Army, it was propounded, whether to ſtorm Briſtol or not; the debate was long, opinions various; however it was agreed, that all things ſhould be prepared in order to a ſtorm, and afterwards to take into further conſideration, whether to ſtorm or to intrench the Leaguer. In the midſt of theſe thoughts and reſolutions, tydings were brought the Army of the defeat given by Montroſſe to our Brethren the Scots, and that he was marched to Edenbrough in purſuit thereof; and that the King was now advanced to Bedford unfollowed, and was expected ſpeedily to raiſe the ſiege at Briſtol: and this day towards evening, the intelligence was confirmed by Letters from the Committee of both Kingdomes, of the Kings ſpeedy march towards Oxford, and probably to theſe parts. At the ſame time, his Excellency had intelligence that Goring in the Weſt advanced his quarters nearer Chard, and as it was verily thought, intended a conjunction with the King.

And now was the Army in a great ſtraight, the whole ſtrength thereof being but ſufficient, and ſcarce that, for its preſent undertaking before Briſtol, utterly unable to check the Enemies conjunction, or attend their motions at any diſtance from the Leaguer: and though the further proceeding with the ſiege of Briſtol in this conjuncture of affairs ſeemed very hazardous, yet reſolving to abide the utmoſt, and not to give it over upon great looks, we put our ſelvs into the beſt condition we could to receive them, in caſe either or both ſhould attempt us.

Lords day Auguſt 31. Captain Moulton, Admiral for the Iriſh coaſts (who was now come into Severne) came from aboard his ſhip to the General: expreſſed much readineſs to aſsiſt in the ſtorming of the City (if it were ſo determined) with his Seamen. A debate was then had concerning the ſtorming of Briſtol, and what might be done by water with the aſsiſtance of the Seamen. Gorings Letters from Exeter to Secretary Nicholas bearing date Auguſt 25. were this day intercepted: Wherein he writes, that in three weeks time he will be ready to interrupt Fairfax in his ſiege before Briſtol.

Monday September 1. the weather wet and miſty, about 12 at noon, Prince Rupert with 1000 Horſe and 600 Foot ſallied out the ſixth time, in a full carere, and came upon our Horſe guards with much fierceneſs; but the Horſe inſtantly came up, and with the aſsiſtance of the Foot of Colonel Rainsboroughs Brigade, forc'd them to as haſty a retreat. We loſt in that skirmiſh Captain Guilliams, a captain of Horſe, a valiant, faithfull, and religious man; beſides that, Colonel Okey, colonel of Dragoons, (it being in the miſt) fell amongſt the Enemy unawares, and by that accident was taken priſoner. At that time, further advertiſements confirmed our former hints, of the Kings advance from Oxford towards Briſtol: Orders were given for all the colonels to view the Line and Works; and for our ſouldiers to make Faggots, and all fitting preparations for a ſtorm.

Tueſday, September 2. A Councel of War being called, and all the Colonels preſent; after a long debate, whether to ſtorm Briſtol or no, it was put to the queſtion, and reſolved in the affirmative; and for the manner of the ſtorm, it was referred to a Committee of the Colonels of the Army, to preſent in writing to the General the next morning, to be debated at a general Counſel of War: Accordingly, Wedneſday September 3. the manner of the ſtorm was preſented in writing to the General, which was to be after this manner. Colonel Welden with his Brigade, conſiſting of the four Regiments that were at Taunton, (viz. his own, colonel Inglesbies, colonel Forteſcues, and colonel Herberts Regiments, whoſe poſts were to make good Somerſetſhire ſide,) was ordered to ſtorm in three places, viz. 200 men in the middle, 200 on each ſide, as forlorn hopes to begin the ſtorm; 20 Ladders to each place, two men to carry each Ladder, and to have 5 s. a piece; two Serjeants that attended the ſervice of the ladder, to have 20 s. a man; each muſquetire that followed the ladder, to carry a fagot, a Serjeant to command them, and to have the ſame reward: 12 files of men with fire-arms and Pikes to follow the ladders to each place where the ſtorm was to be: thoſe to be commanded, each by a Captain and a Lieutenant; the Lieutenant to go before with five files, the Captain to ſecond him with the other ſeven files; the 200 men that were appointed to ſecond the ſtorm, to furniſh each party of them twenty Pioners, who were to march in their Rear; the 200 men, each to be commanded by a Field-Officer, and the Pioners each by a Serjeant: (thoſe Pioners were to throw down the Line, and make way for the horſe;) the Party that was to make good the Line, to poſſeſſe the guns, and turn them; A Gentleman of the Ordnance, Gunners and Matroſſes, to enter with the Parties; the Draw-bridge to be let down; two Regiments and a half to ſtorm in after the Foot, if way were made. Much after this manner was the Generals Brigade, under Colonel Montague's command, conſiſting of the Generals, Col. Montagues, Col. Pickerings, and Sir Hardreſſe Wallers Regiments, to ſtorm on both ſides of Lawfords gate, both to the river Avon, and the leſſer river Froom; the bridge over Froom to be made good againſt horſe with Pikes, or to break it down. Colonel Rainsboroughs brigade, conſiſting of his own, Major-General Skippons, Col. Hammonds, Col. Birches, and Lieu. colonel Prides Regiments, to ſtorm on this ſide the river Froom, beginning on the right hand of the Sally-port up to Pryors-hill Fort, and to ſtorm the Fort it ſelf, as the main buſines: 200. of this brigade to go up in Boats with the Sea-men to ſtorm Waterfort (if it were to be attempted) One regiment of horſe, and a regiment of foot, to be moving up and down in the cloſes before the Royal fort, and to ply hard upon it, to alarm it, with a Field-Officer to command them. The regiment of Dragoons, with two regiments of Horſe, to carry ladders with them, and to attempt the Line and Works by Clifton and Waſhingtons breach.

The manner of the ſtorm being thus agreed on (though its probable, ſome more certain information might change the attempts from one place to another) the Souldiers were drawn out to try their inclination, in whom more courage, joy, and reſolution, could not appeare in men. The General, to make good his promiſe to reward them for the ſervice of Bridgewater, Ordered them immediately to receive 6. s. a man, which by the care of the Commiſsioners of Parliament was forthwith paid unto them, and which put a great obligation upon the Souldiers.

At this councel of war it was alſo agrr ed, that a Letter ſhould be written, and ſubſcribed by the General, and all the Officers, to General Leven, to expreſſe how ſenſible they were of the loſſes their Forces had received in Scotland by Montroſe; and their willingnes to ſerve them, if need were, for the ſetling of their Nation in peace, ſo ſoon as the condition of this Kingdom could ſpare them. The copy of which Letter followeth in theſe words.

May it pleaſe your Excellency, and the reſt, honoured Friends, and beloved Brethren,

VVE have, not without much grief, received the ſad report of your affairs in Scotland; how far God, for his beſt and ſecret ends, hath been pleaſed to ſuffer the Enemy to prevaile there: And are (we ſpeak unfainedly) not leſſe ſenſible of your evils, then you have been and are of ours, nor then we are of our own. And the greater cauſe of ſympathie have we with you, and the more do our bowels earn towards you, becauſe whatever you now ſuffer your ſelves in your own Kingdom, are chiefly occaſioned by your aſsiſting us in ours, againſt the power that was riſen up againſt the Lord himſelf, and his Anointed ones. Wherefore we cannot forget your labour of love, but thought good at this ſeaſon, even amongſt our many occaſions, to let you know, that when the affairs of this Kingdom will poſsibly diſpence with us, the Parliament allowing, and you accepting of our aſsiſtance; We ſhall be moſt willing, if need ſo require, to help and ſerve you faithfully in your own Kingdom, and to engage our ſelves to ſuppreſſe the Enemy there, and to eſtabliſh you again in peace. In the mean time we ſhall endeavour to help you by our prayers, and to wreſtle with God for one bleſsing of God upō both Nations; between whom, beſides many other ſtrong relations and engagements, We hope the Vnity of Spirit ſhall be the ſureſt Bond of Peace. And this, whatever ſuggeſtions or jealouſies may have been to the contrary, we deſire you would believe, as you ſhall ever really find to proceed from integrity of heart, a ſenſe of your ſufferings, and a full purpoſe to anſwer any call of God to your aſsiſtance; as become

Your Chriſtian friends, and ſervants in the Lord, Thomas Fairfax. Oliver Cromwel. Thomas Hamond. Henry Ireton. Edward Montague. Richard Forteſcue. Richard Inglesby. Iohn Pickering. Hardreſſe Waller. William Herbert. Robert Hamond. Iames Gray. Thomas Pride. Robert Pye. Thomas Rainsborough. Thomas Sheffield. Charles Fleetwood. Ralph Welden. Iohn Raymond. Leon Wattſon. Arthur Evelin. Richard Dean. Thomas Iackſon. Iohn Desborough. Chriſtopher Bethel.

The report concerning the ſtorm being made unto the Counſell of War, and fully agreed unto: the Canon baſkets were ordered to be filled, Seamen and boats ſent for.

Thurſday September 4. The weather that had been ſo extream wet before, that many Souldiers and Horſes dyed thereby (& with extream hard duty) in that wet ſeaſon, began to alter, to the great reviving of the drooping ſouldier. Our great guns played this day from off the new battery againſt Pryors fort. Summons was alſo prepared to be ſent to Prince Rupert; and being agreed unto, was ſent in accordingly, which runs in theſe words;

For his Highneſſe Prince Rupert.

Sir, for the ſervice of the Parliament, I have brought their Army before the City of Briſtol, and do ſummon you in their names to render it, with all the Forts belonging to the ſame, into my hands for their uſe.

Having uſed this plain language, as the buſineſs requires; I wiſh it may be as effectuall unto you, as it is ſatisfactory to my ſelf; that I do a little expoſtulate with you about the ſurrender of the ſame, which I confeſſe is a way not common, and which I ſhould not have uſed, but in reſpect to ſuch a perſon, and to ſuch a place. I take into conſideration your royal birth, and relation to the Crown of England, your honour, courage, the vertues of your perſon, and the ſtrength of that place, which you may think your ſelf bound and able to maintain.

Sir, the Crown of England is and will be where it ought to be; we fight to maintain it there. But the King miſled by evill Counſellours, or through a ſeduced heart, hath left his Parliament, under God, the beſt aſsurance of his Crown and Family: the maintaining of this Schiſme is the ground of this unhappy war on your part: and what ſad effects it hath produced in the three Kingdomes, is viſible to all men. To maintain the rights of the Crown and Kingdom joyntly; a principal part whereof is, that the King in ſupream acts is not to be adviſed by men of whom the Law takes no notice, but by his Parliament, the great Counſel of the Kingdom, in whom (as much as man is capable of) he hears all his people as it were at once adviſing him; and in which multitude of Councellours lyes his ſafety, and his peoples intereſt: and to ſee him right in this, hath been the conſtant and faithfull endeavour of the Parliament, and to bring theſe wicked inſtruments to juſtice that have miſled him, is a principal ground of our fighting.

Sir, if God makes this clear to you, as he hath to us, I doubt not but he will give you a heart to deliver this place, notwithſtanding all the other conſiderations of honour, courage, fidelity, &c. becauſe of their conſtancy and uſe in the preſent buſineſs, depends upon the right or wrongfulneſs of this that hath been ſaid. And if upon ſuch condition you ſhall ſurrender it, and ſave the loſſe of blood, or hazard the ſpoiling of ſuch a City; it would be an occaſion glorious in it ſelf, and joyful to us, for reſtoring of you to the endeared affection to the Parliament, and people of England, the trueſt friend to your Family it hath in this World.

But if this be hid from your eyes; and through your wilfulneſs, this ſo great, ſo famous, and ancient a City, and ſo full of people, be by your putting us to force the ſame, expoſed to ruine and the extremities of war (which we yet ſhall in that caſe, as much as poſsible, endeavour to prevent) then I appeal to the righteous God to be judge between you and us, and to require the wrong. And let all England judge whether the burning of its Towns, ruining its Cities, and deſtroying its people, be a good requital from a perſon of your Family, which hath had the prayers, tears, purſes, and blood of its Parliament and people. And (if you look on either as now divided) hath ever had that ſame party both in Parliaments and amongſt the People, moſt zealous for their aſsiſtance and reſtitution, which you now oppoſe and ſeek to deſtroy, and whoſe conſtant grief hath been their deſires to ſerve your Family, have been ever hindred or made fruitleſs by that ſame party about his Majeſty, whoſe counſel you act, and whoſe intereſt you purſue in this unnaturall war.

I expect your ſpeedy anſwer to this Summons, with the return of the Bearer this evening, and remain

Your Highneſs humble Servant, Thomas Fairfax.

This day, about 2000 well affected countreymen, who with many more, upon treaty with the Lieutenant-General at the beginning of the ſiege, had engaged their aſsiſtance to make good the ſame; marched with ſome 36 Colours in the face of Briſtol, had quarters aſsigned them, and kept guards. Two pieces of Ordnance alſo were ſent unto them for their encouragement; it not a little grieving the Enemy within to ſee the forwardneſs of the countrey to come to our aſsiſtance; for which reaſon (and to lay an effectual caution againſt their revolt) it was held fit to make uſe of thoſe force from the countrey, rather then for any conſiderable ſervice could be expected from them.

The Trumpeter that went in with the Summons was detained all night, during which ſpace no ſally was made by the Enemy, nor no alarm given by us. Only the Sea-men and their boats comming up the river to St. Vincents Rock, was all the motion this day produced. Neither upon Friday, September 5. was there any ſallying out, but all was quiet on both ſides; and the Trumpeter returned from Prince Rupert with an anſwer to the Generals Summons, in theſe words.

Sir, I received yours by your Trumpeter, I deſire to know, whether you will give me leave to ſend a Meſſenger to the King to know his pleaſure in it. I reſt,

Your ſervant, Rupert.

Saturday, September 6. A Trumpeter was ſent in with a reply to Prince Ruperts anſwer, in theſe words.

Sir, your Overture of ſending to the King, to know his pleaſure, I cannot give way to, becauſe of delay. I confeſs your anſwer doth intimate your intention, not to ſurrender without his Majeſties conſent: yet becauſe it is but implicite, I ſend again to know a more poſitive anſwer from your ſelf, which I deſire may be ſuch as may render me capable of approving my ſelf

Your Highneſs humble ſervant, Tho. Fairfax.

This day came 12 Colours more of the well-affected Countrymen, as an addition to the former Forces.

The Trumpeter was detained all that day and night: Every thing was prepared for a ſtorm; the General was in the field to that end; the Souldiers had their faggots on their backs, and leaped for joy they might go on; yet about ten at night, for ſeverall reaſons it was held fit to give orders to put off the buſines till Munday morning two of the clock: and only to alarm the Enemy for that time, as we did often, to amuſe them, and keep them waking.

Lords day, Septemb. 7. in the forenoon, the Trumpet returned with theſe Propoſitions from Prince Rupert.

Sir, Whereas I received your Letter for the delivery of the City, Forts, and Caſtle of Briſtol; and being willing to joyn with you for the ſparing of blood, and the preſerving of his Majeſties ſubjects: I have upon thoſe grounds, and none other, ſent you theſe following propoſitions.

Firſt, that my ſelf, all Noblemen, Commanders and Souldiers of Horſe and Foot, that have ſerved either his Majeſty, or Parliament, in England or elſwhere; as likewiſe all perſons whatſoever, men or women, now reſident in this City of Briſtol, Caſtle and Forts thereof, ſhall have free liberty to march away out of the ſaid city, caſtle and forts, with their Arms, flying Colours, Drums beating, Trumpets ſounding, Piſtols cockt, Swords drawn, Matches lighted at both ends, and as much Powder and Match as they can carry about them, with all their bag and baggage, horſes, arms, and other furniture, ten peeces of canon, 50 barrels of powder, Match and Bullet proportionable. 2. That neither mine own perſon, nor the perſon of any Nobleman, Commander, Officer, Gentleman, or Souldier, or any other of mine or their Retinues, be ſearched, moleſted, or troubled upon what pretence ſoever; but left to their liberties, to depart, or ſtay, as it ſhall be moſt convenient for them. 3. That none of your Army whatſoever, ſhall entice or perſwade any Officer or Souldier of mine from their Regiments or Colours, with any promiſe of preferment or reward. 4. That all ſuch Officers and Souldiers that are hurt and ſick, and cannot now march out of this city, caſtle, and fort, ſhall have liberty to ſtay till they be recovered, and then have ſafe-conducts to go whereſoever they pleaſe, either to any of his Majeſties armies or garriſons, or their own houſes, where they may live quiet; and that in the interim, thoſe being ſick and hurt, may be protected by you, and have civil uſage. 5. All priſoners taken on both ſides ſince the beginning of this ſiege, be forthwith ſet at liberty. 6. That my ſelf, and all thoſe above mentioned, may not be required to march further in a day, then what conveniently we may; and that a day or two of reſt be allowed upon our march, if we ſhall find it requiſite; and that we be accommodated with free quarter during our march, and a ſufficient convoy to any of the Kings armies or garriſons which I ſhall name, to ſecure us in our march from all injury or incivility that ſhall any ways be offered to us. And likewiſe that there be one hundred and fifty carriage-horſes, and forty Wains, with ſufficient teams provided for carriages of all ſorts. 7. That no perſon here in theſe Articles mentioned, ſhall be in their march, endezvouz or quarters, ſearched or plundred, upon any pretence whatſoever: And that two Officers be appointed by you, the one for accommodation for free-quarters for Officers, Souldiers, and others, and the other for providing of horſes and carriages for our baggage and train. 8. All Noblemen, Gentlemen, Clergy-men, Citizens, Reſiants, or any other perſon within this city, ſuburbs, and liberties thereof, ſhall at any time when they pleaſe, have free liberty to remove themſelves, their goods and families, and to diſpoſe of them at their pleaſures, according to the known and enacted laws of the land, either to live at their own houſes or elſwhere; and to enjoy their houſes, lands, goods and eſtates, without any moleſtation, and to have protection for that purpoſe; and this article to extend to all thoſe whoſe eſtates are ſequeſtred, or not ſequeſtred, and that they may reſt quiet at their abodes, and travell freely and ſafely upon their occaſions. And for their better removal, they may have Letters of ſafe-conduct, with horſes and carriages at reaſonable rates, upon demand. 9. That all perſons above mentioned, may have free liberty to paſſe to any part beyond the ſeas, any time within three moneths, as their occaſions ſhall require. 10. That the Lines, Forts, Caſtle, and other Fortifications about, or in the city of Briſtol, be forthwith ſlighted, and the City ſtated in the ſame condition it was before the beginning of this unnaturall warre: And that hereafter the Parliament during this war, place no garriſon in it. 11. That no Churches be defaced: that the ſeverall members of the foundation of this Cathedral, ſhall quietly enjoy their houſes, and revenues belonging to their places, and that the Miniſters of this city may likewiſe enjoy their benefices without trouble. 12. That no Oaths be impoſed upon any perſon now in this city, ſuburbs and liberties, other then are required by the ancient and enacted lawes of the land. 13. That the Major, Sheriffs, Aldermen and Citizens within this Corporation of the City of Briſtol, ſhall be free in their perſons and eſtates, and enjoy all their priviledges, liberties and immunities in as full and ample manner as formerly at any time they did before the beginning of this war, and that they ſhall have freedom of trade both by land and ſea, paying ſuch duties and cuſtomes as formerly they have done to his Majeſty: and that no mulct of fine be impoſed upon any perſon mentioned in this article, upon any pretence whatſoever, or queſtioned for any act, or thing done, or committed before the day of our marching forth. That no free-quarters ſhall be put upon them without their own conſents. 14. That all other perſons, whoſe dwellings are in this city, and now abſent, may have the full benefit of theſe articles, as if they were preſent. 15. That all Noblemen, Gentlemen and others, that have goods in this city, and are now preſent, or abſent, may have liberty at any time within three moneths to diſpoſe of their goods as they pleaſe. 16. That there be no plundering or taking away of any mans perſon, or any part of his eſtate, under what pretence ſoever; and that Iuſtice, according to the known lawes of the land, be adminiſtred to all perſons within this City by the Civil Magiſtrate.

And for the performance of theſe articles, I expect ſuch hoſtages to be given as I ſhall accept of, and hereunto I deſire your ſpeedy Anſwer.

Sir, By this you may evidently perceive my inclination to peace, and you may be aſſured that I ſhall never deſire any thing more then the honour of the King, and ſafety of the Kingdom; and that I may become, Sir

Your Servant, Rupert.

To which Propoſitions the General returned this Anſwer.

Sir, I have peruſed your Propoſitions, wherein ſome things are doubtfully expreſt; other things inconſiſtent with the duty I owe to them I ſerve. Notwithſtanding, to the end I may give aſſurance, that I earneſtly deſire to ſave effuſion of blood, and the ruine of a City and people, that may in time be ſo ſerviceable to the Crown and Kingdom. If it pleaſe your Highneſs, that Commiſsioners may treat between us, concerning the accommodating of things: I hope to make it evident to the world, that what ſhall reſpect the honour of a ſouldier, due civility to all men, the good and welfare of the people of that City, both in paſsing by what is paſt, and reſtoring them to the priviledges of all other ſubjects, and to the immunities of their City, will readily be condiſcended unto by me: and to the end no time may be loſt, I have here incloſed ſent you the names of Commiſsioners, who upon the return of Hoſtages of equal condition, unto me, ſhall attend your Highneſs, ſufficiently inſtructed to conclude on my part: Provided the ſaid treaty be ended by nine of the clock this night. And to this I deſire your anſwer within the ſpace of an hour, and remain

Your Highneſſe humble ſervant, Tho. Fairfax.

This anſwer being returned preſently after Dinner by the ſame Trumpeter, he was detained till eight at night; and then he brought this anſwer from the Prince, or to this effect in writing.

That he hoped his Propoſitions had been ſuch as needed no explanation: yet becauſe ſome doubts were made, he was willing to have the exceptions ſet down in writing, and his Highneſs would return anſwer.

Monday, September 8. The General returned a particular Anſwer to every Article: which as to the ſouldiery was very honourable, and could not but be very acceptable to the Citizens: for the offer was moſt fair to the Citizens to oblige them to us, in caſe the conditions offered them were but known to them, as we hoped they would. However we had uſed means by our Spies to convey the ſame to them.

In the interim all things were prepared for the ſtorm, every Commander viewing his Poſts: the Trumpet was detained beyond the time appointed, yet afterwards returned with a deniall, but not poſitive. That night was appointed for the Army to fall on, but upon better conſideration it was held fit to put it off to another day, and only to alarm the Enemy.

Tueſday, September 9. the Trumpet was ſent in again to let the Prince know, that if he did not immediately except what was offered, all that had paſſed ſhould be as no treaty, requiring the Trumpet to return by 12 of the clock, but notwithſtanding he was detained till 10 at night, and then returned with an unſatisfactory anſwer. Whereupon all things on our part were put in readineſs for a ſtorm. At 12 of the clock in the night the General went into the field to give order about the drawing out of our men, and managing the ſtorm for the next morning.

The Enemy being left inexcuſable for refuſing ſuch honourable conditions as were offered; the whole Army Horſe and Foot being ſet in a poſture round the City, to fall on about two in the morning, September 10. the ſignall was given to fall on at one inſtant round the City and Works, which was by ſetting on fire a great heap of ſtraw and Faggots on the top of an hill, and the ſhooting off four great guns againſt Pryors-fort, from the place where the General was to recide all the time of the ſtorm, which being accordingly given, immediately the ſtorm began round the City, and was terrible to the beholders. Colonel Montague and Colonel Pickering with their Regiments at Lawfords-gate entred ſpeedily, and recovered 22. great guns, and took many priſoners in the Works, Major Desborough advancing with the Horſe after them, having the command of the Generals Regiment, and part of Colonel Graves's. Sir Hardreſſe Wallers and the Generals Regiments, commanded by Lieut. Colonel ackſon, entred between Lawfords-gate and the river Froom: Colonel Rainſborough and Colonel Hamonds Regiments entred near Pryors-fort: Major-General Skippons, and Colonel Birches entred nearer to the river Froom: and the Regiment commanded by Lieut. Colonel Pride was divided; part aſsigned to the ſervice of Pryors-fort, and the reſt to alarm the great Fort, and afterwards they took a little Fort of Welchmen. The Sea-men that were at firſt deſigned to ſtorm by water (the tide failing) aſsiſted in ſtorming the Line and Works. The Horſe that entred here, (beſides the Forlorn-hope) ſo valiantly led on by Captain Ireton, were in ſeveral parties commanded by Major Bethel, Major Alford, and Adjutant-general Flemming, being of Colonel Whalyes, Colonel Riches, and part of Colonel Graves his Regiments. And after the Line was broke down with the Pioneers, and a gap made in the ſame, our Horſe with undaunted courage entred, and within the Line met with a party of the Enemies Horſe, put them to a retreat, mortally wounded Colonel Taylor (formerly a Member of the Houſe of Commons) of which wounds he died, and took divers priſoners. This ſo diſheartned their Horſe, (perceiving withall our Foot to be maſter of the Line, and their men beaten off) that they never came on again to give one charge; but retreated and ſtood in a body, under the favour of the great-fort, and Coulſtons-fort. In the mean while Pryors-hill-fort very obſtinately held out, playing fiercely with great and ſmall ſhot upon our men for two hours after the Line was entred; our men all that time in like manner plying them hard with muſquet-ſhot in at the port-holes, untill they brought up Ladders to the Fort; but it being an high Work, many of the Ladders proved too ſhort, through which fault, ſome that got up were beaten down again. Notwithſtanding, this diſheartned them not, but up they went again upon greateſt danger and diſadvantage; ſome at laſt creeping in at the port-holes, and others got on the top of the Works, Captain Lagoe, of Lieutenant Colonel Prides Regiment, being the firſt man that laid hold on the Colours; and in the end we forced the Enemy within to run below into the inner rooms of the Work, hoping to receive quarter; but our ſouldiers were ſo little prepared for to ſhew mercy, by the oppoſition that they met withall in the ſtorm, and the refuſal of quarter when it was offered, that they put to the ſword the Commander (one Major Price a Welchman) and almoſt all the Officers, Souldiers, and others in the Fort, except a very few, which at the entreaty of ſome of our Officers had their lives ſpared. By that time the Fort was gained the day began to break. And moſt happy it was that the ſtorm began ſo timely, for otherwiſe had the Enemy had day-light when we firſt entred, we could not haveſtood upon any ground to have attempted Pryors-hillfort; in regard the Great-fort, and Coulſtons-fort on the one ſide, and the Caſtle on the otherſide, might have cut off our men as faſt as they had been drawn up, but being in the dark, they durſt not ſhoot for fear of killing their own men; their Horſe (during the ſtorm) being drawn in a body, between the Great-fort and Coulſtons-fort. But in the mean time the ſucceſs on Somerſetſhire ſide was not anſwerable unto this, on this ſide, our forces there being put to a retreat, though they went on with much courage: the Works on that ſide were ſo high, that the Ladders could not near reach them, and the approach unto the Line of great diſadvantage. The Horſe deſigned to enter the line, in caſe it had pleaſed God to give us here alſo ſucceſſe, were, Lieut. General Cromwels Regiment, commanded by Major Huntington, Colonel Sir Robert Pyes, and Colonel Sheffields, both which Colonels in perſon attended the ſtorm, being impatient they had not fair opportunity of entering the Line, ſuch was their zeale to the ſervice. And leſt during the ſtorm, the Prince (in caſe he ſee the Town like to be loſt) ſhould endeavour to eſcape with his Horſe; to prevent the ſame, Commiſſary General Iretons, Colonel Butlers, and Colonel Fleetwoods Regiments of Horſe, were appointed to be in a moving body upon Durdam-Down; that place being the moſt open way, and moſt likely for the Prince to eſcape by: beſides part of thoſe Horſe did alarm that ſide of the Line and great-fort, towards Durdam-Down, and Clifton, during the ſtorm, as likewiſe to ſecure the Foot; Colonel Okeyes Dragoons alarming Brandolhill-fort, and the Line towards Clifton.

About 4 houres after the taking Pryors-hill-fort, a Trumpeter came from the Prince to deſire a Parley, which there was reaſon enough to refuſe: but conſidering the Enemy had fired the City in ſeverall places, in ſo much as it was probable the whole City would have been conſumed, if the fire had gone on; The General ſent the Prince word that he would embrace a Parley, provided he cauſed the fire to be quenched immediately, which was done accordingly, and ſo the treaty proceeded on, and by ſeven at night it was concluded of according to theſe Articles:

That his Highneſſe Prince Rupert, and all Noblemen, Officers, Gentlemen, and Souldiers, and all other perſons whatſoever, now reſiding in the City of Briſtol, and Caſtle, and Forts thereof, ſhall march out of the ſaid City, Caſtle, and Forts thereof, with Colours, Pikes, and Drums, bag and baggage. The Prince his Highneſs, all Noblemen, Gentlemen and Officers in commiſsion, with their horſe and arms, and their Servants with their horſes and ſwords, and common ſouldiers with their ſwords; the Prince his Life-guard of horſe, with their horſe and arms, and two hundred and fifty horſe beſides to be diſpoſed by the Prince, and his life-guard of Fire-locks with their arms, and each of them one pound of powder, and a proportion of bullet; and that none of the perſons who are to march out on this article, ſhall be plundered, ſearched or moleſted. That ſuch Officers and Souldiers as ſhall be left ſick or wounded in the city, caſtle or forts, ſhall have liberty to ſtay till their recovery, and then have ſafe-conducts to go to his Maieſty, and in the interim to be protected. That the perſons above mentioned, who are to march away, ſhall have a ſufficient Convoy provided for them to any ſuch garriſon of the Kings as the Prince ſhal name, not exceeding fifty miles from Briſtol; and ſhall have eight dayes allowed for their march thither, and ſhall have free quarter by the way, and ſhall have two Officers to attend them for their accommodation, and 20 waggons for their baggage, if they ſhall have occaſion to uſe the ſame. That all the Citizens of Briſtol, and all Noblemen, Gentlemen, Clergymen, and all other perſons reſiding in the ſaid city & ſuburbs of the ſame, ſhalbe ſaved from all plunder and violence, and be ſecured in their perſons and eſtates from the violence of the Souldier, and ſhall enjoy thoſe rights and priviledges which other Subjects enjoy under protection and obedience to the Parliament. That in conſideration thereof, the city of Briſtol, with the caſtle, and all other forts and fortifications thereof, and all the ordnance, arms, ammunition, and all other furniture & proviſions of war, excepting what is before allowed, ſhall be delivered up to Sir Thomas Fairfax, to morrow, being Thurſday the 11. day of this inſtant September, by one of the clock in the afternoon, without any diminution or imbezlement; His Highneſſe Prince Rupert then nameing to what army or garriſon of the Kings he will march. That none of the perſons who are to march out on this agreement, ſhall plunder, hurt, or ſpoile the Town, or any perſon in it, or carry any thing but what is properly their own. That upon ſigning theſe Articles, Colonel Okey, and all perſons now in priſon in the city of Briſtol, the caſtle or forts of the ſame, ſhall immediately be ſet at liberty. That ſufficient Hoſtages be given to Sir Tho. Fairfax, ſuch as he ſhall approve, this night, who are to remain with him untill the City be delivered. That neither the Convoy nor Officers ſent with the Prince, ſhall receive any injury in their going or coming back, and ſhall have ſeven dayes allowance for their return. That upon the delivering of the Town, ſufficient Hoſtages be given for the performance of the articles on both parts. Signed by us the Commiſsioners on the behalf of his Highneſſe, Prince Rupert; Iohn Mynne. W. Tillyer. W. Valvaſour. Signed by us the Commiſsioners appointed on the behalf of his Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax. Edw. Montague. Tho. Rainsborough. Iohn Pickering.

That which moved the General to give ſuch favourable conditions, was meerly the preſervation of the City, which otherwiſe would have been conſumed by fire, if the Enemy had been driven to a deſperate condition.

God, to ſhew the watchfulneſſe of his Providence over the General, and Lieutenant-General, brought them into ſome danger, and delivered them out of the ſame graciouſly, during the time of the Parley: For while they were both ſitting on the top of Pryors-hill-Fort, a peece of Ordnance was ſhot thither from the caſtle, and the bullet grazed upon the Fort within two hands breadth of them, but did them no hurt at all.

This day, the well-affected Countrymen of Glouceſterſhire, to the number of about 3000. with ſome 30 Colours, appeared, expreſsing great forwardneſſe to ſerve the Parliament; but the ſervice being over, they returned to their own homes.

In this Storm we loſt ſeverall Officers, both of Horſe and Foot, and had many wounded; Major Bethel was ſhot at entring the Line, whom I have never occaſion to mention, but greatly to his honour: Of this wound he ſhortly after dyed. Captain Ireton, who led on the Forlorn hope at the ſtorm, was ſhot with a brace of bullets in the arm (and it broken thereby) but after enduring great torture and pain for many moneths, he is through Gods bleſſing happily recovered. Major Cromwel, a valiant and diſcreet Gentleman, (Major to Colonel Inglesby) was wounded in the Storm, whereof he afterwards dyed. Lieutenant-colonel Purefoy, of col. Forteſcues regiment, a very ſtout man, was ſlain upon the place. Captain Hill, of Sir Hardreſſe Wallers Regiment, ſlain at the ſtorm. Major Reade, Colonel Inglesbies Brother, and divers other Officers wounded.

Thurſday, Septemb. 11. The Prince, according to the Articles, marched out of the great Fort, as alſo many Ladies and perſons of quality, who had convoyes appointed them according to agreement. In the Prince his marching out, the General himſelf attended him about two miles. The Prince, after he was out of the Fort, declared which way he intended to go, and propounded Oxford; whither, accordingly, he, and all his company were ſafely convoyed: And becauſe he feared the riſing of the Club-men upon him, and not being ſecure enough in his Convoy, as he conceived; he deſired the General to let him have 1000 Arms for his Foot, engaging himſelf upon his honour, they ſhould injure no man therewith, only to make uſe of them (if need were) to keep themſelves from the violence of the people, and to return them back again: which accordingly was allowed him, and ſo many as kept their arms, reſtored them again; but the greateſt part of them in their march running away, many of the arms were loſt. Divers perſons of quality that were in the town, deſired liberty to ſtay a while longer, till they could provide themſelves with Horſes and neceſſaries to march away, which civility the General did not deny them.

A great appearance there was of the Countrey to ſee the marching away of the Prince, and extreamly cryed they out againſt the Prince, Give him no Quarter, Give him no Quarter.

The goodneſs of God to the Army during this ſiege, in preſerving them from the ſickneſs was very remarkable: For when the Army was reſolved to march from Sherborne to Briſtol, one main objection there againſt it at that time was, leaſt the plague ſhould be thereby brought into the Army, but every mans conſcience and judgement being ſatisfied that the deſigne was good, and moſt for the advantage of the publick, and feazable in their opinion; they reſolved to truſt God what he would do with them, as to the ſickneſs that was much ſpread in thoſe parts. And whereas when the Army came before Briſtol, as likewiſe for many weeks before there dyed within the City above an hundred a week of the ſickneſs: nor could we quarter our forces in any town or village but the ſickneſs was in it: Yet during all this time not one Officer or Souldier in our Army dyed of the plague, that we could hear of, but one.

What ordnance, arms, ammunition, and proviſions we found in the Forts, City, and Caſtle, I ſhall give you in the words of Lieutenant-General Cromwels Letter to the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons: wherein alſo the Reader may finde, not only a confirmation, but an amplification of this Story, by ſome other particulars not yet mentioned; which Letter followeth.

It hath pleaſed the General to give me in charge to repreſent unto you, a particular account of the taking of Briſtol, the which I gladly undertake.

After the finiſhing of that ſervice at Sherborne, it was diſputed at a counſell of war, whether we ſhould march into the Weſt, or to Briſtol. Amongſt other arguments, the leaving ſo conſiderable an Enemy at our backs, to march into the heart of the Kingdom; the undoing of the country about Briſtol, which was exceedingly haraſſed by the Prince his being but a fortnight thereabouts; the correſpondency he might hold in Wales, the poſsibility of uniting the enemies forces where they pleaſed, and eſpecially the drawing to an head the diſaffected Club-men of Somerſet, Wilts, and Dorſet, when once our backs were towards them.

Theſe conſiderations, together with the taking ſo important a place, ſo advantagious for the opening of Trade to London, did ſway the ballance, and beget that concluſion. When we came within four miles of the City, we had a new debate, Whether we ſhould endeavour to block it up, or make a regular Siege? The latter being over-ruled, Colonel Welden with his Brigade marched to Pile-hill, on the ſouth ſide of the city, being within musquet ſhot thereof, where in a few dayes they made a good Quarter, overlooking the city. Upon our advance, the Enemy fired Bedminſter, Clifton, and ſome other Which they did purpoſely to diſaccommodate the Army in point of quarter. villages lying neer to the city, and would have fired more, if our unexpected comming had not hindred. The General cauſed ſome Horſe and Dragoons under Commiſſary Gen. Ireton, to advance over Avon, to keep in the Enemy on the North ſide of the town, untill the Foot could come up; And after a day, the General, with Col. Montagues, and Col. Rainsboroughs Brigades, marched over at Kenſham to Stapleton, where he quartered that night: The next day, Colonel Montague (having his Poſt aſsigned) with his Brigade, was to ſecure all between the rivers From & Avon, he came up to Lawfords Gate within musquet ſhot thereof: Col. Rainsboroughs Poſt was neer to Durdam Down, where the Dragooneers and three Regiments of horſe made good a Poſt upon the Down, between him and the river Avon, on his right hand, and from Colonel Rainsboroughs quarters to From river, on his left. A part of Col. Birch, and Major gen. Skippons regiment were to maintain that Poſt. Theſe Poſts thus ſetled, our horſe were forced to be upon exceeding great duty, to ſtand by the Foot, leſt the Foot being ſo weak in all their poſts, might receive an affront. And truly herein we were very happy, that we ſhould receive ſo little loſſe by Sallies, conſidering the paucity of our men to make good the poſts, and the ſtrength of the Enemy within: By ſallies (which were three or four) I know not that we loſt thirty men in all the time of our ſiege. Of Officers of quality, only Colonel Okey was taken, by miſtake, going to the Enemy, thinking they had been friends; and Captain Guilliams ſlain in a charge. We took Sir Bernard Aſtley, and killed Sir Richard Crane (one very conſiderable with the Prince.) We had a Councel of war, concerning the ſtorming of the town, about eight dayes before we took it; and in that there appeared great unwillingnes to the work, through the unſeaſonablenes of the weather, and other apparent difficulties. Some inducements to bring us thither, was the report of the good affection of the Townſmen to us, but that did not anſwer expectation. Upon a ſecond conſideration, it was over-ruled for a Storm; which no ſooner concluded, but difficulties were removed, and all things ſeemed to favour the deſigne: And truly, there hath been ſeldome the like cheerfulneſſe to any work like to this, after it was once reſolved on. The day and houre of our ſtorm was appointed to be, Wedneſday morning the 10th. about one of the clock: We choſe to act it ſo early, becauſe we hoped thereby to ſurpriſe the Enemy; with this reſolution alſo, to avoid confuſion, and falling foul one upon another; that when we had recovered the Line, and Forts upon it, we could not advance further untill day. The Generals ſignal unto ſtorm, was, the firing of ſtraw, and diſcharging four peece of canon at Priors-hill-fort: the ſignal was very well perceived of all, and truly the men went on with great reſolution, and very preſently recovered the Line, making way for the Horſe to enter. Colonel Montague, and Colonel Pickering, who ſtormed at Lawfords-gate, where was a Double-work, well filled with men and canon, preſently entred, and with great reſolution beat the Enemy from their works, and poſſeſſed their canon: their expedition was ſuch, that they forced the Enemy from their advantages, without any conſiderable loſs to themſelves: They laid down the bridges for the horſe to enter, Major Desborough commanding the horſe, who very gallantly ſeconded the Foot: then, our Foot advanced to the city wals, where they poſſeſſed the Gate againſt the caſtleſtreet, whereinto were put an hundred men, who made it good. Sir Hardreſſe Waller, with his, and the Generals Regiment, with no leſſe reſolution entred on the other ſide of Lawfords-gate, towards Avon river, and put themſelves into an immediate conjunction with the reſt of the Brigade. During this, Colonel Rainsborough, and Colonel Hamond attempted Priors-hill-fort, and the Line downward towards Froom; and the Major-Generals Regiment being to ſtorm towards Froom river, Colonel Hamond poſſeſſed the Line immediately, and beating the Enemy from it, made way for the horſe to enter. Colonel Rainsborough, who had the hardeſt task of all at Priors-hill-fort, attempted it, and fought neer three houres for it, and indeed there was great deſpair of carrying the place, it being exceeding high, a ladder of thirty rounds ſcarce reaching the top thereof; but his reſolution was ſuch, that notwithſtanding the inacceſsibleneſſe and difficulty, he would not give it over. The Enemy had four peece of canon upon it, which they plyed with round, and caſe-ſhot upon our men: his Lieut. colonel Bowen, and others, were two houres at Puſh of pike, ſtanding upon the Palizadoes, but could not enter. Colonel Hamond being entred the Line, and captain Ireton with a Forlorn of col. Rich his Regiment, interpoſing with his horſe, between the Enemies horſe, and col. Hamond, received a ſhot with two Piſtol bullets, which brake his arm: by which means, the entrance of col. Hamond did ſtorm the Fort on that part which was inward; by which means, col. Rainsborough and col. Hamonds men entred the Fort, and immediately put almoſt all the men in it to the ſword. And as this was the place of moſt difficulty, ſo of moſt loſſe to us on that ſide, and of very great honour to the undertaker. The Horſe did ſecond them with great reſolution. Both theſe Colonels do acknowledge, that their interpoſition between the enemies Horſe, and their Foot, was a great means of obtaining of this ſtrong Fort, without which all the reſt of the Line to Froom river would have done us little good: And indeed, neither Horſe nor Foot would have ſtood in all that way in any manner of ſecurity, had not the Fort been taken.

Major Bethels were the firſt horſe that entred the Line, who did behave himſelf gallantly, and was ſhot in the thigh, had one or two ſhot more, and had his horſe ſhot under him. Colonel Birch with his men, and the Major-Generals Regiment, entred with very good reſolution where their Poſt was; poſſeſsing the Enemies guns, and turning them upon them.

By this, all the Line from Priors-hill-fort to Avon (which was a full mile) with all the Forts, Ordnance and Bulwarks, were poſſeſſed by us, but one, wherein there were about an hundred and twenty men of the Enemy, which the General ſummoned, and all the men ſubmitted.

The ſucceſs on Colonel Weldens ſide did not anſwer with this. And although the Colonels, and other the Officers and Souldiers, both horſe and foot, teſtified much reſolution as could be expected; Col. Welden, Col. Inglesby, Col. Herbert, and the reſt of the Colonels and Officers both of horſe and foot, doing what could be well looked for from men of honour; Yet what by reaſon of the height of the Works, which proved higher then report made them, and the ſhortnes of the Ladders, they were repulſed with the loſſe of about an hundred men: Col. Forteſcue's Lieutenant col. was killed, Major Cromwel dangerouſly ſhot, and two of Col. Inglesbies brothers hurt, with ſome Officers.

Being poſseſsed of thus much as hath been related, the Town was fired in three places by the Enemy, which we could not put out; which begat a great trouble in the General, and us all, fearing to ſee ſo famous a City burnt to aſhes before our faces. Whilſt we were viewing ſo ſad a ſpectacle, and conſulting which way to make further advantage of our ſucceſſe; the Prince ſent a Trumpet to the General, to deſire a Treaty for the ſurrender of the town: to which the General agreed, and deputed Col. Montague, Col. Rainsborough, and Col. Pickering for that ſervice, authoriſing them with inſtructions to treat and conclude the Articles, which are theſe incloſed; for performance whereof, Hoſtages were mutually given. On Thurſday, about two of the clock in the afternoon, the Prince marched out, having a convoy of two Regiments of horſe from us, and making election of Oxford for the place he would go to, which he had liberty to do by his Articles.

The Canon which we have taken, are about 140. mounted, about 100 barrels of Powder already come to our hands, with a good quantity of Shot, Ammunition and Arms; we have found already between two and three thouſand Muskets. The Royal Fort had Victuals in it for one hundred and fifty men, for 320 dayes, the Caſtle victualled for neer half ſo long. The Prince had Foot of the garriſon, as the Major of the city informed me, 2500. and about 1000 Horſe, beſides the Trained bands of the town, and Auxiliaries, 1000. ſome ſay 1500. I heare but of one man that hath died of the Plague in all our army, although we have quartered amongſt, and in the midſt of infected perſons and places: We had not killed of ours in this ſtorm, nor all this ſiege, two hundred men.

Thus I have given you a true, but not a full account of this great buſines; wherein he that runs, may reade, that all this is none other than the work of GOD: he muſt be a very Atheiſt that doth not acknowledge it.

It may be thought that ſome praiſes are due to theſe gallant Men, of whoſe valour ſo much mention is made: Their humble ſuit to you, and all that have an intereſt in this bleſsing, is, That in the remembrance of Gods praiſes, they may be forgotten. It is their joy, that they are Inſtruments of Gods glory, and their Countries good; It is their honour, that God vouchſafes to uſe them. Sir, they that have been imployed in this ſervice, know, that Faith and Prayer obtained this City for you: I do not ſay ours only, but of the people of God with you, and all England over, who have wraſtled with God for a bleſsing in this very thing. Our deſires are, that God may be glorified by the ſame ſpirit of faith by which we ask all our ſufficiencie, and have received it; It is meet that He have all the praiſe. Presbyterians, Independents, all have here the ſame ſpirit of faith and prayer, the ſame preſence and anſwer; they agree here, have no names of difference; pitty it is it ſhould be otherwiſe any where. All that believe, have the reall Vnity, which is moſt glorious, becauſe inward and ſpirituall, in the body, and to the head. For being united in Forms, commonly called Vniformity, every Chriſtian will, for peace ſake, ſtudy and do as far as Conſcience will permit. And for Brethren, in things of the mind, we look for no compulſion, but that of Light and Reaſon; in other things God hath put the ſword in the Parliaments hands, for the terror of evil do rs, and the praiſe of them that do well. If any plead exemption from it, he knowes not the Goſpel: If any would wring it out of your hands, or ſteal it from you under what pretence ſoever, I hope they ſhall do it without effect. That God will maintain it in your hands, and direct you in the uſe thereof, is the prayer of

Your humble Servant, Oliver Cromwel. Briſtol, Sept. 14. 1645.

This night the General removed from his quarter at the Farm-houſe, where he had been all the time of the ſiege extreamly ill accommodated by reaſon of the littlenes of the houſe, which yet he contented himſelf withall, in regard it lay ſo conveniently upon any Alarm. But this night, He, and the Lieutenant-General removed, and went to Briſtol; which they found ſo unlike what it had been formerly, in its flouriſhing condition, that it looked now more like a Priſon then a City, and the people more like Priſoners then Citizens; being brought ſo low with Taxations, ſo poor in Habit, and ſo dejected in countenance; the Streets ſo noyſome, and the Houſes ſo naſty, as that they were unfit to receive Friends, or Free-men, till they were cleanſed.

Beſides the publique mercy to the Kingdome, in the Recovery of Briſtol; The Vindication of Colonel NATHANIEL FIENNES (once Governour thereof) ſeems to have been alſo particularly deſigned by Providence. The General, with the Lieutenant-General (ſitting upon Priors-hill-Fort after the Storm) and moſt of the chief Officers of the Army, upon a view of the place; comparing the preſent ſtrength of it, with what it was when he delivered it, and other circumſtances; freely expreſſed themſelves, as men abundantly ſatiſfied, concerning the hard misfortune that befell that Noble Gentleman. And indeed, whoſoever ſhall compare both the Defences together, according to this enſuing Paralel, muſt needs confeſſe, That if Prince Rupert deſerved to be acquitted, (as he was by the King, and a Councel of war, at Newark) the former Defence deſerves to be commended: For; Prince Rupert, in this latter, had the advantage of the former, 1. In the Line, which was ſo much ſtronger (then the former) by the addition of a Fort-Royall, & many other Works. 2. In the numbers of Men for defence, which were Prince Rupert had between 4 and 5000 horſe and foot; Col. Fiennes; but 1700. of all ſorts. more then double, & 1200 of them Horſe, (wch nūber of horſe was a thing of great conſideration in ſo large a line) 3. In a place of great ſtrength for Viz. the Fort-Royal: which though it be twice reckoned in this Paralel, yet it is in a different reſpect; viz. here, as a place of retreat; but above, as it did flanker the Line, and ſo ſtrengthen it much. Retreat. And laſtly (which is as conſiderable as any thing) in a probability of Relief, the This appeareth in Pr. Ruperts Apologie; and that the deſigne of his Relief, was laid very probably to have ſucceeded. King having promiſed it, and being reſolved to have performed it in his own perſon, with all the force he could have drawn together. Yet he, in the defence, ſlew not 200. (in all) of our Men; Embraced a Parley, ſo ſoone as ever the Town was entred; and concluded the Surrender, upon no better Articles than the former Governour had. On the other hand, Col. Fiennes (in the former) tho he had a Prince Rupert, in his printed Declaration and Apologie, alleadgeth, That the Line he had to defend (being about 4 miles in compaiſe) was generally but 3 foot thick, and 5 foot high; the Graft commonly but 6 foot broad, & where it was wideſt but 7. But 4 footdeep, & wher it was de peſt, but 5. And that in the opinion of all his Colonels & Officers, it was not tenable upon a brisk and vigorous aſſault. Line (full as large,) leſſe ſtrong & tenable, and in that part where the enemy entred, his Works not finiſhed, nor half ſo many to defend thē; tho the Royal fort was not then built, nor any thing but a weak & rotten Caſtle to retreat unto, which by the judgment of the The Officers expreſt themſelves ſo. Officers of this army, could not hold out 48 houres againſt a ſtrong Battery, much leſs till Relief could reach it, whereof there was no likelihood; nay, the Col. Fie nes ſending to the Earl of Eſſex for relief, his Excellency wrote to the Lord ay, That the Army was not in caſe to relieve him, nor (He thought) ever would. Governor having ſent ſeverall times, received no anſwer; but by intelligence wch he had, he underſtood He could expect no relief. Yet (to the utmoſt improving the means he had) 1. He ſlew 1200. of the Enemy (among whom divers prime Officers & Commanders.) 2. Diſputed the Suburbs a long while after the Line was entred. 3. Entertained no Parley, till all endeavours that could be uſed (by promiſe of money, or otherwiſe) were not able to get 120 men together. And at length purchaſed as good Conditions as the latter, and (in ſome As may appear by comparing the Articles together. ſubſtantiall points) better.

However all wiſe men would have ſaved me this pains; (The ſenſe of the Honourable Houſe of Commons, immediately upon the reduction of Briſtol, calling Col. Fiennes to his former ſtate of Honour and imployment; being beyond all that can be ſaid.) Yet theſe Conſiderations are not in vain; for that they ſerve as well to the commendation of the goodneſſe of God, in the aſsiſting and bearing forth this Army through this undertaking; Which, by how much the ods between the means & preparations for this latter defence were beyond the former, carried ſo much the greater demonſtration of the more immediate preſence of GOD, and his power with our Army (in this Reduction of Briſtol) than the Enemy could boaſt of, when He took it.

ANGLIA REDIVIVA. OR, ENGLAND'S RECOVERY. PART. III.
CHAP. I.

The Devizes and Laicock-houſe ſurrendred: Berkley-Caſtle, after in part ſtormed, ſurrendred: With an account of the Counſels that did lead theſe actions.

THE face of GOD now ſhining again upon Briſtol, and the Generall having through the improvement of a ſhort ſtay there, viewed the ſeverall Forts about the City, and given order concerning the ſetling thereof in a ſafe condition: A councel of war called. On Saturday, September 13. A Councell of War was called, to adviſe what was fit next to be done (ſo agreeable was action to this Army) whether to purſue the motion made after the taking of Sherborne, to march preſently for the relief of Plimouth, and further parts of the Weſt, or to clear thoſe garriſons that did interpoſe between the Weſt and London; which latter was very neceſſary, for that if thoſe garriſons were not reduced, The obſtructing garriſons between the Weſt and London reſolved to be attempted. they would hinder correſpondency between London and the Army, except at high rates, of very exceſsive trouble and charge to the Army, by convoyes upon every occaſion. This was a buſineſſe of great undertaking, yet (after all things weighed) it was reſolved for the preſent to attempt the taking in of Berkley, and the Devizes, as thoſe that were the neareſt; deferring further reſolution, as to the reſt, to the opportunities providence ſhould adminiſter. Colonel Rainsborough, for that purpoſe, was commanded to march with a Brigade (conſiſting of Major Gen. Skippons, Colonel Herberts, and Lieut. Col. Prides Regiments) for the taking in of Berkley-Caſtle (already blocked up by Horſe) the only garriſon conſiderable left in the County of Glouceſter, interrupting the paſsage between Briſtol and Glouceſter. About this time was the Caſtle of Cardiffe (with 16. pieces of ordnance, and 400 arms) reduced. Lieutenant Gen. Cromwell was deſigned by the Generall with another Brigade (conſiſting of Col. Montagues, Col. Pickerings, Sir Hardreſſe, Wallers, and Col. Hamonds Regiments) for the taking in of the Devizes, and Laicock-Houſe.

On Tueſday following, the Generall having but the overnight newly finiſhed the whole buſineſs for the ſetlement of Briſtol, & diſmiſsing of thoſe of the enemy that were to be then gone (except ſome few perſons of quality, who had leave to ſtay a while in the Town) removed his quarters that night to a friends houſe, whileſt the Army marched according to former orders.

Wedneſday, September 17. His Excellency marched to Bath, and reſted there ſome four or five dayes, for the better recovery of his health (as was need) having been much wearied out, and ſpent with that great buſineſs of Briſtol.

Lieut. generall Cromwel ſet down before the D vizes. During which time, Lieut. Gen. Cromwel ſate down before the Caſtle of the Devizes, which commanded the County of Wilts, and was placed in the road of traffique between the Weſt and London: It was a place of great ſtrength, having been an old fortification, raiſed on a huge Mount of earth; the Governour Sir Charles Llyod: a good Ingineer had added to the ſtrength of its naturall ſcituation, what Art could do, having cut out of the main Earth ſeverall Works commanding one another, and ſo ſtrong, that no Canon could pierce them; beſides, that being pallizadoed, and ſtockadoed in moſt places, it was a matter of extream difficulty to ſtorm it: Notwithſtanding, the Lieutenant-General (not diſcouraged thereat) ſate down cloſe to it, and having conveniently planted his Canon and Mortar-pieces; on Sunday at one of the clock he ſent in to ſummon the caſtle.

The Governour ſent forth word, That the King his Maſter put him in truſt, and he deſired ten dayes time to ſend to him, in the mean time he would keep it for the King. The Lieutenant-General wiſhed him not to let ſlip ſuch an opportunity: or if he were otherwiſe reſolved, in much civility, he gave leave to ſend forth his Lady and ſuch other Gentlewomen that were in the Caſtle; and further let him know, that none were more fitting to keep ſtrong holds, Forts, and Caſtles, then the Parliament for the uſe of the King: whereupon the Governour returned, Win it and weare it. Upon receipt of this anſwer, the Lieutenant-General having put all things in readineſs for a ſtorm, gave command to the Canoneers preſently to give fire, and alſo to play the Mortar-pieces, which was accordingly done, and ſome of the Granadoes breaking in the midſt of the caſtle (being open above) kill'd ſeverall of their men, and much endangered the blowing up of the Magazine; which ſo ſtartled the Enemy, that on Monday about eight of the clock in the morning, the Governour ſent forth for a Parley, and ſent out two of his Captains, Captain Challinor, and Captain Garroway. The Lieutenant-general ſent two Captains into them, and about eleven of the clock the Lieutenant-general ſent them in theſe Propoſitions following, viz. 1. That all Commanders and Gentlemen ſhould march to any garriſon the King had within thirty miles, with their horſe and armes; and that all private ſouldiers ſhould march away leaving their armes behinde them, but not to go to the ſame garriſons the Commanders marched to. 2. That all Gentlemen in the Caſtle ſhould have liberty to go to their own homes or beyond the ſeas. 3. That all ſouldiers that have been formerly in the Parliament ſervice, ſhould be delivered up to the Lieutenant-general; and all ſouldiers that would take up armes in the Parliament ſervice ſhould be entertained.

To theſe Propoſitions the Lieutenant-general deſired his ſpeedy anſwer, that ſo they might march away by four of the clock in the afternoon, to which the Governour agreed (ſaving in point of time) and delivered up the caſtle on the morrow at ten of the clock, at which time they marched out. The Devizes ſurrendred. The Governour and his Officers with their arms, and his foot without arms, having the liberty of three carriages, and a ſafe Convoy to Worceſter. The number of ſouldiers that marched out were about 400. In the caſtle was found a very plentifull Magazine of victuals, and good ſtore of ammunition, and two piece of ordnance.

The Devizes thus happily reduced, the General marched thither Tueſday 23. from Bath, and the Enemy marched out the ſame day towards Worceſter, according to the Articles. And as the wheels of gracious Providence were now upon a nimble motion, ſo God was pleaſed to carry forth the Army to a moſt full complyance with the ſame. Col Pickering ſent to reduce Laicock-houſe. No ſooner was the Devizes gained, but the ſame day colonel Pickering, with his own and two Regiments more, was commanded to Laicock-houſe, a garriſon of the Enemies, kept by col. Bovile; who conſidering, that neither Briſtol nor the Devizes were able to hold out againſt our force, did eaſily reſolve, that a Poore houſe was much leſſe able; (though in truth there were good works about it) accordingly therefore upon the firſt Summons, he came to conditions of ſurrender, and had honourable tearms granted him; upon which he marcht out the next day towards Exceſter, viz. himſelf, his Officers, and Souldiers, with their arms and baggage; the General himſelf adding to the ſolemnity by his own preſence, who went from the Devizes on purpoſe to view the garriſon, and ſee the Enemy march forth.

Barkley-Caſtle ſtormed by col. Rainsborough. The ſame day col. Rainsborough with his forces before Barkley-caſtle ſtormed the out-works and the Church, which were the main ſtrength of the caſtle, with Scaling-ladders, performing the ſervice with ſo much reſolution & gallantry (both Officers and Souldiers) as quickly made them maſters of the place; wherein were taken 90 priſoners, beſides 40 put to the ſword, amongſt whom were a Major and a Captain. This was ſuch a terror and diſcouragement unto the Enemy within the caſtle, to ſee the reſolution of our ſouldiers, and the execution done upon theirs in the Church and out-works, that the Governour, Sir Charles Lucas (who returned anſwer to the firſt Summons, That he would eat horſe-fleſh before he would yield, and mans fleſh when that was done: and upon a ſecond Summons ſent as peremptory an anſwer;) yet now perceiving the planting of our ordnance againſt him upon his own Works (which we had newly gained) whereby we had a great advantage to play into the caſtle; and ſenſible what he was to expect if he came not to preſent terms, was glad to ſound a Parley, which was yielded to, and Commiſsioners ſent out to treat, and the Caſtle was ſurrendred upon theſe Articles. Barkley-caſtle ſurrendred. The ſouldiers to march out without arms; the Governour, Sir Charler Lucas, with three horſes and arms, and not above 50. l. in money; every Field-officer with two horſes, and but 5. l. in money; Foot-captains with ſwords, but no horſe; the ſouldiers with not above 5 s. a piece.

This Caſtle was a place of great ſtrength, well victualled and manned; the Governour thereof Sir Charles Lucas, a ſouldier of reputation and valour, confident to hold it out againſt any force ſhould appear before it that Winter.

There were taken in it eleven pieces of Ordnance, proviſion of victuals for ſix moneths (afterwards ſold for a good value, for the uſe of the ſouldiery:) In this ſervice we loſt only one Captain, not many common ſouldiers (though many wounded:) colonel Herbert, as he valiantly led on his men to ſtorm, was ſhot through the Hat (narrowly eſcaping a greater danger:) there marched out of the caſtle above 500 Horſe and Foot: the County of Glouceſter not a little ſatisfied with the reducing of this Caſtle, being a totall clearing of their County.

How this high hand of God lifted up, and ſtretched forth againſt the Enemy, wrought upon them, I ſhall give you in ſome inſtances. A Lieut. col. of Sir Charles Lucas's, when he ſaw the garriſon was ſurrended, could not hold, but brake forth and ſwore to col. Rainsborough, He could be content to go to Hell, and be a Major there to plague the Roundheads; advancing in his helliſh Dialect in this latter ſpeech, but proportionable to his Eſſay in a former ſpeech after the firſt Summons, when he ſaid, God dam him he would go quick into hell, rather then yield the Caſtle to the Roundheads. Another of their Officers in the ſame caſtle ſaid to a captain of Horſe in our Army, He thought God was turned Roundhead, the Kings forces proſpered ſo ill.

Theſe ought to be the greater engagements upon us, to ſanctifie that name of God which he proclaimes amongſt us in theſe ſucceſſes: from whom elſe ſhall God have his glory?

CHAP. II.

The counſels whereby the Army ſteered their courſe imparted. The Reduction of Wincheſter.

A counſel of war (the forementioned garriſons reduced) adviſing of the next action. AND now came into conſideration, in what way for the advantage of the kingdoms ſervice, the Army ſhould be diſpoſed of, as to the enſuing Winter (it being then the latter end of September) the taking in of ſome of theſe garriſons of the Enemies, viz. Wincheſter, Baſing, Dennington, Farrington, and Wallingford, which together with Oxford, like Vipers in the bowels infeſted the midland parts, ſeemed with much reaſon to invite the Army (eſpecially being ſo neer them) to attempt them; which if, by Gods bleſsing, they ſhould happily ſucceed in, they might (to the beſt advantage) make their winter quarters about Oxford, whereby that garriſon being ſtraitned, would probably fall into their hands by the Spring, for want of proviſions. On the other hand, many a ſad look towards the Weſt (where the moſt conſiderable viſible ſtrength of the Enemy then was; which if let alone all winter, might poſsibly prove very formidable in the Spring, and in the mean while overpowering Major gen. Maſsies forces then about Taunton, might advance their quarters into the midland parts, and make all our new conqueſts unſerviceable to the Kingdom) did ſtrongly incline the Army that way; but that which moſt of all diſtracted them, was, that they were not able at once to graſp both the Weſt and Midland parts (as was their great ambition) yet reſolving to aſsay what they were able to both; Their reſolution. Lieutenant-General Cromwel was ſent with the forementioned Brigade, and three Regiments of horſe, for the taking in of the gariſons of Wincheſter and Baſing, which was the rather attempted, becauſe it conduced much to the abſolute freeing of a paſſage from London into the VVeſt, whither the General with the reſt of the army, according to a reſolution then taken, was immediately marching.

About this time was Farleigh caſtle in Somerſetſhire ſurrendred to the Parliament. And about the ſame time, Sandal caſtle in Yorkſhire was ſurrendred to col. Overton. Col. Rainsborough his work at Berkley-caſtle being done, was commanded to advance to the General, who reſolved to halt with his Forces about Warminſter, till he came up to him. Accordingly, Saturday, 27. the General marched to Warminſter with the Army, and there continued till Tueſday the 30. On which day the Army marched towards Shaftsbury, and were muſtered in their march; the General continuing ſtill at Warminſter, chooſing ſo to do, not only for the forementioned reaſon, but alſo till he might heare that the treaſure for the Army was at leaſt on the way from London, the Souldiers being ſo out of money, that they were all inforced to take free quarter, which they had not done till then. During his Excellencies abode at Warminſter, the good news of the Kings forc s being routed at Routon-Heath neer Weſt-Cheſter, by Major-General Pointz, was brought to the Army.

Wedneſday, Octob. 1. the Army marched to Middleton, and thence the next day to Dorcheſter, and thence, Saturday Octob. 4. to Beauminſter, where they reſted the Lords day, (only the Train that was in the Rear, marched that day up to the Van of the Army) and thence on Monday to Chard; About this time was Chepflow town and caſtle in Monmouthſhire reduced by Col. Morgan governour of Glouceſter. And on Wedneſday the 8. the General went to Lyme, where he was honourably entertained by the Governour, Col. C ely, and ſtayed there that night. It was wonderfull to think, conſidering the ſcituation of the place, & the meanneſſe of the Works about it, that it ſhould poſsibly hold out as it did, againſt ſuch a force as laid ſiege unto it.

This day paſsed not without bringing forth ſome good tidings to the Army; for news came this morning to the General, that Wincheſter was agreed to be ſurrendred to Lieutenant-General Cromwel: the Terms whereupon, and other particulars concerning the ſame, I ſhall preſent you withall in the words of the Lieut. Generals Letter, and Mr. Peters his Relation made to the Houſe of Commons. The Letter followes:

SIR,

Lieutenant-gen Cromwels Letter of the taking of Wincheſter. I came to Wincheſter on the Lords day, being the 28. of September, with Cololonel Pickering, commanding his own, Colonel Montagues, and Sir Hardreſſe Wallers regiments. After ſome diſpute with the Governour, we entred the Town; I ſummoned the Caſtle, was denied, whereupon we fell to prepare our Batteries, which we could not perfect (ſome of our Guns being out of order) untill Friday following. Our Battery was ſix guns, which being finiſhed, after once firing of them round, I ſent him a ſecond Summons for a Treaty, which they refuſed, whereupon we went on with our work, and made a breach in the wall neer the Black tower, which after about 200 ſhot, we thought ſtormable, and purpoſed on Monday morning to attempt it. On Sonday night about ten of the clock, the Governour beat a Parley, deſiring to treat: I agreed unto it, and ſent Col. Hamond, and Major Harriſon in to him, who agreed unto theſe incloſed Articles.

Sir, This is the addition of another mercy; You ſee, God is not weary in doing you good; I confeſſe, Sir, his favour to you is as viſible, when he comes by his power upon the hearts of his enemies, making them quit places of ſtrength to you, as when he gives courage to your Souldiers to attempt hard things. His goodneſſe is, in this, much to be acknowledged; for the Caſtle was well manned, with 680 Horſe and Foot, there being neer 200 Gentlemen, Officers and their ſervants; Well victualled, with 1500 weight of Cheeſe, very great ſtore of Wheat and Beere, neer 20 Barrels of Powder, 7 Peeces of Canon, the Works were exceeding good and ſtrong. It is very likely it would have coſt much blood to have gained it by ſtorm; we have not loſt 12 men. This is repeated to you, that God may have all the praiſe, for it is all his due.

Sir, I reſt, Your moſt humble ſervant, Oliver Cromwel.

Mr. Peters his Report made to the Houſe of Commons, containing ſome other particulars concerning Wincheſter.

Mr. Peters his relation of the taking of Wincheſter. My commands (from the Lieutenant-General) are to give this honourable Houſe a further Narrative of the Caſtle of VVincheſter, being upon the place, and a ſpectator of Gods good hand in the whole work; as alſo to preſent his humble requeſt to the Houſe in ſome particulars. And before I ſpeak to either of them, if Gratitude it ſelf were not ſometimes unſeaſonable, I would in my own name, and in the name of many thouſands, return this honourable Houſe moſt humble thanks for our Lieutenant-General, in that you ſuffer with patience the vacancie of his place in this Houſe: My wiſh is, that his ſpirit, and that publique Engliſh ſpirit of Hampden, Pym, and Strowd, may be doubled upon your new elected Members.

For our Lieutenant-General, this I may ſay: That Judgement and Affections are in him ſtriving for the maſtery: I have rarely ſeen ſuch heights, and depths concent in one man, That when I look upon the two Chiefs of our Army, I remember Guſtavus Adolphus, and Oxenſtern, and I wiſh that our hopes in theſe may not be ſo ſhortlived, as the Germans hopes in them were. More I might ſay concerning him that ſent me, who is ſo far above the world, and lives ſo little upon the States pay, and minds himſelf ſo little; but that he hath enjoyned ſilence to all his friends, in any thing that might turn to his own praiſe.

For the Caſtle of Wincheſter, we begun our Batteries upon Saturday morning, which wrought ſo effectually, that a breach, wherein 30 men might go abreſt, was made; the Enemy ſallied out, and beat our men from our guns, which were ſoon recovered again: We plaid then with our granadoes from our Mortar-peeces, with the beſt effect that I have ſeen, which brake down the Manſion houſe in many places, cut off a Commiſsioner of theirs by the thighs, the moſt auſtere and wretched Inſtrument in that country, and at laſt blew up their Flag of defiance into the aire, and tore the Pinacle in peeces upon which it ſtood.

Summons being ſent as we entred upon this work, was refuſed by the Lord Ogle their Governour: And another Summons God ſent them, in the middle of their Battery; his Lady, to whom our Lieutenant gen. had given leave to come forth, and had gone ſome miles out of the town, died, by whom the Governour had during her life 1000. l. a yeare, now loſt by her death.

The chiefeſt ſtreet of the Town the Enemy played upon, whereby divers paſſenge s were wounded, and ſome killed, in which ſtreet my quart rs were, I have that cauſe to bleſſe God for my preſervation.

The Lords day we ſpent in preaching and prayer, whilſt our gunners were battering, and at 8 a clock at night we received a Letter from the Governour for a treaty, which I have brought with me. Colonel Hammond, and Major Harriſon were ſent into the Caſtle on our party. Sir Edward Ford, and a Major of theirs were ſent to us; The whole night was ſpent about it, our men ſtanding upon ſome ſpeciall terms with them, and very deſirous were we to accept Sir Edward Ford, and Bennet, to be our priſoners. By eight of the clock on Monday morning, it was agreed they ſhould depart out of the Caſtle at five of the clock, according to theſe Articles.

Articles agreed upon, the 5. of October 1645. Between the Right honorable VVilliam Viſcount Ogle, governour of the garriſon of the Caſtle of VVinton, of the one part; and Col. Robert Hammond, and Major Thomas Harriſon, on the behalf of Lieutenant gen. Oliver Cromwel, of the other party, for the ſurrender of the ſaid Caſtle. 1. That the Lord Ogle ſhall deliver up the Caſtle of Wincheſter, with all the arms, ordnance, ammunition, proviſion, and all function of war whatſoever, without any imbezelment, waſte or ſpoile, unto that Officer or Officers as ſhall be thereunto appointed by the ſaid Lieutenant gen. to morrow, being Monday the 6. of October, by three of the clock after Noon. 2. That the ſaid Lord Ogle ſhall have his own Colours, and one hundred fixt Arms for his guard, and one hundred men to carry them. 3. That the Lord Ogle, and all the Officers in commiſsion, ſhall march out of the ſaid caſtle with their own horſe and arms, and their own proper goods unto Woodſtock, whither they ſhall be ſafely conveyed. 4.That there ſhall be allowed to the Lord Ogle and his Officers ſix carriages for the tranſporting of their goods aforeſaid. 5. That all Officers, Gentlemen, Clergie-men, and inhabitants of the city of Wincheſter, and all Officers within the guards (deſiring it) may be at their own time, free from all violence and injury of the Parliaments forces. 6. That the Lord Ogle ſhall give ſufficient hoſtages for the performance of the Articles here conſtituted on their part to be performed, alſo for the ſafe return of the Convoy.

Theſe Articles being concluded on, I was forth with ſent into the Caſtle to take a view of it before my departure, where I found a peece of ground improved to the beſt advantage; for when we were entred by battery, we had 6. diſtinct works, and a Draw-bridge to paſſe through, ſo that it was doubtleſſe a very ſtrong peece, and well appointed, as may appeare by this enſuing note of the ammunition and proviſions we found there.

Viz.

7 Peeces of Ordnance. 17 Barrels of Powder. 2000 Weight of Muſquet bullet. 800 Weight of Match. 38 Hogſheads of Beefe and Pork. 15000 Weight of Cheeſe. 800 Pound of Butter. 140 Quarters of Wheat and Meale. 3 Hogſheads of French wine. 10 Quarters of Salt. 20 Buſhel of Oatmeale. 70 Doſen of Candles. 30 Load of Wood. 40 Quarters of Charcoale. 30 Buſhels of Seacoale. 14 Sheep. 4 Quarters of Freſh beef. 7000 Weight of Biskets. 112 hogſheads of ſtrong beer.

The Caſtle was manned with 700 men, divers of them Reformadoes; the chief men I ſaw there, were, Viſcount Ogle their governour, Sir Iohn Pawlet an old ſouldier, Sir VVilliam Courtney, and Colonel Bennet, alſo Doctor Curle the Biſhop of Wincheſter, who came forth to our quarters in the morning, with whom I ſpent an houre or two, who with tears and much importunity deſired the Lieut. Generals favour to excuſe his not accepting the offer that he made unto him in his firſt entring the town; He deſired of me a guard to his lodging, leſt the Souldiers ſhould uſe violence to him and his Chaplain, who were in their long Gowns and Caſſocks, and he was accordingly ſafely conveyed home. I do verily believe that they will hardly bring to VVoodſtock 200 men. It did much affect us to ſee what an enemy we had to deal with, who themſelves being Judges, could not chooſe but ſay, that our God is not as their God. And this is the nineteenth garriſon ſon hath been taken this ſummer, through Gods goodneſſe; and he that will not take his ſhare in this common joy, is either ſtupid, or envious.

The fruits of what is already done, are great; amongſt the reſt, what I ſaw upon the way, all ſorts travelling upon their occaſions freely to their own homes, with Carriages and Wains, many Innes filled with gueſts, the former face of things returning upon us in ſeveral kinds; yea, now we may ride with ſafety from Dover to the middle of Devonſhire.

Lieutenant gen. Cromwel ſtayed but one day, after Sir VVilliam Ogle the governour of Wincheſter, and the reſt of the garriſon were marched out to Oxford, to ſettle that place; but immediately took his march towards Baſing, for the reducing thereof.

A remarkable piece of juſtice by way of ſatisfaction to the Enemy. Thus far Mr. Peters. But before I leave VVincheſter, I cannot but obſerve a remarkable peece of Juſtice done in ſatisfaction to the Enemy, for ſome injury they had ſuſtained at their marching forth of VVincheſter, by Plunder, contrary to the Articles, which was done by ſome Troopers; who being apprehended, were afterwards tried by a Councel of war, and condemned to die; and after lots caſt for their lives (being ſix of them) he whoſe lot it was to die, was brought to the place of execution, where with a demonſtration of great penitence (ſo far as the beholders did judge) he ſuffered death for his offence; which exemplary juſtice made a good impreſsion upon the Souldiery: The other five were ſent with a Convoy to Oxford, (together with a full account of this proceeding, to the Governour there, Sir Tho. Glemham) to be delivered over as priſoners, and to be put to death, or otherwiſe puniſhed as he ſhould think fit: Which was ſo well received by the Enemy (to ſee ſo much right was done them) that Sir Thomas Glemham returned the priſoners back again, with an acknowledgement of the Lieutenant-Generals Nobleneſſe, in being ſo tender in breach of Articles.

CHAP. III.

The ſeveral Motions and Actions of the Army unto Tiverton. The ſtorming and taking of Bazing-houſe fully related.

BUt now to return to his Excellency, who on Thurſday the ninth, came back from Lyme to Chard, where he received intelligence, that Goring intended to break through with his Horſe: whereupon a Letter was ſent to the Committees of the county of Somerſet, to have the countrey in a readineſſe to riſe (if occaſion ſhould be) for the making good of the Paſſes.

The General reſted at Chard, till the treaſure (ſo long expected) was come up thither, which was on Saturday the 11. and the Army was paid that night, having been ever ſince the taking of Briſtol without pay.

On Monday 13. The Army being paid, part of it advanced to Axminſter, on which day a Captain of the Lord Gorings came in to us with a Troop of Horſe, as alſo one Colonel Connocke, late Governour of Tiverton. But for this latter, the General underſtanding of his cruel carriage to the countrey (whileſt he was Governour of that place) in torturing people, by burning them with matches, and otherwiſe cruelly uſing both men and women (in ſuch manner as is not fit to be mentioned) he was required to depart the quarters of the Parliament, or to be proceeded againſt as a Spy.

Goring intending to break through, expected by our horſe. This day his Excellency had further intelligence by his Spies, That the Lord Goring intended to break through with the Horſe, or beat up our quarters that night; and that he had advanced moſt of them on this ſide the River Ex, for that end, (being himſelf at Poltimore with about 1500 horſe) whereupon Commiſſary-General Ireton gave ſtrict orders for the keeping of the guards, and alſo that all the horſemen that were in quarters ſhould have their horſes ready ſadled, in caſe there ſhould be an alarm: and our caution in this point was no more then needed; for this night, the Lord Goring, Lord Wentworth, Lord Miller, and moſt of their braveſt Cavalrie, came from their quarters neer Exceſter, & paſſed through Hunniton about 12 at night. and ſo came on to Black-Down, Goring by ſome advantage ſurpriſing our guards. and knowing the country well, by an obſcure and unuſuall way paſſed our Out-guards (the extreme darknes of the night favouring them) and got between the Main guard and our Quarters, and falling into ſome of the Dragoon and Foot quarters, took about 40 Foot, and 20 Dragoons, and returned immediately, fearing leſt the Army ſhould have taken the alarm; but ſo nimble were they in that action, that they were gone before the alarm was received.

Our Army lying in the field, to prevent the Enemy breaking through. Tueſday, the 14. The General and the Army marched from Chard to Hunniton, by the way of Axminſter; and that night, our Horſe, and much of the Foot lay in the field about Hunniton, leſt the Enemy ſhould break through (we preſsing ſo hard upon them) to joyn with the King, which was (in the opinion of the General, and all underſtanding men) the beſt game they had to play, and moſt diſadvantagious to our proceedings; as that, that would have enabled the King to make incurſions into the Eaſtern Aſſociation, and divert a great part of this Army, who deſired to compleat the ſervice of reducing the Weſt, before they returned. But the Enemy attempted it not that night; and had they not (upon advertiſement that our Forces were come to Hunniton) removed their quarters from St. Mary Autree, Poultimour (and thoſe parts) beyond the river Ex, (as they did) they had certainly been beaten up, (Parties being ſent out for that purpoſe.)

Our army advancing, and the Enemy giving way. Wedneſday, 15. The General and the Army marched from Hunniton to Colampton, where the Lord Miller was with 300 Dragoons, and ſome Horſe, who upon our approach quit their Barracadoes and the Town, left their Turn-pikes ſtanding; ſtrong Parties purſued them, and took ſome priſoners, who confeſſed their Party were gone towards Tiverton. Whereupon a Councel of war was that night called, Major gen. Maſſey ſent to beſiege Triverton-caſtle. and Major-General Maſſey was deſired to go with his Horſe, and the Brigade of Foot under the command of Colonel Welden, to poſſeſſe the Town of Tiverton, and beſiege the Caſtle, which accordingly he did.

About this time, Pr. Rupert and Maurice, as they were going from Banbury & thoſe parts (with a convoy of Banbury horſe) to the King at Newark (in the mood) to take their leave of him, were ſet upon by Col. Roſsiter, and ſore put to it. Thurſday, Octob. 16. There came in ſome Officers from the Enemy; a Lieutenant-colonel, and two Captains, who declared their unhappineſs to be engaged on that ſide, deſiring a Paſſe to go to the Lord Inchequine, to ſerve in Ireland againſt the Rebels.

The enemy quitting Broadnix, upon the approach of our army. The General went this day to Broadnix, where the Enemy kept a guard with a Commanded party of foot, and ſome horſe; but upon the approach of our forces, they quit the town, and the General returned back to Columpton, The enemies notorious brags to keep up their reputation, comming to nothing. where information was given by the Inhabitants of good repute, that the Enemy had boaſted the day before our comming into the town, That Goring had cut Fairfax in peeces neer Chard, and routed his whole Army; took drink upon it, and wiſhed it might be their poyſon, if it were not true. This courſe the Enemy took, to make their party believe they were great conquerours; whereas indeed what they did was very inconſiderable, and as to the reducing their affairs into any tolerable condition, ſcarce worth the mentioning. And on this occaſion may be noted (though it might be mentioned in a more fit place afterward) that this ſmall buſineſſe neer Chard was the only affront the Enemy put upon us during the Armies being in the Weſt of England; But with what iterated affronts our Forces have recompenced them in their quarters, the action at Bovy-Tracy, and divers other places hereafter mentioned, will manifeſt.

Friday, Octob. 17. A Councel of war was called for adviſe, whether to march towards Exceſter, and ſo towards Plimouth, or to take in Tiverton, in regard it lay upon a Paſſe, and might much annoy the Army to leave it behind them unreduced, or at leaſt unblockt up; and if once taken, might be a Magazine, and place of ſtrength and conveniency, encie, either to ſecure any thing in, or to retreat unto upon occaſion: Tiverton reſolved (upon a Councel of war) to be attempted. Memorand. That Col. Fryes regiment was (before this) ſent to ſecure Tiverton whilſt the Gen. marched Weſtward. whereupon it was reſolved to make it their work to take in that place, and the rather, to inforce Gorings horſe to keep to the other ſide of Ex; for the Army being once poſſeſsed of that Paſſe, would be the better able to keep the Enemy before them, from breaking through. The General with ſome forces marching to Tiverton Whereupon this day towards noon, the General marched towards Tiverton with a great part of the Army, leaving ſome Horſe and Foot at Broadnix, Silverton, and Columb-Iohn, within 4 miles of Exceſter, and accordingly as was deſired, it ſucceeded, in that the Enemy was inforced to draw all over Ex.

The relation of the ſtorming & taking of 〈◊〉 houſe by Lieut. gen. Cromwel. But before I proceed in this ſtory, I muſt give you a Relation of the taking of Baſing, a place of great concernment, and which had been a great annoyance unto the Country, and the City of London, in hindering Trade.

This buſineſs, as it was managed by Lieutenant gen. Cromwel, who in perſon Commanded in the reducing of that place, and Wincheſter, and managed the ſame with much prudence and reſolution; ſo I ſhall give you the particulars of the action, in the words of his own Letter, and Mr. Peters his Relation.

Lieutenant-General Cromwels Letter, to the Honourable William Lenthal Eſq Speaker to the honourable Houſe of Commons. SIR,

The Lieut. generals letter of that buſineſſe. I thank God I can give you a good accompt of Baſing. After our Batteries placed, we ſetled the ſeverall Poſts for the Storm: Colonel Dalbier was to be on the North ſide of the Houſe next the Grange, Colonel Pickering on his left hand, and Sir Hardreſſe Waller's, and Colonel Montague's Regiments, next him. We ſtormed this morning, after ſix of the clock; the ſignal for falling on, was, the firing four of our canon, which being done, our men fell on with great reſolution and cheerfulneſſe; we took the two Houſes without any conſiderable loſſe to our ſelves; Col. Pickering ſtormed the New houſe, paſſed through, and got the Gate of the Old Houſe; whereupon they ſummoned a Parley, which our men would not heare. In the mean time, Col. Montague's, and Sir Hardreſſe Wallers Regiments aſſaulted the ſtrongeſt Works, where the Enemy kept his Court of guard, which with great reſolution they recovered, beating the Enemy from a Whole-Culverin, and from that Work; which having done, they drew their Ladders after them, and got over another Work, and the Houſe-wall, before they could enter: In this, Sir Hardreſſe Waller performing his duty with honour and diligence, was ſhot on the Arm, but not dangerous; We have had little loſſe; Many of the Enemy our men put to the ſword, and ſome Officers of quality, moſt of the reſt we have priſoners, among which the Marquiſſe, and Sir Robert Peak, with divers other Officers, whom I have ordered to be ſent to you: we have taken about ten Peece of Ordnance, much Ammunition, and our Souldiers a good encouragement.

I humbly offer to have this Place ſlighted, for theſe reaſons: It will ask 800 men to man it, It is no Frontier, The Country is poor about it, The place exceedingly ruined by our Batteries and Mortar-peeces, and a Fire which fell upon the place ſince our taking it. If you pleaſe to take the garriſon of Farnham, ſome out of Chicheſter, and a good part of the Foot which were here under D'Albier, and make a ſtrong Quarter at Newbury, with three or four Troops of Horſe; I dare be confident, it would not only be a curb to Dennington, but a Security and Frontier to all theſe parts, and by lying there will make the Trade moſt ſecure between Briſtol and London, for all Carriages: And I believe, the Gentlemen of Suſſex and Hantſhire will with more cheerfulnes contribute to maintain a Garriſon on the Frontier, then in their bowels, which will have leſſe ſafety in it. Sir, I hope not to delay, but march towards the Weſt to morrow, and to be as diligent as I may in my Expedition thither. I muſt ſpeak my judgement to you, That if you intend to have your work carried on, Recruits of Foot muſt be had, and a courſe taken to pay your Army; elſe believe me, Sir, it may not be able to anſwer the work you have for it to do.

I intreated Col. Hamond to wait upon you, who was taken by a miſtake, whilſt we lay before this garriſon; whom God ſafely delivered to us, to our great joy, but to his loſſe of almoſt all he had, which the Enemy took from him.

The Lord grant that theſe mercies may be acknowledged with all thankfulneſſe; God exceedingly abounds in his goodneſſe to us, and will not be weary, untill Righteouſneſſe and Peace meet, and that He hath brought forth a glorious work for the happineſſe of this poor Kingdome. Wherein deſires to ſerve GOD, and You, with a faithfull heart,

Your moſt humble Servant, Oliver Cromwel. Baſingſtoak, Octob. 14. 1645.

Mr. Peters Relation to the Houſe of Commons, was as followeth.

Mr. Peters relation, ſupplying divers particulars. That he came into Baſing-houſe ſome time after the Storm, on Tueſday the 14. of October, 1645. and took a view firſt of the Works, which were many, the circumvallation being above a mile compaſs; the old houſe had ſtood (as it is reported) 2 or 300 years, a neſt of Idolatry, the New houſe ſurpaſsing that in beauty and ſtatelineſs, and either of them fit to make an Emperours court.

The Rooms, before the ſtorm (it ſeems) in both houſes, were all compleatly furniſhed, Proviſions for ſome years, rather then moneths; 400 quarters of Wheat, Bacon divers rooms full (containing hundreds of flitches) Cheeſe proportionable, with Oatmeal, Beef, Pork, Beer divers cellars full, and that very good.

A Bed in one room, furniſhed, that coſt 1300. l. Popiſh books many, with Copes, and ſuch Utenſils, that in truth the Houſe ſtood in its full pride, and the Enemy was perſwaded that it would be the laſt peece of ground that would be taken by the Parliament, becauſe they had ſo often foiled our Forces that had formerly appeared before it. In the ſeverall rooms, and about the houſe, there were ſlain 74. and only one woman, the daughter of Doctor Griffith, who by her railing provoked our Souldiers (then in heat) into a further paſsion. There lay dead upon the ground, Major Cuffle (a man of great account amongſt them, and a notorious Papiſt) ſlain by the hands of Major Harriſon; (that godly and gallant Gentleman) and Robinſon the Player, who a little before the Storm, was known to be mocking and ſcorning the Parliament, & our Army. Eight or nine Gentlewomen of rank, running forth together, were entertained by the Common ſouldiers ſomewhat courſly, yet not uncivilly, conſidering the action in hand; the plunder of the ſouldier continued till Tueſday night: one Souldier had 120 peeces in Gold for his ſhare, others Plate, others Jewels; amongſt the reſt, one got 3 bags of ſilver, which (he being not able to keep his own counſel) grew to be common pillage amongſt the reſt, and the fellow had but one half crown left for himſelf at laſt.

Alſo the Souldiers ſold the Wheat to Country people, which they held up at good rates a while, but afterwards the Market fell, and there was ſome abatements for haſte. After that they ſold the houſhold-ſtuffe, whereof there was good ſtore; and the Country loaded away many Carts, and continued a great while fetching out all manner of houſhold-ſtuffe, till they had fetched out all the Stools, Chairs, and other Lumber, all which they ſold to the Country people by peece-meale. In all theſe great houſes there was not one Iron bar left in al the windows (ſave only what was in the fire) before night. And the laſt work of all was the Lead, and by Thurſday morning they had hardly left one Gutter about the houſe. And what the Souldiers left, the Fire took hold on; which made more then ordinary haſte; leaving nothing but bare wals and chimnies in leſs then 20 houres, being occaſioned by the neglect of the Enemy, in quenching a Fire-ball of ours at firſt.

We know not how to give a juſt account of the number of perſons that were within; for we have not three hundred priſoners, and it may be an hundred ſlain, whoſe bodies (ſome being covered with rubbiſh) came not to our view; only riding to the houſe on Tueſday night, we heard divers crying in Vaults for quarter, but our men could neither come to them, nor they to us. But amongſt thoſe that we ſaw ſlain, one of their Officers lying on the ground, ſeeming ſo exceeding tall, was meaſured, and from his great toe to his crown was 9 foot in length.

The Marquis being preſſed by Mr. Peters arguing with him, broke out, and ſaid. That if the King had no more ground in England but Bazing-houſe, he would adventure as he did, and ſo maintain it to his uttermoſt, meaning with theſe Papiſts: comforting himſelf in this diſaſter, That Bazing-houſe was called Loyalty. But he was ſoon ſilenced in the queſtion concerning the King and Parliament, only hoping that the King might have a day again. And thus the Lord was pleaſed in a few hours to ſhew us what mortall ſeed all earthly glory grows upon, and how juſt and righteous the wayes of God are, who takes ſinners in their own ſnares, and lifteth up the heads of his diſpiſed people.

This is now the 20. garriſon that hath been taken in this Summer by this Army; and I believe moſt of them, the anſwer of the prayers and trophees of the faith of ſome of Gods ſervants. The Commander of this Brigade having ſpent much time with God in prayer the night before the ſtorm, and ſeldome fighting without ſome text of Scripture to ſupport him. This time he reſted upon that bleſsed Word of God, written in the 115 Pſal. v. 8. They that make them are like unto them, ſo is every one that truſteth in them; which, with ſome verſes going before was now accompliſhed.

Whereas the Houſe had ordered that the countrey people ſhould carry away thoſe buildings, God Almighty had decreed touching that beforehand, nothing remained but a blaſt of winde to blow down the tottering wals and chimnies: Doubtleſs this providence of God hath a double voice, the one unto the Enemy, and the other unto us; the Lord help us with skill to improve it. I hope by this time the State hath a penny-worth for a penny, and I hope they will have full meaſure and running over. I wiſh that the payment and recruiting of this Army may not be ſlighted: It is an eaſie matter to grieve God, in our neglects towards him; and not hard to weary one another. What if the poor Souldier had ſome remembrance, though ſmall, to leave as the acceptance of this ſervice, which is already begun by a Mr. Maynard. worthy Member of this Houſe, who hath appointed ſome Medals to be made of gold to be beſtowed upon thoſe that ventured on the greateſt difficulties.

Mr. Peters preſented the Marquiſſes own Colours, which he brought from Baſing, the Motto of which was, Donec pax reddit terris; The very ſame, King Charles gave upon his Coronation mony, when he came to the Crown.

But our onely GOD doth uſually temper ſuch pleaſant Cups unto us; for in the cloſe of this glorious victory, the Death of Major Bethel was brought unto us, ſhot at Briſtol; and tyred through want of ſleep, he is gone into the boſome of the Lord Ieſus, whom he loved ſo deerly whilſt he lived. I wiſh he may not go unlamented to his grave, who was ſo full of God, and the faireſt flower of the City amongſt us; Lived without Pride, and dyed full of Faith.

The ARMIES Teares over Major BETHEL. A copy of Verſes on the loſſe of Major Bethel. Thou gallant Charger, do'ſt thou wheele about To ſable ſhades? Or doſt thou rather poſt To Bethel, (Bethel) there to make a ſhout Of the great Triumphs of a ſcorned Hoſt? Or (bleſſed Soule) was it unworthy We, That made thee weary with ſuch Duſt to be? Or, tyred with our New reforming pace, Taſting ſome ſips of Heaven, do'ſt therefore haſte To fuller draughts of that Eternal grace, Fearing thy Spirit might be here imbrac'd? Farewell, deare Soule; thy great deſerv'd Arrears We'll pay in others Blood, or our own Tears. Only let all Ages, when they tell The unexampled tale of Forty five; Yea, when theſe Records to their glory ſwell, And be compleated by the Saints alive: When Naſeby, Langport, Briſtol nam'd they heare, Let them all ſay, Sweet Bethel, he was there. B eare a part in theſe Laments, E very Soul that longs for Peace; T ruly, who with GOD indents H ere to have thereof a Leaſe, E nters with himſelf a warre: L ean on things that truly are.
CHAP. IV.

The cheap reduction of Tiverton-Caſtle, by a ſtrange Providence. The ſurrender of Langford-Houſe.

BUt to return to my Story. The work of reducing Tiverton, cloſe followed. Saturday, Octob. 18. Much of the time was ſpent in raiſing of Batteries againſt Tiverton Church and Caſtle: The General, with Major gen. Maſſey, oftentimes that day viewed the Works, Caſtle and Church, for the ordering of the Batteries and Approaches. A Spy out of Tiverton caſtle taken. A Spie was this day from the caſtle let down in a rope; and being taken by our Guards, threw his Letter by the water ſide; but being threatned, diſcovered where the letter was; which being found (where he had thrown it) was read; it was directed to Sir Iohn Berkley Governour of Exceſter; it diſcovered the reſolution of Sir Gilbert Talbot, to hold out, but yet he deſired relief of Sir Iohn Berkley.

The ſtorming of Tiv rton reſolved on by a councel of war Lords day, Octob. 19. The General went early to ſee to the batteries, and the Ordinance being ready planted, a Councel of war was called, wherein it was agreed to ſtorm the Church, Caſtle and Works; The Storm prevented, and Tiverton gained by a wonderfull providence. and being in debate of the manner of the ſtorm (which was that afternoon to be put in execution) our Ordinance playing hard againſt the works and caſtle, the Chain of the Draw-bridge with a Round ſhot was broken in two, whereupon the bridge fell down, and our men immediately without ſtaying for Orders, poſſeſsed themſelves of the bridge, and entred the works, and poſſeſsed the Churchyard, which ſo terrified the Enemy, that it made them quit their Ordinance, and ſome of their Poſts and Line, and inſtantly fled into the church and caſtle; our men got over the reſt of the bulwarks and line, and purſued the enemy into the church and caſtle, where they cried out in a lamentable manner for quarter, our Souldiers crept in at the Churchwindows (they having made faſt the doors) and made all within priſoners, plundered them, and ſtript moſt of them to their ſhirts, yet gave them their lives. The Governour, who had formerly received a Summons, but peremptorily refuſed to hearken to any treaty of ſurrender (though he deſpaired of any relief) ſhut himſelf up into his chamber in the caſtle, and hung out a white flag for a Parley; but being now too late, it would not be hearkned to (ſuch was the fury of the Souldier) yet when they got into the caſtle, and came to the place where he was, they gave him fair quarter.

A notable inſtance of a righteous hand upon a falſe man. There was much Plunder found in the Caſtle (beſides proviſions) There was taken one Major Sadler, who formerly ſerved the Parliament, and ran to the Enemy, and had privately ſent and made overtures, what ſervice he would do, if he might be pardoned: but his offers were rejected, and he falling into our hands, was called to a Councel of war, and condemned to ſuffer death for his former treachery; who, to ſave his life, broke priſon (after he was condemned) and eſcaped to Exceſter, where he was (by his own ſide) called to a Councel of war, for endeavouring to betray their cauſe, after he had undertaken it; and was therefore adjudged to die, and ſuffered death accordingly: it being alleadged againſt him, that he treacherouſly quit his Poſts in the late ſervice of Tiverton. Beſides him, who eſcaped us, (but not Juſtice) there was taken priſoners in this place, Sir Gilbert Talbot (the Governour) 4 Majors, and about 200 more Officers and Souldiers.

Langford-houſe ſurrendred to Lieut. general Cromwel. This day intelligence came, That after Lieut. general Cromwel had taken Baſing, he immediately marched towards Langford-houſe (neer Salisbury) faced the ſame with part of his Brigade, ſent in a Summons; and that the Governour, upon the experience that Baſing and Wincheſter were not able to reſiſt the Force that was come againſt that place, (conceiving his condition deſperate) hearkned to a Treaty, and ſurrendred the place upon theſe enſuing Articles.

The Articles of Langford. 1. The Commanders in chief of the ſaid garriſon, to ſurrender the ſaid houſe and gariſon to the ſaid Lieutenant gen. Cromwel, on the morrow by twelve of the clock, being the 18. of October then inſtant. 2. All arms and ammunition in the ſaid garriſon, to be delivered to the uſe of the Parliament, without any imbezelling of them. 3. The Commanders in chief, to march away with horſe and arms, and the private Souldiers without arms to Oxford, within ten dayes, and to have a Troop of horſe for their guard the firſt day, and a Trumpet with a Paſſe the reſt of the way. 5. The reſt of the Gentlemen, not exceeding 14 more, to march with their ſwords and piſtols, and horſes, if they ſhould lawfully procure them. 6. The Commanders in chief, to have a Cart or Waggon allowed them, to carry their goods to Oxford. 7. If any Gentlemen of the ſaid garriſon had a deſire to go to any other garriſon or army of the Kings, to have Paſſes to that purpoſe. 8. The goods remaining in the ſaid garriſon, to be delivered to the ſeverall Owners thereof, upon demand, within two dayes next following the date hereof. 9. Lieut. col. Bowles and Major Frye to be left Hoſtages, untill theſe Articles ſhould be performed.
CHAP. V.

Exceſter ſtraitned in order to a Siege; with ſeverall Debates and Reſolutions thereabout.

THeſe 6 Garriſons, of the Devizes, Laicock-houſe, Baſing, Wincheſter, Langford, and Tiverton, (beſides Berkley-caſtle) being reduced ſince the taking of Briſtol, there was no garriſon in the way between Exceſter and London, to interrupt the paſſage, ſo that a ſingle man might travel without any fear of the Enemy, (all the obſtructing garriſons being cleered) except Corf-caſtle neer the Sea-coaſts, (which yet was ſecurely blockt up by the Governour of Poole, and Col. Pickerings Regiment, ſent thither for that purpoſe.)

A Councel of war called. Monday, Octob. 20. The General and the whole Army marched to Silverton and the parts thereabouts (within five or ſix miles of Exceſter) where a Councel of war was called to conſult what was fit next to be done, whether to advance further Weſt (before Exceſter was reduced) or to march up to the Enemy, and relieve Plymouth. After a long and ſerious debate, it was held fit, in regard of the ſeaſon of the yeare (winter being comming on) and the Souldier already very ſickly, and much wearied out by their continuall marches and hard duties; Exceſter reſolved to be ſtraitned. rather to make it their work to ſtraiten Exceſter, then to march further Weſt for the preſent, and to leave ſo conſiderable a garriſon upon their backs, wherein were 1000. horſe at that inſtant, beſides 4000. Foot, that might annoy the Eaſtern parts of the Country, as well as the Army in the Rear, if they advanced further. This reſolution was not ſo acceptable to the Gentlemen of thoſe parts, (who would fain have had the Army advance further into the Weſt) and deſirous enough was the General to comply with them; but his judgement did not lead him to it at this time, for the reaſons before mentioned. Wherefore Tueſday 21 Octob. the General went in perſon with a ſmall party to Stoake, and ſo on towards Exceſter, till he came within leſſe then a mile of the town, viewed that part of the city, and returned back that night to Silverton. A counſel of war was againe called, wherein it was concluded, that one part of the Army ſhould march over Ex, by the way of Tharverton, and the other to Stoake-bridge, and parts thereabouts.

Wedneſday, October 22. the General with a great part of the Army marched to Newton Siers, with an intention to have gone that night to Affington; but the wayes being narrow, and the dayes ſhort; was inforced to take up their quarter that night at Newton Siers, where his Excellency received intelligence that Goring went the night before from Exceſter towards Okehampton, with the greateſt part of the thouſand horſe before mentioned.

Thurſday October 23. the Army marched early from Newton Siers to a Rendezvouz, at the Beacon, within three miles of Exceſter, with intention to go to Affington that night: but ſuch was the extremity of wet and unſeaſonable weather (which it pleaſed God to ſend) that in a few hours rain the wayes proved unpaſſable for our carriages; beſides that, the narrowneſs of the wayes (however repreſented by ſome Gentlemen of the countrey with the Army) was found upon conferring with others, to be ſuch, as was altogether incomplyant with the Armies march, and would neceſsitate them to go many miles about; whereby it was not poſsible in any ſeaſonable time to get to Affington that night. Whereupon unexpectedly the Head-quarters were appointed that night to be at Crediton, ſome ſix miles from Exceſter, where ſeveral of the Enemies horſe came in to his Excellency; informing him that Goring was gone from Okehampton towards Taveſtock.

Friday October 24. the Army reſted at Crediton (horſe and man being much wearied out with the extreame wet weather, and their carriages broken) a counſel of war was called, whether it was fit to purſue the former reſolution of ſtraitning Exceſter on both ſides. Whileſt the buſineſs was in debate, Lieutenant-general Cromwel happily came in; and the forces that were ſent under his command to Baſing and Wincheſter, were by that time come to Hunniton.

The good news of Digby and Langdale routed at Sherborn. This night the Army received the good news of the Lord Digbies and Langdales being routed at Sherborne. The ſum whereof was, that the Lord Digby and Sir Marmaduke Langdale, marching from Newark, by the Kings appointment, with ſome 1600 horſe, to joyn with Montroſſe in Yorkſhire: As they paſſed by Doncaſter, and ſo onwards, they beat up our quarters in ſeveral places, and near Sherborn took 800 of our men (that drew out there to oppoſe them) laying their Arms on a great heap in the ſtreet of Sherborn, till they could get carriages to carry them away: but before they were ſo provided, Colonel Copley, Col. Lilborne, and other Commanders of Yorkſhire, marching with all ſpeed, came upon them, and routed them; recovered all our arms and men, took 400 of their men, 600 horſe, many Commanders and perſons of quality; ſlew 40. amongſt whom were Sir Francis Carnaby, and Sir Richard Hutton; took Digbies Coach, and therein many Letters and papers of great conſequence, divers colours, with much rich pillage.

A councel of war called. The ſubject of the debate. Saturday, October 25. the buſineſs that was in debate the day before at a counſel of war, was reaſſumed, and after much diſpute, it was reſolved, to march back with all our forces, on the Eaſt of Ex, to poſseſs Topſham, and ſettle ſtrong quarters on that ſide, before they advanced any further Weſt to relieve Plymouth. Not, but that the General and his Officers had that place much in their thoughts, but conceived it not fit to attempt it at this ſeaſon.

The Reaſons of the reſolution. The reaſons inducing to this reſolution, were chiefly theſe, That nothing could be of that concernment, nor ſo conducing to the advantage of the Kingdom, as the preſerving of this Army in an entire and healthful ſtate, for the future ſervice thereof. And ſuch was the ſickly ſtate of the Army at this time, as called rather for ſome relaxation, then ſuch extream hard duty, as the relief of Plymouth would have put them upon, eſpecially if they ſhould have ſtaid by it to make it good when they had done. Only to march thither and relieve the Town which (the Enemy had blockt up by divers regular and ſtrong forts, well manned and furniſhed) was ſuch an enterprize, as certainly required a more ſtrong and healthy ſtate of the Army. And when the Army had done this, ſhould they have come back again for winter-quarters? The Enemy ſo eaſily raiſed, might as quickly have ſat down again, and ſo the relief of Plymouth would not have been one jot advanced. Or ſhould the Army have taken up their winter-quarters in an Enemies countrey? (ſurrounded with ſtrong garriſons both before and behinde them, beſides a potent Enemy in the field, judged (upon the beſt intelligence) to be equall, if not ſuperiour to them in number of horſe) it is equally evident to what an eminent hazard the Army muſt have been expoſed thereby. And what need was there to put that toile upon the Army? when his Excellency and the counſel of war well underſtood (though much was ſuggeſted to the contrary) that ſuch was the condition of Plymouth, that they wanted not either men, ammunition or victuals, (having received plentiful proviſions ſent them by ſea) only were impatient to be ſet at liberty for trade.

This day a party of horſe was ſent out towards Okehampton, to diſcover where the Enemy was gone, who returned with intelligence, that Taveſtock was their head-quarters.

Lords-day Octob. 26. the General in purſuance of the reſolution for Topſham (after the forenoon Sermon at Crediton) marched with the Army back to Silverton; Some Regiments advancing to Topſham. two Regiments went to Stoake, and thoſe two Regiments that were at Stoake advanced that day to Topſham, and three Regiments of horſe with them. This day intelligence came of the taking of Carmarthen by Major-General Laughorne; the gaining of which town proved the reducing of that County; and that Major-general Laughorne had treaty concerning the aſſociating of three Counties more, and had brought the ſame to good perfection.

Monday October 27. the General and Army reached Topſham; and that night the Enemy fired the houſes in the Suburbs of Exceſter, to the number of about 80. which ſent many out of the city, complaining of the cruelty of the Enemy: guards were kept that night within two miles of the city.

A counſel of war called. The ſubject of the debate. Tueſday October 28. a counſel of war was called to adviſe whether to put over forces (on the other ſide the river Ex) to Affington, and to make a bridge over at Topſham, the better to hold a mutual correſpondency between both ſides, and what forces ſhould be ſent thither: The reſolution and reaſons of it. great diſpute was about the ſame, but at laſt it was reſolved (though much againſt the minde of thoſe Gentlemen, whoſe ſufferings made them earneſtly deſire a ſiege on both ſides) to wave the putting over of forces to the other ſide, and the making of a bridge, which (as appeared) would be extreamly difficult; and firſt to ſecure all on the Eaſt of Ex, before ſuch time as they poſſeſt any quarters on the other ſide; for to divide the Army at that ſeaſon of the year (to lye near ſo great a garriſon upon duty when already a ſickneſs was amongſt our ſouldiers) was in the opinion of the General and the reſt of the Commanders apprehended likely to ruine the Army; Towards the latter end of this moneth of Octob. was Shelford-houſe, (not far from Newark) ſtormed and taken by Major Gen. Pointz. and therefore it was reſolved to make ſeveral garriſons, firſt on the Eaſt ſide of Ex (along the Clyſſes river within three miles of Exceſter) which being once finiſhed, a few men might keep them, and hinder proviſions from going into the city, and the whole Army might thereby be at liberty to go on the other ſide to do the like afterwards: neither could the Bridge have been defended, had it been made, with leſſe then 2000 men that muſt have quartered at Topſham, and gone near a mile to do duty at both ends of the Bridge (beſides thoſe other little bridges that muſt have been made upon the watery places beyond the river) wch would have been ſuch a duty in the winter time (eſpecially where the Enemy could not be hindred of his choice, with a great force to fall upon the one ſide, or the other, which he pleaſed) as might have hazarded our forces. Accordingly, Biſhops-clyſſe, Poultimore, and Stoak were pitcht upon to be made garriſons. Sir Iohn Bampfield, a worthy Member of the Houſe of Commons, firſt giving his conſent that his houſe in Poultimore might be made a garriſon, in regard it was ſo much for the ſervice in hand, in the reducing of Exceſter. An Engineer was ſent to Biſhops-cliſſe to draw a Line for fortifications about Bedford-houſe. The Lyme-Regiment had the charge of theſe two garriſons, and Col. Hamonds Regiment was to ſecure and fortifie Stoake.

Wedneſday, 29. It was debated where the head-quarter ſhould be this winter, whilſt the Army ſtayed on the Eaſt ſide, whether at Topſham, or not? and upon debate, it was held fit to wave making Topſham a quarter at all, and that upon the ſame reaſon that moved the General to decline the making a Bridge, and putting over Forces on the other ſide: therefore upon this reſolution (waving Topſham) the General having viewed the Fort at Exmouth, (which ſtands upon the ſands, and commands the paſſage at the mouth of the River) ſends away the Train of Artillery towards St. Mary Autree, and followes after himſelf, reſolving to refreſh his Army, who never ſtood in more need of it, by laying them in the beſt and moſt convenient quarters he could.

This day his Excellencie heard from Captain Moulton, of the taking of Monmouth (a conſiderable garriſon) and towards evening, received intelligence by our Spies, that Gorings horſe, being near 5000. were come into the South-Hams, quartering at Totneſſe, Newton-buſhel, and as neer as Chidley, (the Hams being the only plentifull and unharaſſed part of Devonſhire.) As alſo, that Greenvile was come with ſome freſh Foot out of Cornwal, to Okehampton.

A letter to his Excellency, from the Pr. of Wales his Highneſſe. At Autree, a Trumpeter came to his Excellency from his Highneſſe Prince Charles, with a Letter, deſiring a Paſſe for the Lord Hopton, and Lord Culpepper to go to the King, upon a deſigne of a mediation of Peace between the King and both Houſes of Parliament; The ſcope of it. which being a matter of great concernment, the conſideration thereof was put off to the next day, when the Trumpeter was returned with a Letter from the General to the Prince; intimating, The ſumme of his Excellencies anſwer. That it was no wayes proper for the General to intermeddle with any Propoſitions touching an accommodation between His Majeſty and the Parliament. And therefore had ſent his Letter to the Parliament, from whom his Highneſs muſt expect an anſwer.

The Parliament acknowledging their General. In the interim, a fair Jewel, ſet with rich Diamonds of very great value, was preſented unto the General, by Mr. Aſh, and ſome other Members of Parliament, in the name of both Houſes, as a ſignal of that great honour which God had done him, in the great ſervice which by Gods aſsiſtance he performed for this Kingdome at Naſeby-Battel; and according to the commands of the Parliament, they tyed it in a blue Ribband, and put it about his neck.

The happy news of a ſecond defeat of Digby briefly inſerted. About this time arrived at the Army certain intelligence of a ſecond defeat given the Lord Digby, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale; who, by killing of an hundred men, and the taking of 200 horſe and many priſoners, among whom divers Commanders, by Sir Iohn Brown, were reduced to ſo much leſſer number; And were yet further extenuated, as they fled towards Beeſton-caſtle, by Colonel Brigs, who took 200 more of them: About this time alſo were the ſeverall garriſons of Worton Wiverton, and Welbeck ſurrendred to valiant, and active Major gen Poyntz. And yet farther, for the eaſe of the Ferry-boat that carried Digby to the Iſle of Man, reduced to the number of 20. (beſides ſome few Great ones that eſcaped with him) by Major-general Vandrusk, who took 180. of them flying through Weſtmerland. And here is the end of 1600 of the Kings prime horſe.

And with this came another peece, of the Enemies being routed, Nevemb. 1. by Lieut. colonel Iones, and Adjutant Louthian, where were above 100. ſlain, and about 400. taken priſoners, among whom divers perſons of quality; few of ours wounded, ſcarce any ſlain.

CHAP. VI.

Severall paſſages between the Prince, and his Excellency; and between his Excellency, and Goring. Concerning Pouldrum. The Enemies preparations to relieve Exceſter; and Ours to meet them, &c.

An overture of a meeting made to his Excellency, from the Lord Goring, Sir Iohn Berkley, and others. MOreover, during the Armies ſtay at Autree, the General was acquainted by a Perſon of credit, with a deſire of the Lord Goring, Sir Iohn Berkley, and others, to give his Excellencie a meeting: which was taken into conſideration; and after conſultation with the Members of Parliament then preſent, and divers Officers, the General the next day thus expreſſed himſelf to the Gentlemen that had ſignified the former deſire; His Excellencies anſwer That if any thing came in writing from the Lord Goring, or Sir Iohn Berkley, to the aforeſaid purpoſe, he would afford a meeting. Upon this intimation, the next day came a Trumpeter from the Lord Goring, with a Letter to the General in theſe words:

SIR,

A letter from Goring thereupon. I have underſtood by a Perſon of honour and quality, of your readines to have a meeting with ſome of the Generall Officers of both Armies, and ſome others; wherein there will be a neceſsity of ſetling ſome circumſtances, for the avoiding of all miſtakes. I have inſtructed Colonel Scroop, and Colonel Philips, in the particulars thereof; and therefore ſhall deſire that you will be pleaſed to grant them a Safe-conduct for themſelves and two ſervants, to go to your Quarters, and return.

Your humble ſervant, Geo. Goring. Exceſter, Novemb. 12. 1645.

His Excellency adviſing thereupon. This did put both the Officers, and Members of Parliament there, upon ſerious deliberation afreſh; and in iſſue, this anſwer was returned by the General:

My Lord,

The anſwer his Excellency returned. According to your Lordſhips deſire, I have ſent you herewith a Safe-conduct for Colonel Scroop and Colonel Philips to come to my head-quarter, where I ſhall be ready to receive them to morrow. I am,

Your Lordſhips humble ſervant, Tho: Fairfax.

The reaſons of his Excelcies entertaining the motion. One main and principal reaſon inducing his Excellency (and approved by thoſe he conſulted with) to grant the Safe-conduct, was, For that it might likely increaſe the diſcontent (or jealouſie at leaſt) between Grenvile, and the Lord Gorings faction, if it were noyſed that Goring came out to treat, without the privity of Grenvile, For, any better effect of the Treaty was not expected, His Excellencie underſtanding privately, that which they intended to offer, was in ſuch a nature as was not proper for the Army to meddle with.

Col. Scroop and Col. Philips, upon this Safe-conduct, the next day came to the head-quarter at Autree; but comming ſomewhat late, had not acceſſe that night to the General, but were entertained by ſome of the Colonels of the Army untill the next day, when they were preſented to the General, who (before ſuch time as they began to ſay any thing of their errand to him) declared himſelf to them, to this effect: The effect of the meeting. That if they had any thing to ſay concerning the ſurrender of Exceſter, or the disbanding of Armies, or any thing elſe which was belonging to the General as a Souldier to take notice of, he would hear them, otherwiſe he could not. And this was no more then was intimated unto them, before they came by Com. gen. Treton, Col. Pickering, and the Judge-Advocate: whereupon they anſwered, That the Inſtructions that they had, were in order to a general Peace: To which was replied, That that was proper to the cogniſance of the Parliament; therefore the General, as a Souldier, (and the Parliaments ſervant) without their leave, would not ſay any thing to it. Whereupon the next day they returned back unto Exceſter, much unſatisfied. The General eaſily perceiving the drift of their intentions was, To have had both Armies engage themſelves to force both King and Parliament to Conditions.

His Excellencie acquainting the Parliament with the whole proceeding. And no ſooner did the General ſatisfie himſelf in the ſcope of theſe Overtures from the Prince, and the Lord Goring; but, by an Expreſſe ſent up to the Parliament, and the Committee of both Kingdoms, he was moſt carefull to give them an account thereof, and how he had entertained the ſame; which it ſeems was but needfull, This Army not wanting enemies every where, to give an ill repreſentation of their actions.

But to return from whence I have digreſsed. From Saturday Novemb. 15. to Tueſday Decemb. 2. the General continued at Autree, riding about ſometimes, to ſee the finiſhing of the Works at Broad-cliſſe and Poultimore, and diſpoſing of the quarters for the Foot, who were ſick in moſt places, there dying of Souldiers and Inhabitants in the Town of Autree, 7, 8, and 9, a day, for ſeverall weeks together, inſomuch that it was not held ſafe for the head-quarter to be continued there any longer. Col. Pickering, that pious, active Gentleman, that lived ſo much to God, and his Country, and divers other Officers, dyed of the New diſeaſe in that place; Six of the Generals own family were ſick of it at one time, and throughout the Foot regiments half the Souldiers: The Army unworthily cenſured by ſome. yet notwithſtanding, at this very time did the Army undergo very hard cenſures by ſome, for not being in action. But ſo long as Conſcience and Judgement was ſatisfied, that if the ſeaſon of the year, and the abilities of Mens bodies would have admitted a March, it ſhould have been moſt willingly imbraced; and that it was only the Divine providence that had awarded otherwiſe: The Army had the leſs cauſe to take notice of other mens opinions, eſpecially when the Parliament had (by Vote) left the General at liberty to diſpoſe of his Army as he ſhould ſee cauſe.

But whoſoever would have me proceed in my ſtory, muſt give me leave firſt to weep a while this ſorrowfull Verſe, over deer Colonel Pickerings Hearſe.

Anagr. IOHANNES PICKERING. IN God I RECKON HAPINES. Vain all our profer'd Ranſoms are, There's no diſcharge in the Graves war: Well (i) Proffered ranfomes. They may ſhew, yet they cannot, What a brave Captive Death hath got. Only, t'amuſe our diſcontent, (For Paſsion kils, that has no vent:) Might thy wiſht preſence find excuſe, (Of whom we made too little uſe) Wee'ld ask, (ſwift Poſter) whoſe He had done the Kingdome great ſervice, by riding between England and Scotlan̄d before theſe troubles. great haſte Was ne'r before the Kingdoms waſte:) Why poſts thou from's? Becauſe we The Army reſted then ſome time at Auirce. reſt, Which ſuited not thy active breſt? Did that Antiperiſtaſis Fire thy fine Spirits to thy bliſſe? Muſt thou be ſcaling Heaven alone, For want of other action? Would thou hadſt took that leiſure-time, To viſit ſome reſponſal-Clime. Or, muſt hard The Army was unworthily cenſured at that time, as is obſerved before in the Story. Cenſures, (voyd of love) Be expiate by thy remove? Or, Covetous, couldſt thou not ſtay For wages, till the end o'th day? Or could no vantage mend thy He was a little man, but of a great courage. ſtature, (To ſee our triumphs) under Nature (i) the Heavens. Nature? But 'tis in vain to ravel more, W have nothing but thy Name t'adore: That Oracle gives the beſt gueſſe, Wherein we heare thee thus profeſſe, IN God I RECKON HAPINES.

The Enemy was much encouraged by the ſickneſs of our Army, and was confident (as by their Letters which afterwards were intercepted, did appear) it had in a great meaſure weakned, and would conſume the Army to nothing: whereupon they were much animated to raiſe new Forces under the command of his Highneſs Prince Charles (the Lord Goring having ſome few dayes before taken ſhipping at Dartmouth for France, to fetch over ſome freſh forces againſt the Spring, leaving the command of his Horſe, in his abſence, to the Lord Wentworth) The Prince raiſing Cornwal & Devon. and to that purpoſe ſent out Proclamations for the Counties of Cornwal and Devon, to riſe in arms, and to go in perſon with the Prince, for that his Highneſs was reſolved to march in perſon upon the head of them, making no queſtion (as by their Letters we did underſtand) to make our Forces riſe from the Eaſt ſide Exceſter, and inforce our Retreat. And indeed, his Excellencie had certain intelligence, that the Enemy had an Army very conſiderable, having drawn ſeverall Foot and Horſe from their quarters before Plimouth, whereunto they received ſome addition in Foot from Dartmouth & Barnſtable, which with the conſiderable Recruits of Foot that Greenvile, with moſt extrem and induſtrious cruelty had raiſed and brought out of Cornwall, did make a body of nine or ten thouſand horſe and foot, then quartering about Taveſtock, and upon the edge of Cornwall, and alſo at Okehampton, where were 2000. of their foot (beſides horſe) commanded by Sir Richard Greenvile.

Yet a few dayes the Generall continued at Autree, but reſolved forthwith to remove (in regard the diſeaſe increaſed ſo faſt) to Tiverton, which place was agreed on to be an head-quarter, which reſolution was actuated on Saturday, the Generall having firſt received intelligence from Captain Farmer, of a Bark loaden with commodities of good value, going for France, from Exceſter, taken by him between Topſham and the Fort.

A councell of War called. Lords-day December 7. A councell of War was called, where it was propounded; that in regard the garriſons of Nutwell, Broad-Cliſſe, Poultimore, and Stoak, were now made tenable againſt any ſuddaine aſſault of the Enemy, and poſſeſſed by the forces of Lyme, ſome foot of Major-Gen. Maſsies, and ſome new raiſed Regiments of the County, whereby Exceſter was perfectly ſtraightened upon the Eaſt ſide, (being by thoſe garriſons made incapable, either to annoy the country, or relieve themſelves on this ſide,) and in regard that now it would be convenient to remove our foot beyond the river, in order both to the ſtraightening of Exceſter on that ſide, and to the hindering the Enemies recruting of his forces, which at this inſtant he was ſtrongly indeavouring; The Propoſition and reſult. that ſome Regiments ſhould be ſent to Crediton, a place that ſtood in a good aire, which likely would much conduce to the health of our ſouldiers, and lay conveniently for a ſtrong quarter upon the Weſt ſide of the river: Some forces ſent under Sir Hardreſſe Waller to poſſeſſe Crediton; and the blocking up of Exceſter on that ſide the River, committed to him. which force was ſent under the command of Sir Hardreſſe Waller, a Gentleman faithfull, and well able and ready to undergo that charge; but leſt the Enemy upon the advance of our foot thither, ſhould fire the towne (as they had often threatened) a party of Horſe and Dragoones were ſent all night to get poſſeſsion of the town, till the foot could get up to them. Some Dragoons ſent to poſſeſſe Crediton before hand. The next morning being Munday December 8. the Dragoones were there by day break, but by reaſon of the extremity of the weather, the foot could not get to Crediton till-Tueſday December 9. on which day the Horſe and Dragoons gave them poſſeſsion of the town; which within two or three dayes after, became the more uſefull to us, by the Generals going thither to order a deſigne in hand againſt Pouldrum Houſe, by water and land; which being on Friday December 12. was immediately put in execucion, only one day intervening; which brought intelligence of the taking of Latham-houſe, in Lancaſhire, with eight pieces of Ordnance, ſix murthering pieces, five hundred Arms, and proportionable Ammunition: As alſo of the Kings Propoſitions to the Parliament for peace, and of his Letter at the ſame time to Prince Rupert againſt peace.

A deſign upon Pouldrum-houſe. The deſign againſt Pouldrum-houſe was this, and thus carryed, Lords-day December 14. nine of the clock at night, Captain Deane (the Comptroller of the Ordnance) was commanded over Ex with 200 foot and dragoons, to poſſeſſe Pouldrum-Caſtle, but the enemy had ſome few houres before got 150 men into it, unto thoſe that were there before, which our men not diſcovering before they had landed, would not return without attempting ſomething; the Church at Pouldrum (being not far diſtant from the Caſtle) they reſolved to poſſeſſe, and make the beſt of it, and accordingly did ſo, and the next morning they got proviſions from Nutwell-houſe unto them into the Church, and began to fortifie the ſame; the enemy at Exceſter much ſtartled hereat, fearing the Caſtle would be loſt, as well as the River blockt up by the fortifying of this Church; Our party in Pouldrum-Church acquitting themſelves gallantly. ſent therefore on Monday the fifteenth, a party of five hundred foot, who joyning with two hundred from the Caſtle, aſſaulted our men about ſeven at night, threw in many hand granadoes amongſt them, and ſo continued ſtorming till ten, but were beaten off with much loſſe, leaving their dead on the place, and carrying with them many wounded, as appeared by the Snow, that was much ſtained with their blood as they retreated.

In this ſervice Captain Farmer (Captain of Dragoones) commanded our men; who as they were beyond expectation happy in their ſucceſſe, (not one man being loſt in the ſtorme) ſo they were reſolved to continue in their duty; About this time was Hereford ſurprized and taken by a moſt gallant ſtratagem. and notwithſtanding the extremity of the cold, by reaſon of the great froſt and ſnow, and want of all meanes to reſiſt or qualifie the ſame in the church; having no firing there, they would not quit the ſame till they received orders ſo to doe: which hard ſervice (hard in every reſpect) although they were not immediately diſcharged of; yet the next day, Sir Hardreſſe Waller marched from Crediton with a ſtrong party to Exminſter to alarm the Enemy, that he might not make a ſecond attempt upon them, till they had fortified the place, or were recalled; which action of Sir Hardreſſe Waller took that effect as was deſired: the Enemy being ſo amazed, that they durſt not march out that day, as they had purpoſed, to attempt the church again, leſt our men ſhould get between them and home; and God having bleſsed the meanes to their preſervation hitherto: The Generals noble care to bring them off. The Generall conſidering further the bitter coldneſs of the weather, and the hardneſs of the duty they would neceſsarily be put unto, if they ſhould make good the church; ſent orders to them to draw off, which that they might do with the more ſafety; two Regiments were appointed to draw downe, and alarm the Enemy on that ſide Exceſter, while they made good their retreat over the River; by meanes whereof on Wedneſday December 17. The Comptroller, and Captain Farmer brought off the men very ſafe, with their armes and ammunition; the Enemy making no ſally out of the Caſtle upon them, though otherwiſe they had a faire opportunity to have fallen on them. And theſe ſouldiers thus happily delivered, and thus honorably come off, were rewarded with proportions out of the prize, taken by Captain Farmer below Apſham, at the Generals command.

More force ſent to Sir Hardreſſe Waller to Crediton. But the Enemy drawing more force to Okehampton, two Regiments more were ſent to Crediton, December 18. to aſsiſt thoſe that were placed there before; Col. Okey annoying the enemy at the Lord Chicheſters houſe. the ſame day Col. Okey with a party of Dragoones fell upon the Enemy at the Lord Chicheſters houſe, took a Captaine, 12. priſoners, 19. horſes, and returned back to his new formed garriſon at Fulford Houſe, without the loſſe of a man. Mr. Davis his houſe at Canon-teene garriſoned for the Parliam.. Alſo information being given that the houſe of one Mr. Davis at Cannon-Teen, (being within four miles of Exceſter) ſtood convenient for a garriſon, and might beare an uſefull proportion towards the blocking up of Exceſter, and hindering of proviſion from the Southams; ſome more of Col. Okeys Dragoones were ordered thither to poſseſſe the ſame, who accordingly went and fulfilled their orders, December 21. and were no longer in the houſe, Aſſaulted by the enemy. but Munday December 22. in the morning, the Enemy ſent a force againſt it, who ſtormed the houſe, burnt the out-houſes; The Enemy repelled. yet Captaine Woggan who commanded the Dragoones, behaved himſelfe ſo gallantly, that he beat the Enemy off, killed four, deſperately wounded a Lieutenant-Colonel, and took divers priſoners.

Severall Intelligence of the Enemies preparations to releive Exceſter. Tueſday, Dec. 32. His Excellency had intelligence of the Enemies intention to march with their Army to relieve Exceſter; and of their preparation of proviſions to that end.

Decemb. 25. or thereabouts, his Excellency had animadverſion from the Committee of both Kingdoms, of incurſions made by the Kings horſe from Oxford into the adjacent parts, doing much miſchiefe thereby; whereupon the Regiment of Colonel Rainsborough (then before Corfe-Caſtle) was commanded to march from thence to Abingdon, and Col. Fleetwood with the Generals, his owne, and Col. Whaleys Regiments, and ſix troopes of Dragoones was ſent alſo to lye about Iſlip, to attend the motion of the Kings horſe, and guard the Aſſociated counties, as alſo in relation to the ſtraightening of Oxford.

Fryday December 26. The Generall had advertiſement from Plymouth, of the Enemies actuating their intentions, advancing in a great body towards the releife of Exceſter, (as they conceived) which Intelligence was alſo confirmed by ſeveral of our Spies: The Army reſolved to be in readineſſe to receive the Enemy. whereupon a Councel of war was called, wherein it was adjudged expedient to be in a fighting poſture, to receive them, if they advanced; and accordingly ſuch reſolution was taken up; to which they ſaw the more cauſe to adhere, by another Spie which came to them the next day with tidings to the ſame effect; particularizing moreover, that the Prince was to be in perſon in the head of the Army, to countenance the Corniſh, and that they would put all upon this Caſt of relieving Exceſter. The Army advancing towards the Enemy. Moſt of the enemies horſe were ſent the next (being the Lords) day, to Okehampton, which quickened the Army unto a reſolution of a Rendezvouz between that and Crediton on the Monday, which was made good accordingly. The horſe and ſome foot being drawn up at Cadbury-hill, ſome foure miles from Crediton: but upon aſſurance there that the Enemy did not ſtir from Okehampton, and for that the weather was bitter cold, and the ground ſo ſlippery, that horſes could not well march, (and for other cauſes) it was held fit to take up quarters thereabouts: Yet it was obſerved that this readines and motion of the Army checkt the Enemies further advance; the Army took time to make proviſions for a continued march, by carriages on horſe-back, theſe parts admitting no other.

Tueſday, paſſed with the good news of the ſurrender of Skipton-caſtle in Yorkſhire; the ſame day the Enemy appointed a Rendezvouz again; but the extream hard weather rendring it impoſsible for our horſe to march (unleſs they were all froſted in an extraordinary manner) kept us ſtill in our quarters.

A meſſenger of the Princes taken. The next day was delivered into our hands a meſsenger of the Princes, going to Exceſter for Arms for the Prince his perſon, who was come to Dartmouth, when alſo his Excellency had intelligence that ſome Forces for his Majeſties ſervice were to be ſent over by the Lord Goring out of France, and to land at Dartmouth.

Sir George Chidley's houſe garriſoned for the ſtraitning Exceſter. Saturday, Ian. 3. The blocking up of Exceſter was ſo much further endeavoured by the addition of Sir George Chidley's houſe at Aſhton, to the garriſons which were poſſeſt by our forces, the better to ſtop proviſions from going into Exceſter.

The next, being Lords-day, brought good news from Plymouth, viz. That they had taken two Works, and a Church from the Enemy, at St. Budeaux, and therein 105. priſoners, beſides 20 Officers: but withall, That the Enemy intended to demand ſatisfaction for the ſame of us, and were for that end advancing with a conſiderable ſtrength to relieve Exceſter.

CHAP. VII.

The ſlackening of the ſiege of Exceſter, by the Armies advance to meet the Enemy, (leaving only a Force to block up the City) With their great ſucceſſe in thoſe two actions. The Defeat of the Enemy at Bovey-Tracy, and the taking of Dartmouth; with a particular account of their Marches, and leſſer Paſſages.

VPon this certain, & renewed intelligence; on the morrow, (viz. Monday Ian. 5.) a private conſultation was had, & divers Officers of the Army ſought councel of Heaven that day (keeping it as a private day of humiliation) in anſwer whereto, God inclined their hearts to reſolve of an Advance. The Army (by a councel of war) reſolved to advance towards the Enemy. The next day, a publique Councel of war was called, and (that the former reſolution might appear to be the anſwer of God) it was in this publique Councel reſolved, Nemine contradicente, to advance into the South-Hams, where the greateſt part of the Enemy lay. The Dragoons from Canonteen were before-hand with this Reſolution, who this day fell into the Enemies quarters, took a Captain, 9 men, and 20 horſe. And that this purpoſe to advance might finde the leſs interruption; The ſame day, the Stockings and Shooes (which the poor Foot had ſo great need of, and had ſo long expected) came to Tiverton moſt ſeaſonably, to fit them for a March; wherewith they were ſo well ſatisfied, as that they ſhewed much forwardnes to march, without ſtaying for Cloaths, which they had great need of alſo, being many of them all to tatters, and the weather was extream cold to boot. While he Army was preparing to march, ſome of our Dragoons from petty garriſons, on Wedneſday, ſnatcht at the Enemy at Huick, took a Lieutenant, 10 priſoners, 22 horſes, and one of their Colours, with this Motto, Patientia victrix.

The Army advancing according to former reſoſolution. Thurſday Ian. 8. All things being prepared in readineſs for a March, the Horſe and Foot (with their Ammunition on horſe-back) ſet forward to Crediton; and at the ſame time, Sir Hardreſſe Waller with two Regiments marched from Crediton to At this place, Sir Hardreſſe Waller was engaged with a party of the Enemies horſe and dragoons, where he ſlew many of them, took 60 priſoners, 40 horſe, and gave an Alarm to the Enemy on all that ſide the country, whileſt the Army in the mean time did the following action at Bovey-Tracy. Bow, as if the Army had bent towards Okehampton, (where the Enemy had both horſe and foot) when as indeed, it was only to amuſe them; For at the ſame inſtant, a Brigade of horſe and foot marched that night to Crediton, and the next day (though very cold, and much ſnow upon the ground) the ſame Brigade marched to Bovey-Tracy (then the Enemies quarters) Lieut. general Cromwel going in perſon with them, who about ſix at night fell into their quarters at Bovey, (where part of the Lord Wentworths Brigade then lay) took about 400 Horſe, ſeven Colours, one of them the Kings colours, with a crown, and C. R. upon it. Lieut. gen. Cromwell beating up the enemies quarters at Bovey-Tracy. The Enemy in Bovey were put to their ſhifts; yet through the darkneſs of the night, moſt of the Men eſcaped, except a Major and ſome few Officers more, and about 50 priſoners. It was almoſt ſupper time with them when our men entred the Town, moſt of them at that inſtant were playing at Cards, but our Souldiers took up the ſtakes for many of their principal Officers, who being together in one room, threw their ſtakes of mony out at the window, which whilſt our Souldiers were ſcrambling for, they eſcaped out at a back-door over the river, and ſaved their beſt ſtakes. In the mean time his Excellency with another part of the Army was advanced from Tiverton to Morton, within three miles of Bovey; but part of the Carriage-horſes with the Ammunition, by reaſon of the Froſt, could get no neerer then Fulford.

The former ſucceſſe improved, by purſuing the enemy from place to place. The next day (the weather ſtill extream bitter cold) the forces at Morton, & at Bovey-tracy, had a rendezvouz near Bovey, whereat intelligence was brought by the country, that about 120. of thoſe that eſcaped in the night, were got into Ellington church: whereupon a party of horſe and foot were cōmanded after them, wch the Enemy in the church underſtanding, fled away. The Army marched that night towards Aſhburton, the Enemies head-quarter the night before. A party of horſe was ſent to ſee if the Enemy had quit the town (as his Excellency had intelligence they had done) who finding the enemy at the towns end, were engaged with them, beat the enemies Rearguard through the town, took nine men, and twenty horſe, and inforced the reſt of their horſe to flie ſeverall wayes, being two Regiments of the Lord Wentworths Brigade, (that were left of five) three of them being taken at Bovey-tracy.

Lords day Ianuary 11. The Generall, after that by Spies he had ſent Intelligence to Plymouth, of the retreat of the Enemy, marched with the Army to Totneſs (where the Enemy had a foot quarter, but upon our advance quitted it) leaving one Regiment at Aſhburton. This Totneſſe ſeemes to be one of the fineſt of an Inland town in Devon-ſhire, and many of the Inhabitants rich; a party was ſent from hence towards Dartmouth, to diſcover what ſcattered forces of the Enemies might be gone that way; this party brought in ſome Officers priſoners, who ſeemed to be well apaid with their lot; ſaying, it was well they were taken, for they had no where to go to, but the Sea.

About this time thoſe Regiments of Foot under Colonel Hamond, that were aſſigned to quarter at the town, which was ſcarſe able to afford them Victuals (having caught little Fiſh of ſix weeks before) was by a wonderfull, and indeed, no leſſe then miraculous providence ſupplyed, and furniſhed to thē by ſuch great draughts of Mullets which God was pleaſed to ſend in, in that abundance at that time, as the like had not been known before; whereby both Town and Army was plentifully provided for. Munday Ianuary 12. The Generall taking ſpeciall care to uphold the courage of Plimouth, having ſent (for more ſurety, leſt the former Meſſengers ſhould fail) another Meſſenger, to give them notice of the Enemies retreat; gave orders for two Regiments to be drawn before Dartmouth. And at the ſame time ſtrong parties of horſe were ſent towards Taveſtock after the Enemy, which the enemy apprehending to be the Van of our Army, ſuppoſing our Army following after them, with great diſtraction and fear, quit the ſiege before Plimouth, leaving their Forts undemoliſhed, with ſeven pieces of Ordnance, and four barrels of Powder, making great haſt over the River Tamar into Cornwall.

A Summons ſent in to Dartmouth. In the mean while a Summons was ſent in to Dartmouth, honourable conditions offered in the ſame, but rejected by the Governour; forces were commanded upon the guard within half a mile of the Town all night, who encountred with extream bitter cold weather and ſnow, yet were moſt cheerfull upon duty, as they went readily unto it. The next day, the General and the Officers went to take a more particular view of the Town; it was the joynt opinion of them all, that they might carry the ſame by ſtorm. The Enemy, according to their wonted manner, not ſparing to take or deſtroy any thing, whereby they might advantage themſelves, and diſadvantage us; burnt Mr. Plumley's houſe, and therein 400 buſhels of Corn threſhed, and as much unthreſhed. In order to a Storm, more Forces were ordered to march to aſsiſt thoſe before Dartmouth. By lying three or four cold dayes before it, we loſt nothing but a little time; for by that ſtay, Captain Batten (being deſired by the General) was come before the Haven with a Squadron of ſhips to aſsiſt by ſea, and to keep any of their ſhips from going out of the harbour, while we ſtormed by land. Thurſday the 15. the Country (upon orders) brought in Ladders: the Comptroller was ſent aboard Captain Batten for ſome Sea-men, received 200. and allotted them a Poſt to do duty. Friday the 16. The General himſelf took an account in what readines things were for a ſtorm; More particular intelligence (to that which came before) was given out of the town, what condition they were in there; good Guides were ſent for from Plymouth, that were Captain Roopes men, and had been formerly inhabitants of Dartmouth, to direct our men the beſt way into the town upon the ſtorm. Saturday, 17. the General went again to view the Town; all things were concluded on for a ſtorm, and Lots caſt for every man, who ſhould fall on firſt, and who to come on as Reſerves; the Officers of all the Regiments viewed their ſeverall Poſts, and every man provided his guides.

Lords-day, 18. Mr. Del, in the morning, and Mr. Peters, in the evening, exhorted the ſouldiers to their duty; (For Mr. Bowles, who had formerly attended the ſervice of the Army, being called to his charge at York, had taken his leave of his Excellencie, Mr. Del ſucceeding in his room) The ſouldiers were all drawn out; about ſeven at night Forlorn hopes were ſet; the evening very milde as at Midſomer, the froſt being newly gone: the Word was given, God with us; the ſignal of the Souldiers was, their ſhirts out before and behind. Dartmouth ſtormed, and taken. About 11. a clock at night, the ſtorm begun; and after the Enemy had diſcharged once, our Men got under their Canon, and quickly poſſeſſed them, and turned them againſt the Enemy; for the Army had no Peeces at all of their own, the way and weather not admitting any to be drawn againſt that place, where there were an hundred Peeces ready mounted againſt them, (a ſtrange and unparalleld undertaking) The Commanders of every Party poſſeſt thoſe places they were deſigned unto: Lieut. colonel Pride, who led on Colonel Harlowes Regiment, poſſeſt Mount-Boon, wherein were 22 peeces of Ordnance; Colonel Hamond poſſeſt the Weſt gate, wherein were 4 Peeces of ordnance, and two in the Flanker: Colonel Forteſcue gained Tunſtal-church, with 12 Peeces of ordnance, and ſo we became maſters of the whole Town, and the old Caſtle, in which were 5 great Iron guns which commanded the River. In all, our men poſſeſsed themſelves of about 60. peeces of Ordnance in the ſtorm, among which one Braſs Demi-canon. And ſuch was even the miraculous goodneſs of God in this ſtorm, that we loſt but one man, and had very few wounded, notwithſtanding they plyed moſt fiercely both great and ſmall ſhot upon our men from the Forts. The ſtorm ſucceeding ſo well, the Comptroller of the Ordnance was ſent to ſummon two Men of war which lay in the River, which no ſooner received the Summons, but they yielded immediately. There were two great Forts, wherein were about 34 Peeces of ordnance, which ſtood a mile from the town, not taken with the reſt, that beat a Parley three houres together before they were heard; but in iſsue, Sir Henry Cary, who was in one of them, had conditions to march away, He and his Officers with arms; the Governour, and Lord Newport, &c. being in the other Fort, were refuſed the like conditions, and ſubmitted themſelves to mercy.

I ſhould have enlarged the more upon the action of this ſtorm, but that I finde a Letter of the Generals to the Houſe of Peers concerning the ſame, which is more worthy to be heard it ſelf, as followeth.

My Lords,

His Excellencies Letter to the Houſe of eers concerning the takeing of Dartmouth. After my comming to Totnes, the Enemy riſing in great diſorder from their ſiege at Plymouth, leaving their guns and ſome ammunition behind them, I conſidered with thoſe about me, of attempting upon Dartmouth; and it being concluded affirmatively, I cauſed two Regiments of Foot to march to Ditſam, and two to Stoke-Flemming, being on the Weſt ſide of Dart river. I having ſummoned the place before, reſolved upon Sunday night to attempt it by ſtorm, which was agreed to be done in three places; The firſt Poſt was on the Weſt-gate, by Colonel Hamond; On the Northend of the Town, by Lieut. colonel Pride; and on Tunſtal Church and Works by Col. Forteſcue: The time reſolved upon was in the evening; Our men fell on with great reſolution, to whom Colonel Lamberts Regiment was a Reſerve, and to alarm the Enemy elſewhere. Colonel Hamond enred the Weſt-gate, where foure guns were planted, and two upon the Mill-poole, upon his Flank, (the Enemy firing his great guns but once) His men that had the Forlorn-hope did very gallantly (as indeed they did all) and went freely on, and beat off the Enemy, and poſſeſſed one Fort after another, viz. Mount-Flaggon, the Weſt-gate, Paradice-Fort, and beat off the Main guard, where were taken four Lieut. colonels; And ſo poſſeſſed the Town, from the Weſt-gate, to Little-Dartmouth. In the interim, Lieut. colonel Pride attempted the North part of the Town, called Harneſſe; where beating off the Enemy, he entred, and took about 80 priſoners in it, and by it poſſeſſed all the North part of the Town, unto the Draw-bridge, which divided the North part from the reſt of the Town; where Colonel Hamonds men, and his, met. Colonel Forteſcue with his men attempted Tunſtal Church, which was very well manned, with above 100. men, and having in it 10. guns: His men, after ſome diſpute, with good reſolution entred the place, and poſſeſſed it. So that by this time the Enemy was beaten out of all, except the great Fort on the Eaſt ſide of the River, called Kingſworth-Fort, and the Caſtle, with the Fort that lay over the Caſtle at the mouth of the Harbour, called Gallants-Bower; to which laſt, the Governour, and the Earl of Newport, and as many as eſcaped us, fled. After they were forced from their Strengths out of the Town; the Governour comming back from the Caſtle, to ſee in what poſture the Town was, had a remarkable ſhot, as he was in the Boat: A Musquet-ſhot was made at the Boat, which pierced the Boat, and both the thighs of one that ſate next to him, and about three inches into his own thigh; whereupon he retreated to the Caſtle. Our Dragoons, with 2 companies of our Firelocks, and ſome Sea-men, were only to alarm Kingſworth-Fort, wherein was Sir Henry Cary with his Regiment, having in it 12 Guns, and 12 Barrels of Powder, and convenient proportion of Ammunition. This was a very ſtrong Fort, with about four good Bulwarks, ſtrong enough to make a troubleſome reſiſtance: But the Enemy came willingly to Terms; and to ſave time, I willingly condeſcended to let Sir Henry Cary march away, with the reſt, leaving the Arms, Ordnance, Ammunition, with all Proviſions in the Fort, to Me, and All engaging themſelves never to take up Arms more againſt the Parliament; which was accordingly performed. Next morning, being thus Maſter of all, but the Caſtle, and Gallants-Bower, I ſummoned that: The Governour was willing to liſten unto me; but I held him to thoſe terms, upon which after ſome diſpute, he yielded; which was, To deliver himſelf, and all Officers and Souldiers, upon Quarter. He ſent me out Colonel Seymour, and Maſter Denham, for Hoſtages, with whom came out the Earle of Newport, and all was this day performed accordingly. In this Fort and Caſtle were eleven Guns, with proportion of Ammunition and Proviſions: We have taken in the Harbour two Men of war; one belonging to the Governour of Barnſtable, with 12 guns, Burthen 200. Tuns; the other belonging to Newcaſtle, formerly Captain Johnſons, of 10. guns.

In the Town, One hundred and three Peeces of Ordnance, and about ſix hundred Priſoners, and one hundred Horſe, with good proportion of Arms and Ammunition, an exact particular whereof I am not able to give your Lordſhips at preſent.

There being many of the town, Souldiers in Plymouth, and ſome Officers; and underſtanding that that Town hath Two thouſand five hundred in garriſon, beſides Townſmen, I have ſent thither for Five hundred Foot for this place, who quickly will increaſe to more: And to this I deſire your approbation; for having found more work to do, I held it not fit to weaken my Army, eſpecially conſidering the Recruits deſigned by you, I doubt will be too long before they come.

I have given your Lordſhips a brief account of this Service; which I deſire may be accompted a ſweet mercy of God, in a fitting ſeaſon, and only aſcribed to Him, who (truly) did direct and act it, and made all the preparation to it, both in the ordering our hearts, & giving Health to the Army, who laboured two moneths ago extremely of Sickneſſe, but is now in good diſpoſition generally to health. I can ſay, I find it to be in the hearts of all here, in all integrity to ſerve you; And that it is ſo, is ſtill the mercy of GOD: For ſurely, the ſucceſſe of your Affairs only depends upon the ordering of a Gratious Providence; which is no leſſe viſible in your Councels, (which we congratulate) then amongſt us; That being the common root and ſpring of all, and which can and will carry you through the greateſt difficulties, and us in ſerving you, untill God hath finiſhed his own work. Wherein to profeſſe the obligation and readines of my ſelf, and the Army, by the ſame good hand of GOD, is all the undertaking of

Your Lordſhips moſt humble Servant, THO. FAIRFAX. Dartmouth, Ian. 20. 1645.
Priſoners taken at DARTMOUTH.

Sir Hugh Pollard, Governour. Earl of Newport. Colonel Seymour. Lieutenant-Colonels, 4. Majors, 2. Captains, 15. Lieutenants, 14. Enſigns, 9. and one Cornet. Beſides many Country-Gentlemen, Miniſters, and Inferior Officers. All the Common-ſouldiers, being betwixt 800. and 1000. were ſet at liberty to repair to their dwellings. Ordnance, about 120. mounted; and 2 Men of War in the Harbour.

After our men were entred the Town, they had extream wet weather, which continued ſo the next day, that it much hindred the ſetling of the Town. Monday, 19. Sir Henry Cary marched out of the Town, with all his Officers and Souldiers, leaving the Ordnance, Arms and Ammunition therein, to us. Some time was ſpent this day in the diſpoſing of the Priſoners. The Engineer, being a Papiſt, (as the Implements that he had about him did declare, viz. the Maſſe-book, Cope, Hood, and Surplice, which were found in his chamber) was in danger to have been torne in peeces by the Women of the town, for his cruelty in burning of houſes, and other villanous acts. Tueſday, 20. the Guns were cleered. The General went aboard Captain Battens ſhip, where he was Nobly entertained. The noble uſage of the Corniſh (though enemies) All the Corniſh-men that were priſoners, were ſet at liberty, and had two ſhillings a man, to carry them home; That the Corniſh might ſee, we had forgot former injuries, and reſpected them as much as any other County. Commiſsioners were appointed to diſpoſe of the Prize-goods taken in the Town, towards the reparation of the Well-affected of the Town, that ſuffered at the Storm, who had the greateſt part of the Goods diſtributed amongſt them.

And now the General, having reaped ſo great and happy an advantage by his digreſsion from the ſiege of Exceſter, (though he left ſufficient Force alſo to block it up) The next day, without any more delay, returned to Totnes; Iſſued out Warrants to four Hundreds, to appeare there on Saturday at nine of the clock, in order to the ſervice of the Kingdome, and particularly for the good of thoſe Parts.

ANGLIA REDIVIVA. OR, ENGLAND'S RECOVERY. PART IV.
CHAP. I.

The Army returning to the Siege at Exceſter: Pouldram Castle ſurrendred: A French Veſſell ſtruck into Dartmouth, wherein Letters of conſequence from the Queen: How far the reducing of Exceſter was endeavoured before a ſecond diverſion.

HIS Excellency and the conduct of this Army (in all their motion attending Providence) having anſwered the call of God in riſing from Excester, and meeting the Enemy (wherein they found that great aſſiſtance and ſucceſſe that hath been related) now diſcerning no further advantage offering it ſelfe againſt the Field-Enemy at preſent, his Excellency, with the advice of his Officers, reſolves with all ſpeed poſſible, to return with the Army to the Siege of Excester, and to improve the advantage of that further reputation their late ſucceſſes had given them, in vigorous endeavours againſt that place; and in the meane time, till the other Forces could follow, ſome Regiments martched toward Exceſter, a Summons was ſent to S. Edmund Forteſcue, Governor of Charls-fort at Salcomb; from whence a refuſal of ſurrender was returned, & conſultation was had about Barnstable.

Saturday Jan. 24. The Country according to appointment of his Excellency, appeared at Totnes, in number about 3000. out of whom, upon conſultation with the Committees, a Regiment was to be raiſed of ſuch as were willing, under Colonel Fowell: which done, the General martched to the Lady Reynolds her houſe, whence on the Lords day after forenoons Sermon, his Excellency martched to Chidley, endeavouring firſt to take a view of Pouldram; before which place Col. Hammond was ſet downe with ſome force: Pouldram Caſtle ſurrendred. But night comming on (whileſt he had yet two miles thither) he was forced to returne to Chidley, whithout viewing the Caſtle, which ere the next day was happily put out of a capacity of being viewed by him (but in a new Relation;) for about twelve at night the newes came to him of the ſurrender thereof, and therein five Barrels of Powder, Match and Bullet proportionable, and four pieces of Ordnance.

A French Veſſell (by a good Providence) ſtrucke into Dartmouth upon a miſtake. Monday 26. Tidings were brought the General of a French Veſſel that came from France with a Packet from the Queen, which was ſtruck into Dartmouth, preſuming it to have ſtill been in the hands of the Kings Forces: and indeed little likelihood was there that it ſhould be in any other, eſpecially ſo ſodainly, and at a time of yeer ſo unſeaſonable for action or ſtorm, but that God encouraged the Army to undertake it, and his ſtrong Arm proſpered them in their attempt. The Packet of Letters (which were of no ſmall conſequence) ſtrongly recovered. The Veſſel being thus delivered, by immediate Providence, into our hands, the Packet of Letters was yet more ſtrangely preſerved and recovered out of the Sea, wherinto it was thrown, when they knew their miſtake (according to the Queens directions) but God provided a Wave to bring it to the Boat that was ſent out to ſeek it, and ſo it was brought unto his Excellency; wherein was found Letters from the Queen, Lord Goring, Lord Jermin, Davenant and others, intercepted: Some of the Contents were theſe.

The ſpeciall and moſt obſervable Contents of the Letters. The Queen by her Letters in anſwer to ſome former Letters ſhe had received, touching the King's intentions of tranſporting the Prince to Denmark, utterly diſlikes it, and neither approves of Holland or Flanders; adviſeth the bringing of him into France: And as touching his Marriage with the Duke of Orleance his Daughter, which ſeemed to be an objection againſt it, Shee replyed, That they knew ſhe was engaged elſwhere; and what if he ſhould marry her? the Dutcheſſe of Orleance ſo far exceeding them in Riches and potent Alliances might be of great aſſiſtance to the King: But deſires, That he may be diſpoſed of any whither, rather then to come into the hands of the Rebels: touching the Scots affairse, ſhe had this expreſſion; That ſhe had ſent William Murray fully inſtructed with her mind about it.

The Lord Goring in his Letter to the Lord Wentworth and Sir John Berkley, gave them aſſurance, That now the Negotiation with France was happily concluded by the induſtry of the Lord Jermin.

In his Letter to Sir Hugh Pollard the Governour of Dartmouth, he doth aſſure him, That by the firſt of March he ſhould have five well appointed Men of Warre, of the ſecond rank, the leaſt bearing above thirty pieces of Ordnance, to be ſolely under his command, ſo that he might grow rich upon the ſpoile of the Rebels, or elſe put them to the charge of keeping an whole Navy before him.

The Lord Widdrington, not ſo well ſatisfied with the preparations of France, uſed this expreſſion in one of his Letters; That he gave all hopes for loſt, for ever returning to his owne Country again, except the buſineſſe of the Scots took effect.

A Summons ſent into Exceſter. But as to the Siege of Exceſter, our Forces being drawn neer unto this ſide of the City, a Sūmons was prepared, wherein honorable conditions were offered them; which Summons was ſent in the next day, being January 17. The Enemies Anſwer. Whereunto on the morrow an Anſwer was returned very faire to this purpoſe, That in honour they could not ſurrender upon the termes offered, while they were in no worſe condition, and had ſuch probable hopes of reliefe from the Prince.

His Excellencies Reply. Thurſday 29. A Reply was returned, the conditions re-inforced, and further urged, by undertaking in the behalfe of the Parliament and General, that what they promiſed in the Summons ſhould be made good: and this is as farre as they proceeded at this time; being a ſecond time diverted by other action; The grounds of this ſecond diverſion from the Siege of Exceſter. for newes came this day to the Army, that the Enemies Horſe from Oxford were come neer Corfe Caſtle, and the Lord Gorings Forces were advanced up neer Barnstable, portending a deſigne to joyne together; to prevent which, the General went from Chidley to Tiverton to give order about that point, ſent Colonel Cook from thence with three Regiments of Horſe of Major General Maſſies Brigade, to attend the Enemies motion, and the next day ſome Regiments of Horſe and Dragoons martched from theſe parts to a Randezvouz toward the North of Devon, though upon ſecond advice they were recalled to Quarters.

The feare of another diverſion from the Siege of Exceſter, had almoſt driven the Army to a reſolution of ſtorming it, inſomuch that Warrants were iſſued out to all the Hundreds round about Exceſter for Ladders, and alſo a diſpatch to Plymouth to ſend their Scaling-ladders for that purpoſe: which diſpoſition of the Army, what influence it might have upon the Enemy, I know not: but the Lords day Febr. 1. a Lieutenant and ten Horſe well armed, came in to Sir Hardreſſe Waller from the Enemy, and that night the Plymouth Regiment took a Major and twenty Horſe neer Barnstable; and Tueſday following a Lieutenant-Colonell and fifteen men more with their Armes, came in from the Enemy; The General in the meane time being returned to Chidley.

Thurſday 5. Upon intelligence of the Enemies Horſe being gone towards Dunster; Colonel Cook who had Orders to martch ſomewhat further Eaſtward, in order to the Oxford horſe, that by information from the eaſt, were to be in Dorſetſhire, had Orders to returne.

Friday 6. Came newes that a Party of Horſe of the Enemie (computed by the countries information, fifteen hundred) had put ſome ſmall reliefe into Dunster, taking that opportunity when thoſe Forces that attended therabout were drawn toward Corfe Caſtle: in their retreat the Country, with the aſſiſtance of Colonel Blakes Forces, that were not able to oppoſe ſo great a Body, and therefore during Reliefe ſecured themſelves in a ſtrong houſe, fell upon their Rear, ſlew ſome, took others priſoners, and diſarmed more. The ſame day the Army received the good newes of Belvoyr ſurrendred: And now followes, to diſcourſe how the hand of Providence led us firſt into the north of Devon, and then into Cornwall: Onely firſt celebrate that good newes of the ſurrender of Westchester, after a long Siege, by that faithfull and indefatigable Commander Sir William Brereton, which newes came to the General on the Lords day, Feb. 8.

CHAP. II.

Our Army a ſecond time diverted from the Siege of Exceſter; with a particular account of the reaſons thereof: and the Motion and Actions of the Army occaſioned thereby

A Counſell of Warre called. LOrds day, Feb. 8. A Counſel of Warre was called to conſider of martching with part of the Army into the north of Devonſhire, towards Torrington and Barnstable, for the ſtraightning thereof, and for the better conveniency of Quarter, the Army being much ſtraightned for proviſions where they were, as alſo to poſſeſſe thoſe parts, and thereby diſpoſſeſſe the Enemy, who had ſome parties of Horſe there, which miſerably oppreſſed the Country: whileſt they were in this Conſultation, certaine intelligence was brought by Spyes, That the Enemy, who had been labouring as for life, to raiſe the Corniſh, and had brought a conſiderable number to Launceſton, to re-inforce their Army (being in all about four thouſand Foot, beſides their Horſe) were once more with all their ſtrength martching over the River Tamar towards Torrington, and as the Spyes informed, would be there on Tueſday night: likewiſe Letters from the Lord Wentworth to Sir John Berkley Governour of Excester, being at the ſame time intercepted, encouraging him to expect Reliefe ſhortly. Upon this, Orders were given for the drawing of moſt of the Horſe and Foot to a Randezvouz the next day.

A Counſell of Warre called. The ſubject of their debate. Monday Feb. 9. A Counſel of Warre was called, to adviſe what to doe, and in iſſue it was reſolved to advance towards the Enemy with part of the Army, having already with the reſidue perfectly blocked up Exceſter on the weſt ſide alſo, by ſetling Guards and Quarters at Affington, Barley houſe and Reymouth-houſe, within a mile of the City, and a Garriſon kept at Powdram; beſides that ſome of the Foot under the command of Colonel Shapcoat, blocked up the Fort at Exmouth; by which meanes Excester was now compleatly ſtraightned and blocked up on both ſides. Accordingly Orders were immediately ſent to the Horſe and Foot to prepare for a martch, and the Forces deſigned on both ſides of Exceſter to ſtraighten that place, were commanded to receive Orders from Sir Hardreſſe Waller, to whoſe care and judgment the management of that buſineſſe was recommended, whileſt the reſt of the Army advanced to the Enemy.

The Army on heir martch owards the Enemy. Tueſday Feb. 10. The General and the Army begun their Martch, and that day martched from Chidley to Crediton the head Quarter, where the Army reſted a day, till the Treaſure (that was at Dartmouth) was come up, and other Forces that were to martch from other Quarters were drawne up to them: The while freſh intelligence was brought to his Excellency, that the Enemy with five thouſand Horſe, and four thouſand Foot, were come to Torrington, expecting a thouſand Horſe and Foot from Barnstable to joyne with them, all under the command of the Lord Hopton, who by a new Commiſſion was made Commander in chiefe, (the Lord Goring being in France;) who had uſed much expedition in his martch, having martched in one day from Stratton to Torrington, being eighteen large miles; they brought along with them much Cattle and Sheep, which with ſalt and other proviſions that were to come from Barnstable, were for the Reliefe of Excester: This Intelligence fully reſolving the Army in the Motions and Intentions of the Enemy, engaged them yet deeper in their Reſolutions to make ſpeed towards them, and not paſſing one or two dayes intervened their martch: In this interim tydings were brought the Army, that Warham and the Committees there being ſurprized by a party of Horſe from Oxford, was by Colonel Cook regained, he being with fifteen hundred Horſe then about Shaftsbury, and that Colonel Cromwel, who commanded the Kings party, was by him taken priſoner, that the Horſe were eſcaped and fled into Corfe Caſtle, not apprehended by our Guards through the darkneſſe of the night: Moreover that Mr Murrey and Sir David Conningham were taken coming out of France.

Saturday, Feb. 14. The Army martched from Crediton to Chimleigh, being ten miles, the Weather wet, and the way dirty; the Enemy but a little before our Forces came, were in the Towne, and were beaten out by the Plymouth Regiment, Lieutenant-colonel Wicks and others taken priſoners. Here his Excellency received intelligence, that the Enemy continued at Torrington, and were a conſiderable Army: upon which, Sunday Febr. 15. the Army martched early from Chimleigh, and had a Randezvouz two miles off in the way to Torrington. Our Horſe brought in divers priſoners to the Randezvouz, who confeſt that the Lord Hopton was in Torrington, and that he had ſent out parties by three of the clock that morning to diſcover our motion; alſo one of our Spyes came thither out of Torrington that morning, aſſuring his Excellency, that the Enemies whole Army was in and about Torrington, not expecting our being ſo neer.

The Army was drawn to the Randezvouz, with intention to martch to Torrington, but the weather proving ſo bad, & the bridges being broken down by the enemy, and beſides, the day being far ſpent, put the General upon reſolution to order his owne Regiment of Foot, and a party of two hundred Horſe, under the command of Captaine Berry, to advance three or four mile in the way to Torrington to amuze the Enemy, and himſelfe with the reſt of the Army to return to Chimleigh.

A party of Colonel Butler's men that were upon the Guard, tooke fourteene men, and ſeven and twenty Horſe (part of the Enemies Guard) and brought them to Chimleigh, being moſt of them of Goring's Life-guard; who being brought before the General, confeſt they heard of our advance. Cattaine Berry, who was ſent (as before) toward the Enemy, returned with his party of two hundred Horſe, informing the General, that they had met with a party of the Enemy about the ſame number, that the Enemy charged him, but he had, by the aſſiſtance of God, routed them, and ſore wounded Lieutenant colonel Dundaſſe, who led on the party, and brought him and others away priſoners; but Dundaſſe was ſo ſore wounded, that he was forced to be left at a country Village upon his Parolle, to render himſelfe a priſoner if he recovered; which accordingly he very punctually performed; and the General in commiſeraton of his condition, being diſabled for ſervice by reaſon of his Wounds, upon his tender, to engage himſelfe never to beare Armes againſt the Parliament, granted him his liberty.

It ſhould be remembred here, that upon the Armies advance to Torrington, Colonel Cooke, who alwayes readily received, and punctually obſerved his Orders, was ſent with Major-General Maſſie's Horſe to lye before Barnſtable, and upon that part of Devonſhire, to be in a poſture to interrupt the Enemies Horſe, in caſe upon the Armies advance into Cornwal, they ſhould attempt to break through. Monday, February 16. The Drummes Beat by four of the clocke in the Morning; The generall Randezvouz of the Army was appointed to bee at Rings-Aſh, about three Miles from Chimleigh; where accordingly by ſeven of the clocke in the Morning, the whole Army was drawne up in Battalia, Horſe and Foot, on the Moore, five miles ſhort of Torrington, and ſo martched in order ready for a preſent engagement, in caſe the Enemy ſhould attempt any thing in our martch through the narrow Lanes; the Forelorn-Hope of horſe, commanded by Major Stephens and Captaine Moleneux, being advanced towards Stephenston (Maſter Rolls his houſe neer Torrington) his Excellency underſtood, that the Enemy had two hundred Dragoons in the Houſe, whereupon a commanded Party of Horſe and Foot were ſent to fall on them, but upon the advance of our Forces towards them, the Enemy quit the place; yet our Horſe martching faſt, engaged their Reare, took ſeverall of their Dragoons priſoners, and afterwards the Forelorn-Hope of Horſe on both ſides were much engaged in the narrow and dirty Lanes; at laſt, we beat them from Maſter Rolls his houſe all along the Lane almoſt to Torrington. The Army engaged with the Enemy neere Torrington. About five of the clock in the Evening the Van of the Army was drawn up in the Park, the Forelorn-Hope of Foot was drawne out neer the Forelorn-Hope of Horſe in the mid-way between Maſter Rolls houſe and Torrington, and there lined the Hedges to make good the retreat of the Horſe, the Enemy likewiſe drew out of the Towne four or five Cloſes off, and lined the Hedges with Muſquetteers within a Cloſe of ours, and flankt their Foot with Horſe; whereupon good reſerves were ſent to ſecond our Forelorn-Hope of Foot, leaſt the enemy knowing the ground, and we being ſtrangers unto it, might ſuddenly encompaſſe us (it being by this time dark night, and the whole Army being then come up, having martched ten miles that day;) about eight at night the Enemy drew off from ſome of the Cloſes they formerly poſſeſt; whereupon we gained the ground they quitted, & a Counſel of war being called, whether it was adviſable it might engage the Enemies Body then in the town, who were ready with the beſt advātages of ground & Barricado's to receive us; it was the general ſenſe of the Counſell to make good our ground and double our Guards till the next morning, that we might the better take view of the places where we were like to engage; whereupon the General and Lieutenant-General went from Maſter Rolls his houſe to ſee the Guards accordingly ſet, but hearing a noyſe in the Towne, as if the Enemy were retreating, and being loath they ſhould goe away without an affront, to that purpoſe, and that we might get certaine knowledge whether they were going off or not, a ſmall Party of Dragoons were ſent to fire on the Enemy neer the Barricadoes and Hedges; the Enemy anſwered us with a round Volley of ſhot, thereupon the Forlorn-Hope of Foot went and engaged themſelves to bring off the Dragoons, and the reſerve fell on to bring off the Forlorn-Hope: And being thus far engaged, the General being on the Field, and ſeeing the generall reſolution of the Souldiery, held fit, that the whole Regiments in order, after them, ſhould fall on, and ſo both ſides were accordingly engaged in the dark, for ſome two hours, till we beat them from the Hedges, & within their Barricadoes, which were very ſtrong, and where ſome of their men diſputed the entrance of our Forces with puſh of Pike, and butt end of Musket for a long time; at laſt it pleaſed God to give us the Victory, our Foot firſt entring the Towne, and afterwards the Horſe, who chaſed the Enemy through the Towne, the Lord Hopton bringing up the Reare, had his Horſe ſhot dead under him in the middle of the Town; Their Horſe once facing about in the ſtreet, cauſed our Foot to retreat, but more of our Horſe comming up purſued them to the Bridges, and through the other Barracadoes at the further end of the Towne, where we had no ſooner placed Guards at the ſeverall Avenues, and had drawne our whole Army of Foot and moſt of our Horſe into the Towne, but the Magazine of neer eighty barrels of Powder, which the Lord Hopton had in the Church, was fired by a deſperate villaine, one Watts, whom the Enemy had hired with thirty pounds for that purpoſe, as he himſelfe confeſſed the next day, when he was pul'd out from under the rubbiſh and timber; and the Lead, Stones, Timber and Iron-work of the Church were blowne up into the Ayre, and ſcattered all over the Towne and Fields about it where our Forces were; yet it pleaſed God miraculouſly to preſerve the Army, that few were ſlaine beſides the Enemies (that were priſoners in the Church where the Magazine was blowne up) and moſt of our men that guarded them, who were killed and buried in the ruines: And here was Gods great mercy unto us, that the General being there in the ſtreets, eſcaped with his life ſo narrowly, there falling a web of Lead with all its force, which killed the Horſe of one Maſter Rhoads, of the Life-guard, who was thereon next to the General in the ſtreet, but doing neither him nor the General any hurt. There were taken in the Towne about ſix hundred priſoners, beſides Officers, great ſtore of Armes (the Lanes and Fields being beſtrewed with them) all their Foot were ſcattered, their Horſe fled that night towards Cornwal in great confuſion; the priſoners we took confeſſed they had about four thouſand Foot and four thouſand Horſe at leaſt: the ſervice was very hot, we had many wounded, it was ſtoutly maintained on both ſides for the time.

If any particular be omitted in this Relation, let the Generals Letter to the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons ſupply the ſame, which here followeth, with a Liſt of the ſlaine and taken in this fight.

To the Honourable William Lenthall Eſquire; SPEAKER of the Honourable Houſe of COMMONS. Master Speaker,

His Excellencies Letter concerning the Fight at Torrington. PLymouth being ſet free, and Dartmouth taken, I ſent Colonel Hammond with part of the Foot to poſſeſſe part of the houſes neer Exceſter for the blocking of it up on the Weſt ſide of the River, as formerly I had done on the Eaſt, and lay with the reſt of the Army, ſo as to countenance both that Work, and the raiſing of ſome Forces in the Southams to lye about Totnes for the ſecuring of that Country, and to keep the Enemy from comming of that ſide of Devonſhire againe, when the Army ſhould remove to the other: Theſe two things, with the continuall foule weather at that time, and the abſence of Colonel Cook, with ſo many of the Horſe, occaſioned my ſtay thereabouts above a fortnight; in which time the houſes being competently fortified, and the Forces raiſing in the Southams in good forwardneſſe, I drew the Army up towards Crediton, with purpoſe to advance into the North of Devonſhire alſo, either by the taking of Barnſtable, or by blocking of it up, and raiſing a Force in that wel affected corner to keep it in, ſo as having all cleer or made faſt behind me, I might the better follow the remaining Field Forces of the Enemy into Cornwal. And to continue the blocking up of Exceſter on the Weſt ſide, I left Sir Hardreſſe Waller with three Regiments of Foot and one of Horſe of this Army, and advanced with five Regiments of Horſe and ſeven Regiments of Foot, and five Troops of Dragoons, the reſt of the Horſe and Dragoons being abſent with Colonel Cook in Dorſetſhire, but then ſent for to come up, when I was reſolved upon my advance this way. The Enemy at the ſame time advanced out of Cornwal with all the Foot to Torrington, about which their Horſe did lye before, and began to fortifie the Towne: Their intentions therein, as we conceived, and doe ſince further find, were by the advantage of this place and their Garriſon of Barnſtable ſo neer it, to make this part of Devonſhire more ſurely theirs, and more difficult for us to come into, and lying ſo much the neerer to Exceſter (againſt which they ſuppoſed this Army wholly engaged) to take their beſt advantages from hence and from Chimley, which they meant alſo to have poſſeſſed, to relieve Exceſter on the North ſide, or disturb us in the Siege; and it is probable they might have a further purpoſe in their poſture here, to ſecure the landing of Iriſh or Welſh ſupplies ſo much the forwarder towards the Eaſt.

On Saturday laſt, I advanced from Crediton to Chimleigh, where by many priſoners I was informed, That the Lord Hopton had hereabouts foure thouſand Horſe, and three thouſand Foot; Wee beleeved them to be about two thouſand Foot or upwards, and three thouſand Horſe; the extreame foulneſſe of Weather that day and the next, occaſioned me not to advance from about Chimleigh, for the next night, ſave only one Foot Quarter and an Horſe Guard advanced to Ring-Aſh, three miles towards the Enemy, to ſecure a Randezvouz ſo much the neerer to them; for the day following I understood by the beſt Intelligence, that the Enemy was reſolved to make good their ſtation, and ſet their reſt upon it to fight us there if we would come up to them; and truly men in their condition could not hope (al things conſidered) to have more for it, their Horſe for nūber ſuperior to what I brought up with me, their Foot, as I find ſince, not much inferiour; and if they could with all their force make good this Towne, and put us to lye in the Field, there being no Villages neer it that could ſhelter the Army, the wet weather continuing, which was then moſt likely, would have forced us to draw back and make our fire Armes little uſefull, either for aſſault or defence; and beſides, we were like, for matter of proviſions, to be forced to draw off firſt, they having both by their posture, with the plentifull Country of Cornwal behind them, and a River at their backs, ſecuring alſo a good part of Devonſhire unto them, and by their ſtrength of Horſe, much advantage for longer ſubſistence then we; and we by the barrenneſſe of the place where we muſt have lyen before them, eſpecially for Horſe meat, their Garriſon of Barnſtable lying partly behind us, their Horſe more numerous then ours, which might with ſtronger parties cut off our ſupplyes, had little poſſibility to ſubſiſt long before them. Theſe Conſiderations we had in our eye to diſcourage us from going on, as I beleeve they had to encourage them to ſtand; yet on the other ſide, finding that by reaſon of the barrenneſſe and long exhausting of our Quarters behind us, we could neither keep our Horſe ſo cloſe together as to lye ſafe ſo neer the Enemy, nor indeed find ſubſistence for the Army, either where we were, or in any other Quarters more backward, where we could lye ſo as to ſecure the Siege of Exceſter from reliefe, and upon all conſiderations conceiving the affaires of the Kingdome did require us, and God by all did call us to make a preſent attempt upon the Enemy; Wee reſolved to goe on, to try what God would doe for us, and truſt him for weather, ſubſistence and all things.

Accordingly, on Monday morning I drew out the Army to an early Randezvouz at Ring-aſh, within ſix miles of the Enemy; the weather ſtill continued very wet, and ſo by all ſignes was like to hold till we were advanced from the Randezvouz; but ſuddenly, when we were upon Martch, it, beyond all expectation, began to be faire and dry, and ſo continued, whereas we had ſcarce ſeene one faire blaſt for many dayes before. The Enemy (as we understood by the way) had all their Horſe drawne together about Torrington, and with their foot prepared to defend the Towne, which they had fortified with good barricadoes of earth caſt up at every avenew, and a competent line patcht up round about it, their Horſe ſtanding by to flanke the ſame, and ſome within to ſcoure the Streets. Our Forlorne-Hope had order to advance to Stephenſon Parke, about a mile from the Towne, and there to ſtay for the drawing up of the Army, there being no other place fit for that purpoſe neerer to the Towne on that ſide we came on. But when we came neere, we underſtood that the Enemy had with two hundred Dragoons poſſeſt the Houſe in the Parke, and were fortifying it, being of it ſelfe very ſtrong; but upon our neerer approach, their Dragoons quitted the Houſe, and our Forlorn-Hope falling on them, took many priſoners, and purſuing them neer the Towne, were engaged ſo far as they could not well draw back to the Parke, which occaſioned the ſending up of ſtronger Parties to make them good where they were, or bring them off; and at laſt, there being ſome feare that the Enemy would draw about them and hem them in, Colonel Hammond was ſent up with three Regiments of Foot, being his owne, Colonel Harlowes, and mine, and ſome more Horſe to lye for reſerves unto them; by which time the night was growne on, ſo that it was not thought fit, unleſſe the Enemy appeared to be drawing away, to attempt any thing further upon the Towne till morning, in regard none of us knew the ground, nor the advantages or diſadvantages of it; but about nine of the clock, there being ſome apprehenſion of the Enemies drawing away, by reaſon of their drawing back ſome Out-guards, ſmall Parties were ſent out towards the Townes end to make a certaine diſcovery, which going very neer their Works, before the Enemy made any firing, but being at laſt entertained with a great Volley of ſhot, and thereupon ſuppoſed to be engaged, ſtronger Parties were ſent up to relieve them, and alter them the three Regiments went up for reſerves, till at laſt they fell on in earneſt; after very hot firings, our men comming up to the Barricadoes and Line, the diſpute continued long at puſh of Pike and with butt ends of Muskets, till at laſt it pleaſed God to make the Enemy fly from their Works, and give our men the entrance: After which our men were twice repulſed by their Horſe, and almoſt all driven out againe, but Colonel Hammond with ſome other Officers and a few Souldiers, made a ſtop at the Barricadoes, and ſo making good their re-entrance, rallyed their men and went on againe, Major Stephens with their Forlorn Hope of Horſe comming ſeaſonably up to ſecond them, the Enemies Foot ran ſeverall wayes, moſt of them leaving their Armes, but moſt of their Officers, with the aſſistance of Horſe, made good their owne retreat out of the Towne towards the Bridge, and taking the advantage of ſtraight paſſages, to make often ſtands againſt our men, gave time for many of their Foot to get over the Bridge; Their Horſe without the Towne, after ſome attempts at other Avenues, to have broken in againe upon us, being repulſed, at laſt went all away over another Bridge, and at ſeverall other paſſes of the River, and all fell Westward; the ground where their Horſe had ſtood and the Bridge they went over lying ſo beyond the Towne, as our Horſe could not come at them but through the Towne, which by reaſon of ſtraight paſſages through ſeverall Barricadoes was very tedious, by meanes wereof, and by reaſon of continued ſtraight lanes the Enemy had to retreat by after they were over the River, as alſo by the advantage of the night, and by their perfect knowledge of the Country, and our ignorance therein, our Horſe could doe little execution upon the purſuit, but Parties being ſent out ſeverall wayes to follow them, as thoſe diſadvantages would admit, did the beſt they could, and brought back many priſoners and Horſes, we took many priſoners in the Towne, who being put into the Church where the Enemies Magazine lay, of above four ſcore barrels of Powder, as is reported, beſides other Ammunition, either purpoſely by ſome deſperate Priſoner, or caſually by ſome Souldier, the Powder was fired, whereby the Church was quite blown up, the Priſoners and moſt of our men that guarded them were killed and overwhelmed in the Ruines; the houſes of the Towne ſhaken and ſhattered, and our men all the Town over much endangered by the ſtones, timber and lead, which with the blaſt were carried up very high, and ſcattered in great abundance all the Town over, and beyond; yet it pleaſed God that few of our men were ſlaine or hurt thereby, ſave thoſe in the Church, onely our loſſe of men otherwiſe in this ſervice was ſmall, though many wounded, it being a hotter ſervice then any ſtorme this Army hath before been upon, wherein God gave our men great reſolution; and Colonel Hammond eſpecially and other Officers engaged with him, behaved themſelves with much reſolution, courage and diligence, recovering the ground after their men were twice repulſed: Of Priſoners taken in this ſervice about two hundred were blowne up, two hundred have taken up Armes with us, and about two hundred more common Souldiers remaine Priſoners; beſides many Officers, Gentlemen and ſervants, not many ſlaine, but their Foot ſo diſperſed, as that of about three thouſand, which the moſt credible perſons do affirme they had there, and we find by a Liſt, taken among the Lord Hopton's Papers, themſelves did accompt them more, we cannot heare of above four hundred that they carried off with them into Cornwal, whither their Horſe alſo are gone, being much broken and diſperſed as well as their Foot. By the Conſiderations and circumstances in this buſineſſe, which I have here touched upon, you will perceive whoſe hand it was that led us to it, and gave ſuch ſucceſſe in it; and truly there were many more evident appearances of the good hand of God, therein, then I can ſet forth, let all the honour be to him alone for ever, being deſirous, as God ſhall ſee it good, and further enable me, to improve the advantage of this ſucceſſe to the uttermoſt: The next day having ſent ſome Regiments of Horſe and Foot to advance unto Quarters up towards Holſworthy to ſet the Enemy more home into Cornwal, and with more terror upon them, I ſent alſo one Regiment of Foot, with ſome Horſe, back towards Barnſtable to poſſeſſe the Earl of Baths houſe at North-Taveſtock, about a mile from Barnſtable on this ſide the River, whereby that Garriſon will be eaſily kept in on this ſide, and I ſhall try what will be done upon it otherwayes, whileſt the Army takes a little reſt hereabouts, which the unſeaſonable Martches, miſerable Quarters, & hard Duty both Horſe and Foot, for many dayes, have been put unto, doe neceſſarily require: But I conceive that ſo ſoon as the Army can be fitted for the purpoſe, it would be beſt to follow the Enemy home and throughly into Cornwal; the breaking of that Body of Horſe that's left there being the likelieſt meanes to prevent or diſcourage the landing of any Forraign Forces in theſe parts, or the raiſing of any more out of Cornwal: In order to which I muſt earnestly recommend to your care two things eſpecially; The one, to provide by the diſpoſall of your Forces in the Mid-land parts, that by excurſions from Oxford hitherward, I may not be diverted from proſecution of the Work in Cornwal, to ſend againe that way, nor the Sieges of Exceſter and Barnſtable disturbed when I am engaged further Weſt: The other, That money may be ſpeeded, if any ways poſſible, but for a moneth or ſix weeks to enable the Horſe as well as Foot to pay Quarters in Cornwal, whereby the oppoſitions that People might make would in all likelihood be taken off, and their affections or good opinions gained, to make them helpfull to us againſt their preſent oppreſſors. There came unto me this day a young man from Truro, who certifieth me, That Sir Walter Dudley came very lately from France, to let thoſe about the Prince know, that if there were an abſolute neceſſity they could bring over their men with a faire wind from France to be here by the middle of the next moneth; expreſſing, that they had neer 8000. Foot, and a thouſand Horſe in readineſſe, and three months pay provided for them, beſides ten thouſand pound in bullion daily expected, a Mint being ready to coyne the ſame, but yet intimated a conveniency in the giving a little more time for their comming over; whereupon Sir John Culpepper was to goe in all haste to France upon Friday laſt, as is ſuppoſed, on purpoſe either to haſten al, or a good part of thoſe Forces over; I think it will be very good that as much Shiping as may be obtained be hastened into thoſe parts; I ſhall upon this Information, and the good ſucceſſe God hath been pleaſed to give us, ſo diſpoſe of the Army, as may moſt effectually conduce to a ſpeedy and through ſettlement of theſe Westerne parts of the Kingdome; therefore I deſire you againe to have a ſpeciall care, that the Forces about Oxford be not permitted to range into theſe parts, when the Army is like to be engaged ſo far Weſt, leſt it occaſion the diviſion of our Forces, and hinder the accompliſhment of that we deſire to effect. I remaine

Your moſt humble Servant, THO. FAIRFAX. Great Torrington Feb. 19. 1645.

More particularly there was taken here, Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, eight Captaines, Commiſſary Boney, ſix Lieutenants, one Cornet, three Enſignes, one Chirurgion, four Serjeants, two and fifty Troopers, one hundred ſeven and twenty Gentlemen, and about two hundred common Souldiers, in all, four hundred three and thirty, whereof two hundred have taken up Armes, being (as they ſaid) forced in by the Enemy; neer three thouſand Armes (broken and whole) moſt of their Ammunition blowne up in the Church, eight Colours brought in, whereof one the Lord Hopton's owne, with this Motto, I WILL STRIVE TO SERVE MY SOVERAIGNE KING.

Slaine, Major Threave, Captaine Frye, and divers Officers, two hundred Souldiers, beſides thoſe two hundred blowne up in the Church, the Lord Hopton and Lord Caple wounded, beſides divers others of quality; the Lord Hopton's Commiſſion to be General under the Prince, Sir George Digbye's to be Governour of the Forces before Plymouth, and other Papers of conſequence taken, and about four hundred or five hundred pounds in Money taken at the Lord Hopton's Quarters, with much plunder left in Portmantles there, and in other places behind them.

Tueſday Feb. 17. The General reſted at Torrington, that day being ſpent in ſecuring the priſoners, and taking Liſts of the names, and ſending ſome Forces towards Barnstable; and that the Enemy might be kept in a continuall alarum and feare by our purſuing of them, a Party were ſent towards Holſworth, to fall upon their Quarters; whereupon they quit that place, and the Country informed, that their Horſe were all fled into Cornwal, & that a great terror was upon them; and thoſe few ſcattered Foot that eſcaped in the dark at Torrington, who all of them both Horſe and Foot (as his Excellency underſtood the next day) drew into a Body in Cornwal, to whom were now joyned the Princes Regiment, of about eight hundred Horſe, which with ſome other Corniſh Horſe, not before joyned to them, mae up a Body of five thouſand Horſe, much ſuperiour in number to ours: with this body of Horſe, and about a thouſand Foot (moſt Corniſh) they kept Guards on the other ſide of the River Tamar, and this day there came by twenty and forty at a time of their Foot (being moſt Devonſhire men) that were ſcattered the night before, out of the Woods, ſome with their Armes, and others without them, and liſted themſelves in the Army; expreſſing, that they onely waited for an opportunity to get to us; ſo that this laſt defeat was in a manner, the very ruining of all their Foot.

Commiſſary General Ireton ſent to view Barnſtable. About this time MaJor-General Laughorne obtained great ſucceſſe againſt the Enemy at Cardiffe in Glamorganſhire, abou 400 of them ſlaine and 500 taken priſoners. Thurſday Feb. 19. Commiſſary-General Ireton was ſent with a Party to view the Garriſon of Barnstable, and what places were fit to make Quarters and to keep Guards about the ſame, whereupon one Regiment was ſent to the Earle of Bathes at Tavestock to poſſeſſt it for Quarters: That day there were three Ships in Biddiford which ſtruck in thither, thinking it had been in the Enemies power, their burthen was ſmall; the Veſſels were afterwards, upon Petition, releaſed, the owners being perſons that had not voluntarily contributed againſt the Parliament. This night the General returned back to Maſter Rolls his houſe at Stephenſon, in regard the Quarter at Torrington was inconvenient, the Windowes ſhaken in pieces, and the houſes ſo ſhattered with the great blaſt, that they could not performe a convenient ſhelter from the raine, it being a time of extreame wet weather.

CHAP. III.

His Excellency with the Army advancing into Cornwal, driving the Enemy before them, and poſſeſſing their Quarters: A gallant piece of Service performed by Colenel Butler and his Party neer Stratton. Prince Charles giving all for loſt by his Excellencies preſſing ſo hard upon them, betakes himſelfe to Scilly: An advantage to the Parliaments Cauſe by a Packet of Letters from Ireland, taken at Padſtow.

FRiday 20. It was taken into conſideration, how far forth it was expedient to move towards Cornwall with the maine Forces, to improve the advantage we had upon the Enemy: which buſineſſe was alſo further adviſed on the next day

A Counſell of War. Their Reſolution, and the Reaſons therof. At a Counſel of Warre, where it was reſolved (nemine contradicente) to martch into Cornwall: The Reaſons inducing them to that Vote, were firſt, To prevent the landing of any Forces out of France; of which the Letters taken at Dartmouth gave an intimation: Secondly, to deſtroy the Field-enemy, and by conſequence ſettle the Weſt: Thirdly, Excester and Barnstable would not probably hold out if the Field force were once ſubdued; whileſt that ſtood, they could not in honor yeeld, and therefore it was thought fit rather to follow the Enemy into Cornwal to ſubdue them, then to ſtay to reduce Excester and Barnstable, and then to purſue them, for that thoſe Garriſons would be dying for want of proviſions, whileſt the Army ſhould be in purſuit of the foreſaid intentions.

Lords day Feb. 22. Orders were given to bring up ſome ſmall quantity of Money that was at Tiverton to the Army, that upon their martch into Cornwal, there might be ſupply.

The Army martching into Cornwall. Monday Feb. 23. Part of the Army martched from Torrington to Holſworthy, being twelve long miles, dirty way; and the reſt from Biddiford, Tavestock, &c. to Torrington, being fifteen miles, and the wayes deep: Before the Van of the Army got into Holſworth, Colonel Butler was commanded before with a Party of Horſe and four hundred Dragoons, to force his paſſage over the River Tamar, and if conveniently he could, to fall into the Enemies Quarters; and Captaine Woggan, who was before ſent with a ſmall Party of Dragoons, took five and twenty Horſe and ſome Priſoners, and brought them to Holſworthy.

A conſiderable performance of Colonel Butler. Wedneſday 25. The Army had a Randezvouz neer Tomerton, where Intelligence came, That Colonel Butler had fallen upon the Enemy, and taken between three and four hundred Horſe and eighty Priſoners, and put Major General Web, with the Forces under his command to flight, (this ſervice was performed neer Stratton;) and thereupon our Forces entred Stratton, where the people were much taken with their civility. This day the Army martched to Launceston, ten long miles, being twelve at night before the Rear came up within two miles of the Towne, three Scouts were taken, who informed of Colonel Baſſets being in the Towne with five hundred Foot of Colonel Tremayne's, and ſome Horſe: a Forlon Hope was ſent before to demand the Towne, the Gates were ſhut upon them, the Enemy reſiſted, two of them were ſlaine, about an hundred taken, at laſt the Enemy was put to flight in great diſorder, by the darkneſſe of the night, narrowneſſe and ſteepneſſe of the wayes, moſt of them eſcaped; and our men poſſeſſed the Towne which had been garriſoned by them.

Thurſday 26. The head Quarter continued at Launceston, the Foot being much wearied out with the two dayes martch before: The General viewed the ancient Caſtle of Launceston, ſcituated upon a Mount, raiſed very high, but not fortified: the Works and Mounts on the top of the Hill the Enemy left ſtanding undemoliſhed. Many Corniſh were taken priſoners in the Towne the night before, who being brought before the General this day, had twelve pence apeece given them, and Paſſes to goe to their homes: the Townes people in Launceston were much affected with ſuch mercifull uſage. The Army in their martch into Cornwal, thus far had much cauſe to obſerve the peoples frights, quitting their Habitations in feare of the Army; the Enemy having inſinuated ſuch an ill opinion of it into them, endeavouring to make them beleeve by Oaths and Imprecations, that no Corniſh was to have quarter at our hands; of which prejudice and miſpriſſion, after the people were undeceived, they frequented the Markets again as in former time.

This day a Letter was ſent to Plymouth for the Corniſh Gentlemen there to haſten to the General to Launceston; the Rear-Guard of our Horſe were appointed to quarter along the River Tamar, the better to prevent the breaking through of the Enemies Horſe, an evill which his Excellency had ever a watchfull eye upon to prevent; Meſſengers were ſent to Colonel Cook, who was left before Barnstable with Major-General Maſſies Horſe (all except the Lyme Regiment) to keep good Scouts out, to fall on the Flank of the Enemy, in caſe they attempted to paſſe by; Captaine Farmer was ſent with a Company of Dragoons to poſſeſſe a Houſe neer Camelford, to gaine intelligence, and the more to amuſe the Enemy, touching our advance after them; and thereupon to enforce them to keep their Horſe in a Body, that they might not take Quarters, and ſo to weaken and diſcourage them from breaking through.

Friday the 27. The Head Quarters continuing ſtill at Launceston, the Plymouth Regiments of Foot were ſent unto, to come from Tavestock thither, and the reſidue to lye on the paſſes upon the River, the more effectually to interrupt the Enemy, if he attempted to break through.

Saturday the 28. His Excellency had intelligence, That Salt-Aſh was quit by the Enemy, and their Works left undemoliſhed; that the Governour of Mount-Edgcombe was reſolved to conclude upon a Treaty negotiated by Maſter Peeters: The Army was ordered this day to Quarters, and advanced four or five miles towards Bodman, that the Rear of our Horſe might quarter with more conveniency, and cloſer together; and to the end, the next day all the Army, both Horſe and Foot, might martch cloſe in a Body, in regard of the continued expectation that was of the Enemies Horſe breaking through, upon the advantage of a very open way much of it being Downes;) other Meſſengers were ſent alſo to Colonel Cook, for more ſurety and caution, to be in readineſſe in caſe the Enemy ſhould attempt to break through; for to prevent that, ſtill was the greateſt care of the General, knowing that if the Horſe got Eaſt and joyned with the Kings force, it might prolong the War, and much diſturb the peace of the Mid-land Counties; likewiſe a Poſt was ſent to Colonel Whaley to draw from Oxfordſhire towards Wiltſhire with ſome Regiments of his Horſe that he had before Oxford, the better to encounter with the Enemies Horſe, that would be to purpoſe harraſed out with their martch (in caſe they did break through) by a hard purſuit of them, which his Excellency intended.

About this time Abbington like to have bin ſurprized by a great Force from Oxford, was gallantly defended. Lords day, March 1. It happened to be a bitter cold froſt, the Randezvouz of the Army was that day about ſix miles from Launceston, upon the Moores; a Party of Horſe being ſent out, diſcovered the Enemies Scouts, and not farre from Saint Bliſland, took eight of them belonging to a Guard of three hundred Horſe, which they kept but a little before our Army; the Scouts confeſt they knew nothing of our approach that day, but expected us the next; that the three hundred Horſe they had upon the Guard (they thought) were drawne off; we had no ſooner advanced a little farther but the Van of our Army diſcovered their ſaid Guard, who faced about; our Army made an halt till our Reare was come up; the Evening drawing on, and having four miles yet to Bodman, it was held fit to quarter the Body of the Army in the Field, about Saint Bliſland, which was the head Quarter (a very poor Village;) and this was done both for ſecurity to lye cloſe together, being ſo neer an Enemy; and for expedition, to be the readier for a martch the next morning. Beſides, it was held much advantage for the Army to lye cloſe this night whereby they might keep good Horſe Guards, the better to diſcover and check the Enemy, if he ſhould ſeek to break through.

A little before they took the Enemies Scouts, Intelligence came, that our Dragoons under Captaine Farmer and Captaine Woggan were engaged with the Enemy as they were martching from the Houſe they poſſeſt to joyne with the Army; whereupon a Party of two thouſand Horſe were commanded under the Lieutenant General to fetch off our Dragoons, but before the Horſe came up, they had acquitted themſelves well, the Enemy was retired, and they were comming on to the Army. That Party of the Enemy was commanded by Sir James Smith, and had they not taken the nick of time and gone away when they did, they had been all taken in their retreat by our Horſe, which came ſo inſtantly after them, that they had like to have gained the paſſe. The Enemy retreating. This night his Excellency had intelligence, that the Enemy had quit Bodman about ten at night, Horſe and Foot retreating yet further Weſt, Whither Hopton went. and that the Lord Hopton (otherwiſe Sir Ralph Hopton) brought up the Reare, moſt of the men (poore creatures) being drunk when they went away, to mend their hard fortune.

His Excellency advancing after them. About this time Aſhby-de-la-Zouch, a Garriſon in Northamptonſhire, ſurrendred to the Parliament. Monday early in the morning, the Army following them, martched towards Bodman, and had a Randezvouz on the Downes on this ſide Bodman; from thence part of the Horſe and Foot were commanded to Ware-Bridge, being a paſſage that was ſuſpected very convenient for the Enemy, in caſe they intended to break Eaſtward; likewiſe Guards were commanded to Padſtow, for caution, leſt there the Enemy ſhould get over the River; and alſo the better to countenance the Towneſ-men that ſtood upon their guard againſt the Enemy. Two actions little leſſe then miraculous. This day four Troopers purſued a party of two and forty Muſquetteers of the Enemy beyond Bodman, with their Muskets laden and matches lighted, and after the rate of a miracle brought them away priſoners, ſuch feare was upon them (from Heaven certainly;) likewiſe ſix Troopers purſued the Enemy on the left hand as farre as Leſtithel, made them quit their Guards there, and hearing that Ammunition was going to Foy in Wane loads, purſued the Convoy thither, forced them to leave the Ammunition, and ſo brought back four Wane loads of Match, Powder, Bullet and barrels of Muskets, and ſafely convoyed the ſame to the head Quarter in Bodman: the Troopers that did this action were rewarded; but who is able to acknowledge the goodneſſe and power of that God by whom they did theſe exployts! Moreover, a Party of our Horſe this day took Sir John Greenvils Lieutenant-Colonel and others.

Tueſday March 3. The Army reſted at Bodman. Conſultation was had, what courſe was to be taken to keep the Enemy ſtill before the Army, their head Quarters then being at Truro, their neereſt Quarters about Saint Columb, Grampond and Tregny, between which Townes and Truro they lay then quartered, keeping their maine Guard of Horſe at Caſtle ô Deniſſe: All the paſſes from the North Sea to the South Sea, were taken into conſideration, and Guards of Horſe and Foot diſpoſed unto them, and the Country were enjoyned to barricadoe up the Lanes, and keep men upon the Foards.

Prince Charles gone to Scilly. Wedneſday March 4. His Excellency had certaine intelligence, that the Prince was imbarqued and ſet ſale for Scilly with his Lords and Gentlemen, giving all for loſt, and ſo evidently irrecoverable did their condition appeare to all, that their refuge of lyes failed them, and they did not ſtick to ſay in deſperation at their departure, That all was loſt. The diſcouragement it was to the Enemy. The Prince his flying much diſheartned the Enemy; and what a work ſhould it have upon us? It might become us here to ſtay and pauſe a while, I cannot but run upon that Scripture in my mind, Iſaiah 51. 12, 13, 14. verſes. Who art thou, that thou ſhouldſt be afraid of a man, that ſhall dye, and of the ſon of man, which ſhall be as graſſe? and forgetteſt the Lord thy Maker, that hath ſtretched forth the Heavens, and laid the foundations of the earth, and haſt feared continually every day, becauſe of the fury of the Oppreſſor, as if he were ready to deſtroy? and where is the fury of the Oppreſſor? The captive exile hasteneth that he may be looſed, and that he ſhould not dye in the pit, or that his Bread ſhould faile. The poor Corniſh, like the captive exile, haſtened to be delivered, leſt they ſhould dye in the pit, and therefore took up Armes on any ſide to make an end of the Warre, and reſtore a peace of any faſhion, for the fury of the Oppreſſor; and where is the fury of the Oppreſſor? A Ship hath embarqued them, a ſtrong wind hath carried them away, Scilly hath opened her Armes and received them, &c. but I muſt remember my ſtory.

The conditions for the ſurrender of Mount-Edgcomb, a place of great ſtrength and conſideration, were this day preſented to the General by Maſter Coriton, Maſter Lower, Maſter Glanvile, and Maſter Treviſa, Gentlemen of the Country, who were glad of the opportunity to preſent themſelves to the General for his favour; The Propoſitions were ratified by his Excellency, and Letters of recommendation were agreed unto, to be drawne and ſent on their behalfe to the Parliament; their ſeaſonable comming in was a good ſervice, and Maſter Peter's induſtry in this Negotiation was great and worthy all acceptation and acknowledgment.

A Sūmons was this day ſent unto ſome few Hundreds of the Country, to appeare on Friday following upon the Downes at Bodman, and ſtrong Parties were ſent out to ſee if they could meet with the Enemy; who meeting with ſome of their Guards forced them to retreat beyond Saint Collomb. This night the General had intelligence, that a Ship was come into Padstow from Ireland, that the Townes people ſeized on't, and ſtood on their guard againſt the Enemy, and ſent to our Dragoons, who quartered neer them, for their aſſiſtance.

Thurſday 5. The Dragoons comming to their aſſiſtance, boarded the Veſſell, ſome of the men were put to the ſword, others ſore wounded, Captaine Allen of Waterford an Iriſh Rebel, had his life ſpared, to the intent to make uſe of his Confeſſion; the Townes people were violent againſt them; the Packet-Letters they brought were throwne over Board; yet by the diligence of the Officers of Dragoons, were found floating upon the water: which being brought to the General, there was found amonſt them, Letters from the Earle of Glamorgan, that ſix thouſand Iriſh were ready to be tranſported, and four thouſand more ſhould be ready by the firſt of May; That three hundred ſpeciall Iriſh were appointed for the Prince his Life-guard, but Allen confeſt, that an hundred of them were to be put into the Monnt, an hundred into Pendennis, and the other hundred to be about the Prince, in caſe he ſhould approve of this diſpoſall. There were Letters alſo of the Lord Digbies taken in that Packet, being a narrative of his proceedings againſt the Earle of Glamorgan, expreſſing how ſwimmingly he had carried his Body in that buſineſſe: Alſo Letters from the Earle of Ormond. The Letters from Glamorgan to the King were not found. Maſter Coriton and the reſt of the Gentlemen who came from Mount-Edgcomb, being ſo opportunely here when the Packet came, had the Original Letters ſhewed unto them, which gave them ſuch ſatisfaction, as that they freely expreſt themſelves, that what force they could raiſe in the country ſhould be aſſiſting to the Parliament for the oppoſing of all Iriſh, or any Forraigners whatſoever, that ſhould be brought over.

CHAP. IV.

His Excellency with the Army driving up the Enemy into Cornwal: A Summons ſent to Sir Ralph Hopton and his Forces to come in, with the ſeverall tranſactions of that buſineſſe untill the diſbanding of all his Forces, fully related, &c.

IT was intended, that the Army ſhould advance on the morrow, but upon conſultation it was held fit to ſtay that martch, and to conſider of a Summons to be ſent unto the Lord Hopton; which was accordingly prepared, and ſent away by the General's Trumpet; which Summons followeth in theſe words:

Sir,

The Summons his Excellency ſent to Sir Ralph Hopton. THrough the goodneſſe of God to his people, and his juſt hand againſt their enemies, your Forces being reduc't to ſuch condition, as (to my ſenſe) the good hand of God continuing with us, wherein alone we truſt, they are not like either to have ſubſistence or ſhelter long where they are, or to eſcape thence, nor if they could, have they whither to goe to have better: I have thought good, for prevention of more bloodſhed, or of further hardſhip or extremity to any, but ſuch whoſe hearts God ſhall harden to their owne destruction, to ſend you this Summons, for your ſelfe and them to lay downe Armes, and withall a tender of ſuch conditions (upon a preſent ſurrender and engagement, never to beare Armes againſt the Parliament) as may be better then any thing they can rationally expect by further ſtanding out.

Firſt therefore, to the Souldiery in generall, Engliſh and Forreigners, I ſhall grant liberty either to goe beyond Sea, or to their homes in England, as they pleaſe; and to ſuch Engliſh as ſhall chooſe to live at home, my protection for the liberty of their perſons, and for the immunity of their eſtates from all plunder or violence of Souldiers, and all to goe their wayes with what they have, ſaving Horſes and Armes; but for Officers in Commiſſion and Gentlemen of quality, I ſhall allow them to goe with Horſes for themſelves and one ſervant or more, ſuteable to their quality, and with Armes befitting Gentlemen in a condition of peace; and ſuch Officers as would goe beyond Sea for other Service, to take with them their Armes and full number of Horſes anſwerable to their Offices.

To all Troopers and inferiour ſort of Horſe-Officers bringing in and delivering up of their Horſes and Armes, twenty ſhillings a man in lieu of their Horſes to carry them home: To Engliſh Gentlemen of conſiderable estates, my Paſſe and Recommendation to the Parliament for their moderate compoſition.

Lastly, for your ſelfe (beſides what is before implyed to you in common with others) you may be aſſured of ſuch mediation to the Parliament on your behalfe, both from my ſelfe and others, as for one whom (for perſonall worth and many vertues, but eſpecially for your care of, & moderation toward the Country) we honour and esteem above any other of your Party, whoſe error (ſuppoſing you more ſwayed with principles of honour and conſcience then others) we moſt pitty, and whoſe happineſſe (ſo farre as conſistent with the publicke welfare) we ſhould delight in more then in your leaſt ſuffering.

Theſe things (not from any need or other ends then humane and Christian) having offered, I leave to your conſideration and theirs whom they concerne, deſiring your and their ſpeedy reſolution, which I wiſh may be ſuch as ſhall be moſt for the honour of God, the peace and welfare of this poor Kingdome, and for your and their good, ſo far as may ſtand therewith.

And having herein diſcharged (as I conceive) the duty of an honeſt man, a Souldier and a Christian, if God ſhall ſee it good to let your hearts be hardened againſt your own peace, I ſhall (though with ſome regreet for that ill that ſhall enſue to any, yet with cheerfulneſſe and rejoycing at the righteous judgement of God) purſue my charge and truſt for the publick in another way, not doubting of the ſame preſence and bleſſing which God hath hitherto vouchſafed in the ſame Cauſe to the weak endeavours of

T. F. March 5. 1645.

Inſtructions were likewiſe prepared for thoſe that were to offer ſomething to the Country that ſhould appeare the next morning.

Friday March 6. His Excellency had intelligence, the Enemies Horſe began to draw together, as if they were reſolved to break through, for now was the time for them to doe it, or never; for one dayes advance more, would drive them into ſo narrow a compaſſe, that it was in vain to think of it afterwards. This was made known to the Country people, at their meeting upon the Downes, whereupon there were above a thouſand of them expreſt much willingneſſe to aſſiſt in the blocking up of all paſſages and wayes, that might prevent the Enemies breaking through; and the Iriſh Letters being ſhewed and read unto them by Maſter Peters, did much heighten their reſolution to aide and aſſiſt the Parliament againſt the Forreigners; and not onely ſo, but the forwardneſſe they expreſt to aſſiſt againſt the preſent Enemy in their Country, with the great joy and content they ſhewed at the Armies being come thither for their reliefe, (ſaying they had not ſeen ſuch a day this three yeers) was beyond expectation: and certainly there was the great hand and good providence of God in the opportune bringing in of this Packet of Letters thither, whereby the Country was ſo much wonne unto us. The happy event of this day had a further acceſſion by the news of the taking of Corfe Caſtle by a ſtratagem and ſtorm, managed by the diſcretion of that worthy & prudent Gentleman, Colonel Bingham, Governour of Poole.

Strict Orders were given to all our Forces upon the Guards to be very vigilant this night, and on the morrow a martch was intended for the whole Army.

Accordingly March 7. The Army martched early to a Randezvouz, ſome four miles from Bodman, towards Saint Collombe, but the weather proving extreame wet and the place they deſired to reach that night being a long martch, it was held fit to take up quarter in the Villages thereabouts for as many as the places could receive, and the General with the reſt of the Army returned back to Bodman.

But to keep the Enemy waking, that they might not refreſh their Horſe by any reſt in their Quarters, Colonel Rich was ſent with a thouſand Horſe and Dragoons to fall on the Enemies Guards and Quarters, and to bring in what priſoners he could light upon; which accordingly he did neer Saint Columbe, beat the Enemies Out-Guards to their Maine Guard, their maine Guard being about ſix hundred (moſt of them the Princes Life guard and Gentlemen) then commanded by Major-General Pert, who ſeeing no hopes of retreat, drew out to give a Charge, and gave a good home-charge to our firſt Diviſion; Maior-General Pert himſelf charged through, but being ſhot, was taken priſoner; inſtantly the Enemy was put to the rout before the reſt of our Diviſions could come up: That Diviſion of ours that was commanded by Quartermaſter-General Fincher, who firſt charged them, had the purſuit and execution of the Enemy for three or four miles, wherein many were wounded and ſlaine, about an hundred taken priſoners, and about three hundred Horſe.

But by reaſon the General and part of the Army retreated back this day to Bodman, the Malignants began to rejoyce, upon preſumption that the Army was affronted, and hereof they were ſo confident, that they conveyed it up with much expedition to Oxford, where it is certaine, they had publick rejoycing for the great Victory obtained againſt FAIRFAX his Forces in Cornwal.

Lords day March 8. Though the day were very rainy, the Army marched to other Quarters, within ſix or ſeven miles of Truro, to Saint Stephens, Saint Blaſe, and other parts: Major-General Pert was brought to the head Quarters ſore wounded, he was a proper, ſtout, gallant man; all meanes was uſed for his recovery, if it might have been. He ſatisfied divers there, that thoſe men that were ſo routed were the Princes Regiment, (moſt of them Gentlemen and Reformadoes:) That the Summons ſent from the General to the Lord Hopton was not publiſhed: The Copy of the Summons being read unto him, he ſaid, that the conditions therein mentioned would be readily accepted by the Souldiery, and if it were once publiſhed in the Army, and refuſed by the Officers, it would break them to pieces. In Major-General Pert's pocket there was found a Letter intended to be ſent to the Lords that were about the Prince, to this purpoſe: That the Kings condition is ſo low, is not our fault; we are not able to break through the Enemy, nor ſtrong enough to fight them, therefore are reſolved to compound for our ſelves, and leave you to doe what you pleaſe,

This day the Lord Hopton returned back the General's Trumpet without Anſwer to the Summons, onely with this Apology; Viz. By Colonel Rich his beating of their Guard. That by reaſon of the interruption the laſt night, he could not ſend a particular Anſwer to the General, but would ſend one very ſhortly: Which that he might vindicate from a delatory excuſe, he made haſte; and this day towards the Evening an Anſwer came from the Lord Hopton, wherein he ſeemed willing to fancy the King and Parliament into a Treaty and Ceſſation, and deſired to know if it were not ſo; as the Anſwer it ſelfe will ſhew, the Copy whereof followeth.

Sir,

Sir Ralph Hoptons anſwer to his Excellencies Summons. I Received yours, bearing date the fift of this Moneth; wherein I muſt acknowledge much kindneſſe from you, and a very Christian conſideration of ſparing blood: But one thing there is, I am confident you have too much honour to expect from me; which is, that to avoid any danger, or to enjoy any worldly advantage, I will renounce my Masters Houſe, to whom I am both a ſworne Subject, and a ſworne Servant; That I muſt profeſſe I am reſolved to undergoe all Fortunes with him, and, if there ſhall be cauſe, to ſuffer any thing, rather then in the leaſt poynt to taint my honour in that particular; and I hope there is not a man of any conſideration in this Army under my command, that is not ſo reſolved: yet in all honeſt and honourable wayes, to procure the peace of this Kingdome, and the ſparing of Christian blood, I take God to witneſſe, I am, and ſtill have been moſt deſirous: And I heare from good hands, that our gracious Soveraigne is at preſent ſo farre advanced in a Treaty with the Parliament, as that he hath promiſed to paſſe four of the principall of their Bils propoſed, whereof the entrusting of the Militia for ſeven yeers, in hands agreed between them, is one. I deſire you to deal freely with me in that particular; for if that be ſo, it will ſpare the labour of further Treaty, being for my part, ready to obey whatſoever his Majesty ſhall agree to. God hath indeed of late humbled us with many ill ſucceſſes, which I acknowledge as a very certaine evidence of his juſt judgment againſt us for our perſonall crimes: Yet give me leave to ſay, your preſent proſperity cannot be ſo certaine an evidence of his being altogether pleaſed with you. It is true, we are reduced to a lower condition then we have been in, yet have we a gallant Body of Horſe, that being preſerved to a generall accord, may be for good uſe againſt our common Enemies; and being otherwiſe preſt, I may ſay it without vanity, want not a reſolution, at leſt, to ſell our ſelves at a deare rate againſt any oddes. Your Propoſitions, though they be not wholly conſented to, yet if a generall accord, much more deſirable, be not in a likely forwardneſſe to prevent them, I ſhall be willing that eight Commanders of ours, with three Country Gentlemen, give a meeting as ſoon as you pleaſe, to any equall number of yours, at any indifferent place, to conſult of this great buſineſſe, and to conclude of ſome Propoſitions that may be reaſonable and honourable for both Parts; wherein I hope God will ſo bleſſe our cleer intentions, as may produce a probable inducement to a generall Peace, according to the unfained deſire of

Your Servant RALPH HOPTON. March 8. 1645.

But this Art would not do, my Lord Hoptons Magick is not ſtrong enough to condenſe the meer ayre of his owne fancy into a Ceſſation before our Armies, as by the Generals Reply to this Anſwer, the Reader may ſatisfie himſelfe; which here followes.

My Lord:

His Excellencies Reply. I Should moſt truly and freely informe your Lordſhip the beſt I could, in any thing that might lead you to a right understanding of things, in order to the peace of the Kingdome, or the reall good of your ſelfe and thoſe with you, ſo farre as may ſtand with my truſt and duty to the publick, to what I conceive your more certaine knowledge of that your deſire to be informed in concerning the Kings offers to the Parliament, would not be prejudiciall: But the truth is, I can give you no other ſatisfaction or aſſurance therein then this: That the King hath made ſome offers to the Parliament; and amongst them, one concerning the Militia. Something to the purpoſe, as you ſay you have heard; but the juſt certainty what his laſt overtures are, or how far they are advanced to a generall accord, I cannot at preſent certifie. I do not heare they have proceeded ſo farre as to a Treaty; And I beleeve, that as the Parliament may be diſcouraged from the way of Treaty by former experiences of the fruitleſneſſe thereof, and the ill uſe the ſame hath been deſigned or driven unto, viz. onely to gaine advantages for Warre, without reall intentions for Peace; ſo the late overtures that way are the leſſe like to be ſuccesfull, by reaſon of the cleer and certaine diſcoveries the Parliament have had, That his Majesty at the ſame time was and is labouring by Agents in all parts to draw in Forraigne Forces, and eſpecially that the Earle of Glamorgan by Commiſſion from his Majesty, had concluded a Peace with the Iriſh Rebels, on tearmes extreamly diſhonourable and prejudiciall, upon the onely condition of ſending over Force under the command of that Lord, to invade England; whereof I preſume you cannot but have heard. And though his Majesty did in a Letter to the Parliament, diſavow any ſuch agreement, and pretended he had given order to the Lord Digby for the attainting and impeaching the Earle of Glamorgan of high Treaſon, for what he had done therein: yet by late diſcoveries to the Parliament, and eſpecially by Letters intercepted the other day at Padſtow, from the Lord Digby, the Earle of Glamorgan, and others, to Secretary Nicholas, your ſelfe, Sir Edward Hide, the Lord Culpepper, and others, it is moſt cleer and evident, that the arresting of the Earle of Glamorgan was onely for a preſent colour to ſalve reputation with the people, and continue their deluſion till deſignes were ripe for execution; for the ſame peace is fully concluded with the Rebels, the King to have the ayde conditioned upon the ſame agreement, and the Earle of Glamorgan at liberty againe; and to command that Force in chiefe.

Now for the overture of a meeting, to treat further about the Propoſitions I ſent, though I know nothing materiall that I can adde or alter, except in circumstances, yet I ſhall not refuſe or decline ſuch a meeting, or ought elſe that probably tends to the ſaving of blood, or further miſery to any, Provided, the meeting be ſpeedily, and number of perſons not to exceed four or five. But, my Lord, when you conſider what I have before related concerning Forraigne ſupplies, which I have reaſon to think you know & beleeve; you ſee what cauſe I have to be jealous of advantages ſought by delayes; and not to intermit any time, or omit any opportunity, to proſecute the ſervice I have in hand: And that there may be no colour of your expecting that forbearance on my part, which you offer on yours, I doe the more hasten back my reſolution to you: In purſuance whereof, I doe not deſpiſe nor ſhall inſult upon your preſent condition. I question not, nor yet ſhall, I hope, be much moved with the reſolution of your men; I preſume not on former ſucceſſes nor preſent advantage in fleſhly power, but deſire to truſt in God alone, whoſe favour and bleſſing to this Army above others, I doe not account in what is paſt, or expect in future, to be for any precedence in merit or goodneſſe of ours, whereby we ſhould be more pleaſing to him then others, but from his owne Free grace and goodneſſe towards his people, whoſe welfare, with the common good of the Kingdome, we ſeek and deſire with all faithfulneſſe and integrity to purſue. And ſo committing the iſſue of all to his good pleaſure, J remaine

Your humble Servant THO. FAIRFAX. March 9. 1645.

Moreover, beſides the proportion this Anſwer might beare to the better information of the Lord Hopton, his Excellency (to ſatisfie him more fully) commanded ſome of the Regiments to advance this day to Tregny (an ill ſigne of a Ceſſation) and the next day the Army advanced two ſeverall wayes, part of it following to Tregny, (the head Quarter that night) another part of it to Probus, and thoſe parts. But ſuch was the force of the Lord Hopton's imagination upon his owne Souldiers, that they inſtead of asking, acted a Ceſſation; when our Forlorne of Horſe comming neer theirs, not far from Probus, they did not endeavour to put themſelves in order to receive us, nor did they make any teſiſtance, but ſtood ſtill: our men much wondring thereat. And what was the cauſe? but a Ceſſation between the Armies (as they beleeved, or would ſeem to beleeve) for ſo ſoon as our men came neer, they cryed, A Ceſſation, a Ceſſation: ours cryed, No, no, there was none: and much adoe had Commiſſary-generall Ireton, and other Officers, to perſwade them there was none; notwithſtanding, ſince they were ſo poſſeſſed and deluded, we wiſht them to be gone, and we would take no advantage of them. The Enemy expreſſing much ſorrow (that there was not a Ceſſation as they were informed) retired, ſeeming alſo to be ſomewhat affected, that they had ſo noble and ingenuous an Enemy, that took not this advantage to do them any hurt, as we might have done, there being no Ceſſation.

The Lord Hopton ſeeing his ſtratagem would not take, but he muſt beg a Ceſſation if he would have it, and that his men were ſo ſtartled at the advance of our Army, The Lord Hopton ſends for a Treaty. ſent this night about twelve of the clock, for a Treaty, naming the place, Treſillian-Bridge, if his Excellency approved of it: The Trumpet was returned about three in the morning, That the General did hearken to a Treaty, and would appoint Commiſſioners to meet at the place propoſed by the Lord Hopton. Hereupon Commiſſioners on both ſides were nominated to meet at nine the next day, being Tueſday morning (March 10.) But the General being unwilling to loſe time, gave Orders for a martch: accordingly the Army that Tueſday advanced by breake of day, and martched to a Randezvouz within two miles of Truro by ten of the clock, where the Lord Hopton's Trumpeter brought a ſafe Conduct for our Commiſſioners, and they having received the like from us, a Ceſſation was agreed to; but withall, a Meſſage was ſent to the Lord Hopton from the General, That he intended to quarter his Army at Truro and Saint Allen that night, which he thought fit to give him notice of, that none of his Forces might be left in the Towne when our Souldiers entred. This much diſreliſhed with the Lord Hopton, and his Commiſſioners that he ſent, had much reluctancy againſt it. The General, upon conference with the Commiſſioners, was content to let them have Saint Allen for their Quarter; his Excellency reſerving ſtill Truro (the prime Quarter) to himſelfe. And here we had the Enemy in a pound, ſo that he had but ſix miles bredth to break through, if he attempted it. And now we having the Paſſe at Truro, the Lord Hopton drew his Forces to quarter more Weſtward, and the Treaty was adjourned till next Morning, and a Ceſſation obſerved on both Sides.

Wedneſday the 11. The Commiſſioners on both ſides met againe, but could not make any great progreſſe into the Treaty; the Ceſſation was continued for a day longer: about one hundred and twenty Muſquetteers came in this day with their Armes, and Colours flying, being of Colonel Trevanian's Regiment: alſo divers Colonels, Knights and Gentlemen of quality, ſent to the General, making knowne their deſires, to be received into the protection of the Parliament; which ſo diſheartned Colonel Trevanian, then with his Regiment at Perin, that late that evening he ſent unto his Excellency, deſiring he might be included in the Treaty with the Lord Hopton, and have the ſame conditions that other Officers were to have. Theſe things ſo operated with the Governour of Saint Mawes Caſtle, a principall Fort that had a great command of the Haven at Falmouth, that he ſent to the General to be received into favour: And although Arrundell the Governour of Pendennis, ſent to command him to come into the Caſtle of Pendennis, he fearing ſome evill intended againſt him, refuſed and perſiſted in his former deſire: whereupon the General ſent him conditions, with a Summons; which were accepted, and he agreed to ſurrender.

By reaſon of the Ceſſation, our Troopers mixed with the Enemies; and upon this bruit abroad (though without ground) that the Enemies Troopers ſhould loſe their Horſes, they to make ſome advantage of them, courſed good ſtore of their beſt Horſes to our men.

By twelve of the clock this night, all the materiall poynts of the Treaty were concluded, matters of circumſtance onely remained, which yet were ſo neceſſary to be concluded, in order to the perfecting of the Treaty, that the next day was allowed (and the Ceſſation continued) for the finiſhing thereof. When the Treaty was fully ended, and Hoſtages appointed, the ſame day Saint Mawes Caſtle was ſurrendred, and thirteen pieces of Ordnance in it (whereof two great Braſſe Pieces, of about four thouſand weight apiece) and our Foot were ſent to poſſeſſe it.

The Treaty being thus ended, with great joy did the Enemies Officers receive our conditions, and wiſht they had ſooner known our intentions towards them. Thoſe that ſeemed moſt diſcontented, were the common Troopers that were to be diſmounted, who therefore to mend their conditions, had changed away their beſt Horſes, for advantage, before the disbanding. And it is not to be credited, how much our Army did get into the Enemies eſteem during the Ceſſation, and what ſorrowfull expreſſions many of them did make, that they han been ſo deluded concerning our carriage; ingenuouſly confeſſing, that the civility of our Army had been ever till now concealed from them. Officers and Souldiers unanimouſly deſired imployment for Jreland; being willing to take the Sacrament Oath (for that they propoſed) or to enter into what other Obligation ſhould be thought fit, That as they would never beare Armes againſt the Parliament in England, ſo that they would not, if they were imployed in Jreland by the Parliament, deſiſt from purſuing of their commands againſt the Jriſh Rebels, upon any countermand or other invitation of the Kings: affirming, that they had ſufficiently ſmarted already for being enticed by him.

Saturday was appointed to be the day of disbanding, which yet of very neceſſity was put off till the next day; in the meane time one hundred and twenty more of the Enemies Foot, with Colours, came in; and now all things being agreed, the Commiſſioners of both ſides ſupt this night with the General.

The next day, which was appointed for the Disbanding, was the Lords day, in which the Army would have been glad to have reſted, but in regard time was precious, and the country ſuffered ſo much by the Enemies Forces that lay upon them, they by good warrant preferred mercy and neceſſity before ſacrifice, and the French Regiment, under the command of Monſieur Laplane, which was to be the firſt disbanded, was that day brought to the place appointed for Disbanding. Their Horſes were very poore, they having before, by private contracts, put off the beſt of them. There were about three hundred diſmounted; but they having made their markets before, moſt of their Horſes (as was but juſt) were turned back upon their owne hands, as not worth the twenty ſhillings an Horſe, which they were to receive according to the agreement. In the ſpace of five dayes more was the work finiſhed, and the whole Field force of the Enemy in the Weſt of England disbanded; viz. On Monday two Brigades of Horſe. Tueſday 17. the two Brigades of the Lord Cleveland's and Major-General Web's. Wedneſday 18. part of the Lord Wentworth's, Colonel Bovile's Brigade, Lord Hopton's Life-guard, and Sir Richard Greenvil's Life-guar'd. Thurſday two Brigades more, of which the Lord Goring's was one, and the Princes Life guard. Friday 20. the two laſt Troops of all the Corniſh Horſe were disbanded. The number of Brigades in all that were disbanded, were nine; viz. the French Brigade, conſiſting of three Regiments: The Lord Wentmorth's Brigade, conſiſting of four Regiments: Sir James Smith's Brigade, conſiſting of three Regiments: The Lord Cleveland's Brigade, conſiſting of four Regiments: Major-General Web's of three Regiments: The Lord Hopton's Brigade, commanded by Colonel Bovile: The Lord Goring's Brigade, of five Regiments: The Princes Life-guard, conſiſting of nine Troops, being ſeven hundred men, armed: Sir Richard Greenvil's Reformadoes. The men that were diſmounted are proper and luſty men.

To the Honourable William Lenthall Eſquire; SPEAKER of the Honourable Houſe of COMMONS. SIR,

WHilſt I lay at Bodman for the neceſſary refreſhment of the Army, and to block up the Paſſages from Bodman to the North and South Sea, I ſent a Summons, with Propoſitions, to Sir Ralph Hopton, and the Army under his command (A true Copy whereof I have here incloſed) being encouraged thereunto by ſome of the Enemies Officers and Souldiers, who came in to me, and informed of their inclinableneſſe to Conditions; and hoping thereby either to bring them to ſuch termes as ſhould be to your advantage, or would diſtract and weaken them; and withall underſtanding by the intercepted Letters I ſent you, that an Iriſh Infantry was ready to be ſhipt for England, I thought fit to try all meanes which in probability might break their Body of Cavalry upon the place. When I had diſpatched theſe Propoſitions to the Enemy, J advanced upon Monday with all the Army from Bodman towards Truro, being then the Enemies head Quarters, and to Tregny, where I quartered that night. Sir RalphHopton ſent a Trumpeter to me with a Letter, deſiring to have Commiſſioners apointed on both ſides, to meet at Treſilian-Bridge the next day, with power to treat and conclude, which I aſſented to: The Treaty accordingly began, the Commiſſioners meeting about four a clock in the Afternoon, and J in the meane time advancing the quarters of the Army to Truro and Saint Allen: After ſome time ſpent between the Commiſſioners, this agreement was made, a Copy whereof I have here alſo encloſed; and in execution thereof, this day we began to disband the French Brigade under Colonel Lapland: To morrow we proceed with three other Brigades, they having nine in all; and ſhall endeaveur to ſhorten this work as much as may be. Truly Sir, this muſt needs be acknowledged for an admirable mercy from the ſame gracious hand of providence that hath hitherto gone along with you, that ſo conſiderable a force as this ſhould be ſo baffled, firſt at Torrington, and afterwards ſhould put themſelves, as it were, into a Net; whereby they were neceſſitated to take termes, to the tter Ruine of ſo great a Bodie of Cavalry; which according to all our information, and the confeſſion of our Enemies, was not leſſe at the time of the Treatie, then four or five thouſand Horſe. The Articles of Agreement will ſpeak the mercie, and needs no comment; yet I hope I may make this obſervation upon them, that thereby not onely ſo great a Body of Cavalry is broken, but ſo many both Officers and Souldiers diſobliged from taking armes againſt you, and this at ſuch a ſeaſon when a Forraigne Aide ſo ready, as the Earle of Glamorgan's Letters ſent up formerly (and now ſent you) ſpeake at large, the timely freeing of us for other ſervices that remaine, with diſcouragement put upon the Enemies Garriſons in theſe parts, which we hope will cauſe them the more ſpeedily to come in, we truſt will be good conſequences of this work: It's the deſire of us all, the praiſe of all may be returned to God, to whom it is onely due. The reputation of this hath already produced a ſurrender of Saint Mawes Castle, wherein we found about thirteen Guns, and good proportion of Ammunition; which place gives you a better intereſt in Falmouth-Harbour, then the Enemy hath: For by the advantage hereof, you may bring in Shipping without hazard, which they cannot. It hath alſo occaſioned the comming in of between three hundred and four hundred Foot of the Enemies, with their Armes, to me; and given the Countries ſuch heart againſt them, That in Peryn (a Towne formerly not very well affected) and in Saint Ive they ſtand upon their Guards againſt the Enemy: For further particulars concerning this buſineſſe, I referre you to Master Peters, who ſince he came into this County (where he was borne) hath very much furthered the ſervice, in the bringing of the Country in ſo freely to the protection of the Parliament: I remaine

Your moſt humble Servant THO. FAIRFAX.
TRURO, March 14. 1645. Articles of Agreement concluded betwixt Commiſſary Generall Ireton, Colonell John Lambert, Colonell John St. Aubin, Commiſſary Generall Stane, Captaine Edward Herle, and Richard Deane, Comptroller of the Ordnance, Commiſſioners appointed on the behalfe of his Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX Knight, Generall of the Parliaments Army, on the one part: And Colonell Charles Goring, Colonell Marcus Trevor, Colonell Thomas Panton, Colonell Jordan Bovill, Sir Richard Prideaux Knight, and Major Goteer, Commiſſioners appointed on the behalfe of the Right Honourable the Lord HOPTON, Generall of his Majesties Army, on the other part; as followeth: I. IT is concluded and agreed, That no perſon in the Lord Hopton's Army, not formerly by name excepted by the Parliament from pardon, ſhall be excluded from the privilege of this Treaty, either as being a Forreigner, or for having formerly ſerved the Parliament; but ſhall equally have the benefit of what ſhall upon this Treaty be granted to other perſons of that quality that they are of in the Army: And for any perſons by name excepted by the Parliament, they ſhall have preſent liberty (if they deſire it) to goe beyond Seas, with like recommendation and equipage as others of like quality; or if they deſire to live at home in England, to make their addreſſes to the Parliament, for that, or other purpoſe, they ſhall have leave and reaſonable time ſo to do, and the General's protection to live quietly and at liberty in any place they ſhall nominate and chuſe within the Parliaments Quarters, untill they have received the Parliaments Reſolution; And if the Parliament ſhall not think fit to grant ſuch their deſires, they ſhall then have leave and Paſſes to goe beyond Sea, as before, or to any of the King's Armies or Garriſons, as they ſhall think fit. II. That the Army and Forces under the command of the Lord Hopton, ſhall within ſix dayes after the date hereof be wholy disbanded and diſcharged by the Lord Hopton, and the Generall Officers, Colonels, and other Officers under his command according to the ſeverall charges in manner hereafter expeſſed. III. That all common Troopers, Corporals of Horſe, Farriers and Sadlers, that are mounted, being of, or belonging to the Forces under the command of the right honourable the Lord Hopton, ſhall bring in and deliver up their Horſes, with their Bridles and Saddles, and all their Armes, unto his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or unto whom he ſhall appoint to receive them, in manner, time and place, as is hereafter expreſt; Provided, that all Corporals, and ſuch common Troopers as ſhall appeare Gentlemen of worth, and ſuch other Troopers as ſhall goe beyond Sea, ſhall be allowed to keep and carry away with them their Swords. IV. That upon performance hereof, they ſhall receive twenty ſhillings a man, or keep their Horſes, and ſhall have their Paſſes to goe to their homes in England, or beyond Sea, with their Bag and Baggage, which they ſhall have leave to carry with them, or diſpoſe of them as they pleaſe; and thoſe to whom Swords are allowed, as before, to paſſe with their Swords. V. That the Commiſſion-Officers of Horſe under the Lord Hopton, for their ſeverall Troops reſpectively, ſhall cauſe the ſaid Horſes and Armes to be duly delivered in without changes, ſpoyling or imbezlement among themſelves, according to the effect of the firſt Article before-going. VI. That this being performed, all the ſaid Commiſſion-Officers of Horſe in preſent command, and all Trumpeters belonging to them, ſhall have liberty to goe away, either to their homes in England, or beyond the Seas, with their Bag and Baggage: And alſo, they ſhall have ſuch number of Horſes and Equipage, as is hereafter allowed, according to their ſeverall qualities: That is to ſay, Firſt, For thoſe that ſhall chuſe to goe beyond the Seas, the full number of Horſes and Fire-armes, if they have ſo many of their owne. To Trumpeters one Horſe a piece, and their Trumpets. To Quartermasters two Horſes and one caſe of Pistols. To Cornets three Horſes and two caſe of Pistols. To Lieutenants four Horſes and three caſe of Pistols. To Captaines, Majors and Lieutenant-Colonels, ſix Horſes and four caſe of Pistols. To Colonels eight Horſes and ſix caſe of Pistols. To the Adjutant generall ſix Horſes and four caſe of Pistols. To the other Adjutants of Brigades, three Horſes a piece and one caſe of Pistols. To the Scoutmaster-generall ſix Horſes and two caſe of Pistols. To the Quartermaster-generall ſix Horſes and two caſe of Pistols. To the Marſhall-generall four Horſes and one caſe of Pistols. To the Deputy Quartermaster-generall two Horſes. To the Deputy Scoutmaster one Horſe. To the Major generall twelve Horſes and ſix caſe of Pistols. To the Commiſſary-generall of Horſe proviſions, three Horſes and a caſe of Pistols. To the Commiſſary-generall of Victuals, three Horſes and one caſe of Pistols. To the Chirurgion generall three Horſes. To Quartermasters of Brigades three Horſes and one caſe of Pistols. To Chirurgions of Regiments two Horſes. To all theſe, except Chirurgions, their deſenſive Armes, and Swords for themſelves and their ſervants; and to every Field Officer one Carabine, and Chirurgions their ſwords. Secondly, Thoſe that ſhall chuſe to abide in England, with the General Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX his Protection, and to live at home, ſhall have their Proportions as followeth. The Trumpeters one Horſe a piece and their Trumpets. To Quartermaſters one Horſe a piece. To Cornets and Lieutenants two Horſes a piece and one caſe of Piſtols. To Captaines three Horſes a piece and one caſe of Piſtols. To Majors four horſes a piece and one caſe of Piſtols. To Lieutenant-Colonels five horſes a piece and one caſe of Piſtols. To Colonels ſix horſes a piece and two caſe of Piſtols. To the Major-generall ten horſes, three caſe of Piſtols. To the Adjutant-generall ſix horſes, one caſe of Piſtols. To the Adjutants of Brigades one horſe a piece and one caſe of Piſtols. To the Quartermaſter-generall ſix horſes, one caſe of Piſtols. To the Marſhall-generall three horſes, one caſe of Piſtols. To the Deputy Quartermaſter-generall two horſes. To the Scoutmaſter-generall four horſes, one caſe of Piſtols. All theſe to have Swords for themſelves and their Servants. To the Commiſſary of horſe proviſion, two horſes and a caſe of Piſtols. To the Commiſſary of Victuals, two horſes, a caſe of piſtols. To the Deputy Scoutmaſter one horſe. To the Quartermaſters of Brigades two horſes. To the Chirurgion-generall two horſes. To Chirurgions of Regiments one horſe. To Chaplaines two horſes. All theſe, except Chaplaines, to have Swords for themſelves and their Servants. VII. That the precedent Articles concerning the ſurrender of Troopers Horſes. &c. being performed; if any Officer in command that chuſeth to live at home, ſhall appeare to have more Horſes of his owne, then what he is before allowed by the laſt precedent Article, the Commiſſioners of Sir Thomas Fairfax his part, will recommend it to his Excellencies favour, that they may enjoy the benefit of ſuch Horſes of their own, to the ſame number as Officers of like quality that are to goe beyond the Seas. VIII That of the Reformadoe Officers that chuſe to live at home in England, Reformadoe Quartermaſters ſhall have the ſame conditions as Coporals in command; Cornets and Lieutenants ſhall goe away with one Horſe a piece; Captaines, Majors and Lieutenant-Colonels with two Horſes a piece, and Colonels with three Horſes a piece, if they have ſo many of their owne, and one caſe of Piſtols: thoſe Reformadoes that deſire to goe beyond Seas, to have halfe the proportion of Horſes and Arms allowed in that caſe to Officers of the like quality in preſent command, if they have them of their owne, and all of them to goe with Swords, Bag and Baggage, or diſpoſe thereof at pleaſure. IX. That all Gentlemen of quality in Armes or not in Armes, but living under the protection of the ſaid Army, ſhall have liberty either to goe to their own houſes, or beyond the Seas, with Bag and Baggage, and Equipage according to their ſeverall qualities, as followeth; That is to ſay, A Knight with four Horſes, three Servants, one caſe of Piſtols, and their Swords. An Eſquire with three Horſes, two Servants, one caſe of Piſtols, and their Swords. A Gentleman with two Horſes, one Servant, one caſe of Piſtols, and their Swords. A Gentleman of loweſt rank, with one Horſe for himſelfe, and a Sword. Schollers and Clergymen to have one Horſe at the leaſt, or more, according to their different degrees, at the Generals diſcretion. X. That to all thoſe who according to the effect of theſe Articles ſhall chuſe to goe beyond the Sea, Paſſes ſhall be granted from the General Sir Thomas Fairfax accordingly, and to thoſe who being Engliſh, ſhall chuſe to live at home, Paſſes for that purpoſe, and protections for the liberty of their perſons, and alſo for the freedome of their Eſtates from all plunder and violence of Souldiers; and that ſuch Gentlemen, or others, that have conſiderable Eſtates, may have the General's Letters of Recommendation to the Parliament (if deſired) for their moderate compoſition. XI. That after the performance of theſe Articles ſo farre to disbanding and delivering up of what is to be delivered, All Officers and Souldiers that ſhall, according to theſe Articles, chuſe to goe beyond the Seas, ſhall have ſufficient Quarters aſſigned them by Sir Thomas Fairfax, neer convenient Ports for their tranſportation; and that they ſhall have twenty eight dayes allowed to ſtay in England, from the day of their ſeverall disbanding, and that the charge of quartering their Horſes be diſcharged by themſelves after the firſt fourteen dayes for the time of their further ſtay; That the Generall will appoint men to take care that Shipping ſhall be provided for tranſporting their Perſons, Armes, Bag and Baggage, they paying the accuſtomed rates. XII. That a certaine number of Officers of the Lord Hopton's Army, not exceeding forty, upon the Lord Hopton's Commiſſioners requeſt, ſhall be permitted to have paſſes for themſelves, and their Servants, Horſes and neceſſaries to goe to Oxford; Provided, that their Servants exceed not the number of two, their Horſes three, to every one reſpectively. XIII. That the Lord Hopton ſhall be allowed for his owne uſe, all his Horſes; Provided, they exceed not the number of forty; and Armes for himſelfe and twelve men; and that the Lord Wentworth ſhall have all his Horſes; Provided, they exceed not five and twenty, and Armes for himſelfe and eight men, and places aſſigned them for conveniency of Quarters. XIV. That ſuch Engliſh men as ſhall chuſe to abide in England at their homes, and all Forreigners of the ſaid Army, ſhall engage themſelves by promiſe, in ſuch forme as is herewith agreed on, not to beare Armes any more againſt the Parliament of England, nor to act any thing wilfully prejudiciall to the Parliaments affaires, without firſt rendring themſelves priſoners to the Parliament: And likewiſe all ſuch Engliſh as ſhall chuſe to goe beyond Sea, ſhall engage themſelves in the like promiſe for three yeers next enſuing the date hereof, or otherwiſe ſhall loſe the benefit of theſe Articles, excepting the Lord Hopton and Lord Wentworth, and the number of Officers allowed to goe to Oxford in the twelfth Article before-going, who are by the intention of theſe Articles left free from ſuch engagement. XV. That all Horſes, Armes and Furniture of Warre belonging to, or in the hands of any perſon in the ſaid Army, not allowed in the precedent or ſubſequent Articles, to be carried away, ſhall be delivered up to ſuch perſons, and at ſuch places neer Truro, or Sir Thomas Fairfax his head Quarters, as his Excellency ſhall appoint, within ſix dayes after the date hereof, without ſpoyle or imbezlement, at the care as well of the General's Officers of the ſaid Army, and all Commanders in their ſeverall charges, as by the perſons themſelves to whom ſuch Armes or Furniture of Warre do belong, or in whoſe cuſtody they were. XVI. That whoſoever ſhall after the concluſion of this Treaty, purpoſely break, ſpoyle or imbezle any of the Armes, Horſes or Furniture, agreed and concluded to be delivered up in this Treaty, ſhall forfeit the benefit due unto him by any Article in the Treaty. And if any of the ſaid Army after the concluſion of this Treaty, ſhall plunder, or wilfully do any violence unto any Inhabitants of the Country, he ſhall give ſatisfaction unto the perſons ſo wronged, or loſe the benefit of the Treaty; and that the Commiſſioners of both parties, or any three of them, whereof one or more to be of Sir Thomas Fairfax his party, and one or more to be of the Lord Hopton's, ſhall have power to heare and determine all ſuch caſes accordingly. XVII. That the ſaid Army and Forces under the command of the Lord Hopton, from the time of the concluſion of this Treaty, untill the time of their drawing out to be disbanded, as in the enſuing Articles, ſhall be quartered in ſuch places Weſtward from Truro, as Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall appoint, which ſhall be large enough for their accommodation, and that the Ceſſation of Armes, and of all Acts of Hoſtility betwixt the two Armies ſhall continue unto the time of the compleat diſbanding of the Lord Hopton's Army. XVIII. That for the disbanding of the ſaid Forces, and delivering up of Horſes, Armes, &c. In performance of the precedent Articles, Every Brigade and Regiment under the Lord Hopton's command, ſhall by their reſpective Commanders be drawne out into ſuch places of Randezvouz, within two miles of Truro, or Sir Thomas Fairfax his head Quarters, and upon ſuch dayes as Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall for them joyntly or ſeverally appoint, notice of the ſame being given to his Excellency in writing ſixteen hours beforehand, under the Commiſſioners of the Lord Hopton's part, or any of them, two or more of whom ſhall for that and other purpoſes continue at Sir Thomas Fairfax his head Quarters, untill the disbanding be finiſhed, and that the Quartermaſter general, or Adjutant of the Lord Hopton's with one Horſman from every Brigade, ſhall alſo be there with them, and that none of the ſaid Brigades or Regiments ſhall be drawne out of their Quarters (which ſhall be aſſigned to them as before) otherwiſe then upon, and according to ſuch notice from Sir Thomas Fairfax as before, except to and for their ordinary Guards. XIX. That to, or before the drawing out of the ſeverall Brigades or Regiments to ſuch Randezvouz as before, the chiefe Commanders of them reſpectively, ſhall deliver unto whom Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall appoint, a true and perfect Liſt of the Regiments and Troops in the ſeverall Brigades, and of all Officers and Souldiers in their ſeverall Troops, expreſſing by name which of them do chuſe to goe beyond Sea, and which do goe to live at home; as alſo who are Reformadoes, and in what degree of command they have ſerved: and that at the ſame times and places, the Horſes, Armes and Furniture, by vertue of the precedent Articles to be delivered up, ſhall be delivered up accordingly; and all the Officers and ſouldiers disbanded and diſcharged, and there ſhall receive their paſſes, with Warrants for quarters by the way for one night in a place, and be conveyed towards their ſeverall homes, as farre as Chard, if they goe ſo farre, or unto Quarters aſſigned them for their tranſportation, according to the precedent Articles.

That for the further performance of theſe Articles, two Colonels of each Army ſhall be mutually delivered and kept as Hostages.

H. Ireton. Jo. Lambert. Jo. St Aubin. William Stane. Edward Herle. Richard Deane. Charles Coring. Marcus Trevor. Thomas Panton. Jordan Bovill. Richard Prideaux. Jean Goteer.

There came in to the General during the Treaty, many Lieutenant-Colonels, Serjeant-Majors and Captaines.

Many Gentlemen of quality.

Ninety and ſix common Souldiers from Peryn with Armes.

Twelve more followed them.

One hundred more with their Arms and Colours, of Colonel Trevanian's Regiment.

One hundred Officers and ſouldiers of Colonel Champernoon's Regiment, Falmouth by this means, and the ſurrender of St Mawes, was ours on one ſide the Harbour.

Now having given you the Narrative, give me leave to make ſome few obſervations on this ſuccesfull progreſſe, even to the Lands end, which may well be the ſubject of greateſt admiration and thankfulneſſe: The hard task the Army had in forcing up ſo great a Body as 5000 of the Enemies Horſe, into ſuch a narrow neck of land, through a Country ſo cragged, in ſuch a ſeaſon of the yeer, the ground all covered over with Snow, the wayes ſo ſlippery, and the Weather ſo bitter cold, by a hard froſt of that continuance, as had not been knowne for many yeers before, may well be compared with Hannibal's forcing his paſſage into Italy through the frozen Alps with Fire and Vinegar. That five thouſand Horſe and more ſhould be forced to capitulate and yeeld themſelves to an Army comming ſhort of that number in Horſe, is that which Hiſtory can hardly paralell, and Poſterity will ſcarce beleeve. And the benefit is as great as the wonder: For had this Body of Horſe eſcaped into the Mid-land parts, they might in probability have much protracted the Warre: and if they, the Lord Aſhlye's Foot, and the Kings other Forces about Oxford had joyned together, they would have been very conſiderable in the Field, and ſo would neceſſarily have occaſioned the diverſion of the Army from the work they had in hand, viz. the Reduction of the Weſt, which was of that vaſt importance to the Kingdom, conſidering the Negotiations that were in France & Ireland, for the preſent bringing over Forces thither (as by the intercepted Letters from thoſe parts ſeverally did appeare) that nothing could be greater: But by this good hand of God upon us, this Body of the Enemy is ſecured, their joyning prevented, and all the miſchiefe that would have enſued thereupon, and Cornwal reduced: Which laſt particular, that you may ſee what a conſiderable ſumme (alone and by it ſelfe) it amounts unto; caſt it up and conſider it, as it was a Country having convenient Ports & Harbours both for France and Ireland, whoſe naturall ſcituation was very ſtrong and apt for defence, being all very mountainous, and enwrapt with the Sea on all ſides, except toward Devonſhire, and there bounded by the River Tamar, which in a right line, runs almoſt from Sea to Sea. From which advantages, it hath been in ancient times, one of the laſt places of retreat in the Kingdome, and hath ever made ſaving conditions for it ſelfe in thoſe overflowing inundations both of Saxons and Normans. Since the beginning of our late Warres, it and its Forces have been more then once fatally diſaſtrous to our former Armies, and had ever been from the beginning of the Warres in the poſſeſſion of the Enemy, the people more generally diſaffected to the Parliament then any other part of the Kingdome, from whence the King, as from a never failing Spring, was conſtantly ſupplied with a choyce and able Infantry.

All which particulars whoſoever doth conſider, will acknowledge, that the reducing of this County was as difficult as deſirable: And this is another happy fruit of the disbanding thoſe Horſe, and not only the reduction of that County of Cornwall, but the abſolute conqueſt of the Weſt of England; moſt of the Enemies Garriſons there onely waiting to ſee what would become of theſe Horſe, upon whom they depended for reliefe.

All which conſidered and put together, this ſervice may well live a laſting Monument, to the glory of God, and the honour of the Inſtruments.

Moreover, during this ſpace, while the Enemies Forces were disbanding, as an additionall to the occurrences of theſe five dayes, Monday 16. another Packet of the Lord Glamorgan's taken at Peryn, was brought to the General, being a Duplicate of thoſe Letters taken at Padstow, (another Veſſell being newly landed there out of Ireland, not knowing but that it was ſtill in the Kings hand) and that evening was Peryn poſſeſt by our Foot, who were received with much joy by the Townes people.

Tueſday 17. Lieutenant-Colonel Ingoldsbey (a ſtout and valiant man) going to view Pendennis Caſtle, received a ſhot from ſome of the Enemies Muſquetteers behind the Mud-walls, of which he dyed within three hours.

Wedneſday, The General went to view Pendennis, and poſſeſſed Pennycome-Quick; alſo Dennis Fort with twenty ſix pieces of Ordnance, and thirty barrels of Powder was the ſame day ſurrendred to the General; and Penſans and Saint Ives ſtood upon their guards againſt Goring's Forces.

Thurſday, Above an hundred men came with their Armes from Michael's Mount, and tendred themſelves to ſerve in the Army.

CHAP. V.

The Army returning to the Siege of Exceſter, with all the particulars of the Treaty, and ſurrender of the ſame.

THe whole Field-Force of the Enemy being thus happily reduced, Orders were given out immediately for the Army to martch back Eaſtward: Saturday 21. the General accordingly martched from Truro to Bodman, and the reſt of the Army to other Quarters, where they reſted the Lords day. Monday 23. Conſultation was had with the Gentlemen for the ſettlement of thoſe parts. The Lord Mohune and others came to his Excellency that day. Tueſday 24. Further debate was had concerning the ordering of the disbanded Horſe, who plundered the Country as they went, and they were all called over by the Liſt at the Bridges they were to paſſe over, to ſee that none had more Horſe with them then were allowed them at the disbanding place. Wedneſday 25. The General and Lieutenant-General and ſome of the generall Officers, went to Plymouth and viewed the Forts and Works, whileſt the Army martched another way, by Launceston: The Governour and the Towne entertaining the General very honourably, three hundred pieces of Ordnance diſcharged to welcome him thither.

Thurſday 26. The Parliament-men, and other Gentlemen of the Country met the General at Plymouth; conference was had concerning the defenſive poſture of that County, and the ſpeedy ſending over of the French that were disbanded; and accordingly Ships were provided.

Friday 27. The General martched from Plymouth to Oakhampton, four and twenty miles, by Tavestock, and the Army martched from Launceston that day within five miles of Oakhampton.

Saturday 28. His Excellency had newes of Sir Jacob Aſhleys being taken, and of the routing of his Army by the Forces under the command of Colonel Morgan, Sir William Brereton, and Colonel Birch, and of Sir Charles Lucas being taken by Colonel Fleetwood, who with his Horſe hindred the conjunction of all the Oxford Horſe with the Lord Aſhley. The General reſted this day at Oakhampton till the reſt of the Army came up.

Lords day, March 29. They martched from Oakhampton to Crediton, fourteen miles; ſome part of the Army went that night to Newton Siers, being eighteen miles: Orders were given to poſſeſſe Heavytree, a Village lying within halfe a mile of Excester, leſt the Enemy ſhould ſally out, and burne thoſe Villages upon the approach of the Army.

Monday, March 30. The General reſting at Crediton, ſome more Foot advanced cloſe to Excester; a Summons was prepared to be ſent in.

Tueſday, March 31. The General drew all his Army round the City within Muſquet ſhot; and as be paſſed by them, at every poſt, our men that lay there gave a volley of ſhot and a great ſhout; and ſo on the other ſide the River, there being Bridges made over; and preſently after his Excellency ſent in a Summons, and came to quarter that night at Colomb John, the reſt of the Army to Silverton and other parts. The Summons being prepared, was ſent in; and ran thus.

SIR,

BEing returned with my Army from the Weſt, where God in his wiſdome ſaw it good to bestow a dry and bloodleſſe Victory, upon me, to the great peace and quiet of thoſe parts, and conceiving it my duty likewiſe to endeavour the good of this County, which by the occaſion of your Garriſon is neceſſarily obstructed, I thought fit once more to ſend you a Summons to deliver up to me the City of Exceſter, with the Caſtle, Forts, Armes, Ammunition, and Magazine belonging to the ſame; beleeving that by this time you are ſatisfied of the reliefe from the Princes Army, and may equally be of all reliefe to come from any other place, if your intelligence and knowledge were the ſame with ours: There is nothing more induceth me hereunto then an unfained zeale toward any bloodſhed, and, as much as in me lyes, to preſerve that City, which hath already ſuffered deeply in theſe unnaturall diſtractions, from further or greater miſery: Though I ſhall not boaſt of my numbers or ſtrength, yet I muſt needs tell you that I doubt not but the ſame power which hath formerly made difficult things eaſie, will anſwer this, and will acquit me from being accompted the occaſion of thoſe inconveniencies and miſeries which neceſſarily will enſue upon your refuſall. Sir, I ſhall expect your ſpeedy and poſitive Anſwer herein, and reſt

Your Servant THO. FAIRFAX. March 31. 1646.

Wedneſday, April 1. Sir John Berkley returned this Anſwer to the Summons.

SIR,

UPon your Summons I called a Counſel of Warre, where after ſome debate, it was determined to treat with you, or with whom you ſhould appoint, and to conclude upon juſt and honourable termes: And to that purpoſe, I deſire a ſafe Conduct for theſe perſons to repaire to your head Quarters, with their ſervants, on Friday morning, and to returne at their pleaſure: I remaine

Your Servant JOHN BERKLEY. April 1. 1646.

Thoſe firſt named by Sir John Berkley were, Sir Henry Berkley. Mr. Wil. Aſhburnham. Sir George Cary. Mr. Jo. Weare. Colonel Godolphine. Capt. Fitz Garret. Mr. Robert Walker. Mr. Thomas Knight. Mr. Thomas Kendal. Mr. Thomas Foard.

Whereupon Thurſday, April 2. his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax returned this Anſwer.

SIR,

I Have received yours, whereby I understand, that in purſuance of my demand in my Summons, you have determined to treat with me by Commiſſioners; and in order to that have ſent a Liſt of ten Gentlemen, which you deſire for Commiſſioners on your behalfe, of which there is none in particular that I take exceptions unto; yet becauſe I deſire to carry on the Buſineſſe with cleerneſſe and expedition, which by ſo great a number cannot be ſo well effected, I thought fit to propound unto you the number of ſix, that being as many as conveniently can be uſed in a buſineſſe of this nature: Ʋpon your conſent hereunto and Anſwer, I ſhall, according to your deſire, ſend you a ſafe conduct for a proportionable number of Commiſſioners; and in the mean time ſhall reſt

Your Servant THO. FAIRFAX. April 1. 1646.

I agree the time to begin on Friday next, according to your deſire; the place Poultymore-houſe: I have ſent a Liſt of the Commiſſioners on my part. Lieut. Gen. Hammond. Col. Sir Hardreſſe Waller. Col. Lambert. Col. Harley. Col. Fry. Commiſſary Stane.

Thurſday Apr. 2. Commiſſioners were appointed, and a ſafe conduct granted: Friday 3. the Treaty began at Poultymore, S. Jo. Bamfields houſe. This day his Excellency had the newes of the ſurrender of Deniston: Saturday, Sunday, Monday, Tueſday and Wedneſday, the Treaty continued, ſitting cloſe at it every day, and the moſt part of the night, till they had concluded it. That which moſt retarded the proceding, was ſome high demands and fruitleſſe quaeries, in behalfe of the Clergy, viz. the Biſhops, Deanes, Prebends, and other Cathedrall men there, wherein our Commiſſioners held them up to what was reaſonable; and after much time conſumed therein, they were willing to accept of what we were willing to grant, and ſo on Thurſday, April 9. the Articles were ſigned by Sir John Berkley, in the preſence of our Commiſſioners, and by the General in the preſence of their Commiſſioners; which Articles were as followeth.

Onely, firſt, let it be remembred, that after there was an entrance upon the Treaty at Excester, and that it was probable to come to a good concluſion, his Excellency loſing no time, ſent Commiſſary-general Ireton, with his owne Rgiment, and Colonel Riche's, and ſome other Regiments of Horſe, to Oxford, to hinder Proviſions from going in thither, and to take all advantages againſt the Enemy: His Excellency intending to make all ſpeed himſelfe after the work done at Excester, to lay Siege thereto.

Articles of Agreement concluded on by Thomas Hammond, Lieutenant-general of the Ordnance, Colonel Sir Hardreſſe Waller, Colonel Edward Harley, Colonel Lambert, Commiſſary-general Stane, and Major Watſon, Scoutmaster-general, Commiſſioners on the behalfe of the right Honourable his Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX, General of the Parliaments Forces, on the one Party: And Sir Henry Berkly, Sir George Cary, Colonel Aſhburnham, Colonel Godolphin, Captaine Fitz-Gerald, Master Jo. Weare, Master Robert Walker, and Master Thomas Knight, Commiſſioners on the behalfe of Sir John Berkley Knight, Governour of the City of Exceſter, on the other Party, touching and concerning the Rendition of the ſaid City and Garriſon as followeth: I. THat the City and Garriſon of Excester, together with the Caſtle, and all Forts and Mounts, places of defence, of, or belonging to the ſame; with all Ordnance, Armes and Ammunition, Proviſions and Furniture of Warre belonging to the Garriſon (excepting what ſhall be excepted in the enſuing Articles) ſhall be delivered unto Sir Thomas Fairfax, General of the Parliaments Forces, or to any whom he ſhall appoint to receive them, for the uſe of the Parliament, on Monday next after the date hereof, being the thirteenth of this inſtant April, by twelve of the clock at noon. II. That if any Officer, Souldier, or any perſon included in theſe Articles, wrong or plunder in Perſon or Goods (in their martch away, or before) any Citizen or Couutry man, or any perſon whatſoever, ſhall as far as he is able, give ſatisfaction to the perſons ſo injured, at the Judgment of his Excellency, Sir Thomas Fairfax. III. That if any Officer, Souldier, or any perſon (included in theſe Articles) ſhall, after the date hereof, wilfully break, deface, ſpoile or imbezle any Armes, or other Proviſions of Warre whatſoever, by the precedent Articles to be ſurrendred as aforeſaid, ſhall loſe the benefit of the enſuing Articles. IV. That the Princeſſe Henrietta and her Governeſſe, with her Houſhold, ſhall have full liberty to paſſe with their Plate, Moneys and Goods, within twenty dayes after the concluſion of this Treaty (when ſhe ſhall deſire) to any place within the Continent of England or Dominion of Wales, at the election of the Governeſſe, and there to remaine untill his Majeſties pleaſure be further known touching her ſetling; and that the Governeſſe ſhal have liberty to ſend to the King, to know his pleaſure herein, accordingly to diſpoſe of her Highneſſe within the aforeſaid limitation of places, and that fit and convenient Carriages be provided for their paſſage, at reaſonable rates. V. That the Cathedrall Church, nor any other Church within the City ſhall be defaced, or any thing belonging thereunto ſpoiled or taken away by any Souldier or perſon of either ſide whatſoever. VI. That the Governour, together with all Lords, Clergy-men, Gentlemen, Captaines, Officers, Troopers and common Souldiers, ſhall martch out of the City on Monday next, the thirteenth of April, by twelve of the clock at noon, with their Horſes, full Armes, Bag and Baggage, and their Goods, Colours flying, Drums beating, Matches lighted, Bullets, full Bandaliers, with ſufficient convoyes unto Oxford, or unto Helston in Cornwal, at their ſeverall elections, and in caſe the Governour of Oxford ſhall refuſe to receive the common Souldiers that ſhall martch thither, they are there to deliver up their Armes to the convoy, and have paſſes to repaire to their ſeverall homes, and thoſe that martch unto Helston are there to he disbanded, and to have Paſſes to their ſeverall homes. That all Troopers and common Souldiers which martch not as aforeſaid ſhall deliver up their Armes, except their Swords, and have liberty to goe to their owne homes with Bag and Baggage, and ſhall not be compelled to take up Armes againſt the King; provided alſo that all Officers and Gentlemen that ſhall chuſe to goe to Oxford, and not taking up Armes, ſhall repaire into the Parliaments quarters within forty dayes after the date hereof, and ſhall enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles. VII. That all thoſe which ſhall martch to the Garriſons aforeſaid, ſhall have free quarter in their martch, and not be obliged to martch above ten miles a day, and that ſuch other Souldiers as are Inhabitants in the City, ſhall receive free liberty to martch out, or remaine therein, without being compelled to take up Armes againſt the King: And if any Souldiers fall ſicke upon their martch, that convenient carriages and Accommodations ſhall be provided for them. VIII. That all Lords, Gentlemen, Clergy-men, Chaplaines and Officers, that ſhall chuſe to goe beyond the Seas, ſhall martch away with their full Armes for their owne uſe; and that all common Souldiers ſhall martch away with their full Armes, with a ſufficient convoy unto the Port which they ſhall chuſe for their tranſportation: Which Armes they ſhall there lay down and deliver unto the Governour of the next garriſon belonging to the Parliament; the ſaid Governour providing for their ſafety during the time of their abode there, where they ſhall be aſſiſted for the procuring Veſſels and Shipping for their tranſportation at the accuſtomed Rates, and ſhall have free Quarter for one and twenty dayes allowed to provide for their paſſage. After which time ſhall be expired, the ſame Officers and Souldiers paying for their Quarters, ſhall have liberty to ſtay untill Shipping be provided, and weather ſeaſonable; and that during their ſtay, or before, it ſhall be permitted, that any two of them may goe to London, to treat with any Forraigne Ambaſſadour or Agent, for a Commiſſion to be entertained beyond the Seas. IX. That neither the Officers, Souldiers, nor any perſon whatſoever, in their going out of the City, ſhall be reproached, or have any diſgracefull ſpeeches, or affront offered to them, or any of their perſons wronged, rifled, ſearched, or their goods ſeized, or taken away from them by any perſon whatſoever. X. That the Governour, Lords, Gentlemen, Clergy-men, Chaplaines, Commanders, Officers and Souldiers, comprized in theſe Articles, ſhall be allowed and aſſiſted in, of providing ſufficient Carriages at reaſonable Rates to carry away their Bag, Baggage and Goods; and that care be taken by the future Governour of the ſaid City, for the curing of ſuch ſick or wounded Officers and Souldiers as ſhall be left in the City, and that upon recovery, they ſhall have Paſſes to repaire to their own houſes reſpectively. XI. That the Parliament Forces come not into the City untill the King's Forces be martched out, except one hundred and fifty Foot, and one Troop of Horſe, with their Officers. XII. That no Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Clergymen, Chaplaines (excepting thoſe, who are by name excepted by Parliament from pardon and compoſition) Officers, Citizens, and Souldiers, and all other perſons comprized within theſe Articles, ſhall be queſtioned, or accountable for any Act paſt by them done (or by any other by their procurement) relating unto the unhappy differences betwixt his Majeſty and Parliament, they ſubmitting themſelves to reaſonable and moderate compoſition for their Eſtates, which the General Sir Thomas Fairfax, ſhall really endeavour with the Parliament, that it ſhall not exceed two yeers value of any mans reall Eſtate reſpectively, and for perſonall, according to the ordinary rule, not exceeding the proportion aforeſaid; which compoſition being made, they ſhall have indemnity for their perſons, and enjoy their Eſtates and all other Immunities, without payment of any fifth or twentieth part, or any other Taxes or Impoſitions, except what ſhall be hereafter charged upon them in common, with other Subjects of this Kingdome, by authority of Parliament. XIII. That all Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Clergy and Chaplaines (excepted in the precedent Articles) ſhall have liberty to goe unto any of the King's garriſons, and to have a ſafe conduct for themſelves and ſervants, to goe unto the Parliament to obtaine their compoſition for their Eſtates, and Indemnity for their perſons; which (though it prove ineffectuall) yet nevertheleſſe they ſhall have four moneths time next after the date of theſe Articles, to endeavour their peace, or to goe beyond the Seas, and ſhall have Paſſes for that purpoſe. XIV. That all Horſes, Armes, Money, and other goods whatſoever, taken as lawfull prizes of War, before or during the Siege, now in the City, be continued in the poſſeſſion of the preſent poſſeſſors. XV. That al Officers, Gentlemen, Citizens, Inhabitants, Clergy-men, Chaplaines, Souldiers, and all other perſons within the City, during the time of their making their compoſition, ſhal have free liberty either to inhabit within the ſame City, or ſhall have free liberty at any time to depart with their Families, goods and Eſtates, unto any part of this Kingdome in the Parliaments Quarters; and before compoſition made, the Merchants and Tradeſ-men to enjoy their Merchandizing and Trades; and after compoſition made, all others (now prohibited by Ordinances of Parliament) to enjoy and exerciſe their profeſſions, or goe beyond the Seas; and they, and every of them, ſhall have power to diſpoſe and ſell to their owne uſes, either by themſelves or others, whatſoever part of their Goods or Eſtates they ſhall not carry or convey away with them: And all Inhabitants, which did inhabite within the City, within ſeven moneths paſt, having made their compoſitions as aboveſaid, ſhall enjoy the benefit of this and the twelfth and the two and twentieth Articles. XVI. That all Charters, Cuſtomes, Privileges, Franchiſes, Liberties, Lands, Eſtates, Goods and Debts, of the Major, Aldermen, Bayliffe, Commonalty, as a Corporation, and all other Corporations of the ſaid City, ſhall be enjoyed by them, and that the ancient government thereof remaine as formerly. XVII. That if any perſons or Inhabitants which are comprized within theſe Articles, ſhall break any of them; That ſuch breach ſhall onely touch and concerne ſuch perſons, and they to make ſuch ſatisfaction for the ſame as the cauſe doth require. XVIII. That all perſons comprized within theſe Articles, ſhall have a certificate under the hand of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or the future Governour of the City, that ſuch perſons were in the City at that time of the ſurrendring thereof, and are to have the benefit of theſe Articles. XIX. That his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax give aſſurance; That all Officers and Souldiers in the Parliaments Army, and all others under his command, ſhall duly and exactly obſerve all Articles aforeſaid: And that if they, or any of them, ſhall directly or indirectly violate or infringe the ſame, upon complaint thereof, Juſtice may be done, and reparation made. XX. That the Inhabitants of the City ſhall be eaſed and freed from all free Quarter or billet of Souldiers, except in caſes of urgent neceſſity, other then for lodging, and that to be ordered and diſpoſed by the advice of the Major or his Deputy. XXI. That no Oath, Covenant, Proteſtation or Subſcription (relating thereunto) ſhall be impoſed upon any perſon whatſoever comprized within theſe Articles, but onely ſuch as ſhall bind all perſons aforeſaid, not to beare Armes againſt the Parliament of England, now ſitting at Westminster, nor wilfully doe any Act prejudiciall unto their Affaires, whileſt they remain in their quarters; except the perſons aforeſaid ſhall firſt render themſelves unto the Parliament, who ſhall cauſe them to be ſecured if they think fit. XXII. That for the further and cleerer underſtanding of the precedent Articles, it is hereby declared, that the true meaning of them is; That all perſons comprized within theſe Articles, ſhall quietly and peaceably enjoy all their Goods, Debts and Moveables during the ſpace of four moneths next enſuing, and be free from all Oaths, Covenants and Proteſtations, and have liberty within the time of the ſaid four moneths, in caſe they ſhall not make their compoſition with the Parliament (and ſhall be reſolved to goe beyond Seas) to diſpoſe of their ſaid Goods, Debts and Moveables allowed by theſe Articles, and to depart the Kingdome, if they ſhall think fit, and to have paſſes for that purpoſe, or otherwiſe to ſtay in the Kingdome. XXIII. That Mount-Radford, and the Ward in St. Thomas Pariſh, with the proviſions of Warre thereunto belonging, be delivered unto his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or whom he ſhall appoint to receive them, in aſſurance of the performance of the precedent Articles, to morrow by ſix of the clock in the afternoon, being the ſeventh of April; and that four ſuch Gentlemen or Officers as his Excellency ſhall approve of, ſhall be delivered at the ſame time as Hoſtages for the performance of the foregoing Articles on the one part, and two Hoſtages, ſuch as Sir John Berkley Knight, Governour of the City of Excester ſhall approve of, and appoint to be received for performance on the other part. XXIV. Laſtly, that theſe Articles be ratified and confirmed mutually by his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax on the one part, and Sir John Berkley Knight, Governour of the City on the other part.

I doe hereby ratifie and confirme the Articles aboveſaid, agreed on by the Commiſſioners on my part.

THO. FAIRFAX. April 9. 1646.

The conditions it is confeſt are honourable for the Enemies acceptance, yet no way diſhonourable for Souldiers to grant, conſidering the conſequence of the timely ſurrender of that place.

The time for the ſurrender of the Towne was not till Monday, they deſiring that time to put up their Baggage, and prepare themſelves to martch forth: The General thinking it not fit to loſe ſo much time, as to ſtay till Monday (though the weather was unſeaſonable) martched away that night, after the Articles were ſigned, to Tiverton, deſigning his martch for Barnstable.

CHAP. VI.

The Particulars of the Treaty and ſurrender of Barnſtable; and the Reſolutions and Motions of the Army after the Reduction thereof till they came to Oxford.

FRiday the 10. The General came before Barnstable, Summoned the Towne, and received a civill Anſwer from the Governour, inclining to a Treaty; which began the next day, and held all that day, and part of the day following, which was the Lords day, (when it was concluded, much upon the ſame Articles in effect with thoſe of Excester) and the Caſtle and the Towne was delivered into our hands, as a ſecurity for ſurrender of the Fort at eight dayes end; Colonel Sheffield being appointed by the General to ſtay till the ſurrender, and ſee the Articles performed.

This Treaty was carried on and concluded by Commiſſary-General Stane, who was ſole Commiſſioner for his Excellency, a Gentleman of great fidelity, who for this, and ſundry other actions of advantage to this Army, well deſerves an honourable mentioning.

Upon the concluding of Barnstable Articles, two Regiments of Foot were commanded from before Barnstable, to martch to Dunster, and to face the Caſtle, whileſt the General's Summons was ſent in to the Governour; who embraced a Treaty: and after ſome time ſpent in capitulations, Surrendred the Caſtle to Colonell Blake.

Monday the 13. The General ſet his face toward Excester, deſirous to have been there to have ſeen their martching forth, that the Articles might not be violated; but the weather proved ſo unreaſonable wet, that he came ſhort: But ſuch was the vigilancy of the Lieutenant-General and the Officers, and indeed ſuch was the temper of the Army, that there was not the leaſt violation of the Articles.

I ſhall conclude this Narration of Excester with the commemoration of the great diligence, faithfulneſſe and induſtry of Sir Hardreſſe Waller, who being left in truſt by the General (when he martched into Cornwal) with the command of the Forces on both ſides of Excester, to ſtraiten the Enemy, and hinder them of proviſions, and keep the Enemy from making incurſions into the Country, performed therein the part of a gallant Gentleman, and an experienced Souldier.

Tueſday, Wedneſday, Thurſday and Friday, the 14, 15, 16, and 17. of April, The General ſtayed in Excester, ſetled things in order, to the ſafety of that place; and for the eaſe of the Country, and that he might keep his own Army entire for more publick ſervice, reduced three Country Regiments of Foot into one, viz. the Regiment of Colonel Shapcoat, who had done good ſervice at Tiverton, and the Fort at Exmouth; and the Regiment which Colonel Frye had very readily raiſed for the then preſent ſervice of the Weſt; and the Regiment of Colonel Weare, which had been likewiſe imployed in the ſame ſervice. Theſe three Regiments formed into one, was ordered for the defence of the Garriſon of Excester, under the command of Colonel Hamond, whom the General appointed Governour of the Garriſon.

Saturday April 18. The General began his martch toward Oxford, and Quartered that night at Chard (being eighteen miles from Excester;) the Foot and Train having had Orders two dayes before to advance forward. Severall Informations came from our Forces before Oxford, That it was common talk in Oxford, that the King would eſcape thence; others ſaid, That he would come into this Army; and others conjectured (that which ſince hath fallen out) That he would goe another way: all care was taken by our Forces thereabouts (as you may well think it concerned them) that this prize, at laſt, might not eſcape them.

Sunday the 19. The General martched to Dorchester, where moſt of the Army quartered that night: Monday the 20. the General martched from Dorchester to Saliſbury, the Traine and Foot to Blandford: the Generall ſtayed at Salisbury, Tueſday, Wedneſday and Thurſday, the while the Army and Traine of Artillery were come up, and till all that were behind were come up from their ſeverall Quarters: Sundry Complaints were brought thither unto his Excellency, of the violation of Exceſter and Cornwall Articles by the Committees, of ſeverall Counties, taking from divers their Horſes and Armes, and other neceſſaries, which by the Articles they were to carry away with them: an act of ſo much incivility to the General, as well as injuſtice to the ſufferers, as deſerves to be noted Nigro Carbone, but that I know his Excellency deſires not ſuch revenge: But ſo many Barbariſmes of this kind were there, as were they particularly related, would make ſuch a Volume, as would ſcarce be imagined.

Friday the 24. Part of the Army martched to Andover, whither the General alſo purpoſed to have gone that night; but Providence ordered it otherwiſe, detaining him at Salisbury till next morning, and then he went to Andover, where the head Quarter was that night: Lieutenant-General Cromwel was two or three dayes before gone for London, at the Generals deſire, to give the Parliament an account of the ſtate of the Weſt of England, which God had now ſo happily reduced to their obedience.

Sunday the 26. The General reſted at Andover, where he received the newes that Woodſtock was ſurrendred upon Treaty, unto Colonel Rainsborow, who had gallantly attempted it by ſtorme ſome few dayes before, wherein he received ſome loſſe.

Monday the 27. The General martched to Newbery, where the next day he received Intelligence of the Kings being eſcaped out of Oxford, in a diſguiſed manner, with his Lock cut off, or tyed up at leſt, his Beard ſhaved, and in the habit of a Serving-man, —In a diſtreſſed time 'Tis ſafe for Kings like pooreſt men to ſeem; Therfore how much livs he thats truly poor, Safer then Kings? Poſitiſque inſignibus Aulae, Egreditur famuli raptos indutus amictus, In dubiis tutum eſt inopem ſimulare Tyrāno, Quāto igitur mūdi dominis ſecurius aevum Verus pauper agit? Luc. Pharſal. lib. 8. with a Cloke-bag behind him, waiting upon Maſter John Aſhburnham: great doubting and queſtioning there was, Whither his Majeſty was gone, but within few dayes after, it was reſolved by certaine intelligence, that he was received into the Scots Army, being firſt entertained at the Quarters of the French Agent, who not long before had been in Oxford.

It is much to the honour of his Excellencies Army to be mentioned, and to the honour of thoſe Officers in particular, to whom, being then about Woodſtock, private Overtures were made by ſome from Court (pretending the Kings privity and conſent thereto) for receiving his Majeſty, who was minded to caſt himſelfe upon them: but to their great honour be it knowne and publiſhed, ſuch was their tenderneſſe and faithfulneſſe in that point, that conceiving it derogatory to the honour and power of the Parliament (for his Majeſty to wave that higheſt Court, and addreſſe himſelfe to any others in ſuch a nature) & therfore inconſiſtent with their truſt and duty, being the Servants of the State, to owne or entertain any ſuch thing; they certified the Parliament thereof, and underſtanding this to be their ſenſe alſo, they abſolutely refuſed to be tampered with concerning that matter. The King on the other hand was as little to be wrought upon, to addreſſe himſelf to his Parliament, the iſſue wherof was that precipitate reſolution and diſpoſall of himſelf, as is related before. And now O England take up a Lamentation over your King, that to all his Errors he ſhould contract ſuch obſtinacy and irreconcilable prejudice againſt his Parliament, and that he ſhould be ſo farre miſtaken as while he ſeeks to avoyd the ſurmized prejudice and diſhonour, of referring himſelfe to his Parliament, to run himſelfe on a reall diſhonour in ſeeking a ſhadow under their Servants: Unhappy greatneſſe, that Priviledges Kings from hearing of their faults plainly as meaner men, and ſplits them on the ſhelfe of ſelf-willed obſtinacy, rather then it wil ſuffer thē to amēd or acknowledge them. But tis not my work to Cōment but to relate, onely to ſet a character on the integrity of this Army. I have ſaid thus much; it may be thought too much niceneſſe and ſcrupuloſity in them to refuſe ſuch a proffer, but whoſoever ſhall conſider what is hinted before, muſt approve of their doing; if others had done the like, they had done but their duty.

Thurſday the 30. His Excellency martched to Eaſt-Hondred: this day the Duke of Lenox, Earle of Lindſay and others came from Oxford to Woodstock, and rendred themſelves to our Forces there: alſo Sir William Vaughan, Sir George Strowd, Sir Phillip Mountaine, Sir John Canſfield and divers others, came in to Commiſſary-general Ireton, with about three hundred Horſe, after the King had given them the ſlip, much about the ſame time.

CHAP. VII.

The Siege of Oxford, the Particulars of the Treaty, and ſurrender thereof; with the influence of the fate of Oxford upon the remaining Garriſons.

OXFORD, the King's royall Garriſon, the place of the King's ordinary reſidence and retreat, hath, like a Parentheſis, included all the Action of this Army, between the two Sieges of it; being firſt in intentition and attempt, though laſt in execution and reduction.

May the 1. Being that day twelve-moneth that this Army firſt martched into the Field, the General with his Army came before Oxford (wherein was Prince Rupert, Prince Maurice, and a great part of the Nobility and Gentry of England) with intention to ſit downe before it, and lay Siege to it. The Army was drawne to a Randezvouz between Abington and Garſington; the head Quarter was that night at Garſington: At the Randezvouz Major-general Skippon, who ever ſince the Battle at Naſeby had laine under the cure of his wounds, and had ſuffered divers inciſions, by reaſon of a piece of Armour which was lodged in the wound, being now (by the bleſſing of God) well recovered, came to the Army, and was received with much joy, and many acclamations of the Souldiers.

May the 2. There was a generall Randezvouz of the Army, Horſe and Foot, upon Burlington-Green, and thence the Forces were diſtributed to ſeverall Quarters, to at Heddington, Marston, and the Townes thereabouts.

The third of May, The General with the Officers of the Army, took a ſurvey of Oxford, which they found to have received many materiall alterations and additions of advantage ſince their laſt being before it; & though it was alwayes juſtly accounted a place of great ſtrength, yet now it was made incomparably more ſtrong then ever; [which is very eaſie to be beleeved, if you doe but conſider, It had been from the beginning of the Warres the King's head Quarter and Garriſon, his chiefe place of reſidence and retreat, where his Counſel, and moſt of the Nobility that had left the Parliament attended him: its place being almoſt in the Center of the Kingdome, gave it no ſmall advantage for the ſending out of Parties upon any deſigne. Beſides that, it was ſurrounded about with many ſmall Garriſons of the Kings, as Radcoat, Farrington, Wallingford, Sherborn-houſe, Borstal, which were as ſo many out-works unto it;] the ſcituation of it, in reference to the ground it ſtood upon, rendred it very apt for defence, being placed betwixt the two Rivers Iſis and Charwel; upon the weſt ſide of it ran ſeverall Branches of the River Iſis, ſome of which running cloſe by the Towne wals, was a great defence to it; upon the Eaſt ſide ran the River Charwel, which by making Locks at Clements Bridge, they had cauſed to overflow the Medowes, ſo that round the City, to the extent of three parts of it (all except the north ſide, that was ſomewhat higher ground) was ſurrounded with water, and abſolutely unapproachable: To this the Line about the City (newly finiſhed) they found to be very high, having many ſtrong Bulworks ſo regularly flanking one another, that nothing could be more exactly done: round about the Line, both upon the Bulworks and the Curtin, was ſtrongly ſet with ſtorm-poles; upon the out-ſide of the Ditch round the Line, it was ſtrongly Palliſadoed, and without that againe, were digged ſeverall pits in the ground, that a ſingle Foot-man could not without difficulty approach the brink of the Ditch: within the Towne there was five thouſand good Foot, moſt of them of the King's old Infantry, which ſerved him from the beginning of the Wars, and withall they were well ſtored with a plentifull Magazine of Victuals, Ammunition and Proviſions for War; in a word, whatever art or induſtry could doe to make a place impregnable, was very liberally beſtowed here. All which ſtrength being apprehended and conſidered by the General, he concluded, that this was no place to be taken at a running pull, but likely rather to prove a buſineſſe of time, hazard and induſtry: Whereupon, at a Counſel of Warre at Heddington, it was reſolved to fix our Quarters: our firſt Quarter to be upon Heddington Hill, where was ordered to be made a very large and great Work, or Intrenchment, of capacity to receive and lodge three thouſand men: as alſo, that a Bridge ſhould be laid over the River Charwel cloſe by Marston, that another Quarter might be gone in hand withall between the Rivers, wherein it was intended moſt of our Foot ſhould be lodged, that being all the ground we had to approach on: Warrants were ſent out unto the Country round about for Spades, Pick-axes, &c. for that purpoſe; as alſo, a Letter to the Committee for the Army to haſten more Ammunition, with all Requiſites for the Siege, as Tents for Souldiers, &c. from London: Which were no ſooner come from thence, but the great Work upon Heddington Hill was inſtantly falne in hand withall, and finiſhed in three or four dayes time, to admiration the ſouldiers being paid ſo much by the rod for working thereat: This Work was committed to Major-General Skippon. In the meane time, the Bridge intended was made over the River Charwel, neer Marſton, where another Quarter was poſſeſſed, and a Line drawn from Iſis to Charwel, and a great Work made on that ſide the Water: Colonel Rainsborough commanded this Work, there was a third under the command of Colonel Lambert, the fourth of Colonel Herbert; and a Line was begun to be drawn from the great Fort on Heddington Hill over againſt Saint Clements.

The management and carrying on of theſe Works, Lines and Approaches, was recommended to the care and skill of Major-general Skippon, who went through the ſame with much dexterity.

By the intelligence of divers that came out of the City his Excellency was further ſatisfied and confirmed concerning the Enemies great ſtrength within, and proviſion for to hold out.

So ſoon as the ſeverall Poſts were aſſigned to the Army before Oxford, ſeverall Forces were taken forth and deſigned for the blocking up of other Garriſons, viz. ſome for Farringdon, under the command of Colonel Sir Robert Pye; others for Radcot, under the command of Colonel Cook; and others for Wallingford, under the command of Colonel Paine, and Colonel Barkeſtend on Berkſhire ſide, and Colonel Temple on Oxfordſhire ſide: others for Borſtal-houſe; and as many Horſe as could be ſpared were ſent towards Worceſter, for the ſtraitning of that garriſon, till ſuch time as the Army were at liberty to advance thither: An account of all which ſeverally ſhall be given in due place.

But before I proceed any further, an account of the ſurrender of Banbury Caſtle comes next to be given in.

The Relation of Banbury. Banbury, once a great and faire Market-Towne before the late troubles (but now having ſcarce the one halfe ſtanding to gaze on the ruines of the other) was ever till now unfortunate in all meanes and endeavours uſed for its recovery, having laine under the poſſeſſion and tyranny of the Enemy from the beginning, without almoſt any intermiſſion, which happened to it partly through the commodiouſneſſe of its ſcituation for the Enemie, as lying but eighteene miles North from Oxford, and in ſuch a convenient place as gave it a command into divers other Counties, viz. Northamptonſhire, Warwickeſhire, &c. from out of which it gathered large contributions for Oxford; The ſweetneſſe that the Enemy taſted in the fruits and effects they reaped by this Garriſon, made them, that upon all our attempts to reduce it, they ſtill were ready with great Forces to relieve it: But yet I cannot but alſo look upon, and obſerve therein, a ſpeciall hand and intimation of God againſt that profeſſing place, where in a manner judgment began, as at the Houſe of God, and was removed with one of the laſt, I pray God ſanctifie it to them.

The ſtrange ſights that were ſeen over that Towne ſixteen yeers agoe, in the night time, when as the appearance of fighting, pikes puſhing one againſt another, was diſcerned in the Ayre, &c. whereof I was an eye-witneſſe, with many others, might portend the ſad fate that hath ſince befallen that miſerable place, and the parts thereabouts.

The Forces imployed in the reducing of that place were about 1000 Foot, and ſome four Troops of Horſe, all under the command of that approved Gentleman Colonel Whaley: They lay eleven weeks before the Caſtle; ſo ſoon as they came before it, they entrencht themſelves by a Line drawn round the Towne, for their better ſecurity from any force without: which done, they ſapt up towards the Caſtle, ran over ſeverall Galleries, over the outmoſt Mote, and ſo wrought into the Enemies Works; the Enemy countermining them, ſprang one Mine upon them, but through Gods mercy did no great hurt; and alſo flinging downe ſtones upon them, and hand Granadoes amongſt them, rendred their duty very hard and hazardous; yet through the goodneſſe of God, and the courage of the Souldiers, we wrought ſo farre into the Enemies Works, as put them out of all hopes of keeping the Caſtle, which conſtrained them to a parley and ſurrender of the Caſtle, Armes, Ordnance, Ammunition and Victuals, upon theſe enſuing Articles. Viz. I. The Governour Sir William Compton, and Sir Charles Compton his Brother, to martch forth with one Horſe and Armes a piece, two ſervants attending them, and to have two moneths liberty to goe beyond Sea. II. All Captaines to martch forth with one Horſe apiece and their Swords. III. All the reſt to martch forth without Armes, to be disbanded a mile from the Towne, to have Paſſes to martch to their ſeverall homes, or to goe beyond Sea, and to have free Quarter martching ten miles a day. IV. All both Officers and Souldiers to leave halfe their moneys behind them.

There were found in the Caſtle eleven pieces of Ordnance, eleven barrels of Powder, and foure hundred Armes.

This Caſtle, though decayed through time, yet was recovered and revived by art and induſtry, unto an incredible ſtrength, much beyond many places of greater name and reputation, & often had our Forces bin defeated before it; & but that now was Gods time and ſeaſon for the rendition of it, no other ſucceſſe could have been expected by theſe Forces, the Caſtle ſtanding in its full pride and ſtrength, being well recovered of all its wounds and batteries received in former aſſaults; and having impregnible Works about it, and great variety of invention beſtowed upon it. But to returne from whence I digreſſed, to the ſiege of Oxford.

Our four Quarters being ſetled under their Canon ſhot, and a Line begun to be drawne from the great Fort on Heddington Hill round Saint Clements (lying without Magdalen Bridge) his Excellency ſent in a Summons to Sir Thomas Glenham Governour of Oxford, requiring the ſurrender of that Garriſon: The Copy whereof followeth.

SIR,

I Doe by theſe, ſummon you to deliver up the City of Oxford into my hands, for the uſe of the Parliament; I very much deſire the preſervation of that place (ſo famous for learning) from ruine, which inevitably is like to fall upon it, except you concurre: You may have honourable termes for your ſelfe, and all within the Garriſon, if you ſeaſonably accept thereof. I deſire your Anſwer this day, and remaine

Your Servant THO. FAIRFAX. May 11. 1646.

The ſame day alſo his Excellency ſent a Summons to the Governour of Borstal-houſe, to the ſame effect for the ſubſtance; the copy whereof followeth.

SIR,

I Doe by theſe, ſummon you to deliver up the Garriſon of Borſtal-houſe into my hands, for the uſe of the Parliament; you may have honourable terms for your ſelfe, and all within your Garriſon, if you ſeaſonably accept thereof. I deſire your Anſwer this day.

THO. FAIRFAX. May 11. 1646.

As alſo the like to Radcoat.

And the ſame to Wallingford.

Theſe four Summons were ſent to the ſeverall Garriſons May 11.

Sir Thomas Glenham Governour of Oxford, returned Anſwer to the Summons the ſame day, as followeth.

SIR,

I Have received your Letter, ſummoning me to ſurrender the City, which was given me in truſt for his Majesties uſe; but in reſpect there are many perſons of Eminency, I muſt deſire you to receive for Anſwer a Requeſt, that you will be pleaſed to ſend a ſafe Conduct for Sir John Mounſon, and Master Phillip Warwick, to repaire unto you at ſuch a time and place as you ſhall appoint, by whom you ſhall understand what for the preſent is deſired, I remaine

Your humble Servant THO. GLENHAM. May 11. 1646.

According as was deſired, paſſes were granted for Sir John Mounſon and Maſter Phillip Warwick, to come out of Oxford that day, and meet our Commiſſioners, Colonel Rainsborough, Colonel Harlow, and Colonel Lambert, who were ready to receive them at the time and place appointed: That which they had in commiſſion, was a deſire from the Governour Sir Th mas Glenham, of liberty to ſend to the King to know his pleaſure, upon ſignification whereof from his Majeſty, they would returne a poſitive anſwer to his Excellency immediately.

Our Commiſſioners endeavoured to perſwade them the vanity of any ſuch deſire, and the Generals impatiency of any ſuch delay, adviſing them rather to take the preſent opportunity, leaſt they afterwards fell ſhort of theſe termes they might now have by preſent compliance.

But Sir John Mounſon and Maſter Warwick (it ſeems) were ſo bound up and limited in their Commiſſions, that at preſent, they could not undertake any thing in anſwer hereto, but returning to Oxford, took time till the morrow, promiſing more then. One of the Generals Trumpeters was appointed to goe with them into Oxford, to bring their Anſwer the next morning.

On Tueſday May 12. The Trumpeter returned with a deſire from Sir Thomas Glenham, that in regard there were, beſides the Duke of Yorke and the two Princes, many other perſons of eminency, Lords, Knights and Parliament men (otherwiſe Juncto men) and other Gentry and Clergy, beſides the Inhabitants, all concerned in the buſineſſe (to whom things could not poſſibly be repreſented fully in ſo ſhort a time) that further time might be granted by his Excellency.

Whereupon, that what time would be loſt that way, might be ſaved the other, all things went on for the ſiege, the diſpatch of the Line was haſtened, and order was given for the drawing up of the Batteries.

The ſame day Prince Rupert, and with him neere an hundred Horſe, went forth of Oxford on Colonel Rainſborough's ſide, to take the aire; (Prince Rupert riding without Boots, only in his Shoos and Stockings) a Party of our men martched up towards them, and fired upon them; in which skirmiſh Prince Rupert had a ſhot in the right ſhoulder (but pierced no bone) whereupon they retreated to Oxford, where all ſorts were very buſie that day and the two following dayes, conſulting and adviſing.

But in iſſue, Thurſday 14. the Governour of Oxford ſent to make knowne his deſire to treat by Commiſſioners, which was accepted of; and a counſel of Warre being called, it was concluded of Maſter Crook's houſe at Marston ſhould be the place, and on Monday following the Treaty to begin.

May 15. The Enemy made another ſally out of Oxford, and a Party of ours skirmiſhed with them; we loſt two men.

Lords day, May 17. The Governour of Oxford ſent forth the names of the Commiſſioners for Treaty on his behalfe, deſiring his Excellency to returne the like number.

The names of both were,

On Sir Tho. Glenhams part. On his Excellency Sir Tho. Fairfax part. Sir John Mounſon. Lieut. Gen. Hamond. Sir John Heyden. Colonel Ireton. Sir Thomas Gardner. Colonel Lambert. Sir George Bynion Colonel Rich. Sir Richard Willis. Colonel Harley. Sir Stephen Hawkins. Scoutmaſter-Gen. Watſon. Colonel Goſnold. Major Desborough. Colonel Tyllier. Major Hariſon. Doctor Zouch. M. Herbert. Thomas Chiſley, Eſq. M. Waller. M. John Dutton. Four more to be named afterwards. M. Jeffrey Palmer. M. Phillip Warwick. Capt. Robert Mead.

Upon the receipt of the names of the Oxford Commiſſioners, Sir George Bynion was excepted, as being exempted from pardon by the Parliaments Propoſitions.

Much about this time alſo, was brought to the Army the newes of the ſurrender of Newark; it had been long beſieged on the one ſide by Major-General Poyntz, and on the other ſide by the Scottiſh Forces: It was yeelded to the Engliſh Forces, commanded by Major-General Poyntz, who had given abundant demonſtration of no leſſe faithfulneſſe and diligence, then expert Souldiery in his attendance on that ſervice. The Scottiſh Forces preſently upon the Kings comming to them, retreated back in great haſte from Newark northward, before the Town was delivered, or the Articles ſigned, pretending the cauſe of Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army advancing toward them; whereof there was little likelihood, they being engaged before Oxford, nor did ſo much as a Horſe ſtirre that way. But to returne to the Siege of Oxford.

A Treaty being reſolved and accepted on both ſides, and to begin Monday the 18. Sir Thomas Glenham ſent to the General, deſiring, that in regard it was uſuall at all Treaties to have a Secretary on each part, That Maſter H. Daviſon his Secretary might have a Paſſe to come forth with their Commiſſioners, which was 〈◊〉 unto; and Maſter William Clark was appointed to aſſiſt the Commiſſioners on our part. The Commiſſioners on the behalfe of the Governour and Garriſon of Oxford, made their demands, which his Excellency ſent up to the Parliament by Colonel Rich, and Scoutmaſter-General Watſon, two of the Commiſſioners for the Treaty, on his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax part, putting off the Treaty till the pleaſure of the Parliament were knowne concerning them. The heads of ſome of the principall of them were theſe. Viz. 1. To have liberty to ſend to the King, to know his Majeſties pleaſure, Whether they ſhall ſurrender or not? 2. That Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice have protection to remaine in any part of this Kingdome, to have no Oath •… poſed on them, to be at liberty, to do as ſhall ſeem good unto them at any time hereafter. 3. The Governour and all Officers and Souldiers to martch out in as full equipage, as any ſince theſe Wars; with ſix Guns, ten barrels of Powder, and to have thirty days time to know the King's pleaſure how he will diſpoſe of them. 4. The Privy Seale and Great Seale to goe to the King. And ſuch as theſe

The Houſe of Commons upon reading of them, conceived them ſo high, that they thought not fit ſo much as to debate them, but referd it to the General in what way he thonght fit to proſecute the reducing of that place.

May 24. or within a day ſooner or later, was Radcoat houſe ſurrendred, after it had endured great extremity by our Granadoes, one whereof falling on the top of a Tower, made fearfull work, tearing it into a thouſand pieces, and ſending it ſeverall wayes, and at laſt falling into the Cellar, let out all their Beere: There were an hundred men in it, who were to goe to their ſeverall homes, leaving their Armes behind them.

His Excellency upon the forementioned returne ftom the Parliament, prepared Propoſitions to offer to the Garriſon and ſent them into Oxford on Saturday May 30. Whereupon at the deſire of the Enemy, the Treaty (which upon their flying ſo high in their demands, had been diſcontinued, if not broken off) was renewed againe, they being willing to treat upon his Excellencies Propoſitions, ſubmitting therein (as themſelves ſaid) to the ate of the Kingdome, rather then any way diſtruſting their owne ſtrength, or the Garriſons tenableneſſe.

During this Treaty, a Captaine of the Garriſon of Oxford was taken (in a Fiſhermans habit) carrying Letters to the King from Sir Thomas Glemham and Secretary Nicholas; relating the condition of the Garriſon, and how long probably they could hold out.

A few dayes before the Treaty ended, when the Enemy peceived it was like to ſucceed, they played with their Canon day and night into our Leaguers and Quarters, diſcharging ſometimes neer two hundred 〈◊〉 in a day, at randome, as was conceived, rather to ſpend their Powder then to doe any great execution, though they ſhewed good skill, in that they levelled their pieces, ſo as they ſhot into the Leaguer on Heddington-hill (and on that ſide Lieutenant-Colonel Cotſworth was ſlaine with a great ſhot) and likewiſe into the Leaguer on Colonel Rainsboroughe's ſide, where they killed with their ſhot a Sutler and others in their Tents: Our Canon in recompence, playd fiercely upon the enemy, and much annoyed them in their Works and Colledges, till at laſt, a ceſſation of great ſhot was agreed to on both ſides.

Upon Saturday, June 20. The Treaty for the ſurrender of Oxford was finiſhed between the Commiſſioners, and concluded upon the enſuing Articles.

The ſame morning that the Treaty for Oxford was concluded, Farrington Garriſon ſent alſo to capitulate, the Governour thereof Sir George Liſle, being then in Oxford, and to be briefe, ſurrendred upon condition to have the benefit of Oxford Articles; and ſo they were included in the ſame Agreement.

Articles of Agreement concluded and agreed June 20. by the right honourable Sir Richard Lane Knight, Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England, Francis Lord Cottington, Lord high Treaſurer of England, William Marqueſſe of Hertford, Edward Earl of Dorſet, Lord Chamberlain of his Majesties honorable Houſhold, Thomas Earl of Southampton, Francis Earl of Chicheſter, Francis Lord Seymor, Sir Edward Nicholas Knight, one of his Majesties principall Secretaries of State, all of them being of his Majesties moſt honorable Privy Councel, and Sir Thomas Glenham Knight, and Governour of Oxford, on the one party; And his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax Knight, General of the Forces raiſed for the Parliament, on the other party, for and concerning the rendring of the Garriſon of Oxford, as followeth: THat the Garriſon of Oxford, with the Caſtle, Forts, Mounts, and places of Defence whatſoever, With all the Ordnance, Arms, Ammunition, and Proviſions of War, with all Magazines and Stores thereunto belonging, exceping what is allowed in the enſuing Articles, ſhall be delivered to the General Sir Thomas Fairfax, or whom he ſhall appoint, without wilfull ſpoyl or embezlement, upon Wedneſday the 24. of this inſtant June 1646. at Ten of the Clock in the Morning, or thereabouts. II. That his Highneſſe the Duke of Yorke ſhall have an honorable Convoy to London, where other of his Majeſties Children are, attended by his Officers and Servants, and ſitting accommodation for the removall of His Houſhold and goods thither; And ſhall have an Honorable proviſion beſitting his Dignity, appointed for Him by the Parliament, and to remaine there untill His Majeſties pleaſure be knowne, touching His ſetling there or elſwhere; and then to be diſpoſed accordingly to any place within fourſcore miles of London, and ſhal have ſuch Officers and Servants to continue about him as the Parliament ſhall approve. III. That their Highneſſes Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice, ſhall have liberty and Paſſes for themſelves, with their Servants, Horſes, Armes and Goods (the number of their Horſes for them and their Traine, not exceeding ſeventy) to repaire to any place within fifty miles of London, ſo it be not within twenty miles of London, without leave from the Parliament, nor in any Garriſon, and there to abide for the ſpace of ſix moneths after the Rendring, free from any moleſtation by impoſition of Oaths, or otherwiſe; and ſhall have Paſſes to goe beyond the Seas at any time within the ſaid ſix moneths, with their ſaid Servants, Horſes, Armes and Goods, they engaging themſelves upon their Honours, not to uſe the liberty hereby granted in the meane time to any Hoſtility againſt the Parliament of England ſitting at Westminster, or any way wilfully to the prejudice of their Affaires. And they are to have the benefit of ſuch the enſuing Articles as may concerne them. IV. That the Seales called the Great Seale, Privy Seale, Signet, and the Seales of the Kings Bench, Exchequer, Court of Wards, Dutchy, Admiralty and Prerogative, as alſo the Sword of State, ſhall at ſuch time, and in the preſence of two ſuch perſons as the General Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall appoint, be lockt up in a cheſt, and left in the publick Library: and if any of the aforenamed particulars ſhall not be then accordingly produced, the default thereof ſhall not be charged upon any other perſon then ſuch as hath the cuſtody thereof, and ſhall wilfully detaine or imbezle the ſame. V. That Sir Thomas Glenham Knight, &c. Governour of Oxford, with his Servants, and all that to him belongs, and all Officers and Souldiers of Horſe and Foot, and of the Traine of Artillery (as well Reformed Officers and Souldiers as others) with their Servants, and all that pertains unto them, ſhall martch out of the City of Oxon. with their Horſes and compleat Armes that properly belong unto them, proportionable to their preſent or paſt commands, flying Colours, Trumpets ſounding, Drums beating, Matches lighted at both ends, Bullet in Their Mouthes, and every Souldier to have twelve Charges of Powder, Match and Bullet proportionable, and with Bag and Baggage, to any place within fifteen miles of Oxford, which the Governour ſhall chooſe, where ſuch of the common ſouldiers as deſire to goe to their owne homes, or friends, ſhall lay downe their Armes, which ſhall be delivered up to ſuch as the General Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall appoint to receive them. And all Officers and ſouldiers, as well reformed as others, that ſhall deſire to goe to their homes or friends, ſhall have the Generals Paſſe and protection for their peaceable repaire to, and abode at the ſeverall places they ſhall deſire to goe unto, and ſhall have free Quarter allowed them in all their martch from Oxon. to thoſe ſeveral palaces; the Officers, as well reformed as others, to paſſe with Equipage of Horſes and compleat Armes, anſwerable to their preſent or paſt commands, and common Troopers with their Horſes and ſwords only; and all to paſſe with Bag & Baggage as aforeſaid. And that all other Officers and ſouldiers (in caſe there be any ſuch) that ſhall deſire to take Entertainment from any Forreigne Kingdome or State, ſhal have free Quarter allowed them for twenty eight dayes from their martch out of Oxon, and ſhal have Paſſes for their Officers, not exceeding ten, with their Horſes and two ſervants apiece to goe to London to treat with any Forreigne Embaſſadour or Agent for Entertainment: And all of them ſhal have Liberty and Paſſes to martch (the Officers with their compleat Armes and Horſes proportionable to their preſent or paſt commands, and the common Souldiers with their Armes, and all with Bag and Baggage) to the Quarters neer to Harwich or Portſmouth, or to any Port between them, to be tranſported: Which Armes (except Officers compleat Armes and Horſes, and Swords for the common Souldiers, which they my tranſport) they ſhall there lay downe and deliver to ſuch as the General ſhall appoint, or unto the Governour of the next Garriſon belonging unto the Parliament, who ſhall take care for their ſafety during their abode there, and until Shipping can be provided, and weather ſeaſonable, they paying for their Quarter after the ſaid twenty eight dayes expired, and ſhal aſſiſt them for procuring Veſſels and Shipping for their tranſportation at the uſual Rates accuſtomed for Fraight; the Officers and Souldiers and others before tranſportation engaging themſelves by promiſe, not to returne into this Kingdome in Hoſtility againſt the Parliament in Bodies as they goe, or in conjunction with other Forces, or in command of any Forces invading this Kingdome: And no Oath or any other Engagements of this or the like nature to be, during their ſaid ſtay, or at their tranſportation impoſed upon them, ſaving an engagement by promiſe, not to doe any act of Hoſtility, or of wilful prejudice againſt the Parliament, during their ſaid ſtay in England. And it is declared, That thoſe of the three Auxiliary Regiments conſiſting of Gentlemen and their Servants, Schollers, Citizens and Inhabitants, who are not properly of the Garriſon in pay; and ſuch reformed Officers and Souldiers who ſhal not be willing to martch forth, ſhal not be forced to martch out upon this Article, but ſhal have the benefit of the following Articles, to remove, or remaine in Oxford, and in all things elſe which may concerne them; and thoſe alſo who ſhal martch forth, ſhall have the benefit of the enſuing Articles in all things, except for remaining in Oxford. VI. That the Governour ſhal be allowed and aſſiſted in the procuring a ſufficient number of Carts, Teems and Boats and other neceſſaries, for the carrying away all Goods allowed in theſe Articles, belonging to any Officers or perſons of quality now reſiding in the Garriſon, they paying the accuſtomed Rates: And that ſuch perſons as cannot preſently, through want of Carriages or otherwiſe, convey them away, ſhal be aſſiſted with Carriages at any time within three moneths for the diſpoſing thereof. VII. That no Officer or Souldier, nor any perſon whatſoever comprized in this capitulation, ſhal be reproached, or have any diſgraceful ſpeeches, or affronts offered to them, or be ſtopped, plundered, or injured in their Marrch, Randezvouz or Quarters, Journeys or places of abode: And if any ſuch thing ſhal fall out, ſatiſfaction ſhal be given at the judgment of any two or more of the Commiſſioners, they being equall in number of each party; nor ſhal the perſons aforeſaid nor any of them be inticed or compelled to take up Armes againſt the King; nor be impriſoned, reſtrained, ſued or moleſted for any matter or cauſe whatſoever before the Rendring of the Garriſon, be it of publick or private intereſt, during ſix moneths after the rendring thereof: And if any Officer, Souldier or perſon be ſick or wounded, that they cannot at preſent enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles, that ſuch perſons ſhal have liberty to ſtay until they be recovered, and fit accommodation and ſubſiſtence ſhall be provided for them during their ſtay, and then to enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles. VIII. That all Horſes, Armes, Money, and other Goods whatſoever taken as lawful prize of Warre, before or during the Siege, and now remaining in the City, be continued in the poſſeſſion of the preſent poſſeſſors. IX. That theſe Articles ſhall extend to the uſe and and benefit of all ſtrangers of any Forraigne Kingdome or State reſiding within this garriſon, together with their Wives, Children, Servants, Horſes, Armes, Goods, Money and Debts. X. That all perſons included within theſe Articles, without exception of any (other then the Souldiers, that are to martch out upon the fift Article) ſhal have liberty during the ſpace of three Months after the rendring of the Garriſon, either to remaine in Oxford, or to remove themſelves with their Families, Goods, Horſes, and all things that properly belong to them or to their diſpoſition: And all Noblemen, Gentlemen and perſons of quality, with their Armes and other equipage, to their Houſes or Friends, without any prejudice to their Friends for receiving them. XI. That all Lords, Gentlemen, Clergy-men, Officers, Souldiers, and all other perſons in Oxon, or comprized within this capitulation, who have Eſtates reall or perſonal under or liable to Sequeſtrations according to Ordinance o Parliament, and ſhal deſire to compound for them (except perſons by name excepted by Ordinance of Parliament from pardon) ſhal at any time within ſix moneths after rendring the Garriſon of Oxford be admitted to compound for their Eſtates: which compoſition ſhall not exceed two yeers Revenue for Eſtates of Inheritance: and for Eſtates for Lives, yeers, and other reall and perſonal Eſtates, ſhall not exceed the proportion aforeſaid for Inheritances, according to the value of them. And that all perſons aforeſaid, whoſe dwelling-houſes are ſequeſtrated (except before excepted) may after the rendring of the Garriſon, repaire to them, and there abide, convenient time being allowed to ſuch as are placed there under the Sequeſtrations for their removal: And it is agreed, That all the profits and Revenues ariſing out of their Eſtates (after the day of entring their names as Compounders) ſhal remaine in the hands of the Tenants or Occupiers, to be anſwered to the Compounders, when they have perfected their agreements for their compoſitions, and that they ſhall have liberty and the Generals paſſe and protection for their peaceable repaire to, and abode at their ſeverall Houſes or Friends, and to goe to London to attend their Compoſitions, or elſwhere upon their neceſſary occaſions, with freedome of their perſons from Oaths, Engagements and Moleſtations, during the ſpace of ſix moneths, and after, ſo long as they proſecute their compoſitions, without wilful default or neglect on their part, except an Engagement by Promiſe, not to eare Armes againſt the Parliament, nor wilfully doe any act prejudicial to their Affaires, ſo long as they remaine in their Quarters: And it is further agreed, That from and after their compoſitions made, they ſhall be forthwith reſtored to, and enjoy their Eſtates, and all other Immunities, as other Subjects, together with their Rents and Profits, from the time of entring their names, diſcharged of ſequeſtrations, and from fifth and twentieth parts, and other payments and impoſitions, except ſuch as ſhall be generall and common to them with others. XII. That no Lords, Gentlemen, Clergy-men, Schollars, Officers, Souldiers, Citizens, nor any other perſons included in this capitulation (except the perſons mentioned before to be excepted from pardon) ſhall be moleſted or queſtioned for any thing ſaid or done, in, or concerning this War, or relating to the unhappy differences between his Majeſty and the Parliament, they ſubmitting to compoſition, as in the preceding Article; and that the perſons before mentioned to be excepted from pardon, ſhall have the benefit of this Article, during the ſpace of ſix moneths, from the Rendring of the Garriſon, and after, if they be admitted to, and agree for their compoſitions. XIII. That the perſons mentioned before to be excepted from pardon, ſhall have liberty, and the General's Paſſe and Protection for themſelves, Families, Horſes, Goods, and all things that properly belong unto them now in Oxford, to goe unto, and abide at their owne Houſes or their Friends, for the ſpace of ſix moneths after the Rendring of the Garriſon, and within that time to repaire unto London to endeavour compoſition for their eſtates, and indemnity of their perſons, and to make their peace; and if they cannot obtain it, ſhall have Paſſes to goe beyond the Seas at any time within the ſaid ſix moneths; and that no other engagement ſhall be put upon them, ſave by promiſe, not to bear Armes againſt the Parliament, nor wilfully do any act prejudicial to their Affairs, ſo long as they remain in their Quarters. XIV. That the Chancellour, Maſters and Schollers of the Univerſity of Oxon, and the Governours and Students of Chriſts-Church of King Henry the eighth his Foundation, and all other Heads and Governours, Maſters, Fellowes and Schollers of the Colleges, Hals and Bodies corporate, and Societies of the ſame Univerſity, and the publick Profeſſors and Readers, and the Orator thereof, and all other perſons belonging to the ſaid Univerſity, or to any Colleges or Hals therein, ſhall and may according to their Statutes, charters and cuſtomes, enjoy their ancient forme of Government, ſubordinate to the immediate authority and power of Parliament: And that all the Rights, Privileges, Franchizes, Lands, Tenements, Houſes, Poſſeſſions, Rents, Revenues, Hereditaments, Libraries, Debts, Goods and Chattels belonging to the ſaid Univerſity, or to Chriſt-church, or to any Colleges or Hals in the ſaid Univerſity (except ſuch rents and Revenues as have been already taken and received by Ordinance of Parliament) ſhall be enjoyed by them reſpectively, as aforeſaid, free from Sequeſtrations, Fines, Taxes, and all other Moleſtations whatſoever, for, or under colour of any thing whatſoever relating to this preſent War, or to the unhappy differences between his Majeſty and the Parliament: And that all Churches, Chappels, Colledges, Hals, Libraries, Schooles, and publick Buildings, within or belonging to the city or Univerſity, or to Chriſts-church, or the ſeverall Colleges or Hals thereof, ſhall be preſerved from defacing and ſpoyle: And if any removall ſhall be made by the Parliament of any Head or other Members of the Univerſity, Chriſts Church, Colledges or Hals, that thoſe ſo removed, ſhall enjoy their profits during the ſpace of ſix moneths after the rendring of Oxon, and ſhall have convenient time allowed them for removall of themſelves and their Goods from their Lodgings: Provided, that this ſhall not extend to retard any Reformation there intended by the Parliament, or give them any liberty to intermeddle in the Government. XV. That the Major, Bayliffe and Commonalty, and all Corporations within the City, ſhall enjoy their ancient Government, and their Charters, Cuſtomes, Franchizes, Liberties, Lands, Goods and Debts, and all things elſe whatſoever which belong to them as Corporations ſubordinate to the immediate authority and power of Parliament, and ſhall not be moleſted or queſtioned by colour of any thing before the rendring of this Garriſon, done, or ordered by them in the capacity of Corporations, relating to the differences between His Majeſty and the Parliament. XVI. That the Citizens and Inhabitants of the City, ſhall not be charged with free quarter, or billet of Souldiers, other then for lodging (except in urgent time of neceſſity) and that to be ordered and diſpoſed by the advice of the Major, or his Deputy; and that in all Publike Taxes they ſhall be charged proportionably with the County: And that no Scholar, Citizen, or Inhabitant in the Univerſity and City of Oxford, ſhal be troubled or queſtioned for taking up Arms in the Gariſon by expreſſe Command during the time it was a Gariſon, for the defence therof: And that the Scholars, Citizens and Inhabitants ſhall the benefit of this Capitulation, in all things that may concern them. XVII. That no Officer, Souldier, or other perſon who by the Articles are to martch out of the City or Suburbs, or to martch in, ſhall Plunder, ſpoyl or injure any Scholar, Citizen, or Inhabitant, or other perſon in Oxford, in their perſon , good , or eſtate , or carry away any thing that is properly belonging to any of them. XVIII. That all Ladies, Gentlewomen, and other women now in Oxon, whoſe Husbands or Friends are abſent from thence, may have paſſes and protections for themſelves, ſervants and goods to goe to, and remaine at the houſes of their Huſbands or at their Friends, as they ſhall deſire, and to goe or ſend to London, or elſwhere, to obtaine the Allowances out of their Huſbands or Parents Eſtates, allotted them by Ordinance of Parliament. XIX. That ſuch of his Majeſties Houſhold-Servants who ſhall deſire to goe to his Majeſty, may have free liberty and paſſes to goe accordingly, at any time within one moneth next after the rendring of the garriſon: And that His Majeſties Houſhold-ſtuffe, and other his peculiar goods which are now in Oxford, may be carried to His Majeſties Houſe at Hampton-Court; and his Servants under whoſe charge or cuſtody any of them are, ſhall be allowed and aſſiſted in the procuring of Carts, Boates, and Carriages for the removal of them thither, and there to remaine till His Majeſty ſhall otherwiſe diſpoſe of them, and then to be ſent or diſpoſed accordingly. And that ſuch of His Majeſties Servants who are not able for the preſent to goe to Him, ſhall have liberty, paſſes and protections to goe to, and remaine at his Majeſties ſaid Houſe at Hampton-Court, and have liberty to attend the Committee for his Majeſties Revenue, to procure a competent Allowance out of his Majeſties Revenues for their ſubſiſtence, until his Majeſty ſhall otherwiſe provide for, or diſpoſe of them. XX. That all Clergy-men now in Oxford, who ſhall not upon compoſition or otherwiſe, be reſtored to their Church-livings, ſhall have liberty to goe to London, to obtaine ſome fitting allowance for the livelihood of themſelves and their Families. XXI. That it is Intended, Declared and Agreed, That all perſons comprized within theſe Articles, ſhall peaceably and quietly enjoy all their Goods, Debts and Moveables allowed by theſe Articles, during the ſpace of ſix moneths after Rendring the Garriſon: And that they ſhall be free from all Oaths, Engagements and Moleſtations, except an Engagement by promiſe not to beare Armes againſt the Parliament, nor wilfully do any act prejudicial to their Affaires, ſo long as they remaine in their Quarters. And that they ſhall have liberty within the ſpace of ſix moneths (in caſe they ſhall be reſolved to goe beyond Seas) to diſpoſe of their Goods, Debts and Movables allowed by theſe Articles, and depart the Kingdome, if they think fit; And to have paſſes for their tranſportation, or otherwiſe to ſtay in the Kingdome. XXII. That if any of theſe Articles ſhall in any point be broken or violated by any perſon or perſons in Oxford, or cōprized within this capitulation, the fault and puniſhment ſhall be upon him or them onely who made the breach or violation, and ſhall not be imputed to, or charged upon any other not aſſenting thereunto, or not an actor in it. XXIII. That the Duke of Richmond, the Earle of Lindſey, and their Servants that came forth with them, ſhall enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles in whatſoever may concerne them. XXIV. That the Garriſons of Farringdon ſhall be rendred to his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the Governour, Gentlemen, Souldiers, and all other of what quality ſoever within thoſe Garriſons, ſhall enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles in every particular which may concerne them, they rendring the Garriſon accordingly as Oxford. XXV. That all perſons comprizedin theſe Articles, ſhall (upon requeſt) have a certificate under the hand of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or the future Governour of the city, That ſuch perſons were in the City at the time of the ſurrender therof, and are to have the benefit of theſe Articles. XXVI. That the General Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall give a Paſſe to one or two Meſſengers, with their Servants, to goe unto the King, to give Him an account of the proceedings upon this Treaty, and concluſion thereof, and to returne and receive the benefit of theſe Articles.

On Wedneſday the 24. of June, the day appointed, the Towne was accordingly ſurrendred: The Enemy martched out about twelve of the clock; a Guard of our Foot was appointed for them to martch through, which extended in length from Saint Clements neer Maudlin-Bridge, to Shotover-Hill: Our Horſe were drawne up into ſeverall Bodies in ſeverall places in the Reare of the Foot: There martched out in a Body well Armed, with Colours flying and Drums beating, about three thouſand, who had not the leaſt injury or affront offered them in their martch through our men, which the Governour Sir Thomas Glenham hath ſince acknowledged, much to the honour of the Army: Beſides that Body, there went forth that day before and after them about five hundred, moſt of them Horſe men and private perſons engaged in the Siege. There likewiſe martched forth this day at the North gate, all thoſe that went to Yorkeſhire and Gloucesterſhire and thoſe parts, who had a Convoy for that purpoſe, being a conſiderable number: thoſe that martched forth when Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice went forth on Monday, and thoſe that followed them on Tueſday (when other Gentlemen of quality left the City) were in all about three hundred perſons, moſt of them men of quality, and their Attendants. After his Excellency had poſſeſſion of the Towne, it was the continuall imployment of ſome, to make Paſſes for thoſe that were yet left behind, and not martched out of the Towne with the Body; there were above two thouſand Paſſes made after the forementioned Forces were gone, as by a particular Liſt of every mans name was reckoned, whereof many were Noblemen, Knights and Gentlemen of quality, the reſt Officers and Reformadoes, and ſome Schollers. Likewiſe after his Excellency had the Garriſon, the three Regiments of Auxiliaries, conſiſting of two thouſand men, were diſbanded, and their Armes brought in: Thoſe that martched out upon Wedneſday, about nine hundred of them laid down their Armes when they came to Tame, and received Paſſes to goe to their ſeverall Houſes, and their Armes were brought into Oxford: One thouſand one hundred of them liſted themſelves for Forraigne ſervice. There were found in the Magazine ſeventy Barrels of Powder; beſides, they had two Mils which ſupplied them daily with Powder. There were in the Towne thirty eight pieces of Ordnance, whereof twenty ſix were Braſſe: For proviſions of Victuals, by what was found in the Stores, and by what was informed they had in the Stores before they ſold it to the Towneſmen, during the Treaty, to raiſe Moneys to pay their Souldiers, there was not leſſe then ſix moneths proviſions. The Souldiers were much diſcontented, and much ado there was to keep them from doing violence to the Lords, for no other cauſe but for being the occaſion, as they ſaid, of delivering up the Towne; a fault which alas they could not help; the ſtrength of the Works about the Towne was found to be ſuch, as reſolved it in the minds of all underſtanding men, to be much for the Parliaments ſervice that the town was taken by conditions, eſpecially conſidering what unſeaſonable weather followed; that if the Siege had continued but to the day of ſurrender, we muſt have been forced to have quit ſome of our leaguers, the fields being overflown with water. The Citizens were provided till Chriſtmas with Proviſions, and did make no queſtion but of Corne, Beef, Bacon, Salt, Butter and Cheeſe, there was plenty for the ſaid time: freſh meat for the great ones, being the onely thing complained of as a want, and yet was found ſome ſtore of that at the ſurrender.

Somewhat in Vindication of the Articles of OXFORD.

SUch is the delicacy of the ſpirit of man, that when Mercies flow richly and fully in, we grow curious to pleaſe, and God muſt come in to us then as we would have him, or we ſhall ſcarce thank him for any thing he gives, like ſome that returne full from feaſting, with whom an ordinary diſh finds no acceptance: thus it was in the buſineſſe of this ſurrender, becauſe the Conqueſt came not up to every point of expectation or humour; therefore it muſt not be acknowledged by ſome, as if men would give Lawes to Providence, and Armies muſt conquer juſt as we appoint, and we muſt draw lines for ſucceſſe to move in, and unleſſe God ſave us by our own card and compaſſe, we ſcarce allow ſuch a buſineſſe a place in our Calender.

The Houſe of Commons approving the agreement with Oxford. The Houſe of Commons in much honour and juſtice upon receiving and reading the Agreement for Oxford, which his Excellency by an Expreſſe ſent up to them, did by Vote approve and ratifie the ſame; but others, whether from ignorance or prejudice, or what other cauſe, I ſay not, ſeemed not to be ſo well ſatisfied therewith, exclaming againſt the Army, and queſtioning their honour and integrity in this proceeding.

The Delinquency of the Oxonians extraordinarily garriſon'd. I would gladly demand of ſuch, How Delinquency and offences, ſo Garriſoned and Fortified againſt Law, as thoſe in Oxford were, could well have been brought to an higher degree of ſuffering and expiation, without ſtaking a treble value of men, and of ſucceſſe, and running an hazard of bringing all the glory of ſo much conqueſt back againe, and with danger of reverſing all the ſucceſſe we had; and for my part, I think thoſe Victories moſt glorious that are cleaneſt from Blood, and that Warre moſt Chriſtian, that (the common ſafety, which is the end of Warre, provided and ſecured) is as little ſtained or purpled as may be; and there is more of God and of Iſrael, where Cities fall at the breath of Trumpets (as of Rams Horns) and the Summons overcome more then the ſlaughter; and thus hath this army prevailed, by taking in the Inhabitants before the Cities, and mens hearts before their perſons.

The Relation of Oxford to learninh reſpected in the Armies proceeding by Treaty. And I would demand one thing more of any that have either love or learning, How Oxford a place of Books and Colleges, could have been reduced into its Gowne and Peace, but by a motion as calme as peaceable, as little deſtructive, and as ſuitable to the ingeny of ſuch a place of Arts; but this is the leaſt in the Ballance with the other conſiderations.

The Vindication of the Agreement held forth in the light of the entire tranſaction. And becauſe men are rationall, and would be rather argued then perſwaded to beleeve: I ſhall hold out the whole buſineſſe in the intireneſſe and tranſaction of it, that all may be rather convinced and engaged by argument and truth, that things were faire and juſt, and highly advantagious, then meetly deſired or entreated to beleeve ſo.

His Excellency appearing with the Army from the Weſt before this City (leaving behind him no remembrance of an Enemy, but dayes of praiſes for victories) was not without its advantage to the ſurrender.

His Excellency with the Army appearing before Oxford, obſervably the very day twelve moneth that he firſt martched forth. The firſt day of May he appeared before Oxford, being that day twelvemoneth he martched into the Field, which perhpas might be ſafely obſerved (without ſuperſtition) to be of Providence, as if the ſame day which was for beginning, muſt be for finiſhing of the work; A Christian may ſoberly obſerve thoſe Conjunctures which the ſuperstitions adore.

The Quarters ſetled. The head Quarter was at Garſington, three miles from Oxford; it was the ſixt of May before the Quarters about the City and the ſeverall Poſts were appointed, and the Leaguer deſigned in order to a cloſe Siege, the Souldiers caſting up 〈◊〉 Trenches (to ſecure their Leaguers) Lines, Works and Approaches, with the great Work upon Heddington Hill.

Theſe things I mention, becauſe they are in ſome order to the procuring of the Treaty; for the appearance of the Army in this way of digeſtion and approach, did ripen the Enemy to treat; and this cloſe and orderly management of things without, was not without its influence upon thoſe within.

The Garriſon ſummoned. May 11. His Excellency ſummoned the Garriſon: and as the Leafes of ſome Trees move eaſily at a gentle wind, ſo ſome in the Garriſon at the ayre of this Summons, were in motion to anſwer it by a Treaty: ſo as by this the pulſe of the Enemy were obſerved at that diſtance, to beat towards a ſurrender, which could not but a little engage his Excellency to a further purſuit of this meanes, being ſo providentially correſponded with in the firſt deſigne of it.

The Treaty begun. The Oxford Commiſſioners 〈◊〉 in heir demands And now after the Summons for ſurrender, the Treaty begins, the Commiſſioners on both ſides meeting at Maſter Crook's at Marston: but the Oxford Commiſſioners were ſo high in ſome demands (one of which was to be free from all Sequeſtration) His Excellency thereupon putting off the Treaty, and acquainting the Parliament with 〈◊〉 Enemies demands. that his Excellency thought it not fit to proceed with them, but acquainred the Houſe of Commons therewith (as ſtill deſirous to move as much as might be in the wiſdome and ſenſe of that Counſel that firſt entruſted him) and making them by ſuch a pauſe and refuſall, to know themſelves a beleaguered Enemy: Theſe were advantages not to be forgotten in this work: A Spye out of Oxford taken ith Letters. but before the Treaty brake off, a Spye was taken with Letters to his Majeſty from Sir Edward Nicholas and Sir Thomas Glenham; which Spye was a Captaine in the Garriſon, that freely caſheered himſelfe into a Fiſhermans habit for a time to do that work; the Fiſherman was caught himſelfe with his Letters, after he was got on his way as farre as Banbury: Which Letters opened one Myſtery of the Garriſon, Which was divided Counſells and Deſignes of the Lords and Souldiery, and how able they were to Defend the Place, And how the Lords had overpowred them into a Treaty, becauſe of his Majeſties power committed to them at his departure; The advantage by intercepting thoſe Letters. ſo as here were ſome more advantages gained; a knowledge how much a Treaty did divide and unclapſe them, who elſe had been at unity for their owne preſervation, and a diſcovery of their ſtrength and reſolutions, which were ſo conſiderable, as it appeared, that a Treaty was the beſt and ſafeſt argument to obtaine the place, and to diſperſe the Enemy into more Faction by offering conditions, who were at as much diſtance as could be within the ſame Wals, by this way of proceeding againſt them, and made Enemies to one another, who elſe had been all as one Enemy againſt us; and now they were already disbanded in Counſels, a good preamble to the disbanding of their Garriſon.

His Excellency preparing and ſending in Propoſitions of his owner. The Treaty being thus broke off, upon occaſion of the Enemies high demands, and their Propoſitions being wholly laid aſide, other Propoſitions were prepared and digeſted by his Excellency and the Commiſſioners on our part, which were not framed without much debate, and taking the affaires of the Kingdome according to their then preſent poſture, into proſpect and conſideration, as they ſtood in relation to this Buſineſſe.

Theſe Propoſitions were ſent into the Garriſon, and the Treaty was reinforced on both ſides; yet now his Excellency treated as one who rather gave Lawes, then took any reciprocally from them: having ſent them ſuch Propoſitions, as by advice with his Officers, were juſt and honourable, and as from which he could not vary (ſave in point of circumſtance or explanation.)

His Excellency not ſo engaged to a Treaty, as to agree to diſhonourable termes, but rather adviſing how to reduce it by force. In this renewed Treaty, there appeared yet much difficulty and averſneſſe on the Enemies part, I meane in their Commiſſioners. Whereupon a Counſell of War was held by his Excellency, to conſider yet of reducing the Garriſon by force, if the Enemy ſhould flye off in the Treaty: This was the fulleſt Counſel ſince this Army martched, conſiſting of the General, Major-General, Lieutenant-General of Horſe, Commiſſary General, Lieutenant General of the Ordnance, The General Officers of Horſe and Foot, beſides the Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels and Majors of the Army. I obſerve this to take off all aſperſions of dark and private proceedings by parties and factions, and to ſtrengthen the reputation of ſuch intelligence, ſuch Counſels and grounds, as were received and proceeded on.

At a Counſel of WARRE held at Marston, at the Leaguer before Oxford, June 9. 1646.

Preſent, The General. Major Gen. Skippon. Lieuten Gen. Cromwel. Lieut. Gen. Hamond. Commiſ. Gen. Ireton. Colonel Sheffield. Col. Sir Hardreſſe Waller Colonel Graves. Colonel Lambert. Colonel Ingoldesby. Colonel Herbert. Colonel Rainsborough. Colonel Harley. Colonel Okey. Comptroler of the Ordn. Colonel Pindar. Judge Advocate. Colonel Bulstrod. Adjutant-Gen. Evelyn. Adjutant-Gen. Gray. Scoutmaſter-General. Qu. maſt. Gen. Fincher. Qu. maſt. Ge. Gravenor Lieut. Col. Bowen. Lieut. Col. Ewers. Lieut. Col. Hewſon. Lieut. Col. Aſhfield. Th. Herbert Eſq Commiſſioner of Parl. Major Desborow. Major Alford. Major Horton.

The Reſolves of the Counſel were, firſt, That there were four thouſand Foot and three hundred Horſe, by their beſt intelligence, in that Garriſon for Defence.

The ſecond was, That they might hold out ſix months before they wanted proviſions of Victuall and Ammunition.

The third was, That it was not adviſeable to ſtorme Oxford.

The fourth was, That the moſt probable way was reducing it by approaches, in caſe they could not cloſe by Treaty.

The City now appearing in this Reputation of conſiderableneſſe, we ſhall look over into particulars of its ſtrength, Souldiery, Ammunition and Victuals.

The ſtrength of the Garriſon. For its ſtrength, it was ſurrounded on all ſides, but the North, with Rivers and Meadowes overflowne, ſo as it was onely approachable on the North ſide; and this way was onely approved on by the Counſel of Warre, and yet this way there were two Lines and Works, which in Reaſons of Warre would have ſtood in no little coſt and Blood; for againſt every Port of the ſecond Line, were Colleges (which however once places of Books and Peace, yet now ſerved as petty Caſtles of defence;) which thing was worthy to be conſidered, not ſo much out of tenderneſſe to them, or indulgency to the Blood of this Army, but out of providence to the Kingdome, whoſe Guard it was: As for them, it is well knowne they were never ſuch Huſbands of their Blood, when the State ſtood in need of it.

The ſtore of Ammunition. For Ammunition and Victuall, it was well ſtored, there being Amunition which well huſbanded might have ſerved them ſix moneths, and Victual for as long (ſo as themſelves and their Artillery would have both lived and determined together.)

The numbers of Souldiers very conſiderable. For the Souldiery, there wanted no numbers for that buſineſſe, four thouſand, according to the beſt intelligence (and as afterward by paſſes did appeare) above three thouſand, beſide Reformadoe, Scholars, Towneſ-men; who, though a Miſcellany, yet would all have been men of Warre, and of one profeſſion in a time of defence.

And beſide all this, we had the name and reputation of the Governour Sir Thomas Glenham to take in, who hath been knowne into places, that had been otherwiſe of a dejected fortune, to put life and ſpirit; witneſſe his performance at York, which (after the totall routing of the Kings Army before the wals of that City) being beleaguered by the three Generals, with greateſt advantage poſſible, ſtepping immediately from the Victory to the Leaguer, he yet defended till he obtained honourable conditions.

And after that deſpaired of no leſſe at Carliſle, where he endured ten moneths ſiege, ſubmitti g to eat dogges and horſefleſh, before he would yeeld without honourable conditions.

So as according to this account, conſider what expence of time and blood would have iſſued in carrying on the approaches for the reducement by force; December being a moneth they might very well have reached unto, which muſt neceſſarily have engaged the Army into ſo much winter, water, cold and difficulty, as that the iſſue might (in reaſon of Warre) have proved as ſad for the Beſiegers, all things conſidered, as for thoſe in the City; three moneths time would have been the leaſt; and when all things had been ripe for enforcing, the hazard of how many honeſt, gallant men againſt earth and wals, againſt Lines and Colleges?

But ſurely we flow not ſo with good men in the Kingdome, that we ſhould be ſo indifferently prodigall of thoſe we have, if Victories may be purchaſed cheaper, and at an eaſier rate, beſide the ſpoyle and firing of Colleges, and it may be, of that famous Library, which how it would have ſtood with the Reputation of this State, to deſtroy places of Arts ſo freely, let others judge.

The particular grounds of concluding the Treaty upon ſuch Articles. A Treaty therefore being judged the beſt and moſt counſelable way, His Excellency and the Commiſſioners reſolved to enforce it, and that not onely in reſpect to the Army upon the forementioned conſiderations of the difficulty, danger and tediouſneſſe of other wayes, but alſo with reference to the State of the Kingdome, and divers other conſiderations. As

Firſt, in relation to the many other Garriſons of the Enemy yet unreduced, as Worcester, Wallingford, Ragland, Farringdon, Borstall, with divers others, which did all beare up in the exiſtence and being of this, and were linked to this, as to the Head and Garriſon-royall of all the Enemies, that like members of one body, they could not but live and dye together, ſo as this Cities ſurrender would ſhake all the other into a Treaty, and the taking in of this, would take in the reſt, being all threded upon one ſtring of dependency.

Secondly, the Negotiations of the King in Forraigne parts for aſſiſtance, particularly in France, as is cleer by the French Agent, who received his Majeſty firſt in his Quarters, and Negotiated with him at Newcastle, and by Aſhburnham's diſpatch into France (notwithſtanding the Parliaments demand of him) all which put together (though we would rather quench then cheriſh any ſuſpition of ſuch a Neighbour State) yet it cannot but be judged well beſeeming his Excellency and his Counſell, wiſely to provide, and put caſes of things to come, and occur and prevent (if it may be) dangers poſſible, being well aſſured we deale with an Enemy, who hath loſt neither Wit, Friends, Activity nor Reſolution, to play his Game once more over, if he knew at what Card to begin.

Thirdly, the ſuſpitions and jealouſies that were kindling towards ſome in our Brethrens Army, upon the ſodaine Alarum of his Majeſties reception there, and ſome other paſſages from the North; not that the Army did conclude a doubt or ſuſpition of them, but rather haſten to be upon ſuch a free and ſtrong intereſt and diſengagement, as might ſooner put all things into better correſpondency, while both Armies are fairly at liberty in their owne intereſts, and upon equall bottomes, whereby a third deſigning party (I meane the Kings) might not work upon the inequality of the other two; Temptation and Opportunity being the worſt Enemies that honeſt men have.

Fourthly, the Treaty in Ireland for a peace with thoſe there, and to make that peace a way of wa tage over for ſome new ſupplies into England; which though then was but by divine intelligence diſcerned, yet now things are cleerer and more certaine.

Fiftly, the arming the Parliament with a free and unengaged Army (as came to paſſe by the ſurrender of this City) ſo as now they might treat or capitulate, as a Kingdome upon its owne intereſt and bottome, with the more honour, and with no more condiſcention, then love and juſtice would perſwade them; ſurely they that know the difference betwixt a State, attended on by a free and entire Army in times of deſigne and diſtraction and beginnings of ſettlement, and betwixt a State ſerved by broken Regiments, and an engaged Force or Army, cannot judge the freeing and diſingaging this Army ſo ſoon from the attendance of Oxford, to a meere attendance upon the State in a time of ſuch high concernments, to be leſſe then a Counſel both of neceſſity and of advancement to the Kingdome.

And now I ſhall fairly remove ſome Objections, which may be moats in the eyes of ſome, and hinder their diſcerning the fairneſſe of this proceeding.

Firſt, that of permitting excepted perſons to goe unpuniſhed; but I cannot grant this Objection ſo farre, that they did goe unpuniſhed, unleſſe all juſtice and righteouſneſſe runne downe onely in the blood of the Offender: Indeed the State of Iſrael fought by ſuch Lawes againſt the Nations, as in the caſe of Agag; but how farre ſuch Lawes are rules to the State of Chriſtians, who are not under that judiciall policy and ſpeciall precepts, I leave to be diſputed: but ſurely thoſe ſix excepted perſons went not unpuniſhed, they received loſſe of all (one of them an Eſtate worth an hundred thouſand pounds) and if yet nothing but life be juſtice, they loſt that too; I meane, their life in this Kingdome, being never more to live in this State, ſo as in a manner they are dead to us, though not unto themſelves; nor could their life be ſo eaſily come at, without the loſſe of many, it may be, more deare and precious; and had the approaches and ſtorme gone on, who can undertake thoſe few, thoſe ſix excepted perſons, might not have eſcaped? and then how had this aſſay of juſtice ſucceeded? ſurely juſtice is not all of one colour, all purple, there is puniſhment by baniſhment, and confiſcation as well as death; and ſuppoſe after the loſſe of many an honourable ſpirit to purchaſe ſix men, they had been taken and delivered up, there are wayes of eſcape from States as well as Armies.

For that other Objection of the exemption from the Oath or Covenant for ſix moneths; why ſhould it be a crime to his Excellency now, which was none to the Lieutenant-General of the Scots Army, who at Carliſle granted that Article, To be excepted from any Oath whatſoever (as by referring to the ſaid Articles may appear) and our General grants but an exemption for ſix moneths; how is it that offences are more fairly interpreted in Scotch then Engliſh? And it is not amiſſe to conſider Redding, once a Garriſon of the Enemies, yet ſurrendred upon honourable conditions, to the Earle of Eſſex, his Excellency, then General, Oxford and Redding differing but in three things: Firſt, Oxford was more conſiderable and Redding leſſe: ſecondly, the Delinquents of Redding martched out of the Towne, and thoſe of Oxford out of the Kingdome: thirdly, Redding had but four Barrels of Powder when they capitulated, Oxford a plentifull Magazine.

After all theſe things, I wonder how any can find fault with this Army or Souldiery, for diſpatch of their work ſo ſoon; and never till now (and now by what Law I know not) was it an offence to have Warre ſoon ended? Let me aſke what hath this Army done ill in this buſineſſe? Hath it not done juſtice upon Offenders? it may be not juſtice of our very faſhion, according to ſuch a very patterne of ſome, becauſe they could not conquer juſt by a rule, but as neceſſity of State and Warre would ſuffer them: Hath this Army by this ſurrender failed of that plunder and rich ſpoile they might have had in the ſtorme? This was a fault wherein the Souldiery were more conſcionable then covetous: and me thinks we ſhould eaſily pardon them in this, That they had rather end the Warre to the Kingdomes, then their owne advantage.

Hath this Army by this ſurrender been more free, entire, and at liberty, to guard both State and Parliament? me thinks this ſhould be onely the griefe of our Enemies not of our Friends.

Hath this Army by this ſurrender brought in ſo many other Garriſons, as follo in this Story, &c? ſurely ſuch wayes of fighting as leave the Enemy ſcarce an intereſt in the Kingdome, is a new kind of failing, and an offence not heard of till our times, wherein ingratitude and reproaches are by too many thought good pay for greateſt ſervices.

Hath this Army by this ſurrender and diſingagement, awed and affrighted the gatherings of new Parties to increaſe the old? this is indeed a miſchief; but to whom? even to every one that is not a lover of the Kingdomes ſafety.

Hath this Army by a ſpirit more Almighty then their owne, brought home an Olive to this State, after ſuch overflowings of War and Blood, and ſhall not the Dove be taken into the Arke? ſhall there be no preſervation for them that preſerve others?

CHAP. VIII.

The Siege and Surrender of Worceſter and Walling ord.

AFter the Surrender of Banbury Caſtle, Colonel Whaley was ſent with ſome few Troops of Horſe to Worcester, for the better keeping in of the Enemy; Colonel Morgan who was before ſuch time attending that ſervice with the Glocesterſhire Forces, was ordered by the General to Ragland, to command in chiefe thoſe Forces that ſhould be imployed for the reducing of that place, if upon the Summons ſent into Worcester the Enemy ſtood off and would not treat; which accordingly falling out, the Enemy in Worcester returning a very high and preſumptory Anſwer upon the Summons that was ſent into them, and making higher demands then were granted to Oxford. Colonel Morgan according to his Orders, martched to Ragland, leaving Colonel Whaley (to attend the ſervice before Worcester) who with the Forces of the Counties of Worcester and Shropſhire, together with ſome Forces of Newport-pagnel, Warwick and Northampton, lay before it, ſo as to keep off reliefe and hinder the Enemy from getting in proviſions from the Country: But there was a great want of Foot for a regular and cloſe Siege, which when the ſervice of Oxford was over, and that Garriſon ſurrendred, was inſtantly ſupplyed, Colonel Rainsborough being ſent with a Brigade thither, who no ſooner came before the Towne, but he laid his Foot Quarters cloſe to the Enemies Works, and in two or three nights (according to much judgment and reſolution) raiſed a Work, which much annoyed the Enemies great Fort: whereupon they came to a capitulation, and being much diſtracted with the ſurrender of Oxford, and fearing if they neglected their opportunity, they ſhould have no conditions at all, expecting the whole power of the Army to come upon them, They came to conditions as followeth:

Articles of Agreement for the Surrender of the City of Worcester, and the Forts belonging thereunto, concluded July 19. 1646. between Colonel Thomas Rainsborough, on the behalfe of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, General of the Forces raiſed by the Parliament, and Colonel Henry Waſhington, Governour of Worcester. THat the City of Worceſter with all Forts, Ordnance, Armes, Ammunition, Stores and Proviſion of War thereunto belonging, ſhall be delivered, without wilfull ſpoyle and imbeazlement, unto his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or to ſuch as he ſhall appoint to receive them, upon the 22. of this instant July at ten of the Clocke in the morning, in ſuch manner and with ſuch exceptions as are contained in the enſuing Articles. II. That on the 23 of July the Governour and all Officers and Souldiers of the Gariſon, with all other perſons therein that will, ſhall march out of Worceſter with their Horſes, Armes, and Baggage belonging to them, to any place within one mile of Worceſter, which the Governour ſhall chuſe, where all their Horſes and Armes, except what allowed in the inſuing Articles, ſhall be delivered up to ſuch as his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall appoint. All the Souldiers ſhall be disbanded, and all ſuch both Officers and Souldiers, and others, as ſhall ingage themſelves by promiſe never to beare Armes any more againſt the Parliament of England, nor doe any thing wilfully to the prejudice of their affaires, ſhall have the benefit of theſe enſuing Articles. III. That all ſuch as ſhall deſire to goe to their owne homes, or private friends, ſhall have the Generals Paſſes and protection for their peaceable repaire to and aboad at their ſeverall places they ſhall deſire to goe unto; The Governour to paſſe with all Horſes, Armes, and Baggage properly belonging to him, and each Colonel to paſſe with three Horſes, and each Lieutenant Colonell and Serjeant Major with two Horſes, each Captain, Lieutenant and Cornet with one Horſe, and every perſon not under the degree of an Eſquire with three Horſes, and all of them with their Armes and goods properly belonging to them to be carried on their Horſes, and all Souldiers with their Swords and ſuch Baggage as properly belong to them, which they carry about them. IV. That all perſons which are to have the benefit of the preceding Articles, ſhall, if they deſire it, have Paſſes to goe beyond Seas, provided they depart this Kingdome within two Months after the ſurrender of the Town. V. That the City and Gariſon of Worceſter, and all the Inhabitants thereof ſhall be preſerved from all plunder and violence of the Souldier. VI. That Sir William Ruſſell, now reſiding in Worceſter be excepted from any benefit of theſe Articles. HEN. WASHINGTON. Signed and Sealed July 19. 1646.

When the forementioned Forces were ſent unto Worcester, another Brigade was ſent to Ragland, and the Generals Regiment, with Colonel Lilburnes, were ſent to aſſiſt our Forces before Wallingford; by whoſe acceſſion the Siege being ſtrengthned, preſently a Summons was ſent into the Caſtle; the Governour perceiving new Forces to face the Garriſon, (and that by ſo fatall an occaſion and diſaſter to them as the ſurrender of Oxford) came to a Treaty, which took effect, and was concluded upon theſe Articles.

Articles of Agreement concluded and agreed by his Excellency Sir Tho. Fairfax Knight, General of the Forces raiſed by the Parliament, on the one Party; and Col. Tho. Blag, Governor of Wallingford, on the other Party: for and concerning the rendring of the Gariſon of Wallingford Caſtle and Town, July 22. 1646. I. THat the Castle and Towne of Wallingford, with all the Ordnance, Armes, Ammunitions, Stores and Proviſions of War thereunto belonging, ſhall be delivered up without wilfull ſpoile or imbezlement, unto his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or ſuch as he ſhal appoint to receive the ſame, upon Wedneſday the 29. of July, 1646 by nine of the clock in the morning, in ſuch manner, and with ſuch exceptions as are contained in the enſuing Articles. II. That on the ſaid 29. day of July the Governour and all Officers and Souldiers of the Garriſon, with all other perſons therein (that will) ſhall martch out of Wallingford with their Horſes and Armes properly belonging to them, (proportionable to their preſent and paſt commands or imployments) with flying Colours, Trumpets ſounding, Drums beating, Matches lighted at both ends, Bullet in their mouthes, and every Souldier twelve Charges of Powder, Match and Bullet proportionable, with one piece of Ordnance, with equipage, and with Bag and Baggage, to any place within ten miles of Wallingford, which the Governour ſhall chooſe, where (in regard his Majesty hath no Garriſon left open, nor Army neer) all their Horſes and Armes, except what are allowed in the enſuing Articles, ſhall be delivered up to ſuch as his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax ſhall appoint; all the Souldiers ſhall be disbanded, and all ſuch, both Officers, Souldiers and others as ſhall engage themſelves by Promiſe, never to beare Armes againſt the Parliament, nor to doe any thing wilfully to the prejudice of their Affaires, during their abode in the Parliaments Quarters, ſhall have the benefit of the enſuing Articles; That is to ſay; III. That all ſuch as ſhall deſire to go to their homes or private Friends (who ſhall not be prejudiced for receiving them) ſhall have the Generals Paſſe and Protection for their peaceable repaire to, and abode at the ſeverall places they ſhall ſo deſire to go unto; The Governour, Officers and Gentlemen to paſſe with Equipage of Horſes and Armes anſwerable to their preſent and paſt commands or qualities; and all both Officers, Souldiers and others, to paſſe with Bag and Baggage, and the Troopers only with their Swords, and their Bag and Baggage. IV. That all ſuch (if there be any) who ſhall deſire to take entertainment for Forraigne Service, ſhall have Paſſes for their Officers (not exceeding four) with their Horſes and two Servants apiece, to goe to London to treat with any Foraigne Ambaſſadour or Agent for entertainment, and all of them ſhall have liberty and Paſſes to martch (the Officers with Equipage of Horſes and Armes properly their owne, and anſwerable to their preſent paſt and commands, the common Souldiers with their Swords, and all with Bag and Baggage) to the Quarters neer unto Harwich or Southampton, or to any Port between them, to be tranſported, where they ſhall be aſſisted in the procuring of Veſſels and Shipping for their tranſportation, at the uſuall Rates accustomed for Fraight, by the Governour of the next Gariſon or Port Towne, who ſhall alſo take care for their ſafety and accommodation with Quarters, untill Shipping be provided and Weather ſeaſonable, they paying for the ſame after twenty eight dayes from the Render. V. That all the perſons now in Wallingford (not being of the Souldiery of the Gariſon) ſhall have liberty and protections for their Perſons and Goods to ſtay in the Towne of Wallingford one moneth after the Rendring (if they deſire it.) and then to have the Generals Paſſe and Protection, as others going out at the Rendring, upon the like engagement; and that any perſon whatſoever (who being ſick or wounded, cannot at preſent Remove) ſhall have liberty to ſtay till they be Recovered or able to goe away, and ſhall have fit accommodation and ſubſistence provided for them during ſuch their ſtay, and then ſhall enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles. VI. That no perſon whatſoever comprized in this capitulation ſhall be Reproached, Reviled, Affronted, Plundered or Injured in their Martch, Randezvouz or Quarters, Journies or places of abode, by theſe Articles allowed, nor ſhall be compelled to beare Armes, nor be Impriſoned, Reſtrained, Sued, Molested or Damnified for any matter whatſoever, of pulick or private concernment, Relating to the preſent War, the matter or grounds thereof, ariſing before the Rendring of the Gariſon, during the ſpace of ſix moneths after the Rendring thereof, nor be compelled to take any Oaths or other Engagements then what is mentioned in the ſecond Article, during the time of ſix moneths, and to have liberty during the ſaid time, to travell about their lawfull affaires. VII. That all Horſes and other Goods now in Wallingford, taken as lawfull prize of War, or properly belonging to the Governour or Officers of the Gariſon, before or during the Siege, ſhall be continued in the poſſeſſion of the preſent poſſeſſors, except ſuch as are to be delivered up by the Tenor of theſe Articles. VIII. That ſuch Houſhold-stuffe and Goods now in Wallingford, as ſhall appeare to the General, or ſuch as he ſhall depute for that purpoſe, to have been borrowed by any Officer or Gentleman in the Gariſon, for their uſe and accommodation in the Gariſon, ſhall be restored back to the Owners. IX. That if any perſon or perſons ſhall wilfully violate theſe Articles in any parts, the guilt thereof ſhall be imputed to ſuch perſon or perſons onely, and ſhall not prejudice any other, not acting or conſenting to the ſame. X. That the Governour and three more ſuch Officers and Gentlemen as he ſhall name, ſhall have Paſſes from the General for themſelves, with two Servants a piece, their Horſes, Swords, Pistols, and neceſſaries, to goe to the King to give him an account of the ſaid Gariſon, and to returne to their homes, or Friends: And that five weeks ſhall be allowed for this Journey, which ſhall not be reckoned any part of the ſix moneths mentioned in the ſixth Article, but he and they ſhall be allowed ſix moneths after the end of the ſaid five weeks. XI. That no Officer, Souldier, or other perſon, who by the Articles are to martch out of the Caſtle or Town of Wallingford, (or ſhall martch in) ſhall plunder, ſpoile, injure any Inhabitant or other Perſon therein, in their Perſons, Goods or Estates, or carry away any thing that is properly belonging to any of them. XII. That all perſons comprized within theſe Articles ſhall peaceably and quietly enjoy all their Goods, Debts and Moveables, during the ſpace of ſix moneths after the Rendring, and ſhall have liberty within the ſaid ſpace (if they ſhall reſolve to goe beyond the Seas) to diſpoſe of their ſaid Goods, Debts and Moveables, and to depart the Kingdome with the ſame, as they ſhall thinke fit and deſire, and ſhall have Paſſes for their Tranſportation accordingly from his Excellency. XIII. That all perſons comprived in theſe Articles, ſhall, upon requeſt, have a Certificate under the hand of the General, or ſuch as he ſhall appoint, that ſuch perſons were in the Castle and Towne of Wallingford at the time of the Rendring thereof, and are to have the Benefit of theſe Articles. XIV. That the Townſmen and Inhabitants of the Town of Wallingford ſhall not be troubled or queſtioned for any thing ſaid or written by any of them, nor the Corporation thereof prejudiced for any thing done by any of them by expreſſe command, ſince it was a Gariſon, and that they ſhall have the benefit of theſe Articles in all things that may concerne them. XV. That Maſter John Chamberlaine of Sherborne, ſhall have the benefit of theſe Articles. THO. FAIRFAX.

After the Articles were Signed and Sealed, and the day of ſurrender agreed upon, a Party of Officers and Souldiers, upon ſome diſcontent, mutined againſt the Governour, and dividing themſelves from the reſt, came in a threatning way, preſenting their Muskets at him, if they might not have their wils and demands granted. Whereupon the Governour was neceſſitated privately to ſend for the Paſſes, and to deliver the Caſtle a day ſooner then intended, and Lieutenant-Colonel Jackson was enforced to draw in his Regiment into the Towne between the two Parties (the Mutiners and the Governours Party) to enforce an orderly delivery of the Garriſon: The tuition of this Garriſon was by his Excellency committed to that vigilant and faithfull Commander Adjutant Evelyn, Adjutant-General of the Horſe.

CHAP. IX.

Of the Reduction of Ragland Castle and Pendennis.

OXford Garriſon having run to its period of obſtinacy againſt the Parliament, and being now reduced, many other Garriſons that attended its fate fell with it, even like ripe fruit, with an eaſie touch: But theſe two Garriſons of Ragland and Pendennis, like winter fruit, hung long on. Ragland Caſtle, a ſtrong hold in Wales, Garriſoned for the King under the command of the Marqueſſe of Worcester, ſcituated conveniently to command all the parts of South-Wales, being ſtraightned by ſome Forces of Sir Trevor Williams and Major-General Langhorne, before Colonel Morgan was ordered from Worceſter thither, to command in chiefe the Forces that were, and ſhould be ſent before it, was at length formidably and cloſely beſieged: The ſame Captaine-Engineer that gave ſo good demonſtration of his skill at Banbury, at the reduction of that Caſtle, Captaine Hooper, was imployed here; and ſo ſoon as he could get Spades and Shovels, he went moſt dexterouſly to work againſt this Caſtle of Ragland; Colonel Morgan at firſt had but fifteen hundred men to carry on the deſigne; the Enemy was eight hundred ſtrong within in Horſe and Foot, and made divers deſperate ſallies upon Colonel Morgan, who received him as gallantly, and in every of them was perſonally engaged, with great hazard to himſelfe in particular: In one ſally, the Enemy took a Colour of ours, the Cornet loſt his life withall; In exchange whereof, a Major and Captain of the Enemies was ſlaine, and divers wounded on the Enemies part: But at length, by the addition of two thouſand more to Colonel Morgan from his Excellencies Army, after Oxford was over, as is noted before: the Enemy in the Caſtle was reduced to more caution, and taught to lye cloſer.

And eſpecially when his Excellency in perſon was come thither from the Bath to put life into the Siege, which was by that time in a good forwardneſſe, both for their Works and Approaches: Who being come, ſent in this Summons into the Caſtle.

MY LORD,

BEing come into theſe parts with ſuch a ſtrength as I may not doubt, but with the ſame good hand of providence that hath hitherto bleſſed us, in ſhort time to reduce the Garriſon of Ragland to the obedience of the Parliament; I have in order therto thought good to ſend your Lordſhip this ſummons; hereby requiring you to deliver up to me for the Parliaments uſe, the ſaid Garriſon and Caſtle of Ragland, which as it onely obſtructs the Kingdomes univerſall peace, the rendition may beget ſuch tearms, as by delay or vain hopes cannot hereafter be expected. I remaine

My Lord, Your Lordſhips moſt humble ſervant, THOMAS FAIRFAX. Leaguer before Ragland, Aug. 7. 1646.

〈◊〉 which Summons begat an intercourſe of many Meſſages from one ſide to the other; with the copies whereof I ſhall continue that part of the Story.

SIR,

ALthough my infirmities might juſtly claime priviledge in ſo ſudden an anſwer; yet becauſe you deſire it, and I not willing to delay your time to your letter of ſummons to deliver up my Houſe, and the onely houſe now in my poſſeſſion to cover my head in; theſe are to let you know, that if you did underſtand the condition I am in, I dare ſay out of your judgement you will not thinke it a reaſonable demand, I am loath to be the Author of mine owne ruine on both ſides, and therefore deſire to have leave to ſend to his Majeſty to know his pleaſure, what he will have done with his Garriſon. As for my Houſe, I preſume he will command nothing, neither am I knowing how either by Law or conſcience I ſhould be forced out of it. To this I deſire your returne, and reſt

Your Excellencies humble ſervant, H. WORCESTER.
MY LORD,

TOuching your ſending to his Majeſty, it is that which hath been denied to the moſt conſiderable Garriſons of England, further then an account to his Majeſty of the thing done upon the ſurrender, which I doe alſo freely grant to your Lordſhip: And for that diſtinction which your Lordſhip is pleaſed to make, it is your Houſe; If it had not been formed into a Garriſon, I ſhould not have troubled your Lordſhip with a Summons, and were it diſ-garriſoned, neither you nor your Houſe ſhould receive any diſquiet from me, or any that belong unto me.

This I thought good to returne to yours, and thereby to diſcharge my ſelfe before God and the world, of all extremities and ſad conſequences that will enſure upon the refuſall of the rendition of your Garriſon, upon my Summons.

I remaine yours, THO. FAIRFAX.
SIR,

I Doe ſo much confide in your Honour, as that being at ſtake, concerning leave to ſend to his Majeſty, I will at this time forbeare to make further motion in it: Onely one thing which is extraordinary, I offer to your conſideration for the juſt cauſe, beſides my Allegeance of my reaſonable requeſt: which is, That upon his Majeſties promiſe of ſatisfaction, I am above twenty thouſand pounds out of purſe, and if I ſhould doe any thing diſpleaſing unto him, I am ſure all that is loſt, and no benefit to the Parliament. If you knew how well known I was in Henry Earle of Huntington's time, unto your noble Grandfather at York, I am aſſured I ſhould receive that favour at your hands that ſafely you might afford. God knowes, if I might quietly receive my meanes of ſubſiſtence, and be in ſecurity with the Parliaments approbation, and freed from the malice of thoſe Gentlemen that are of the Committee within this County, I ſhould quickly quit my ſelfe of the Garriſon, for I have no great cauſe to take delight in it. I have that high eſteem of your worth, nobleneſſe and true judgment, that knowing you will offer nothing ignoble or unworthy for me to doe, as the caſe ſtands with me, I deſire to know what Conditions I may have, and I will returne you preſent anſwer, and in the meane time I reſt,

Your humble ſervant H. WORCESTER.
MY LORD,

ACcording to your Lordſhips deſire, I have returned you conditions, ſuch as may be fit and ſatisfactory to the Souldiery. To your Lordſhip and Family, I have granted quiet and ſecurity from all violence of any that belongs to me: I would perſwade your Lordſhip not to fear any ill or diſreſpect from the Committee of this County (I ſhall eaſily reconcile that Party) or that they will doe any thing, but as they ſhall receive order from the Parliament. By this meanes you are at liberty to ſend to the Parliament, and upon a preſent ſurrender and ſubmiſſion to their mercy and favour, your Lordſhip cannot but think to receive better termes for your ſelfe, then if you ſtand it out to the laſt extremity; when beſides the hazard of your perſon, and of thoſe in your Family (which I do preſume are deare to you) and the ſpoyle of the Caſtle, which cannot be avoyded in extreame undertakes againſt it. Your Lordſhip hath no reaſon to expect better then the Marqueſſe of Wincheſter received; who in making good Baſing-houſe to the laſt, narrowly eſcaped in his owne perſon, loſt his friends, ſubjected thoſe that eſcaped to great frights, and hazard his Houſe and Eſtate to utter ruine, and himſelfe to extremity of Juſtice. Touching your Lordſhips twenty thouſand pound, your Lordſhip hath liberty to ſolicite about that, by the ſame hands your Lordſhip ſhall give an account of the ſurrender to his Majeſty. I deſire your Lordſhip upon receipt of theſe, to diſmiſſe my Trumpeter, and to returne Anſwer by one of your owne.

THO. FAIRFAX.
SIR,

THe difficulty of reſolution by the Souldiers and Officers (other then I thought) cauſeth my requeſt for your patience in not giving you full anſwer to the conditions you ſent me yeſterday; but as ſoon as I ſhall obtaine it, you ſhall not be long without it. But one thing, and that of moment, I deſire to be ſatisfied in; whether if any concluſion ſhould be made, that afterward I ſhall be left to the mercy of the Parliament for alteration at their will and pleaſures; and if it be ſo, I ſhall endeavour in vain to ſtudy more about it: For example, in my Lord of Shrewsbury his caſe, and divers others, how conditions have been broken, doth a little affright me: I know by your will and conſent if ſhould never be; but Souldiers are unruly, and the Parliament unqueſtionable, and therefore I beſeech you pardon my juſt cauſe of fear, and I will reſt,

Your humble Servant H. WORCESTER.
MY LORD,

I Have peruſed your Letter of this eleventh of Auguſt. As to your ſcruple wherein you deſire to be ſatisfied (ſo far as I underſtand it) I can onely give you this reſolution, That wat I grant, I will undertake ſhall be made good: As to the inſtance you give in my Lord of Shrewſburie's caſe, the actors in that breach (who were none of my Army) have received their cenſure, and by this time I beleeve the execution. But here, if any concluſion be made while I ſtay, I dare undertake there ſhall be no ſuch thing, or if any, there ſhall be reparation.

THO. FAIRFAX.
SIR,

FOr the better accommodation of theſe unhappy diſferences, if you pleaſe that there may be a ceſſation of Armes and working, and to engage your Honour for the returne of my Commiſſioners to morrow by ten of the clock, they ſhall wait upon you in your Leaguer, where they ſhall vindicate me for being the onely obſtruction of the generall peace: So in expectation of your ſodaine Anſwer, I reſt,

Your humble Servant, H. WORCESTER.
MY LORD,

HAving not yet received in any of your Letters a direct anſwer to the conditions I ſent you; I have no grounds or conſideration for ſuch a ceſſation of Armes and working, as in your Letter you deſire; but if it be your purpoſe to returne your anſwer by Commiſſioners, I ſhall by the hour you mention, appoint Commiſſioners of mine owne to receive the ſame in the Leaguer, as you deſire, and engage my ſelfe for the ſafe returne of yours, not exceeding ſix Commiſſioners, and as many ſervants: And in order to this, I ſhall be content there be a ceſſation of Armes and working from nine of the clock to morrow morning till two in the afternoon.

Yours, &c. THO. FAIRFAX.
SIR,

HAd I not thought you had been in the Leaguer, to the end that Propoſitions from the place in anſwer to yours, might have been firſt preſented unto you, and to avoid delayes, which I thought your ſide would beſt like of, it was reſolved to ſend Commiſſioners together with our Propoſitions; but conſidering it was otherwiſe, I have ſent you ſuch as I am adviſed unto, to take into your conſideration, and becauſe there is ſome addition to yours, I would have been glad you had heard the juſt reaſons thereof, to the end you might not have been perſwaded to ſlight them without juſt cauſe; your pleaſure for the ordering of buſineſſe, I at your leiſure expect, and if you pleaſe, the diſmiſſion of this Meſſenger; and ſo reſt

Your humble ſervant, H. WORCESTER.
MY LORD,

I Have peruſed the Propoſitions ſent out by your Commiſſioners, which I find ſuch as deſerve no anſwer: I have offered your Lordſhip and the reſt conditions which you may yet have if you accept in time: if there be any thing in them obſcure, needing explanation or wanting circumſtantials, for the better performing of the things intended therein, I ſhall be willing to appoint Commiſſioners on my part to treat with yours to that purpoſe, upon thoſe Propoſitions of mine, provided you ſend Commiſſioners inſtructed with power to treat and conclude, and returne your reſolution herein by ſix of the clock this evening.

Yours, &c. THO. FAIRFAX. Auguſt 14. 1646.

In the meane time our Approaches went on towards the Caſtle, our maine Work was ſome ſixty yards from theirs, we had planted four Mortar-pieces in one place, and two Mortar-pieces at another, each Mortar-piece carrying a Granadoe ſhell twelve inches diameter.

Auguſt the 14. His Excellency (who was every day in the Trenches) appointed a new approach, which the Engineer, Captaine Hooper, had ſo farre proceeded in as to throw up approaches of an hundred yards in circuit, making, exacting running Trenches, ſo ſecure, as if they were Works againſt a ſtorm, comming within ſixty yards of their Works.

Auguſt 15. The Marqueſſe ſent forth his deſire to treat, upon the Generals Propoſitions; whereupon the Treaty was appointed at Maſter Oates his houſe (about a mile and a halfe from Ragland,) to begin at two of the clock that afternoon: His Excellencies Commiſſioners were Colonel Morgan, Colonel Birch, Maſter Herbert, one of the Commiſſioners of Parliament, reſiding in the Army, Quartermaſter General Graveſnor, Lieutenant-Colonel Aſhfield, and Major Tulida.

By Monday Auguſt 17. The Treaty was concluded (the Marqueſſe caſting himſelfe upon the mercy of the Parliament) according to the enſuing Articles.

Articles concluded and agreed upon betwixt his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax Knight, General of the Forces raiſed by the Parliament, on the one part: and the right honourable the Marqueſſe and Earle of Worcester, Governour of the Caſtle and Garriſon of Ragland, on the other part: for and concerning the ſurrender of the Caſtle and Garriſon of Ragland. I. THat the Castle and Garriſon of Ragland, with all the Ordnance, Armes, Ammunition, and proviſion of War thereunto belonging, shall be delivered up without wilfull ſpoyle, unto his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, or ſuch as he shall appoint to receive the ſame on Wedneſday next, being the nineteenth day of this instant Auguſt, by ten a clock in the forenoon, in ſuch forme as shall be expreſſed in the enſuring Articles. II. That upon the ſaid nineteenth day of Auguſt, the Officers, Gentlemen and Souldiers of the Gariſon, with all other perſons therein, shall martch out of the ſaid Gariſon with their Horſes and Armes, with Colours flying, Drums beating, Trumpet ſounding, Matches lighted at both ends, Bullet in their mouthes, and every Souldier with twelve charges of Powder, Match and Bullet proportionable, and Bag and Baggage, to any place within ten miles of the Gariſon, where the Governour ſhall nominate: Where, in reſpect his Majesty hath no Gariſon in England, nor Army any where within this Kingdome and Dominion of Wales, their Armes ſhall be delivered up to ſuch as his Excellency ſhall appoint to receive them, where the Souldiers ſhall be Disbanded; and that all both Officers, Gentlemen and Souldiers ſhall have the benefit of theſe enſuing Articles, except perſons excepted from Pardon and Compoſition, they engaging themſelves not to beare Armes hereafter againſt the Parliament, nor doe any thing during their abode in the Parliaments Quarters, prejudiciall to their Affaires. III. That all ſuch as deſire to gae to their owne homes, or to their private Friends, ſhall have the General's Paſſe and Protection for their peaceable repaire to, and abode at the ſeverall places they ſhall deſire to goe unto, the Officers and Gentlemen to paſſe with their Horſes and Armes; alſo ſuch Officers or Gentlemen, Reformed or not Reformed, that want Horſes, ſhall martch with their Arms; and all Officers, Gentlemen, Souldiers and others ſhall paſſe with Bag and Baggage. IV. That all Officers, Gentlemen and others, comprized within this preſent Capitulation, ſhall have three moneths time allowed them to remaine in any place within the Parliaments Quarters, for the endeavouring their Peace and Compoſition, and all Gentlemen that deſire to goe beyond the Seas, ſhall have their Paſſes for themſelves and their Servants, and all other Neceſſaries to any Sea Port to Ship themſelves, they paying the uſuall Rate; Provided, They goe within three Moneths after the ſaid ſurrender; and that all Gentlemen, Officers and others as shall deſire to take Foraigne entertainment, shall without exception have Paſſes for themſelves and ſervants to goe to London or elſwhere, to treat with any Ambaſſadour or other to that purpoſe, with their Bag and Baggage, to martch to any Sea Port to be tranſported whither they pleaſe, they likewiſe paying the uſuall Rates accustomed. V. That ſuch as are wounded or ſick, shall either have liberty to ſtay in the Castle, or be removed to ſuch other places as the Governour shall chooſe for their Recovery. VI That no Officers, Gentlemen or Souldiers during theſe three moneths, shall be questioned for any word ſpoken or acts done, Relating to this War, ſince the commencement of it; That no perſon comprized within theſe Articles be Reproached, Affronted, Plundered or Injured in their martch, quarters or places of abode, or any perſon that shall Receive them, shall be molested, or ſuffer any prejudice therefore, but shall have liberty during the limited time to paſſe about their lawfull occaſions; Provided, they act nothing to the prejudice of the Parliament; and in caſe any of theſe Articles be broken by any particular perſon, that the punishment extend no further then the party ſo offending, and that all theſe Articles may be faithfully obſerved, according to the true intent thereof, without any cavil or mental Reſervation to infringe them or any of them.

On Wedneſday Auguſt 19. The Caſtle was ſurrendred (according to agreement) to his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, for the uſe of the Parliament; the Enemy was no ſooner martched forth, but his Excellency entred the Caſtle, took a view of it, had ſome conference with the Marqueſſe, and afterwards went that night to Chepstow, where he was nobly entertained by the Committee there; from whence on Thurſday 20. he returned to his Quarters at Bath.

This Caſtle of Ragland was a very ſtrong piece, having a deep Mote encompaſſing it, beſides the River running by it; there were delivered up with i twenty pieces of Ordnance, onely three Barrels of Powder, but they had a Mill, with which they could make a Barrell a day there was found great ſtore of Corne and Man t, Wine of all ſorts, and Beere; the Horſes they had left were not many, & thoſe that were, almoſt ſtarved fur want of Hay, of which they had none left, & not many Oats, ſo that the Horſes had like to have eaten one another for want of meat, and therefore were tyed with chains: there was alſo great ſtore of Goods & richFurniture found in theCaſtle, which his Excellency committed to the cure and cuſtody of Maſter Herbert Commiſſioner of the Army, Mr. Roger Williams and Major Tuliday to be invento ied; and in caſe any of the welaffected of the country could make a juſt claime to any of them, as being violently taken from them, of they compelled to bring them in thither, they ſhould have them reſtored.

There martched out of the Caſtle the Marqueſſe of Worcester, the Lord Charley the Marqueſſes Sonne, the Counteſſe of Glamorgan, the Lady Jones, Sir Phillip Jones, Doctor Bayley, Commiſſary Guilliam, four Colonels, eighty two Captaines, ſixteen Lientenants, ſix Cornets, four Enſignes, four Quartermaſters, fifty two Eſquires and Gentlemen: Not any that martched forth had the leaſt incivility offered them by our Souldiers, but the Articles punctually obſerved to them.

After the Reduction of Ragland, his Excellencies Forces being at liberty, and there being three or four Garriſons in North-Wales yet unreduced, before which Major-General Mitton was with ſome Forces, his Excellency ſent to Major-General Mitton, offering him, for the more expeditions reduction of thoſe places, to ſend him either Foot, Horſe or Artilery.

But his Excellency underſtanding from him, that he had more Forces from the country then he could well maintain, his Excellency commanded the Forces intended that way, to martch to Quarters neer Oxford, leaving the work of reducing thoſe Garriſons wholly to Major-General Mitton, who had given ſo great teſtimony both of his ability and faithfulneſſe in former actions. And now to Pendennis.

Pendennis caſtle, a ſtrong Hold in the utmoſt parts of Cornwal, ſtanding upon the Sea, commanding in a great part the Harbour of Falmouth, where Ships that Trade to the Eaſt frequently put in, Garriſoned for thc King under the command of John Arundel of Treaſe Eſquire, was blockt up by part of his Excellencies Army, under the command of Colonel Forteſcue by land, and by Captaine Batten (Viceadmiral of the Parliaments Ships) by Sea: about the latter end of July the Enemy made a ſally by Botes to fetch in reliefe, but were forced back with loſſe.

About ten dayes before which a Summons was ſent them, but they, in hope of Reliefe by Ships from Saint Mallowes, returned a deniall; and after thoſe Ships were by contrary windes beaten to Morleys, yet the Enemy perſiſted in his obſtinacy, expecting a propitious blaſt to bring their Reliefe to them; nor could the fate of Oxford, Worcester and Litchfield ſurrendred, comming to their eares, work them to any other reſolution then to hold out, without his Majeſties ſpeciall Warrant to ſurrender, whom the Governour was very earneſt to obtaine liberty to ſend unto; or if not to the King, at leſt to the Prince, and would faine have perſwaded Colonel Forteſcue to condiſcend thereto, as but a common curteſie, but could not prevaile, he not underſtanding it ſo: by a Lieutenant of ours, whom Colonel Forteſcue exchanged another of theirs for, he underſtood that a Shallop had gone forth about the 26 of July to the Prince his Highneſſe, to certifie him of their condition, unable to hold out many dayes without Reliefe.

Captaine Batten kept ten large Boats and Barges well manned, before the mouth of the Harbour every night, within command of the caſtle, drawing them off in the morning: One morning when he was newly drawne off, a Shallop got in by ſtealth, which cauſed great triumph in the Caſtle; but 'twas conceived (and Colonel Forteſcue was ſo informed by good hands) that little Reliefe was in it, ſave a Hogs-head or two of Wine.

Some Overtures were made to the Enemy within, to goe for Flanders, an Agent from the King of Spaine came for that purpoſe, deſiting to ſpeak with ſome of the Souldiers in the Caſtle, while ſome of ours ſhould be by; which being granted, he made an Overture to ſome Papiſt Officers of entertainment in the King of Spaine's ſervice in Flanders; they deſired to be ſatiſfied of the Agents authority, and to ſee the conditions; which being readily condiſcended unto and performed on the Agents part, they anſwered him, That at preſent they were engaged, but ſhould they be once free, next to their preſent Maſter they would ſerve his Majeſty of Spaine: This curteſie was taken well from Colonel Forteſcue by the Enemy and the Agent; and certainly any thing belonging meerly to civility, without involving danger in its conſequence, was never denied by him.

The Enemy in the Caſtle kept fires all night, for direction to any Reliefe that ſhould make towards them. They were very prodigall of their powder, making two hundred great ſhot in the ſpace of three dayes at our men, but without any great execution, only three of our men being ſlaine thereby: The Work of keeping them in ſo ſtraitly from Reliefe, was very great, and was not performed without very hard duty to our Souldiers, the Enemy within being ſo numerous, which therefore redounds as much to the honour of the Beſiegers: and Captaine Batten with his Ships by Sea was no leſſe carefull and vigilant, though indeed he wanted Shallops and Pinaces for the ſervice.

Some dayes after the forementioned Shallop, there came in another to the Caſtle, but it was conceived not much more Reliefe in that then in the former, and that becauſe the Governour ſent about the ſame time a Letter to Colonel Forteſcue, to know if he had power to treat with him, and whether he could make good the conditions he ſhould grant; alleaging, that otherwiſe it would be a diſhonour to him to treat, and the agreement to be contradicted by any other: Colonel Forteſcue returned anſwer, He had power to treat and to make good the agreement: Whereupon the Governour took two dayes time to con ider, and in iſſue, embraced a Treaty; Commiſſioners were named on both parts.

The time appointed for the Treaty to begin was Monday, Auguſt 10. when accordingly the Commiſſioners on both ſides met, the Enemy making his demands, ours offering their propoſitions, which held them till Wedneſday noon, when their Commiſſioners brake off, and went away in great diſcontent at the tearmes that were offered them; but on Friday 14. the winds were laid, and the the Treaty (by Colonel Forteſcue's art) came on againe, and by Saturday night the 15. all was concluded, ſave the time of ſurrender, which was agreed the next day, and the Articles ſigned, which were as followeth.

Articles agreed on the 16. of Auguſt, Anno Dom. 1646. between Sir Ahraham Shipman, Lieutenant-Colonel Richard Arundel, Colonel William Slaughter, Colonel Charles Jennings, Colonel Lewis Tremaine, Nevil Bligh, and Joſeph June Eſquire, Lieutenant-colonel Anthony Brocket, on the behalſe of the Honourable John Arundel of Treaciſe Eſquire, Governour of the Caſtle of Pendennis, of the one Party: And Colonel John S . A bin Eſquire, high Sheriffe of the county of Cornwal, Sir John Ayſcue Knight, Colonel Robert Bennet, Lieutenant colonel Edward Herle, Lieutenant-colonel Thomas Fitch, Leiutenant colonel Richard Townſend, Major Thomas Jennings, and Capt. Walter Mainard, on the behalfe of the honourable Colonel Richard Forteſcue, Commander in cheif under his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, of all the Forces of Horſe and Foot within the County of Cornwall, and the honourable Captaine William Batton, Vice Admirall and Commander in cheife of the whole Fleet imployed for the Service of King and Parliment, on the other party. THat the Castle of Pendennis with al Fortreſſes, Forts, Fortifications therunto belonging, the Ship and all other Veſſels lying under the Castle, with the Furniture and Proviſions unto them appertaining. All Ordnance of all ſorts, with their equipage, and all Arms, Ammunition, Proviſions, and all other Implements of War, Neceſſaries, and Commodities of, and belonging to the ſaid Castle and Gariſon (except what otherwiſe ſhall be diſpoſed by theſe Articles) ſhall without any manner of diminution, ſpoile or imbezlement, be delivered upon Munday, the ſeventeenth day of this inſtant Auguſt, at two of the clock in the afternoon, into the hands and cuſtody of the two Commanders in chiefe by Sea and Land reſpectively, or ſuch perſon or perſons as ſhall be by them appointed for the receiving of the ſame. And that immediately upon ſigning the ſaid Articles, the ſaid perſons ſhall be admitted into the Caſtle to ſee the just performance of the Premiſes, and Hoſtages given for the due obſervance of them. II. That John Arundel of Treciſe Eſquire, Governour of the ſaid Caſtle of Pendennis, with his Family and Retinue, and all Officers and Souldiers of Horſe and Foot, and all the Traine of Artillery, and of the Ships, as well Reformado'd Officers as others. And all Gentlemen, Clergy-men and their Familyes and Servants, ſhall martch out of the Caſtle of Pendennis, with their Horſes, compleat Armes, and other Equipages according to their preſent or paſt commands and qualities, with flying Colours, Trumpets ſounding, Drums beating, Matches lighted at both ends, Bullets in their mouthes, and every Soudier twelve charges of Powder, with Bullets and Match proportionable, with all their owne proper Goods, Bag and Baggage, with a ſafe convoy unto Arwinch Downes: And becauſe His Majeſty hath neither Army nor Gariſon in England to our knowledge, they ſhall there lay downe Armes (ſaving their Swords) unleſſe ſuch who are Officers inCommiſſion, who with their ſervants are to retain their arms according to their qualities. CountryGentlemen and their Servants their Swords only, Enſignes their Colours, where ſuch Perſons as Colonel Forteſcue ſhall appoint are to receive them. And as many as deſire it are to have Let-Paſſes from the Commanders in chiefe to paſſe to their ſeverall Dwellings, or to ſuch other places under the power of the Parliament, or beyond the Seas, as they ſhal deſire, and not be plundered, ſearched or injured in their March, or after, they not doing any thing to the prejudice of the Parliments Affaires; and no man to be prejudiced for giving any of the perſons comprized in the ſaid Articles entertainment in their houſes: And that the old gariſon Souldiers who have houſes in the Caſtle, ſhall have 28. dayes after the ſurrender, for the removing and diſpoſing of their Goods. III. That the Princes Servants with their Arms, and al Commanders, Officers, Gentlemen, Ladies, Gentlewomen, Clergy-men and all others with their retinue that deſire it, ſhall ave liberty to paſſe with their Bag and Baggage, and what elſe is allowed in the Articles beyond the Seas, and to that purpoſe, there ſhall b provided by the Vice-Admiral a ſufficient •… ber of navigable Veſſels, with a ſafe convoy for their ſafe tranſporting from the Haven of Falmouth, within 28. dayes after the ſurrender of the ſaidCaſtle, to be landed at Sa •… t Maloes in France: and in the meane time to be ſigned free Q arters at convenient places by Colonell Forteſcue Commander in cheif; and during the ſaid time that they be not Plundered, or Injured, they acting nothing prejudiciall to the Parliament affaires. IV. That Colonel Wiſe and all Officers and Souldiers of his Regiment, or as many of them as deſire it may be ſhip in Falmouth Harbour in Veſſels, to be provided by the Vice Admirall, and landed at Swanſey in Wales: And that ſuch are of the County of Cornwall to be ſhipt and landed at Looe, and thoſe that be of Devon, to be landed at Yalme; and all to be ſhipt with Bag and Baggage, and ſuch Armes as formerly allowed them, nor to be Plundered nor Injured in their paſſage. V. That whereas by reaſon of the long ſiege of the Caſtle of Pendennis, many of the Officers and Souldiers of the ſaid gariſon are growne into great neſſity of all ſuch things as might enable them to martch to their ſeverall Dwellings, many ſicke and wounded: And to the intent they may be ſupplyed with neceſſaries for their accommodations within the time limited to them by theſe Articles. It is promiſed and conſented unto by the Commiſſioners for the Leaguer, to and with the Commiſſioners for the Caſtle, that five hundreth pouuds ſterling ſhall be delivered into the hands of the Commiſſioners of the Caſtle, or any three of them, at eight of the clocke to morrow morning at Penrin, to be diſtributed vmong the Officers and Souldiers aforeſaid, as they ſhall thinke fit. And they are not to take any free quarter in their martches. VI. That all Goods taken from any perſon for the accommodation of this Gariſon or any perſon therein, ſhall be reſtored to their proper Owners, or ſuch as they ſhall appoint; and all Goods now in the Caſtle that properly belong to any other perſons, ſhall be reſtored to the Owners thereof. And if any perſon carry away any Goods not properly belonging unto him, & deny to deliver them upon demand in preſence of any Officer in Commiſſion, he ſhall looſe his Bag and Baggage, and have ſuch puniſhment as the now Governour of the Caſtle and the Commanders in cheife, or any two of them ſhall thinke fit. But all perſons may retaine whatſoever was taken from perſons in Armes, as law ull prize of War. VII. That the Governor and all Field-Officers with their ſeverall retinues ſhall be allowed cariage by Sea or Land to carry away their ſaid Goods to any Place within their County. VIII. That no Officer, Souldier or other perſon comprized in theſe Articles, ſhall be reproached, or have any diſgracefull words or affronts offered, or be ſtopt, Searched, Plundered or Injured in their martches, Rendezvouz, Quarters, Journeys, places of aboad, or paſſages by Sea or Land; and if any ſuch thing be done, ſatisfaction to be made according to the judgement of any two Commiſſioners or more, being of equall number of each party; nor ſhall any of the perſons aforeſaid be compelled to take up Arms againſt the King, nor be impriſoned for any cauſe of publick or private concernment during the ſpace of twenty eight dayes after the ſurrender of the ſaid Caſtle, nor for any cauſe of publique concernment, or twenty eight dayes after the ſaid twenty eight dayes are ended. IX. That if any perſon within the Gariſon be ſicke or wounded, that they cannot take the benefit of the Articles at preſent; they ſhall have liberty to ſtay, and be provided for at convenient places untill they recover, and then they ſhall have the fruit and benefit of theſe Articles. X. That all perſons comprized in this capitulation ſhall enjoy their Eſtates reall and perſonall, they ſubmitting to all Orders and Ordinances of Parliament, and ſhall fully enjoy the benefit of theſe Articles. XI. That all Priſoners of Warre, of either ſide, be ſet at liberty, and that liberty be given immediately after the ſurrender of the ſaid Caſtle to the Governour thereof, to give notice to their friends of the ſurrender of the ſaid Caſtle. And that no Veſſell comming with reliefe within ten dayes after the ſurrender ſhall be made prize. XII. That if any of theſe Articles ſhall in any point be broke or violated by any perſon or perſons in Pendennis or comprized within this capitulation, the fault and puniſhment ſhall be upon them or him onely who made the breach or violation, and ſhall not be imputed or charged on any other not aſſenting thereunto or acting therein. XIII. That all perſons comprized in theſe Articles, ſhall upon requeſt have certificate under the hands of the Commander in chiefe reſpectively, that ſuch perſons were in the Caſtle at the time of the ſurrender thereof, and were otherwiſe to have the benefit of theſe Articles. XIV. That the Commanders in chiefe reſpectively ſhall give Paſſes to one or two Meſſengers with their Servants not exceeding ſix, to goe to the King by Sea or Land from the Governour, to give an account to Him of the proceedings of this Treaty, and concluſion thereof, and to returne and receive the benefit of theſe Articles. XV. That Commiſſioners be appointed on both ſides for the performance of the Articles, and places appointed for the accommodation of ſick men. XVI. That confirmation of all the precedent Articles ſhall be procured from the Parliament, or from his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax within forty dayes after the ſigning of theſe Articles.

Neere to Pendennis is the Mount in Cornwall (omitted to be mentioned in its juſt order) which was ſurrendred to Colonell Hamond, who lay before it with ſome of the foot of this Army, and obtained the ſurrender of it ſome few dayes after the ſurrender of Excester: The Governour of the Mount was Sir Arthur Baſſet; the Marqueſſe of Hamilton was in it, fifteene peeces of Ordnance, with great ſtore of Ammunition and Proviſions were gained with it.

It is a place of great ſtrength, the Tyde flowing about it twice a day, which rendred the reduction of it a ſervice of great difficnlty and conſequence, and Redoun ding much to the honour of Colonel Hamond, who underwent the ſame; whoſe Merits alſo in that ſingular Service of ſetling Quarters on the Weſt-ſide of Excester at Saint Thomas Hoſpitall, &c. within halfe Musket-ſhot of the Enemy; afterwards martching to Torrington with his Regiment, deſerves a ſpeciall note to be put upon it.

Beſides this of the Mount, there is one Service more omitted to be mentioned in its proper place, viz. The reduction of Borſtall-Houſe, which was ſome few dayes before the ſurrender of Oxford, agreed to be ſurrendred upon conditions.

And thus yon have a true (though plaine and briefe) account of the Actions of this Army, which God reſerved for ſuch a time as our loweſt eſtate, when his ſeaſon was to deliver us. It was once intended, the Story ſhould have broken off at Oxford, but you ſee it is cōtinued to the laſt piece of Service performed by this Army, though ſomewhat more briefly then the former Actions; which was for want of thoſe Materials of Obſervaiions and Collections, which were furniſhed me in the compiling of the Story till then, by One, to whom all that reap any ſatiſfaction by this Story, owe great thanks for his diligence and faithfulneſſe therein.

And now there being no Enemy either in Field or Garriſon, his Excellency after ſowe ſmal time of refreſhment and reſt from his continuall wearineſſe and action, was by the Parliament Ordered from Oxford into the Weſt, there to disband Major-General Maſſies Brigade; whither accordingly he immediately martched, viz. to the Devizes, where in the ſpace of eight dayes, his Excellency disbanded the whole Brigade, conſiſting of two thouſand five hundred Horſe; whom (to give them their due) he found for the moſt part, prepared to obey the Ordinance of Parliament; which was the more commendable, in reſpect that of many moneths Arreares which were behind, they received but ſix weeks pay, which yet is not wholly to be reckoned to the ingenuity of the men, but in a great part to the carefulneſſe and prudence of Major-General Maſſie, Colonel Cook, and the reſt of the Officers: Divers of the Disbanded come from very remote Countries, and had Paſſes ſome for Egypt, others for Meſopotamia and Aethyopia.

This work was no ſooner over, but it pleaſed God to viſit the General with a ſore fit of the Stone: Saint Paul needed a Thorne in the fleſh; and by thirſt and lack of water Sampſon (after his great Exploits) might know himſelfe to be a Man. This fit continued on him for many dayes together; ſo ſoon as he was recovered, he made a Journey to London: This was the firſt time of his viſiting London ſince he martched forth with the Army, having a ſmall deſire to ſee that place till he could bring an Olive branch in his mouth, chooſing rather to haſten Peace, then ſpin out the War, which made a humble Tent more acceptable to him till he had attained his end, then a glorious City.

His Excellency comming to Loudon Novemb. 12. while he was yet ſome miles off the City, he was met by the Mliitia of the City: He who had ſo often encountred a Militia of Enemies, is now embraced by a Militia of Friends, who had no other Errand but to thank him, who had done ſo much, as that he had left nothing for them to doe, but to fetch in this Man of War, who had converted them to Men of Peace, who through his Watch fulneſſe and Valour had excuſed them from ſtirring out of their city to fight a Battell; onely now in the intereſt of their owne honour, they were drawne out to bring in the Prize of ſo many Battels, even Englands Peace.

Many wel-affected Citizens alſo went forth with the Militia, upon this Expedition, and the hearts of thouſands ran and met him, whoſe perſons were not ſeen there.

No ſooner was he come to Town, but (the next day) both Houſes of PARLIAMENT were in motion to acknowledge their GENERAL, and make a congratulatory Viſit to him, communicating their ſenſe the one Houſe to the other therein, and making theſe repective ORDERS thereupon.

DIE VENERIS, Novemb. 13. 1646.

ORdered by the LORDS Aſſembled in PARLIAMENT, that it is left to the SPEAKER of this Houſe, what to ſpeak to Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX from this Houſe, upon theſe ſeverall Heads, viz. To Congratulate his comming to this Towne, and to acknowledge his good Service done to the Parliament and Kingdome.

JOHN BROWNE.
DIE VENERIS, 13. Novemb. 1646.

ORdered by the COMMONS Aſſembled in PARLIAMENT, That Maſter SPEAKER and the whole Houſe doe to Morrow at ten of the clcck, give a Viſit to Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX, General of the PARLIAMENTS FORCES, and returne him the Thanks of the COMMONS of England, and an Acknowledgment of the great Bleſſings of ALMIGHTY GOD upon his faithfull Services, wiſe Conduct and great Valour in the whole diſcharge of the great TRUST committed unto him, and reducing the diſtracted Affaires of this KINGDOME to this happy condition and Iſſue.

H. ELSYNGE Cler. Parl. D. Com.

Thus thoſe that honour God, God will honour, and thoſe that ſeek onely, and are content with that honour that is of God, ſhall (ſometimes) perchance have the honour that is of Men laſt into the Bargaine.

On Saturday, November 14. Both Houſes actuated their Orders and Intentions; and firſt, the Right honourable EDWARD Earle of Manchester, Speaker of the Houſe of Lords, pro tempore, accompanied with the Earl of Northumberland, Pembroke, and divers other Peers of the Kingdome, went together in their Coaches to his Excellencies houſe in Queenstreet, to congratulate his Excellencies Succeſſes and happy returne, according to the Order of their Houſe, which the Earle of Manchester enlarged with divers Expreſſions of gratitude and honour to his Excellency; The Contents of the Earle of Mancheſter's Speech. In the Name of the Houſe of PEERS, giving his Excellency Thanks for all his Care and Paines, in the defence of the Publick, expreſſing their great Esteem of his memorable Services, and faithfull Performance of the Truſt repoſed in him, which their Lordſhips ſhould alwayes have in remembrance, and be ready upon all Occaſions, to expreſſe their Gratitude unto him.

And when they had done, and were gone (with never a jot leſſe Honour, I trow, for that which they had left upon his Excellency) the Houſe of COMMONS alſo attended their SPEAKER on the ſame Errand; where WILLIAM LENTHAL Eſquire, Speaker of that Houſe, delivered himſelfe to this Effect:

SIR,

I Have a very hard Taske to performe to preſent the Reſpects of the Houſe of Commons according to your Excellencies Merit, and their deſires to effect this accordinly, I ſhould have informed my ſelf from Hiſtories that have preſerved the memories of the famous Worthies of former Ages and ſhould have taken the Dimenſions of the largeſt Coronts and Trophies wherewith they are made Glorious, and even thoſe would rather ſtraighten then enlarge the Temples of yours Excellency; or elſe I ſhould have conſulted ſome of the moſt Learned and Eloquent Oratours, who have ſet forth the glorious Geſts performed in former times, whereby I might have inſisted on ſome Paralell for your Wiſdome, Piety, Juſtice and Valour; but I conceive the Vertues and Succeſſe which God hath bestowed upon you, were very hardly to be matcht, and rather needed more Induſtry and Memory to Enumerate, then Oratory to Poliſh.

Heretofore when I read the Histories of the Acts of famous Princes and Warrious, in this or other Nations, it was not without ſome Jealouſie, that in them there was ſome mixture and gloſſes of Oratory and Art, the more to ſet off, and give Lustre to the Acts, as Arguments of Emulation, for others to follow the Foot-ſteps of their Vertues; but the Actions of your Excellency will adde Lnstre and Beliefe to them, being all verified in you: And (indeed) here, conſidering the ſwift Martches, and the Ex peditions in theſe grand and difficult Attempts, which were proſecuted and effected by your Excellency, I may ſay, The Almighty came Riding on the Wings of the Wind, for theſe were nothing elſe but the Magnalia Dei, acted in and by you his Instrument.

It was the Custome of the ancient Romans, after a glorious and ſuccesfull Prince, to derive his Name to Posterity, in memorie of his Vertues, as after that great Prince JULIUS CAESAR, his Succeſſors retained the Name of CAESARS, as AUGUSTUS CAESAR, TYBERIUS CAESAR. &c. Thus hereafter all Famous and Victorious ſucceeding Generals in this Kingdome (if the time ſhall prove ſo unfortunate) will deſire the addition of the Name of FAIR FAX.

And ſurely the Honour of the late Lord General was not, whiles he lived, any way eclipſed by the ſucceſſion of your Excellency in his Command, but rather augmented, whiles each retained the brightneſſe of his owne Honour, having both Rayes enough to enlighten a Kingdome, then overſet with Clouds and thick darkneſſe.

I ſhall need to ſay no more but this, That the Wo ld will admire your Excellencies Worth, Posterity will honour your Name; and that the whole Houſe of Commons, in the Name of the Commons of England, doth returne you Thanks for your faithfull and memorable Services; the beginning, continuance and effect whereof, I muſt ſolely attribute to the Almighty (the Lord of Hosts and Victories.)

But never had JuliusCaeſar the honor in thoſe Civil wars when he came to Rome as a Conquerour; one poor Metellus confronts him and gives check to his Victory, ſweld ſpirit, breaking up the Doors of Saturnes Temple: Indeed there is a manifeſt cauſe of difference; Caeſar did not plead the Senates cauſe did not fight for the Roman Liberties. The Senate fled when Caeſar drew neare, but his Excellenci s Warre was the Parliments Peace; by his Motion they ſat ſtill.

Happy man may I ſay of him that is able to Engage Kingdomes and Parliaments in ſuch Reſpects and Dutyes, and happy Kingdome and Parliament alſo, for whoſe Exſtreame and low Condition God Reſerves ſuch a choſen Veſſell.

To all which his Excellency made a very modeſt returne, Expreſſing, How much he Eſteemad himſelfe Honoured by the great Reſpects of the Houſes towards him, and that he accounted it his greateſt Happineſſe under God to be in the leaſt kind Inſtrumentall for theirs and the Kingdomes good.

So great was the benefit and Obligation of his Excellencies Services, that the Lord Major and Aldermen in their owne and Cities intereſt, feeling the ſame, particularly could not diſcharge themſelves in their Conſciences to acknowledge to their General in their repreſentive the Commons of England. but on the Tueſday following came with a Train of Coaches to his Excellencies houſe, in the name, and on the behalfe of the City, to render Thanks unto him, by whoſe watchfulneſſe this famous City, ſo much longed for by the Enemy, was preſerved from being ſackt and plundered, as well as the Kingdome recovered: Maſter Glyn the Recorder was their Mouth, to this effect:

SIR,

I Am to declare unto you, in the behalf of ihe Lord Major, and the whole City, that they in the firſt place, bleſſe Almighty God for the great Victories and Succeſſes wherewith it hath pleaſed God to Crowne your faithfull Endeavours: And next, they give your Excellency hearty Thanks for your great and incomparable Services, whereby you have ſetled the City and whole Kingdome in ſo peaceable a Condition, as it is at this day.

To which his Excellency gave a very modeſt Reply in way of Thankfulneſſe for that Viſit, and the Reſpects of the City towards him: And in cloſe, the Recorder further gave his Excellency to underſtand; That the City intended very ſhortly to make a further acknowledgment of their Thankfulneſſe, and to give a greater Testimony of the high Esteeem t ey had of his Excellency.

And thus I have brought his Excellency to Towne, and here I could be glad to leave him, Pacem te poſſimus omnes, but I muſt carry him Forth againe, but 'tis not to War nor Battell, 'tis to diſcharge Armies and Souldiers, that England may, if it be the Will of God, be a quiet Habitation againe, and the noyſe of War not heard in it. His Excencellency had not long ſtaid at London but he was Ordered to provide a Convoy to goe with the two hundred thouſand pounds for the Scottiſh Army, upon their martching out of England. His Excellency living more to the Publick Service and Commonalty then his owne Eaſe or Accommodation: On Thurſday Decemb. 18. went from London towards Northampton, having before ordered moſt of his Forces to advance to thoſe parts, and appointed three Regiments of Horſe, viz. Colonel Sir Robert Pye's, Colonel Grave's and Colonel Roſſiter's, and three Regiments of Foot, viz. Major-General Skippon's, Colonel Lilburnes, and Colonel Sir Hardreſſe Waller's, to martch under the command of Major-General Skippon, as a Convoy to the ſaid Money to Newcastle upon Tyne; a tedious Winter martch, being neer two hundred miles from the place where ſome of them received the Money; yet the better to be undergone, when it ends not in fighting, as many tedious Martches of this Army have done.

And thus you have an account of ſix Regiments, how they are diſpoſed, the reſt of the Army I leave in their Quarters, to practice Saint John Baptists Leſſon, Doe violence to no man, and be content with your Wages.

And would to God I might here ſet Finis to our Engliſh Troubles, as well as to this History: Times and Iſſues are in the Hand of God; we cannot know what is to come, let us look over and recount with thankfulneſſe what God hath done for us, who for his Works ſake among us, is glorious in the Eyes of all Nations; yea, in the Conſciences of our Enemies, who cannot but confeſſe, our Rock is not as their Rock; if he be not glorious in our Eyes, tis the leaſt can be ſaid, his Mercies have been ill bestowed upon us.

It may be expected here, I ſhould conclude with a Panegyrick of the Army, and a Paraenetick to the Kingdome, to Love and Honour them: but me thinks there ſhould be no need of that, the whole Story proclaimes their Worth and Merit; their Name is Engraven by God himſelfe, as with the Poynt of a Dyamond, on the Gates and Wals of many of our chiefe Places; Yea, they have Sown a Name to themſelves in the Earth, and Watered it with their Blood in many places of this Kingdome: and if all thoſe great Works God hath done for the Kingdome by them, have not yet prevailed for a Precious and honourable Esteem of them, in vaine ſhould I attempt to be their Advocate: Onely I ſhall take the Boldneſſe to ſay (knowing within what compaſſe I ſpeak) that they who think ſuch men not ſit to ſerve a State, they muſt (undoubtedly) queſtion whether it were for the Service of the State, that which they have done; for they who ſhall acknowledge the Reducing the Kingdome to its Peace, and to the Parliaments Obedience, by Vanquiſhing their Enemies and Strengths, to be good Service, muſt needs acknowledge thoſe that did it to be good Servants, and worthy of all Honour and Acceptation therein: And they that would perſwade otherwiſe, it is not becauſe they know how to have the State better ſerved, but becauſe they think it is ſerved too well, and are not ſo much Enemies to theſe particular men as to the Commonwealth; and were all of their mind (which God forbid) ſhould we be ſerved with ſuch as would take our Money, and doe little for it, that would ſpin out and protract the Warre, as theſe have contracted it; that would ſerve us in Stewes and Tavernes, and drink away the Kingdomes Cares and Sorrowes, yea the Kingdomes Blood in Bouls of Wine, and fight with God (inſtead of his Enemies) by Oaths and Blaſphemies, and all horrible Wickedneſſes, we were well ſerved.

If ſuch as theſe be good Souldiers and Servants a State, I confeſſe this is not the Guiſe of this Army: But if Valour and Faithfulneſſe, Prudence and Activity be the qualifications of good Souldiers, theſe will obtaine a Name among the Firſt; or if tedious Martches and vehement Battails, and fierce ſtorming of impregnable Strengths, be any demonſtration of theſe things, we want them not.

But tis time to Retreat; let us be thankefull to God, and we ſhall not be unworthy to his Instruments. I ſhall only adde a Character of the Army, that thoſe who have approved themſelves ſo we in their Actions may be better knowne to us in their Spirits and Principles, and then I ſhall leave them to the Acceptance of God and the Cenſure of the World.

A CHARACTER OF THE ARMY.
Firſt, of the General Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX.

I Shall here paſſe over his Extraction, Education and contract, as having been toucht upon before, and now to begin with him as General, which He began to be in as little a copy and proportion as hath been knowne, ſetting out with an Army ſcarce large enough for his title; ſo as he began as all true naturall growths and encreaſings, from ſeeds and ſmall beginnings, and ſo grew up more naturally then artificially into compleatneſſe, rather by providence then violence, rather by courſe then wonder; as if God rather then men ſhould make him and his Army grow.

His way of ſteerage and conduct at firſt, was amongſt men in reputation for Religion, as if the beſt place he could find for counſel and action was there where God was; and he proſpered accordingly, as if Providence would let him ſee, there is the beſt Policy where there is the beſt Piety.

He wanted one thing, and yet had the more by ſuch a want; and that was a Privado or Favourite of paſſion, as if providence had intended him for men, and therefore would keep him from man: Men were rather his Friends then his Favourites, and his Judgment was rather enamoured of men, then his Affections; Religion and the Publick being the beſt lines for great men to live and love by.

He never diſcovered paſſions abroad in counſels or actions, what he had at home in himſelf, he (not others) knew; and this was of advantage, both to what was adviſed and what was done; for the buſineſſe of War is beſt managed by peace at home, and thoſe counſels that are leaſt troubled themſelves, bring over moſt trouble to the Enemy, and the Steerſman that ſits at Helme, had not need to have the palſie in his hand.

In counſels for action, he was ever ready to let thoſe reaſons that had moſt appearance of God prevaile; as if he had obſerved Faith to be of more ſucceſſe in theſe Battailes, then Reaſon.

His carriage in this Warre hath beene conſtant action, diligence and vigilance, being never leſſe in title, then when any thing was to do, as if to be General raiſed him onely to do more, not to be more then others.

He was not without love, clemency and meekneſſe, by which he kept his Army leſſe ſtained in the Blood of his Enemy; but not leſſe Victorious; for by this he only drew leſſe blood, but more men to him.

In the midſt of our Troubles in Religion, he was thus farre in Peace, that he could beare the different opinions in their unity to the publick, ſeeing the Work goe on as well as if all had been of one mind, and weighed men (as we hope) by love to God, and to the publick, and by this he kept cleer from daſhing againſt God and good men, in pretence of opinion: and thus the work hath been done with as much appearance of God, as hath been ſeen in many Ages.

He was ſtill for action in Field or Fortification, eſteeming nothing un eaſible for God, and for man to doe in Gods ſtrength, i they would up and be doing; and thus his ſuceeſſe hath run through a line croſſe to that of old Souldiery, of long Sieges and ſlow approaches; and he hath done all ſo ſoon, becauſe he was ever doing.

For his love to Religion, that is a buſineſſe as well of the heart as of the hand, of power as of forme, and we hope he is that to God that he is to others; if we may judge mens pietie by their practice, he is not wanting in Religious duties, in reading, in exerciſes; but God and not men muſt commend him in this.

For his perſonage, he is tall, yet not above juſt proportion, yet taller (as ſome ſay) when he is in the Field, then at home, as if Victory were in his ſpirit beforehand, and raiſed him higher then his ordinary ſtature.

His body is not without its infirmities, as of Rheums and Distillations, which ſometimes cauſe an impediment in his ſpeech: Thus Providence pitches him in a Tent, ſomething crazy, in a Body weakned by War and Watchfulneſſe, that he may live humbly, and know himſelf to be but man in the hands of God, and be a man as well of infirmity as of glory.

Thus I have writ him over, I hope, in truth to thoſe that know him, but rather for thoſe that know him not but by Pen or Picture, yet with this clauſe, That what is good in him, we may not know to be his owne, but his that gave him it; even his who is the Author and Finiſher of all our good.

THE Officers of this Army, as you may read, are ſuch, as knew little more of War, then our owne unhappy Warres had taught them, except ſome few, ſo as men could not contribute much to this work: Indeed I may ſay this, they were better chriſtians then ſouldiers, and wiſer in faith then in fighting, and could beleeve a Victory ſooner then contrive it; and yet I think they were as wiſe in the way of Souldiery as the little time and experience they had could make them.

Theſe Officers, many of them with their Souldiery, were much in prayer and reading Scripture, an exerciſe that Souldiers till of late have uſed but little, and thus then went on and proſpered: men conquer better as they are Saints, then Souldiers; and in the countries where they came, they left ſomething of God as well as of Caeſar behind them, ſomething of piety as well as Pay.

They were much in Juſtice upon Offenders, that they might be ſtill in ſome degree of Reformation in their Military ſtate. Armies are too great Bodies to be ſound in all parts at once.

The Army was (what by example and juſtice) kept in good order, both reſpectively to it ſelfe, and the country: nor was it their pay that pacified them; for had they not had more civility then money, things had not been ſo fairly managed.

They were many of them differing in opinion, yet not in action nor buſineſſe; they all agreed to preſerve the Kingdome; they proſpered more in their unity, then uniformity; and whatever their opinions were, yet they plundered none with them, they betrayed none with them, nor diſobeyed the State with them, and they were more viſibly pious and peaceable in their opinions, then many we call more orthodox.

They were generally conſtant and conſcientious in duties, and by ſuch ſoberneſſe and ſtrictneſſe conquered much upon the vanity and looſneſſe of the Enemy; many of thoſe fought by principle as well as pay, and that made the work goe better on, where it was not made ſo much matter of merchandize as of conſcience: They were little inutinous or diſputing commands; by which peace the Warre was better ended.

There was much amity and unity amongſt the Officers, while they were in action, and in the Field, and no viſible Emulations and Paſſions to break their Ranks, which made the publick fare better. That Boat can goe but ſlowly where the Oares rowe ſeverall wayes; the beſt Expeditions is by things that goe one way.

The Army was faire in their martches to Friends, and mercifull in Battaile and ſucceſſe to Enemies, by which they got ſome love from Enemies, though more from Friends.

This Army went on better by two more wheels of Treaſurers and a Committee; the Treaſurers were men of publick ſpirits to the State and Army, and were uſually ready to preſent ſome pay upon every ſucceſſe, which was like wine after work, and cheered up the common ſpirit to more activity.

The Committee which the Houſe of Commons formed, were men wiſe, provident, active and faithfull in providing Ammunition, Armes, Recruits of men, cloathes: And that Family muſt needs thrive that hath good Stewards.

Thus you have a Copy of our Army; we will not ſay they have no faults, but thoſe they have, we wiſh rather reformed then read by the World.

A LIST of the Names of the OFFICERS in chiefe of Foot and Horſe, the Train of ARTILERY, and other Officers, under the command of His Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX; As Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors and Captaines, &c. GENERAL OFFICERS. HIS Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax General. Major General Skippon, Major General to the whole Army. Lieutenan Gen. Cromwel, Lieut. Gen. of Horſe. Lieut. Gen. Hamond, Lieut. Gen. of the Ordnance. Commiſſary-Gen. Ireton, Com. Gen. of the Horſe. The TREASURERS at Warre, viz. Sir John Wollaston Knight. Thomas Adams Eſquire. John Warner Eſquire. Thomas Andrewes Eſquire. George Wytham Eſquire. ALDERMEN. Francis Allien. Abraham Chambrelan. John Dethyck. ESQUIRES. Captaine Blackwel, Deputy-Treaſurer at Warres. Commiſ. Gen. Stane, Commiſ. Gen. of the Muſters Major Watſon Scoutmaſter Gen. to the Army. Quartermaſter Gen. Spencer, Quartermaſter Gen. of Foot (now Quartermaſter Gen. Graveſnor.) Quarterm. Gen. Fincher, Quarterm. Gen. of Horſe Colonel Pindar. Harcourt Laighton. Thomas Herbert. Capt: Potter, ſlaine at Naſeby (now Capt: Vincent Potter, Eſq) Commiſſioners of Parliament reſiding in the Army. Captaine Flemming. Captaine Evelyn. Adjutants Gen. of Horſe. Lieutenant-Col: Gray Adjutant Gen: of the Foot. Captaine Deane comptroller of the Ordnance. John Mi's Eſquire, Judge Advocate. John Ruſhworth Eſquire, Secretary to the General and Counſel of Warre. Maſter Boles Chaplaine to the Army. Commiſſary Orpin, Commiſſary Gen: of Victuals, (now Commiſſary Cowling.) Capt: Cooke, Commiſſary Gen: of Horſe-Proviſions, ſlaine at Naſeby (now Commiſſary Jones.) Maſter Richardſon Waggon-maſter General. Doctor Payne. Doctor Strawhill. (ſince Dr: French.) Phyſitians to the Army. Maſter Web, Apothecary to the Army. Maſter Winter Chirurgion to the Generals owne Perſon. Captaine Wykes, Marſhal-General of Foot. Capt: Rich: Lawrence, Marſhal-Gen: of Horſe. Mr: Fran: Child, Markmaſter-Gen: of the Horſe. Maſter Robert Wolſey, Aſſiſtant to the Quartermaſter-Gen: of Foot, (wounded at Naſeby.) M: James Standiſh M: Rich: Gerard Deputies to the commiſſary-Gen: of Muſters. M: Thomas Wragge M: William Clarke Clerks to the Secretary. M: Richard Chadwel M: Conſtantine Heath Meſſengers to the Army For the Foot. Sir Thomas Fairfax, Col. His owne Company commanded by Capt: Forteſcue, ſince Capt: Aidley. Lievtenant col: Jackſon. Major Cook, dyed before Briſtol. Capt: Gooday, now Maj. Capt: Boyce. Capt: Muſket. Capt: Maneſte (dead) Cap. Wolfe. Capt: Highfield. Capt: White. Capt: Bland, ſince Capt: Leigh. Major Gen. Skippon. Lieutenant-Col: Frances, ſlaine at Naſeby. Major Aſhfield, now Lieutenant-colonel. Capt: Samuel Clark, now Major. Capt: Streater. Capt: Harriſon. Capt: John Clark. Capt: Bowen. Capt: Gibbon. Capt: Cobbet. Capt: Symonds. Sir Hardreſſe Waller, Col. Lieutena-col: Cotteſworth ſlain before Oxford, now Lieutenant col. Salmon. Major Smith. Capt: Howard. Capt: Waade. Capt: Hill, ſlain before Briſtol, now Capt: Aske. Capt: Gorges. Capt: Clark. Capt: Thomas. Capt: Hodden. Colonel Hamond. Lieutenant-col: Ewre. Major Sanders. Capt: Diſney. Capt: Chara Capt: Smith Capt: Johu Boyce Capt: John Puckle Capt: Stratton Capt: Rolfe. Colonel Harley Lieutenant-colonel Pride Major Cowell Capt: Goff Captain Gregſon, wounded at Rerkley Capt: Sampſon, wounded at Bridgewater Capt: Hinder, wounded at Briſtol Capt: Forgiſon Capt: Maſon Capt: Lago. Colonel Mountague, ſince colonel Lamberts Lieutenant-collon. Grimes Major Kelſey, ſince Major Rogers Ca tain Blethen. Captain Nunney Captain Biſcoe. Captain Rogers. Capt. Wilks, ſlain at Baſing. now Capt. Cadwel. Capt. Thomas Diſney. Capt: Sanders. Colonel Lloyd, ſlaine at Taunton, ſince Colonel Herbert. Lieutenant-colonel Gray. Major Read (now Lieutenant-colonel) wounded at Taunton, now Major Waade. Capt: Wilks, ſlain at Taunton. Captain Gettins, dyed in Glouceſterſhire, now Capt. Lundy, wounded at Berkley. Capt. Wigfal, ſlain at Berkley-caſtle. Captain Melvin, wounded at Briſtol. Captain Spooner. Captain Short. Colonel Pickering (dyed at Antre) now Colo. Hewſons. Lieutenant-colon. Hewſon (now Colonel.) Major Jubbs (now Lieutenant-colonel.) Capt. Axtel (now Major.) Capt. Husbands (now Capt. Grimes.) Capt. Jenkens, ſlain at Farringdon, after Capt. Tomkins, ſlain at Naſeby; now Captain Toppington. Capt: Carter. Capt: Silverwood. Capt: Gayle, ſlain at Briſtol Capt: Price. Colonel Forteſcue. Lieutenant-colo. Richbell ſlaine at Taunton. Lieutenant-col: Durſey ſlain at Briſtol, Lieuten: col: Ingoldsby ſlaine at Pendennis, now Leutenant-col: Cobbet. Major Jennings. Capt: Gettins, now Capt: Farley. Capt: Fownes, ſlain at Tiverton. Capt: Young. Ca: Gollidge, ſlain at Taunton Capt: Whitton. Capt: Buſhell. Colonel Ingoldesby. Lieutenant-col: Farringdon now Lieut: col: Kelſey. Major Cromwel, ſlaine at Briſtol, ſince Maj: Ducket Capt: Henry Ingoldesby. C: Gibſon, now C: Stephens Capt. Allen. Cap: Ward ſlain at Briſtol, ſince Cap: Williams, ſince Capt: Tho: Ingoldesby. Capt: Mils. Ca: Bamfield, now C: Wagſhaft. Capt: Grimes. For the Traine. Lieutenant-Gen: Hamond, Lieu: gen: of the Ordnan. Capt: Deane, Comptroller of the Ordnance. Maſter Hugh Peter, Chaplaine to the Traine. Peter Manteau van Dalem, Engineere-General. Capt: Hooper, Engineere Extraordinary. Eval Tercene, chief Engin: Maſter Lyon. Mr: Tomlinſon Engineers Maſter Francis Furin, Maſter-Cunner of the Field. Maſter Matthew Martin, Paymaſter to the Traine. Colonel Rainsborow. Lieutenant-col: Bowen. Major Done, ſlain at Sherburn, Major Croſſe ſlain there, Major Edwards. C: Croſſe, ſlain at Sherburn Capt: Edwards. Capt: Drury. Capt: Dancer. Capt: Creamer, wounded at Sherburne. Capt: Sterne, ſlaine at Briſtol Colonel Weldon, now Colonel Lilburne. Lieutenant-col: Kempſon. Major Maſters. Capt: Peckham. Capt: Fenton. Capt: Franklin ſlain at Exeter, now Capt: Holmes. Capt. Dorman. Capt. Tolhuſt. Capt. Munday, dead in the Weſt, now Capt. Welden Capt: Kaine. Maſter Phips, Commiſſary of Ammunition. Mr. Tho. Robinſon, Com. of the Draught-Horſe. Firelocks. Capt. Lieutenant Desborow Capt. Lieutenant Brent. Capt: of Pioners. Captaine Cheeſe. For the Horſe. Sir Thomas Fairfax, General His Troop commanded by Captaine Gladman. Major Desborow. Capt. Lawrence. Capt. Browne Capt. Packet Capt. Berry. Colonel Butler. Major Horton. Capt. Foley. Capt. Gardner. Capt. Pennyfether. Capt. Perry, dead, now Capt. Bethel. Colonel Tho. Sheffeild. Major Fincher. Capt. Robotham. Capt. Rainsborow Capt Martin. Capt. Evelyn. Col. Fleetwood. Major Harriſon. Capt. Coleman. Capt. Selby ſlain at Naſeby, now Capt. Laughton. Capt. Zanchy. Capt. Howard. Colonel Roſſiter. Major Twiſleton. Capt. Anthony Markham. Capt. Jo. Nelthrop. Capt. Peart. Capt. Henry Markham. Lieutenant-Gen. Cromwel. Major Huntington. Capt. Jenkins. Capt. Middleton. Capt. John Reynolds. Capt. Buſh, ſlain at Naſeby, ſince Capt. Blackwell. Colonel Rich. Major Alford. Capt. Nevil. Capt. Ireton. Capt. Dendy, now Capt. Husbands. Capt. Bough, now Capt. Hawys. Colonel Sir Robert Pye. Major Tomlinſon. Capt. Margery. Capt. Knight. Capt. Barry. Capt. Rawlins. Colonel Whaley. Maj. Bethel, ſlain before Briſtol. Capt: Swallow, now Major Capt: Groves. Capt: Cannon. Capt: Evanſon. Colonel Graves. Major Scroop. Capt: Fleming (Adjutant-General.) Capt. Lord Calfield. Capt: Barton. Colonel Ireton, commiſſary General. Major Sedaſcue. Capt. Guilliams, ſlaine at Briſtol, ſince capt. Pretty Capt: Gibbons Cap: Holkins, ſlain at Naſeby, ſince capt: Cecill Capt: Bury now cap: Morgan. His Excellencies Life-Guard Capt: Doyley, now Capt: Hall. Dragoones. Colonel Okey. Major Moore. Capt: Farmer. Capt: Mercer. Capt: Abbots. Capt: Farre. Capt: Bridge. Capt: Woggan. Cap: Skirmager Capt: Turpin, ſince Capt: Neale.
A Journal of every dayes Martch of the Army under the command of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax; with the names of the Townes and Villages where the Head Quarters have been; the diſtance of miles, and how many nights the Quarters continued in each Towne or Village.

  Towns and Villages. Counties. mi. ni. 1645.         April 30 From Windſor to Reding. Berksh: 12 1 May 1 to Theale   4 1 2 To Newbery   11 2 4 To Andover Wiltſh: 12 1 5 To Salisbury   15 1 6 To Sixpenny Hauley Dorſetſh. 10 1 7 To Blandford   7 1 8 To Wichampton.   7 1   The ſame day a Party martched Weſtward to relieve Taunton.       9 To Ringwood. Hampſh. 10 1 10 To Rumſey.   14 2 12 To Alresford.   14 1 13 To Whitchurch.   10 1 14 To Nebwury Berksh. 10 3 17 To Blewberry.   10 2 19 To Newnam. Oxon. 9 1 20 To Garſington.   2 2 22 To Marſton and the Siege of Oxford.   4 14 June 5 To Mars Gibbon. Buckinghamſh. 9 1 6 To Great Brickhill.   12 1 7 To Sherrington.   8 2 9 To Stony Stretford.   4 2 11 To Wotton. Northamptonſh. 8 1 12 To Killingbury.   4 1 13 To Guilesbury.   6 1 14 To the Battaile at Naſeby, and from thence to Harborough, Leicesterſh. 6 1 15 To Kibworth, to great Glin.   7 1 16 To Knighton, and Leiceſter Siege.   6 2 18 To Leiceſter.   2 20 To Lutterworth.   10 1 21 To Lillington. Warwicksh. 10½ 1 22 To Warwick.   2 1 23 To Clifford. Gloucesterſh. 7 1 24 To Campden.   6 1 25 To Norledge.   14 1 26 To Lechlade.   8 1 27 To Wambro. Wiltſh. 7 1 28 To Marlingbury.   7 2 30 To Ambersbury.   14 1 July 1 To Burchalk.   11 1 2 To Blandford. Dorſetſh. 12 1 3 To Dorcheſter:   12 1 4 To Beamiſter.   12 1 5 To Crookhorne. Somerſetſh. 4 2 7 To Evill.   8 1 8 To Ivelcheſter.   3 1 9 To Long Sutton.   4 1 10 To the Battaile at Langport, and to Midleſey.   9 1 11 To Weſton and Bridgwater ſiege.   2 15 21 Bridgwater ſtormed, part taken.       22 Bridgewater yeelded.       26 To Marcock.   13 2 28 To Wels.   15 4 30 Bath ſurrendred.       Augu. 1 To Queen Cammel   12 1 2 To Sherborne: Dorſetſh. 4 17 15 Sherborne Castle taken.       18 To Caſtle Carey. Somerſetſh. 8 1 19 To Shepton Mallet.   6 1 20 To Biſhops Chew.   12 2 22 To Caneſham.   5 3 25 To Stableton. Gloucesterſh. 4 17 Sept. 10 Briſtol Stormed, ſome of the Works and Line taken.       11 To Briſtol ſurrendred.   2 5 15 Farley Castle ſurrendred. Somerſetſh.     16 To Bath.   10 1 17 To Trubridge. Wiltſh. 7 1 18 To Devizes.   7 8 23 Lacock-Houſe ſurrendred.         Vize-castle ſurrendred.       26 Barckle, the castle taken. Glouceſt.     26 To Eaſt-Lavington   4 1   A Party martched towards Wincheſter and Baſing-Houſe.       27 To Warmiſter.   8 3 Sept. 30 To Shaftsbury. Dorſetſh. 12 2 Octob. 2 To Midleton.   15 1 3 To Dorcheſter.   8 1 4 To Beamiſter:   12 2 6 To Chard. Somerſetſh: 8 8 14 To Hunniton Devonſh: 12 1 15 To Cullumpton.   7 2 17 To Tiverton:   3 19 The Caſtle of Tiverton taken.       20 To Silverton.   5 2 22 To Newton Syer.   5 1 23 To Crediton.   3 3 26 To Silverton.   8 1 27 To Topſham.   8 5 Nov. 1 To Poultimore and Broad Cliſſe.   5 1 2 To Wimple.   3 2 4 To Mary Antre.   3 32 Dece. 6 To Tiverton.   12 33 Jan. 8 To Morton.   20 1 9 To Bovy Tracy, took three or four hundred Horſe.   6 1 10 To Aſhburton.   6 1 11 To Totnes.   5 8 19 To Dartmouth, ſtormed and taken.   7 2 21 To Totnes.   7 3 24 To Newton Buſhel.   7 1 25 To Chidlay.   5 16   That day Poulderham Castle taken.       Febr. 10 To Crediton.   12 4 14 To Chimleigh.   9 2 16 To Stephenſton, maſter Roules his houſe, that night faced Torrington, and entred.   8 8 24 To Houlſworthy.   10 1 25 To Launceſton. Cornw. 10 4 March 1 To Bliſland.   16 1 2 To Bodman.   4 5 7 To a Randezvouz at Lanevet, and back to Bodman.   6 2 9 To Tregny.   15 1 10 To Truro.   6 11   Goring's Army of Horſe ſurrendred and disbanded.       21 To Bodman.   20 5 1646         26 To Launceſton (the General to Plymouth)   20 2 28 To Okehampton. Devonſh: 15 1 29 To Crediton.   14 2 31 To view the Siege at Exceſter, and to Collumb-John.   13 13 Apr. 13 To Exceſter ſurrendred.   4 5 18 To Chard. Somerſetſh: 24 1 19 To Dorcheſter. Dorſetſh. 22 1 20 To Salisbury. Wiltſh: 32 4 25 To Andivor.   15 2 27 To Newbury. Berkſh. 13 3 30 To Eaſt Hendred.   12 1 May 1 To Garſington. Oxon: 9 1 2 To Heddendon.   3 53 June 24 To Oxford, ſurrendred.   1 0

The Contents of the ſeverall Chapters. PART I. CHAP. I. COntaining by way of Poeme and Introduction, a generall account of the miſerable condition of this Kingdome, before this preſent Parliament; The occaſion and Inſtruments of calling it; The ſnare laid for us in a former Parliament. The Quarrell between the Royall party, and the Parliament, ſtated: And ſhewing how the Command of the Parliaments Forces came to be devolved to Sir Thomas Fairfax, their preſent Generall. CHAP. II. Wherein a briefe Character of the General and Lievtenant-General; The framing of the New-Model; The beginning of their Action at Iſſip-Bridge, Blechington-houſe, Bampton-Buſh, &c. And the effect theſe things had on His Majeſty at Oxford. CHAP. III. The General with the Army matching into the Weſt; Vpon after advice recalled, and a party only ſent to Taunton; Their good ſucceſſe in the relief of Taunton. Lievtenant General Cromwell defending his Quarters againſt Goring. CHAP. IV. The Army imployed to beſiege Oxford: How far they proceeded therein. Severall Gariſons thereabouts beſieged, and ſome taken. The loſſe of Leiceſter, and the Diſcontents and diſcouragements that enſued thereon. With a modeſt enquiry into the cauſe of our low condition at that time. CHAP. V. The Army commanded to riſe from before Oxford; Their ſeverall Martches till the Battaile at Naſeby, with all the particulars thereof, fully related. CHAP. VI. The Victory at Naſeby improved by purſuing the Enemy, who fled into Wales: Leiceſter (not long before taken by the Enemy) ſummoned, and after preparations for Storm, urrendred upon Articles, found to be unjuſt, and the charge retorted on them. An Instance of the Enemies deſperate prophaneneſſe, joyned with Barbarous and Inhumane Cruelty. PART II. Chap. I. His Excellency with the Army, martching Westward to relieve Tauton the ſecond time; taking in Hiworth Garriſon by the way: Curbing the Clisbmen, the retaking of Ilcheſter, and the brave Fight at Langport. CHAP. II. The Particulars of that gallant Service, the ſtorming of Bridgwater. CHAP. III. The taking of Bath. The Club-mens Reply, and his Excellencies Rejoynder, in two conſiderable Actions defeating them. The impregnable Castle of Sherborne taken by Storme. CHAP. IV. The Siege of Briſtol, the taking of it, with the Actions that intervened, viz. the taking of Nunny Castle, &c. PART III. Chap. I The Devizes and Laicock-Houſe ſurrendred: Berkly Castle, after in part ſtormed, ſurrendred: With an account of the Counſels that did lead theſe Actions. CHAP. II. The Counſels whereby the Army ſteered their courſe imported. The Reduction of Wincheſter. CHAP. III. The Motions and Actions of the Army unto Tiverton, The ſtorming and taking of Baſing-Houſe fully related. CHAP. IV. The cheap Reduction of Tiverton Castle, by a ſtrange Providence. The ſurrender of Langford-Houſe. CHAP. V. Exceſter ſtraitned in order to a Siege; with ſeverall Debates and Reſolutions thereabout. CHAP. VI. Severall Paſſages between the Prince and his Excellency; and between his Excellency and Goring. Concerning Pouldrum. the Enemies preparations to relieve Exceſter, and Ours to meet them, &c. CHAP. VII. The ſlackening of the Siege of Exceſter, by the Armies advance to meet the Enemy, (leaving onely a Force to block up the City) With their great ſucceſſe in thoſe two Actions. The Defeat of the Enemy at Bovey-Tracy, and the taking of Dartmouth; with a particular account of their Martches and leſſer Paſſages. PART IV. Chap. I. The Army returning to the Siege at Exceſter: Pouldram Caſtle ſurrendred: A French Veſſell ſtruck into Dartmouth, wherein Letters of conſequence from the Queen: How farre the reducing of Exceſter was endeavoured before a ſecond Diverſion. CHAP. II. Our Army a ſecond time diverted from the Siege of Exceſter; with a particular account of the Reaſons thereof: and the Motions and Actions of the Army occaſioned thereby. CHAP. III. His Excellency with the Army advancing into Cornwal, driving the Enemy before them, and poſſeſſing their Quarters: A gallant piece of Service performed by Colonel Butler and his Party neer Stratton. Prince Charles giving all for loſt by his Excellencies preſſing too hard upon them, betakes himſelf to Scilly: An advantage to the Parliaments Cauſe by a Packet of Letters from Ireland, taken at Padſtow. CHAP. IV. His Excellency wit the Army driving up the Enemy into Cornwal; A Summons ſent to Sir Ralph Hopton and his Forces to come in; with the ſeverall tranſactions of that Buneſſe untill the disbanding of all his Forces, fully related, &c. CHAP. V. The Army returning to the Siege of Exceſter, with all the Particulars of the Treaty, and ſurrender of the ſame. CHAP. VI. The Particulars of the Treaty and ſurrender of Barnſtable; and the Reſolutions and Motions of the Army after the Reduction thereof, till they came to Oxford. CHAP. VII. The Siege of Oxford; the Particulars of the Treaty, and ſurrender thereof; with the in luence of the Fate of Oxford upon the remaining Garriſons. CHAP. VIII. The Siege and ſurrender of Worceſter and Wallingford. CHAP. IX. Of the Reduction of Ragland Castle and Pendennis. FINIS.
A Table of the Motion and Action of the Army under the Command of His Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, From April 15. 1645. To Auguſt 19. 1646. VVherein is expreſt what Battels were fought, what Places of ſtrength were taken, whether by Storm, or Surrender, the number of Slain, of Priſoners, what Ordnance, Arms, and Colours were taken: The name of the Commander in Chief, the day of the Moneth when, the COUNTY where the ACTION was done.

The Moneth, and Day The Yeare. Battels fought. Places Relieved, Taken, and particul. ingagements The manner How. Daies of the ſiege & time of fight. Number of ſlain in fight or ſiege. Number of priſoners taken. Number of Ordnance taken. Number of Arms. Number of Colours. The chief Commander of ours in each deſigne. Commanders of the Enemies. The County. Horſe. April 15 1645 Rout at Iſlip By a party of horſe. 2 houres 60 200   400 The qu. & 3 others. Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Ear. of Northampton Oxfordſhire 500 April 16 1645 Bletchington houſ By a party of horse and dragoons. 4 houres   150   450 3 Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Col. Windebanke Oxfordſhire 72 April 26 1645 neer Farringdon By a party of horſe. 2 houres 10 40   50 3 Col. Io. Fienes   Berkſhire 150 April 27 1645 Bampton-Buſh By a party of horſe. 2 houres   230   200   Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Col. Sir W. Vaughan Oxfordſhire 60 May 11 1645 Taunton relieved the firſt time. By part of the Army. 54 200 ſlain in the ſiege. 200   260   Col. Welden General Goring Somerſetſhire 30 May 22 1645 Oxford foot and horſe Routed. By a party of horſe.   3 200   200 1 Adjutant Flemming Capt. Gardiner Oxfordſhire 12 May 24 1645 Godſtow-houſe quitted   2 10   30   General Fairfax   Oxfordſhire 6 June 1 1645 Gaunt-houſe yielded 3 2 82   100   Col. Rainsborough   Oxfordſhire   June 14 1645 Naſeby Battell fought in 2 houres 800 4500 12 and two Mort. pices 8000 112 Gen. Fairfax King Charles, Prince Rupert, and Prince Maurice. Northamptonſhire 200 June 18 1645 Leiceſter town yielded 3 6   14 2600 8 Gen. Fairfax Lord Haſtings Leiceſterſhire 300 June 27 1645 Highworth garriſ yielded 3 houres 4 70   180 2 Gen. Fairfax Major Hen Wiltſhire 12 July 3 1645 Taunton Relieved the ſecond time. 5 weeks 1000 of the enemies. 400   400   Gen. Fairfax Lord Goring Somerſetſhire 460 July 8 1645 Ilcheſter garriſon quit 1       18   Gen. Fairfax Col. Phelips Somerſetſhire   July 1645 Ilmore Fight By a party of horſe. 2 houres 50 200   300 9 Major Gen. Maſsie Lord Goring Somerſetſhire 300 July 10 1645 Lamport Battell, Lamport Garriſon. Fought and quit. 1 60 1600 2 2500 32 Gen. Fairfax Lord Goring Somerſetſhire 1200 July 13 1645 Burrough hil fort yielded 4 8 151   200   Col. Okey   Somerſetſhire   July 23 1645 Bridge water ſtormed 11 30 1600 44 3000 9 Gen. Fairfax Col. Windham Somerſetſhire 200 July 30 1645 Bath City yielded 1   140 6 400 2 Col. Rich Sir Thomas Bridges Somerſetſhire 11 Auguſt 4 1645 A Club-Army on Hamilton-hill. routed 1 houre 60 400   600 12 Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Maſter Bravel of Compton. Dorſetſhire   Auguſt 15 1645 Sherburne Caſtle Battered and ſtormed. 16 200 of ours. 340 19 600 2 Gen. Fairfax Sir Lewis Dives Dorſetſhire 30 Auguſt 20 1645 Nunny Caſtle yielded 2 5     100   Col. Rainsborough Capt. Turbervile Somerſetſhire   Auguſt 28 1645 Portſhotpoint Fo. yielded 6 3   6 140 1 Lieut. Col. Kempſon   Somerſetſhire   Septemb. 10. 1645 Briſtol City ſtormed 18 160 of ours. 200 151 6000 8 Gen. Fairfax Prince Rupert Somerſetſhire, and Glouceſterſhire. 20 Septemb. 23 1645 Devizes Caſtle yielded 7 5   2 400   Gen. Fairfax Sir Charles Lloyde Wiltſhire   Septemb. 24 1645 Laicock houſe yielded 2           Col. Pickering Col. Bovill Wiltſhire   Septemb. 25 1645 Barkley Caſtle ſtormed 9 40 90 11 500   Col. Rainsborough Sir Charles Lucas Glouceſterſhire   October 8 1645 Wincheſter Caſtle yielded 6 4   7 500   Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Lord Oagle Hantſhire   October 14 1645 Baſing houſe ſtormed 6 40 300 11 500   Leiut. Gen. Cromwel Marq. of Wincheſter Hantſhire 80 October 18 1645 Langford houſe yielded 1           Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Sir Barth. Pell Wiltſhire   October 20 1645 Tiverton caſtle ſtormed 6 4 200 4 400 2 Gen. Fairfax Sir Gilbert Talbot Devonſhire 20 January 8 1645 Near Barnſtaple, quarters beaten up. By a party of horſe.     80   100 2 A Captain of the Plimouth Regiment. Sir Allen Apſley Devonſhire 80 January 1645 Bowe fight by a party 3 houres   60   100   Sir Hardreſſe Waller   Devonſhire 40 January 9 1645 Bovy-Tracy quarters beaten up. By a party of horſe and foot.   12 60   200 one of the K. with C. Lieut. Gen. Cromwel Lord Wentworth Devonſhire 350 January 16 1645 Plimouth ſiege raiſed. By the advance of the Army.     22 5 left in the works. 80   Gen. Fairfax Major Generall Sir John Digby. Devonſhire   January 19 1645 Dartmouth ſtormed 7 20 800 106 1600 14 Gen. Fairfax Sir Hugh Pollard Devonſhire 60 January 25 1645 Poulderhamcaſtle yielded 1     2 300   Col. Hamond Sir 〈◊〉 Meredith Devonſhire   February 16 1645 Torrington ſtormed   60 400 80 ba •… of powd. fired 1600 9 Gen Fairfax Lord Hopton, Lord Wentworth, Lord Capell. Devonſhire 70 February 24 1645 Engagement of horſe near Stratton. by a party   12 40   250 4 Col. Butler Major Gen. Web Devonſhire 300 February 25 1645 Launceſton quitted after diſpute. 2 houres 3 160   200   Gen. Fairfax   Cornwall 30 February 28 1645 Saltaſh garriſon quitted       3 left in the works.     Gen. Fairfax   Cornwall   February 29 1645 Liſard Town quitted       3     Gen. Fairfax   Cornwall   March 3 1645 Mount Edgcomb yielded       5     Gen. Fairfax Col. Edgecombe Cornwall   March 3 1645 Foy Town quitted     60 10 140   Gen. Fairfax   Cornwall   March 1645 Caſtle-Dennis engagement of horſe. by a party     100   300   Col. Rich Major Gen. Pert Cornwell 300 March 14 1645 Treaty at Truro Horſe disbanded         2000 •… Colours of horſe Gen. Fairfax L. Hopton, L. Wentw. Cornwall 4500 disbanded. March 16 1645 Exmouth Fort yielded 46     16     Col. Sir Har. Waller Col. Arundell Devonſhire   March 16 1645 Dennis Fort yielded       22 200 2 Gen. Fairfax   Cornwall   April 1646 Corfe caſtle By ſtratagem and ſtorm. 48 11   5     Col. Bingham Major Laurence Dorſetſhire   April 13 1646 Exceſter city yielded 180 100 40 75 1500   Gen. Fairfax Sir Iohn Berkley Devonſhire   April 15 1646 S Michaels mount yielded 15     15 400   Col. Hamond Sir Arthur Baſſet Cornwall   April 20 1646 Barnſtaple Town, Caſtle, and Fort. yielded 30 20   35 400   Gen. Fairfax Sir Allen Apſley Devonſhire   April 1646 Dunſter Caſtle yielded 150 20   6 200   Col. Blagge Col. Windham Somerſetſhire   April 1646 Woodſtock gar. yielded 20 40   2     Col. Rainsborough Capt. Fawcet Oxfordſhire   May 1646 Salcomb Fort yielded 50     8     Col. Welden Col. Forteſcue Devonſhire   May 1646 Banbury Caſtle yielded   8   9 600 8 Col. Whaley Sir William Compton Oxfordſhire   May 1646 Radcot Fort yielded 15 6   2 140   Col. Saunderſon Col. Palmer Berkſhire   June 10 1646 Borſtall Houſe yielded 18     5 300   Gen. Fairfax Sir William Compton Buckinghamſhire   June 24 1646 Oxford City yielded 55 60   300 2000   Gen. Fairfax The Lords of the privy Councell, and Sir Thomas Glemham. Oxfordſhire   June 24 1646 Farringdon houſe yielded 55 40   4 500   Sir Robert Pye Sir William Courtney Oxfordſhire   July 22 1646 Worceſter City yielded   20   25 1500   Col. Rainsborough Col. Waſhington Worceſterſhire   July 27 1646 Wallingford caſt. yielded 65 5   7 800 7 Gen. Fairfax Col. Thomas Blagge Berkſhire   Auguſt 17 1646 Pendennis caſtle yielded   17   94 860   Col. Forteſcue Col. Arundell, and Sir John Digby. Cornwall   Auguſt 19 1646 Ragland caſtle yielded   20   23 500   Gen. Fairfax Marq. of Worceſter Munmouthſhire  

Place this Table between folio 334. and 335.