REMARKS UPON THE D— of S—'s LETTER TO THE House of LORDS, Concerning Capt. SMYTH.

Being a Vindication of his SERVICES from the Imputations therein laid upon them.

With the D—'s Letter at large.

To which is added, A LIST of those Persons to whom War­rants were granted to stay in England, pur­suant to a late Act of Parliament.

By MATTHEW SMYTH of the Inner-Temple Esq;

Ʋtcun (que) ferant ea facta minores, Vicit amor Patriae. —Virg.

LONDON; Printed, and sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster; of whom may be had the Author's Memoirs of Secret Service. 1700.

TO THE KING's most Excellent Majesty; And to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, AND Commons of England In Parliament assembled: The following Sheets are humbly offer'd By MATTHEW SMYTH Esq;

PREFACE.

NOthing can be more provoking to a Man of any Spirit, than Contempt. This I suppose my Adversaries are not ignorant of, and therefore will not be much surpriz'd to find the Scorn they have treated me with, rejected upon 'em. They're mistaken if they think Quality an ex­cuse for Insolence, or expect that any Title shou'd be a sufficient Plea in defence of Inju­ries. They have represented me as a Fool or a Madman; one of which I confess they have a just ground for, otherwise I had not trusted them so long, till I was publickly affronted by those that ought to have made me another sort of return. I patiently bore all sorts of In­juries; I saw my self slighted, and misrepre­sented, and my Services not only stifled, but (as far as lay in some mens power) turn'd to my own destruction: For by some body's Or­der (whose it's no hard matter to guess) while the Business of the Plot was warm, I was taken up by a Messenger at midnight [Page vi]in my Lodgings, and my Papers seiz'd. But Providence (for I can think it no less) put it into my head, to shew the Messenger proofs of my Correspondence with the Secretary's Office; which convinc'd the Fellow that he was under a mistake, there being another Gentleman of the same Name hard by; to whose house he immediately went and broke it open, and took the Gentleman (who might well be surpriz'd at such a Visit) into Custody. This gave me time to secure those Original Letters, for which the Messenger came as well as for me. The next Morn­ing the Gentleman was set at liberty, and the Error of the Messenger corrected, and I again taken up. After which I was severe­ly examin'd as a new sound-out Traitor, and confronted by one that they knew to be so. But when they miss'd the Prey (the Letters) they shuffled us both away, scarce offering a Reason why they brought us thi­ther.

I am very sorry for the trouble the Gentle­man had on my account, but I am sure he will excuse my not thinking it worth while to be hang'd to save him that trouble: For had my Papers been seiz'd, and out of my own power, it is not to be doubted but they had Evidence enough; and truly I am convinc'd by what they shew'd me, that they had 'em in a readiness to prove my Correspondence with [Page]Traitors, and might have supprest the Evi­dence of my Discovery, and the Commission I acted by, as they did the Discovery it self, and by that means have taken from me the Instruments of my Defence.

The next Provocation was, the suppressing Sir William Parkyns's Petition, which after the ineffectual application of the Honourable House of Commons, I had the fortune to prevail with him to make. Upon this Compliance I apply'd my self to the Duke of Norfolk (whose noble Temper makes him ready to serve any Person in distress) and acquainted him with it: He prepared his Majesty to re­ceive it at the Council Board; it was expected, and the Duke sent to enquire for the Lady Parkyns, who was to have presented the Pe­tition. But a certain Person came to her, and sent the Lady away full of Sorrow and De­spair, assuring her that the Petition wou'd not be receiv'd. The next Morning Sir William was executed, to the great disappointment of the Nation, as well as of his Family, who ex­pected other things from his Compliance.

My forbearance upon these Provocations, has been interpreted Fear or Stupidity; and my unreasonable Enemies imagin'd that they might trample upon me with security, other­wise they wou'd never have ventur'd to use me as they have done, both in the fol­lowing Letter, and otherwise. They have [Page viii]publickly given out that I am a Mad-man. I suppose they did it upon presumption, that their own usage of me must needs make me so; but they are mistaken in my Constitution, 'tis too stubborn to be so easily bent, and too strong for them to break, how powerful so­ever they may fancy themselves. It was hard to raise me to this pitch of Resentment; and repeated Injuries, and Indignities were ne­cessary to make me appear thus publickly in my own Defence. But perhaps they may have no occasion to triumph upon the Success of their Policy, especially if they provoke me to any unwilling prosecution of what I had rather should have lain dormant. They may think me mad for daring to be angry with them; but they are too insolent, upon a vain presumption of their own Power, if they think I am to be aw'd by their Frowns, or crush'd by any shadow of Greatness. They may fright Booksellers and Printers, by threat­ning to ruin 'em, as they did in the case of my Memoirs last Winter; but they must stop my Breath, if they would stop my Mouth, since they have taken such violent Measures to open it. But after all, as mad as they would have me to be thought, I believe they will scarce be so mad as to go about to prove me so; lest it should call the soundness of their own Brains in question, that could not in a Year and a half's correspondence find out the Flaw in mine.

I am told by some People, that having made my Discoveries to Persons that stifled 'em, I can pretend to no Merit upon that score, since the King had not the benefit of 'em. To this I can only answer, That I made my Ap­plication to the proper Minister; and when I found some things not so much taken notice of as I thought the Importance of the Case requir'd, I apply'd to my Lord Portland, but was by him refer'd back to the same Person again as the proper Minister, which I suppose is a sufficient justification of my Conduct.

Yet there are properer Judges of this mat­ter than either they or I, to whose Decision I am oblig'd to submit the Consideration of it, without further canvassing.

Men are undoubtedly bound in Duty to contribute all that lies in their power to the Publick Security. But the only natural Rea­son that I can find for it, is, because as Mem­bers of the Publick, they have their principal Security and Protection from it. But that Consideration alone does not carry men very far; Self-preservation is a principle of more Caution than Action, and renders men more careful to give no Offence, than to do any Service. It is Hope only that animates 'em for action, and makes 'em forward in its Ser­vice. They expect that what they do for the Publick, should redound in some proportion to their own particular Benefit, and that them­selves [Page]should be consider'd as Instruments, for the Advantages that may accrue to the Pub­lick, and the fatigue or hazard they expose themselves to. This is so universally true, that I doubt some who pretend to have done the Nation great Service, wou'd abate of their zeal, if they did not find it as necessary and advantageous to their own private For­tune. I say not this invidiously to lessen the Services of any man, or to reproach him for the just Advantages he may make of 'em, but to obviate the Objections of some of my unreasonable Adversaries, who pretend my Services lose their Merit, when I appear to expect any Reward. It's true, some of 'em have been very bountiful in their Promises; but by late experience I find that he that can't live upon Air, may starve upon such Promises. But this is not all the injury I receive from 'em, for they endeavour to rob me of the benefit of his Majesty's Royal Word, by which I am intitled to his peculiar Protection and Assistance, a Title upon which no man before my self ever sued in vain. If I must be the first unhappy Precedent, I hope I shall be the last of this nature. The Conse­quences of Examples of this kind are so dange­rous, that 'tis my wish, the spreading of 'em may be prevented. For if Services of the highest Importance, and of the greatest Hazard, shall be rewarded with Contempt, and those [Page xi]that do 'em expos'd, such a prospect will cool mens Zeal, and make 'em rather wish Designs that may come to their knowledg were prevented, than venture to make the Discovery, and meet with so discouraging a return.

What is now my Case, may be any man's: It may be his Fortune to know Secrets which he ought not to conceal, and which he will be loth to discover, if he expects the same usage that I have met with for it. But I hope those to whose care the Nation has committed it self, will take away the scandal of such an Example, and in spite of all the cunning and malice of my Enemies, remove those Obsta­cles that in a manner so unprecedented, and so pernicious in its Consequences, obstruct the course of his Majesty's most Gracious Fa­vour towards me, and in so notorious a man­ner trample upon the Honour of his Maje­sty's Word, which He himself and all the rest of the Nation esteem so sacred.

A Copy of the D— of S—'s Letter to the House of LORDS, concerning Capt. Smyth's Papers, &c.

My Lord,

HAving receiv'd the Commands of the House of Lords to lay before their Lordships what Letters I receiv'd from one Smyth in Fe­bruary last; or in case I had kept none, then to acquaint the House with what I can remember was contained in them: I am very sorry not to be able so fully to comply with their Lordships Directions as I wish I could; for having heard long since, that this man did pretend to great Merit for his Discoveries, and had on several occasions, in a very unhandsom manner; complained of me, I did then endeavour to collect what Let­ters he had sent me, that I might judg how his Intelligence appear'd when put together; for as it came to me, I could make little of it. But I found I could retrieve so few, and those generally of an old Date, (when I had more value for his Intelligence than I had afterwards) that I am al­most certain I have none of those Letters left which their Lordships desire to see. I shall therefore apply my self to give them the best ac­count [Page xiv]I can of what he did inform, that is most material at this time; which I am the better able to collect, because several things he then menti­on'd fell out so true, that I was surpriz'd how he could know them and not more, till I understood he had his Intelligence from one Hewet a Youth that lived with Major Holmes's Brother (I think) and was about that time often employ'd to wait on Sir George Barclay; by which means he had opportunity to guess or overhear particulars, which otherwise I suppose he might not be trusted with. I remember in Winter, Smyth writ very positively of an Invasion intended from France, which was to break out at the arrival of the Tou­lon Fleet; and that many Gentlemen of Quality, and Officers were sent from St. Germains on that Design. He named Mr. Henry Brown, my Lord Mountague's Brother, at one time; at an­other Sir George Barclay, Holmes, Counter, and others. Then he gave hints of some great Design, which he should soon discover the bottom of; and afterwards grew more particular, that it was to seize the King's Person, and named Bar­clay, Charnock, Holmes, and others, as im­ploy'd in the Villany; and that at the same hour this was to be executed, a general Rising was to be in all the Counties of England. He was different in his Accounts about the manner of seiz­ing the King: Sometimes Mr. Latin's Lodg near Richmond was to be attack'd, and the Walls sca­led by Foot, whilst he was there. Sometimes an [Page xv]attempt of the like nature was to be made on Ken­sington-House; and at other times the King was to be set upon going to, or coming from Hunting. Near to the day the Assassination was intended, he was very earnest for Mony to buy a Horse and Equipage, upon which I desired Mr. V—n to talk with him, if he knew of his own knowledg any Person engaged in such a Design: for being never able to bring any thing in confirmation of what he asserted, from whom he had it, or at what time it was to be executed, I supposed there was no truth in the Story; or if there were, I might possibly have set him out to be engag'd in it. He gave Mr. V—n no satisfaction upon discoursing with him, but proceeded in his Promises to him, that nothing could be attempted, but he would give him or me an account of it. When the whole was brought to light, and it appear'd he was not enough in the Secret to have prevented it; I intended notwithstanding to have done something for him, and at his own desire conceal'd his Name, to give him an opportunity, as he pretended, to ap­prehend Chambers. In the mean time I had an account that in very publick Places he began to threaten he would complain of me to the Parlia­ment, whereupon I neither thought it safe nor decent to have any more to do with him.

What I received relating to the Attempt on his Majesty's Person, or the Invasion, I always gave the King an account of it, whilst I was able to wait on him; but being much indisposed, I had [Page xvi]his Majesty's leave to go into the Country for a few days, where I remained till I was commanded back upon the happy Discovery of that horrid De­sign.

This, my Lord, is all I can collect on the Sub­ject their Lordships are pleased to command; I beg the favour it may be communicated to the House, and am,

My Lord,
Your Lordship's most, &c. Sh—y.

REMARKS upon the foregoing LETTER.

BEFORE I enter upon the particular dissec­tion of this Letter, it may not be imperti­nent to take a gross view of the body to­gether, by which we shall be the better en­abled to judg of the symmetry of the whole, ere we take it to pieces for a nearer Inspection. The whole drift of this Letter, is to stifle, or depreciate a Discovery, the Evidence of which his Gr—of S. was either not willing, or not able to produce. It is a kind of a Mystery, that his Gr— should use so much Artifice against one he so much despis'd. Fear and Contempt never lodg in one breast together, and therefore it is strange he should fear the oppo­sition of a Man, whose Service he so much slighted. He that treads softly upon a Worm, gives more suspicion of the tenderness of his Feet than his Heart, and shews a stronger Argument of regard to himself, than of the poor Creature that he tramples upon. In this Letter his Gr— has revers'd the Me­thods of all other Politicians. For would he have inspired others with as great a Contempt for my Services, as he himself pretends to have, he should have proved 'em inconsiderable, not call'd 'em so, which had they been, nothing could have so effectu­ally demonstrated as the Letters themselves. We live in a jealous Age, that takes little upon trust, and is very apt to suspect the veracity of that Man that refuses to produce such Evidence as he has. But it seems his Gr— was not able to retrieve those Letters he received from me, or perhaps he thought it an [Page 2]easier matter to silence me than them. The Letters could neither be brib'd nor aw'd, and therefore the House of Lords was no place for such bold E­vidences, whose Ears are always open to Truth, however opprest. It was hard to procure any one to confront them, it was impossible to make 'em re­tract, and therefore it was the safest way to keep them from coming there. It was surely a strange piece of Conduct in his Gr— to lose those Letters, and directly repugnant to that cautious Charac­ter which he assects towards the end of his Letter. But some Mens oversights are of greater service to 'em, than their circumspection. Of how little im­portance soever he might think the Contents, it had been but Prudence to have preserv'd those Letters, especially since he owns he had heard I complained of him. A man that expected to be accused, even so far as to doubt his safety, would surely not part so negligently with the undeniable proofs of his Inno­cence. Had I harbour'd any such malicious Design, I could not have wish'd for a fairer occasion of charging what I pleased upon him, than when his own Negligence had cut off all means of making his Defence. But if they were not such Trifles, then they ought by no means to have been so carelesly disposed of: for any thing the D— knows, those very Letters might come into the hands of the King's Enemies, and make that which was intended for his Information, a warning to them, and a caution to act more closely for the future. But if the D— had so light an opinion of 'em, it must be either because he thought the Discoveries therein contained were of no Importance, if true; or because I had not Credit with him to inforce a belief. Now the sub­ject of them was a Plot to further the intended In­vasion of the Nation, and to assassinate the Person of the King. I presume he will not pretend that these [Page 3]were matters not worth his notice, if he believed my Informations to be true: It must therefore be that he had not Considence enough in me to regard what I said. Yet in this very Letter his Gr— is pleased to confess that I did very early inform him of the Preparations that were making in France to invade England, and that he had then more value for my Intelligence. It may be observ'd, that while what I said was doubtful, it pass'd for Au­thentick; but Time, which fully confirm'd the truth of it, destroy'd the Credit. For when I gave him Information of the Toulon Fleet, while it was mat­ter of secret Intelligence only, I was believ'd, tho the certainty of my Discoveries was not yet brought to light. But when the truth of 'em was fully proved, which with a reasonable Man that had doubted me before, should have given me sufficient Credit; that which I before had, was blasted on the sudden, without any apparent reason, unless it were that my Discoveries were true. For when I came with a second of greater importance than the former, concerning no less than the Life of the King, it seems it was not regarded, notwithstand­ing the confirmation of the Descent; which was a matter concerning which my Intelligence was more remote, and consequently more dubious. But there are some unhappy Constitutions with whom every thing works the wrong way.

Had my Informations been false, perplext, or trifling, his Gr— had had some reason to have re­jected what I should offer for the future: But he is pleased to own that the Accounts which I gave him, were surprizingly true; and he does me the further honour to say, that in Winter I writ very positively of an Invasion from France; which I mention because it shews my Accounts were neither wavering nor per­plext. And I leave it to the judgment of the Read­er, [Page 4]whether an Invasion from so powerful an Enemy as France, was a thing to be slighted; and conse­quently whether an early notice (early enough it seems to surprize a Minister of State) was a trifle, or the Person that could give it, to be treated with neglect.

But his Gr—alledges three things in justification of the singularity of his Conduct in this Case. The first is,

That I had my Informations from one Hewet, a Youth that liv'd with Major Holmes's Brother.
The next, That I was different in my Accounts con­cerning the manner of seizing the King.
The third, That upon the whole it appear'd I was not enough in the Secret to prevent it.

To these three things it may be necessary to make some answer, tho I think nothing can be a more sufficient Refutation, than to compare the several particulars of the Letter together.

His Gr—insinuates that he had slighted my In­formations upon the score of the Person from whom only (as he would intimate) I receiv'd my Intelli­gence, viz. one Hewet a youth that lived with Ma­jor Holmes's Brother. By which he seems desirous to have more understood than he directly expresses, viz. That my Intelligencer was no better than a foot-Boy: and therefore the Informations from such a Person were not to be regarded. But had it been as his Gr— would have the World to believe, had my Intelligencer been a Boy, and a Servant; if this Boy was intrusted with secrets of such Mo­ment, he was for that the more proper Person to correspond with. For his Age would have ren­der'd him the less cautious of imparting his Secrets, than an older man probably would have been: and the meanness of his Condition would have exposed him more to the temptation of Mony; which his [Page 5]Gr— knows I was never sparing of, so far as I was supply'd, and even farther to my own detriment. But I always thought that in Discoveries of this nature, the Importance of the matter had been to be weigh'd more than the Quality of the Discover­er. And it is plain if the D— had been of my mind, Mr. Pendergrass had never been thought the first that did his Country that Service; and the sur­prizing truths (as his Gr— is pleased to stile 'em) which I had before open'd to him, ought to have supported the Credit of any thing that had come the same way. But neither was my Intelligencer so low in Age or Circumstances, as in that Letter is insinuated; for he was not a Servant to Major Holmes's Brother, but Nephew to Major Holmes himself, one of the principal Assassins: Nor was he so very young as not to be at years of Discretion, according to our Laws; and of an Age which all the World allows to be the sittest, if not to ad­vise, at least to execute the boldest Enterprise. How far this Person was intrusted with the Secret, and engag'd in the matter, I have already, in an Appendix to my former Book, delivered at large; where the Reader will find that he was present at many of the Debates, and actually included in the number of the Assassins: I shall therefore refer the Reader thither for his further satisfaction. Upon the whole, I believe you will conclude with me, that this was no improper Person for me to cor­respond with, since Informations of this nature are not so easily to be had from riper heads.

Upon this occasion his Gr— uses an Expression, which looks something like an Equivocation, for he says, till I understood he had his Intelligence from one Hewet; by which it's plain he would be understood to mean All my Intelligence. But his Gr— knew the contrary too well to say so in express terms, [Page 6]and therefore left the Reader to supply that com­prehensive monosyllable, which his own Honour would not give him leave to insert.Memoirs from p. 31. to p. 67.I had corresponded with his Gr— a whole Year before I knew Hewet, and had made divers Discoveries to his Gr—, which he did not think so inconsiderable, as appears by his own Letter. For those Truths, of which he says he was surpriz'd how I could know 'em, many of them were communicated to him before I knew Hewet; and most of 'em, both before and after my Correspond­ence with him, upon Authority in this matter much more considerable than his.Mem. p. 35. His Gr— knew my Relation to, and Interest in Sir William Parkyns, and that nothing that he did or engag'd in, was a secret to me. He knew I was no stranger to Sir John Friend, Charnock, Mem. p. 97. Lea, Holmes, Capt, Stowe, Chambers, Boyse, and divers of the most consider­able and zealous of the Party, as my Memoirs have shewn. He must therefore have a very odd sort of Understanding that runs counter to his Knowledg, when he understands that I had all my Intelligence from Hewet, tho he knew the contrary. Besides, this seems to me a new piece of State-craft, to doubt after Conviction, and argue against Demon­stration. Yet this is his Method in this Case: for while the matter was a Secret, he never made the Quality of my Intelligencer an Objection to the Validity of his Intelligence; but when collateral Discoverers came in afterwards, and confirm'd the truth of what I had said, he then begins to con­sider how far he ought to give Credit to me, and what value to put upon my Informations: and then finds the quality of my Intelligencer to be such, that it brings my Intelligence into disesteem with him; altho he professes himself fully satisfy'd with [Page 7]the Discoveries of those who came in confirmation of what I had reported: As if what was true in their mouths, cou'd be otherwise in mine. But perhaps it was convenient that their Informations should be true, and not mine, tho the same; if so, I submit to his Gr—'s better Judgment.

The Second Objection is, That I was different in my Accounts about the manner of seizing the King. Sometimes Mr. Latin's Lodg near Richmond was to be attack'd, and the Walls sealed by Foot whilst his Maje­sty was there. Sometimes an Attempt of the like na­ture was to be made on Kensington-House; and at other times, the King was to be set upon going to, or coming from Hunting.

Granting all this to be true, I can't see where the force of this Objection lies. If they were irresolute or unsixt in their Measures, could I give a constant uniform account of 'em? But neither were they more wavering or unsettl'd than the nature of the Undertaking it self requir'd: For they were steady in their Resolution, and the end of their Design, which was to kill the King, and differ'd only about the Method of putting it in Execution. It cannot be supposed that a number of Men who engage voluntarily in a Design of such hazard to 'em all, none having Authority over another, should jump so luckily upon the same Scheme, as to conclude their Measures upon their first meeting. Men are naturally too fond of their own Sense, and too ambitious of shewing it, to acquiesce immedi­ately in the Proposals of another, how reasonable soever; till by a new Turn, or Arguments of their own, they have stampt their own Image upon it, and pretend some Title to the Invention. What wonder then, if an Affair of this Danger and Con­sequence, in which every man pretends to be wise [Page 8]for himself, produce Debates and frequent Altera­tions of their Measures?

But what need of reasoning in a Matter of Fact? It is now well known, and all the Depositions since concerning that matter have prov'd, that they did alter and vary their Resolutions: and the uncer­tainty which is objected to my Accounts of 'em, is a demonstration of their Truth and Exactness. It manifestly evinces, that I was constantly ac­quainted with the most minute Passages, and that I was nice and exact to a scruple, in the Informa­tions which I gave his Gr—. Whoever will take the pains to compare the Evidences of Captain Porter, and Mr. Pendergrass, with my Memoirs, will find there a sufficient Confirmation of every Tittle that I say, tho he will plainly see that they were even then but half inform'd of those things which I had long before fully discovered. But however, or for what Reasons soever it hapned, this dili­gence and exactness of mine (it seems) likewise turn'd to my prejudice, as if my Accounts were of less value for being minute and clear. They had projected their Design different ways, of all which I gave his Gr— Information while they were un­der consideration among them. Some of 'em upon further canvassing were found not feizable enough, and therefore were laid aside: Yet that creates no perplexity, nor ought to raise any doubt of my Accounts, because I could not respite my Informa­tions till all Points were exactly adjusted, lest I should be prevented by an immediate Execution. Such was the Project of conveying the King alive to France, which (as I have elsewhere hinted to his Gr—) may be supposed only a Pretence to gild the Pill to those whose squeamish Stomach would not so easily digest the Assassination naked, which [Page 9]was actually projected; and therefore I was ob­lig'd to give an Account of it, as I had it from them, tho I hinted my Suspicion that something else was intended by it. Such likewise was the Design of attacking the King by Ambuscade in Richmond Park, in which they proceed­ed so far as to send Captain Porter, Vid. Char­nock's Trial. Knightly, and King, to view the Ground, yet afterward laid it aside. And who knows whether that which now appears their last Resolu­tion, had not likewise been chang'd for some other, had the Conspirators continued longer undispersed? The End and Aim of all, was to take away the Life of the King; the manner of doing it, what­ever Scheme they might draw to themselves, must be taken from Time and Occasion, which only could suggest what was proper to be done. They were all resolv'd and provided to do the thing, and any convenient place or time had serv'd their turn, how different soever from those they had proposed to themselves.

His Gr— therefore very much over-shoots him­self, when he charges me with assigning no time for the Execution of this Design. For I was as particular in the time, as it was possible for any Man to be, without a supernatural Pre­science.Mem. p. 116.I was positive that they were in a readiness to attack the King the first time he went a Hunting or Shooting, and themselves could tell no more; nor his Gr— in reason expect more from me, unless he would have me assign a time when the King should go a Hunting or Shooting.

I hope therefore that my Informations were full and certain enough to have satisfy'd any reasonable Man of their Truth, if they did not the D—. I must for his Gr—'s Honour suppose he has some more substantial Reason than he produces: And [Page 10]till he does it, I shall presume that nothing is want­ing to the satisfaction of my Reader.

One thing more I must take notice of, that is, That tho his Gr— charges me with differing in my Accounts, yet he is not able to make out any Incon­sistency. For tho in his Letter, by* suppressing, mutilating, disjoynting, and altering, he has giv­en such a Draught of my Informations, that were not my Name mention'd in the Letter, I should not think it meant of me; yet even his Account of my Services, lame and defective as it is, shews that I neither prevaricated, nor conceal'd any thing from those Ministers with whom I corre­sponded. Whether they can say as much for them­selves, I leave others to judg.

The third Article against me is, That I was not enough in the Secret to have prevented it.

It is matter of Fact, that his Gr— is in the right of this. For tho I made an ample and early discovery, time has shewn that it signify'd nothing towards the preventing the Execution of that Design. But whose the fault was, and what was the Secret, which he says I was not enough in, his Gr— can best tell. It's plain he can't mean the Plot: For I gave him, long before any other Discoverer came in, a fuller and exacter account of that, than has yet been given by any other Person.Mem. p. 107, to p. 118. From the 10th of February 1695, I gave him daily an Account of what was in Agitation, and of all the Moves of that party. And upon the 14th, 18th, and 19th, I inform'd him and Mr. V— by his Order, particularly of the Design a­gainst the King's Person and Life. The latter [Page 11]may remember what I then said to him, by a par­ticular Answer that he made me. When I had in­form'd him fully of the design to kill the King the first time he went out to Hunt or Shoot, and had acquainted him with the Names of the principal Persons engag'd in it; I desired that the King might be intreated for some time at least to for­bear those diversions. He retorted, What would you have the King coop'd up? Mem. p. 111.This Answer I take notice of, because it may give some light what was the Secret which I was not enough in. And this the more surpriz'd me, because I always thought it the Duty of a Servant to ac­quaint his Master with things of this nature, and not to pretend to determine for him, before his Pleasure was known in it. On the 19th I wrote his Gr— a full Account of the intended Assassination,Mem. p. 115, to p. 118. with the Names of the principal Conspirators, and the Manner, Place, and Time, (as far as time could be set) which was the first time the King went out to Hunt or Shoot. This was in Substance what I had told Mr. V— the day before in a Personal Conference.

I can't tell what his Gr— calls being in a Secret. But if to know all, be to be in the Secret, I think I was sufficiently in it, and his Gr— and Mr. V— too by my means. But why my Informations were not sufficient to prevent it, they only know. All that appears to me to have been necessary to pre­vent it, was, that his Majesty should be acquainted with the Design, and the Danger that threaten'd his Life, which I had put it in their Power to do.

And that this was enough is appa­rent:Vid. Charn. Trial.For the Night before it was to be executed, Mr. Pendergrass's going to [Page 12]my Lord Portland, and acquainting him with the Design, was sufficient to defeat it, tho he refused to give any Names. It may be worth our while to observe, how differently his Majesty and my Lord Portland thought on this matter from his Gr—. Mr. Pendergrass, an absolute Stranger, mean both in Condition and Figure, goes to my Lord Portland, and acquaints him with the Design in general, and refuses to name any Persons concern'd; yet this does not destroy his Credit. He is admitted to the King, believed, and press'd to discover the Persons; no Vouchers are requir'd for his Credit, nor Doubts or Scruples started about the reality of his Discovery, tho a very obscure Man. He is only urg'd to make his Discovery more ample, and to inform his Majesty who the Traitors were, which he was hardly to be won to, tho it was the King himself that press'd it, who is rather accus'd of being unwilling to receive Reports. Had his Ma­jesty been as scrupulous in this Case as his Gr—, what had become of Mr. Pendergrass's Discovery? Undoubtedly his Majesty had gon out next Morning, and the Design had been executed. But his Majesty in his Wisdom consider'd the Nature and Impor­tance of the thing, more than the Quality of the Discoverer.

It will not cost us much trouble to shew how much more difficult it is to satisfy his Gr— than his Majesty.Mem. p. 33. His Gr— knew what I was, and had been, before I enter'd into any Corespondence with him. Before this Business he had held about fourteen Months Correspondence with me, and had received Informations at divers times, which fell out so true, that he was surpriz'd how I could know 'em; and how far he had a Value for my Intelligence, Mem. p. 41, 69, 73, 113. his set­tling a Pension, and promising further Rewards, may shew.

But whether he or Mr. V— were satisfy'd, is not so much my business to shew, as that they had reason to be satisfy'd: Which I hope after what I have said, can be no Question. If to inform him fully of the Matter, the Manner, the Time, (as far as a moveable time can be assign'd) and the Persons engag'd, were no satisfaction, they should have told me what would be. For I must confess at the time I corresponded with them, they did not appear to me so scrupulous, nor will they (I fan­cy) by their own Letters appear so to the World.

In Winter he says, I writ very positively of an In­vasion intended from France, which was to break out at the arrival of the Toulon Fleet. I did so; and whether that is true or no, is now past doubt. Then (he says) I gave Hints of some great Design, which I should soon discover the bottom of; and after­wards grew more particular, that it was to seize the King's Person, and named Barclay, Charnock, Holmes, and others, as employ'd in the Villany. These hints (as his Gr— calls 'em) would from any body else have deserved another name: For they were not Hints, but positive Accounts of the whole mat­ter from time to time, as it proceeded, with all its Alterations and Amendments. What was meant by seizing the King I have already said, which at that very time I made his Gr— and Mr. V— no strangers to. Of the several Methods that were pro­jected for the execution of it, I gave them daily an account; in which I was so early, and so particular, that from the first conception of it, nothing was offer'd amongst the Conspirators, of which his Gr— had not an immediate and minute Information. Of my care and exactness in this matter, this I think may be a sufficient Evidence, that nothing escap'd me; and yet I was so far from amusing him with Reports or Conjectures, that all my Informations [Page 14]have since been verify'd to a tittle. I gave him an exact and full account how, and when the pro­ject of the Assassination was to be executed; I na­med all the principal Persons con­cern'd in it,Mem. p. 115. viz. Sir George Barclay, Major Holmes, Captain Charnock, Captain George Porter, Mr. Chambers, Captain Boyse, &c. and told them what Rewards they had articl'd for. And what I think I ought to take notice of, is, that I named not one Person whose Engagement in this matter has not since been sufficiently made out by others: Whereas upon latter Informations several thousand Pounds have been thrown away by Pro­clamation to take Persons, upon whom, when taken, nothing could be sixt. Which sufficiently evidences how careful I was to conceal nothing from him, and yet to wrong no body by false suggestions.

By this time I suppose it may appear that I was enough in the Secret to have prevented it, and he too, and more than he that did it, however it fell out that we could not: this may still appear dark to some who are resolv'd not to see. But those that think to conceal plain matters, by winking them­selves, ought first to be sure that all other men are blind.

I hope by what has been already said, I have made it pretty evident, that if I did pretend to some Merit for my Discoveries, it was not without reason. And the manner in which his Majesty has consider'd others who came after me for the like, shews that in his Opinion such Services are meri­torious. Nay however inconsistent it may seem with his Gr—'s charge upon me of pretending to Merit, his Gr— himself in this very Letter owns that he intended to do something for me. If I deserv'd nothing, I am extremely oblig'd to his Gr— for his bounteous Intentions, and must confess that no [Page 15]man could have been more rigorously just; for up­on that supposition, they have been worth just as much to me as I deserv'd. What his Gr— intend­ed is best known to himself, which for all that has been done may possibly be still a Secret: but what he promis'd I very well remember, tho possibly his Gr— may have long since forgot. What those were, the Reader may find in my Memoirs, p. 41, 69, 73, 113. How the Conditions were perform'd on my part, is already sufficiently made out; and how on his Gr—'s, I suppose the Reader needs not to be told. What his Promises were is very plain, tho his Intentions may be still in the dark: At least I am oblig'd to take his Gr—'s word for 'em, and I hope I shall never want a just value for that. The taking me up, and the attempt to seize my Papers, shews that some Reward was intended me, tho I am modestly contented to have miss'd it. What­ever Reasons I think I have to complain, the Mis­carriage of that well-meant piece of Service is none of 'em.

His Gr— is pleased to say twice in his Letter, that I complain'd of him: and I appeal to the Reader, whether I had not reason. But that I did it in an unhandsom manner, or threaten'd to do it in Parlia­ment, I must take the liberty to deny. It's true, I was taken and carried, in the Custody of the Ser­jant at Arms, before the House of Lords; and my Papers which I had left seal'd up in the hands of the Secretary of State, were by him brought into the House, where the Papers were read, and I being up­on Oath, was oblig'd to justify 'em. Among these were Copies of all my Letters to his Gr—, with his, and Mr. V—'s Original Answers. If they could complain of him, he was complained of in Parlia­ment; but it was far from my intention or desire it should be so. For did I say any thing there relating [Page 16]to his Gr—, which was not extorted from me by Questions, to which I was bound by Oath to make a true answer? Had I then had any such design, I had the fairest occasion in the World to have shew'd my Resentments, which I wholly wav'd, whatever Provocations I had to the contrary.

After I found my self slighted, and had reason to suspect that my Discoveries were supprest, I did then make my Applications elsewhere, in order to procure that the King might be acquainted, tho late, with what I had done for his Service. Nor ought his Gr— to take that ill. For if my Disco­veries deserv'd no more regard than I found he had paid to 'em, my applying to those Honourable Per­sons would only have exposed me, and justify'd him. But if they did really deserve to be consider'd, I had no reason to lose the benefit of 'em by ano­thers Neglect, or to have any tenderness for a Person who had used me so ill. However I can ap­peal to those Honourable Persons, whose Names are to be found in the Introduction to my Memoirs, whether I reflected on his Gr—, or spoke unhand­somly of him.

What therefore could move him to think it nei­ther safe nor decent to have any more to do with me, is a mystery he can best unfold: For if his Gr— had done his Duty in this matter, what had he to fear from me? Had I ventur'd to accuse him of any thing that was false, the King, and even my own Letters would have justify'd him. But so far was I from giving him any just Umbrage of such a thing, that I purposely wav'd saying any thing more that was true of him, than as I have already observ'd was extorted from me, altho I had then such an Oppor­tunity as I could never expect again, which I was not ignorant of at that time. As for the Point of Decency, I can't see how it could be indecent, unless it [Page 17]be one way, which if he means I must agree with him, that it was by no means honourable to use the Service of a Gentleman whom he was resolv'd never to consider for it.

His Gr— at the end of his Letter says, That what he receiv'd relating to the Attempt on his Majesty's Per­son, or the Invasion, he always gave the King an ac­count of it, whilst he was in Town and able to wait on him. But being much indisposed he had his Majesty's leave to go into the Country for a few days; where he remain'd till he was commanded back upon the happy discovery of that horrid Design.

If his Gr— did as he says, which I should be un­willing to question, did not two or three Expressi­ons in this very Letter, and some in this very Para­graph give me just occasion to do so, I should think he had acquitted himself, at least to the King. For if he had acquainted his Majesty with all that I in­form'd him of in this Matter, how comes he to talk of a happy Discovery made in his absence? It seems ab­surd to say, that horrid Design of which they had be­fore been more amply inform'd, was then disco­ver'd: For if there had been occasion for his assistance in Town, it seems more reasonable to have staid him than to let him go, and send for him back again: To what end should he be recall'd to be made acquainted with what they knew he was thorowly inform'd of before, and of which they had their first Advice from him? But the very wording of this Paragraph looks like Prevarication by the Limitations, whilst he was in Town, and able to wait on his Majesty. I can't tell whether he was able to wait on the King on Friday the 21st of February 1695. but he was a­ble to go out of Town that day, which was the day before the Design was to have been executed, and must of necessity go through Kensington, if he took the direct Road to Stoner-house. But certain­ly [Page 18]if he was not able to wait on the King, he was at least able to have sent my Letter which was da­ted Wednesday the 19th, and delivered by Mr. V— Thursday the 20th in the morning;Mem. p. 119. and contain'd a fuller and more exact ac­count than Mr. Pendergrass was able to give, who was the happy discoverer that occasion'd him to be recall'd. The Question then is, What sort of Account he then gave his Majesty; for if we may believe the beginning of his Letter, he could make little of it. I am sorry his Gr— was so puzled with a plain matter; for I am consident any body else that reads that Letter,Mem. p. 110. and the Minutes of the 18th, will presently make enough of it. His Gr— does not seem to consult his Ho­nour, when he so much undervalues his own Ca­pacity. Had he submitted the Letter it self to his Majesty, a Prince of his acuteness and discern­ment would soon have inform'd him there was no Riddle in it. He seems to have more tenderness for the reputation of his Courage, when upon my pres­sing the Danger earnestly upon him, he slights it so far as to send me word by Mr. V—, that he was go­ing out of Town for three or four days, Mem. p. 119. and thought it would be time enough to consider of my Demands at his return. By which time, had no collateral Discoverers come in, the Business had been over. But his Answer did not stop me from pressing my personal admittance to the King to Mr. V—, who put me off till the D—'s return:Mem. p. 122. And on Saturday the two and twentieth question'd me, Whether I had not been already with the King, or my Lord Port­land? And when I answer'd him, No; told me that the King had received notice, and did not thereupon go a hunting. Whereupon I concluded that this no­tice had been from the D—. But he has ap­peal'd [Page 19]to Cesar, and to Cesar I leave him.

There remain yet two things in the Letter to be consider'd, which I shall dispatch in as few words as possible: One is a piece of Caution, t'other of Kindness. He says, that near to the day the Assassina­tion was intended, I was very earnest for Mony to buy a Horse and Equipage; which is very true: For ac­cording to the Measures concerted be­twixt his Gr— and my self,Mem. p. 98. I was to have made as forward an appearance in that Action as the most zealous of them all. The Design of this was, not only to have given information of all their Motions to a minute,Mem. p. 111. but to have put it into the King's power to have seiz'd every Person appearing in the very Enter­prize. This he knew could not be done without shewing my self as forward, and as ready to en­gage in that Action as the warmest of 'em, whose Considence it would create. And therefore he a­greed that I should buy a Horse and Arms, in order to be the better able to execute what we had projected, as may appear by the Minutes of the 10th and 18th of February 1695. His Gr— did then believe that there was truth in the Story, whatever he has done since. He had then no little groundless fears, as if there were, he might possibly have set me out to be in­gaged in it. For, as I have already shewn, it was not the Quality of the Design, but the Quantity of the Mony that disappointed me: his Gr— was not a­fraid of the Treason, but the Price;Mem. p. 110. for he sent me a Bill of twenty Pound to equip me: but when he found that upon com­putation less than fifty pound would not do, he took time to consider of it,Ibid. p. 102. before he engag'd in those great Expences, till the time was over. So that had my Design been Trai­terous, I might have had 20 Pounds towards it, tho not 50.

But if his Gr— had really any such fears, I was in his power, and he ought to have secur'd me. Certainly his Gr— took me for a strange sort of Politician that should come and discover Treason to him,Mem. p. 115, to p. 118. and tell him when, where, how, and by whom it was to be executed, only with a design to carry it on more effectually and securely, as if his Gr—'s Privity had been a furtherance to it. A Plot so unnatural and strain'd, as this would have been, I believe was never met with in a Play, much less in Nature. But this being a Reason thrown in ex abundanti, his Gr— did not much care whether it was a good one or no, nor can I find it concerns me much more, and therefore I leave it.

The other thing I thought fit to take notice of, is, his kindness in concealing my Name, to give me an opportunity to apprehend Chambers. If his Gr— had any such kind Intentions, he took a very odd method to shew 'em: For to take me up by a Mes­senger, and publickly to confront me with Hewet in the Secretaries Office, was (in my poor opini­on) none of the surest ways to conceal my Name. But neither did I desire him to conceal my Name upon any such account: For had I aim'd at the Thousand Pound Reward in the Proclamation, I could have secur'd that, by taking Holmes who lay with me, and divers others had I made that my business. But his Gr— who has lost my Letters, may perhaps have mistaken himself in this matter, as he has done in some others: For he had my own permission in the Letter of the 19th of February 95,Mem. p. 118. to name me. But this likewise is over and above, and therefore a tedious Answer may be superfluous, for which reason I wave it.

Thus much I thought necessary in my one De­fence, against so publick and so solemn an attack upon my Reputation, as this Letter to the House of Lords. I hope I have sufficiently vindicated my self against the Imputations that are there laid upon me; and if it appears that there has been any trifling, I hope by this time, it is plain that it doth not lie at my door. If the Reader finds himself troubl'd with frequent References in proof of my Assertions, it is only to avoid tedious and unnecessary repetitions of what is already in print: the truth of which, my Enemies themselves don't think fit to contest; and I presume no indifferent Person can question. If any man thinks my Ex­pressions sharp, let him put himself in my place, and consider the nature of the Provocation, and how ill he himself would take it, to be made any Man's Fool how great soever. The Coat is scanda­lous, and he must be of a dastardly Spirit that can be frighted into the wearing of it.

Reflections on the Occasion and Manner of my being sent abroad in March 1697/8.

AFter I had been examined in the House of Lords, and was thereupon forbidden the Court by a Message by Anthony Rowe Esq; one of the Clerks of the Green Cloth; I retir'd into the Country, with a resolution to lay my Case before the Par­liament at the opening of the next Session. And upon my return to Town next Winter, I lodg'd a Petition in the hands of a Member of the Ho­nourable House of Commons, who promis'd to bring it into the House, in order to have Justice done me [Page 22]there. But after a long attendance, instead of delivering my Petition, he brought me word that my Service would be well accepted, if I would go abroad and transmit from thence an Account of what was transacted by the Enemies of the Govern­ment, who were oblig'd by Act of Parliament to leave the Land. I was surpriz'd at the Overture, having been so long laid aside, and was very de­sirous to know who it was that would engage my Service: But that Favour was at that time deny'd me, and it was thought sufficient that if I would undertake the Service, he would stand engag'd for a monthly Pension to be duly transmitted to me, and a sum of Mony immediately paid down to equip me out. Accordingly a hundred Pound was paid, and constant monthly Remittances promised, and that I should be consider'd for Services past. Upon the Honour of this Gentleman I was induc'd again to enter into Business; but not without the satis­faction of knowing (at least as I thought) at whose instance and desire he made this motion to me. For the treatment I had receiv'd for my former Services, had made me resolve not to have any thing to do with the same Persons again. Thereupon he told me, that it was the King himself, and that he himself (while he was in Town) was to be the only intermediate Person to convey all my Letters to his Majesty, and to receive, and communicate his Instructions to me, and to make the promised Remittances: And in case of his absence, or any other unforeseen incapacity for that Service, it was agreed betwixt us, that a Friend of mine then pre­sent, should be admitted to the Honour of waiting on his Majesty, and convey my Letters, and re­ceive his Commands. To make this look more solemn, a Pass was given me, for my self and Ser­vant under a sham Name to go for Harwich, and [Page 23]from thence to any Port in Holland, Vid. The List at the end of this Relation.and a List given me of all those Per­sons to whom Warrants had been granted to stay in England, pursuant to the Act of Parliament, Intitled, An Act against corresponding with the late King James, and his Adhe­rents: My Instructions upon which, were to give notice of all such Persons that I understood came privately over contrary to that Act. Besides this, my General Instructions were to consort with those Persons who by that Act were oblig'd to quit this Kingdom, and to give constant Information of what was in agitation among them. With these Instructions I went for Holland, after which what pass'd betwixt us, it concerns not the Reader much to know, only that after some time, the promised Remittances not being made, I wrote for 'em, and receiv'd divers shifting Excuses. Sometimes the King was at New-Market; at others, that no Mony could be had, till the Civil List was settl'd, and at last, that I was not to expect any. Hereupon find­ing that I could get nothing but thanks for what I did, which was too slender a Subsistance for me to live upon, I immediately return'd home. And applying my self to the Gentleman from whom I had the Pass, and the hundred Pound, to know the reason why I was so us'd, and who the Persons were that commission'd him to transact, he told me, that was a secret he must keep, and very much excus'd himself for having engag'd me in so much trouble and danger. This was all the satisfaction I had from him.

The management of this Affair, however mys­terious it may seem, may perhaps need no Oedipus to unriddle it: For if we consider the time when this was done, the Reason why will not be hard to be guess'd at. Nor perhaps will the Persons, [Page 24]who have presum'd to make so bold with the King's Honour, as to abuse his Royal Name and Authority in this manner, be so absolutely in the dark, as they themselves may imagin. For the very timing of this Matter, shews very evidently what the De­sign of it was. I was just then come out of the Country with a full resolution to lay my Case before the Parliament which was then sitting. I had given a Petition to a Member of the House of Commons, in order to have it read in the House; but during the time he kept me in expectation of a proper Oc­casion, this Gentleman was gain'd by some body (whose Interest perhaps it was, that these Matters should not be so publickly examined) to make Overtures to me of serving abroad, and became the Instrument of sending me out of the Nation; under pretence of doing further Service, and re­ceiving Satisfaction for what was past. That Gen­tleman must excuse me, if I can no longer think that the King was any way privy to this Affair, and that whatsoever is pretended of it, is a direct Affront and Injury to his Majesty's Honour, who would never have sent away a Gentleman for his Service, and have left him destitute of Subsistance in a Foreign Land. The hand therefore of my Adversaries appears plain enough in this Intrigue, and the hundred Pound was a Bait to make me swallow the Hook: For no sooner did they think me far enough remov'd, and perhaps entangled be­yond a probability of returning, but the Masque was pull'd of, and a worse Face discover'd; I was bid to expect nothing more, and to shift for my self as well as I could. However to their great surprize I got home before the Parliament rose, which put 'em upon new Measures: Great pains were taken to excuse this breach of Articles, and fresh Overtures made to me, with which I, who [Page 25]trusted to the sincerity and engagement of my Friend, was for some time amus'd, till the Parlia­ment rising, all was again let drop; and I by that means let into the Drift, and Artifice of the whole Matter. I hope my Friend was over-reach'd, and that he did not then dive into the bottom of this Mystery: Altho he was to blame, to be so far influenc'd by any Person, how great soever, as to pretend an immediate Warrant from his Majesty for what he did; yet the concern he has since shew'd for it, makes me hope that he did believe those other Persons to act by Commission from his Majesty, and was over-perswaded to take it upon himself, because he had heard me declare, that I would have nothing more to do with certain Per­sons.

A List of the Persons Names to whom War­rants have been granted, pursuant to the late Act of Parliament, intituled, An Act against Corresponding with the late King James and his Adherents: Which was given to me February 1697/8.

A.
  • EArl of Antrim
  • Charles D. of St. Albans
  • John Alexander
  • Eliz. Arundell
  • Mary Audly
  • David Arnold
  • William Amies
  • Sir Francis Andrew
  • Mary Alexander.
B.
  • Ann Bagnal and her five Children
  • John Bradey
  • Thomas Bellasis
  • Richard Lord Bellew
  • Dorothy de Beuclair
  • Sir Nicholas Buttler
  • John Brown
  • John Bromfield
  • [Page 26]John Baurk, commonly cal­led Lord Bophine
  • Eliz. Bishop
  • John Baker
  • Humphry Boislace
  • Susanna Barry
  • Philip Bell
  • Barbara Brown
  • Eliz. Brown
  • Barbara Brown
  • Mary Brown
  • Samuel Boulton
  • Lyster Blunt
  • James Butler
  • Captain Bellew
  • Timothy Bagne
  • Thomas Burdin
  • John Bellasise
  • William Beale
  • Robert Bodine
  • Benedict Bambore
  • John Blackmore
  • Hannah Brownsworth
  • Richard Bowers
  • George Bradshaw
  • Daniel Bulls
  • William Barefoot
  • Thomas Blake
  • Edward Butler
  • William Boweman
  • Edward Buiditt
  • Henry Barker
  • Edmund Brown
  • William Bland
  • Tobias Bowles
  • Charles Banbridg
  • Geo. Barkas
  • John Brodt
  • William Barnes
  • David Baurk
  • Capt. James Barry
  • Charles Berty Esq;
  • Walter Butler
  • William Bromfield
  • Henry Baxter
  • John Brooks.
C.
  • Margaret Chilton
  • Thomas Clofton
  • Col. John Corbet
  • Benedict Leonard Calverse
  • Anne Cane
  • Henry Carter
  • Robert Clark
  • Matthew Cooper
  • Henry Carwin
  • Philip Conner
  • James Coleman
  • Adam Colehough
  • James Chiritch
  • Sir William Compton
  • Francis Courson
  • John Coleman
  • John Connoway
  • Henry Caps
  • Ormitha Caps
  • Mary Cozins
  • John Cantrill
  • Richard Cherry
  • Edward Callender
  • Eliz. Basset Coffin, and Ma­ry her Daughter
  • Margaret Carletton
  • Bartholomew Couley
  • Francis Charas
  • William Close
  • Sir Edward Carteret
  • Thomas Cusack
  • Capt. Henry Courtney
  • John Caddick
  • Margaret Cromwell
  • Stephen Creagh
  • Edward Canron
  • Charles Cross
  • [Page 27]Robert Cham
  • Garret Coshland
  • Henry Courson
  • William Cooke
  • Charles Cecill
  • Anne Compton.
D.
  • John Digby
  • Thomas Drew
  • Henry Lord Dover
  • John Darrell
  • Doctor John Day
  • Capt. Loftus Duckenfield
  • Charles Dunster
  • John Digby
  • John Duddell
  • Rob. Doudall
  • Edmund Dalton
  • Lieut. Col. Ar. Dilton
  • Alexander Doyley.
E.
  • John Erington Esq;
  • William Evay
  • Major John Eames
  • John Everse
  • Edward Erington
  • James Edgland
  • Thomas Erington
  • William Erington
  • Philippa Elinston
  • John Egan.
F.
  • Lord Visc. Fitz-Williams
  • Richard Fitz-Williams
  • William Farmer
  • Robert Fielding
  • Arthur French
  • Robert Fagan
  • Hon. — Fitz Gerald
  • Henry Fall
  • Jane du Four
  • Owen Fitz Symmons
  • Thomas Forster
  • Stephen Field
  • Capt. Edmund Fitz-Gerald
  • Edward Fenwick
  • Capt. James Fitz-Gerald
  • Joseph Fox
  • John Fulham.
G.
  • Doctor Samuel Garth
  • Anthony Preston Lord Vis­count Gormanston
  • John Gazain
  • Peter Galberry
  • James Gough
  • Daniel Gwin
  • Reginald Graham
  • Anthony Gazain
  • Henry Gerrard
  • Rich. Francis Griffith
  • Geo. Toby Guigner
  • Agatha Gillmore
  • Caesar Gage
  • Samuel Gawen
  • William Goold
  • Sir Thomas Gascoigne
  • Edward Gibbon
  • Edward Gifford
  • John Gallway
  • Thomas Guiborn
  • Daniel Geny.
H.
  • Joseph Haly
  • Geo. Haviland
  • Lord Geo. Howard
  • Henry Howard Esq;
  • James Hacket
  • Charles House
  • Jeremiah Hollished
  • Daniel Harvey
  • Thomas Hawkins
  • Eliz. Hughs
  • William Harrald
  • [Page 28]Bridget Horton
  • Mary Hooper
  • Walter Hastings senior
  • Walter Hastings junior
  • John Hambleton
  • Richard Howard
  • Dorothy Hurst
  • John Henborn
  • George Hilton
  • Lord James Howard
  • Eliz. Hiddinson
  • Ralph Hardwick.
I.
  • Bartholomew Isaac
  • Mary Isaac
  • Thomas Joy
  • Thomas Johnston
  • Agnes Jolly
  • Richard Jones
  • James Jones.
K.
  • Matthew King
  • Mary Knight
  • Almorick Brown of Kinnule
  • Lord Keny
  • Lord Kenmore
  • Danish Kelly
  • Major Charles King
  • Charles Knowles Esq;
  • Lord Banbury
  • Walter Kennody
  • Philip Kettle
  • Anthony Kempt
  • Capt. Edmund Keeting
  • John L. Kingston of Ireland, his Wife and 2 Children
  • Charles Kelly.
L.
  • Charlwood Lawton Esq;
  • Dr. Thomas Lone
  • Col. Henry Lutterill
  • Lady Barbara Leonard
  • Lord Longdale
  • Marmaduke Longdale
  • Martha Lowe
  • Richard Langhorn
  • Edmund Loe
  • Ann Leozonby
  • Cornelius Lampard
  • George Laylor
  • Edmund Leny
  • Lady Ann Lawson
  • James Lorre
  • William Long
  • William Lavely
  • Lieut. William Long
M.
  • George Matthews
  • Edmund Mellone
  • Henry Morgan
  • John Martin
  • James Murray
  • Luke Matthews
  • Donnoth Mellony
  • William More
  • Dominick Mown
  • Lieut. William Mannering
  • Richard Masey
  • William Mortagh
  • Sir Rich. More Bar.
  • Peter Morris
  • Francis Milton
  • Henry More
  • Thomas Murphey
  • John Mackay
  • Sir John Magrath.
N.
  • Charles Newy
  • Mary Dutchess of Norfolk
  • Dr. Daniel Nolon
  • Thomas Newgent
  • John Nelson
  • Matthew Norris
  • Thomas Newcomin
O.
  • James Oswaild
  • Capt. Darby Obrian.
P.
  • Joseph Patterson
  • Nicholas Pluncket
  • Francis Povey
  • Thomas Pendergrass
  • Capt. Thomas Panton
  • Jervis Parker
  • William Plowden Esq;
  • John Pluncket
  • Robert Prujen
  • William Philips
  • John Pulman
  • Robert Parsons
  • Edward Peirce
  • James Passible, and Mary his Wife
  • James Penderick
  • Eliz. Pluncket
  • Jeremiah Peirce
  • Eliz. Peirce
  • William Pore
  • Mary Poole
  • Charles Parker.
R.
  • Morgan Rugan Esq;
  • William Rufton
  • Catharine Rockley
  • Edward Robson
  • Richard Rudyard
  • Edward Ryce Esq;
  • Charles Duke of Richmond
  • Felix Rouse
  • Edward Richards
  • Dr. Thomas Riddle
  • Alexander Rigby
  • William Rand
  • Henry Rogers
  • Thomas Rudd
  • John Ryley
  • Eliz. Roper
  • Francis de la Rue
  • William Rice.
S.
  • John Smith
  • John Shipen
  • Sir John Southcott
  • Charles Stourton
  • Robert Searisbrick
  • William South
  • Countess of Sussex
  • Dr. Nicholas Shee
  • John Smith
  • Sir Edward Southcott
  • Robert Shaw
  • George Smith
  • Alicia Scott
  • James Sloan Esq;
  • George Sheppard
  • Philip Stapleton
  • Dominick Shelborn
  • William Stavely
  • Anne Selby
  • Edward Sommerset
  • Henry Scudamore
  • Michael Smith
  • Hugh Scalby
  • Andrew Smallwood
  • Robert Shepheard
  • John Stephens
  • Thomas Sackfield
  • Jane Stratham
  • John Seagrave
  • Francis Sheldon
  • Thomas Swinborn
  • Alexander Stratham
  • Peter Saltmarsh
  • John Talbot Stoner Esq;
T.
  • George Talbot
  • Mary Timperly
  • John Lord Trimleston
  • [Page 30]Francis Tenn Gent.
  • Jeremiah Tincker
  • James Tracy
  • Edward Talbot Gent.
  • Humphrey Trafford
  • Rich. Trigeagle
  • Thomas Taylor
  • Geo. Throgmorton Esq;
  • Rich. Trevannian
  • Ralph Tempest
  • Walter Trafford Gent.
  • Charles Trinder Esq;
  • James Tallant
  • John Terry
  • George Taylor.
V.
  • Mary Valois
  • Anthony Vane.
W.
  • William Walsh
  • John Williams
  • John Wond
  • Francis Williamson Esq;
  • George Wilson
  • Sir Drury Wray
  • Capt. Daniel Wood
  • Charles Walurn
  • Thomas Wagleck
  • William Wood
  • John White
  • John Widrington, and Ma­ry his Wife
  • William Wilmore
  • Thomas Walsh.

A List of Persons to whom Warrants were order'd to stay in England, and had not then taken them out, &c.

B.
  • Sir Henry Bond
  • Jane Bell
  • Capt. Tho. Bourk
  • Owen Bonham
  • William Bayes
  • Capt. John Bradill.
C.
  • Capt. Henry Carter
  • Thomas Conyers
  • Major William Crosby
  • Sir John Colliton.
D.
  • John Drake
  • Wynn Davies.
E.
Francis East.
F.
  • William Fenwick.
  • Arthur Fitz-Patterick.
G.
  • John Grace
  • —Gardiner.
H.
  • Lady Hatton Widow
  • Marbel Harding Widow
  • Xeverius Harris
  • George Harris.
I.
  • Edward Jones
  • Lewis Janvair
  • Catharine Jackson
  • Robert Inwood.
K.
  • John Knight
  • Miles Keagne.
L.
  • Peter Lyon
  • Charles Lake
  • John Lambden
  • John Lunt
  • — Lone.
M.
  • Sir Terence Margrave
  • John Murphey.
P.
  • Francis Peirce
  • Henry Prince
  • John Purcell.
S.
  • Thomas Smith
  • John Spencer
  • Charles Sherburn.
W.
  • Daniel Westney
  • John Wynal
  • William White
  • Tecla Whaley.
FINIS.

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