IN so great and so debaucht a City, Catiline had every day Cabals of Pensioners for Mischief and Villa­ny; for every Debauchee that had either by Riot, Gaming, or Whoring, con­sum'd his Patrimony, or had mortgag'd his Estate to procure a Pardon for some notorious Crime; besides all Parricides, Sacrilegious, arraign'd at the Bar, or de­serv'd [Page 16] and fear'd it; besides Thieves, perjur'd, and Murderers; and lastly, all those whom any notorious Villany, want, or an evil Conscience had made infamous, were by Catiline pickt up as the fittest persons for his purpose. These were his very Family and Domesticks; and if any one of an honest Reputation, free from those Enormities, ever happen'd into his acquaintance, by perpetual Per­swasions and insensible Allurements, he becomes a Proselyte as bad as the worst. But for the most part he coveted the ac­quaintance of young men, because their Spirits are more pliable in the bloom of their age, and consequently swallow the Bait with less difficulty; therefore he a­dapted a particular Temptation to every particular Constitution: To some he would become a Pander, for others he would procure Dogs and Horses; and without regard either to Modesty or Expence, he would never refuse the most vile and abject services, so he could but [Page 17] bring them over to his humour, and make them true to his interest.

For Catiline, when but a Youth, com­mitted several notorious Rapes, first on a noble Virgin, then on a Vestal Nun, and was guilty of many such egregious incestuous Extravagancies, contrary to all Law and Nature. At last he sell in love with Aurelia Orestilla, in whom no good man found any thing commendable but her Beauty; and because she doubt­ed to marry him, fearing her Son-in-law, then in age, 'tis really believed he poy­son'd his onely Son, to make way for their unlawful Marriage; which thing in my opinion was the chiefest cause why Catiline so soon endeavour'd to ri­pen his Conspiracy: For a mind polluted with Impiety, is hateful both to Gods and men, and can never be sedate nor compos'd with sleep nor watchings. Thus did self-guilt weary and waste his inraged, turbulent breast: from thence pro­ceeded that languid bloudless colour in [Page 18] his face, staring eyes, his pace confus'd, now quick and then slow; and the un­easie discontent, and War within him, discover'd it self too apparent in his looks and gestures.

But he not onely betray'd a great part of the Roman Youth, but he taught them divers Formula's and Methods in the commission of notorious Villanies. Out of them he furnished himself with false Evidences and counterfeit Seals, inso­much that they Set all their Credit, For­tunes, and Dangers at a very despicable value.

But after he had made shipwrack of their Reputations, he soon commanded things of far greater consequence: for if but a small cause or opportunity for Mischief did occur, lest their hands should grow dull for want of use, yet their minds should be gratuitously mischievous to circumvent and ruine the Innocent as well as guilty.

Catiline reposing so great a trust and [Page 19] confidence in these his Friends and Allies, (considering that there was no Country but to which he and they were deeply indebted, and that Sylla's Souldiers were in want, who reflecting on their former Victories, wisht once more an opportu­nity for a Civil War) began to consult by what means he might best curb the Commonwealth, and take the Govern­ment into his own hands. In Italy there was no Standing-Army, andFather-in-law to Julius Casar, for his valour surnamed Magnus. He was of such an Heroick Spi­rit, that he could not admit of an Equal; and Caesar so stout, that he could not endure a Su­periour: whence arose the Ci­vil Wars in Rome. Cn. Pompeius was wa­ging War in the utmost confines of the Roman Empire, that he himself stood very fair for the Consulate, and the Senate nothing at all cautious and suspectful, but every thing mov'd in a safe and undisturbed Sphere; all which wonderfully favour'd his de­signe. And to that purpose, about theWhich was about the begin­ning of Junei, for the Calends were the first day of every month. Vid. Godw. Antiq. Rom. Calends of June [Page 20] he first began to discover it apart, to perswade some, and allure others, and promise all, that the Aids and Forces he should have (considering the Common­wealth was careless and unprovided) would make the rewards of the Conspi­racy great and answerable. When he had discovered what he thought conve­nient, he summon'd all those, the great­ness of whose wants afforded them the greatest stock of Resolution and Bold­ness.

Thither came of the Senatorian Or­der, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius, L. Cassius. C. Cethegus, the two Sylla's, P. and Serv. L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Lecca, L. Bestia, and Q. Curius.

Of the Equestrian Order (or Knights) came M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Stanlius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius, besides many nobly descended out of the Colo­nies, and free Towns. Many more Noblemen were made more privately ac­quainted with it; whom the desire and [Page 21] hopes of Command, more than Want or Necessity, perswaded to be Traytors. The rest that favour'd the Designe were for the most part of the Roman Nobility, who desir'd to live in ease either splen­didly, or effemi­nately; preferringSic in bello Jugurthino. Quan­quam opibus suis consideret, ta­men non debere incerta pro cer­tis mutare. Irem Plautus, in Pseud. Certa amittimus, dùm in­certa petimus. Et Hesiodus, [...]. Chimaera's before Realities, and the dubious events of War, before the certain tranquillity of a settled Peace.

At that time there were some that thought that M. Licinius Crassus was not altogether ignorant of the Association, because he bore an inveterate hatred to Cn. Pompeius, who was then General of a great Army, and was very willing to raise any Forces whatsoever to curb his growing Greatness, hoping that if the Plot had took effect, to make himself Commander in his stead.

When they were all met, Catiline, though he had discovered several things [Page 22] before apart, yet thought that in this matter 'twas expedient to convene all, to give them a sufficient satisfaction of the goodness and justice of his Cause; took them apart into a private Room, and thus bespoke them.

Soon as the Conspirators had heard this, though they had neither money nor probable hopes of carrying it on, yet they thought they should reap sufficient [Page 27] satisfaction in disturbing the Peace of the Commonwealth; and to that end they re­quir'd him to propose in what nature or condition the War should be, what Re­wards, what hopes of Aid did seem to favour it. Catiline immediately promis'd them new Laws, theThey were properly said to be proscrib'd, whose Names were very fairly written and set up in the Forum (or Exchange) to give notice that for some Misdemea­nour their Goods were to be sold, and the Malefactors banisht. Proscription or Se­questration of the rich mens Estates, their Magistracies, Church-lands, Plunder, and every thing which the will of the Conquerour should lay claim to.

Besides this, Piso was with an Army in the yonder Spain, and P. Sitius Nuceri­nus in Mauritania with another; both his Friends, and both Partners in the Conspi­racy: that C. Antonius, his familiar Acquain­tance, a man every where surrounded with wants and necessities, endeavour'd the Consulship, whom he hop'd should be his Collegue; and as soon as he had ac­quir'd that, he would begin the Attempt. [Page 28] Soon as he had spoke this, he fell a rai­ling on all the Loyal Party with oppro­brious Language, and dire Imprecations; then naming every one of his own, be­gan to praise them for the nobleness of the Undertaking; to one he objected his Poverty, to another his Ambition; many he advis'd of the danger and dis­grace they should contiue in without it: but mostly he insisted on the Victory of Sylla, and the rich Spoils and Plunder that attended it. At length, when he perceived the joy of their hearts appear in their looks, desiring them to consider what he had recommended to them, he dismiss't the Conventicle.

At that time there were some that re­ported that Catiline, after he had made an Eloquent Oration to allure the Instru­ments of his Mischief to an Oath of Se­crecy, gave each one a Cup of Wine mixt withHac de re Florus sic scribit. Additum est pignus Conjurationis Sanguinis humanus, quem circumlatum pateris bibere. Summum Nefas, nisi amplius esset, propter quod biberunt. Hu­man Bloud; which when (with [Page 29] an Execration, as is usual in solemn Sacrifices) they had drunk off, he dis­cover'd every Circumstance of his hel­lish Intrigue. And this they report he did, that, seeing they were scared with the horridness of the Plot, they might be the more faithful one to another, and keep the Designe more secure from dis­covery.

In this Association there was one Q. Curius of a Noble Family, but involv'd in all debaucht and villanous practices, whom the Censors banisht the Senate for his scandalous deportment. This man as he was bold and daring, so he was ve­ry foppish and idle; he could neither be secret in things imparted to him, nor cease to be the Divulger of his own De­baucheries, making no distinction at all between what he did or said.

Betwixt him and Fulvia, a Lady no­bly descended, was contracted a very in­timate and immodest Familiarity; to whom when Poverty had render'd him [Page 30] less acceptable, he immediately boasted of and promis'd Golden Mountains, and I know not what impossibilities; some­times threatning her with death if she did not incline to his lawless humour; at length came to be more boldly rude than usual.

But Fulvia so prudently manag'd him, that by degrees she got out of him the Cause of his insolence, and thought that a matter of that dangerous consequence to the Commonwealth, ought not to be longer kept private; insomuch that many whom she made acquainted with it, were very desirous to intrust the management of the Commonwealth to M. Tullius Cicero, whom before most of the Nobility en­vy'd, and thought it a degradation to the Consular dignity, that so great an honour should be conferr'd on such a new Up­start person, though of extraordinary Parts and Abilities; but when dangers made things look with so ill an aspect, that Envy and Pride suddenly vanisht and gave place to Safety.

Therefore in the next Senate, M. Tul­lius Cicero and C. Antonius were declaredSic dicti, à Consulendo Populo: No Citizen could be made Con­sul, till the forty third year of his age. Consuls; which at first struck the Con­spirators with a Pa­nick fear: Neither was the rage and madness of Catiline any whit abated, but urg'd him to greater and more fatal Resolutions.

For now he began to fortifie several of the most convenient and chiefest pla­ces in Italy, and sent Money to Manlius at Faesulae, which he had borrow'd both on his own and the account of his Friends. This Manlius became after­wards the Head of the Rebellion.

He betray'd likewise a vast number of all sorts and conditions, besides some women who had got vast Estates by the prostitution of their bodies. Even these Catiline design'd to be instrumental to his Association, who by Courtship and other verbal Services, should engage their Husbands to his interest, and if not, to kill them.

Amongst these was the Lady Sempro­nia, a true Virago, who commonly commit­ted many notorious Mischiefs with a ma­sculine impudence. This woman was very nobly descended, and of an excel­lent beauty, very happy in a Noble Hus­band and lovely Children, learn'd in the Greek and Latine Tongues, could sing and dance moreSemproniam hic reprehendit Salustius, non quod saltare, sed quod optimè scierit, quod ut vi­tium Notavit Aemilius Probus in Epaminondae vita. ingeniously than an honest woman ought to do, and had several more qualifications subservi­ent to her wanton Luxury: she accoun­ted any thing at an equal value with Vertue and Modesty; and it would be very difficult to discern whether she was more prodigal of her Money or her Re­putation; being so naturally lascivious, that rather than not be courted, she would court others.

But this woman had before this made shipwrack of her Fame and Credit, was perjur'd, guilty of Murder, and involv'd [Page 33] in all manner of Luxury and Necessity.

But her Wit and Parts were not in the least despicable; she could compose Rhymes and Sonets, was very jocular in all Society, and could talk either mo­destly, moderately, or lasciviously, and had indeed a great deal of Complaisance and Gentility in her Conversation.

These things done, and the Plot so far laid, Catiline the ensuing year endea­voured no less vigorously for the Consu­late than before, hoping that if he was chosen, he should manage C. Antonius, and cast him in what mould he pleas'd.

Neither was he now quiet, but sought by all means possible to intrap Cicero, who was no less sedulously cautious to prevent him: for from the beginning of his Consulate he so manag'd Fulvia, that she promis'd to induce Q. Curius to discover the whole Association. More­over, he sent away C. Antonius his Col­legue to the Government of a Province, suspecting lest he also should have some [Page 34] private grudges against the Common­wealth; and had continually a private party of his Friends and Clients about him for the safeguard of his person.

But when the Council-day came, and Catiline saw that none of his Designes and Stratagems against the Consul took effect, resolv'd immediately to take Arms and absolutely try the utmost event of all things, since all his Contrivances met with a far different Event than he ex­pected.

Upon this he dispatched away Man­lius to Faesulae, and other parts of Etru­ria; Septimius to the Territories of Pi­cenum; and C. Julius into Apulia; some one way, and some another, as he thought convenient.

In the mean time he himself was not idle at Rome, but still plotted the ruine of the Consul, to prepare fit Instruments and Materials for firing the City, and to beset strong and convenient places with armed men, to be himself armed, to [Page 35] command and exhort others to be prepa­red and in readiness for what they were to execute, to be active and vigilant both by night and day, and let no labour nor hardship in the least weary nor discom­pose them.

But at last, when he saw nothing take effect, at an unseasonable time of night he summon'd the Chief of the Conspi­racy by M. Porcius Lecca, complaining of their sloath and tardiness in so weigh­ty an Affair. He gave them to under­stand, that he had sent Manlius before to those Forces which he had order'd to be in Arms, and others into other op­portune places, to commence the War; and that he himself desir'd to hasten to the Army, if by any means possible he could first kill Cicero, because he was the chiefest hindrance and countermine to all his undertakings.

At this they were all startl'd, and ve­ry dubious what the Event might be. At length C. Cornelius a Roman Knight, [Page 36] and L. Vargunteius a Senator, resolv'd that very night or the next morning to take a few armed men, and go by way of visit to salute Cicero, and so surprizing­ly to kill him at his own house.

But when Q. Qurius understood how great and imminent a danger threaten'd the Consul, he immediately made Fulvia the happy Instrument of its discovery, insomuch that when they came to the door, they were deny'd entrance; and for so great and noble an Exploit, had onely their labour for their pains.

In the mean time Manlius rais'd the Rabble in Etruria, who were very desi­rous of Reformation, because their pre­sent Wants and Grievances brought to their remembrance, that in the Ʋsurpa­tion of Sylla their Estates were sequestred, and their Goods confiscated.

Besides these, there were a great num­ber of Banditi or Robbers (of which that Country abounded) and some of Sylla's old Souldiers; though they had such [Page 37] rich Plunder and large Spoils, yet their Lust and Luxury left them nothing to enjoy.

When Cicero understood this, a dubi­ous fear presently possess'd him, lest the City could no longer be defended from their Treachery by a private Council. Neither was he sufficiently satisfi'd how strong the Army of Manlius was, nor what it immediately design'd to do, but makes the Senate acquainted with the whole matter, which was heighten'd and aggravated before by the Rumours of the common people.

Upon this, the Senate immediately de­creed (as is usual in matters of great consequence) that it should be the care of the Consuls, what in them lay, to en­deavour the Security of the Common­wealth, and gave Commissions to the Magistracy to raise an Army, wage War, to engage Friends and Citizens, and to exercise full power and authority both abroad and at home.

Not long after, L. Senius (or Servius) read some Letters in the Senate, which he reported to come from Faesulae; the Contents of which were, That Manlius was in the Field with a great Army, the 5th of the Calends of November: Some related several ominous Portents and Pro­digies; others, that there were several private Cabals and Consults, how to send Arms to Capua, and raise a servile War in Apulia. Therefore the Senate decreed that Q. M. Rex, and Q. Metellus Creti­cus, should be sent, the one into Faesulae, and the other into Apulia, and the neigh­bouring places.

But theQuod praeirent Populo: That judg'd matters within the City, and had usually places of Com­mand in the Army; the num­ber at last came to sixteen. Praetors Q. Pompeius Rufus, and Q. Metellus Ce­ler, were sent the one into Capua, and the other to the Territories of Picenum, with orders to raise such an Army as the time and dan­ger did require.

Moreover, the Senate decreed that [Page 39] large Rewards should be given to any one that would make any discovery of the Conspiracy, (viz.) To a Servant Freedom, and an hundred Sesterces; to aLibertus: He or she that had serv'd as an Apprentice, and was afterwards manumis'd, was call'd Libertus, or Liberta. freed man a Par­don, and two hun­dred: They de­creed likewise, that the Companies of the Gladiators should be drawn out and sent into Capua, and other municipal places, as there should be occasion; and that continual Guards and Watches should be set over the whole City, and some inferiour Magistrate should com­mand them.

Upon this the whole City was in a Consternation, and every thing lookt with a far different Aspect than before; for instead of their excessive Mirth and Wantonness, (the effects of Idleness) Sorrow and Grief invaded every one; Terrour and Panick Fear so disorder'd them, that they would neither trust to the safety of any place, nor the honesty [Page 40] of any man; they were so confus'd that they were unfit to make War, or live in Peace, measuring the greatness of their Danger by the greatness of their Fear.

Moreover, the tender women, whom the unaccustomed fear of War had af­frighted, had regard to the greatness and glory of the Commonwealth, neither ceas'd they from being the Afflictors and Tor­mentors of their own breasts, and with up-lift hands to Heaven implor'd its mer­cy on their poor Children. Often would they ask confused Questions, and trem­ble at every shadow. Pride and Deli­cacy were now no more, since they di­strusted their own Country, and them­selves too.

But the cruel and inraged breast of Catiline still persisted in the carrying on of his Villanies, notwithstanding such strong Watches were set every where. To dissemble his Hypocrisie, and excuse himself as if justly provok'd, he came in­to the Senate; Then M. Tullius Cicero, [Page 41] either startl'd with fear at his presence, or mov'd with indignation, made a very eloquent and profitable Oration for the Commonwealth. When he had done, Catiline, who had the gift of Dissimula­tion, with a demure look, and a low voice, requested the Fathers not to give a rash credit to every idle Report, but should consider, that as he was descended of a Noble Family, so he ever fram'd his life from his Youth up, that he had a prospect of every thing good and honourable; that they should reflect he was one of their own Order, a Patrician, whose An­cestors had well and nobly deserv'd for their many Favours and Kindnesses to the Roman Commonalty; that there would be no need of conspiring the Ru­ine of the Commonwealth, so long as M. T. Cicero, an Inmate, private Citizen of Rome, sate at its Helm for its preserva­tion.

Soon as he had spoken these and o­ther opprobrious words against the Con­sul, [Page 42] they were all startl'd, and began to brand him with the dishonourable terms of Enemy, Monster, and Parricide: He, with a furious and raging transport an­swered, Since I am thus circumvented by my Enemies, the Fire that I have kindled shall be quenched by their Ruine. With that he went hastily out of the Senate to his own house, and there ruminated on many things to himself, that since all his Snares for the Consul prov'd ineffectual, and that the City was so well secur'd, that there was no possibility left of firing it, he thought best to increase the num­ber of his Army, and before the Legion should be muster'd, to take several things with him that might be serviceable to him in the War: so late at night he de­parted the City, and set forward to the Camp of Manlius; but gave orders be­fore to Cethegus and Lentulus (in whose boldness and resolution he had the grea­test confidence) that they should what in them lay, strengthen the Faction, ha­sten [Page 43] to dispatch the Consul, and get rea­dy the Instruments of Ruine, and Fire, and other Engines of War, and that he himself within a few days would meet them with his Ensigns at the City-walls.

In the mean time Manlius sends a Messenger to Q. Martius Rex, with such a Message as this:

We call the Gods and men to wit­ness, O General, that we took Arms not to the ruine of our Country, nor to the hazard and detriment of any other; but onely for our own security, that we be­ing made miserable and indigent by the Cruelty and Exaction of our Ʋsurers, are out of all hopes of our Country, Fame, and Fortune: for their and the Praetors boundless Extortion has been such, that we are not allow'd (as our Forefathers were) the use and priviledges of our own Laws; and since the loss of our Patri­monies, have not had the liberty of our bodies. Many times have our Ancestors in compassion to the Roman Commons, [Page 44] supply'd their necessities, and very lately, within our own memories, the greatness of their Debts being such, that by the consent of all good men, Brass has pass'd currant instead of Silver.

For the common People being fir'd with the desire of Command, and justly provok'd by the pride and injustice of their Magistrates, have oftentimes dege­nerated from the vertues of their Fathers, and shook off the heavy Yoak of the Roman Senate.

But for us, we neither desire Com­mand nor Riches, (the unhappy Origi­nal of all the Jars and Discontents of mankind) but onely Liberty, which no good man will ever part with, without life. We conjure you and the whole Senate, to consult the Quiet and Welfare of the miserable Citizens, and restore them the safeguard and defence of those Laws which the Injustice and Avarice of the Praetors have taken from them: for we would not have it said, that you should [Page 45] impose on us the necessity of requiring by what means and methods we should fall in the Revenge of our own Bloud.

To which Marcius returned answer, That if they intended to have any fa­vour of the Senate, they should quit their Arms, and return submissively to Rome: that the Senate and Roman People were ever of that Generosity and Clemency, that no Petition of Redress of Grievan­ces was ever in vain, or ineffectual.

But Catiline as he was on his Journey, sent Letters to many of the Chief of the Senate, intimating that he was falsly ac­cus'd of Crimes he knew not; and be­cause he could not withstand the faction and malice of his Enemies, he thought better to submit to Fortune: that he was gone an innocent man to Exile into Massilia, not because he was guilty of what was laid to his charge, but onely for the quiet of the Commonwealth, whose Peace he more studied than any sediti­ous Contention, or the vindication of [Page 46] his own Innocence. Several Letters of this purport Catulus read in the Senate, delivered to him in the name of Catiline; of which, this was one.

But he himself staid a few days with Flaminius at Rheatium, to supply that City with Arms; then with theBundles of Rods carri'd as a mark of Honour and Justice be­fore the Consul, and other great and eminent Officers. Fas­ces, and other Im­perial Ensignes went to the Camp to Manlius.

Soon as these things were known at Rome, the Senate immediately proclaim'd Catiline and Manlius Enemies to the Re­publick, and appointed a day for the rest of the Conspirators, and those that were already condemn'd for capital Crimes, before they could possibly quit their Arms; decreeing likewise that the Con­suls should have a Dilectum, and that An­tonius should hasten to follow Catiline with his Army, and Cicero be lest for the safeguard of the City.

At that time the Roman Empire see­med to be in a very low ebb of For­tune; though all their Conquests from the East to the West were at their beck, at home Pleasures and Riches (the sum­mum bonum of some men) flow'd in with a Spring-tyde, yet there were some fa­ctious Citizens of that perverse and ob­stinate Spirit, who then endeavour'd what in them lay the Ruine of the Com­monwealth and themselves too, for the lucre of the Reward promis'd by the two [Page 49] Decretals of the Senate, had not that in­fluence on one of so great a Multitude as to prompt him to discover the least particle of the Conspiracy: neither did one of Catiline's Souldiers prove a Rene­gado, so much did the Witchcraft of Re­bellion possess the minds of most of the Ci­tizens: Neither was it the opinion onely of those concern'd in the Association, but the greatest part of the common people were so in love with Reformation, that they favour'd and approv'd of his Un­dertakings, or at least seem'd so.

For always in a great City all good and loyal persons become the Envy of the poor and factious: whereas on the contrary, wicked Incendiaries are most extoll'd; who hating Antiquities, were in love with Novelties, willing to exchange pre­sent Realities for future Uncertainties; being bred and foster'd onely by Noise and Sedition, without any care or fore­sight.

For Poverty is easily obtain'd without [Page 50] loss, but the common Citizens urged themselves headlong to their own ruine, especially those who excelled others in Cheats and Cozenage; secondly, those whose loss of Patrimony was attended with disgrace and necessity; and lastly, those whom any wicked and nefarious Villany had banisht Rome: These at that time fled to the City as to a Bro­thel; and many calling to remembrance the Usurpation of Sylla, that they saw some from common Souldiers become Senators; others so opulent, that they liv'd rather like Princes than common Subjects; every one hop'd that if Vi­ctory attended their Swords, the same or a better fortune: Besides, the Country Youth, who earn'd their Bread in the fields by the sweat of their brows, being fir'd with their profuse prodigality both in private and publick, preferr'd the idle life and pleasures of the City before the ungrateful toyl and labour of the Coun­try.

Not onely these, but all, were infe­cted with the same disease; by which it is the less to be admir'd that indigent persons, indued with ill principles, ha­ving such hopes, consulted not so much the good of the Republick, as their own interests: besides, those whose Parents were banisht, and had their Estates se­questred, and their Rights and Priviledges lessen'd by the Ʋsurpation of Sylla, ex­pected the Event of this War to be lit­tle different from that. Moreover, those who were of a different Opinion and Party from that of the Roman Senate, had rather the Commonwealth should be disturb'd, than they themselves be the less quiet. Thus the old Mischief, after the revolution of some years, re­turn'd to infect the City once agen.

For when the Power of theOf which there were two sorts, Tribunis militum, who had onely authority in matters military; and Tribuni Plebis, Protectors of the People, Anglicè, Sheriffs. Tri­bunes was restor'd (in the Consulate of Cn. Pompeius, and M. Crassus) the [Page 52] Roman Youth, having attain'd the height of Power, their Age and Spirits being alike sierce and untam'd, began to irri­tate the Rabble by criminating the Acti­ons of the Senate; and by degrees in­censing them more and more by Bribes and Promises, made themselves very po­pularly famous. On the contrary, most of the Nobility of the Senate, for the ho­nour of the Commonwealth, and their own Grandeur, endeavour'd what in them lay to oppose them.

But after that Cn. Pompeius was sen [...] to the Maritime and Mithridatick War▪ the Riches of the common People were diminisht, and the Empire fell into the hands of a few. These men had al [...] Magistracies, Provinces, and every thing else in their own possession, and were altogether absolute and uncontroulable▪ leading their lives without any fear o [...] danger, and aw'd all others by the ter­rour of their Laws to reduce the Com­monalty into a better Obedience: bu [...] [Page 53] the first opportunity that offer'd any hopes, blew up the Coals of Dissention afresh within them. But to return.

If Catiline had departed Rome at first, with an Army equal to the Common­wealth, a mighty Slaughter and Calamity had inevitably befallen it; neither would those who had been victorious have been long able to retain their Conquest, but he that had the stronger Party would ob­tain the Empire from the more weak and infirm.

Besides those that were now concern'd in the Conspiracy, there were some who sided with Catiline before; among these was one Fulvius the Son of a Senator, whom being taken in his Journey, his Father commanded to be slain. At that time at Rome was also Lentulus, who by the instigation of Catiline sedu­ced (either by himself or others) all, whose Manners and Fortunes he thought render'd them desirous of Reformation; [Page 54] not onely Citizens, but all sort of Peo­ple that might aid a War.

To that purpose he employs one Ʋm­brenus to sollicite to Embassadours of theA very fierce and Warlike People that inhabited some part of Gallila, and were tributaries to the Roman Empire. Now Inhabitants of Dauphiny and Sa­voy. Allobroges, and decoy them, if pos­sible, into the hor­rid Association, sup­posing (as indeed they were) that they were deeply taxed both abroad and at home. More­over he knew theJustinus ex Trogo. Non reges Orientis sine Mercenario Gal­lorum Exercítu, ulla bella Ges­serunt, tantus terror Gallici No­minis, sive armorum, invicta felicitas erat, ut alter neque Ma­jestatem suam tutam, neque a­missam recuperare se posse, sine Gallica virtute arbitrarentur. Gauls were na­turally a fierce and warlike People, and might easily be brought over to such a Designe. This Ʋmbrenus was known to, and well acquainted with the Chiefs and Magi­strates of all their Cities, because he had for some time been employed in Gallia by the Roman Senate; and there­fore [Page 55] he took an opportunity when he saw the Embassa­dours in theForum has several significati­ons; but I suppose this to be the place where Orations were made to the People, and where Con­troversies in Law were judicial­ly determin'd. Fo­rum, asking them a few Questions con­cerning the state and condition of their City, and as it were condoling their Misfortunes, he began to inquire of them what end they hop'd to expect of all their Miseries; but when he heard them complain of the covetousness of their Magistrates, that they accus'd the Roman Senate be­cause they afforded them no Redress, and that they expected nothing but Death to be their Remedy; But I (said he) provided you will shew your [...]s;elves men, can put you into a method how you may easily avoid these Extre­mities.

When he had said this, the Allobro­ges, big with expectation, entreated [Page 56] Ʋmbrenus to commiserate their Condi­tion, and promis'd that there was no­thing so hard and difficult, but they would to the utmost of their power en­deavour to accomplish, if by any means possible he could deliver their Citie [...] from the rigour of their Taxes.

Presently he leads them into the house of Decius Brutus, because 'twa [...] near the Forum, and was their general Rendezvouz, for the sake of his Wif [...] Sempronia; (for Brutus was at tha [...] time absent from Rome:) to his aid h [...] calls Gabinius, who was endued with the better Art of Perswasion; in his pre­sence he opens the whole Plot, and to induce them the more, discovers th [...] Confederates and the rest that were con­cern'd therein: and when they had consented, and promis'd what Aid they could afford, they were dismiss'd.

But the Allobroges were long in sus­pense what Course to steer; on the one side, were their Debts and Exactions, de­sire of War, and a prospect of the vast Rewards of Victory; on the other, great­er Riches and Aids, safe Counsel, and instead of uncertain Hopes, certain Re­wards. Consulting these things, at length Fortune favour'd the Commonwealth; up­on this they discover'd what they knew to Q. Fabius Sanga, (under whose Patro­nage their City then was) Cicero being ac­quainted with it by Sanga, order'd the Embassadors still seemingly to favour the Conspiracy, accordingly to meet them, promise them vvell, and do their Endeavour to make themselves acquain­ted with as much as possible. About the same time were there Insurrections in both Gallia's, in the Territories of Pice­num, and at Brutium in Apulia; for those whom Catiline had sent away before, rashly and inconsiderately manag'd eve­ry thing, according to their own Will, and caus'd more Fear than Danger by [Page 56] [...] [Page 49] [...] [Page 56] [...] [Page 49] [...] [Page 50] their nightly Cabal [...], Conveyance of Ar­mour and Darts, by their urging and hastening every thing; of which num­ber Quintus Metellus Celer (being made ac­quainted with it by the Senate) put ma­ny into Chains and Irons; the like did C. Muraena in yonder Gallia, who was Lieu­tenant of that Province.

But at Rome, Lentulus, with the rest of the Chief of the Conspiracy that were ready with their Forces, so design'd it, that as soon as Catiline was come into Fae­sulae with his Army, L. Bestia, the Tri­bune of the People, should in a select Oration lay the blame of the whole Pro­ceeding upon Cicero, and lay the Envy of the most unheard of Wars upon the best of Consuls, and by a certain signal the rest of the Conspirators the next Night should severally prosecute their intended mis­chiefs, but in this method, that Statilius and Gabi [...]ius, with a small Party, should set fire on twelve chief Places of the City; by which means they might the better come at the Consul and the rest for whom [Page 51] they had laid wait; that Cathegus should beset the Gate of Cicero, and assassinate him, some one way and some another; but the Sons of Families (of which the most part was of the Nobility) should kill their own Parents. So that every one being thunder-struck as it were with Blood and Fire, should confusedly run out, and joyn with Catiline.

Whilst these things were designing and preparing, Cethegus continually com­plain'd of the Sloth and Laziness of his Companions, that their doubting and delays had lost them several fair and pro­mising Opportunities, and that there was more need of Action than Council, in a matter of so great and dangerous a Consequence, that he himself with the help of a few more (since the rest were so remiss) would set upon, and massacre the whole Senate. This Cethegus was na­turally fierce and cruel, very dexterous, and successful in what he undertook, and ever thought the greatest Honour of any Action consisted in Celerity.

But the Allobroges, according to the Command of Cicero, met Gabinius and the rest, and required an Oath of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, which being seal'd, would be a sure Pledge or Confir­mation to their Citizens, without which it would be very difficult to induce them to favour so great and hazardous a De­sign, which they (not at all suspecting) freely gave. Cassius promised to come thither in a short time, to command what Aid they should afford, and accordingly departed the City a little before the Am­bassadours. He also sent with them P. Vul­turtius, to the end the Allobroges, before they return'd home, should confirm the Association with Catiline, by a mutual Ob­ligation, himself likewise deliver'd Let­ters to Vulturtius for Catiline, of which this is one.

Who I am the Bearer shall acquaint you, Consider in how great a Calamity you at present are, remember that you are a man, and a Roman, and what the present posture of your Affairs re­quire, [Page 53] get what Aid you can from every one, even the most vile and abject.

He order'd likewise Vulturtius to inform Catiline, that since the Senate had decla­red him Enemy to the Commonwealth, by what means he should refuse their Conditions if offer'd, that all things were ready in the City, which he gave Orders for, and that he should no longer delay to advance nearer.

These things done, Cicero being in­form'd of all by the Allobroges, Com­manded the Praetors, L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Pomptinius, by ambush to seise the Allobroges, and their retinue on the Mil­vian bridge. The same night that they de­parted, accordingly they appointed some armed Men without any noise or tu­mult to beset the Bridge; where, when the Ambassadours with Vulturtius came, the word given, on both sides the Am­bush broke forth, the Allobroges, knowing the Design, willingly surrendred them­selves; but Vulturtius at first encoura­ging the rest, defended himself from the [Page 54] multitude with his Sword, but when he saw himself deserted by the Embassa­dours, he intreated many things of Pomp­tinius, for his own safety; and fearful, and distrustimg his life, deliver'd himself Prisoner to the Praetors, of which thing Cicero had very seasonable notice, and 'twas hard to discern whether his Joy or Care was the greater, he was glad when he consider'd, that by the Dis­covery of so great a Treason the City was secure from all its threatening Dan­gers, and was Anxious and Doubtful what to do, since such great Citizens were apprehended in so dangerous a Design, whose Envy he must needs incur, and consider'd that their punish­ment would be the trouble, and their Impunity the ruine of the Common­wealth; therefore with a resolute Courage he commanded Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius to be call'd before him, like­wise Ceparius, who was preparing to go for Apulia, to raise Forces; the rest immediately came, but Ceparius a little [Page 55] before going from home, happen'd to understand the Design, and fled the City. The Consul taking Lentulus by the hand because he was Praetor, led him into the Senate, but the rest he com­manded to attend him in the House of Concord, thither he assembl'd the Senate, and several of that Order introduc'd Vul­turtius and the Allobroges, and Flaccus the Prae­tor, with the Packet of Letters he found with the Ambassadours. Vulturtius being demanded several things concerning the Journey and Letters, what was their Design and Purpose, and on what ac­count he did so, at first fain'd, and dis­sembl'd every thing, pretending he knew nothing, and was only travelling for Gallia, but when he had the Senates faith, and the Consul's word to fortify him, he made a full discovery of every Particu­lar, that he was drawn in by Gabinius and Ceparius into the Conspiracy, that he knew no more than what he heard the Embassadours say, that they under­stood by Gabinius, that P. Autronius, Ser. [Page 56] Sylla, L. Vargunteius, and several others were Confederates in the Association, the same was Declar'd by the Embassa­dours, but they prov'd Lentulus guilty, not only by the Letters, but by some Speeches which he usually made use of. Concerning the Books of theOf which there were ten, who all prophe­sied of the Incarna­tion of our Saviour: The place wherein their Books were kept, was within the Ca­pitol, under ground, in a Chest of Stone, where they remain'd safe till the firing of the Capitol, wherein they were burn't too. Sybills, that three Cornelii were to reign in Rome, that Cinna and Sylla were past before, and that he was the third, whose Fate it was to obtain the Sovereignty of the City that year, the Twentieth from the Firing of theSo call'd from a man's head sound in the dig­ing the foundation, on the Tarpeian mount, begun to be built, An. urbis 127, perfected Anno urb: 247, burnt Anno urb: 670. Capitol, which by Prodigies, theSic dict: ab aras Inspiciendo, that di­vin'd, or foretold things by the Entrails of Beasts sacrific'd. Aruspices predicted to be very fatal to the City by a Civil War.

When they had read all the Letters, and every of the Conspirators had ac­knowledged their Seals, the Senate de­creed, [Page 57] That Lentulus should put off his Praetorship, and with the rest be commit­to free Prisons. Lentulus was committed to P. Lentulus Spinther, who was then Ae­dile, Cethegus to Q. Cornificius, Statilius to C. Caesar, Gabinius to M. Crassus, Ceparius (who was taken in his flight) to Cn. Terentius.

The Plot thus far discover'd, the Common People, who before were so desirous of Novelties, and too much fa­vour'd the War, chang'd their Opinions, and began to execrate the Designs of Ca­tiline, extoll'd Cicero to the Stars, and ce­lebrated all manner of Joy and Tri­umph, as if they had been freed from an Egyptian Slavery; for they knew that War, undertaken upon any other terms, was more for plunder than destruction: but this being design'd for fire and ruin, they knew to be immoderately cruel and calamitous to themselves.

The next day after, one L. Tarquinius was brought to the Senate, who was ta­ken as he was going to Catiline; he, when [Page 58] he promis'd to discover as much as he knew of the Conspiracy, had the Pub­lic Faith for the security of his Life. Be­ing commanded to it by the Consul, he related almost the same with Vulturtius, of the preparations for firing the City, the massacring of the Loyal Party, and the March of the Enemy.

Moreover, he said he was sent by M. Crassus, to tell Catiline that he should not be discouraged at the calamitous mi­sery of Lentulus and Cethegus that were ap­prehended, but should the rather hasten to approach the City, that he might put fresh Courage into the Breasts of the rest, and more easily deliver them from the threatning Danger. But when Tarqui­nius nam'd Crassus, a Nobleman of vast Riches, and no less Power, some thought it to be incredible, others, tho they thought it true, yet thought better that the power of so great a Person should be rather pacifi'd than exaspera­ted. But many that depended on Crassus, for their own interest, gave out, that the [Page 59] Evidence was false, and desir'd that the matter might be laid aside; and there­fore by the advice of Cicero, the whole Senate decreed, that the Evidence of Tar­quinius was altogether false, and that he should be kept close Prisoner in Irons; Neither should confess any more till he discover'd by vvhose Advice he should frame so great a Lye on so Worthy and Noble a Citizen.

At that time, there were not wanting some that imagined this trick to be con­triv'd by P. Antronius, that Crassus being made a Confederate in the Danger, the greatness of his Power might protect the rest. Others reported, that this Tarqui­nius was sent in by Cicero, lest Crassus should take the Conspirators into his Pa­tronage, and so disturb the Quiet of the Commonwealth. Not long since, I heard this Crassus himself declaim, wherein he affirms Cicero to be the Author of so great a Contumely; yet at the same time Q. Catulus and Cn Piso, could nei­ther by Favour, Intreaties, nor Bribes, [Page 60] prevail with Cicero, that C. Caesar should be falsly accus'd, either by the Allobroges, or any other Evidence, for both these were great Enemies to Caesar, Piso being by him accus'd of Bribery in the open Senate, for the unjust punish­ment of a certainSo call'd from the other side of the River Po in Italy where they inha­bited. Transpadani­an; and Catulus hated him be­cause in his latter years, ha­ving undergone all Offices and Honours, vvhen he stood Candidate for the Pontificate, The Pontificate was an Office to have the over sight of a Wood­den Bridge, call'd Pons Sublicius, being so great that Carts might pass over it, having no Arches to uphold it, but only great Posts and Piles of Wood, and that which is most re­markable in it is, that it is joyn'd together only with wooden Pins, without any Iron at all. yet young Caesar vvas preferred before him. But when by no means imaginable they could make the Consul guilty of so great a Vil­lany, they themselves by counterfeiting his Seal, and insinuating what they pre­tended to understand from Vulturtius, and the Allobroges, contracted on him a great deal of Envy; insomuch that some Roman Knights, who were there plac'd, arm'd with Darts for a [Page 61] Defence to the House of Concord, whe­ther out of apprehension of the Great­ness of the Danger, or greatness of Spi­rit, that their Zeal to the Common­wealth might be the more apparent, threatned Caesar, as he went out of the Senate, with their Swords.

While these things were doing in the Senate, and Rewards decreed to Vultur­tius, and the Allobroges for their approv'd Evidence, the Servants and Clients of Lentulus were continually solliciting the Trades-men, and Hirelings in the Streets, to deliver him by force; others made Inte­rest with the Ring-leaders of the Rabble, who usually for Pay and Reward, made factious Insurrections in the Common­wealth: Cethegus on the other side sent Messengers to sollicit his own Family, and the Chief of his Liberti, that were train'd up in bold and daring Enterpri­zes, that getting an head, they should re­scue him by force of Arms.

As soon as this came to the Consul's Ears, he set such Guards and Watches [Page 62] over them as he thought convenient and necessary, and assembling the Senate, demanded what they intended to do with the Conspirators they had in Cu­stody, who in a full Senate were found guilty of Treason against the Common­wealth.

Then D. Junius Silanus, because he was next design'd Consul, being ask't his Judgment, not only against those that were already in Custody, but also against L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, and Q. Annius, if they should be taken, he Decreed they should suffer such punish­ment as the Laws require.

But when Caesar was ask'd his Judg­ment he spoke after this manner.

C. Caesar here hath very well and sub­tilly discours'd of Life and Death, as if he thought those things only fictitious which are deliver'd to us, of Hell, and Fu­ries, and the shades below, and of the diffe­rent wayes that wicked men go from good, to gloomy, dark, and ugly abodes, and therefore decrees that their Estates should be confiscate, and they kept Pri­soners in the free Towns, fearing, lest if they should still remain in Rome, either by the Confederates of the Association, or the giddy Rabble, they should have Re­scue, as if Rome was the only Nest and Receptacle of wicked Debauchees, and not all Italy; or that a daring Impudence would not commit most outrage, where it met with the least resistance. Where­fore I think his Counsel to be vain and frivolous, and if in so great a Conster­sternation he alone stands unfrighted, we [Page 76] have all reason to fear him. Those things which you decree concerning Lentulus, I would have you to resolve a­gainst the whole Army of Catiline, for by how much the more severely you do this, the fainter and the more infirm will their Courage be, but if they see you in the least remiss and languid, the fiercer Assault must ye expect from them; flatter not your selves therefore with the Opinion, that your Ancestors rais'd the Republick to what it now is, from small and indigent, to so great and famous; for if it were so, we have much the more reason to continue it in its present Splen­dour, because we have greater Forces, of Allies and Citizens, Armour and Hor­ses, than ever they had. But there were other things that rendred them renown­ed, which we have not; at home Industry, abroad, a lawfully acquir'd Empire, a mind free in Councel, not in the least sway'd by Pride or Debauchery: Instead of these, we abound in Luxury and Avarice, in Discredit and Debts abroad, at home in Ease and Plenty; we com­mend [Page 77] Riches, but embrace Idleness, and make no difference between Good and Ill, since Ambiti­on ingrosses all the Rewards of Virtue; neither is it strange, since ye all consult the Good of the Republick, only apart and separate, while in the mean time you are Slaves to your Pleasures at home, and here to Interest, and the Favour of others. Thence it is that Attempts are made upon the Naked and unarm'd Com­monwealth: but I pass this by.

Here the Noblest Citizens have conspir'd to imbroyl their Country in a Civil-War, and cal­led to their Aid the Gauls, a People war­like and fierce, ever envious of, and full of Hatred to the Roman Greatness: the Commander of our Enemies is just upon us, and you yet still delay to suppress them, and are yet dubious what Punish­ments to inflict on Traytors apprehend­ed within our own Walls. I suppose you are pitiful, since such Young Noblemen have offended only through Ambition, and you would fain dismiss them arm'd; yet your Clemency and Pity would, if they should take Arms, turn to your own Mi­sery. [Page 78] The matter it self is really dange­rous, but you neither fear nor apprehend it: here, through Sloth and a Womanish Softness, you look one on another, as if you trusted to the Immortal Gods, who have often preserved the Commonwealth in its greatest Dangers. No faint Wishes nor effeminate Prayers can draw them to your Suc­cour, but by Cicero sic de finibus, minime convenit, cum ipsi inter nos ab­jecti, neglecti sue famus pestu­lare, Si diis immortalibus Chari sumus, & ab his dili­gamur. Et Gellius, Quid nos à diis immortalibus diuti [...]s expectemus, nisi malis ratio­nibus sinem facimus? Vigilance, Counsel, and Action, you may justly expect a prospe­rous Delivery: but, when once you give your selves up to Sloth and Idleness, (which they hate) all Prayers and Devotions to the Gods are lost and ineffectual.

Amongst our Ancestors, Aulus Manlius Torquatus commanded his own Son to be slain, because, contrary to Command, he fought for the Republick against their Enemies. But that extraordinary young Man suffered Death as a just Punishment for such an immoderate and unseasonable Valour, and yet you differ concerning the Punishment of the most unheard of [Page 79] Parricides: yet I would have you in some measure to commiserate the Ho­nour and Dignity of Lentulus. If he had had any pity for it himself, or any regard to the Honour of the Gods and the Lives of us all, pardon the Extravagance of Young Cethegus; if ye are so far in love with Civil War, as to let him make ano­ther Attempt; and what shall I tell you of Gabinius, Statilius, and Ceparius? who, had they any love for the Commonwealth, and their own Countrey, had never so dangerously conspir'd against them. In­deed, Fathers, (should I not offend in saying so) I could be easily content the Plot it self should convince you, since my words are so lightly regarded; but now every where Danger surrounds us, Catiline dares us with his Army, besides o­ther secret and unknown Enemies within our own Walls, in the Bosom of our own City, ready for an Insurrection; neither can all the Preparations we can make, nor all our private Councils imaginable, be too soon put in practice to prevent it. [Page 80] Wherefore my Sentence is, that since the Nefarious Plots and Associations of some wicked and desperate Citizens, threaten so imminent a Danger to the Common­wealth, and the Conspirators convicted by the Evidence of Vulturtius and the Allobroges, and by their own Confessions have design'd both us and Rome for Blood, and Fire, and other unparallel'd Cruelties, 'tis necessary, by the Exam­ples of our own Fore-fathers, they should suffer condign Punishment, as men con­victed of Capital Offences.

Soon as Cato had ended, all the Consular Order, and most of the Senate approved his Sentence, and mightily applauded the bravery of his Courage, branding others with the name of Coward, that seem'd to oppose it, and accordingly pass'd a Decree for their Execution. As soon as the Senate broke up, the Consul, thinking it best to take the oppor­tunity of the approaching night, gave Orders to the Triumviri to make every thing ready for that purpose; according­ly, [Page 81] after he had disposed his Guards, he conducts Lentulus to theSic dict. à Coercendo, from restraining Men of their Li­berty: it had two principal Parts, one called Tullianum, (into which Lentulus was cast) and the o [...]her Ro [...]ur: these two Places were as­sign'd for Execution; in the Tullianum they only strangl'd Malefactors; it had its name from Serv. Tullius, a Roman King, who first invented it. Carcer, the rest of the Conspirators were brought in by the Praetors. There is a place in the Carcer called the Tullianum, a little on the left hand, about twelve Foot deep, fortify'd on every side with Walls, and over it a Chamber built with stone Arches; but exceeding dark, stinking, and of a very horrid Aspect. As soon as Lentulus was let down into this Place, he was strangl'd. Thus that great Patrician of the most ho­nourable Family of the Cornelii, who had been honour'd with the Consular Dignity, met a Fate every way just and equal to the blackness of his Treasons. Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius, took their leave of Life in the same man­ner.

Whilst these things were thus doing at Rome, Catiline, out of the Forces he [Page 82] brought with him and those which Manlius led, muster'd twoSo called à Deligen­do. An ordinary Le­gion consisted of ten Cohorts, containing three Maniples, each Maniple two Centu­ries. So that it con­sisted of sixty thou­sand Men. Legions, and fil­led up his Troops, ac­cording to the number of his Souldiers, when at first his whole Army consisted but of two thousand; but of all his Forces, only one fourth part was well disciplin'd and arm'd; the rest only carried small Darts, Lances, and other sharp Clubs, Armour only of Fortune and Necessity.

But as soon as Antonius began to ap­proach with his Army, Catiline took his march over the Mountains, and de­signed to remove his Camp, either to­wards the City or Gallia, and so to give no opportunity of Battel at all to the adverse Armies; for he hop'd in a short time to have the Number of his Forces much augmented, if his Confederates at Rome had but begun the attempt: therefore he refused the Services of [Page 83] those of whom at first he might have had a considerable Force; and depend­ing on the Strength and Aids of the Conspirators at home, he thought it then, beneath the Honour of the Cause to communicate it to every Slave and Fugitive.

But when News was brought him, at the Camp, that the whole Plot was discovered at Rome, and condign Pu­nishment inflicted on Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest, and that most of them, whom the hopes of Plunder and the desire of Reformation had inclin'd to War, were now fall'n off, he imme­diately remov'd by great Marches over the rough Mountains into the Pisto­rian Territories, designing by by-ways secretly to fly into Gallia. But Q Me­tellus Celer, commanded three Legions at Picaenum, and imagin'd by reason of the Straits Catiline was in, that he de­signed some such thing; therefore when the Scouts had given him notice [Page 84] of his March, he seasonably remov'd his Tents, and encamped at the foot of the Mountains, on purpose to stop his Passage into Gallia. Neither was Antonius, with his Army far off, in the smooth and level Ground, that he might the better pursue the flight of Cataline; who when he saw himself en­viron'd with the Mountains, and the number of his Enemies, that in the City all his Undertakings went cross and retrograde, and that there were no hopes of Flight or Safety, he thought best in such an Extremity to try the fortune of a War; and therefore resol­ved to engage Antonius as soon as possi­ble. Calling a Counsel of War, he thus bespoke them.

Sic Salustius in Jugurtha. Plura dicerem si timidis vir­tutem verba adderent, nam strenais abande dictum puto. Et demosth. in Oratione, [...], &c.I know by Ex­perience, Souldiers, that the greatest force of Words can­not have the least In­fluence to provoke [Page 85] Valour, nor can any Army of weak be­come strong; or of Cowards, valiant, by the insinuating Eloquence of a Ge­nerals Oration; for every Breast whom Nature hath endued with manly Bold­ness and a warlike Propensity, should endeavour to render it the more splen­did and illustrious in the dangerous Hazards of a just War: but him whom neither Glory nor Adversity can incite to Valour 'tis in vain to perswade, since the force of natural Cowardise hinders its Operation But I only call'd you together to advise you a few things and make you acquainted with my Design; for you all know, Souldiers, what mi­serable Calamities the Sloth and Folly of Lentulus have brought both upon himself and us, insomuch, that whilst I expected Auxiliaries from the City my Passage into Gallia is block'd up. Now indeed, with what an Aspect our Affairs look you all know as well as I: two Armies of our Enemies attend [Page 86] us; one stops our Progress for the Ci­ty, the other for Gallia, and for us to remain longer here, (tho we had de­signed it) yet the want of Provision, and other Necessaries, constrains us to the contrary; therefore wherever we go, nothing but the Sword must force the Passage, wherefore I advise you to be resolute and couragious; and since we must commence the Battel, remem­ber that you carry Riches, Glory, and Honour, nay Liberty, and Rome it self, in your right hands. If we conquer they are all secure we shall have Pro­visions enough, and all the Colonies, and free Towns will lye open to us; but if Fear and Cowardise should pre­vail, we must expect the contrary, for no Place nor Friend will protect him whom Arms will not: besides, there is a great Difference in the Cause of War between us and our Enemies; we fight for our own Country, Lives, and Liberties, they only for the superfluous [Page 87] Power of a few great Men; wherefore that ye may the more couragiously en­counter them, remember that you are Romans, and set before you the old Roman Valour. No one, unless a Con­querour, will ever exchange War for Peace; and 'tis the greatest Madness imaginable, to hope for Safety by Flight, and turn your Backs upon your Enemies, when they are sufficiently defended by the Armour you carry. Al­ways in fight they that fear most are in the greatest Danger; but Courage is like Walls and Bulwarks. When I con­sider, Souldiers, who you are, and reflect on all your former Actions, I have sufficient hopes that Victory will attend us; your Spirits, Age, and in­nate Valour, and which is more, the prevalent force of Necessity, which makes Cowards valiant, plainly con­firms it. But if Fortune is grown en­vious of our Valour, fall not unre­veng'd, nor be taken, and kill'd like [Page 88] tame Beasts, but like true Romans dye fighting, and leave a dear, bloody, and a lamentable Victory for your Enemies to boast of.

When he spoke this, after a short pause, he commanded them to sound an Alarm, and leads his Forces into a Plain, and then, to inspire them with the greater Courage, he himself mu­ster'd them on foot for, according to the scituation of the Plain, which was between two Mountains on the left hand, and an huge craggy Rock on the right, he plac'd Eight Cohorts in the Front, and the rest in a more nar­row compass, for a Recruit. In the Rear of these, he chose out the most experienc'd Centurions, and every the best disciplind and best arm'd of the Common Souldiers for the Forlorn Hope, and appointed C. Manlius to command the Right, and a certain Faesulanian the left wing of the Army, and he himself [Page 89] with his Freemen and Te­nants betook themselves near theThe Eagle was the common Ensign of the Romans, but this was a particular Eagle which C. Marius had in his Army in the Cymbrian War. Eagle. which C. Marius was said to have in the Cymbrian War.

Of the adverse Army, C. Antoninus, Ge­neral, being sick of the Gout, was ren­der'd incapable of accompanying it, so committed the Charge of it to M. Petrei­us, who plac'd the Veteran Cohorts (which he rais'd in haste) in the Front, and the rest of the Army for a Supply in the Rear, and riding round the Body, cal­ling them severally by their Names, encourag'd, and intreated them to re­member they were about to fight against unarmed Thieves and Robbers, for no less cause than their own Country, Children, and Religion.

This Petreius was a man altogether trayn'd up to War, and had discharg'd with great honour and credit the Of­fices of Tribune, Praefect, Praetor, and Legat.

When they were all prepar'd, and in a fit Posture, Petreius gave the signal, and commanded the Cohorts to move forwards, Catiline's Army did the same, till they approached one another so near, that theThese were Feren­tarii, à ferendo, be­cause they wear no Armour, Swords, &c. as others, but only slings and stones. light harness'd Auxili­aries, arm'd only with Slings and Stones, could begin the Battel; immediately with a great shout and a deadly feud, they rush'd on all together, and leaving their Darts, made use of no other wea­pons than their Swords. The Vete­ran Souldiers, fir'd with the remem­brance of their former Valour, fought hand to hand very vigorously, and met with no less vigorous resistance. In the mean time Catiline was not idle, but was very often with the light-har­ness'd Auxiliaries in the Front, helping and incouraging those that fought va­liantly, bringing in fresh Supplies in the places of the wounded, providing [Page 91] and taking care for every thing, fight­ing nobly himself, and killing many of his Enemies, and discharg'd at once the duty of a Valiant Souldier, and an excellent Commander. Petreius, when he saw Catiline behave himself so vali­antly, and fought with greater reso­lution than he expected, presently brought the Praetorian Cohort into the midst of the Enemy, and made a very great and surprizing slaughter, and they but very weakly and confusedly resisted him, then made a very fierce and valiant assault on both Wings of Catiline's Army; in which Conflict Manlius, and the Faesulanian that com­manded them, dy'd fighting. But when Catiline saw his Forces thus rout­ed, and himself almost totally desert­ed, only a few remaining with him, reflecting on the Nobility of his Family and his former Dignity, scorn'd to be­come a prey to his Foes, and be taken [Page 92] tamely, desperately rush­ed in among the thickest of his Enemies, and was slain fightingSic Florus. Pulcher­rima morte si pro Pa­tria sic cecidisset Cati­lina..

The Battel done, you might then see what resolute Valour and despe­rate Courage possess'd the minds of Catiline's whole Army, for almost eve­ry one, when dead, cover'd with their Carkasses the same places, where just before, when alive, they stood fighting; but these few, whom the Praetorian Co­hort had scatter'd and put to flight, par­took of the same fate, but the Body of Catiline was found at a great distance from his own Army, in the midst of the whole Body of his Enemies, just expir'd, and seem'd to retain the same fierceness in his looks when dead, which he had in his mind when living. Lastly, in both Armies, neither in flight nor fight was there one No­ble and Ingenuous Citizen taken, but on both sides they valu'd their [Page 93] own Lives at no dearer rate than the Lives of their Enemies. Neither had the Roman Army any reason to boast they had obtain'd a joyful and advantageous Victory without Bloud­shed; for every of the most valiant and courageous either dy'd fighting, or was severely wounded, besides many who came out of the Tents, either out of Curiosity, or for the sake of Plun­der, tumbling the dead Bodies of the Enemy. One found a Kinsman, ano­ther a Friend, and some their Enemies; so, promiscuously over the whole Ar­my, Joy and Grief, Gladness, and Mourning invaded every one.