Of the ENGLISH,

SIR Thomas Armstrong presently after fled beyond the Seas, where he re­main'd till the next Year, when he was surpriz'd at Leyden in Holland, brought into England, and receiv'd the deserv'd reward of his Horrid Ingratitude and Treasons.

John Ayloff fled, and withdrew from Justice, and stands Outlaw'd upon that account.

Andrew Barber was taken and freely confess'd.

Robert Blaney came in, and confess'd what was done and said at the Trayterous Meeting at Colonel Romze's House.

James Burton fled, and is also Out­law'd for Treason.

William Blagg a Sea Captain, was ta­ken, try'd and acquitted, there being but one positive Evidence against him.

Zechary Bourn was seiz'd on in Essex, as he was making his escape into Holland, and largely confess'd afterwards.

Colonel Danvers of Newington, was taken and dismiss'd upon Bail. He has since Publish'd a most Malicious and Scandalous Libel against His Majesty: For which he is fled.

The Earl of Essex taken at his House in Hertfordshire, and committed Prisoner to the Tower.

Richard and Francis Goodenough, both fled, and since Outlaw'd.

The Lord Gray of Wark was seiz'd on, examin'd before His Majesty, and order'd to be sent to the Tower. But in his going thither, by the negligence of the Serjeant at Arms, he made his escape, got beyond Sea from the Coast of Sussex; and is now also Outlaw'd.

John Hambden Junior taken, Tryed for High Crimes and Misdemeanors, Con­demn'd in 40000 l. Fine, and Imprison­ment.

Major Holms taken in London; he con­fess'd [Page 96]the Correspondence with the Earl of Argyle, whereof the Key was intrusted with him and some others.

James Holloway fled, was taken at Mevis in the West-Indies, and sent back into Eng­land, confess'd and was Executed.

William Hone in his flight was taken in Cambridgeshire. He made his first Con­fession at Cambridge, the substance of which he afterwards own'd upon all occa­sions to his Death.

Joseph How was taken and confess'd.

The Lord Howard of Escrick was taken in his House at Knightsbridge, hid behind the Hangings of his Chamber; and at length confess'd.

Thomas Lea the Dyer was taken, and confess'd.

The Duke of Monmouth withdrew up­on the first Proclamation wherein he was Named, and lay hid for divers Months, till he render'd himself, and confess'd.

Edward Norton fled, and is Out­law'd.

John Nisbet fled, was taken in Essex ready to go beyond Sea. He was the Author of the Letter of Trade written to Gourdon a Scotch-Man under the Name of Pringle.

John Rouse taken, Try'd, Condemn'd, [Page 97]Executed, making at his Death a Penitent Confession.

John Row once Sword-Bearer Bristol, fled upon the first Discovery; as did also both the Rumbalds: They are all three Outlaw'd.

Colonel Romzey first absconded, then render'd himself, and confess'd.

The Lord Russel taken at his House in Southampton-Square, Try'd, Condemn'd, Beheaded. He confess'd enough to shew his Crime, but not his Repentance.

Thomas Shepard hid himfelf, but soon came in and frankly confess'd.

Aaron Smith had kept secret some time before, because of a Sentence a­gainst him for high Misdeameanors: But was taken, and is still a Prisoner.

Colonel Algernoon Sydney taken, Try'd, Condemn'd, Beheaded.

William Wade, Joseph Tyley fled, and are Outlaw'd.

Colonel Thomas Walcot first retired, then sent a Letter to Mr. Secretary Jen­kins, plainly acknowledging That the Plot was laid very deep and wide, promising to discover more, if he might have hopes of Pardon. But before he could receive an answer, the Conscience and fright of his own Guilt made him withdraw from the [Page 98]place where he had appointed to stay for it. He was soon after taken, Arraign'd, Condemn'd, Executed; persevering to the last in the main of his Confession.

Robert West withdrew for a time, but then gave himself up, and has amply confess'd.

Besides these there were divers others at first secured, but afterwards dimiss'd by course of Law; as the Lord Brandon, Mr. Booth, Major Wildman, Mr. John Trenchard, Major Breman, Mr. Charlton; this last having been taken in disguise.

Of the SCOTS,

MR. James Steuart, Brother to the Laird of Cultness, had fled out of Scotland a short time after the Earl of Argyle, upon occasion of dangerous Pa­pers taken in his keeping. Thereafter he transacted only by Letters and Negoti­ations, remaining out of danger beyond the Seas.

Commissary Monroe and the two Camp­bells of Cessnock were taken.

The Lord Melvin, Sir John Cockran and Ferguson escap'd divers ways; though Ferguson stay'd some time in Town after the Discovery, in hopes still of obtaining [Page 99]Bills of the Mony to be remitted into Holland.

William Bayley of Jerviswood was seiz'd on in London, convey'd to Edenburgh, and there Try'd, and lately Executed.

William Carstares, William Spence, Alex­ander Gourdon of Earlston taken, the two first in Town, the last at Newcastle.

By the positive Confession of these three Scotch men, together with that of Major Holms, who were the Earl of Ar­gyle's chief Agents in this business, was the first greatest light given of the said Earls part in the Conspiracy.

Of these, Alexander Gourdon Laird of Earlston was a Zealous Field-Conventi­cler, and had been a Bothwel-Bridge Re­bel: Where, upon the rout of their Army, his Father was kill'd, and he taken Priso­ner. Having afterwards got his Liberty, he became Sollicitor for the Faction, in Eng­land and Holland, under pretence of col­lecting Contributions for maintaining such of them as were denounc'd Fugitives; for which purpose he had a formal Com­mission sign'd and seal'd in the Name of the General Assembly of their Party at Edenburgh.

Before any Discovery, he was taken at Newcastle under a feigned Name, endea­vouring [Page 100]to get a passage beyond the Seas. About him were seiz'd divers O­riginal Papers, which as soon as he was made Prisoner, he try'd to make private­ly away, but the Kings Officers observing his design, secur'd them.

Amongst these Papers, there was one very remarkable Letter written to him under another Counterfeit Name of Prin­gle. The Composer of it was John Nis­bet, one of Argyle's Agents in London. It was dated March the 20th of that Year, when the Conspiracy was in the heighth. It gives a perfect account of their Con­dition at that time during the Transacti­ons between the English and Scottish Traytors: Whilst they sometimes hoped the Treaty would take effect; sometimes fear'd it would break off without coming to any Resolution.

Amongst many other mysterious inti­mations of Treason, Nisbet tells him, That Trading being very low here, and many breaking daily, desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures: That while they had some Stock left, it would be better to venture out, than to keep Shop till all be gone; for after this they should not be able to act, but must let all go: That he had been shew'd a Model of Affairs, in such order as he saw; venture [Page 101]they must, and venture they would: That now they knew what Goods had been most prejudicial to the Trade: And therefore for the future, resolv'd to insist only on Nega­tives; this being the best way to still some Criticks of the Trade: That they would first endeavour to dispatch the Old Stuff: That some Stock was to be got, to set the broken Merchants up again: That if all holds that is intended, it is almost time to set forward, if they had but their Factors and Emissa­ries home, who are gone forth to try how Countries will like their Goods: That they will return within a Week: Then matters will in instanti off or on, Break, or go through: That if any strange thing should fall out in the mean time, he would post it to him: That things were full as High as he had Written.

These are some amongst divers others of the Covert Significations of the Con­spiracy, contain'd in Nisbet's Letter; which being taken about Gourdon, and sent with him into Scotland, after di­vers Examinations before the Council there, he plainly detected what was the true sense hidden under the Mystical Style of every Expression in the whole Letter.

Particularly, That by the Merchants [Page 102]here being low, and often breaking, was meant the Prosecution of Dissenters by Excommunications, or other legal ways: That therefore they had resolved upon a desperate Cure, which was Rising in Arms: That the Model of Affairs which would make them venture, was the Method then going on in order to a Rising: That by only insisting on Negatives, was intend­ed the Conspirators agreeing what they should pull down, which was the whole Government, but not determining po­sitively at first what they should set up: That by Criticks in the Trade, were de­sign'd the old Scotch Fanaticks, who had so often rebell'd. That Excluding the old Rotten Stuff, was the Destruction of the entire Frame of the antient Constitu­on Civil and Ecclesiastical: That the Bro­ken Merchants to be set up, were the baf­fled Scotch-Whigs to be spirited again with new assistance: That their being here at a point to set forward, was the English Conspirators being ready for a Rendezvous: That the Factors and Emis­saries, were People sent forth through England and Scotland to try Mens Incli­nations towards a General Insurrection: That by saying, That upon those Factors return, Matters would be soon on or off, was [Page 103]intended, that when their Agents were come back to give an account of their success, accordingly the Design would be either deferr'd longer, or they should in­stantly rise: That the strange thing men­tion'd, was a speedy Insurrection: That by things being full as high as he had writ­ten, was imply'd the Rebellion was al­most ripe, and ready to break forth.

This is the substance of the Interpre­tation of the Letter of Trade that Gour­don of Earlston gave in upon Oath at se­veral Examinations. He moreover con­fess'd, That upon receipt of this Letter he presently came into England, where he had frequent Conferences with Nisbet touching the Contents of every Clause in it, who always understood it in this sense: That by him and divers others he was made fully acquainted with the Treaty then going on in London, and with the Earl of Argyle's Correspondence with the Persons treating for a speedy Rebelli­on in both Nations.

Another Scotch-Man whose cleer and undoubted Testimony has put this Con­federacy between the English and Scotch Traytors out of all Question, is William Carstares, who had been a Zealous and Fierce Preacher to the Sectaries of both [Page 104]Kingdoms: And was formerly Prisoner in Edenburgh-Castle, being accus'd for pub­lishing a Treasonable Pamphlet, call'd, The Grievances of Scotland.

At that time he was much employ'd in many Messages relating to this Conspi­racy: Especially with Major Holms in dispersing the Earl of Argyle's Libellous Books, and carrying too and fro his Let­ters in which Carstares pass'd under the Name of Read.

He was apprehended at Tenterden in Kent, seeking an opportunity of flying beyond Sea. He was taken under the Name of William Swan, then declar'd his true Name was Moor, but at last own'd it was Carstares.

This Carstares being brought before the the King, and refusing to confess any more than some general Hints; alledging, That it was no place for him to answer in a Criminal Matter; Upon that he was sent into Scotland, where being Examined be­fore the Lords of the Secret Committee, September 8th 1684, he confess'd and af­terwards renew'd and confirm'd the same Confession November 18th, and December 22th of the same Year.

His Deposition having been already made Publick, it will be enough only to [Page 105]note some special Heads of what he de­posed. He confess'd, ‘That James Steuart, Brother to the Laird of Cultness, wrote to him out of Holland in November or December 1682. the Letter importing, That if a considerable Sum of Mony could be procur'd from England, some­thing of Importance might be done in Scotland: That this Letter he Communi­cated to Shepard, and he to Colonel Syd­ney, Danvers being present: That She­pard return'd answer, Mr. Sydney was averse from medling with the Earl of Argyle, suspecting him to be too much inclin'd to the Royal Family, and the present Government: That the said Car­stares still urg'd one might be sent to the Earl of Argyle: That not being able to obtain this, for the foresaid Reason, he himself went into Holland, was intro­duced to the Earl, and there discours'd with him particularly about remitting the Money to him from England, and raising 1000 Horse and Dragoons, and surprizing Edenburgh-Castle.’

To all this Carstares added in his De­position of Sept. 18. 1684. That he him­self had communicated the Design on foot to three famous English Conventicle-Prea­chers, Griffith, Mede, and Dr. Owen, who, he affirmed, did all concur in promoting it, and were desirous it should take effect; which part of Carstares's Oath is the more remarkable, because the King so­lemnly affirms, That the Duke of Mon­mouth, in his Confession to His Majesty, and his Royal Highness, did particularly name those very three Men, as conscious of the Plot, and withal declar'd in these very words, That all the considerable Non­conformist Ministers knew of the Conspiracy. An instance that alone, if there were not many more such, were a sufficient In­struction to all Separatists, of what ten­der Consciences the Men are, whom they chuse for the principal Guides of their Consciences: Since after all this, Mede deposed before his Majesty, That he never heard of any Disturbance intended against the Government; but that on the contrary he himself had once advised Ferguson, up­on discourse of some Libel of his then newly made publick, That it was not their part to do such things. Nay, their great Oracle Dr. Owen, being examin'd upon Oath, be­fore [Page 110]the Lord Chief Justice Jones, and being ask'd, Whether he had not heard of a Horrid Plot against the Life of the King? did, not long before his Death, take God to witness, and subscrib'd to it with his dying Hand, That indeed he had heard of such a Plot by the means of the Kings Pro­clamation, but no otherwise.

But that which still farther undeniably confirms the Scotch part of the Conspira­cy with the English, was the Confession of William Spence a Scotch-Man, and of Major Holmes an English-Man, the former being a Menial Servant to the Earl of Ar­gyle, the other his long Dependent and Friend; a Man active in the times of Cromwel, and always disaffected to His Majesties Government.

Major Holmes being taken in London in the beginning of the Discovery with several of the Earl of Argyle's Original Letters about him, and being examin'd, confess'd, He knew of the Earl of Argyle's proposing to some principal Men in England, That for 30000 Pounds he might he fur­nish'd for his Expedition into Scotland: That the English at last condescended to send him 10000 Pounds: That though he had not personally converst with the Great Men who were to raise the Mony, yet he had [Page 111]often heard the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Gray, the Lord Russel named: That he himself was appointed by the Earl of Ar­gyle to convey Letters to and from his Countess and others his Correspondents: That he could not Decypher those taken about him, but that William Spence could: That this Spence went under the Name of Butler, and was just then come over in the Packet-Boat from Holland, to dispose of the Libel, call'd, The Earl of Argyle's Case.

This Deposition was given by Major Holmes, on June 29. 1683. the very day that Spence being arrived from Holland, was apprehended under the Name of Butler.

Besides this Evidence of Holmes con­cerning Spence, it appears plainly by the Earl of Argyle's own words in several pas­sages of his Letters, taken in Holmes's pos­session, especially in that part of the long Letter of the 21st of June, which was not written in Cypher, That the said Spence, alias B. as he afterwards own'd himself for the Man, knew his the said Earls Ad­dress, and how to write to him; adding, That he could instruct Holmes in this Cy­pher, else he had lost six hours Work.

Wherefore upon this assurance that Spence could Decypher the Letters, he was [Page 112]examined before the King; but not con­fessing any thing material, and seeming resolv'd not to do it, he was lent into Scot­land, where he was brought to discover the whole Intrigue; acknowledg'd, That he himself was the B. or Butler mention'd in the Letters: That those superscrib'd to West and Robert Thomson were directed to Major Holmes under those false Names: That he the said Spence could open the Let­ters, and explain the way of reading them; which he did, and then justified upon Oath the Explanation he had made to be according to their true sense.

It happen'd also at the same time, whilst Spence was under close Examination, that Mr. Gray of Crechie, a Scotch Gentleman, skill'd in the Art of Cyphers, did, without any the least Communication with Spence, Decypher some of the principal of the said Earls Letters; and when both Spence's and Mr. Gray's Copies were found to a­gree exactly, there could not possibly have been given a more certain Demon­stration of the Truth of Spence's way of Decyphering, which he confess'd he was taught by Argyle himself.

In this manner were these Letters pro­ved Authentick, and the right meaning of them unfolded. And it is evident by [Page 113]the plain Tenour of them, that some of them were written by the said Earl just about the time that the Conspiracy was near ripening, and when he was inform'd of Ten Thousand Pounds only order'd to be sent him: Others were written after he had heard that the Plot was discover'd.

In every one of those Papers it is easie to trace out manifest Footsteps of the whole Conspiracy. But particularly that of June 21 New Style, which is June the 11th of the English, written the very day before Keeling made the first discovery, con­tains not only a vehement expostulation of the said Earl of Argyle's touching the delay of the Mony from England, and the smallness of the Sum design'd; but a plain Narration how the Insurrection was to be concerted in both Kingdoms.

The Body of the Letter was written in Cypher, the Preface and Postscript in plain Hand; in both there is reference made to Butler's, that is Spence's, being able to expound it; and from the very same Spence was taken the Exposition of it upon Oath.

Therein the said Earl tells his Corre­spondent in England, That he knew not the Grounds their Friends had gone upon to offer so little Mony, nor did he understand [Page 114]what Assistance they would give: That till he knew both, and heard what Carstares, or any other they should send over, had to say, he purpos'd neither to refuse his service, nor object against any thing resolv'd here.

However, that the said Earl had truly mention'd in his Proposition formerly made the very least Sum he thought could do the Bu­siness effectually; which was not half of what had been requisite in another Juncture of Affairs: That what Mony he propos'd to be rais'd, was so much within the power of the Persons concern'd, that if a little less could do the Business, he had thought it would not he stood upon: That the said Earl reckon'd the Assistance of the Horse absolutely neces­sary for the first Brush: That as to the pre­cise Number nam'd, he would not be pe­remptory, but he believ'd there would need that effectual Number: That 1000 might be as easily rais'd as 5 or 600; and it were hard if it stuck at the Odds.

That they should consider, whether all ought to be hazarded upon so small a difference as to the Mony: That though 'tis true, what was propounded is more by half than is re­quisite for the first Weeks Work, yet soon af­ter, all or more will be necessary; and then Arms cannot be sent like Mony by Bills.

That there are above 1200 Horse and [Page 115]Dragoons, and 2000 Foot at least in Scot­land; all well appointed and tolerably well commanded: That it were hard to expect Country People on Foot without Horse should beat them triple their Number: That if Mul­titudes could be got together, they would still need more Arms and more Provisions.

That if some considerable thing be not suddenly done at the first appearing, it may fright a little, but will do no good.

That the standing Forces will take up some station; probably at Stirling: That they will have for aid not only the Militia of Twenty Thousand Foot, and 2000 Horse, but all the Heritors, to the Number it may be of 50000 Men: That though many should be unwilling to fight for the standing Forces, yet most will once joyn, and many will be as concern'd for them, as any can be against them.

That though the said Earls Party should have at first all the success imaginable, yet it is impossible but some will keep together, and have assistance from all the three Kingdoms; then it will not betime to call for more Arms, far less for more Mony to buy them, and they should then prove like the Foolish Virgins.

That it is next to be consider'd how the dis­contented English Lords could employ so much Mony, and so many Horse, better for their own Interest, though the Protestant [Page 116]Cause were not concern'd; this being a little Sum, and small Fonds to raise so many Men, and by Gods Blessing to repress the whole Power of Scotland.

That the Horse to be sent from England need stay but a little while to do a Job, un­less future events should make Scotland the Seat of the War; which would be yet more to the advantage of England.

That by the best Husbanding the total of the Mony proposed, it cannot purchase Arms and absolute Necessaries for one time, for an Army of the Number they were to deal with: That nothing out of the whole is design'd to be bestow'd on many things useful, and some necessary, as Tents, Waggons, Cloaths, Shooes, Horse, Horseshooes, &c. All which are not only Once to be had, but daily recruit­ed, much less was any of it apportion'd to provide for Meat or Drink, Intelligence, or other incident Charges.

That some honest well-meaning good Peo­ple may undertake for little, because they can do little, and know little what is to be done.

That the said Earl had made the reckon­ing as low as if he had been to pay it all out of his own Purse: That he was resolv'd never to touch the Mony; only to have it issued out according to Order: That he freely sub­mits to any knowing Souldier for the Lists, [Page 117]and to any skilful Merchant for the Prices be had calculated.

That it will be a great incouragement for Persons of Estates and consideration to ven­ture, when they shall know there is a project and prospect of the whole Affair, and Neces­saries provided for such an attempt.

That if after the said Earl shall have spoken with Carstares, he sees he is able to do any service, he will be very willing; if he be not able, he will pray God some other may.

That before it be given over, he wishes he might have such a conference as he had men­tioned in another Letter a week before: wherein he had offer'd either to come over privately in Person, or to meet any to be sent from hence.

That he expected not all the Horse from the discontented Lords, but some considerable part might be rais'd by particular Friends.

That he had yet more to add, to inforce all he had said, but it could not be express'd at that distance: That something more was to be done to prevent the Designs of the E­nemies, which he dares not now mention, lest it should put them on their Guard: That he has a considerable Direction in his Head, but all is in Gods Hands.

This is a faithful and impartial Abstract [Page 118]of the Mystical Letter; than which, how could there have been express'd by words a more compleat Deduction of the said Earl's part in the design'd Insurrection?

Immediately after the Cyphers, this follows in words at large, The Total Sum is 128 Guilders, and 8 Stivers, that will be paid you by Mr. B.

Which last Clause was the Rule where­by Mr. Gray found out, and Spence disco­ver'd the Decyphering of the whole Let­ter; and it was accordingly done by each of them apart, by making eight Columns, and placing 128 words in each Column descending, as upon view of the Authen­tick Printed Copies will appear to any Man beyond all Contradiction.

In short, this Letter of the late Earl of Argyle's was known by many of the Pri­vy Council thereto be his Hand; and his own Lady upon Oath deposed, She knew it to be his, though she did not know the Contents of it.

And such is the Account that is to be given of the said Earl of Argyle's Loyalty, which he had desir'd might be the only Standard in what sense he would take the Test.

Hitherto he had been by Inheritance Lord High Admiral and Justice General [Page 119]of Argyle, Tarbat, and the Isles, and Great Master of the Houshold. He was by His Majesty put into Places of great Dignity and Trust; he was made extraordinary Lord of the Session, one of His Majesties Privy Council, and one of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury. And af­ter his Fathers Condemnation for the highest Crimes, and his own Forfeiture of his Honour and Estate for Treasonable Expressions in a Letter of his, he was re­stor'd to all his Father possess'd, except the Title of Marquiss. But notwithstand­ing all these, and many more Obligations of the like nature which he had to His Ma­jesty, his fondness of esteem with the Fa­ctious People, his aversion to Monarchy, and hatred of the Royal Family, particu­larly of the Duke of York, led him to this height of Ingratitude.

This, and divers other Letters of the like Traiterous importance, all written with Argyle's own Hand, being at one and the same time taken about Major Holmes, the Person chiefly intruded by the said Earl to receive and convey all his Corre­spondences with England and Scotland, it cannot be doubted but very many more Papers of the same dangerous Tenor had been this way interchang'd between him [Page 120]and the English and Scotch Conspirators, during the whole progress of the Conspira­cy. Especially considering, that in some of these, the Earl of Argyle refers to some Ex­pressions and Propositions which he says he had made in others; and there are no such Expressions to be met with in all these Letters that are taken: Besides that with the Letters themselves there were al­so seiz'd about Holmes several Alphabets, and a Key of Words; whereas of one of the Alphabets there has been as yet no use found in Decyphering; and though in the Key there are Eighty new-coyn'd Words, yet not above Six of them are made use of in all the parcel of the said Earl's Letters hitherto intercepted.

However, by the Light these Letters gave, so well agreeing with several other Intelligences receiv'd from many Hands, His Majesties Council of Scotland were abundantly convinc'd that the Bloody De­sign had reach'd thither also; and there­fore immediately order'd the bottom of the Business to be search'd into by a Secret Committee. Whereupon Warrants were issued out there to apprehend Walter Earl of Tarras, Brother-in-Law to the Duke of Monmouth, Sir Patrick Hume Laird of Polwart, [...] Pringle Laird of Tor­woodlie, [Page 121]James Murray Laird of Philip­haugh, and Hugh Scot Laird of Gallow­shiels; all of them being Persons named by Carstares and others as Partakers with Argyle in this Treason, as they had been formerly most active with him, in endea­vouring to disturb the Loyal Proceedings of the Parliament for enacting the Test.

Of these the Laird of Polwart and Tor­woodlie having been the most busie, and so conscious of their greater guilt, conceal'd themselves, and have hitherto escaped; the other three were taken, and brought to Edenburgh, where they freely confess'd upon Oath: As did also Commissary Monroe, who had been sent thither Pri­soner out of England. All which Depo­sitions and Confessions they again repeat­ed and confirm'd in the same solemn man­ner at the Tryal of Mr. William Baillie of Jerviswood.

The Earl of Tarras without either cra­ving, or receiving any security for him­self, did ingenuously confess,

In the like manner Commissary Alex­ander Monroe depos'd upon Oath,

Then also James Murray Laird of Phi­liphaugh confess'd, and deposed upon Oath,

If the Country Party in England should have thoughts of going into Arms, what [Page 128]could be expected here in such a case?

Would it not be expedient to have a setled Correspondence between that Party there, and here?

Might it not be so adjusted, that both Kingdoms should draw out in one day?

Might not as many be expected in these Shires, and about Edenburgh, as would sur­prize the Rulers, and some to joyn with the English on the Borders, and seize on Ber­wick, others to attempt Stirling-Castle?

If Argyle should at the same time Land in the West, and raise that Country, would not these Measures contribute much to the Advancement and Interest of the Party? Incourage all that had an Inclination to them, and scare many others from acting against them? And so they might have lei­sure to joyn from all places. And then might it not be expected there would be as many in this Kingdom, as would be able to deal with the Forces here, at least divert them from troubling England?

These Queries being propos'd, it was answered, ‘That as to setling a Corre­spondence, it was very convenient for those of a Common Interest, but none could be found here fit to manage it that would undertake it.’

The Deponent farther added, he was told in private by Polwart or Torwoodlie,

The said James Murray of Philiphaugh deposed farther, That at their Meeting at Gallowshiels it was resolv'd they should keep their Cess or Tax unpaid till their next Meet­ing at Midsummer, and should deal with all those they had influence upon to do the like, and that upon the Supposition mention'd in his former Oath.

Next, Hugh Scot Laird of Gallowshiels confess'd and deposed, That the Earl of Tarras and Philiphaugh did come to his House in May 1683. That Polwart came likewise thither, where there were Discourses and Proposals, That if the English did rise in Arms, their Friends in the South-Shires [Page 136] should rise with them: That they should seize the Horses belonging to the Kings Troops where they grazed, and attempt the Town of Berwick, and the Castle of Stirling.

That it was likewise there discours'd of the late Earl of Argyle's coming to invade Scotland; but because of the uncertainty of Sea-Voyages, there was not much stress laid upon it.

That it was also proposed, such of the South-Country whom they trusted should be acquainted with it: That Endeavours should be used to learn what Arms were in the Country: That the Earl of Tarras, Philip­haugh, Torwoodlie, Polwart, and some others should draw to Horse with the first, when the Rising should be in a readiness; and that it might be expected the South parts of Tiviot-Dale and Selkirk-Shire would joyn with them.

The said Gallowshiels had also deposed before the Lords of the Secret Committee, That the Earl of Tarras and Philiphaugh being in his House in May, discours'd of an intended Rising in England and in London in particular, and of Proposals made to the Scots to rise with them: That Polwart was there present, and told them he was sure the English intended so; That they discours'd it was fit to seize Berwick and Stirling: It [Page 137]was also talk'd of bringing the Duke of York to his Tryal.

The said Gallowshiels deposed farther be­fore the Lords of the Committee, That in the Month of May 1683. the Earl of Tarras, Hume of Polwart the Elder, and the Laird of Philiphaugh came to the Deponents House, where they spake of the security of the Prote­stant Religion, and of a Party in England who would secure or seize the King or Duke: That if any should rise in Arms to defend or rescue them, there was another Party who would rise against them.

That it was proposed some Country-men should be spoken to, to try their Resolutions: That it was likewise proposed to seize the Officers of State.

That it was there said, Sir John Cock­ran was to come to the West from Eng­land to advance the Design: That the Earl of Argyle was to Land in the West High­lands to raise that Country.

That of these Matters all that were pre­sent discours'd, as of an Affair they were agitating, and wherein themselves were par­ticularly concern'd.

These several plain and full Proofs, to­gether with the Depositions of Carstares before mentioned, being also strengthen'd [Page 138]by the Confessions of Thomas Shepard and Zechary Bourn, and all exhibited at the Trial of William Baillie of Jerviswood, were not only over-abundantly sufficient to convince the Person accused of his par­ticular share in the Guilt; but they al­so remain as so many standing and indu­bitable Testimonies of the Truth of the whole Conspiracy between the English, and Scotch Rebels.

After all this, how is it possible that the most audacious of the Factious Party of both Nations, notwithstanding their be­ing so expert in driving on the Trade of Lying and traducing their Governours, should ever have any tolerable colour of probability to invalidate or discredit the undoubted Evidence of so many Wit­nesses, most of them Men of high Quali­ty, great Estates, potent Interests; all of them Zealous and indefatigable Assertors of the Rebellious Cause; and this Evi­dence given in by them at first voluntarily, and often again reiterated, and adher'd to, against Baillie their Chief Companion in Iniquity, their near Kinsman and Friend?

As for Baillie of Jerviswood himself, the Persons who pass'd upon his Assize did with one Voice find the Crimes of Art [Page 139]and Part in the Conspiracy, and of con­cealing and not revealing the same, clear­ly proved against him. Whereupon he was adjudg'd to suffer the Punishment of a Traytor: His Life and Death being such as might be expected from the Nephew and Son-in-Law of the Old Arch Traytor Warriston, in whose Family he was bred up, and tutor'd under his Discipline, ac­cording to his Principles.

Such were the chief Steps the Scotch Conspirators had made in their part of the Treasonable Design, as far as through the Divine Favour it has been hitherto traced out by the Extraordinary Diligence, Wis­dom and Integrity of His Majesties pre­sent Ministers in that Kingdom. For the Readers clearer comprehending the whole progress of the Villany, the King thought best to have it thus represented in one view, and put all together in an unin­terrupted course of Narration: Though by this Methoddivers things have been al­ready spoken of, which in the natural course of time happen'd after the several material passages, that remain yet un­mention'd, relating to the English part of the Conspiracy.

Wherefore, to return to the Year 1683, and to what happen'd in England that [Page 140]Summer, shortly after the first Discovery; His Majesty having now received irresisti­ble Proof of the certainty of the Wicked and unnatural Design, that the World might have the like Conviction, resolv'd speedily to bring some of the most Notori­ous Malefactors to a fair and open Tryal.

The first Person who was put upon ju­stifying himself, was Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Walcot, on the Twelfth of July of that Year. Against him divers Witnesses were produced, who, in their Depositions, first gave some distinct account of the Plot in General, and then of the particular share the Prisoner at the Bar had in it.

As to what concerned Walcot himself, Colonel Romzey first deposed, That the said Walcot came out of Holland with Fer­guson after Shaftsbury's Death: That he came to West's Chamber where he was pre­sent when a List was brought of the Assas­sines, and agreed to joyn with them, intend­ing to Command a Party to charge the Guards: That he undertook to go and view Rumbald's House, and bought a Horse for that purpose: That he was present at the dividing of London into twenty parts in order to an Insurrection; and at the Con­sult for buying of Arms after the disappoint­ment at the Rye: That he was at the Meet­ing [Page 141]for carrying on the Conspiracy on Thurs­day before the Discovery: That after it they met at Captain Tracies, Walcot's own Lodgings, himself being present.

Next Josiah Keeling swore, That Wal­cot was at the Trayterous Assembly at the Salutation-Tavern, when the Deponent was called Gulick, and a Health drunk to the English Gulick; West saying that Gulick in Dutch was Keeling in English; adding, He hoped to see Keeling at the Head of as good an Army at Wapping, as it was re­ported one Gulick was then at Cologne.

Then Zechary Bourn witnessed, That Walcot used to come to Ferguson when he lodg'd at his House: That Walcot and se­veral others met at the Dragon on Snow-Hill, and often in other places, in order to raise Men, and divide the City into twenty parts for securing the King and the Duke: That al­most every time they met, at least three times, the Prisoner at the Bar was there: That he was at the Meeting at Tracies, where they debated of standing to it with Swords in their Hands, and of kiliing Keeling for ha­ving made the Discovery.

Robert West's Testimony concerring him went somewhat farther back. He deposed, That he became acquainted with Walcot the Summer before, when he told [Page 142]the Deponent the Carolina Business was only a Pretence; That he ask'd the Deponent up­on the Election of the Sheriffs, Will the People do nothing to secure themselves? Thereupon acquainting him with an Insur­rection then design'd within three weeks or a month: That Shaftsbury was in the Design, and had engaged him also: That he had an Expectation of being Colonel of Horse; ask­ing the said West, Whether he would have any Command under him? That upon his refusal, he desired him to lend him a Suit of Silk Armour: That the said Wal­cot told him of several Designs to Attack the King and the Duke: That in the Busi­ness of the Rye, he undertook to Command the Party that was to set upon the Guards: That after the Disappointment, he met with the other Conspirators, where they discours'd of it, and complain'd they had not Arms in readiness: That he sometimes made one in the Trayterous Discourses at the Deponents, and at the Young-Devil-Tavern: That he was present at the Meeting at Trades re­lating to their escape; the Prisoner at the Bar himself then saying, God would still deliver the Nations.

His Letter to Mr. Secretary Jenkins was also produced, which he was proved to have own'd before the Council to be [Page 143]his Hand. The substance of it being, That he was come to Town to lay himself at His Majesties Feet: That this was the first Crime he had been Guilty of since the Kings Return, and too soon by much now: That he was ready to discover to His Majesty all that he knew in England, Scotland and Ireland, which might be something more than the first Discoverer could acquaint him with, especi­ally as to Ireland: That his intimacy with a Scotch Minister, through whose Hands much of the Business pass'd, occasioned his knowing very much; and that it was laid very broad, or he was mis-inform'd; con­cluding with a proposal that he would fol­low the Traytors who were fled, and give no­tice what Measures they should take; with other the like expressions.

There was likewise a Paper given in Evidence that was taken about him in Newgate; wherein he desir'd Romzey and West to spare him, saying, They had ground enough to serve the King upon other Men.

But as to his private Confession to the King upon his first Examination, that was not produc'd against him, though in that he had told divers new Particulars of the Conspiracy, and named the Men of Qua­lity who had undertaken to raise the se­veral Shires.

Against all this Walcot's defence only consisted in his own denial of having had any Hand in the Assassination; saying, ‘He knew well enough, if he should have undertaken to charge the Guards whilst others kill'd the King, he was equally Guilty with those that kill'd him; but that he was sick of the Gout during the Meetings whilst the King was at New-market: Moreover, that those Witnesses were sufficiently dipped themselves, and swore against him to save their own Lives: That Goodenough and Rumbald he never knew: That the last Meeting at his Lodgings was appointed by Rom­zey, he himself knowing nothing of it: That he came accidentally to the other Meetings only to hear News. He con­fessed he heard there was a Design a­mongst divers great Lords and Gentle­men for asserting Liberties and Proper­ties; but that he was not at their Con­sultations. The Sum was, That he had heard a great deal of an Insurrection, but had no hand in it, and therefore his fault could be only Misprision of Trea­son. And as to his Letter, he alledged he had only heard what he promised to discover from Ferguson.’

To the most material parts of this De­fence, [Page 145]it was answer'd by His Majesties Learned Council at Law, ‘That there is nothing more just than to make use of some Traytors to Convict others, else Treason might be hatch'd most securely: That because the Witnesses had been concern'd in the Plot, therefore they were to be believed; for who should know it but those that were concern'd? That better Witnesses could not have been had, except the thing had succeed­ed: That the very being at Treasonable Consults, and keeping them private, is not only Misprision, but High Treason. And as to his having the Gout, West told him, he remember'd it very well by a good token, that Walcot himself said, He was afraid when the time came, he should not be able to draw on his Boot.’

But the whole Evidence against Walcot being clear and positive Testimony, and what he pleaded for himself being only his own single Affirmation and Negation, without any support of Witnesses, the Jury immediately brought him in guilty of High Treason. According to which Sentence he was Executed on the 20th of the said Month. At the time of his Exe­cution he again acknowled'g what he had told the King, and writ to the Secre­tary [Page 146]of State, ‘That the Business was laid very deep; he said, An Act of Indul­gence would do well, because the King had a great many Men to take Judg­ment of: He persisted, he was to have had no hand in His Majesties Death, though he confess'd it was proposed when he was present: He declared he did not know that this Conspiracy was older than the August or September be­fore: but so old he own'd it was.’

The next Offender that came under the Stroak of Justice, was william Hone a Joyner, who being brought to the Bar, would presently have confess'd himself guilty of great part of the Accusation. But refusing to confess all, he was requir'd to plead, and the next day was brought on his Tryal. Then again he desir'd he might retract his Plea, and offer'd to plead Guilty. But since he would not own the whole Indictment, for Satisfaction of the World the Evidence against him was produc'd.

Josiah Keeling swore, That the Prisoner at the Bar was at the Dolphin-Tavern, when several sorts of Arms were agreed on to be provided under the borrow'd Names of Swan-Quills, Goose-Quills, Crow-Quills: That after that Meeting, Hone [Page 147] told the Deponent, He was to be one of them who were to go down to the Rye to As­sassinate the King. That he since also told him, It would never be well till the Black-Bird and the Gold-Finch were knock'd on the Head; explaining those terms to be meant of the King and the Duke. To which Witness Hone reply'd in open Court, That as to the Black-Bird he own'd it, but not as to the Gold-Finch.

Then West Deposed, That Goodenough having told him he would try Hone, whe­ther he would attempt on the Duke without the King, the Deponent ask'd Hone, Whe­ther he had seen Goodenough? He an­swer'd, He had, and that he had spoken to him about a job for the Duke. That at another time also Hone ask'd the Deponent, Master, shall we do nothing? Adding, That if the Duke of Monmouth would be true, and appear, he would bring 50 or 60 Men from the other side of the Wa­ter, to help to do the Business. And that the Deponent demanding what Business? He answer'd, A brisk Push at the two Bro­thers. That being further question'd, What Brothers? He said, The Captain and Lieutenant; which were the counterfeit Names they sometimes used for the King and the Duke.

Then Sir Nicholas Butler deposed, He had known Hone many years, and always knew him guilty of plotting, contriving, and ready for such Enterprises as this: par­ticularly that he had proposed taking off the King and the Duke with Cross-Bows from Bow-Steeple, whilst they were stand­ing in a House directly over against it on the Lord Mayors Day: That Hone confess'd this very thing when examined before His Majesty: That he had also acquainted di­vers Persons, that he was to make one to kill the King and the Duke.

Then Captain Richardson swore, That the Prisoner confess'd to Sir Nicholas But­ler, in his presence, that Goodenough came to him and told him, he wanted Labourers; That Hone asking him for what? Goode­nough said it was to kill the King, and the Duke: That he did agree to be one of the Number: That Hone did say another time, he was for killing the King, and saving the Duke; but that Goodenough was for both: That he told them of the business of the Rye, calling it the place where the King was to have been Murder'd.

To all this Hone made no other answer, but that he was drawn in by Goodenough; and as for killing the King from Bow­steeple, he was told of it by another. So [Page 149]the Jury found him Guilty without going out of the Court.

At his Execution, he own'd himself Guilty of the Crime, for which he stood condemn'd. Only alledging again, that he was drawn in. He confess'd also, he did say he was for killing the King, and saving the Duke of York.

On which last expression the Factious party immediately laid hold. And they have since most impudently made use of it, in their Libels both at home and abroad, to take the aspersion of this Con­spiracy, off from themselves, insinuating that this saying of Hone's (a Notorious Fanatick) must needs prove him to have been a conceal'd Papist. Whereas it is apparent, he said it upon a quite different account: Since it was a common opinion among them, that if they could but do the Kings Business, their work against the Duke would be much easier: A Lesson first taught them by their great Master the Earl of Shaftsbury. For when in one of their Trayterous Cabals, among other Consi­derations of time and place, for killing the Royal Brothers, that between Hampton-Court and Windsor was proposed, and some excepted against it, because his Majesty and his Royal Highness seldom went that [Page 150]way together; the said Earl advised them not to stand upon that, and not to omit the opportunity of making the King away for any such Objection; giving this wick­ed reason for his advice, That if the King were once dispatched, they should easily be able to deal with the Duke of York; grounding his Judgment on a most false Supposition, That the People were gene­rally averse from his Royal Highness.

The next Criminal arraign'd was Wil­liam Lord Russel, who was brought to his Tryal July the 13th of that year.

Against him Colonel Romzey deposed, ‘That in the end of October, or the begin­ning of November 1683. there met at Mr. Shepard's House in Abchurch-Lane, the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Gray, the Lord Russel, Sir Thomas Armstrong and Ferguson: That the Earl of Shaftsbury de­sired him to go to them thither, to know what resolution was taken about the Rising of Taunton: That he did go, Mr. Shepard carried him up where they were, and he deliver'd his Message. That the Answer was, Mr. Trenchard had fail'd them; and there could be no more done in the matter at that time: That there was at the same time a discourse by all the [Page 151]Company about seeing what posture the Guards were in, that they might know how to surprize them; That some of them undertook to go and see: That my Lord Russel in particular did speak about the Rising, and gave his consent to it.’

Then Mr. Shepard swore, ‘That in October last, Ferguson requested of him, in the Duke of Monmouth's Name, the conveniency of his House, for some Persons of Quality to meet in; That the same Day in the Evening the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Gray, the Lord Russel, Armstrong and Ferguson came: That they desir'd to be private, and none of his Servants to come up: That their discourse was, How to surprize the Guards: That the Duke of Monmouth, the Lord Gray and Armstrong went one Night to the Mews to view them: That the next time they came, Armstrong said, The Guards were remiss, and the thing was feasible: That they had two Meetings of this kind at his House; That in one of them something was read by Ferguson in the nature of a Declara­tion, setting forth the Grievances of the Nation in order to a Rising: That he could not say positively the Lord Russel was there when it was read; but the said [Page 152]Lord was there, when they talk'd of seizing the Guards.’

Then the Lord Howard of Escrick gave his Deposition, consisting of two parts, a general Declaration of what he knew of the whole Conspiracy, and his particular Evidence touching the Lord Russel's being engaged in it.

In the general part, his Testimony was agreeable to what has been already cited out of his Confession to his Majesty; only in some passages he was more particular as to Persons, especially concerning Lieu­tenant Colonel Walcot, the Earl of Shafts­bury, the Lord Gray, and the Duke of Monmouth, as appears by the Printed Tryal.

But what peculiarly related to the Lord Russel was to this effect; That after the Earl of Shaftsbury's Flight, the chief Per­sons concern'd in the Conspiracy in his time, began to consider they had gone so far it would be unsafe for them to make a retreat; and that so great an Affair con­sisting of so many Particulars, which were to be manag'd with so much fineness, it would be necessary to have some General Council: That therefore they resolv'd to erect a Cabal among themselves, which was made up of six Persons, the Duke of [Page 153] Monmouth, the Earl of Essex, the Lord Russel, Colonel Algernoon Sydney, Mr. Hambden Junior, and the Deponent: That this was about the middle of the January before: That then they met at Mr. Hambden's House, where it was presently agreed, their proper Province was to take care of the whole: That the chief things they debated were, Whe­ther the Insurrection should begin first in London or the Country; the Duke of Monmouth insisting, it should be first in the Country; then what Countries and Towns were fittest, and most ready for Action; then, what Arms were to be got, and how to be disposed; then that it was necessary to have a common Bank of 25 or 30000 l. to answer the occasions of such an Undertaking; but that the greatest point was to order it so, as to draw Scotland into a consent with them; because it was requisite all diversion should be given to the Kings Forces.

That about Ten Days after every one of the same persons met again at the Lord Russel's House: That they then came to a resolution of sending some Persons to the Earl of Argyle, to settle an Understand­ing with him, and that a Messenger should be dispatch'd into Scotland, to in­vite [Page 154]some Scotch-Men hither, who best understood the Estare of Scotland, to give an account of it: That the Persons agreed on to be sent for were Sir John Cockran, the Lord Melvil, and one of the Name of Cambel: That to this purpose it was or­der'd, a Person should be thought on that was to be sent: That Colonel Sydney was intrusted to take care of that Business: That the said Colonel told the Depo­nent, he had sent Aaron Smith: That then they agreed not to meet again till the return of the Messenger; who was gone about a Month before they heard any thing of him; though the Letter he carried, could have done no great hurt, had it been taken, because it was written in a kind of a Cant, under the disguise of a Plantation in Carolina: That all this Debate at the Lord Russel's went without contradiction, all there present giving their consent: That as for raising Mony, every one was put to think of such a way, that Mony might be collected without Administring Jealousie: That after this the Deponent met no more with them; but when he return'd out of the Country, he was inform'd Aaron Smith was come back, and that Sir John Cockran Was also come to Town.

Then Attherbury the Kings Messenger deposed, ‘That the foresaid Cambel and his Son were taken in London, making their escape out of a Window in a Wood­mongers House, four Days after they had been in Town; during which space, they confess'd they had chang'd their Lodgings three Times, and that they and Mr. Baillie of Jerviswood came to Town together.’

Against this Evidence the Lord Russel's defence (besides some Objections in point of Law, wherein he was over-ruled by the Opinion of all the Judges there pre­sent) was to this purpose:

‘That the two times they met, was up­on no form'd Design, only to talk of News, and of things in general: That the Lord Howard having a voluble Tongue, they delighted to hear him dis­course: That he knew of no such Coun­cil of Six chosen, for who should chuse them? That the Witnesses against him swore to save their own Lives, and therefore could not be credible: That Romzey was notoriously known to have been highly obliged by the King and the Duke; and it was strange he should be capable of such a Design as to Murder the King; that no Body then could won­der, [Page 156]if to save his own Life, he should endeavour to take away anothers: That the time by the 13th of the King was clapsed, since the Prosecution was not made in the six Months: That a Design of Levying War is no Treason, except it appear by some Overt Act: That there was but one Meeting at Shepara's House, nor was he ever there but once: That then he came late, staid not above a quar­ter of an hour, tasting Sherry with She­pard; and that there ought to be two Witnesses to one and the same thing at the same time.’

Then he produced Witnesses to prove that the Lord Howard, before he was taken, declar'd He believ'd the Lord Russel innocent, and knew nothing against him.

The rest of his Justification consisted of the Testimony of several Persons con­cerning the Virtue and Sobriety of his former Life.

As to what concern'd the Lord How­ard's saying, He believed the Lord Russel not to be guilty; it was answer'd by the Lord Howard himself, ‘That he confess'd he had said so, being then himself not accused, so that he intended to out-face the thing both for himself and the Party; [Page 157]but now his Duty to God, the King and his Country requir'd it, he must say the Truth; and that though the Council of Six were not chosen by any Community, yet they did erect themselves by mutual Agreement one with another into that Society.’

The rest was answer'd by the Kings Learned Council at Law, ‘That he was not Try'd upon the 13th of the King, but upon the 25th of Edward the Third: That to Raise a Conspiracy within the Kingdom is what is call'd Levying War by that Statute: That to Design to seize on the King, or to depose him, or to raise the Subjects against him, hath been setled by several Resolutions of the Judges to be within that Statute, and Evidences of a Design to kill the King: That in Cases of Treason, it is not ne­cessary there should be two Witnesses to the same individual Fact, at the same time; but if there he two Witnesses of things tending to the same Fact, though at several times, and upon several occa­sions, it is sufficient: That if there be one Witness of one Act of Treason, an­other of a second, another of a third, they will be enough to Convicta Man of High Treason: That so it was determin'd [Page 158]by the Opinion of all the Judges in Eng­land, and by the Lords in Parliament in the Lord Stafford's Case.’

It was farther urged, ‘That the Wit­nesses against the Lord Russel were not profligate Persons, nor Men who wanted Faith and Credit before that time; but such against whom there had been no legal Exceptions made by himself: That there was no Contradiction, no Corre­spondence or Contrivance at all between them; and that it cannot be imagined such Men should Damn their own Souls to take away the Life of a Gentleman, against whom they had no Quarrel.’

As for Romzey's being much obliged to the King and the Duke, ‘That it was ap­parent by many Instances, that no such, though the greatest Obligations, had hinder'd ill Men from Conspiring against His Majesty. For was not the Earl of Essex, were not divers others of the Conspirators in like manner obliged, and advanced in Estate and Honour by the King?’

As to their coming only to Shepard's to taste Wine, it was said, ‘That could not have been the end of their Meeting: Why did they then come so privately? Why then did they order none of the [Page 159]Servants to come up? It was plain the Design they met on, requir'd only such Persons to be present as had an Affection for the Cause.’

It was also urg'd, ‘That it is not a good Objection against a Mans being Evi­dence in High Treason, that he himself was engaged in it; but that such Men are the most proper Persons to be Evi­dence, none but they being able to detect such Counsels.’

As for the several Divines, and Men of Honour and Quality produced to testifie the Virtue and Sobriety of the Lord Rus­sel's Conversation; it was answer'd, ‘That an Affectation of Popularity has often proved a Snare strong enough to tempt many Men, who have otherwise been of great Temperance and Virtue. Nor indeed can there be any more dangerous Enemies to a State or Kingdom, than such as come sober to endeavour its De­struction.’ Which old and true Obser­vation was signally exemplified in this particular Case of the Lord Russel; For West deposed, ‘That the Underacters in the Treason most depended on the said Lord, for this very reason, because they look'd on him as a Man of great Sobriety.’

Upon the whole Process he was found guilty of High Treason. But in stead of Drawing, Hanging and Quartering, the usual and legal Penalty of that Crime, the Execution was by His Majesties Cle­mency chang'd into that of Beheading. Though it is well known, this very Pre­rogative of the Kings having it in his Power to alter the Punishment of High Treason, had been vehemently disputed by the Party, and particularly by the Lord Russel himself in the Lord Stafford's Case.

The said Lord Russel at the time of his Death, which was the 21st of that Month, deliver'd a Paper to the Sheriffs, and left other Copies of it with his Friends, whereby it was immediately dispers'd a­mongst the People; the general drift of it being to make odious Insinuations a­gainst the Government, invidious Refle­ctions on the Ministers of His Majesties Justice, and undue Extenuations of his own Fault.

As to the whole Matter of it, Time, the best Discoverer, and Light of Truth, has since shewn it to be full of Enormous Falshoods: And for the manner of its Com­posure, it was such, as rather became the Subtilty, Artifice and Equivocation [Page 161]of some crafty hypocritical Confessor, or Presbyterian Casuist, than the Noble plainness and simplicity of a Gentleman; especially of One who in this very Paper so much boasts of the Sincerity and Candour of his whole Life, and of his perpetual hatred of Tricks and Evasions.

Among divers other notorious Shifts and Prevarications contain'd in it, this is observable, That in this Paper he declares solemnly he never was at Shepard's in that Company but once, as in his Tryal he had affirm'd absolutely he never was there but once: whereas, besides what Shepard positively swore, That he was more than once there, and in that very Compa­ny; the said Lord Russel himself also, when he was Examin'd in the Tower by His Ma­jesties Command June 28th, confess'd, He had been at Shepard's House frequently; which Confession after it was written down, read and repeated by himself, he in great Agitation of Mind desir'd he might alter it. And the Alteration he made was to put in divers times in stead of frequently. The Truth of which ap­pears by the Original thus subscribed, and corrected by the Lord Russel; and by the known Integrity of Sir Leolyn Jen­kins, Sir Jon Ernly, and His Majesties [Page 162]Attorney-General and Sollicitor-General, who receiv'd the Examination, and have attested the Alteration.

The Lord Russel likwise in the Printed Speech affirms, His intention of going to Shepards was to taste Sherry; and in his Tryal he said, He staid not above a quar­ter of an Hour there tasting of Sherry. Though presently after in the very same Paper, forgetting what he had said, he acknowledges, He was desir'd to go thither by the Duke of Monmouth, upon a business of greater consequence than the tasting of Sherry: Which was, That the Duke of Monmouth call'd upon him to tell him, that the Earl of Shaftsbury and some other hot Men would undo them all, if great care were not taken; and therefore intreated him to go with him to Shepards. To this he adds, That when he came thither, there were things spoken by some with much more heat than Judgment; Things of the same Na­ture, no doubt, with those he confess'd to have heard before in the Earl of Shafts­bury's Company, which made the Duke of Monmouth himself cry out, Did you ever hear so Horrid a thing? However all these Treasonable Discourses about making some Stirs as he stiles them, the said Lord would fain have had pass only for Mis­prision [Page 163]of Treason. Though it is remark­able that in all those his last Words, there is no more sign of his asking Forgiveness of God or the King, for his confess'd Misprision, than for the High Treason. Moreover in the same printed Paper he solemnly avows, There was no undertaking at Shepards for seizing the Guards; none appointed to view or examine them; only that there was some discourse then, and at other times, about the feasibleness of it; adding, That several times by accident he heard it mention'd, as a thing might easi­ly be done. By which and other the like concessions in that Speech he well nigh grants himself Guilty of the Crime whereof he was accus'd; since the Judges often affur'd him, that those Dis­courses and Consultations not revealed are High Treason.

He farther says, it was by a strange fetch, that a design of seizing on the Guards was construed a design of killing the King. But that this construction was no such strange fetch, Colonel Walcot himself might have inform'd him; who both at his Trial, and his Execution, did with far more Truth and Ingenuity allow, that it was the same thing for him to en­gage the Kings Guards, whilst another [Page 164]kill'd him, as to kill him with his own Hands.

Though, to put this whole Matter out of question, touching that Consultation at Shepards, for seizing the Guards, His Majesty declares on the Faith of a King, appealing also to the Memory of his Roy­al Highness to confirm the same, That the Duke of Monmouth did, in express Terms confess this very particular, and all the Circumstances of it to His Majesty at the time of his rendring himself: Namely, That the foresaid debate of surprizing the Guards was at Shepards; that the Lord Russel was one of the Persons debating it; that the result was, the Duke of Mon­mouth, the Lord Gray, and Sir Thomas Armstrong should go view the Guards in order to seize them; that accordingly they three did go, and take a view of them to that end; and that the report they made to the same Company at their next Meeting was, that the thing might be done, if they had any considerable strength.

But what need any farther Proof of the insincerity of the Lord Russel's last Justification, than the foremention'd De­position of Carstares? An Evidence not only by Law unquestionable, but such as cannot but be esteem'd by the very Con­spirators [Page 165]themselves of invincible strength and conviction: Since he was a Man emi­nent in their Party, and one of their principal seducing Teachers. And what the said Carstares deposed relating to the Lord Russel, His Majesty thinks fit to be repeated here again. It was, That when he return'd into England out of Holland, where he had been to concert matters with the Earl of Argyle, for promoting the Ge­neral Conspiracy; the next Day he met with Sir John Cockran, and having acquaint­ed him with the Earl of Argyl's demands of 30000 l. Sterling, and the Thousand Horse and Dragoons, Sir John Cockran carried the said Carstares to the Lord Russel; to whom he proposed the affair, but being then a perfect stranger, had noreturn from him at that time. That afterwards the Deponent met with the Lord Russel ac­cidentally at Shepard's House, where, as Shepard affirm'd, the said Lord was come to speak with him about the Money before-mention'd. That when the other two had done talking, Carstares himself desi'd to speak with the Lord Russel; and that in his discourse with him, having reiterated the former proposition for the 30000 l. and the Thousand Horse, and Dragoons, the Lord Russel answer'd in these very Words; [Page 166]They could not get so much Mony rais'd at the time, but if they had 1000 l. to begin, that would draw People in, and when they were once in, they would soon be brought to wore. But as for the 1000 Horse and Dra­goons, he could say nothing at the present, for that behoved to be concerted on the Borders.

By which plain Deposition, agreeing with so many other Witnesses, it is ma­nifest that when they whom the Lord Russel trusted with Composing his last Speech, permitted him to affirm on the word of a Dying Man, He knew nothing of any Design against the King or Kingdom, either they did grosly prevaricate with him, or he with them.

His Majesty has judg'd it convenient that the wholes Proceeding with the Lord Russel, should be thus particularly recol­lected, as well that one great Instance for all might be given of the Impartiality and fair course in which the publick Justice was administer'd against the Conspira­tors, as also that it might appear with what weak Cavils, Ambiguities and Ter­giversations they defended themselves both living and dying. For the others who were afterwards brought to con­dign Punishment, it will not be so need­ful [Page 167]to descend into every minute part of their Tryals, Condemnations and Execu­tions, which have been already faith­fully published; especially since those that followed made most of the same Ob­jections in Law and Fact as were before most solidly answer'd. It will be enough only to make some few Observations, where any new Matter shall arise, for the fuller Demonstration of the wicked Design.

On July the 13th of that Year, was John Rouse brought to Tryal. Against him there was ample Evidence given: First by Thomas Lea; ‘That the said Rouse undertook to provide 100 Arms for the City-Divisions: That he said, Nothing could be done unless the King were seiz'd; adding, We remember Forty One, when the King went and set up his Standard; therefore we will seize them that they shall not set up their Standard.’

‘That he farther said, It would be con­venient to have a Ball plaid on Black-Heath; to that end some Sea-Captains must be spoken to, he promising to speak to Ten: That when the Ball should be won, every Captain might take his Party, and tell them they had other [Page 168]Work, and then go with long Boats and Arms to seize the Tower: That the said Rouse had several such Discourses, and went divers times to view the Tower to that end: That after the Discovery he said to Goodenough and Nelthrop, Be not discourag'd, but let the Business go on: That he said, Take off the King and the Duke, and then no Man can have Commis­sion to fight for them: That he also af­firm'd, He was under an Oath of Secrecy, never to trust but one at a time with the Design.’

Then by William Leigh, ‘That the said Rouse farther endeavour'd to get Sea­men to seize on, and Command some of the Kings Ships, lying as Guard-Ships at Woolwich and Deptford: That being ask'd, What he would do with Ships without Powder and Shot, with which they could not be provided except the Tower were surpriz'd? He reply'd, We must secure the Tower and Whitehal, both, or ;we can do nothing.’

And farther, to prove the said. Rouse's former Trayterous Tempter of Mind a­gainst His Majesties Government, it was sworn by Mr. Corbin, ‘That upon some discourse concerning the Parliament at Oxford Rouse said, He foresaw it would [Page 169]be a short Sessions, but that these frequent Prorogations and Dissolutions of Parlia­ment would not avail him: For what­ever the King has, the Parliament gave him, and they may take it away when they please: That the King had for forfeited his Crown, and had no more Right to it than he had.’

Against this all the Defence Rouse made was, ‘That the words attested by Corbin, were spoken upon a Suppositi­on of the Popes Power over Princes: That as for William Lea he had nothing to say against him, but hoped he was an honest Man; and for Thomas Lea, that the said Lea himself first began those Treasonable Discourses, which Rouse intended to have revealed, had not the other got the start of him.’ But this being only supported by his single Yea-and Nay, without the Credit of any one Witness to strengthen it, the Jury pre­sently gave their Verdict that he was Guilty.

For divers Years before he had been a most Notorious Boutefeu in the City of London; and was one of the many scan­dalous Examples of the gross Corrupti­on and Iniquity of the Ignoramus-Juries of that time; he having been unjustly [Page 170]acquitted by them, when in the Year 1681, he was Indicted of high Crimes, particularly for those Trayterous Words mentioned in Corbin's Evidence.

But at lad the Divine Vengeance over­took him in this manner: ‘At his Death among other things he ingenuously confess'd, he had deserved the Sentence pass'd against him; that he had heard and understood too much in several kinds of Meetings, especially of some, who though they call'd themselves True Protestants, were Ten Thousands times worse than any others.’

On November the 7th of the said Year 1683, was Colonel Algernoon Sydney ar­raign'd, having sued out his Habeas Cor­pus; and on the 21st he was brought to his Tryal. He was Indicted ‘for being one of their Great Council of Six; for sending Aaron Smith into Scotland; and for writing a most Treasonable Libel against the Government, which was found in his Closet on the Table, when his Papers were seiz'd.’

As to the said Colonels having been one of their Council of Six, and present at, and consenting to all their Delibera­tions, at Mr. Hambden's and the Lord [Page 171] Russel's the Lord Howard deposed to the same sense as he had done at the Lord Russel's Tryal; adding now one particu­lar, which more especially affected Colo­nel Sydney; ‘That the said Colonel, the Duke of Monmouth, and the Deponent were the first Movers of erecting that Council, the Duke of Monmouth under­taking to incline the Lord Russel to it, and Mr. Sydney promising for the Earl of Essex and Mr. Hambden.’

Touching the Second Article, ‘His sending Aaron Smith into Scotland to invite some Scotch-Men hither, the Lord Howard farther witness'd, 'That at their first Meeting at Mr. Hambden's, amongst other Matters, it was chiefly debated how to make a coalition of Councils between them and Scotland; That to this purpose it was propos'd some fit Per­son should be thought on to send thi­ther to unite them and the English Con­spirators into one sense and care: That this was discours'd of at the first Meet­ing.’

‘That at the next, which was at my Lord Russel's House, every one of the same Persons being present, they fell to Consult of what they had charg'd them­selves with the time before, concerning [Page 172]sending into Scotland; and also the setling a Correspondence with Argyle: That the Scotch Gentlemen Named to be sent to, were Melvin, Cockran and the Cambels: That Colonel Sydney offer'd he would take care of the Person to be sent, saying, he had one in his thoughts whom he judg'd a fit Man to he trusted, naming Aaron Smith for the Man: That as many of the Company as knew him, thought him a very proper Person for that em­ployment: That the Duke of Monmouth undertook to invite Melvin hither; and a Letter was to be sent to Cockran by Smith: That these Scotch-men were to be desired to come, and acquaint their Council here, how they found Scotland temper'd; what opportunities or ad­vantages there might be of putting that Kingdom into a Commotion; and how they might there keep time and place with the English.’

‘That shortly after this, the Deponent went to Colonel Sydney's, and found him just going into London: That the said Colonel took out of a Cabinet several Guinea's, saying, They were to be given to Aaron Smith for his Expences: That he was sent accordingly; and the Colonel told the Deponent afterwards, He was [Page 173]gone, and was upon the Road, and that he had heard from him when he was about Newcastle.’

It was next plainly prov'd, That those Scotch-men came up soon after Smith ar­rived there. This was sworn by Sir An­drew Foster, that Cockran, Monroe, and the two Cambels came to Town about the end of the Spring, or the beginning of Sum­mer; Cockran and Monroe pretending their Business was a Purchase in Carolina; and that upon the very first rumour of a Plot, Cockran absconded, Monroe and the Cambels were taken.

To this purpose Attherbury the Messen­ger also deposed, ‘That about the end of June, or the beginning of July 1683, he was sent by His Majesties Warrant into London, upon a Discovery of some Scotch-men lodging in Black-Friers; but the Common-Sergeant of the City and others having been there before him, found them making their escape in a Boa [...] That the Persons were Sir High Ca [...]l, Cockran, and another: That this was after they had been in Town but a little while.’

The next Head of the Accusation con­cern 'd the Treasonable Pamphlet sound in Colonel Sydney's Study, at the time [Page 174]of his Apprehension. To this, first Sir Philip Lloyd Clerk of His Majesties Coun­cil deposed, ‘That having been sent by the King and Council to seize Colonel Sydney's Papers, he did go, and put up what he found in his Closet: That he found those Papers now given in Evi­dence lying upon his Table where he usually writ: That he seiz'd them to­wards the later end of June: That ha­ving put them up, he offer'd Colonel Sydney that he might Seal them with his own Seal, but he refusing, the Depo­nent set his Seal to them, and so deliver'd them to the Council.’

Next it was made out, by as firm Proof as such a Matter will bear, That all the Sheets produced were of Colonel Sydney's own Hand-writing, which was evidenc'd by Mr. Shepard, Mr. Cook, and Mr. Cary, Men of known Repute and Credit, who had long dealt with Mr. Sydney in Matters of Mony, and had paid divers Bills of Exchange for him, upon Notes written in the same Hand, and were never call'd to any account for Mis-payment.

Then were the Papers read, contain­ing rank Treason almost in every Line.

For therein were broach'd and asserted many horrible Doctrines both against Mo­narchy [Page 175]in general, and the English Mo­narchy in particular: which according to the usual false Reasoning of all Republi­can Writers, he endeavour'd to justifie by divers Quotations and Examples of Sacred and Prophane History grosly per­verted, and misapplied against the pre­sent Government of his Country.

In short, the whole design of those Pa­pers was to maintain, That Tyrants may be justly deposed by the People; and that the People are the only Judges who are Ty­rants: And peculiarly concerning this Nation there are these Expressions:

‘The Power originally in the People of England is delegated to the Parliament. He, the King, is subject to the Law of God, as he is a Man; to the People that makes him a King, in as much as he is a King: The Law sets a Measure to that Subjection: The Parliament is Judge of the particular Cases thereupon arising: He must be content to submit his Interest to theirs, since he is no more than any one of them in any other respect, than that he is by consent of all rais'd above any other: If he doth not like this Condition, he may renounce the Crown: But if he receive it upon this Condition, (as all Magi­strates do the Power they receive) and [Page 176]swear to perform it, he must expect the Performance will be exacted, or Revenge taken by those he hath betray'd.’

And in another place he says, ‘We may therefore change or take away Kings without breaking any Yoak; or that is made a Yoak, which ought not to be one. The Injury is in making, and imposing, and there can be none in breaking it.’

And in another, ‘That the People must needs be the Judge of what happens be­tween them, and the King, whom they did constitute. And in another, that as for the Peoples being Judges in their own Cases, it is plain they ought to be the only Judges.’

And in another, ‘That the Power of calling and dissolving Parliaments is not in the King. And in another, 'That the general revolt of a Nation from its own Magistrates can never be call'd a Rebel­lion.’

These are some of the Treasonable Te­nets contain'd in Mr. Sydney's Papers, a­mongst many other Assertions that are equally Criminal, but too long to be here inserted. Concerning all which villa­nous Opinions this is certainly known, and confess'd by all good Men, That as [Page 177]they laid the Foundations of the late mi­serable War against his Majesties blessed Father, and thereby occasion'd the spil­ling so much Blood, even of the Royal Blood it self; so when-ever the Multi­tude shall be infected with the like Anti­monarchical Doctrines, it will be impos­sible for the best Kings, or the most hap­py Kingdoms in the World, to be free from perpetual Treasons, and Rebellious Plottings.

To all this Colonel Sidney's Answer be­ing only made up of most of the same Pleas in Law that had been over-ruled, and the same objections against the Lord Howard which were satisfactorily repell'd in the former Tryals: besides that he on­ly barely deny'd the sending of Aaron Smith, and his having any hand in, or knowledge of that Message: And as for his Treasonable Papers, he would not grant them to be his, or if they were found in his Study, he affirm'd That they might have been written many Years ago in answer to Sir R. Filmer's Book of Monar­chy; and written with no intention of pub­lishing them, but only for private diversion, and the exercise of his Pen. In short, his Defence consisting rather in Nice Cavils. at the known Forms of Law, or Dis­courses [Page 178]ridiculing the Design of a Council of Six, and the whole Conspiracy it self, than in any solid Arguments or Evidence to invalidate the Witnesses, or to clear himself from the Crimes proved upon him, he was presently found Guilty.

His Execution in respect of his Quality, His Majesty altered from the usual Pu­nishment of High Treason, into that of Severing his Head from his Body. At the time of his death on December the 7th he also deliver'd the Sheriffs a Writ­ten Paper: Wherein, after having excu­sed his not speaking what he wrote, by alledging this reason among others, That this was an Age, which makes Truth pass for Treason; he objects against the Lord Howard the Infamy of his former Life; which Objection no Man in England had less cause to make than himself, the Lord Howard and he having been known to be entire Confidents, Familiars and Friends for many Years past of their Lives, and till the very time of the Discovery.

Touching his Papers produced against him, he gives an account full of manifest Equivocations, and ambiguous Reserva­tions. He sufficiently intimates they were his own, but implies they were written long ago against a Book of Controversie in Mat­ters [Page 179]of Government. Thereupon he goes on, openly to justifie those Papers, by Po­sitions dangerous enough to the Publick Peace, but quite different from what was laid to his charge at his Tryal, and was quoted word by word out of those Pa­pers. For instead of being a general Discourse for the Peoples Rights against Kings, without any particular Applicati­ons to Time or Place, as in this his last Paper he insinuates them to have been; it is apparent to any Man that can but read, that those Sheets of his Writing, which were given in Evidence, struck at the very Root of the English Monarchy, and that therein he studied to do his part to bring the Ax very near the Kings Neck once again.

He farther, in that printed Speech, most injuriously reviles his Judges, af­firming with notorious falshood and pe­tulancy, That lest the Means of destroying the best Protestants in England should fail, the Bench was fill'd with such as had been Blemishes to the Bar.

He goes on to make divers the like fri­volous and groundless Reflections on the legal and regular Proceedings against him; concluding with a Prayer that could be dictated by none but a fierce Republican, [Page 180]and a furious Enthusiastical Spirit met together. It was in truth a Prayer more proper for their Treasonable Meetings at Mr. Hambden's or the Lord Russel's, than to be used as the last words of a Gentle­man dying in the profession of his Inno­cency.

For after having fondly declar'd, That he fell a Sacrifice to Idols, he thus addres­ses his Speech to the great God of Hea­ven: Bless thy People and save them. De­fend thy own Cause; Defend those that de­fend it. Stir up such as are faint, Direct those that are willing. Confirm those that waver. Give Wisdom and Integrity unto all. Grant that I may dye glorifying thee for all thy Mercies; and that at the last thou hast permitted me to be singled out as a Wit­ness of thy Truth; and even by the Con­fession of my Opposers, for that Old Cause in which I was from my Youth engaged, and for which thou hast often wonderfully declar'd thy self.

He makes it his last Glory, That he was engag'd in that Old Cause from his Youth; and he was so. Being yet very young he took up Rebellious Arms against his Ma­jesties Blessed Father, and merited so well of that Old Cause, that he was thought rightly qualify'd to be Named, though [Page 181]he did not actually sit, amongst the black Number of the Regicides.

Upon His Majesties most happy Re­turn, his fixt aversion to the restor'd Go­vernment was such, that he would not personally accept of the Oblivion and In­demnity then generally granted to the whole Nation. But he voluntarily ba­nish'd himself for many Years; till about the Year 1677, he came into England a­gain, and by His Majesties special Grace obtain'd a particular Pardon, upon re­peated promises of constant quiet, and Obedience for the time to come: Which how he made good, the World may Judge. In fine, he fell a memorable warning, and fatal Example to all the English No­bility and Gentry of this, and all future Ages; that they should take heed of be­ing so far infatuated with the fancie and Chimerical Felicities of Ancient or Mo­dern Commonwealths, as to despise and attempt the ruine of the far more solid Liberty and Happiness to be injoy'd un­der the English Monarchy.

On the 28th Day of November 1683, Mr. John Hambden Junior, having also su­ed out his Habeas Corpus, was arraign'd for High Misdemeanor, and brought to [Page 182]his Tryal the 6th of February follow­ing.

In this Tryal, the Lord Howard posi­tively deposed to the same sense as before touching the general Transactions of the Conspiracy till the Earl of Shaftsbury's Death; and particularly afterwards of the Meeting of the Council of Six at Mr. Hambden's own House, where Mr. Hambden made an Introductory Speech to open the Assembly: and the subject of their Debates was concerning the Time, Place, Men, Arms and Mony to be provided towards a Rising; and also that then the sending a Messenger into Scot­land was proposed, and referred to be de­bated the next Meeting.

Farther, That Mr. Hambden was pre­sent at that next Meeting at the Lord Russel's House; and amongst the rest de­liberated of sending the Messenger into Scotland; when Aaron Smith was named, and approved to be the Man.

But the substance of the Lord Howard's Evidence having been before sufficiently set down, it will be needless now to fol­low exactly every Circumstance of it. It is enough only to note, That most of the same Objections being again repeat­ed by the Defendents Council, had the [Page 183]same or like Answers return'd them by the King's.

There was indeed one new and very material thing then first particularly and unquestionably made out in this Tryal, which was the certainty of Aaron Smith's carrying the Treasonable Message into Scotland. This was now demonstrably proved by Sheriff and Bell, both Inhabi­tants of Newcastle; Sheriff being the Man at whose House Smith lay in his passage to and fro, and Bell the very Guide that went thence to conduct him into Scot­land.

Touching this Matter; First, Atther­bury one of the Kings Messengers testified, ‘That Sheriff and Bell had a full view of Aaron Smith, who was brought for that purpose from the Kings-Bench before the King: That Sheriff and Bell did then own Aaron Smith to be the Man who had pass'd under the Name of Clerk: That Sheriff declar'd the said Clerk lay at his House; and Bell said that he travell'd towards Scotland with him, being hired to shew him the way:’ That to all this Aaron Smith would not answer one word.

Then Sheriff himself deposed, ‘That he keeping the Black-Spread-Eagle in Newcastle, Aaron Smith came to his House [Page 184]about the middle of February 1683: That he staid there one Night, went a­way, and return'd again in twelve days, or thereabout: That he travell'd from his House Northward towards Scotland, but first desir'd one might be got to shew him the way: That to that purpose the Deponent sent for Bell, whom Smith presently hired to go with him: That when Smith came back, he lay another Night at his House, and so return'd into the South towards London: That Smith went all the while by the Name of Clerk: That the Deponent directed him to a Gentleman at Jadburgh, which is Forty Miles from Newcastle, and within Six Miles of Scotland.’

Then Bell swore, ‘That Aaron Smith was the very Man who went by the Name of Clerk. That the Deponent living at Newcastle, and getting his Livelihood by letting out Horses and guiding of Travellers; Sheriff sent for him, told him the said Clerk wanted a Guide into Scotland: That this happen'd on the Thursday before Shrove Tuesday: That the next Morning being Friday, he conduced Smith towards Jadburgh; that on the Saturday the Deponents Horse was tyr'd; so Smith left him taking another [Page 185]Guide; appointing him to come after as fast as he could to Jadburgh: That the Deponent overtook him there on Sun­day; and on Monday Morning saw him take Horse with another Guide for Scot­land, saying he was going towards Dou­glas: That Bell presently went back to Newcastle: where he saw Smith and discours'd with him, upon his return out of Scotland.’

Then it was also proved by Sir Andrew Foster and Attherbury, ‘That the Scotch-Men sent for by Smith's Message, did come, and staid in Town, till upon the Discovery of the Plot, they were either taken or absconded.’

By this plain Evidence of the seve­ral Stages of Smith's Journy, that Trea­sonable intercourse with Scotland was made out beyond all possibility of Con­futation. So that from the very time of the Consultations at Mr. Hambden's, and the Lord Russel's about sending a Mes­senger; the Truth of Colonel Sydney's un­dertaking to send one; of his naming Aaron Smith for the Messenger; of Smith's going to Scotland; of the Scotch-Mens coming up that were sent for; and of their being surprized, endeavouring to hide themselves, upon the first breaking [Page 186]forth of the Plot; all this appears to be indisputably confirm'd, and trac'd step by step, almost from Day to Day, espe­cially if these Newcastle Mens Depositions shall be compar'd with the Testimony that is subjoyn'd of two Scotch-Men Thomas Steil, and Oliver, con­cerning Aaron Smith's actual arrival in Scotland, and what he did whilst he was there at that time.

The issue was, Mr. Hambden was imme­diately found Guilty of the High Trespass and Misdemeanor, and thereupon fined 40000 l. to the King, and order'd to give Sureties for his Good Behaviour during Life. A Punishment that cannot but be esteem'd very moderate, considering the Nature of his Crime, which nothing but the want of another positive Witness could have made less than High Treason. And the King cannot but here take this occasi­on once for all, to give the World No­tice of this Infallible Instance of his mild and merciful Proceedings towards the Conspirators. For His Majesty does so­lemnly declare, ‘That if he had not granted the Duke of Monmouth's Request That he would not make him a Witness, neither Mr. Hambden, nor scarce any one Man of all those that were freed upon [Page 187]Bail, had escaped Death.’ Not to men­tion divers others, whom the said Duke of Monmouth named as Parties in the Conspiracy, that were never yet que­stion'd.

On the 14th of June 1684, Sir Tho­mas Armstrong having been taken in Hol­land, was brought to the Kings-Bench Bar, upon an Outlawry against him for High Treason. Whereupon the Kings Attorney demanded An Award of Execu­tion: Since upon his not appearing, when formerly Indicted of High Treason, he was now by the course of Law attainted for the same.

Armstrong being ask'd, What he could say for himself? alledg'd, He was beyond Sea at the time of the Outlawry, and beg'd he might be Try'd.

It was answer'd, That after a Record of Outlawry, the Judges had nothing to do but to appoint Execution.

Against this Armstrong urg'd, That by the Statute of the 6th of Edward the Sixth, the Person Outlaw'd had a Years time to Re­verse the Outlawry, if he were beyond Sea.

The Bench reply'd ‘That by the plain words of that Statute, none could have the benefit of it, but such as within one [Page 188]Year should yield themselves to the Chief Justice of England, and offer to Traverse the Indictment upon which the Outlawry was pronounc'd.’

To this Armstrong pleaded, That the Year not being yet out, he did now render himself to the Chief Justice.

But that Plea not being admitted, be­cause he did not yield himself according to the sense of the Act, but was brought a Prisoner, and so could have no Advan­tage of the Proviso in the Statute; Arm­strong alledg'd, ‘That the same Favour had been lately granted to another, meaning Holloway, who though he was in the same condition of Outlawry, yet was offer'd to take his Tryal if he pleas'd.’

It was answer'd, ‘That was done out of the meer Grace and Favour of the King, who if his Majesty thought good, might extend the like Favour to him al­so. But that was not the business of a Court of Justice; they were only to take care to satisfy the Law.’

Moreover, the Kings Attorney ac­quainted the Court, ‘That the Prisoner at the Bar deserv'd no fort of Indulgence or Mercy from the King; not only for that when he was seiz'd beyond Sea, [Page 189]Letters of fresh Communication with Foreign Ministers and other People were taken about him, but also because it ap­pear'd to His Majesty by full Evidence positively given, That after the Disap­pointment of the Meeting at the Rye by Gods Providence in the Fire at New-market, Armstrong was one of the Per­sons that actually engag'd to go upon the Kings hasty coming to Town, and to destroy him by the way as he came.’

Then was he order'd to be Executed June the 20th. At the place of Executi­on he likewise deliver'd the Sheriffs a Pa­per, wherein he continued to Object against the legal Course of the Proceed­ings upon him, complaining, ‘That with an unordinary roughness he had been condemn'd, and made a President, though Holloway being also Outlaw'd, had his Tryal offer'd him a little be­fore.’

As to the new Evidence against him, which the Kings Attorny mention'd at the Kings-Bench, he only answer'd it by a bold and flat denial: affirming upon his Death, He never had any Design against the Kings Life, nor the Life of any Man; both which may be easily allow'd to be equally true.

But to evince the contrary as to the Kings Life, it will be sufficient to set down the very words of the Lord How­ard's Deposition, together with the Te­stimony of Colonel Romzey, which the Kings Attorney had then ready to pro­duce, amongst many other old and clear Proofs to convince him of designing the Kings Destruction.

The Lord Howard having first confess'd some Discourse between the Duke of Monmouth and himself, in October of 1683, wherein the said Duke had proposed the failing on the King at Newmarket, goes on in these words:

‘Upon Reflection I am apt to think, that from this time and not before, the Design of way-laying the King in his re­turn to London, was first meditated. And I am the more confirm'd in this Opinion from the Consideration of the Behaviour of the Duke of Monmouth and the Lord Gray; who seem'd to be very big of ex­pectation of some great thing to be at­tempted upon the Day of the Kings co­ming from Newmarket; upon which Day (as I have before observ'd) Sir Thomas Armstrong was not to be found till the Kings Coaches were come into [Page 191]Town: And I do verily believe he was to have Headed the Party.’

This very Particular the Lord Howard gave in upon Oath among his first Con­fessions to His Majesty. Nor can any Man think it sufficient to invalidate the Truth of this, that Armstrong in his last Paper calls it a base Reflection, affirming He could have prov'd it to be a manifest falsehood; considering that Colonel Rom­zey also upon notice of Armstrong's being taken, made Oath in these very words:

‘Sir Thomas Armstrong did come to me the Sunday-night after the Fire at New-market, and told me, That he just came from Ferguson, and that notwithstand­ing the King and Duke were to return so soon, yet Ferguson did not doubt to have Men ready by that time to do the Business; and desired me to go with him to Ferguson's Lodging in his Coach, which I did. When I came there, Fergu­son told me the same, but that they want­ed Money. Upon which Sir Thomas de­sired me to Lend some, and he would see me Repaid; and added, That if he had been in Stock, he would have done it himself.’

After this, the King could not think himself in the least bound to go out of the [Page 192]way of the Law, for shewing any distin­guishing Act of Grace to Sir Thomas Armstrong; especially when it is manifest there was scarce a Man living, who had more Personal obligations to His Majesty than he had; and yet no Man had made more ungrateful returns for them, than he had done. Nor could His Majesty for­get, how many other Persons, and some very near his Majesty, Sir Thomas Arm­strong had been the Chief Instrument of perverting. Upon which account His Majesty had reason to look on him, as the Author of many more Treasons besides his own.

There is now scarce any thing mate­rial left unmention'd relating to the Proof either of the Assassination or Insurrection, but what may be readily supplied, by any intelligent Reader, out of the Original Records of Informations and Confessions, whereof by His Majesties Command, there are Copies an next to this Narrati­on for an Authentick Confirmation of its Truth. Only the King is pleas'd that a more particular account should be given than has been hitherto made Publick, of the Duke of Monmouth's rendring him­self, of the Reasons then moving His Majesty to grant him his Pardon, and of what's toriety of the Fact and all the Circum [Page 193]what happen'd immediately upon it, which occasion'd the said Dukes final Disgrace and Banishment from His Ma­jesties presence.

As to the late Earl of Essex's Murder­ing himself in the Tower some few days after his Imprisonment there, His Maje­sty cannot think it becomes Him to de­scend to any particular Justification of his own, or his Ministers Innocency in that Calamitous Accident.

Though His Majesty is not ignorant, that divers most Malicious Pamphlets have been lately spread abroad in English, and other Languages, which with an un­parallell'd Impudence have accus'd seve­ral Persons of eminent Virtue and Honour about His Majesty, not sparing even his Royal Highness; nay scarce freeing the King himself, from being Personally Con­scious of so Base and Barbarous an Action.

But after the Truth of the whole Mat­ter has been carefully examin'd and assert­ed by the Coroners Inquest, whose pro­per Business it was; and after Braddon has suffer'd the Punishment of the Law, for Suborning even Children to bear false Witness in the Case; and after the No­toriety [Page 194]of the Fact, and all the Circum­stances of it, have been so clearly made out, that there is not a Man in all Eng­land, of an honest Mind, or sound Sense, who does in the least doubt it; His Ma­jesty disdains to enter into dispute with every Petulant Scribler, or to answer the villanous Suggestions and horrid Ca­lumnies contain'd particularly in the Li­bel call'd The Detection, and in the Epi­tome of it; the one written by Ferguson, the other by Danvers; both infamous Men, and mortal Enemies to His Maje­sties Government and Person.

Yet His Majesty cannot but think it deserves Observation, That when the late Earl of Essex had so many considerable Relations and Alliances with divers the greatest Families in the Kingdom; and when neither his Lady, nor Brother, nor any one of all his Numerous Friends and Noble Kindred, who were most nearly concern'd, did ever express the least Jea­lousie of foul dealing or ill practise upon the said unfortunate Earl; and when all Mens Eyes are open'd, and scarce a Man of their own Party has any scruple in his Thoughts about that Business; yet that now at last their old Advocate of Trea­son Ferguson should come forth in Print, [Page 195]to out-face so clear a Demonstration of Truth, and should try still to turn the Envy of that unhappy Stroak on the Court, and the King, and his dearest Bro­ther. It cannot but seem a prodigious Confidence and Presumption, that Fer­guson should be their chosen Champion in this Cause! The Man, who by so ma­ny Depositions stands Outlaw'd and Con­vict of having had the greatest share in the blackest part of the Conspiracy! The Man, in accusing whom almost eve­ry Witness both Scotch and English con­sented, so that his Crimes have been proved by more than Twenty plain Evi­dences; particularly the Duke of Mon­mouth himself having confess'd to His Majesty, That in all their Debates Fergu­son was always for Cutting of Throats; saying, That was the most Compendious Way. That this very Ferguson should so far make good his own words at parting, when he vow'd, He would never be out of a Plot as long as he lived! That now in his Banishment under the load of so many undeniable Treasons, he should still ap­pear as the great Patron of the Old Cause, and should presume he can im­pose on the World in a matter of Fact so fully try'd, so clearly prov'd and deter­mined! [Page 196]mined! What can be a greater Impudence, than that Ferguson should still expect that he could make any Man living believe, the King himself, or the Duke of York could ever be induced to practice his Com­pendious Way on the Earl of Essex?

However from this one instance the King hopes the World will judge, how most Injuriously and Barbarously he has been used by his Adversaries in their other Libels against him; in most of which it is well known the same venemous Pen was employ'd.

As for the deplorable end of the said Earl, His Majesty freely owns, there was no Man in his Dominions more deeply af­flicted with it than himself: His Majesty having been thereby deprived of an ex­traordinary Opportunity to exercise his Royal Clemency; and to testifie to all his Loyal Subjects and Old Friends, how highly he valued the Memory and Suffer­ings of the Lord Capel.

Next himself, His Majesty thinks he is also bound in common Justice to declare, That his entirely beloved Brother was most tenderly concern'd and griev'd at that lamentable Effect of the Earl of Es­sex's Despair: His Majesty being best able, upon his own knowledge to vouch [Page 197]for the Duke of York, That he never de­serv'd ill of the said Earl, and was al­ways most readily inclined, for both their Fathers sakes, to have forgiven what­ever ill the Earl of Essex had done to him.

Now touching His Majesties Pardon­ing the Duke of Monmouth, and what followed upon it, the King is pleased this Account shall be given.

The World needs not be told with what extraordinary regret to His Majesty, the said Duke was of late Years pervert­ed from that sense of his Duty and Alle­giance, His Majesty might justly claim from him, upon many more Obligations besides that of being his Subject.

But it was one of the first and principal Artifices of the Earl of Shaftsbury's Ma­lice, after his own disgrace at Court, to be reveng'd on the King, by afflicting him in so tender a part, and by sly Insinu­ations, to wrest from his Bosom a Person, who he knew, had so great a share in His Majesties Affections.

This was indeed a Talent peculiar to the Earl of Shaftsbury, That of all Men living he could most easily turn himself into all shapes, and comply with all Dis­positions; [Page 198]positions; having by long practice, got the skill to cover his Hooks with Baits fit­ting every Humour. The Covetous, who are no small Number of the pretend­ed Godly Party, those he was wont to feed, and deceive with hopes of Wealth and new Sequestrations: The Ambiti­ous with Praise and Vain-Glory: The Nonconformist Zealots, with Promises of Liberty in Religion; sometimes not re­fusing to stoop lower, and even to serve and assist the Pleasures and Debauches of Men that way inclin'd, if he found them any way useful for his pur­pose.

Wherefore the said Earl observing in the Duke of Monmouth a Mind rash, un­steady and ambitious, soon made him an easie Prey to his wicked Subtilty, disguised under fair and plausible Colours: On the one side, puffing up his Youthful Thoughts with a vain Ostentation of Ho­nour, and the Temptation of Fame to be gotten by Asserting and Defending his Countries Liberties and Religion, always pretended by him to be in imminent dan­ger, whilst He was out of place: On the other, inflaming him with imaginary Suspicions of the Duke of York's irrecon­cilable Hatred to his Person. Which [Page 199]was so far from having any real Founda­tion, that on the contrary, His Majesty, who best knows, does freely here testifie for his dearest Brother in this particular, That the Duke of Monmouth, till he made himself uncapable of his Friendship, never had a more entire, or fast Friend about His Majesty; and there was scarce ever any Honour or Benefit conferr'd on him, but it was obtain'd of His Maje­sty by his Royal Highnesses Interces­sion.

However by such groundless Jealousies and empty Conceits, was the Duke of Monmouth insensibly drawn to desert his only true Interest, and to give himself over to the Delusions of His Majesties mortal Enemies.

This the King apparently perceiving, and foreseeing how in the Event it would tend to the said Dukes inevitable Ruine, His Majesty tryed by all imaginable ways of Kindness to cast forth the Evil Spirit in him, and to rescue him out of their Hands. At length, when no milder course would serve, His Majesty required him on his Allegiance, to go beyond the Seas, and there to remain till his farther pleasure was signified. His Majesty still hoping, that at so great a distance the [Page 200]Poyson would be lest effectual, and that by his absence the said Duke would be kept Innocent of the Treasonable designs which his New Associates were furiously carrying on against the Government.

But in that expectation His Majesty was unfortunately disappointed. The Duke of Monmouth presently shew'd, how much his False Friends and Treacherous Flatterers had prevailed over his unwary Youth; and how different they had taught him to be from the Obedience, which at the same time was practised by his Royal Highness. For the said Duke of Mon­mouth soon return'd into England contra­ry to His Majesties express Command.

The discontented Party having thus got him again, and made him surer to themselves by this new Affront to His Majesty, began now to take new Life and Vigor by his presence: With insufferable Boldness and Contempt of Authority, shewed him every where to the Rabble; Leading him about with insolent Pomp, through many Countries; openly own­ing and crying him up as the Head of their Cause; the unhappy Young-Man all the white not understanding that he was only a Property.

By these fatal steps he was was at last [Page 161]brought into the most pernicious Coun­sels and Undertakings. And whilst no­thing less was intended by his Tempters but the subversion of all that is well-settled and sacred in Church and State; they deluded him into the very same De­signs, by popular Shews and empty Names of the Protestant Duke, the great Champion and Protector of the Privi­leges of the Subject and the Reformed Religon: Which under His Majesty, can never want any other Protector; nor can ever stand in need of such Champions as many of late have vaunted themselves to be, of whole Religion there can be gi­ven no better Account than of their Loy­alty.

Such then was the state of things, when upon the first breaking forth of this Horrid Conspiracy, His Majesty with in­expressible Surprize and Grief, Found by undoubted Evidence the Duke of Mon­mouth very deeply engaged; and there­fore had but too just reason to put him into a Proclamation among the other Conspirators: After that the said Duke had withdrawn himself from His Maje­sties Justice, and so long was become in­capable of his Forgiveness.

In this obstinate defiance the Duke of [Page 62] Monmouth continued, till the Outlawry against him, and other his Complices began to draw to an Issue. Then His Majesty receiv'd from him the first Let­ter: In which His Majesty fancy'd he saw a greater Spirit of Ingenuity than after­wards proved. However finding in it so clear and full expressions of the said Dukes remorse for his former Disloyalty to His Majesty and Ingratitude to the Duke of York, and so frank Professions of his Resolutions to amend for the future, joyn'd with the greatest Imprecations on himself; if he should wilfully violate his Promises therein made: His Majesty did thereupon immediately return this An­swer written with his own Hand, (that His Majesty might not be wanting on his part to lay hold on any good and proba­ble Opportunity of reducing him to Rea­son, and saving him from utter Ruine:) If the Duke of Monmouth desires to make himself capable of my Mercy, he must render himself to the Secretary, and resolve to tell me all he knows, resigning himself entirely to my Pleasure.

This determinate Declaration of His Majesties Will, drew from the Duke of Monmouth a second Letter; wherein with vehement and pathetick Words he aggra­vates [Page 163]his Distraction and Torment for having offended His Majesty. Confesses Himself in fault, betray'd into fatal Mi­stakes, misled into Mischiefs, whereof he did not at first, in the least, suspect the Con­sequences: declares, That his Crime ap­pear'd to him in so terrifying a shape, that he preferr'd even Death before his present sense of it: implores His Majesties Par­don no otherwise, but if he may receive it by his Royal Highnesses Mediation: professes To speak this not only in outward Form, but with the greatest Sincerity in the World: resigns Himself to His Majesties Disposal, not only now, but for the remainder of his Life: engages Absolutely to put his very Will into His Majesties Hands for the fu­ture, which he acknowledges had been so ill a Guide to him in times past: concluding, That till he could receive some comfortable Return to this his unfeigned Submission, he was the most miserable, disconsolate Crea­ture living.

Upon the Receipt of this second Letter, the King being perswaded there could be no room left to question the Sincerity of a real Change in the Duke of Monmouth, and knowing he had now enough in his Hands to overwhelm him with Confusi­on, if it should prove otherwise, His Ma­jesty [Page 164]did thereupon without any more re­serve, immediately admit him into his Presence, being introduced by Mr. Secre­tary Jenkins.

When the Secretary was withdrawn, there being none else present but his Royal Highness, His Majesty can have no other Testimony besides of what past between them but God, who knows all things; And to the same God His Maje­sty appeals, as well as to his dearest Bro­ther: Nothing doubting but if the Duke of Monmouth shall ever return to any sense of his Duty to God and his King, he himself will be a third Witness of the Truth of what His Majesty now declares; That the Duke of Monmouth, with Signs of the most humble Contrition and sincere Sor­row for his past Miscarriages, did then fully and freely acknowledge his having been Con­scious of the Conspiracy; and gave His Ma­jesty much greater Light into many Parti­culars of it than he could possibly else have obtain'd.

'Tis true, His Majesty does not deny the said Duke persisted to the last in re­nouncing any the least knowledge or thought of the Assassinating part. Nor did His Majesty much press him on that side; his Royal Indulgence easily inclining [Page 165]him to wish and to believe, That One who had the Honour to be taken so near to him, could not be guilty of so vile a Parricide.

But of the other part, the Trayterous Design to seize on His Majesties Person, and subvert the present Government by an Insurrection; of that His Majesty must own and profess on the Word of a King, The Duke of Monmouth made no scruple to confess his share; and so largely to set it forth, that there was little of the Conspiracy before known, which the said Duke did not confirm; and many Passages of it were before unknown, which he reveal'd.

After this His Majesty made no delay to give him many certain Proofs of his entire Forgiveness of all past Offences, and of his renew'd Affections and Royal Bounty to him for the future; presently cherishing him near his own Person with his wonted Tenderness; declaring in Council the perfect Contentment he had receiv'd by his Submission, and ordering his Pardon to be dispatch'd with all expe­dition; promising him withal at his earn­est Intreaty, That he should not be a Wit­ness; a Favour refused to the late Duke of Orleans in France upon the like occasion.

Yet no sooner was the Pardon com­pleated in due Form of Law, but His Majesty and the whole Court was afresh Alarm'd with the continual resort to him of divers Persons, whom His Majesty knew to be engag'd, and had Proof suf­ficient to Convict them in course of Law, if he would have produced it all.

To this at the same time were added many arrogant and impudent Speeches of his late Complices and Dependants, say­ing, That the said Duke had wade no Confession, but had asserted the Innocency of some that had suffer'd. Which manifestly tended to vilifie the Truth of the whole Discovery, and to bring a Scandal on all the Proceedings of His Majesties Ju­stice.

Wherefore at last His Majesty was a­waken'd, and thought fit to put him gently in mind by what was so lately past, of his danger of relapsing into the same Pre­cipice, out of which nothing but his Royal Goodness had recover'd him. And for the better Security of the said Duke himself, as well as of the Kingdom for the time to come, His Majesty instantly demanded of him to give some such Sa­tisfaction to the whole Nation in pub­lick, as he had but just before given [Page 167]His Majesty and his Royal Highness in private.

The Duke of Monmouth seeming willing to comply with His Majesties molt Graci­ous Desires, all that His Majesty obliged him to do, was to Write over, and Sub­scribe a Letter, which His Majesty him­self was pleas'd so to word, as not only to consult the Duke of Monmouth's Safety, but also his Credit, as much as could possibly stand with his Majesties own Safety or Credit. For His Majesty per­mitted him in that Letter wholly to ac­quit himself of the Bloody Assassination, and only required him to own again his part in the Insurrection. And His Ma­jesty leaves it to all the World to Judge, whether in this Letter, of His Majesties own prescribing, he did not express the Duke of Monmouth's Guilt far more ten­derly, than the said Duke himself had done in his own Letters to His Majesty, before his Pardon was Sealed.

This Letter the Duke of Monmouth readily Subscribed, and Presented to His Majesty. But his former ill Adherents and Corrupters still flocking about him in great Numbers, and Animating him to continue Faithful to his Old Friends of the Party; assuring him, he could not fail in [Page 168]little time to overbear all that should stand in his way, by the Power of his recover'd and increas'd Favour; by these and such like Mischievous Instigations, they soon got so much the better of his unstable Mind, as to overthrow all his new-made Vows of Loyalty.

Insomuch that presently after he came rashly to the King, and earnestly intreated the foresaid Letter might be return'd him again; having been instructed to pretend a Fear, that some opportunity might be ta­ken from it by his Enemies to blast his Re­putation, and perhaps to bring him in to give Evidence against others his Companions in the Conspiracy.

His Majesty had often before said and promised enough to him to free the Mind of any reasonable Man from such Jealou­sies. But when all Protestations of that kind, on His Majesties Part, could have no effect; and the said Duke still vehe­mently insisted, That the Paper he had sign'd might be delivered him back, His Majesty once for all told him, he would never keep it against his will, that he might not have the least occasion to say he was forced to write what he did: But withal seriously warn'd him to consider what irreparable ill consequences on his [Page 169]part, were likely to follow upon his ob­stinacy: and therefore gave him time till the next Morning to deliberate calm­ly with himself, what was to be his final Resolution.

The next day the Duke of Monmouth appearing still more fixt in his perverse Demand, His Majesty freely put the Let­ter again into his Hands; but withal from that moment banish'd him His Presence and the Court.

Nor can His Majesty reflect on the said Duke's undutiful Behaviour in the issue of this whole Affair, without an extream Indignation, to find, that after so sub­missive and ample a Confession of his Crime, both by Writing and Speech, he should not only give no other sign of his Repentance, but that the very first use he should make of his Majesties Graci­ous Pardon for it, was to take by it the advantage of entring more securely on a pew course of Disobedience.

The King has thus condescended to set-forth an Impartial Relation of the Begin­ning, Proceeding, and Defeat of that whole detestable Conspiracy. His Ma­jesty has so long delay'd the Publication of it, chiefly in Consideration of many of the Criminals themselves, how ill so­ever [Page 170]ever they may have deserv'd of him. For the Law allowing them the space of a whole Year, after the Outlawry, to ren­der themselves before they were to be look'd on as Men absolutely condemn'd, His Majesty was willing to stay till the full time was expired; still hoping, that some of them would come voluntarily in, and stand a Legal Tryal, and, if possible, prove themselves Innocent.

But since not one of the Persons Out­law'd has all this while ventured him­self on the Laws of his Country, His Majesty has now thought it not fit any longer to suppress the Evidence against them. And what is here publish'd, though it be not near the whole of the Informa­tions given in upon Oath, yet will be found abundantly sufficient to Convict every Man of them, either of the intend­ed Insurrection or Assassination; Both which His Majesty knows are made out with as much clearness of Testimony, and strength of indubitable Records, as any Humane Affair is capable of.

What now remains? But that His Ma­jesty should engage himself before God and the whole World, to make a right use of so great a Blessing as his Delive­rance from these desperate Treasons; and [Page 171]should with the Authority of a King, and with the tender Affection of a true Father of his Country, require and admonish all his Subjects of all Parties and Opini­ons, to do the like.

For himself, his Majesty cannot but be deeply sensible he has been now once more preserv'd by the immediate Hand of God; and therefore looks on himself as afresh obliged to manifest his Gratitude to Heaven, by promoting the Glory of his Preserver, in continuing to consult above all things the Welfare of his Church, and the Peace and Happiness of this great People committed to his Charge.

And His Majesty declares he will im­prove this new Advantage the Divine Favour has so marvellously put into his Hands, not in Acts of Severity and Re­venge, which his Nature utterly abhors; but by imitating the Divine Goodness, as in a regular Course of strict Justice to all obdurate Impenitents, so, which he much rather desires, in his usual method of Mercy and Kindness to as many as shall give sincere Proofs of Penitence, and Reformation of their past Crimes; Vir­tues which His Majesty has too much Rea­son to believe his and his Fathers Enemies have hitherto been very little acquainted with.

As for those His Majesties misguided Subjects, who after all this persevere to be disaffected to His Government, His Majesty has reason to expect that now at length they would be convinc'd by that very Providence which used to be their own principal and best-beloved Argu­ment, whenever it seem'd to be never so little on their side; and that henceforth they would quietly submit to, and fol­low the same Providence; since it has so signally appear'd against them, and much more wonderfully declar'd it self for, than ever Mr. Sydney had reason to say, it had declar'd against His Majesty.

If there can possibly still remain any well meaning Men in their Party, led away by the specious Delusions of good Words abused to the worst things; if any such have really thought their Lives and Fortunes, Laws and Consciences at any time in Danger, under His Majesties Government; let them but Remember and consider sadly what was the Issue of the very same Jealousies, Murmurs and Tumults against His Royal Father of Blessed Memory; whether the first and most eminent Instruments of subverting, for a time, this Renown'd, and ancient Monarchy, were not themselves beguil'd [Page 173]by the same methods into the meanest Slavery, both Spiritual and Temporal: Out of which they were compell'd at last to confess, they could be no other wise re­deem'd, but by returning again into the very same constitution of things, they had so unwisely overthrown?

Or if the Experience of time past, so dearly bought, can prevail nothing on them, let them but seriously reflect on their present Condition. Instead of hard­ening to what wicked and designing Men, under the most deceitful Colours suggest to them for Sinister Ends, let them guide their Opinions by their own plain and sensible Observation. Let them but fairly and indifferently compare the present State of all Nations round about them with their own: And then let them refuse, if they can, to bless God and the King, for their inexpressible advantages above all others.

Whilst dl His Majesties Subjects find they may if they will securely injoy Peace, Plenty, Liberty, and the best Religion; why should any Torment themselves, or disquiet others with wild imaginations and Fears of future Evils? Which no­thing can be so ready a way to bring up­on them as their own Fears.

Henceforth therefore let no vain pre­tence of Liberty and Property once more push them on to the same desperate De­signs, wherein when they had formerly success (which they cannot always pro­mise themselves) yet even then it turn'd within a few Years to the Ruine of their own Pretences.

Let no mistaken Zeal of Conscience seduce them again to Disobedience, since the only Obligations of a True Christian Conscience lead all to Obedience, none to Rebellion.

Let them no longer be infatuated by the false Shews and Insinuations of Po­pularity: Rather let them learn once for all, who is the only true Patriot, what is truly Popular, what not.

Let them know, That whoever com­plies with the common Peoples sudden Humors and changeable Passions, against their solid Interest; Whoever labours to make the whole Government obnoxious to any single Sect or Party; Whoever strives to divide the Country or City from the Court; Whoever endeavours to enlarge disputable Priviledges, to the hazard of known Prerogatives; In fine, Whoever would pervert Liberty into Li­centiousness, that Man can never be a [Page 175]True Patriot; all that is false Popularity: It is indeed equally as Destructive to the People as to the Prince.

Those Counsels only are and ought to be esteem'd really Popular, which pro­ceed on sure and legal Foundations, to confirm the Monarchy where it is strong, to strengthen and support those parts of it, which by length of time may have been somewhat weaken'd and decay'd. those Persons only are the True Patriots, and design their Countries Good the best and only sure way, who make it their Business to keep the King in a condition to protect his People. There is no true, commendable English Popularity, but true English Loyalty.

Thus much His Majesty vouchsafes to advise all His Enemies, and discontent­ed Subjects; though even to them he has done all the Good in this World to ob­lige them not to be so.

There is one sort of these, whom the King acknowledges he once thought he should never have had just Reason to rank among his Enemies. Those Persons His Majesty means, who after having well approved their Loyalty to His Glorious Father in the last Age of Rebellion, have yet since been either wholly perverted, [Page 176]or have very much stagger'd in their due Obedience and Love to himself.

For them His Majesty declares he would fain still retain His wonted Kind­ness. And if either private Envy, or a too Presumptuous Value of their old Me­rits, shall have made them entirely to for­get the many vast Benefits and Favours that He, or his Father have so liberally conferr'd on them; or if the late ground­less Rumors of Popery, Slavery, and Ar­bitrary Power shall have so far prevail'd, as to sour and corrupt Them also; yet they might remember, that their Gene­rous Loyalty did once before remain un­tainted, and bravely stood the Shock a­midst the very same Rumors and Slanders, as popularly, but as falsly urg'd then a­gainst the Government, as they have been of late. So that either then they were in the wrong, or are now; and cannot possibly have been both times on the right side.

Wherefore His Majesty conjures them to look back on the Actions of their for­mer Lives; and to make the Honour got­ten by them in their Youth for their Cou­rage and Fidelity to the Crown, first a reproof, then an example to their Old Age. Once for all, let them seriously [Page 217]observe that they are come at last to be unfortunately deluded, not only by many the very same ill Principles, but also by many the very same ill Par­ties of Men, which they once esteem­ed it their Glory and Conscience to fight against.

But as for all who still continue the Kings Faithful Friends and Dutiful Sub­jects, His Majesty most willingly takes this occasion to speak to them in another Style. His Majesty cannot but testifie to all the World the delightful sense he re­tains of their unmoveable Steddiness and renew'd Fidelity to him, in these late times of extreme difficulty and distracti­on. He cannot suppress within his own Royal Breast his Joy, to find the same un­shaken Principles and Practices of Loyal­ty to his Blessed Father, still surviving and flourishng in them, and inherited by him­self with increase.

And after the unvaluable Mercy of God to him and his Subjects in his most happy Restoration, His Majesty cannot but esteem This to have been equall'd by none but That; that, in so dangerous a Jun­cture of Publick Affairs, he has met with so many unfeign'd Testimonies of Love to his Person and Zeal for his Govern­ment, [Page 218]from all Degrees of Men in the Na­tion.

And if some have swerv'd from their Duty, yet His Majesties Indignation and Resentments against them are over­whelm'd by the comfortable remem­brance of the far greater and better Number of those who stood by him in the severest Trials.

So His Majesty has just reason to ac­knowledge, the main Body of the Nobi­lity and Gentry has done: So has the whole sound and honest Part of the Commonalty: So the great Fountains of Knowledge and Civility, the Two Uni­versities: So the wisest, and most Learned in the Laws: So the whole Clergy, and all the Genuine Sons of the Church of England: A Church whose Glory it is, to have been never tainted with the least Blemish of Disloyalty.

His Majesty cannot here forbear to let the World know, what entire Satis­faction he has taken in one special Testi­mony of his Subjects Affections; whence through Gods Gracious Providence the Monarchy has gain'd a most considerable Advantage, by means of this very Con­spiracy; And it is, that so great a Number of the Cities and Corporations of this [Page 219]Kingdom, have since so freely resign'd their Local Immunities and Charters into His Majesties Hands; lest the abuse of any of them should again hereafter prove hazardous to the just Prerogatives of the Crown.

This His Majesty declares he esteems as the peculiar Honour of his Reign; being such, as none of the most popular of all his late Royal Predecessors could have pro­mis'd to themselves, or hoped for. Where­fore His Majesty thinks himself more than ordinarily oblig'd to continue, as he has hitherto begun, to shew the greatest Mo­duration and Benignity, in the Exercise of so great a Trust: Resolving upon this occasion, to convince the highest pre­tenders to the Commonweal; that as the Crown was the first Original, so it is still the surest Guardian of all the Peoples Lawful Rights, and Priviledges.

In Conclusion His Majesty makes this solemn Declaration to all his Loving Sub­jects: That as by former and late Expe­rience, he has found, next under God, the firmness of his Friends to him has saved his Authority and Life; So he is resolved to secure both, by his Constancy to his Friends. Such as was the Old Loyal Party, and as many as have been bred up,