Firſt Diſcourſe. That a Compleat Miniſter of State ought to be able for Counſell, and for Execution; and ought to have a free power particularly for the War.

T'Is certain that a ſingle Quality makes not up the perfection of Adminiſtration; and to form it, th'higheſt powers of Man are neceſſary, and the nobleſt habits of thoſe powers. It is not ſatisfied with that, nor content onely with th'inward beauty, and with private ſatisfaction. It's Inclinations are more vaſt and ambitious: It ſuffers, if it remain concealed; It deſires the Light; It will appear abroad; It muſt enlarge and communicate it ſelfe; In a word, Action is her end and her Crown, and without it, it ſhould be a treaſure half loſt: or as the veins of Gold in the boſome of th'Earth, which no perſon hath diſcovered. Her beginning is that light of the Soul, and that product of th'underſtanding, which is called Prudence. But as the light of the Sun is a generall Quality, and which alone would produce nothing; ſo Prudence hath uſe of divers other Virtues to execute her Orders, and to give motion to her Deliberations. And again, as thoſe Virtues have need of her Light and Influence, to know th'object whereon they ought to look and to purſue; In like manner alſo Prudence refines her ſelfe by th'exerciſe of thoſe Virtues, and by the troubles and ſtormes which the imperfection of humane diſcourſe lets fall. They take them away, and are made clearer by experience. 'Tis not neceſſary that he who deliberates ſhould alwaies execute; That he who hath a very ſound head, ſhould have alſo ſtrong Arms; nor that he who hath Prudence, ſhould have all the virtues requiſite for Action; 'tis ſufficient that ſhe guide them and direct them in what ſubject ſoever they are found, and upon what matter ſoever they are imployed. But as th'Artificer judgeth much better of the work of his hands, and of th'excellency of his Ideaa, when he ſees it upon the Cloth or the Marble; ſo Prudence alſo is much better aſſured of the goodneſſe of its Judgement, by th'Effects then by the ſingle Diſcourſe that precedes them, and by the ſole Agitation of the Reaſon which goes before: And in my opinion, 'tis of that perfect prudence, and which uſe hath compleated, that Ariſtotle is to be underſtood, when he ſaies, That there's no true Prudence without th'other Morall Virtues.

'Tis true, that when theſe Virtues do meet in her company, when they dwell together, when they proceed from a common principle, and from the ſame Root; Their Conduct is more certain and more happy; Prudence is the more intentive upon her buſineſſe; She governs them with more tractableneſſe, and by conſtant illuminations; ſecures them with more eaſe from the Ambuſhes of Fortune, and from th'unexpected inconveniences of the times; Wherefore in matters of War, th'execution of an enterpriſe ought alwaies to be committed to him who propoſed it, provided he be a capable perſon to perform it; for therein he is excited to do well, by the glory of Succeſs, and by the jealouſie of his opinion, which is a violent and imperious paſſion; and, ſtrayning to defend the nobleſt and moſt exalted faculty of the Soul, which is the Judgement, ſeldom abates of the Conteſt and purſuit. As alſo it is not ſafe to put th'execution of a deſign into the hands of them that voted againſt it; who will be alwaies ſlow in Action; who will bring to it but the halfe of themſelves; who will have but faint motions, and conformable to the paſſions that ſhake them, which are irreſolution and diſtruſt,; and who have wherewithall to comfort themſelves in th'ill of ſucceſs, by the truth of the Prediction they had made, and by the Reputation of Wiſdom, and providence they had gained to themſelves.

Though it be ſo, and much better, that be who is capable to reſolve, be alſo capable to execute; 'Tis nevertheleſſe a rare encounter amongſt men; and as there are but few places on th'Earth which bring forth all that reſpects the pleaſures of the Senſes, and the neceſſities of Life; ſo, there are but few ſouls that have all the virtues proper for Governments; and it ſeems that the Law of humane Society, as that of Nature, would have a dependency betwixt the ſpirits of men; as there is a Commerce and Communication betwixt divers Countries, and different Nations of the World, ſo the Coldneſs of Parmenio tempered th'heat of Alexander; ſo the Wiſdom of Cyneas reſtrained the Courage of Pyrrhus: ſo Scipio obſerved th'orders of Laelius, and Augustus found a temper in the prudence of Metaenas, and valour of Agrippa, to which nothing was impoſſible.

Wherefore a Miniſter of State that hath all theſe perfections, ought to be of high price with his Prince: The State ought to reverence him as an extraordinary perſon; and the virtues which being ſevered merit a price, and to be eſteemed; deſerve highly ſome new reſpect, and a particular Veneration, when they joyn in a ſingle ſubject for the generall good of the World: At leaſt 'tis certain, that th'ill which attends the great variety of Agents is avoided; They that uphold them, agree rarely together in the ſame Deſign: Concord is ſeldom ſound amongſt them, unleſs it be in Looks and Words, becauſe th'heart is falſe, or intereſſed; and Jealouſie is there the ſtronger, for that it propoſeth to it ſelfe the poſſeſſion of ſo great a good, as the favour of the Prince, and the power of the State; They that are onely for Counſell, and whoſe virtue ſhines only in the Cabinet Councell, encline alwaies to peace how diſhonourable ſoever. 'Tis then they truly raign, when all other greatneſſe bowes to theirs. And that they ſee at their feet the glory of Armes, and the Crowns of the Victorious. On the contrary, during the War they are out of countenance, and their Authority declines in that troubleſome ſeaſon. They are darkned by a profeſſion that hath more pomp and light then theirs; And in regard that thoſe who are called to Command, are uſually extraordinary perſons, it makes them ſtrongly jealous, and apprehend th'encreaſe of power upon the ſpirit of their Maſter, and the taking of root in his Inclinations; wherefore they endeavour to make them unprofitable, that they might be the leſſe conſiderable. They trouble them in their employments, that they might be the leſſe happy. The great Victories make them more afraid then great Loſſes, and our Generalls have often ſeen diſ-banded th'Armies they Commanded, and enterpriſes ruined, whereof the Beginnings were plauſible; for having not timely received, or in the fit Quantity the proviſions neceſſary for continuing of the War. They on th'other ſide prolong the troubles, and lengthen the confuſion to th'uttermoſt of their power, to ſubſiſt in Credit and eſteem. They love the ſtormes becauſe they help to guide the Ship? They deſire ſickneſſe, becauſe they are imployed in applying the Remedies; but nevertheleſſe they would have no end made, for fear of remaining idle Pylots, and uprofitable Phyſicians. Moreover they complain alwaies firſt: They frequently accuſe them of their own faults, and eaſe themſelves upon them of th'envy of their ill ſucceſſes and diſgraces that attend it.

And when it doth not ſo happen, and that there ſhould be amongſt them a perfect underſtanding and generall agreement; The Obligation nevertheleſſe which ſome of them are under to receive Orders for Action from others, and that regular Dependency, is over importunate, and ſometimes pernicious; Whilſt they conſult the Councell of the Prince, occaſions do paſſe; Things take another Countenance, and ſo many unexpected Accidents happen, for which ſuddain proviſion muſt be made, that by their Violence they are carried away before Remedy can be applied, and the buſineſſe periſheth for not daring to relieve it when it was in their power. This unhappineſſe hath been particularly obſerved in ſome of our Neighbours States. The Venetians have made little uſe of th'occaſions of the War, and their Generalls have often ſeen a good occaſion paſſe away before them, without daring to ſtay it, or to hinder it from flying away, becauſe they had not the Senate's Order. They begin alſo to withdraw from that dangerous Maxime, and are no more ſo ſcrupulous as they were, to permit them to act of themſelves, and to take th'Advantages which offer themſelves. It is alſo obſerved, that th'affairs of the Low Countries ſuffered much for the ſame reaſon towards th'end of the life of Philip the ſecond; and that they changed extreamly by reaſon of the great delayes they were conſtrained to uſe at the time of the want of his health, and decay of his age; Th'ill was, that they would take moſt cogniſance of all things when they could worſe do it, and were moſt earneſt to retain buſineſſe when the time was elapſed. That Prince changed his Conduct, and in ſafer occaſions he was accuſtomed to give almoſt a ſoveraign Authority to them whom he imployed. The Duke of Alva had it moſt abſolute when he came into Flanders to make War to the growing Rebellion. Don John of Auſtria had it very large, when he was choſen chiefe of the Chriſtian League againſt the Turk, after the Conqueſt of Portugal; The Cardinal Albert had an unlimitted power to reform the Kingdom, and Philip the ſecond procured him a Legation, that he might act with the greater Authority, and he was at one and the ſame time abſolute Judge of temporal and ſpiritual Affairs.

Inſomuch that if the Cardinall had carried with him in his ſecond journey, beyond the Mountains, a Commiſſion as ample as ſome have deſcribed it; and that the noyſe which was but a Fable, had been true, it-had not been new nor without Example; Our Neighbours have ſhewed us the way, and that Nation alſo which underſtands th'Art of governing better then any Nation in the World. But the moderation of this Lord hath been ſuch, that he ſought not any extraordinary Power in that Occaſion: That he hath not done nor undertaken any thing, but by the expreſſe. Orders of the King, and they that have ſtudied his Life, and obſerved his demeanour, know that he hath choſen rather to be conſidered by th'Actions of the compleateſt Obedience which a Subject can give to his Soveraign, than by the particular marks of Honour and Affection which he could have received. But beyond this, let us confeſſe, that he is that extraordinary perſon, who hath in an eminent degree all the Qualities fit for governing, which are rarely ſeen, but ſevered in others; who executes what he adviſeth; appears in Calms and Tempeſts; who hath deſerved th'honour of Peace, and the triumph of War, and in whom Virtue is not limited, neither by he Condition of the Times, nor Diverſity of Affaires.

The Second Diſcourſe. whence the Virtue of keeping a Secret proceeds, and how neceſſary it is for a Miniſter of State.

WE have ſhewed in the precedent Diſcourſe, how neceſſary it is that the Councill of a Prince be reduced to a few perſons, and how difficult it is for a multitude of perſons to keep a Secret; This may be added to th'happineſſe of the King's Raign, that never Councill was more faithfull then his, nor where the ſecret of Affaires lay more ſecure. The number is very ſmall, but of excellent perſons. Nothing is capable to untie their Tongue but when it is neceſſary. They are not weak, nor to be Corrupted. Their Virtue is proof to all Trialls. That Condition is particularly remarkable in him who is the Chief, and in whom reſides that Unity which is a Beam from the Soveraignty, and the laſt meaſure of the perfection things. Few perſons have been of profounder thoughts, nor of higher exaltations of ſoul; And but few have been ſeen that could better retaine them, or that were more the Maſter of them. And nevertheleſs the beſt thoughts of the world, and the moſt happy productions of wit have this in them, that they ought to reſemble fruits which ſhould be gathered in ſeaſon, that they may be wholſome; but they have this Imperfection, that they are like to Wine, which when it is new, endeavours to break out and to run out: The wit of man is ſo in love with it ſelfe, and hath ſo hot a thirſt to make it ſelfe known; that ſo ſoon as it hath conceived ſomething which may, as it believes, deſerve praiſe, hath impatience to diſcover it: It makes haſte to bring it to light; it cannot attend the juſt time of delivery; and it ordinarily falls out, that it loſeth by too much haſte the value of what would have been excellent, if it had been brought forth in ſeaſon, and had ripened at leaſure. Beſides this defect which is alwaies naturall to us, and which is the proper French Temper; There's another Cauſe for which the greateſt part of men cannot conceal long a deſign, without giving it Air, nor retain unto themſelves a good Thought; 'Tis the ſmall power they have to reſiſt common reports, and th'opinions that run abroad. It hath alwaies been th'humour of the people to be the Cenſurers of the deſigns of Princes, and of the conduct of their Counſellors. 'Tis a diſeaſe which cannot be cured in them; And it ſeems to them, that after they have made them their ſuperiours, and have put their goods and lifes into their hands; that at leaſt the liberty is reſerved unto them of judging of their abilities; Strange folly, that they who make ſo ill and crooked Judgements in their own affairs, whereof th'extent is ſo ſhort, and th'intelligence ſo eaſie; conſtitute themſelves Arbiters of State-affairs, whoſe principall circumſtance is ſecrecy and which ought to be in th'eyes of the people, as propheſies, which are not to be underſtood but by their ſucceſs.

And nevertheleſs, though the knowledg of things be hid from them as much as may be, & that the Cauſes are concealed; they forbear not to pry into them, & that they may have alwaies matter of diſturbance. And wherewith to torment themſelves unprofitably; They believe all things their ſenſe repreſents unto them, or that another paſſion ſuggeſts unto them. A dexterous perſon then, and one who hath a ſtrong underſtanding and high Courage; makes alwaies towards his End without diſturbance for theſe popular infirmities. He reſts in peace, whilſt they who have nothing to do, but to take their eaſe, and cheriſh their health, are in trouble and in a feavers, and imitates the Heavens which alter not their Courſe for the Tempeſts of th'Aire, nor for the noyſe that is made in that ſtormy Region. On the Contrary, weak underſtandings cannot ſuſtain the liberty of Judgements, nor th'indiſcretion of Tongues; The conjectures of Curious, and the ſpeculations of idle perſons offend them; They make haſte to give a reaſon of their Deſigns, and by a precipitated judgement which they paſſe upon them, they ſee them abortive or fatal.

Sr. the Cardinal hath not done the like; When Envy was raiſed againſt him, when the Wits did mutiny againſt his Government; when his Enemies oppoſed him ſilently, or have aſſaulted him a outward force, or by publique Defiance; all that, hath not diſordered him. His Actions were neither ſlow nor confuſed: And, as if ſuch Difficulties improved his Judgement, or gave him new Forces; He never appeared ſo intelligent, or ſo valiant, as in all occaſions that ſeemed to be deſperate. Whilſt th' Engliſh poſſeſſed th'Iland of Rhee, and that Languedoc was in Rebellion; and that one part oſ the Huguenots had declared themſelves, and th'others obſerved the ſucceſſe of forraine enterpriſes; That the diſcontented Catholiques did rejoyce at th'ills of the State, and that others feared the future which they ſaw troubled and full of ſtorms; never perſon was more expoſed to complaints and ill language, then himſelfe. Indiſcretion was extream; Inſolency raiſed to threats, and that purple which in Venerable in th'eyes of Catholiques, and the Dignity of a Prince of the Church, were in danger of that common Licenſe, of being violated: His ſoul nevertheleſſe changed not its place; His Courage was not ſhaken; He did not uſe violent or faint Remedies, as had been ſometimes done to ſtay the Diſorder; He did not uſe hatefull preſervatives againſt an ill, which inflames by oppoſition, and is provoked by reſiſtance: He choſe rather to fight them with the greatneſs of his Actions, than by the fear of his puniſhment; and reſolved that his Virtue ſhould confound th'Artifices of the wicked, and th'Errours of the ſimple.

But how many ſiniſter Judgements and ſharp diſcourſes, did the ſiege of Rochell raiſe? How many paſſions: did that Town-ſtir up amongſt the Proteſtants, and amongſt the Catholiques? How many Oppoſitions were ſet on foot againſt that Deſign, in the Kingdom and abroad, by them who were our declared Enemies, and by them who would ſeem to be our friends? What had not been ſaid of th'expence of that ſiege, if being ſo vaſt it had been unprofitable? How much had they cryed out againſt us, if we had ſuffered our Allies to periſh, and if that we had not reduced to obedience the rebellious French. And nevertheleſſe, ſo many different paſſions, and all thoſe irregular Motions, did not ſtop our purſuit, nor th'heat of an Enterpriſe, which hath ſecured the foundations of the State, and the foot of the Crown. And at that laſt buſineſſ of Italy, How many diſgracefull Diſcourſes, and outragious Murmurings did it produce againſt the Reputation of that great Miniſter of State? It ſeemed that there were perſons hired in all places, of purpoſe to cry down his Actions; His Enemies had found th'occaſions they ſought for, to diſcharge their Malice with colour, and vomited their Hatred with liberty: The people that ordinarily wiſh ill to them that govern them, and ſuffer themſelves alwaies to be led by running Reports, eſpecially when they are bad, remember no more th'evill from which they were delivered, but demand the good which they could not ſo ſoon receive, and few perſons conſidered what was done, nor the progreſs of the Kings Armes, nor his Conqueſts, but what was yet to be done; Even our Allies applyed themſelves to us for repair of their Loſſes: And as if they could not be imprudent or unhappy in our Company; It ſeemed good to them that we ſhould anſwer for their faults, and for their diſgraces; and the worſt. Accident of all, was the ſickneſſe of the King, ſo very violent, that it gave no place for hopes to honeſt men, and in ſuch a conjuncture, that if this Prince had dyed, the world muſt have changed its face, and muſt have taken another Courſe, then what it ought to follow. In this Confuſion of Spirits, and of Affaires, the Conſtancy of Sr. the Cardinall, loſt not it ſelfe; His Reaſon was ſtill awake, the Proviſions for the reliefe of Caſal, were not interrupted; and he made it appeare that the wiſe Man is above all paſſions; and the true griefe he ſuffered for the love of ſo great a Maſter, leſt him ſtrength and Addreſs enough not to let go the Helme, and to bring us to our Haven in ſpight of contrary winds.

The Third Diſcourſe. That a Miniſter of State cannot have an equall Soul, unleſſe he hath made tryall of Good and Bad Fortune.

THe quality whereof we have lately ſpoken, and that invincible conſtancy which is neceſſary for a Counſellour of State, is not a diſpoſition of the ſoul, which nature hath infuſed, or that Philoſophy hath compleated. It hath beſides theſe, need of exerciſe to form it; And that divine Temper which hath its Roots in our ſelves, and hath cauſe to raiſe it ſelfe betwixt the Diſcourſes of Reaſon, and Examples of History, ought to take its juſt growth from the Trials where fortune doth place us, and from the various Countenances it ſhews unto us. There's nothing in the world ſhe ſuffers with more impatience, not that ſhe beholds with more maligne and more envenomed eyes. In every place where 'tis found ſhe aſſaults it; in all places ſhe forms parties againſt it, ſhe will have it by force or by Artifice, and no cauſes or diſſimulations ſhall be wanting to corrupt it, nor rudeneſſe of violence, that ſhall not be exerciſed to overthrow it. So they that can warrant themſelves againſt her deſignes, and have power enough to reſiſt her Charmes, and her outrages; have competent Qualities t'aſpire to the Government of State; wherefore Galba proteſts, in Tacitus, that he called Piſo to the ſucceſſion of th'Empire, becauſe he had been unhappy and conſtant. And that he whom fortune could not overcome, was worthy to command the people of Rome; and to give Lawes to the Conqueror of Nations, and Triumpher over th'Earth 'Tis to know onely the Moyety of ones Life, to have taſted onely of proſperity; 'Tis not to have ſayled far, to have the winds alwaies in Poope, and the Sea propitious; 'Tis to have matter onely for a part of the virtues which compoſe a Miniſter of State, to have been ever happy; Adverſity hath alſo her Virtues, as night hath her Stars: There are ſome that are wholly proper for it, and which cannot be practiſed but in ſo rude a ſeaſon, nor appear but in tumults, and in the midſt of ſtorms.

The life of Sr. the Cardinall, ought to be too highly raiſed, not be expoſed to this variety of Accidents, and too eminent to want examples of every Virtue. His Actions have deſerved Clappings from all hands, and praiſes from all Mouthes; They have given him dayes of Triumph, they have pierced the moſt retired parts of the World, and in all places there are but a few Names ſo great as his, after that of his Maſter; But he hath had his back blowes and contradictions; He hath not been exempted from private Misfortunes, and publique Vexations. Fortune and Envy have diverſly exerciſed him; notwithſtanding, his Courage failed him not; his Conduct was equall. The Revolution that ſurrounded him, made no change in him, and whatſoever hapned, his ſoul was neither puffed nor abated; this equality nevertheleſſe is not ordinarily found. And as amongſt the brighteſt Colours, there are but a few that preſerve the ſame luſtre, and the ſame apperance to the light of a Day, and to the light of Torches: Hiſtories have alſo furniſhed us but with a few examples of Illuſtrious perſons, who have been equall in Proſperity and Adverſity: Spain commends the conſtancy of the Duke of Alva, and that he was never ſo great as in his afflictions. But it confeſſeth alſo, that proſperity made him overflow; that he was inſolent when he was proſperous; and that the Victories he gained were odious to his Maſters, though they were profitable unto them.

On the contrary, let us conſider the three Princes of Spain, that have known how to raign for an Age and halfe, and have dared to introduce immortall Deſignes, in a form of Government where Soveraigns dye, and which changeth often their Maſter: Lets conſider, I ſay, Ferdinand, Charles the fifth, Philip the ſecond, and we ſhall find that all their lives have been nothing but a Compoſition of good and evill, and a confuſion of contrary things. We ſhall there ſee Proſperity without Number, Diſgraces without Meaſures; Wounds dreſſed with Laurels, Triumphs adorned with Mourning, and above all that, conſtant and firm Courages, and an immoveable Virtue.

Behold Ferdinand, glorious in the reduction of the Kingdom of Granada, and with the Title of Catholique; Behold him triumphant in the Conqueſt of Naples, and of the fortune of France. Behold that a fancy gives him Navarre, and that chance finds him an unknown world and new wealth. This neither enflames him, nor effeminates him; He is not the more lazy, nor the leſſe vigilant; He formes: greater deſigns, and layes the Platform of a Monarch which ſhall exerciſe his Nephews a long time, and trouble the reſt of other Nations, and the peace of the world. Moreover, lets contemplate thill ſuceſſe of his life, and th'other ſide of the Medall. We ſhall ſee a Prince ill handled by fortune, and a Diadem bruiſed by her ſtrokes. We ſhall ſee a Father bury his own Son, and make Funeralls for his eldeſt Daughter: A Husband that loſeth his Wife, who was his Glory; and had been more the Companion of his troubles than of his bed; A Maſter aban doned by his Servants and Creatures, an old Man forced from his Houſe, and a Father in law ſtripped his own Son in Law. In this Sea of Diſgraces and of Afflictions, we ſhall alſo ſee an admirable ſerenity of ſpirit. A Calm that overthrows not it ſelfe; or if there was ſome kind of emotion, it did not paſs into a ſtorm, and was not violent not dangerous. 'Tis true, that his Courage had a weakneſs in it which I cannot conceal, and a fault too viſible to be diſſembled; which is, not to have been able to ſuffer the reputation of he great Captain, not the Virtue of his own Subject that was faithful unto him. As to his Nephew Charles, 'tis certain that he was never ſo tractable as in proſperity, not ſo inflexible in Adverſity. He never yeeled to force; no Prince of his time gave ſo much, and loſt ſo little; and the Spaniards ſay that the never broke his word, but t'exerciſe Clemency, and to pardon his Enemies, whoſe Ruine he had ſworn: During the tempeſt that aroſe in the Haven of Algiers againſt his Fleet, and when the Heavens deſtroyed it in his ſight, no other word every went out of his Mouth, than that wherewith our Saviour Chriſt hath taught us to pray, That thy will be done. He was humbled, but not overcome by that diſgrace, and in that terrible Chaos, where th'Elements were confounded, and Nature in diſorder, His Courage ſtood firm, His Judgement loſt not its Light: and he gave order for the embarking of his Troops, which were not periſhed, with the ſame liberty of ſoul as before he had done, when he returned Triumphant from the taking of Th • nis, and from the ſpoils of Africa. The life of Philip is a Table much mixed, and a repreſentation of divers former, and contrary Adventures; On the one ſide are ſeen Countries gained or recovered; the Springs of Gold and Silver diſcovered; Victory obtained againſt Christians, and Infidels, and that incomparable Advantage to govern peaceably, from th'Eſcuriall, a part of two worlds, and to be feared in the middle of this Cabinet, from one end of th'Earth to th'other. But lets turn our ſight a little, and we ſhall find that this proſperity had frequent and long Eclipſes, and that the ſhadows of the Pictures exceeded the lively Colours. We ſhall encounter the Death of four wives which he tenderly loved: The fancies of his eldeſt Son which gave him ſo much trouble, and forced him to put off the reſentmen of a Father, to execute th'office of a King, and function of a Judge: The jealouſies which the good ſucceſſe and great virtue of Don John of Austria gave him. The defeat of his Ships by Tempeſts, and by Enemies; The Rebellion of the Low Countries which have deſerted Spain, and made poor the Indies. And amongſt all that, and in the midſt of that Revolution. and that confuſion of Accidents, not to wander, and to preſerve his Conſtancy; It muſt be acknowledged, that it belongs to ſuch perſons by all ſorts of Rights, to govern the People, to the Superiours on Earth, and ſoveraign Arbiters of the deſtiny of men. Amidſt ſo many good ſucceſſes and rude experiences, where in the virtue of Philip was not loſt, I have made choice of a very remarkable Example; 'Tis of them that enter in proſperity, and be in the favours of fortune, and th'evidences of Love which ſhe giveth. And therefore 'tis the fairer that 'tis ſo rare, and that 'tis more difficult not to be overcome by pleaſure, than to reſiſt force, and to prevent bending than breaking. And as a gentle and temperate heat penetrates our bodies eaſier than the cold, becauſe they expatiate themſelves to receive it, and cloze to repell the cold. So th'Allurements of proſperity are more active, and enter ſooner into the ſoul, which by deſire, and the hope of enjoyment, goes to meet them, than by th'attempts of ill fortune, againſt which the ſoul fortifies her ſelfe, and defends all 'th Avenues by which ſhe might aſſault it. After then that the Chriſtians had gained the battel of Lepantha, and that God had them that memorable Victory, the price whereof was loſt by their ill Conduct; He that carried the news to Philip, was ſo tranſported above himſelfe, and ſeized upon by ſo ſtrange an emotion, that with great difficulty could he make the report of it. On the contrary, Philip ſtood as cold as if it had nnot concerned him, and ſo little moved, as if the news had been indifferent unto him. He replyed onely with a ſerious Face, and ſettled Countenance, THAT DON JOHN HAD MUCH HAZARDED. From what cauſe ſoever this coldneſſe proceeded, either from a ſpirit abated by a long Apprehenſion, leaſt the battel ſhould be loſt, or from a ſoul prepared for all ſorts of chances, and for all the Accidents of life; or elſe from a Conſideration which ſuffered him not to rejoyce at the glory of an Action, whoſe principles it may be he did not eſteem reaſonable enough.

From that cauſe ſoever, I ſay, it proceeded; the view is alwayes fair, and the ſubſtance very noble. And I am no more aſtoniſhed, if the perſon, who was not tranſported for a ſucceſs, which delivered Italy from an approaching Ruine, and all Chriſtendom from a great fear; received ſince with any apparent. Tranquillity or true Conſtancy, the newes of the Routing of the Fleet, which had coſt him ſo much money, and ought to have tyed England to the Chain, and contented himſelfe to ſay, That he had not ſent his Fleet to fight againſt the Winds.

The conſtancy of Miniſters of State, hath this advantage over that of Soveraigns, That the Soveraigns are alwaies pittied in their ill ſucceſſe, though it happen by their fault; and that Love or Reſpect which the people bears them, doth diſcharge them from th'envy of the Loſſes which they make by their imprudency. On the contrary, they caſt upon the Miniſters of State, all th'evill of the State, though they are not guilty. The require from them a continuall felicitie, though it be not in their power. They will have them ſecurity for all the chances, though they ought onely to ſecure their Counſels. They make them inſtruments of all their afflictions, and of all their ſufferings, though ordinarily their ſins are the cauſe. In briefe, they handle them in the ſame manner, and with the ſame injuſtice as the firſt Chriſtians were handled by the Pagans, who took exceptions to them for th'anger of Heaven, and for the wounds of th'Empire, and made them th'Authors fo th'Inundations, and of the ſterilities, and of the plagues, wherewith the Nation was grieved Truly, Sr. the Cardinal hath alwaies acted in ſuch manner, that what Countenance ſoever th'Affaires have taken, and whatſoever traverſes the time hath raiſed, he was never aſtoniſhed nor caſt down; He abated nothing of his purſuit; He continually reſpected the Dignity of the Maſter he ſerved, and the reputation of the Crown which he laboured to ſuſtain. And whatſoever happened unto him, & how ſtrange ſoever the Tempeſt was, he reſolved, to periſh with the Government in his hand, and to be able to ſay, what Francis the firſt wrote to his Mother, after the loſs of the Journey to Pavia; All is except th'Honour. But this Courage which hath ſhined ſo eminently in Diſgraces, was not effeminated in proſerity, and that magnanimity which he expreſſed in his ill fortune, when it undertook to exerciſe him, changed it ſelfe into an excellent Moderation, and into a moſt perfect acknowledgement of that which proceeded from th'hand of God, and from the fortune of a Prince.

The Fourth Diſcourſe. That the Science to diſcover the merits of Men, and t'employ them, is neceſſary for a Miniſter of State.

ONe of the Nobleſt Conditions which formes the Miniſter of State, and the perfection of Adminiſtration is the Science to diſcern other men, and th'Art to employ them: Truly, as our ſoul, how heavenly ſoever it is and all ſpirituall, hath need of the Body to make its operations: And as God makes uſes of ſecond Cauſes, to govern with them the World, and to renue Nature; ſo a Miniſter of State, how excellent ſoever he may be, hath neceſſary uſe of a number of perſons, to labour with him, and to help him to carry th'Engine of the State, and burthen of Affairs. 'Tis the Pilot that ought to give Motion to all other Officers in the Ship. 'Tis th'head that ought to put in exerciſe th'Armes, and th'other parts of the Body; And as that ancient Captain found no Title ſo glorious, nor Argument more magnificent to make himſelfe known, than to anſwer him who demanded of him. If he was a man of compleat Arms, or an Archer, or a light Horſeman; That he was the perſon that commanded all thoſe men there. So a principall Miniſter of State, ought to have a ſpirit, ſuperiour to other Officers of State, and not to be ignorant of the Duties of Generals of Armies, nor of the Duties of Judges, nor of them who manage the Treaſury. This Condition is remarkable in Sr. the Cardinal; and 'tis true, if a man have but one good Quality, he knows how to make choice of it in the midſt of many defects, and to diſcern a Grain of Gold in the midſt of Gravel and Dung. The Earth is not more various in its proprieties, nor the Heaven in its influences, than men are in their Tempers and Inclinations. And 'tis an extraordinary thing to find a ſoul capable of all ſorts of good, or a Temper proper for all the functions of the ſoul; Lets place here ſome few of its Differences, and of its Proprieties, for the clearing of our ſubject. They in whom Imagination is predominant, and who have ſubtil & hot ſpirits, are very proper for th'Intrigue. They are Rich in expedients, and have preſent Apprehenſions which warrant them from ſurpriſes, which ſuffer them not to be confounded, and which reſiſt the firſt impreſſion of Accidents which have not been foreſeeen; and the newneſs of Occurrences. They ſpeak ordinarily with grace, and expreſs themſelves with facility. Their Action hath ſomewhat, I know not what, that pleaſeth, and a certain Harmony which charmes the ſenſes, and glides even Reaſon, and to th'Affections of the ſoul; They are bold to undertake, and for that Difficulties appear leſſe to them then they are, or beneath their ſtrength; They caſt themſelves blindly upon them; they precipitate in ſtead of walking; And if they meet with a Ditch in the way, it ſtops them not; either they fall in, or leap over it. They are pleaſed with Noyſe, and love Diſturbance; they appear ſtrong in troubled times, and the Conſuſion of Affaires is their element, and the matter which is proper for them. They do ſometimes great things; and 'tis not poſſible that undertaking much, all ſhould ſucceed ill. That they encounter onely, if they fail in their choice, Hazard, where th'Election is of no uſe to them, and that being ſo ſeldom wiſe, they are never happy; They are nevertheleſſe of great ſervice, and of incredible proſit, when they fall under the Direction of a wiſe man, who tempers th'heat by his judgement, and moderates their impetuoſity by his Prudence. And as Philoſophy obſerves, That Choller ſerves for a ſpur to Virtue, and puts life to it: 'Tis alſo true, that when theſe active humours are accompanied with a good Senſe, and perfect Reaſon, nothing ſeems difficult or impoſſible to them; But alſo when they are Maſters of their Actions, and Arbiters of Affaires; their Conduct is much to be feared: It is more dangerous then profitable; They cannot commit eaſie faults, having alwaies great deſignes in their heads, and they ſeldom fail of making them, having not circumſpection enough, or foreſight to avoid them. They that are of a cold temper, and in whom reaſon abounds, are more fit to govern. And though their Actions are not ſo glaring and tumultuous as th'others are, yet they are more lively and more efficacious; The common people, who have no underſtanding but for th'objects of ſenſe, and comprehends but what it ſees, and what it toucheth, admires theſe leſſe then the former perſons. They are nevertheleſſe of a higher price in the judgement of wiſe men; and have the ſame Advantage of them, th'Architects have of Maſons; that Pilots have of Mariners; and that they who draw the deſigns of Pictures, have of them who know onely how to mingle their Colours, and to habit the Figures? They ſeldom contribute to the fall of States by Imprudency; in ſo much that the firſt Law they obſerve, is, to commit no faults. As the firſt Inclination which Nature gives us, is to ſhun th'Evill, and what is contrary to us. They ſeldom ſhipwrack, becauſe they know the nature of the Seas, and of the Winds; That they know how to foreſee the Tempeſts, and that they put out in time, and gain timely the Haven; They are fit for War and Peace; they are good to gain, and to preſerve: their Virtue is ever preſent, and there's neither condition of time, nor exception of affaires that hinders them to act, or renders them unprofitable. There are others in whom Imagination may find heat enough to act, if there were drineſs enough, and if it were not drowned in the Flegme, and in an abundance of moyſture which duls and cooles it. And nevertheleſſe they have not the vivacity of the firſt, nor the prudence of the ſecond. I ſpeak of that high and divine Virtue which reſides in the underſtanding, and in that ſupream Region of the ſoul, which is the Guide and Torch of other Virtues, and which chooſeth the means of things that are feiſable; for as to the reſt, they have but an imperfect and diminutive virtue, which is as the Shadow, and a light impreſſion of the true; if Ariſtotle muſt be believed: Their principall ſtudy is to hide their defects, to daube the breaches which they cannot make up; to paint the face, and to deceive the world with apparances of Good, and by poſtern Virtues. But in ſo much that'tis hard to appear a long time what a man is not, and that a lame perſon counterfeits to little purpoſe, when he cannot walk far, but he will be obſerved; ſo th'Art of theſe men is eaſily diſcovered, and a little Converſation undreſſeth that borrowed perſon, and that Stage-Player; when they are in Imployments, they are ſecret t'exceſſe. They keep ſilence not by diſcretion, but by feare; and in ſo much that they cannot diſtinguiſh betwixt the things they ought to conceal, and ſuch as ought to be publiſhed; They ſuppreſſe all, and ſo betray ſometimes innocently th'honours of their Maſter, and the Reputation of his Affairs. they bring ſome deſign and ſubtilty to all they do, which is that petty and imperfect Prudence, whereof, as I have ſaid, Ariſtotle makes mention. But had he been of our time, he had alſo knowm that as the Alchymiſts being unable to make perfect the Mettals that are not, change them that are, and thereof make falſe Money: ſo alſo it happens that theſe ſubtill perſons being not able to conduct their little Artifices, and the diſpoſition they have to ſubtilty, even to the true Prudence; change it into Jugling, and make an Art of it, which is the ſlime of humane ſociety, and the poyſon of Commerce. They have nevertheleſſe commonly ſomewhat of good, and were not made by chance; Heaven hath caſt ſome favourable aſpect upon them, and they are capable to ſerve, if they are imployed according to their Forces. If they are not good to deliberate and to reſolve, they are good for th'execution of ſuch Orders as are preſcribed them; They want not confidence to act, nor compleaſancy t'inſinuate into the ſpirits of them, with whom they treat. They are exact to perform their charge, they ſhun not labour; and though the ſoftneſſe of their Complexion withdraws them from it; their duty nevertheleſſe whereof they uſually have care, and the vanity whereof they are ever ſick, preſſe them to it, and maintain them in it: That is alſo the cauſe that they are not very wicked; That they are not capable of great Vices, no more then of great Virtues. And, if th'Example doth not Corrupt them, or ſome violent occaſion tranſport them. That they will never be guilty of thoſe black Actions which ſtain th'Honour, and deſtroy the Conſcience.

There's a fourth kind of Men, who have the ſoul heavier then all th'others, and in whoſe Compoſition Nature hath laid up more of Earth. Theſe men are capable of great paines and long patience; they never yeeld to labour; they never work but to work; they know not what belongs to honeſt leiſure. And that reſt which is th'end of th'active Life, and which the Philoſophers ſeek for to be happy, is their torment and miſery. They are unapt for Negotiation: But in ſo much that in the midſt of that Maſs whereof they are compounded, they have ſome beam of good ſenſe; and although their Underſtanding makes no flame, it hath nevertheleſſe ſome ſort of clearneſſe; they are not to be deſpiſed; they are not improper for the Oeconomy: They may ſerve in an Army to preſſe on labour; to make proviſions for Victuals, and for the like ſervices, wherein the Body hath a greater ſhare then th'Underſtanding, but that they have need of both.

The Fifth Diſcourſe. Of a fifth Temper, which comprehends the perfections of all th'others.

TO conclude, There's a fifth Order of Conſtitutions, which a few perſons enter into, and which the world ſees ſeldomer than Miracles: For this, Nature opens all her Treaſures, becomes prodigall of her graces, draws forth her Art, and goes to the very bottom of her power; And as the ordinary Conſtitutions are formed of the ſubſtance of the Elements, and of the hidden virtues of Heaven, which are mingled with Harmony and Symmetry: It ſeems that theſe are compoſed of what others have of moſt rare and pure; that they are Extracts and Elixirs; and that the bodies which are ſo furniſhed, are not Priſons for the ſoul, but very commodious Palaces; nor rebellious ſlaves, but tractable Servants, or obedient Subjects. In effect, As th'Heavens have generall Qualities, and which agree, and enter into ſociety with all the qualities of th'Elements, and of the Bodies which they produced; In like manner thoſe divine Conſtitutions whereof we ſpeak, are proper to all the faculties of the ſoul, and for all the operations of thoſe faculties; There's nothing in them of malignant, nor any thing that hinders; Th'abundance of the memory makes not the judgement poore: th'Action of th'underſtanding doth not leſſen the benefits of the Memory, and diſſolves not its Repreſentations; Memory and Judgement take not from the Underſtanding its edge, its vivacity, nor its preſence; All workſ there with facility; and that which cauſeth diſturbance and trouble in other bodies, produceth here a miraculous Harmony and perfect Intelligence. Th'underſtanding, as it hath been ſaid, is ſo much Maſter of the body, that it obeyes it without reſiſtance. 'Tis ſupple to all its deſires, takes pains as if it were ſtrong, though it be ſometimes ſick and weak; and as if it were born up by th'others ſtrength, or raiſed by its Agility; It holds the body to all ſorts of toyl, and is not over come by the greatneſs of the labour or continuance of it.

The ſenſitive Appetite is there very quiet; no Motion almoſt doth there ariſe, which is not voluntary either in its birth or duration. The Deſire of glory is the ſole paſſion which makes its ſelfe violently to be felt; and which is ſo imperious, if it be not ſuppreſſed, that it confounds or makes all th'others ſubject unto it, when it is without bridle; 'tis not content to raign over the lower part of the Soul, it will domineer in th'higheſt: She will command Reaſon; ſhe declares that it belongs to her to violate Juſtice with praiſe; She ſtirs up Uſurpators and Robbers of Provinces and Kingdoms; whom ſhe cauſeth to be called Conquerors: ſhe commands the Title of Great to be given Alexander, for having unjuſtly poſſeſſed himſelſe of part of the world, and he had a will to have invaded th'other part of it; She cauſeth, that even to Chriſtians, th'Emperours Honour themſelves in their qualities, with the Name of a perſon that hath raiſed th'Empire, to which they ſucceed upon the Ruines of their Country. In briefe, it cauſeth that one is called the Flayl of God to colour his Invaſions, and another the Corrector of Princes, and of the Nations of th'Earth. But when the deſire of glory is ſubmitted to Reaſon; when the Soul loves it without being tranſported; when ſhe takes it not for the end of Virtue, but for the purſuit of it, and propoſeth to it ſelfe a ſecond Glory, which is more certain than what Fortune doth diſtribute, and than th'opinion which Men give; There's not a paſſion in the world ſo fair, nor more profitable: She takes away the taſts of all others that are baſe or effeminate: She acquires Imitators of Virtue, and by the preſent or near approaching Recompence which ſhe offers her, renders her more fertile, and more efficacious.

To conclude, The Conſtitution whereof we ſpeak, ſends marks of its Nobility, even to th'outſide, and to th'exteriour, of Men; It imprints there certain Characters, which make him to be reverenced of them, that ſee him. It covers his face with Majeſty; it puts into his eyes a fire, which is more bright than that of ordinary eyes; and gives him, in a word, ſome beam of that Beauty whereof Jeſus Chriſt himſelfe hath not refuſed the praiſe; and which, by the means of the ſenſes, makes a ſuddain impreſſion upon the will, and gains, before Diſcourſe be entertained, and reaſon perſwaded.

I will not ſpeak here of the Conſtitution of Sr. the Cardinall, nor of a Good which he hath not done to himſelfe, but received it from th'Indulgence of Heaven, and from the Cares of Nature. There are truths which would not alwaies be publiſhed; And this ſeaſon would hardly permit them in his favour, the knowledge whereof depends upon ſo profound and delicate ſpeculation, ſince ſhe is ingenuous enough to Conteſt with him th'Experience of ſenſes, or to change the face of things which we have touched or ſeen. I ſuppreſs then my Judgement in this ſubject, to accommodate my ſelf to the time, and to th'Inclination which raigneth. I will onely ſay in Generall, that as there are Diſeaſes, which are to be diſcovered by th'encounter of ſeveral Symptoms; and as, for the diſcovery of Gold which is in th'Earth, there are many ſigns which ought to appear above ground, & in the Superficies; ſo you muſt conclude this high & divine Compoſition, whereof I ſpeak, by a multitude of great Actions of divers Kinds, & of different Condition, which the ſame ſubject hath produced. Let reflection now be made, if there be a mind for it, upon the life of Sr.the Cardinal. Let paſt Governments be compared with his; let it be examined, what the King hath acted ſince he had him for his Inſtrument; Let the Greatneſſe, the Variety, and the number of things which have been done, be conſidered: Let the ſhortneſſe of the time be obſerved, which ſhuts up all theſe wonders, and which amazeth th'Imagination of them who have ſeen them, and will weaken for the future the faith of Hiſtory; And after that, let every perſon judge of the Matter propoſed, according to his ſenſe or paſſion; and let him make himſelfe voluntarily blind; If he be afraid to behold a Light that offends him, and a Truth that angers him. I will not forbear t'obſerve, that although Sr. the Cardinal in acting, gives ſomewhat t'Honour; That he is very ſenſible of the Glory of faire Actions, and is not exempt from a ſenſe which all generous ſouls partake of; That, nevertheleſſe, hath never changed his Duty, never did wrong to his Conſcience, and to the Counſells which he hath propoſed. He hath not onely conſidered the Juſtice of things, but many times proceeded to Charity, which is ſo ſeldom called to the Councills of Princes, and which makes with Conveniency, the two extreams betwixt which, Reaſon of State is ſhut up. This hath been ſeen particularly in the Conduct which the King obſerved towards th'Emperour, and the Spaniards, before he began the War of Italy and had renewed it: but I will ſpeak thereof in another place.

I return to the firſt ſubject of the precedent Diſcourſe, and to make it appear, that Sr. the Cardinall in a ſoveraign degree hath the ſpirit of Diſcerning, whereof I have above ſpoken; I will fix upon ſome Elections which have been made ſince he was in the Government.

No perſon is ignorant of th'Eminency, and of the weight of the Charge of the Keeper of the Seals. 'Tis one of the nobleſt parts of the Body of the State: 'Tis the generall form of the Juſtice of the Kingdom; 'tis an univerſal Cauſe whoſe Influence is not Circumſcribed, which penetrates within and without; which makes its power known near and far, and operates in all places where we have Communication or power. And 'tis of Importance that they who poſſeſs it, deſerve it; and that they who exerciſe it, fill it up. And 'tis true, that for that Dignity, the Kings choice could not fix upon a perſon worthier then that of Sr. of Chaſteauneuf; I ſpeak not of the ſplendour of the Family from which he is come, nor of the faculty it hath had to this day, to give Illuſtrious perſons to the ſtate; They are Accidents which are not Proprietics, and Conditions which may fail in Families. And though the ſeeds of good, grow ordinarily with good blood, 'Tis not to be ſaid that they ought alwaies to fructifie: And though the Spring be very pure, it follows not but the Stream may be poyſoned, or become troubled, and taſte of th'ill Qualities of the places it hath paſſed. Theſe Advantages then of birth, and priviledges of fortune, are but incitements to do well by th'Examples of their Predeceſſors: To render the good the fairer, which they encounter, and to make the Counterpoyſe in a promotion betwixt two equall Virtues. But for Sr. of Chaſteauneuf, he hath no need of the Lights of his Anceſtors to make himſelfe ſeen. He is ſufficiently obſervable in himſelf; beſides the knowledge he hath gained. He hath highly that which Nature gives, which is the good ſenſe; He hath watched in Imployments and Negotiations. He knows our affairs, and the affairs of Strangers: He is neither weak nor intereſſed: His virtue is without Artifice, and th'evill which repreſents it ſelfe publiquely, or that cometh more dangerouſly under the vizard of good, and with its Liveries, is not capable to deceive or corrupt him: wherefore he hath received nothing but what was due to his Services, or to his Merit, and therein the choice of the King hath but followed the publique deſires, and the Predictions have been made even from a former Raign. And when it was in Queſtion to relieve th'Iſland of Rhe, and to uphold France ready to fall into precipice, there was need of a man that deſpiſed Death, and dared to caſt himſelfe on a manifeſt danger; who had enough of affection to be willing to periſh for his Maſter, and prudence enough to manage the leaſt Beam of ſafety that ſhould appear, and the higheſt Apparance for good to be ſeen in a deplorable Occaſion. But whom could Sr. the Cardinall propoſe, or the King chooſe, that was more capable for that purpoſe, then Sr. of Chombert? ſo th'Event did not deceive th'opinon had of the Virtue of ſo great a perſon, Th'End of that enterpriſe exceeded all that could have been deſired of good ſucceſs; Our friends were delivered, and the Rout of our Enemies compleated the Victory, which we ſought not but in their retract. After the firſt paſſage of Suza, could Montferrat be truſted, in ſurer or more eſteemed hands, then thoſe of Sr. of Thorax? And again, as fortune had preprepared him that Occaſion, and reſerved him for the defence of Caſal, and to confirm th'Honour he hath gained in Rhe; It ſeeems alſo, that by a certain fatality, Sr. of Chombert had been deſtined to go to relieve him the ſecond time, and to compleat the Glory of that Siege by the ſafety of that place. In thoſe laſt Emotions of Italy, did not the King appear admirable, in the choice of the men which he imployed there? And though Policy permits not many Chiefs of equall Authority in an Army, He underſtood nevertheleſſe ſo well to diſcern the juſt proportion of their humours, and the neceſſary Temper to conſerve Concord amongſt them, that he joyned and changed them to ſo good purpoſe, that, it may be, his ſervice was advanced by that plurality, and his Armies were the more happy.

And when the paſſage was to be opened for our Troops, for the Reliefe of Caſal, and the reſiſtance of Armies to be forced which oppoſed it; To whom could that deſign be more rationally committed, Monſieur Mount Moraney. than to them who have executed it? What might not be expected from that Lord, who came into the world, lighted with the virtue of his Anceſtors, and Crowned with their Glory? who laboured ſo much to improve that immortall Inheritance; who is not ſo abſolute in th'Armies he commands by his Authority, as by th'Affections of the Men of War; That Love makes more men follow him in perillous occaſions then Duty; who ſhews to others the way of doing well, and whoſe example would inſpire the ſtrongeſt paſſions into the moſt fearfull ſouls. Veillane and Carignan ſhall be for ever famous by th'effects of their Valour, and by that of th'other Marſhal, Monſieur Feat. who accompanied them with his Courage and Prudence; and made himſelfe to be no leſſe conſiderable in War than in Peace, nor in the Field than in the Cabinet; Above all, 'tis a thing worthy of Conſideration, and a particular mark of the Kings judgement, and of the wiſdom of his Councill, in leaving the Marſhall of Force conſtantly in Italy, and in making that Army as the foundation of our Armies in that Country, and him the Director of the War.

Age which ruines th'Active Qualities of ſo many other perſons, offended not his; old Age, which chils the blood, did not diminiſh his Valour. 'Tis a habit, which had not in him its Original from th'heats of the Body, but in the lights of Reaſon; and he was as bold when there was cauſe, as he was ever wiſe. His long and ancient experience, and the good ſenſe wherein he naturally abounded, permitted him not to commit any fault; He knew the Spaniards too well to fall into their ſnares, and into a ſurpriſe by their Deceits, and with the Companions which the King gave him. There was nothing to be feared, and all good ſucceſſe was to be hoped from his Conduct.

It muſt not be forgot, that Sr. the Cardinal, conſiders not onely Merit in the choice of them whom he propoſeth, but would alſo have good Birth, if it be poſſible; That things may be acted with Glory, and that the reputation of affairs might improve by the Dignity of the Perſons who manage them. He is very far from th'humour of a certain King, who made his Phyſicism his principall Counſellor: And from the humour of another, who made his Chirurgion enter into the Councill of State, and permitted the ſame hands to handle the Seals, which had newly quitted the Razour and Launcet; wherefore the Nobility is more imployed in Negotiations then heretofore it was. They who lead Armies, or help to make War are called to manage Treaties of Peace, and the ſuſpenſions of Arms; And 'tis true, that ordinarily th'affairs do proſper well in their hands, becauſe they are uſually bolder in Action, and have the ſenſe, leſſe ſophiſticated, than perſons of the long Robe.

The Sixth Diſcourſe. That a Miniſter of State ought not to forme his Conduct by the Example of ſtrangers; and that be ought to treat with them after a Different Manner.

THere's nothing ſo univerſall in the world, as Diverſity, and it ſeems that God hath affected it, to ſhew his power by it, and to render Nature fair. The number of Angels, as 'tis ſaid, ſurpaſſeth the number of other Creatures. But if the Schools would have believed St. Thomas, the diverſity of kinds which is amongſt them, had equalled the number of particulars, and there had not been in thoſe high and divine Hierarchies two Natures alike; However inſomuch that they conceived that the Dignity of the living Creatures encreaſed by the multitude of th'Individuals, which compoſed them; and that Philoſophy hath ſent back the Phoenix to the fables of the Poets, who have ſung of him as being alone, The greateſt part of the Schools have departed in that ſenſe from the judgement of that Doctor, whoſe opinions are ſo often adored by them. Let's go on: The Varieties of bodies which iſſue from th'Elements were incredible, if Nature had not ſubmitted them to our ſenſe; and if Art did not diſcover unto us an infinity of Words, which are made of a few Letters; and an infinity of Figures, which are drawn out of a ſmall quantity of Colours; And an infinity of Colours, which are taken out of a ſmall quantity of Drugs. This is not all; The diveſity which Nature could not place in Eſſences, ſhe hath put to the forms which accompany them; what ſhe could not do to the principal, ſhe hath done to the Incidents and Acceſſaries; and the conformity which is in the faces of men, for to diſtinguiſh them from Beaſts, is changed by many Marks of diſſemblance, for to diſtinguiſh them from one another. This Second Diverſity proceeds from the firſt mixture of th'Elements, which enters into the Compoſition of the Bodies, from the virtue of Heaven, and of the Stars which are therein predominant, and from the quality of the Climate, and of the place which have a great ſhare in the Compoſition, and in the Conſtitution of all things that are born.

That if the Compoſitions of bodies of the ſame kind, are ſo divers for the Cauſes above mentioned; How much greater ought the Difference to be, which is found in the manners of men, where th'Inclinations of the Body do interveyn, the motions of Reaſon. Examples from without, and ſtrange ſuggeſtions; but above all th'Inclinations of the Body prevail, and the ſtrength of the Conſtitution: Reaſon is very ſeldom heard, Men live almoſt wholly by paſſion, and as if the whole Man were but a lump, the greateſt part of them act, but according to that party, and chuſe rather to ſubmit unto it, to be at reſt, if they can, then to have War in reſiſting it; and incline rather to peace by ſervitude than by Victory. Inſomuch that a Miniſter of State ought ot take great care not to act by Imitation; not to frame his Conduct by th'Example of ſtrangers, not to follow remote Idaea's, and not to ſuffer himſelfe to be couſe • ed by what is practiſed in the Government of another State, which he may ſee powerfull and happy, that if the Phyſitians of Italy and Germany, handle in a different manner the Diſeaſes of thoſe Countries; If the Morall have not an exact and indiviſible Medium for the virtue it teacheth. If the Church for faſtings and abſtinencies, be leſſe Indulgent in relation to the people of the Eaſt, than of the North; And if all proceeds from the inequality of Complexions, which ariſeth in part from the difference of Climates, and places. Why ſhould not the ſame Conſiderations be received in the Conducts of States; where not onely the Conſtitutions of men are unlike, and their manners contrary; but their foundations are different, and their policy diverſe; And where the Conteſt brought to maintain them is the more ardent, becauſe 'tis raiſed under the pretence of generall good, and is upheld by the multitude of them who are interreſſed, and from publique force.

Lets come t'Examples; The ſeverity which the Spaniards affect, and which is conformable to their Conſtitution, is neceſſary for Spain; and thoſe Melancholick and glorious Spirits, are more ſtirred up then the ſpirits of others, by the ſhame of puniſhments, and by the hope of rewards. Their Inquiſition which appears ſo dreadfull, and which is ſo formidable to all other Nations; it one of the principall cauſes of the peace which they enjoy, and of that high tranquillity wherein they repoſe themſelves. Errour dares not openly appear there: There's no contagion for their ſpirits; and if there be any remainder of Mahometiſm, after the forcing away of ſo many thouſands of Moores, it lies concealed in their hearts, or paſſeth not out of Caves and Darkneſs. They ſerve not onely againſt Infidelity, and for ſecurity of Conſciences. Many Crimes purely civill, which cannot be puniſhed according to ordinary formes, are ſent thither, and ſometimes innocent perſons are there expoſed; who are to be made Examples for th'Intereſt of the State, and to ſave th'honour of the Prince. The diſgrace of Antonio Peres is a famous Evidence. That perſon who had no greater Crime than to be eſteemed by his Maſted,The Sacretary of Don John of Auſtria, was killed in the Inquiſtion by Philip's Order. and to have th'aſſurance of it, after he had been di •… years variouſly vexed, was at laſt condemned to th'Inquiſition; and if the people of Saragoca had not taken him away by force, he had made experiment of the danger of keeping a great Perſons ſecrets, and of being th'Inſtrument of an Action he would not have known.

But when they undertook to ſettle in other places that ſevere Inquiſition, 'twas then that the ſpirits of the people Mutined; That Tempeſts have been ſeen t'ariſe; and that they have run to violent Remedies to hinder them. Hereſie entered into Flanders under Charles the fifth, and Religion began to be altered there, by the Trade with England and Germany, Graniuelle, who commanded there, repaired to the Inquiſition, to ſmoother an evil that ſeemed weak, becauſe it was new, and began onely to ſhew it ſelfe, and to bud. But he ſpoiled all with that Remedy: and whether he was forced by a good zeal, as is probable; or with a deſire to ceaze on the Goods of the diſcovered perſons as he was accuſed; He cauſed ſo many to dye, and provoked ſo many other perſons, that th'Emperour was conſtrained to ſuppreſs that purſuit. The ſeeds nevertheleſs of the Diſeaſe dyed not, though they were laid aſleep,: The'Ulcer was concealed, but not healed, and a part of the people paſſed ſince from Hereſie to Revolt, which they have changed with the time into a lawfull Dominion. The Spaniards believed alſo, that the Inquiſition after their manner, would ſecure the Conqueſt of Naples; That it ſhould ſerve as a Bridle for that untamed Horſe; That it would hold that changeable and unſtable people under the yoak, and abate the higheſt heads of that Kingdom, who loved naturally diſorders; but they were deceived. And ſo ſoon, as Don Pedro of Toledo attempted it, Naples rebelled, and the people took Arms as for their common Liberty: and if th'Emperour had not taken away that Deſign; and if the Pope ſhould have conſented to the propoſalls of Cardinal Caraffe, they had hazarded the loſſe of that State, and what they had in Italy.

So ſoon as Philip the ſecond war returned from Flanders into Spain, he ſent divers Heretiques to be puniſhed: He pardoned neither Sex or Quality; He cauſed the Effigies of Conſtantine Pontius, the laſt Confeſſor of his Father to be burnt: He Commanded Bartholme, Arch-Biſhop of Toledo, to be arreſted; This Proceeding aſtoniſhed all the world; And if that Prince did not ſpare the memory of him, who held in his Arms the dying Emperour, and received his laſt Breath; nor the chief Prelate of the Spaniſh Dominions, and who was heard with Admiration in the Councill of Trent; And if he proteſted daily, that he would bring Wood to burn his Children, if they were Heretiques: What grace could be expected from him by nocent perſons? There's no queſtion, but that ſeverity hath preſerved that Country from Hereſie, and made impreſſions on the people, whoſe nature is circumſpect, and ſeeks ſafety in all their undertakings.

And as to th'Example of the Prince, and that by his Advice, endeavours have been uſed t'exerciſe the ſame proceedings in France. The ſame ſucceſs hath not been encountred; whether that the Remedy was unſeaſonable, or that our humour mour is uncapable to ſubmit to force: It ſeems that the door t'Errour was opened upon that occaſion; Many to whom new things were odious, were loſt by the Curioſity to know what the Doctrine was for which ſo many perſons did run with vehemency, to death, and ſuffered with joy. That vain Image of conſtancy amazed weak ſpirits, and them that knew not, That the Juſtice of the Cauſe, and not the Rigour of Torments made Martyrs, imagined that they could not cheerfully periſh, but for the Cauſe of Jeſus Chriſt. Severity then is not good, but for the ſpeculative and fierce humours, as the Spaniards are, who conſider alwaies the furture and the conſequence of things. To whom gentleneſſe appears Cowardize, who neglect them that flatter them, and make themſelves to be feared of them who make diſcovery of fear. It acts alſo powerfully upon the fearfull and Coward people; as they of th'Eaſt, where th'heat of the Air diſſipates that of the Body, and dryes up exceſſively the ſpirits which are th'Inſtruments of Boldneſſe and Courage; ſo Monarchies have taken their beginnings in thoſe Countries, the people being eaſily reduced under the power of a ſingle perſon; and Ottoman had no labour to make ſlaves of them whom he ſubdued, nor to baniſh liberty from his Dominions, as the greateſt of all Crimes.

On the contrary, Gentleneſſe is proper for the governing of the Germans, and other people of the North. They are enemies to all force; There's not a Chain which weighs not with them, thoughit be neceſſary and juſt. And th'Abundance of heat and blood inſpires them with undaunted ſpirits, which makes them reſiſt all ſorts of Domination, if it be not in their hands. Wherefore they would have all perſons governed by Common wealths, or at leaſt have no Kings which ſhould not be Elective and ſubordinate to their Authority. And for that reaſon alſo, 'tis very eaſie to make them revolt againſt the Church, becauſe it was their Mother; and to make them hate the Pope, becauſe he was their Superiour. Inſomuch, that I do not think that the death of ſeven and twenty Lords, whoſe heads were cut off after the battail of Prague, and that bloody ſpactacle which they boaſted of to Germany, procured ſo much terrour, as it raiſed hatred againſt th'houſe of Auſtria, and the Spaniſh Government. And I do not believe that the manner of nouriſhing the War which Wallaſtein introduced into that Country; The rigour of the Contributions there raiſed; Th'oppreſſion of the Towns taken, or of them that obeyed; have ſo much aſſuted the Victories of th' Emperour, as they have diſpoſed that people to Inſurrections. And if the proſperities of the King of Sweden continue, that they may cauſe a ſtrange revolution, and deſtroy thoſe violent Conqueſts which have neither foot nor root. At the end of th'Account, I do not ſee that th' Emperour hath made other Advantage of thoſe great emotions which laſted ſo many years, than in avoiding the Ruine that threatned him; nor that he became the richer for making ſuch an infinite ſort of perſons poor, nor that he did other thing, then impoſe a neceſſity to keep alwaies on foot a dreadfull Army to make them affraid, or to ſee his greatneſſe decline, or to give over th'Ambition of rendring himſelfe Maſter of Germany, and of reducing the people to a totall deficiency, from whom he could not take any away, the will to rebell. As to the zeal which he hath expreſſed to holy things, and as to th'exerciſe of that Religion which he re-eſtabliſhed in all places; 'Tis a work whereof th'Apparance is very plauſible and Chriſtian. Yet inſomuch that all-that is but without, and that ſouls give place to Armes, and obey not the truth; 'Tis to be feared that ſuch a Reformation will fall in the change of th' Emperours fortune; and that Hereſie may more dangeouſly overflow than it idd, if it ever recover impunity, and its firſt Licenſe.

To further confirm what I have ſaid, I will make uſe of th'evidence of the Spaniards, who confeſs that the Duke of Alva was too blame, t'employ gentleneſſe to gain the Portugals who were onely to be overcome; And that is was to make them worſe to flatter them in ſubduing of them. On the contrary, that ſeverity loſt the Flemmings, and that the floods of Blood which he there made to run out, the more provoked the rebellion, and gave pretence to diſobedience, to ſhew it ſelf, which had been till then modeſt, & irreſolute. Gentleneſs then in generall, is proper for the Conduct of the Northern people, and ſeverity for the Spaniards, and them of th'Eaſt, for the aforeſaid Reaſons. They that are under a temperate Climate, as the French, and whoſe Complexions are tempred by the clemency of th'Heavens, and the ſcituation of Country, have alſo need of a moderate Conduct, and of ſuch a temper of Juſtice as takes impunity from vice, and renders it not alwaies to the Culpable, deſperate.

Upon what hath been ſaid, 'tis eaſie to judge, that it is not alwaies ſafe to act by Imitation; That th'Example of what is practiſed in a Nation, is an ill principle for the Government of an other Nation; That univerſal propoſalls are dangerous in the publique. And t'eſtabliſh generall Rules to be obſerved of all People, and upon all occaſions, is to fit the Robe of Fables to all the States of the Moon. 'Tis to give the ſame form to two contrary natures; 'Tis to range under and equall meaſure two different Quantities. And that a Miniſter of State may the better comprehend this truth, which is very Important; Let him know, that except ſome moſt generall propoſitions, which are in the practice of affairs, as th'ultimate principles of the Metaphyſiques in the Sciences, There' none that is not diſputed and contradicted; which hath not reaſons and examples to favour it, and which are contrary to it, as I have elſewhere ſhewed; and therefore ought either alwaies to be followed, or alwaies to be rejected; Let's ſee it by Experience, and diſcourſe in paſſing by of th'uſe of ſeverity and gentleneſs, ſince we are upon that ſubject.

they who adviſe that a Prince ſhould rather make himſelfe to be feared, then loved; and that Rigour ſupports a Scepter much better than Eaſineſs of Manners, and Indulgency; may at once ſay, That though it may be true, that ſoveraigne Authority is equally preſerved betwixt the feare and love of the people; That nevertheleſs the means which gives birth to the firſt of theſe two paſſions, are more certain then thoſe that engender the ſecond: That their operation is more infallible, and that good Deeds act not ſo certainly upon the ſpirits of men as puniſhments; That 'tis alwaies in the power of them who have Forces in their hands, to make themſelves to be feared. But that it is not in the power of them that are good to make themſelves; to be beloved. That men love, voluntarily and by Election; but fear for the moſt part of neceſſity, and in ſpight of Reaſon, and againſt the reſiſtance of all diſcourſe. That for all times, The Corruption of Mankind hath been ſuch, that it had had more need of Juſtice for to ſubſiſt, then of the goodneſſe of its Superiours; That, the State of innocency is very rare in the world; but that of Repentance is common, and in continual uſe; & that the Governours have been alwaies more exerciſe to heal Diſeaſes, than to preſerve health, and the good condition of States. That in a word, The Nature of the people, is to fear much, and to love little; but nevertheleſſe that they love not the Reigns under which they live: That they are never content with thei preſent Condition: That they are ſenſible onely of the memory of things paſt, and hopes of the future; And that ordinarily the dead Princes are their delights; And though ſometimes they may have Love for their Maſters, and that their Inclination therein accompanies their Duty; There's no paſſion that changeth ſo eaſily in their underſtanding as this; And whether the Manners of Princes change and degenerate, or that they are diſguiſed and falſifyed to th'eyes of their ſubjects. There's nothing ſo eaſy as to paſſe them from Love to Diſdaine, and from Diſdaine to Hatred, and to Revolt. The Life of Henry the third, is an illuſtrious example of this Truth; and th' Inconveniences wherein he fell after he had attained the Crowne, make it appeare what foundation is to be laid upon the will of the people, and upon th' inclinations of that beaſt which ſtirrs, and his thr • ſt; and which, after it had adored the Duke of Anjou, perſecuted the King of France, and dared to make War with him.

On th' other ſide, it may be ſaid, that no Emperour is furer, nor power better eſtabliſhed, than that which is founded upon Love; And 'tis certain, that things are conſerved by the ſame cauſes, and with the ſame meanes which give them birth; there's alſo no doubt but that the ſoveraigne Authrority is the firmer, when it is ſupported by the good will of the people, from whence it took its Originall; In the ſecond place, no violent thing is durable, its proper force conſumes it, or ſome other that reſiſts it, and which is greater: And 'tis true, that every ſort of Chaine, ſave that of Love weighes upon the ſpirit of man, and that every ſort of yoak, if it be not voluntary, opreſſeth it; To conclude, to raigne only by ſeverity, is to renounce the peace of the ſpirit; 'tis to charge upon himſelfe the paſſion given to another; 'tis t' expoſe himſelfe to an eternall neceſſity of diſtruſting all perſons, and to make them Enemies whom he would not ſuffer to love him, for fear of not being ſufficiently feared; 'Tis to fall into the the ſame miſchiefs which traverſe jealous husbands, and in over-ſtraining his ſubjects to be faithful, to give them a will to rebell, and to quit their obedience, which would not be truſted to their vertue and to their inclination.

To the firſt, Anſwer may be given, that ſeverity alone conſerves very ill the power of a soveraigne; and that t'employ violence againſt th'evills of a State, 'tis to uſe nothing but paſſion and fire againſt all the Maladies of the body, and every ſort of Ulcers. That if great perſons ſometimes have affected an auſtere and hard humour, and ſeem thereby to maintain themſelves in Authority; That effect nevertheleſſe proceeds from another cauſe: And, inſomuch that that terrible conduct hath not been alone, and was found in the Company of many great vertues that have tempered it, It hath not done th'evill it was accuſſtomed to do. This was obſerved in the life of Torquabes, of Mariuſt of Sylla, of Corbulon, and of many others of the Ancients: And of the Moderne, in the Life of the duke of Alva, of the Marqueſs of the Holy Croſſe, who left ſuch cruell Markes of his Humours to the Terceres, of the County of Fuentes and Wailſtaine of this time who was ſo abſolute in th'Armies, he commanded, that the name of the Emperour was but th' Image of the Soveraigne power, He exerciſed; If theſe great perſons, I ſay, had known onely how to comand the ſetting up of Gallowſes, and to ſend men to death, they had not been followed by their Souldiers, in the occaſions of glory; and they had been unknown to us, but a examples of Misfortune, whereinto ſeverity doth precipitate.

It may be alſo aſwered to the ſecond, that Indulgency is a Means, as little ſafe as facile, to give power to raigne, or to compell obedience; that if the firſt men of the paſt and moderne ages, ſeem to have neglected ſevere wayes, and th' Examples of Rigour, the better to ſubſiſt in the ſpirits of their ſubjects, or of their ſouldiers, 'Tis that in effect, they had extraordinary Qualities, and I know not what of admirable in their perſons, which appeared in their face and countenance, and inſpited reſpect with love into the ſouls of them who came neer them; ſuch were Alexander, Scipio, Caeſar, Germanicus; ſuch, Gaſton of Foix, Don John of Auſtria, Ferrant Gonſalve, and the two laſt Dukes of Gaiſe, whoſe ſingle preſence-bewitched the world, forced the wills of men in ſpight of Reaſon, and conſtrained their Enemies to change their paſſion or to ſuſpend it at the ſight of them.

From this diſcourſe I draw two Inſtructions, which may be applyed to th' other matters of Policy. The firſt is, That for th' uſe of gentleneſs and ſeverity, and generall Rule cannot be Reſolution muſt be taken upon th'Occaſion; Conſultation had with the nature of Affairs; with the condition of the times; with the Quality of the perſons; and leve the diſpoſition of th' event to fortune, and t' other cauſes which are without us. The ſecond, That although the difference brought of th'inclinations of divers people, requires or the moſt part a very different application of the Means, which are to be uſed for governing of them; ſo 'tis that as in the Oeconomy of th' humane body, and diſpenſation of th' humours which compoſe it, there's of courſe one that predominates, and which ſerves for a law to Phyſick, and for a that 'tis neceſſary ſometimes to keep under that commanding Humour, and that predominant Quality, To raiſe others, alter their order, and change the courſe of certaine Occurences, and according to the nature of the diſeaſes which happen or threaten. 'Tis the very ſame with th' Humours of the People and Complexions of States. There's a certaine Conduct which is as naturall to them; but, it ought not to be inviolable. A Miniſter of State ought not to be a ſlave. He may quit it, provided that he doth not abandon it, and may reſume it; and a Miniſter of State is ſometimes conſtrained to go out of th' high way, t'avoide an ill paſſage or an Ambuſh. There are people who are to be retained with Rigour, and whoſe obedience is not aſcertained, but under a ſevere Empire. But that ought not to be eternall; 'Tis good ſometimes to gaine them and not alwayes to ſubdue them; To bend them, and not alwayes to break them; and occaſions doe happen wherein 'tis of neceſſity to flatter them, and to ſtroake them for feare of affrighting them; leſt they take the Bridle in their teeth, and Carry him away, that ought to Lead them.

The Seaventh Diſcourſe. That a Miniſter of State ought to treate in a different Manner with ſtrangers, as they are powerfull and free.

A Miniſter of State ought not onely to conforme his conduct to th' Inclination of the people which he governes, or with whom he treats; But he ought alſo to adjuſte it to their power and to their weaknes; He ought t' Imitate that wiſe Phyſician; who conſiders as much the ſtrength of the ſick perſon, as the virtue of the Remedy; and ſeeks the proportion of that which actes, with that which ſuffers. There are States, whoſe Greatneſs is in themſelves: which ſubſiſt upon their owne weight: which can paſſe-by all others: which have very little to feare from without, and can hardly fall but bu their owne weightineſs, nor periſh but by the Corruption within, and by the vices of the noble parts. Such was th' Ancient Republique of Rome, after that ſo many Nations had ſubmitted unto it, and that there remained nothing in the world wherewith to fill up th' Ambition of one of its Citizens, nor ſufficient to make him Great enough without the Ruine of his Country. Such is alſo at this day the Empire of th' Ottomans, whoſe body is ſo dilated and power ſo vaſte, that it ſeems, that nothing ought to affright the Head but the Members, nor diſſolve the Maſſe, but its owne Parts; There are others, whoſe Extent truly is not ſmall, nor forces incoſiderable; But which have nevertheleſſe need of foraine Aid •… for to ſupport them; To fortifie themſelves with Alliances; To forme Leagues; To make uſe of diverſions. In ſhort, to repaire with Induſtry what of force is wanting in them, either for reſiſtance or enterprize. There are Princes who ſubſiſt onely by the Conveniences of their Country, and by the benignity of its ſcituation: Two great powers betwixt which, It is ſhut up, and to whom It ſerves for Barriere, are in perpetuall jealouſie, that th' one or th' other will make its Accommodation of it, & there's nothing that they would not do to hinder them from the change of Maſter, and from ſubmitting to a Domination by them ſuſpected; This paſſion of State hath been th' originall of great wars, which have been ſeene in Piedmont ſince hundred yeares, and of ſo much Spaniſh and French blood as hath been ſhed in that Province. There are others, who have quit themſelves under a voluntary dependency upon a greater power, or by reaſon of ſome good turne received, or to be delivered of the Expence from diſturbance and from feare, which the Neighbourhood of a greater brings, when he is no friend, which is ſeldome but to their Advantage, ſo, he is in ſome ſort the Maſter of the petty States, which he protects; without Citadelle and Garriſon he Commands them; and he receives when he hath need, conſiderable ſupplyes of Money and Men.

There are others who are under a forced Dependancy, and are become Captives without thinking of it, who have given the matter of their Chaine; and furniſhed the Stuffe, whereof the yoak was made that oppreſſeth them: Covetouſneſs hath precipitated the Genoueſes into this unhappineſs; That villanous paſſion hath forged their ſervitude: The Money which they have put into the hands of the Spaniards hath betrayed them, and by an Inverted order, the Creditors put themſelves to the Mercy of their Debtors: They cannot now unſay it; they have given them pawns and cannot recover them, and which they will not ſuffer them to looſe; A ſingle free thought cannot enter their ſpirits; They dare not accept th'aid of them who would redeem them for their Captivity; and being ſlaves to their Money, they muſt or neceſſity be to the Men who keep it for them. On the other ſide, 'tis a pleaſant way of gaining a State that which the Spaniards have practiſed towards the Genoueſes; It was never doned ſo good cheape, in other places; All others have coſt them ſomething; if the Great Duke be obliged to the defence of the State of Milan, they have rendered unto him the fortreſſes of the Toſcane, and given him Sienna. If the Prince o Parma, ought to furniſh them with Men and Money for the ſame ſubject, He hath received alſo the Citadelle of Pleaſance. But here they onely tendred th' hands to take the Money which hath been voluntarity unto them; They enjoy it and are the Maſters of it; In leaving t' others the vaine Names of Creditours: and if • metime they give them ſomewhat by may of profit; even that returnes to them and reſembles the water of Certaine Fountaines, which by a conſtrained Motion being forced out of its reſerve, returnes thither by a Naturall motion, and by a neceſſary fall. Let this be ſaid in paſſage.

To conclude, There are States which are not conſerved but by reaſon of their weakneſs, and in regard they are ſo inconſiderable, that they deſerve not the violation of Juſtice in a Conquerour, nor that his Ambition be rendred odious for the deſire of them: ſuch is the Common-wealth of Ragouſe, which is ſo little, that to this day it hath not provoaked th' Appetite of the Turk; & ſo poor, that almoſt all its Revenues is laid out, to feed the great Perſons of the family of Porte, and to ſerve for entertainment to the Sangiaes, who are their Neighbours. A Miniſter then of State muſt know, That every ſort of State requires a different Conduct; That th' one ought not to ſerve as Example to th' other for Government; and when any buſineſs is to be had with them, that they are to be treated withall according to their Power and Liberty. Whilſt the Common-wealth of Venice was in diſorder with Paul the fifth, and that Chriſtendom was divided upon that Quarrell, the Common-wealth of Genes fell into almoſt the like Inconvenience; This nevertheleſſe did bend under the will of the Pope, And having caſt it ſelfe into a ſhamefull ſervitude, was carefull to performe ſuch Actions as might deſerve the Name of a lawfull obedience; and that Spaine, whoſe Aide it wanted was but too much carried to diſpoſe it, to raiſe a prejudice againſt Venice. On the contrary, Venice remained inflexible in its pretenſions, becauſe it had power to maintaine them, and purſued the buſineſs to th'End, that the Liberty which it had not received but from God, and wherewith it was borne, might not be weakned. The deſignes then of the Pope, which proſpered for Genes, were vaine for Venice; and th' Inequality of thoſe two ſtates could not admit of the ſame Remedies, though they laboured of the ſame Evill, and of the like Accident.

The Eighth Diſcourſe. That a Miniſter of State ought not inviolably t' act that which hath been alwaies practiſed in the State.

HE not only acts ſafely, who formes not his conduct upon that of ſtrangers, not treats equally with two unequall powers: But a Miniſter of State is farre from that he ought to be if in the State where he acts he tye himſelfe ſervilely, to what hath been done before him: If he dare not go out of the beaten Road: If he have no other marke then th' example of them that have gone before him; If he will alwaies walk upon their paces, and adore only their foot-ſteps. No compariſon was ever more naturall or report more juſt, than that of th' humane and politique body, Th' Oeconomy of th' one may ſerve for Modell to th' other; They are both ſubject to the ſame Accidents and to the ſame Symptomes: Both of them have ordinarity the birth weak, the progreſs proud and rapid; the ſubſiſtence trembling, and the fal precipitated. And nevertheleſs, each of thoſe ages requires a different Regiment, and a Conduct altogether diverſe. Theſe conſiderations alſo have place in th' Eccleſiaſtique State, and in the government of Soules. And though its foundations be eternall, and that 'tis built upon an immoveable Stone; Though this Barke cannot periſh nor make Shipwrack; Though the Doctrine be infallible that hinders not, but regard being had to the manners of particular perſons, but that ſome alteration may often happen in it: That Compliance muſt be made with the time; ſayls ſhifted according to the nature of the winds which blow; Relaxation from the ſeverity of diſcipline, and much ſubmiſſion to th' inclination of the people; Miracles have founded the Church, and th' Holy Ghoſt aydes it with his protection; But it requires alſo that the prudence of Prelates ſhould interpoſe to govern it. Reaſon is not baniſhed, provided that it remaine ſubject to Faith; and the Truths which have been propoſed to us all naked and with the ſole Authority of ſignes, are not declared unto us by the Councills, but after great inquiries, and anſwerable conſultations.

And nevertheleſs Prudence requires, that, in the Conduct of ſouls, what is beſt in it ſelf be not ſo much conſidered, as what is moſt conformable to them; That a violent ſubjection be not impoſed upon them, for fear leaſt the yoak being made too heavy, it give a deſire to ſhake it off. Heretofore the Churches Arms were very dreadfull, and the greateſt Princes tremble at the Noyſe of th' Thunder of Rome; The Prudence of Paſtors, who made no unlawfull uſe of their powers, & th' opinion had of their ſanctity; cauſed that they who were threatned, held themſelves at that inſtant culpable, and that they had even fear of unjuſt excommunications: But as there's nothing ſo good, which man doth not abuſe; nor any thing ſo holy which his Malice or fragility doth not corrupt; It hath hapned that in theſe latter ages, have been ſeen great alterations of Manners in Paſtors, and great abuſes in th' exerciſe of Juſtice: There was no fault of Boniface th' eighth, and of Jules the ſecond, which did not paſſe the bounds of the Spirit, which confines their power, and inſtead of opening the Kingdome of Heaven whereof Jeſus Chriſt had left them the keys, endevoured to take away th' Intereſt of Lands from their true Maſters, and lawfull poſſeſſors; Beſides that, the too frequent uſe of Excommunications, and th' application thereof to matters of nothing; The Sciſmes of the Popes, which have vexed the Church, and cauſed many perſons to take up Arms, who ought to have been governed by a ſingle perſon. All this is the cauſe, that they are now leſſe reſpected then they ought to be, and make not ſufficient impreſſions of terrour upon Chriſtian Souls. In effect, There's nothing that ſo much conſerves the reverence due to Holy things, as the Rarity, nor that vilifies them more then to render them popular; Thoſe things principally which are of an Order ſuperiour to the body, and whoſe effects are not ſenſible, and reſpect another Life then this; have need of theſe precautions, that they may be wholſome, Inſomuch that 'tis to miſunderſtand it, to draw a conſequence from the time paſt, when Eccleſiaſtique Diſcipline was in vigour & the conſciences of Chriſtians docile, when there was nothing but heate and flame among the faithfull; when obedience was generall, and that ſuperiours had not ſo much uſe of a Spurre to provoke the love of virtue, and to the purſuit of good; as of a Bridle to retaine, and to hinder th' exceſs by th' impetuoſity of Zeal. 'Tis ill done, I ſay, to draw conſequences from that time to this preſent time, when not only Heretiques change the Truths received, but Atheiſts aſſault the Principles of Faith and the Foundations of Religion: In the diſpenſation of Eccleſiaſtical puniſhments, The Prelates and the Soveraigne chief of the Church, ought not to decline th' end, for which God left then the power t'impoſe them: Inſtead of building they ought not to pul down, nor deſtroy a whole body in cutting of a periſhed member and ſick part; To conclude, There's nothing that Superiours, ſpirituall or temporall ought more t' avoid, nor wherein they ought to be more difficult, than in putting their Authority to Reference, and to make Lawes that are not obſerved; 'Tis t' offend againſt the forme of what they are, and 'tis much better to ſuffer Evills, and to Tolerate abuſes in a State, then to diſcover its wants of power in not correcting of them, or manifeſt its weakneſs in conteſting too much to ſurmount their Reſiſtance. Truly, ſince, Sr. the Cardinall hath had the power of Adminiſtration, it cannot be ſaid, That th' Example of ſtrangers hath put us out of our way, nor that we have loſt our ſelves in following our predeceſſors, and for nor daring to be bolder, & wiſer than they. This great Miniſter of State hath ſo well known the Nature of th' Ill we laboured of, and our Boare; and the Remedies have been diſpenſed with ſuch due proportion, and equality, that the defect hindered not the operations, nor th' exceſs ſharpned the diſeaſe; The ſweetneſs which the King uſed towards the Rochellers when they were not in condition any longer to reſiſt his forces; The grace which was afforded to Criminalls, when they were in his power; and the Clemency he exerciſed when the might have uſed Severity, without blame; and have made examples of Juſtice which could not have had any ill conſequence, nor dangerous revenge; On th' other ſide the Comportment at Privas, and that ſad ſpectacle which ſeemed to have been procured by ſome ſuperiour providence, To ſupply, it may be, the too great humanity of the King, and that of his Miniſters of State; The Manner of hearkning to the propoſitions of accommodations not to make the culpable deſperate, and to preſs the War, and haſten victory; To take from them the means of expecting any thing from time, which is th' hope of unfortunate perſons; Th' induſtry which Sr. the Cardinall hath added to force; Th' Art he hath uſed to ſow diviſion, and to convey diſtruſt amongſt the Rebels: He divided their Intereſts, and hath made them weak for want of Union; The aſſaults of his Eloquence, and of that divine faculty, which hath ſo charmed the Hearers, that all the paſſions that nouriſhed Rebellion were quieted; Th' hotteſt Motions of deſyance they had for us, were ſtayed; The moſt opinionated could not but conſent to what we would have; and the moſt valiant durſt not ſeek their ſafety in Arms but in Obedience, and ſubjection. Moreover the moſt ſcrupulous obſervation of promiſed things, and that Legall, and new proceeding wherewith fears were not allayed, but their hopes were ſurmounted: That I ſay, hath reconciled all their ſpirits; hath rendred the victory perfect and firme in gaining the wills of the Conquer'd; hath cut off the laſt Roots of Rebellion, and finiſhed the work which had been ſo often begun, and as often deſtroyed by ill Fortune or by ill Conduct.

If the King would have believed th' old Miniſters of State, and the wiſe perſons that had Governed in other Raignes; He had never aſſaulted the Hugenots: He had not offended a party his Father feared, nor touched that Frame which ſtirred not but by ſhakeing the Pillars of the State, and the foundations of Monarchy; Inſolency, ſaid they, muſt be ſuffer'd t'avoid Felony; and Lenitives applyed when ſharp Remedies were mortall.

They nerve Concluded for warre but when it was made to them. Th' End of our Armes was not for Victory but Peaces. They did not embarque to ſayl, but to return to th' Haven from whence we were put out; They could not endure toſſing at Sea; and were they in a ſmall Boat or in a ſhip of Burden they would make for the Land; In the mean time the fire of the Revolt was not put out; The ſprings of diſobedience remained full, and if they were ſtopped for a time from Running, they ſwelled and became great t'overflow the ſtronger, into another Channell. In a word, the King had alwayes Companions in his kingdome; and at moſt the Subjection of Halfe the French, conſiſted in ſharing his powers with Him, to leave him the name onely of a Soveraigne.

If the Maxims obſerved during his Minority in Relation to his Allies, had not been changed nor; more Courage expreſt than when the Spaniards ſtript the Duke of Savoy; If our Reliefs had been as faint, and fearfull, as they in that time; and it we had as much feared three Powers as they did one; What had become of Monſiur Mantove and of our Reputation? The Liberty of th' Holy Chair had been weakned, and Italy in a Chain. They had ſuddenly been over the ditch of France, having there nothing abroad more to take; No perſon would have more truſted us; And at this day, we ſhould not have been the Protectors of the weake: we ſhould be the forſakers of th' afflicted. To conclude, if Sr. the Cardinall ſhould have had onely in ſight, the Example of our Fathers, and their wiſdome; The deſigne of Navigation ſhould have been onely in Idea, and we had not ſeene the Progreſſe of a thing whoſe Beginnings aided ſo much for the taking of Rochell; and without it, the greateſt States were never but halfe Powerfull, nor but halfe Rich.

The Ninthe Diſcourſe. That the Counſells of Strangers ought to be ſuſpected by a Miniſter of State.

A Miniſter of State ought to ſuſpect the Counſells that come from abroad, what ſhew ſoever they make of good, and what pretence ſoever of God-will they Cloath themſelves withall. Let them take it for certaine, That the greateſt part of Princes have neither hate nor friendſhip but for Conveniency, and have no paſſion but what their Intereſt gives them; And therefore no Friendſhip is ſo dear to them as the leaſt of their Affaires; That there's not a Parent whom they will not turne out of a great Good, if he be never ſo little Dammageable to them; whom they will not ſacrifice, if it turne to their profit; and expoſe them to th' uttermoſt Miſchiefe, if it be for their Accommodation. The faire paſſions of Reſentment for good turnes, and of Acknowledgment, are th' expreſſions onely of Particular and of Vulgar perſons; They are ſeldome born amongſt Princes. 'Tis a Traffique, and not a Commerce of friendſhip, which is practiſed amongſt them; The lawes of Merchandize enter much eaſier into their Treaties, than the lawes of Philoſophy, Intereſt is the ſole bond that ties them. And inſomuch that reaſon of State learnes not to do well Generouſly, 'tis no wonder if they know not ordinarily either to owe handſomly, or handſomely to acknowledge. In a word, there's but little Counſell given by Strangers, whoſe ſpring is not tainted, and which is not corrupted either by th' Ambition of them moſt powerfull, or by the jealouſie of Equalls, or by the fear of Inferiours. Great perſons endeavour to catch Inferiours in their Nets, or to do their buſineſs at their Charges; They engage them in their Quarrells, and forget them in their Accommodations, or intereſſe them in others Men's, to keep them under in ayding of them, and retaine the ſecurities they had ſeiſed under Colour of defending them; Equalls would be very glad to withdraw themſelves from Concurrence; To gaine th' upper hand, and not to ſerve for Counterpoiſe in the forces of the others, nor obſtacle to the Greatneſs whereunto they aſpire; Inferiours are alwayes in fear of great Perſons when they are ambitious and look upon them as Monſters, from whom they expect to be devoured. They cannot have good will for them, whom they diſtruſt; and they raiſe no Altars nor offer ſacrifices for them, but as th' Auncients did to the Plague and to a Feavour to be preſerved from an Evill which they feared.

In the begining of the Civil diſcords for the Matter of Religion, and when the new Sect ſevered them from th' obedience due to the King whom it had withdrawn from th' obedience due to the Church, Philip the ſecond cauſed Katherine of Medicis to be advertized by Manique his ambaſſadour, that It concerned her much to take great care not to flatter th' Evill, or to come to any Compoſition with it; That lenitive Remedies were Mortall; and that Rebellion and Hereſie were to be purſued by the ſword and fire. I doubt not but the Councill of Philip had th' honour of God for their End, which was offended by that new Doctrine, and th' intereſt which was Common to him with all th' other Princes, Not to permit diſobedience in the States of other Princes. But in the choice of the Meanes he propoſed t' oppoſe that Evill and to fight it; 'Tis certaine that He conſidered not ſo much the Effect it would produce, in France, as the Good the low Countryes would receive by it, where the Contagion was already entred; He would make us ſwallow the Medicine for the purging of his ſubjects. He thought t' aſtoniſh the culpable of his Countrey, by example of the Juſtice, which ſhould be acted in ours; and take away the heart of Hereſie, when it ſhould ſee it ſelfe ſo ill handled in other places, and be taken every where for th' hatred of Princes, and horrour of the people. Lets obſerve here, upon occaſion, That the Prince whom they called the Solomon of his Age hindered to his power the Flemings from taking Religion for the pretext of th'Inſurrection they ſtudied, and th'Impatience they had to riſe; He ſaw cleerly that they who had ſo often quarrelled their Princes being preſent, and could never Love but the race of them; would hardly containe themſelves in their Abſence, and permit the Domination of ſtranger Governnors. But he judged alſo that it was eaſie t'order the people that Mutined when the' engaged not God in their Revolt, and oppoſed not the Command of providing for their ſalvation, to that of obedience to their ſuperiours. T' avoid that, he accords them all their demands, though they were unjuſt: He takes away the Spaniſh Garriſon wherewith they ſaid they were oppreſſed; He conſents that the Governours of ſtrange places ſhould be Natives of the Country, and named by the States. He remits the Cardinal Grantuelle to the Franche County whoſe perſon was odious unto them, and Conduct inſupportable. In brief, for the love of them, He overthrows the functions of Soveraignty and choſe rather to receive the Law from his Catholique ſubjects, than to be conſtrained to give it to the Heretique Rebells. But he knew too late Nature of the people and their diſeaſes; And as 'tis ſometimes good, when th' Appetite of Novelty is appeaſed, which vexed it, and tired with its owne diſorders, To bring it back with ſweetneſs; To give it liberty to retire from Evill with ſome ſhew of Reputation, and to ſeem leſſe Culpable then It was; That nothing but force can reduce it, when it begins to ſhake and is full of fancies of the future and of hopes of Change: That to flatter them is to loſe them, when they are in that Humour; and 'tis then that they make themſelves to be feared, when the leaſt Evidence of feare is diſcovered unto them: Th' eaſineſs of granting the firſt demands doth furniſh them with boldneſs to make new ones; The deſire of evill is increaſed in giving them powers t' execute it; and at laſt, 'Tis found, that inſtead of a weak and irreſolute Mutiny as it was, A powerful enemy is made, and an Irreconcilable perſecutor. I handle this Matter very particularly in the ſecond part of this work; So 'tis that Philip fell into th' Inconveniency, which he had a deſigne t'avoyd, and he ſaw Religion periſh, and his Subjects of the Low Countries to rebell, for not uſing ſeaſonable Remedies, which might have wrought, if they had been applied in ſeaſon; in employing Severity and Gentleneſs in counter time, and in making too much or too little uſe of th' one or th' other; It may be alſo that there was of Fate in th' Accident of that new Power, and that God ſuffered it to riſe in oppoſition to the Spaniſh Ambition; and to ſtop, with ſo ſmall a thing that Torrent which threatned th' overflow of all his Neighbour-Countryes.

Our Kings alſo, under whom Hereſie hath riſen, have ſpoiled all in following violent Counſells; They have allwayes either ſtrained too much or ſlacked too much: And, as if they had been carried with Contrary windes, They never knew, how to take the Medium, nor find the temper betwixt and Exceſſive Rigour, and a too Looſe Indulgency. The ſhamefull Peaces, accorded in divers times tho th' Hugunots, ſad Edicts made in their favour, declare cleerly what ſpirit acted in France; and that there was no need of fighting Battails, nor of the burning of Townes, for to put things in the State they were before the warr. On th' other ſide, the violent deſignes, and bloody Reſolutions which were taken t'ill purpoſe, have been the fruits of Spaniſh Counſells, and of I alian ſuggeſtions; Th' impatience which ſome had to ſee our Miſeries finiſhed, have retarded the Cure in making too great haſte; And th' hopes which others had to make profits of them, hath been the Cauſe that they enflamed more, and prepared a long and new Matter for our Diſcords, which were of Advantage to them.

Th' Execution of St. Bartholomew is a work of their ſpirit, & they glory that their King had a particular hand in it, and that the Duke of Alva did adviſe it in his journey to Bayone. I will not diſcourſe of the nature of the Action, which found even Catholique ſpirits divided, and their opinions different to approve or condemn it; Th' Incertitude wherein they alwaies were, in what manner King Charles concurred; whether by pretenſion, or by a pure deſigne, and the particular reſentment of a Prince, which ingaged with the Zeal of publique good; are the cauſe that no judgement can be made thereof, but what may be dangerous or raſh. I ſuſpend mine alſo, to reſt me upon the ſucceſs which was not conforme to th' Hopes were had of it; And were it that we knew not how to make uſe of our advantage; or that th' Election of the Duke of Anjou, for King of Polonia, loſt the fruits of the victory that was at hand; or that God would not bleſſe an Action wherein it was preſumed, that the publique Faith, whereof he was alwaies Protector, was violated; We have ſeen the Fire the more kindled, which they thought had been put out by that bloud-letting; and pretence given to cruelty, to be animated againſt the Catholique bloud.

The Cardinall of Lorrain alſo, made a great wound in the State and Church, in being promoter of the diſcourſe of Poiſſy. After he had been ſo contrary to the Proteſtant Miniſters. The perſons being of obſcure birth, and their Lives charged with faults; who had been ſhaken by many Declarations and Edicts; who had ſo often ſhun'd the Light for to ſave themſelves in dark places and in Woods; who had deliberated upon the Doctrine they publiſhed: To bring forth I ſay this people to a day ſo glorious as the Cardinall had made it, to draw them to ſo famous a Combate, and to give them the meeting in the Field, where they had him for Adverſary, and the King and the Princes for Spectators; It muſt be confeſſed that he was much too blame, and that it was to paſs too dangerouſly from one extream to another. He ought to have believed, that it was a means to cheriſh them in Errour that were ſhaking, and to confirme them that were irreſolute: That that Honour would exceſſively ſwell their heart: That it would give them a greater Opinion of their perſons and doctrines, than they had before and would put thoſe proud ſpirits into a condition never to Renounce the propoſitions ſo ſolemnly debated. He might have believed, that no jealouſie is ſo violent as that which we take, in favour of our Opinions: And for the matter of Sect, that come into the World; Th' Authors ought to be gained before they are publiquely declared; or elſe they muſt be deſtroyed.

But when they had overcome the firſt encounterd reſiſtance, and that apprehenſion which the greatneſſe of their Enterprize gave them; and that the uncertainty of the ſucceſs was ceaſed; The diſeaſe muſt take its Courſe of Neceſſity; Hope and fear are weak Remedies againſt it, and Man labours in vain, If God doth not ſhew himſelfe with a powerfull Arme to defend his own cauſe. The example of Luther was freſh in memory, and the cauſes of the miſerable Schiſm in Germany known to all the World. So long as Luther did only Hazzard his Doctrine, and had no other deſigne but to caſt out his ſpight, and revenge the wrong he believed was done to them of his Order [for not permitting them to preach, as they were accuſtomed, th' Indulgencies, in the Duchy of Suxe]; It had been eaſie to have reduced him: But after he had conferred with Cardinall Caietan; That he had been heard of Charles th' Emperour, and that Leon the tenth had fulminated againſt him; He changed the paſſion; Vanity ſucceeded cheller, and th' honour to have to do with ſo great perſons, renders him irreconſilable. In vaine after, the Meſſengers of Paul the third indeavoured to ſweeten that ſharp ſpirit: In vain, did he repreſent unto him th' evill would happen, in overthrowing the peace of the World for a doubtfull beliefe; And in vain did he offer him Red Hatts, and the firſt dignities of the Church for the price of his converſion; All that, moved him not; That ambitious man could no longer ſubmit after he had conteſted with Cardinals, Emperours, Popes. And after he had been made equall to them; He could not believe himſelfe great enough, if any perſon were above him. This digreſſion may ſeem, affected, but it wil be nevertheleſs profitable: Lets return to our ſubject. 'Tis then true, that 'tis almoſt an inevitable neceſſity to receive or demand, Counſell; But 'tis an extream diſgrace not to be able to reſolve of ones ſelfe, and to diſtinguiſh betwixt anothers intereſt and the good of our affairs. Behold other Examples: Peter of Medicis whoſe imprudence and misfortune made him famous in Story; tooke Refuge at Venice, after he was driven from Florence. Charles th' Eighth, who was the ſubject of his diſgrace, offered alſo to be the cauſe of his Reſtabliſhment, and in reſtoring him to his firſt powers, to aſſure himſelfe of the Florentines, who were ſo neceſſary for his Italian deſignes; He adviſed him then of his Intentions, and tendered him his Aid for that purpoſe. Peter conſults the Republique, and demands what he ought to do. The Senate who had jealouſie of Charles's ſtay in Italy; who would not have him take Root there; who had it then in conſideration, how to ſend him beyond the Mountaines, and to releaſe by Conſequence Florence, which was the breaſt of his Army, and of his Intereſts; diſſwade Peter from caſting himſelfe into th' Armes of the King to gaine his Returne. They repreſent to him the danger of imploying ſo great a Mediator; That it would more inflame the hatred of his Country-men againſt him, and that they conceive the King would ſell the grace he ſhould procure him, and oblige him at the Charges of the Common Liberty; So with theſe Reaſons, whoſe apparance was ſpecious, and with the promiſes they made him to labour his returne, The deſignes of Charles, and th' hopes of Peter were fruſtrated.

The Venetians who are ſo induſtrious to counſell others, and who for th' opinion of wiſdome they have gained in the world, are ſometimes Conſulted with, even from th' uttermoſt Confines of Aſia; Take no Counſell from others but for Conveniency; nor otherwiſe, than, as an Evidence of th' affection of them that give it; All the Powers of Europe were intereſſed in the diſturbance of th' Interdict; The Chriſtians, and the Turkes, the Catholiques and the Proteſtants did engage, and there was not a Prince which made not offers, or gave advice to the Republique; Nothing of that nevertheleſſe could ſhake it. She ſtood immoveable in its proper Reſentments, and never wandred from her End, whatſoever was propoſed to the Contrary. I do not think it can be ſaid, that Counſells from abroad have acted amongſt us ſince Sr. the Cardinall hath been in the government, nor that forraigne Infuſions have ſeduced us, ſince He governed. I do not think that it can be reproached to this Great Miniſter of State, That the Gold of our Neighbours; hath put out his eyes, t'open his heart to their ſuggeſtions; nor that their ſubtlity hath Cauſed them to unty the Tongue to diſcover the Kings deſignes, and the ſecrets of the State; Heretofore they governed in our Counſells, though in the poſture of third perſons. They have there propoſed their opinions by French-Interpreters; ſome of our Miniſters of State were but bodies aſſumed, to which their ſpirits gave Motion and language; And in regard they were venall perſons; no man need wonder, If they were for them that would give moſt, and by Conſequence their's; ſince they never found too high a price for the Purchaſe of the fidelity of the ſubjects of other Princes.

But t' aſſault with theſe baſe temptations a Perſon who would not make uſe of all the Juſt wayes of getting wealth; who had ſo often refuſed to ſearch into the Coffers, which his Maſter opened unto him; who made ſcruple of receiving Benefits from a Prince, which were offered him. T'avoid the gathering of the ſpoiles of an unhappy perſon, and oftentimes Hazarded all his Meanes t'aſſure ours. There's no reaſon for it.

Beſides, that Intereſt which hath been ever powerfull in France; The feare that hath been long entertained of provoaking Neighbour forces, hath often ſpoiled our Affairs or weakned our Reputation. For feare of diſpleaſing them, a pernicious Compleaſancy was exerciſed in favour of them; their propoſalls were harkned unto with too much reſpect; They durſt not break their Deſignes with force; they were diverted by Treaties, and interventions. And inſomuch that we had not Courage, to act with them as Equalls; They took the boldneſs to treate with us as our ſuperiours and Maſters. A ſtrange Maxim that poſſeſſed ſome ſpirits, to permit in private all the tricks of a Mutinous faction, under pretence that we wanted power to repreſſe it, and to ſuffer the Spaniards to do a part of what they would do abroad, t'avoyd diſorder with them; and leaſt th' hatred of that formidable Nation ſhould be added to the ſpight of diſcontented perſons, and to the diſturbance of Rebells. It was upon this Principle that they ſuffered the Duke of Savoy to periſh, and that the frontiers of the State of Milan were enlarged to the foot of the Mountaines; It was upon the ſame principle, that Affronts were permitted to be done to the Venetians; That they have ſuffered a perſon to triumph with their veſſells, as a Conquerour, who had taken them, onely as a Pirate, and whom they forced t'eſcape into Gradiſque, and conſerved that place to th'houſe of Auſtria: In ſearch whereof, they have formerly conſumed a part of their treaſure, and thirty thouſand Men without taking of it. 'Tis by reaſon of this principle alſo, that th' Hugonots complayned (whether of right or wrong is not for me to judge) of the Breach of the peace of Montpellier to the prejudice of the King's Intentions. And that they who made it to ſuppreſs another Caballe which could not ſubſiſt but by the Continuation of the warr; had alſo broken it t'accommodate th' humour of Italie and of Spaine, where ſome murmured, that a party was ſuffered to Live, which, as was Imagined, might have been ſtiffled. And others were angry for the remiſſion of our Evils, and for the Interruptions of our diſcords, which they would make perpetuall. How ever, It was, that breach, whether true or pretended hath been the beginning of the moſt dangerous warre, which as yet we have had in the State; and the Miniſters of State, which ſucceeded had received (according to the Cuſtome) the ſhame of the faults of their Predeceſſors, if they had not the Virtue to repaire them.

But Sr. the Cardinall entred with Counſells as bold as diſintereſſed; He knew the power of our Neighbours, and the forces of his Maſter; He conceived that all his Maſter's forces were not to be imployed againſt them, ſo long as they held theirs divided in divers places; which without queſtion they will alwaies do, till they ceaſe to be Ambitious, or become Weake.

And therefore upon this Infallible Principle, the King hath beaten down all that did ariſe in his Kingdome againſt his Authority, and hindred the great perſons abroad to grow great at the Charges of the leſſer; and of th' Allies of France.

The Tenth Diſcourſe. How Adviſes from Rome, and from the Mediation of the Pope, are to be entertained.

WHat I have ſaid in the Precedent Diſcourſe reſpects only the Princes manifeſtly intereſſed, and whoſe intentions are ſuſpected to their Neighbours, by reaſon of ſome irregular paſſion they labour under. A conſideration apart muſt be made of the Adviſes that come from Rome, and Interventions of Popes in th' affairs of other Princes; But inſomuch as that dignity which regards onely the ſpirit, and th'hopes of th'other Life is joyned in time to a temporall power, wherewith it is not incompatible; It hath alſo hapned, that they who have beene provided of both, have caſt themſelves on other Intereſt then thoſe of God, and mingled the Zeale of the ſalvation of Souls with the paſſions of th' Earth. And as 'tis ſeen that Man ſuffers himſelf to be raviſht with th' Objects of the ſenſes, and acts not but according to th'animal faculties, though he have ſpiritual and divine faculties. In like manner ſome Popes have been ſeen to forget the functions of the Chiefs of the faithfull, in addicting themſelves wholly to the functions of the Princes of the World, and place Ambition and Avarice in the Throne of Holineſſe; Moreover ſome perſons have been found who by intereſſed deſignes or with an indiſcreet heat have endeavoured to over-ſtraine the temporall greatneſſe of Popes, and for ſome reaſons of complyance, attribute unto them more juriſdiction over Catholique Princes, than God hath given them; they have by that means blown up the Courage of ſome of the Popes; They have made them t'aſſume unreaſonable pretenſions; They have cauſed that boldneſſe in them, to trample under their feet the Crowns of Soveraigns, and to march upon their Heads, who acknowledge God onely to be above them in temporall, Juriſdictions. From thence are borne the Quarrells, they have had with divers Princes, and chiefly with th' Emperours of the West; from thence have been kindled ſo many Warrs in Germany, which have paſſed into Italy, and brought deſolation to all Europe; From thence, were formed thoſe famous factions of Guelphs and Gibelins, which have divided the Fathers from their Children, which put Schiſm into Families; which made Citties to be burnt, and Provinces to be plunderd; and held the World in combuſtion for a Quarrell which was not that of Jeſus Chriſt. The doubtfull pretenſions, or leſſe cleer, which ſome Popes would paſſe for indubitable, have occaſioned that they who were intereſſed, have maintained their Rights with the more violence, and with leſſe reſpect then they ought; and did caſt themſelves into extreamities in a Cauſe, which moderation might have made lawfull.

But moreover, When a Pope either by his proper Motion or by the ſuggeſtions of Juglers and Flatterers, wherewith ſometimes they are infeſted, hath aſſumed a Right he had not, though his deſigne hath not proſpered, and that he hath encountred impediments, which have ſtopped his courſe, ſome indiſcreetly zealous Authors have been found, who ſet forth his Action for a Title, t' entitle the ſubſequent Popes to that Right, and to re-ingage them in a Quarrell which ſhould be made as ſtrong by their own Authority, as by that, wherewith they ſecure themſelves by reaſon of the preſcription, and that it hath the favour of time. From thence it ariſeth, that they are very ſenſible of what they conceive to touch them; that there's ſo much ſeverity at Rome, for what concerns them; and when that matter enters into th' Affairs which are treated with them, or into the Negotiations which their Agents mannage, that great Circumſpections are there to be uſed; Th' Eye muſt be open to all things, and to tread with addreſs and lightneſs upon ſo ſlippery a Pavement.

I will place here a long conſideration, but profitable, and that ſhall enter without Violence upon the ſubject in hand. The wealth which hath been given to the Church for the glory of God, and for th' Ornament of that fair Hierarchy, which compoſeth the Myſticall body of Jeſus Christ; hath had in many of their members an Effect contrary to their End. The Soveraigne Shepheards themſelves whoſe Lifes are the Lamps of the Goſpel, that it be not hid under a Buſhell; have ſometimes given ſcandalous examples in this matter; Their Manners have not ſhined, but to lead into precipices; They have betrayed the bounties of Honeſt Men, and converted the Monuments of the Piety of the Conſtantines, of the Pepins, and of the Charlemaignes into inſtruments of Ambition, or of ſome other paſſion, leſs Honeſt: And as all the motions of the ſoul, when they are irregular, and that imagination in ſtead of diſcourſe doth governe them; enter into a wilderneſs, and find no object to confine them, no bridle to check them; So the wealth of the Holy Chair, though it be great, hath been little to ſatisfie immoderate deſires, and the too vaſt deſignes of ſome Popes, and to furniſh th' exceſs of their Expences. That hath obliged ſome of their Agents, who burnt with a contrary paſſion to ſeek out extraordinary Means for Money; and to have recourſe to violence and ſacriledges, being unable by lawfull Expedients to ſatisfie the Prodigality of their Maſters, or their perſonall Avarice; They have not only ſet impoſitions, and ſubſidies upon their temporall Subjects as other Princes do; But they have alſo abuſed what was moſt holy in Religion; They put to ſale the things that were above Price; They have ſold the merits of Jeſus Chriſt; and ſold to children what came from the Indulgency of their Mother. Beſides this, the venality of Offices, which ſome Popes have permitted to be introduced into the Court of Rome, and that Spring of Rapine, which hath been ſtopped to th' uttermoſt of their power, in all well poliſhed States; The greatneſs of their kindred which ſome have procured with too much heat; The Warrs wherein they did embarke themſelves to ill purpoſe; The ſumptuous buildings and the too proud goods: In brief all that furniture, which was ſeen at Rome, of things which were not invented but for vanity or for pleaſure, and whereof the moſt unprofitable were the moſt precious; All this, hath raiſed an ill opinion of the dignity of th' Order in many who cannot diſtinguish it from the Perſon, nor make a difference of what was of Gods Inſtitution from what proceeded from the Corruption of Man. The face then of the Court of Rome ſo notoriouſly defamed hath cauſed ſome to confound it, with that of the Church, though they are two very different things; That they applyed the ſpots of th'one to th'other that had none at all, and have revolted againſt the Holy Chair becauſe they could not ſuffer the vices of the Pope. Th'Authors nevertheleſſe of this great Attempt have not ſinned of ignorance, and were not carried thereunto by the zeal of th' honour of God. They knew well, that the Licence of Manners is not incompatible with the purity of opinions; That the Will may follow Evill though the Reaſon doth not approve of it; and that the ſame Authority which forbids us t'imitate the deboſhes of Paſtors, commands us to reſpect their doctrine, and to hold us in the way they teach us, diſtinct from the myre they are fallen into; But they were put on, by other Motives. Avarice and Spight animated them againſt the dignity, to be revenged of the perſons that poſſeſſed it; Inſtead of ſtopping at th' abuſes they exerciſed, they aſſaulted the power which God had given them. Inſtead of pruning the branches, they would cut down the body, and take away their Neighbours Life, to hinder him from Doing ill. And as thoſe Creatures who draw Poyſon from Flowers, and Simples, whereof men make perfumes and Medicines; Inſtead of admiring the care God hath for his Church, in hindring it from ſpoyle in the midſt of corruption, and to ſinke in ſo violent tempeſts; They have ſevered themſelves from her and have indeavoured to cut the bands of the Members and the Head; and t' aboliſh that divine dependancy, which makes a regular body, as Diſſolution makes a Monſter.

God alſo hath raiſed many great perſons to fight the deſigns of the Revolted, and to revenge th'injury done him in deſtroying, what was of his Inſtitution, for the vices of Men; and in judging of the virtue of the Sacraments by the goodneſs of the Prieſts; and the force of the work, by the merit of the workman: But as 'tis hard for th' humane ſpirit to obſerve moderation in its deſignes, and that it be not tranſported in the purſuit of good, for which it hath paſſion. It hath alſo happened, that they who have runne to the Relief of th' Holy Chair, have truly proſpered in that defence, and repelled th' impoſture of them that have aſſaulted it; yet all have ſtayed there; ſome have paſſed their bounds, and being preſſed with too much heat, which the love of truth had inſpired into them; have not only ſupported the ſpirituall power of the Pope, but have alſo attributed unto him a temporal which was unknown to th' Apoſtles; unheard of, in the Primitive Church; which gives jealouſie t' other Princes; which hath not ot this time edified, which hath deſtroyed much and made Schiſm to enter into thoſe States which had been Catholique, the ſpace of many ages. And inſomuch that they who have been raiſed to this Supream dignity, which ſevers them from the Community of men, are nevertheleſs men, & ſometimes have common inclinations; There's no wonder, if ſome of them are glad to ſee their Authority extended, To ſee themſelves made more powerfull then they thought to be; that the light which doth ſurround them is greater and diſperſeth its Ray, further then they did imagine; and if they are eaſily perſwaded to a thing ſo conformable to their deſires and to the moſt violent appetite of reaſonable Nature which is that of Domination. Inſomuch, that 'tis not only true that the change of Fortune is ordinarily accompanied with the change of Manners, but alſo ſometimes of Opinions; That it diſorders all the powers of the Soul; That it alters the diſpoſition of th'Underſtanding, after it hath changed that of the Will. And ſome Popes have judged more favourably of the greatneſs of the Holy Chaire, when they were in it; they they did before, when they were but ſingle Cardinals, or in ſome lower dignity. Wherefore in ſubjects, which look either directly or obliquely upon th' Holy Chaire, A Miniſter of State ought to be very circumſpect: He muſt ſlide upon that Pavement, if he muſt paſſe upon it; If he be conſtrained to touch upon ſo delicate parts, Let it be done with a ſubtile and light hand, and that he do not pierce too deep, if it be poſſible, into a matter wherein it will be hard not to be offended, if he do not offend. Above all, that he ſtay alwaies in the bounds of Reaſon, and in the bounds of Juſtice. That he take nothing away from another, but that he permit not, any thing to be taken away from his Maſter; That his imprudence, or ſoftneſs do not occaſion any prejudice for the future to the State, and that he remember the proceeding of Charles the fifth, when he came into Italy to be Crowned Emperour. The Legates who were ſent to receive him, prayed him that he would ſwear to do no wrong to the Liberties of the Church, nor injure the spouſe of Jeſus Chriſt; He anſwered that he would ſwear neither to alter the rights of the Church, nor the pretenſions of th' Empire; That had an aspect to the Citties of Pleaſance and of Parma, which the one pretended to be a Fiefe of th' Empire, th' other of the Holy Chaire.

Truly, Sr. the Cardinal behaved himſelf ſo well in Occurrences of this nature, that the Rights of the Crown and Dignity of th' Holy Chaire have been inviolable, in his hands; That nothing but Juſtice held the Ballance, that he gave to God and Caeſar their due; and maintained equally the Quality of a Miniſter of State, and of a Prince of the Church; He is not ignorant of the Temper which ought to be betwixt a blind Zeal, and Licenſe ſcarce Catholique; He knowes the way was to be held betwixt theſe two precipices; He knowes how to ſaile without ſtriking upon the Rocks; He cannot wander for want of light; He hath a moſt profound knowledge of Holy things, and of the things of the world; and the Sorbone admired him as their Ornament, before it did reverence him for their benefactor and protector.

Wherefore he took care not to ſee with other Mens Eyes, as others have done, or to Move with the paſſion of ſtrangers; So no ſoul alſo was ever leſſe prepoſſeſſed then his; or more direct in its apprehenſions; There's no Irregularity in the functions of his powers, and with exception to the Commerce of Faith which is alwayes priviledged, the Will gives not its opinions to th' Underſtanding, but receives its heate, and affections, from his diſcourſe and his Illuminations. Wherefore 'tis eaſie to judge how imprudent the Calumny of them was, who aſſaulted him during the Negotiation of Cardinal Barberin, or a little after. Rome did not complaine of Him, and th' Holy Father knew well that the neceſſities of State, and th' hidden Cauſes of its Conduct, do not ever permit; That to the zeal of honeſt Men, all be given that they would have. None then but ill Frenchmen have complained, or ſtrangers that hate us; and to whom Pretences are good, when Cauſes are wanting to them; That cry us down who are incenſed againſt us; Thoſe black Manifeſts alſo, and thoſe violent and ſharp Writings which France hath ſeen, have done no hurt to the Reputation of this Great Miniſter of State. They have reſembled thoſe ſtinking Vapours which are exhaled from Mooriſh Grounds, which evidence cleerly the Corruption of the place, whence they come, but infect not the Sun againſt which they ariſe. They have given themſelves the Lye, by the things that have happened. The time hath inverted them upon their Authors. They have ſeen that Delinquent of th' Hugonots faſtned invariably to the Ruine of all that was rebellious in that party. They have ſeen Rochell fall in part by the cares of that Cardinall of Rochell, They have ſeen Hereſy humbled by that Great polititian, and reduced under the Common Right and Generall Obedience, as well of Obedience as of Opinions to his Mode: they have ſeen what he dared in th' Affaires of Monſieur of Mantove; what he undertook t'aſſume the Liberty of th' Holy Chaire, and to what he expoſed himſelfe for the Love of that Rome, which by imputation was deſpiſed by him; They have ſeen, that neither th' open force of Conjured perſons, ſtrangers; nor the great Reſiſtance of ill diſpoſed Frenchmen; Barrenes nor the Plague; could hinder the King from being the Liberator of Italy, as He hath been the Reſtorer of France.

But how hath the Prudence of that Great Miniſter of State ſhined in the Diſpute of th' Authority of the Pope, which had been awakened ſome years ſince amongſt us? How dexterous hath he been in the Manadgement of a Matter ſo dangerous? How very happy in laying dead that Quarrell which ſhall ever be fatall to Religion, and which cannot be deterred but by opening the dore to Schiſme? He alone found th' Expedients to pacifie the Sorbone, which was in Tumult on that Subject. To re-joynt the body which was torne in parts; To reduce opinions, too much flattered; To content the Pope, and to preſerve our Liberties and the Rights of the Crowne. This action was ſo neceſſary, that without it our Affaires had never taken a Courſe ſo advantageous as they did, and ſo difficult, that I dare affirme, It could not have been done but by a principall Miniſter of State, by a Prince of the Church, by a great Theologian, and excellent Polititian altogether.

The Eleventh Diſcourſe. Conſiderations upon the precedent Diſcourſe.

WHat I have ſaid in the Precedent Diſcourſe is not to Condemn the wealth of the Church, but to blame them that abuſe it; Nor, to conclude, that ſhe is not ever the ſame though ſhe was born poor, and that ſhe is now rich; That Charity is diminiſhed: That the Manners of the greateſt part of particular perſons is Degenerated; and that their Lifes are contrary to theirs, who were the firſt of the Faithfull. 'Tis ever the ſame face, though the good Graces are not the ſame, and the Colour is gone; The figures remaines; The features and proportions leave it not, and 'tis ſtill the ſame Soul which gives it Life; Tis alwayes the ſame River though its water is ſometimes troubled and ſometimes cleere, that it flowes at one time and ebbs at another. The Channell is permanent, The ſpring is fixed, and its Courſe tends alwayes to the Sea which is its firſt Originall. There are in Religion, things, of an eternall Subſtance; and there are, that may ſuffer Change and Alteration. And as the beginnings of Nature are alwayes weak, and perfection comes by degrees into her works; ſo that which iſſues purely from th' hand of God is uſually perfect, and if it ſtay not in that ſtate; Tis the fragility of Man that alters it, and the neceſſity of the Condition that makes the Change.

Since God determined that great Deſigne of the purchaſe of men, and that he would be th' End and Meanes of their happineſs; It was Convenient, that the Church which he ſhould eſtabliſh, ſhould be born poore. And, that the world might know it to be his work; It was neceſſary that ſhe ſhould be raiſed by Meanes, contrary to th' ordinary; That ſhe ſhould triumph over Riches, in her poverty; over Greatneſs, in Diſdaine; and over the Wſedome of th' Age, in the Ignorance of humane things: Otherwiſe truly, if it had come in Abundance; If its Entry into the world had been invironed with Glory; and the doctrine which ſhe brought, perſwaded by the ornaments of Rhetorique and ſubtiltyes of Philoſophy; It had been under jealouzie with us: No perſon would have been aſtoniſhed at the progreſſe It hath made in ſo Little a time: and that it being come out of a Corner of Paleſtine; It had paſſed in an inſtant to th' uttermoſt Bounds of th' Earth, and penetrated even to a world ſeverd from ours; No perſon would have thought it ſtrange, that Covetous Men ſhould run after wealth; That Ambition had followed Pompe, and that Eloquence plaid with the Credulity of ſimple perſons. That famous Impoſtor, who hath found ſo many followers and whoſe Errors entertaine, as yet to this day, two thirds of our world; had been alone, if he had been poor; and had never deceived the people if he had not ſubdued them. It was the neceſſary, That Religion truly divine, had the markes of the Principle from which She proceeds. That ſhe comes Contrary to the Rules of Prudence and eſtabliſhes her ſelf by that which ought to deſtroy her. But as ſhe hath the Love of God for her End, and Charity for her Neighbour, and that chiefly it ought to diſtinguiſh the diſciples of Ieſus Chriſt from the reſt of Men; 'Tis from thence happened, that the firſt Chriſtians carried their Lands, and Goods, to the foot of th' Apoſtles, and ſtripped themſelves of the propriety which did belong to them; to make it Common to their brothers. A permanent ſtock nevertheleſſe of thoſe offerings was not made. They did onely paſſe, and were ſhared in Meaſure as they were received, and as in proportion the Faithfull had occaſion. The flames of Charity ſince growing by the Number of Converts, and the Goods which were daily offered to the Church being extreamly increaſed by that Multiplication; It was judged expedient to preſerve the ſtock, and that the diſtribution of the Revenue might ſerve to maintaine the Paſtors, and to relieve the poor. This order was introduced even in the time of th' Apoſtles, as we may conjecture, or a little after. In concluſion, the ſtock which made a great ſumme was divided into proportions, & the portions aſſigned to them who ſerved the Church, and conſtantly applyed to other uſes, and without being any more mingled or Confounded. This order hath laſted to our time; And how holy or unlawfull th' uſe of the goods of the Church hath been in th' hands of particular Men; 'Tis at leaſt not to be doubted but that the Charity of the Givers hath been precious before God, and their zeal extremely meritorious. But moreover I ſay, that after the Golden Age of Chriſtendome, and that very happy time wherein they onely knew Jeſus Chriſt crucified; and when from the Poverty and Abjection of the faithfull, Miracles were ſeen t'ariſe: It hath not been Inconvenient That the Church ſhould be rich. And ſince for the future the ſupernaturall meanes which have founded it, ought to be in great Eſteem with Men, God hath alſo Conſented that the Church ſhould draw wealth from abroad; Advantages which ſhould render it the more Venerable; and hold the people who regard not much more then th' Exteriour, and are not moved but by th' objects of ſenſe, into reſpect that is due unto it.

But with Riches, they ſay, a thouſand Evills paſſed into the Church; Vanity and delicacies put themſelves into the Throne of virtue: The Charity of our Fathers is become the food of the profuſion of our Nephews, and the poor dye for hunger; whilſt they that ought t'ingage their Lives for them, leave them not their Subſtance. To this I anſwer, that although they are vitious Eccleſiaſtiques, becauſe they are rich, and that in many the Licenſe of Manners growes from th' Abundance of Goods; It followes not therefore, that the Church ought to be robbed: That this is common to them with all good things, to be expoſed t'ill uſage in th' hands of wicked perſons. That the Sacraments are not to be aboliſhed, becauſe there are Men that commit ſacriledge; That God doth not deface the beauty of Nature, becauſe it ſerves for an occaſion of ſin to the weake; and no perſon is bound to pul out his Eyes when they are unchaſte, and are raviſhed by forbidden Objects and diſhoneſt Curioſities. There are Church-men ſpoiled, which would have been honeſt Men if they had not been rich; And there are whoſe Life is full of Edifying & of exemplary Charity, whoſe virtue would be concealed in poverty and unprofitable Holineſs. Poverty and Riches are of themſelves a Matter without Form; They are ſuſceptible of Contrary impreſſions; They may receive the Figure of Good and Ill, and neither of theſe things hath any Merit, if Charity doth not raiſe it. But the number is ſaid greater of th' Abuſes of Riches in the Church, than of them that make good uſe of them, and the intentions of them that have given them is oftner perverted than executed. To that I alſo anſwer, that, It being ſuppoſed for truth, it follows not that the Church ſhould be made poor; That God ſuffers th' iniquity of ſinners, and the vices of the World, for ſome virtuous Actions, that are therein exerciſed; That he makes his Sun to ſhine upon a multitude of wicked, for a ſmall number of Honeſt men that ſerve him; that he had forgiven ſix thouſand culpable Perſons, if he had found Ten innocent perſons in Sodom and Gomorrah; And in the deluge which ſwallowed the World, if there had been in it ten juſt Families, He had not, it may be, made that great Example of Juſtice; So, both th' order of things, and conduct of providence perſwade us that Riches ought not to be baniſhed from the Church for th' abuſes at whoſe birth they ſerve for an occaſion; ſince they are the cauſe of a number of good Actions which are thereby done; That they ſerve the beſt of virtues which is Charity; and 'tis certain that returning to the hands of ſecular perſons, they would be more dangerouſly imployed, and would cauſe more ill, and leſs good, than in the hands of Eccleſiaſtiques.

What concerns the purifying of th' Eccleſiaſtique Order, and to reſtore it to its firſt beauty, and its originall innocency, 'tis a thing eaſter to be deſired than done, and which is not neither the worke of a little time, nor of the common force of men. It were to leap from one Extream to another. To paſs ſuddenly to ſuch a ſevere Reformation; It were to put new Wine into Old Veſſels, and to ſew New Cloath to a torne Garment, (following the parable of our Lord): And in driving away of Devills, the cuſtome whereof had taken away what was moſt offenſive which is the ſcandall; To introduce greater, by filling their ſpirits with ſharpneſs, and the World with Tumults. Th' Alteration is ſo generall, th' Intereſts of temporall Princes are ſo confounded with the intereſts of the Church, and the greateſt part of men ſo faſtned to their preſent condition; That it would coſt God leſſe to raiſe the Dead, than reduce things to the ſtate of their birth, and bring back all Chriſtians to to the Aunc ent Diſcipline. It ſufficeth, That in what ſtate ſoever the Church is found, every perſon may find ſalvation there, If he will; and that out of it, none can avoid Damnation; 'Tis nevertheleſſe true, that as 'tis to purpoſe, that the Miracles where upon the Church hath been founded, be ſometimes renewed, and that the beliefe of things paſt be confirmed by ſome preſent Signe; ſo though the Eccleſiaſticall Order hath received ſome ſtaines, and loſt its purity in ſome of its Members; God alwaies raiſeth ſome good ſouls which without forſaking of the Church, ſever from the corruption of particular Men, and expreſſe in their lifes the Image of that great Virtue, which appeared, at the birth of Chriſtianity; and which was common to the firſt faithfull perſons.

Conſiderations upon the Behaviours of Popes and their Agents which may ſerve for forewarnings to the Miniſters of State of other Princes, who ſhall have occaſion to treat with them.

THough the following Diſcourſe might have been handled more commodiouſly in the ſecond part of this Worke, where I ſhew at large how a Miniſter of State ought t' act with Strangers; Nevertheleſs, to keep ſuch matters together which are beſt underſtood, when they are joyned, and not to weaken the light they draw one from another; I will place here at one time, what I had to ſay upon the ſubject of Popes, and upon the precautions wherewith their adviſes ought to be received, and they and their Miniſters of State treated withall.

I ſay then, that although the Popes of the firſt ages, had only very pure thoughts and affections of fathers towards Princes who were their Children; Nevertheleſſe ſince they have aſſumed another Quality than that whereby they repreſent Jeſus Chriſt; That they have mingled th' Intereſts of the Church with them of the World. And that the Crown they carry hath as many Diamonds as Thorns; Some of them have been found to have a Zeal very unlike to that of the firſt Popes, who have followed other motions, then th' effects of that Vertue which makes no Acceptation of perſons; Who have burnt in the paſſions of the World; From Shepheards (as they ought to have been) were changed into Wolves, and have ſometimes made Abomination t' ariſe even into the Sanctuary; And not to go out of the two laſt Ages. Alexander the ſixth; did he ever diſcover any other paſſion to the world then that of, making great his Children? was there any meanes refuſed to gaine that end? did he not for the love of it abuſe, prophane and divine things? Did he not break all the Lawes of Chriſtianity? all of nature, and all the rights of humane ſociety to make his ſecond Son to Raign? Briefly, Treaſons, ſecret Murders, Poyſonings and perjuries were his Manners and Habits; If Hiſtorians may be believed. Let's paſs to Jules the ſecond, ſucceſſor t' Alexander. His Life indeed was not ſo black nor his conduct ſo Criminall as th' other's was; He was nevertheleſſe poſſeſſed with ſo furious an appetite of making Warre; and with ſo violent a deſire of extending th' Eccleſiaſticall revenue, That he ſuffered not Italy nor other Princes to reſt; and he could never find that peace, which God gives and the world gives not, becauſe he ſought it in the midſt of Armes, by Ambition, and in Tumults. Th' heat wherewith he perſecuted Lewis the twelfth, and the pretext he furniſht Ferdinand of Caſtile withall to uſurpe. Navarre, will deliver his name for ever with an ill Character to the French, and his Memory odious.

Leon the tenth had exceſſe of paſſion for his Relations, whereof many Popes have been ſick. The prodigalities uſed in their behalfe; The goods of the Church he not only gave them, but poured them our upon them with full hands, and exhauſted them without meaſure: And the Preſent he made his Siſter of the profits of th' Indulgences, which ſhould be preached in the Duchy of Saxe; were the petext of Luther's Apoſtacy, and the cauſe of the Schiſm in Germany, and of the Fire that hath burnt the North. What did not Clement the ſeaventh for the greatneſſe of his Houſe, and to ſecure the State of Florence In the Family of the Medicis? How often did he quit for that deſigne that indifferent and free ſpirit which Popes ought to have? And how compleaſant did he make himſelfe to th' Ambition of Charles th' fifth, t'enter his Nephew into his Alliance; and to make him Duke of Toſcany? what did he not in love to the Marriage of his Neece, Catherine of Medicis, with the Duke of Orleans? Inſomuch that if his Life was unfortunate, and agitated with great Tempeſts; It may at leaſt be ſaid, that his laſt dayes were ſerene and faire; that he gained the Haven in Triumph, and that he dyed full of the proſperities of his Houſe ſo much deſired; The ſame defect alſo hath been obſerved in the Life of Paul the third, and his Vertue, which otherwiſe was very pure, had that ſtain That he procured with too great violence the greatneſſe of th' Houſe of Farneſe whence he iſſued, and did too much apply himſelf to th' humour of Charles th' Emperour to put his Nephews in poſſeſſion of the ſtates of Pleaſance and Parma, and to ſurmount the reſiſtance th' Emperour made for the pretentions of th' Empire.

But when th' Intentions of the Popes which ſhould be ever good, and their Wills in an inviolable Juſtneſs: when their Zeal ſhall have no other heat then what Duty inſpires, and the Love of juſtice communicates; Their underſtandings may be prepoſſeſſed. They may do it with a good faith; They may wander thinking to be in the Right way and ſatisfie the paſſions of their Kindred believing to ſatisfie their Charge; The ſtate Eccleſiaſtique is now governed in ſuch ſort, that the Popes eaſe themſelves of the greateſt part of their Affaires upon their Nephews. The Cardinals who out of Councill ſeem to be the Naturall Members of that head, and ſhould help to ſuſtaine the weight of the Monarchy; ſignifie now almoſt no more then t' improve the Majeſty of the Holy Chair. The knowledge of Affairs is almoſt denyed them, and if they are ſometimes propoſed to the Conclave, 'tis rather to give Authority by their Approbation of what is done, than to reſolve it by their ſuffrages.

This proceedings, which on the ſuddain may ſeem ſtrange, is not without ground or appearance of Reaſon; Amongſt the Cardinals ſome are naturall Subjects of Princes, to whom beſides the Duty of birth, they owe alſo their fortune and alſo their promotion; and the Glory of the Purple they weare, is a Beauty which belongs not to them but by reflexion; and was borrowed by their Maſters from th' Holy Chair to be Communicated unto them. And by conſequence 'tis no wonder, If they are bound onely to their Intereſts; If they follow onely their Inclinations, and labour onely for their Glory, and the good of their Affairs; Or they are Children of ſome petty Soveraigne, and therefore full of th' humours of their Houſe; of deſire to make it Great; and in the ſame dependancy with it; To conclude, the greateſt part of them, who from a Mean or low birth attaine that high Dignity; depend upon great temporall Powers, either by benefits received, or by guift of penſions, or by hopes wherewith they hold them faſt. There's the ſtate of Venice onely, which never gave themſelves up to that practice, and which hath ever neglected to make themſelves great in the Conclave. 'Tis at no charges to gaine Cardinalls, and contents it ſelfe to Command them of their States which are never above Two at a time, and paſſe Ordinarily into ſeparated Intereſts from theirs though not Contrary. Theſe paſſions then and thoſe dependancies change the wills of Popes in regard of the Cardinals; Make all their offices ſuſpected to him, and cauſe the Reſolution of Affairs, to be reduced to him and his Relations, or to ſome of his Creatures, whoſe faithfullneſs he hath tryed, and whoſe Abilities are eſteemed by him.

But that great Authority which Popes deliver up to their Nephewes, and the power of th' Holy Chair, The diſpoſition whereof they very often leave entire and free unto them, are not ever governed by pure hands; 'Tis hard, though not impoſſible, that the zeal of the generall good ſhould entirely poſſeſſe them who are not publique perſons but by participation, 'Tis hard to forget ones proper Condition, and to have no Motions but of what a Man is not: 'Tis hard to betray ſelfe Love, and to ſeperate wholly from ones ſelfe, and 'tis to no purpoſe to ſhut up th' high-wayes t' intereſted Deſignes and to particular Ends. They will light at our Houſes if we are not infinitely virtuous, by ſome ſtolen Path, or by a ſecret Addreſſe; Th' Intentions of the Pope may be holy, but th' Intentions of the Nephews may be unholy. And if that be ſo, what expedient is there to ſtay the Contagion with them, and that it infect not the Pope? What defence againſt an Evill, that admits not of Preſervatives? To anſwer for what one ſees, if no ſight be had but by the ſight of others? To ſee a thing as it is; if th' outſide be diſguiſed? If th' Appearances have been Changed, and if the ſellers of paint and plaiſter, who are many in great Courts, have prepared it before it be ſhewed? But to gaine ſometimes the Nephews and corrupt th' Agents employed by them, in the Quarrells of Princes; the way is open to them who can do good and promiſe Recompences. For ſo ſoon as the Pope is mounted into the throne which drawes him ſo neer to God, and placeth him ſo much above other Men; It ſeems to the greateſt part of his Relations, that they cannot with modeſty ſtay in the crowd nor in th' obſcurity of particular perſons, ſo long as th'Uncle or the Brother is encompaſſed with the greateſt Lights of the world; And therefore ſome of them are tenacious of all that may eſtabliſh the greatneſs of their houſe, and raiſe them to the State of their Ambition. The Spaniards, underſtand better then all the Nations of the world theſe practices, and have larger Meanes t' exerciſe them then any other Nation. The Penſions which they diſtribute without Meaſure; The Livings they have to conferre in their States of Italy, and to th' Advantage of them that act at the Court of Rome; The Meanes t'advance their Relations to th'Offices of Peace and Warre. Th'Eſtates which they ſometimes give them, or make the purchaſe thereof eaſie unto them, and Advantageous, and Rich Marriages which they procure for them; are ſtrange Engines to Shake the Probity of Italians, if it be not very well Confirmed. The marriage of the Heire of th' houſe of Jeſualde of the moſt famous of the kingdome of Naples, againſt th' expreſſe Clauſes of he father's Will, which Gregory the fifteenth diſpenſed in favour of one of his Nephewes; gave th' entry to the Spaniards into the Valtoline, rendred them Maſters of that Valley under the name of another power, gave that great wound t'Italy, and th' Armes of Holy Peter aided there t' advance th' Ambition of Spaine, and to weaken the Liberty of a Province where they are adored. And Moreover when hopes are weak to draw a perſon to their party, They then add feare; Tis not poſſible, but that th' one or th' other of thoſe Paſſions may have its Effect, and they that reſiſt their guifts and promiſes in relation to their Intereſts, are carefull at leaſt not to juſtle them, the better t' avoyd the Tempeſts which they raiſe, and the Perſecutions they ſtir up. Beſides the Reſiſtance they give them who aſpire the Pontificate when they are of a Contrary Inclination, They have yet other Expedients to make themſelves to be feared. I will not believe that they were the Principall Cauſe of th' unfortunate Ends of the Caraffes. All three were hanged. The deportments wherewith they abuſed th' Authority of their Uncle. The Evills wherein they plunged Chriſtendome by their ungoverned Ambition: The fire which they kindled in the State Eccleſiaſtique, and which endangered the deſtruction of it.

In ſhort, all that a great power armed with Impunity could produce of fatall, gave but too much foundation for Juſtice, to make ſo great an Enſample. But 'tis true alſo, that the Contrivances of Spaine, and th' Ardent purſuits which their Agents made againſt them, did not abate the ſpirit of the Judges, nor the Rigour of the ſentence; But without that, the perſecution wherewith they agitated the Cardinal Aldobrandin after the Death of Clement th' Eighth, and the little ſafety he had alſo for his perſon, till he had ſuppled them by Imploring their Aide; Make out cleere Evidences how dangerous a thing it is to have been their Enemy, or not to have been for them which is allmoſt the ſame thing.

Preſently after the coming of Paul the fifth, to the Pontificate, That Cardinal found himſelfe thruſt at from ſo many places, and ſaw ſo many ſnares laid about him, and ſo many plots formed for his deſtruction; that he was conſtrained to leave Rome and to retire to Ravenna whereof he was Arch Biſhop, nor did he find there the ſafety he ſought for; and th' unexpected ſtormes which there did ariſe compelled him to leave that place where he was bound to reſide, and to provide for his ſafety by his flight. He retired then into Piedmont whereby the Duke of Savoy who knew th' originall of his Evill, and the Remedy that might heale it; who knew from what Corner the windes of the perſecution blew and the Meanes to appeaſe them; Adviſed him to Caſt himſelfe into th' Armes of the King of Spaine, and to employ his Mediation to reconcile him to the Pope. No perſon is ignorant of the warre they made to the Cardinal Baronius, and with what obſtinacy they aſſaulted him for cleering the Rights of th' Holy Chair to Sicily, and for publiſhing a truth they would have had concealed. In that Treaty, where that learned Cardinal endevours to prove that the Body of St: Inques is not at Compoſtelle of Galico, They have truly anſwered with Reaſons and Proofs which much weaken the contrary opinion, and make theirs very probable who ſupport it by the beliefe of Chriſtian Nations, and ought to be known for publique ſatisfaction. But in the Treaty of Sicily they have re-parted with Fire, becauſe, it may be, that reaſons failed them, and commanded the fourth Volume of th' Annales of that great Perſon to be burnt by the hand of a Hangman, to declare the doctrine it contained, criminall, becauſe it was not favourable to them. Truly, this evidence is to be rendred, and praiſe to be given to the Spaniards; That there's not a Nation in the World which hath ſo violent jealouſie, as they, for the Intereſts of their State, and for the dignity of their Crown. And it muſt alſo be ſaid, to the ſhame of ours, that there are none ſo ſtrongly labouring under a contrary paſſion, as the greateſt part of Frenchmen. I will report the cauſes of both, in the ſecond part.

Beſides this, what did not the Spaniards in the Conclaves, where the ſuffrages enclined to Baronius ſide to chooſe him Pope? What Artifices did they leaven unattempted t'oppoſe that promotion? What Efforts did they not employ to breake it, and what Engines did they not ſet a going t'overthrow it. The Cardinal of Sourdis ſtormed, and made a noiſe to no purpoſe at their practiſes; The greateſt part of Honeſt men were ſcandalized, and deſirous, to no better effect, that the Church might be governed by a Perſon that had ſo much merited from her. the wiſhes of honeſt perſons were unprofitable. They ſighed in vaine for ſo Holy an Election: Baronius his Enemies carried it, and the generall Intereſts of Christendom gave place to the particular Intereſt of Spaine. Theſe Examples, and many others aſtoniſh them who upon other accounts have no Inclination for that Nation, and the fear which every perſon hath to procure himſelfe Evill is the cauſe that many are diverted from doing the good they would, if liberty were not interdicted, and generoſity aſſaulted by odious means and by thoſe violent wayes. I will handle in the ſecond part, Whether Chriſtian Princes ought in Conſcience to meddle with the promotion of Popes, and how.

The Thirteenth Diſcourſe. That the Mediation of Popes is very profitable in the differences of Chriſtian Princes, and in th' Affaires of Chriſtendome.

I Do not intend t'infer from the precedent diſcourſe, that Princes ought to be deprived of the Mediation of Popes nor to reject their offices when Chriſtendome is agitated, and that It's Princes are in diſcord. I ſhould be an ill Logician to draw no better conſequences, and it were t'act againſt all the principles of Reaſon, and all the Maxims of Morality; To forbid th' uſe of good things for their cauſe that abuſe them, To hinder good Superiours to do their Duty, becauſe the bad neglect it, and not enjoy the Beauty of the Sun, nor the benefits of its Light becauſe of the Eclipſes which ſometimes interpoſe, and ſteale it away from the World. 'Tis true, that there have been wicked Popes, and who have been the ſhame of th' Holy Chaire, and the ſcandall of Religion. There have been of them who did not engage in th'Affairs of Princes, but to trouble them; who brought only poyſon and fire againſt the diſeaſes, and who infected with their venome and breath, all that they touched: But all are not of that Nature, all are not guided by that Spirit. There have been ſome very honeſt Men, full of the ſpirit of God, who burn only with Holy Zeal, and having been raiſed to that ſupreame Dignity, have renounced all affections of Blood, for t'aſſume only th' affections of common Fathers of Chriſtians, and, of incorruptible Arbiters of th' affairs committed to them. And as they have the heart very ſound, and the will free from all irregular paſſion, ſome of them alſo have the ſight cleere, and th'underſtanding much enlightned, having a great intelligence of the things of the World, and that the goodneſſe of their underſtanding and th' Imployment they have had from other Popes, have put them into a condition, neither to be deceived by the artifices of their Relations, nor bewitched with ſtrange illuſions. The corruption alſo of their kindred, and of their Miniſters of State, is not ſo Univerſall, but that many are exempt, and who mingle nothing of particular with the Zeal of publique Reſt, nor any thing of Strangers with th' inſtructions of their Maſters.

And without conſidering, that th' Holy Chaire is the foundation wherein Religion is ſupported, and that there's no ſalvation for the members who abandon that Head; This Good ariſeth to the Princes his Children. That his Authority is much reſpected by them when it interpoſeth in their Affaires, and that his offices are very powerfull or very proper to determine their Quarrells, when the fire is kindled betwixt the two great Crowns, and that France and Spaine make warr. What power is either high enough or impartiall enough t' interveine to put it our? who can have force enough, to retaine thoſe two great Engines when they move, and to ſtop ſuch Impetuous and raſh Motions, but th' Holy Chair. Beſides that the Empire hath long ſtood without its firſt Glory, and without any markes of its ancient Majeſty, but the Name, Armes; Who knows not that it depends on Spaine, or is in Communion of Intereſts with it? who knowes not that it hath withdrawn th'Empire from the precipice wherein it was falling; That it ſubſiſts not but by its ſubventions and Reliefes; and that Charles the fifth left not a ſtronger Recommendation to his ſon, than to be alwayes in amity with his Couſins, though their friendſhip coſt him very deer, or to preſerve it at an exceſſive price and with Immoderate Conditions.

For what concernes the Crowne of England, which was heretofore the Counterpoiſe of th' other two, and Arbiter of their differences; It is no more ſo proper, as it hath been t'Act in their diſcords. Change of Religion hath ſpoiled it, it cannot entertaine any good Intentions for the Catholiques. Having that venome on the heart, it cannot behold their proſperities with Eyes entirely pure. Their good Intelligence ought to be ſuſpected, and if it advanceth ſometimes towards Spaine and ſometimes towards France, It laſteth ſo little, and is done with ſuch languiſhing Motions and ſo ſuddaine a Returne; That 'tis very viſible, that 'tis not a perfect Amity; it conſiders but a fancy of Goodwill which preſently diſappeares and an abortive of Affection which is produced by ſome light Cauſe; As to the Republique of Venice, It hath truly Wiſdome, and Greatneſs enough, to labour in the Quarrells of the two Crownes; But'tis ſo very Jealous of the power of th' one, and ſo great an Enemy to their Ambition, that their Endeavours would not be leſſe ſuſpected then th'offices of a Declared Enemy. As for th' other Princes of Italy and Germany, they are ſo little or ſo dependant or ſo enſtrainged from th'Inclination of Spain; That for their ſakes they would not forſake their Animoſity, nor ſubmit to their good offices.

The Pope then remaines the ſole Mediator of their Diſcords. The Quality of Children of the Church, which Catholique Princes do Glory in; obligeth them to honour Him who repreſents the Chiefe, and whatſoever jealouſie of Honour they labour under, they do no wrong to their Courage or Ambition, to ſubmit to him who is above them and Conjures them in the Name of Jeſus Chriſt, by whom they reigne, not to deſpiſe the peace he hath ſo much recommended. Thoſe Princes alſo, who are ſometimes a weary of quarrelling, and to whom th'Evills of warr are dreadfull, and the Miſery of their ſubjects gives them cauſe of Pitty, are very willing to be invited to Reſt, by ſo powerfull Authority; It cannot be denyed, but that the peace of Vervins ſo neceſſary for Spain and profitable for France, was the work of Clement th' Eighth, and that Henry the Great and Philip the Second had been much troubled to lay downe Armes which weighed ſo heavily on both partyes, without ſo great an Interpoſer. I have ſaid, that when Princes are tired with Quarrells and emptied of Monies and Men, or that they have in other places more important Employments which they cannot attend but in quiting the firſt; otherwiſe truely when Ambition is ſupported by force, and when th' appetite to Conquer is provoked by th'hope of victory; Tis hard to extinguiſh it with Treaties, or to appeaſe it by offices; To the greateſt part of Princes that make warr, the ſame happens, as t'opinionated Lawyers, who ceaſe not to plead by Election but by Inſufficiency, who owe their Reſt to the poverty, and not to the moderation of their ſpirit; and who ſtop not in going, but ſtand on the way for want of Force to go further. Beſides th'Experience which we have made of theſe laſt motions of Italy, we have memorable examples in the Lifes of Charles the fifth, and Francis the first. The ſtate of Milan was the Love of thoſe two Princes, and the moſt violent objects of their Ambition. They both burned with an Equall heat of poſſeſſing it, and th' animoſity which they Conceived upon that ſubject one againſt another, was ſo great that neither time nor men could ever evercome it, Paul the third ſpared not his perſon and expoſed himſelfe to long journeies, to labour ſo neceſſary a Reconſiliation. Th' inundations of the Turke from all parts upon Chriſtians ſufficiently ſollicited th'Emperour. And nevertheleſſe nothing of that could bend them: They reſiſted the prayers of the Pope: The miſerable Condition of Chriſtendome touched them not; and that fatall obſtinacy coſt him beſides the blood of his Children, The loſſe of Rhodes and the diminution of the faireſt portion of Hungary.

Popes have not onely lent their endeavours to Christendome to determine the Quarrells of thoſe Princes; But have alſo often aided in ſecuring it from the Ruine that threatned it, or to revenge its affronts or recover its Loſſes, had it not been for their Mediations and Offices: the Proteſtants had finiſhed the defacing of it, or the Turks had ſubdued it, and God, who hath choſen them to be the viſible Cheifs of the Church, hath alſo ordained that they ſhould be ſometimes the Liberators of the Country, where the Church is preſerved; and th'Inſtruments of temporall conſervation to the people that do acknowledge her. The moſt famous League the world ever ſaw was formed in the Councill of Clermont at th'Inſtance of Peter th' Hermite and by th'Authority of Urban the ſecond; Four hundred thouſand fighting men put themſelves under the command of Godfrey of Buillon for the conqueſt th'Holy Land. Chriſtianity never overflowed ſo largely as at that time, It never obtained ſuch Eminent ſucceſſe; and never ſo great a Number of adventurers, and voluntary Souldiers were ſo long together for the ſame deſigne, and with ſo much courage.

But not to go from th' Age paſt, and from the things hapned in the times of our fathers; Who knows not that Paul the third was Author of the League was made betweene the Venetians and Charles the Fifth to beat back Soliman who threatned Italy, and to chaſtiſe Barbaroſſe, who robbed the Coaſts. That if the Chriſtians ſuffered the victory t' eſcape which they had in their hands, if they would have taken it; If the Maritime power of the Turke was not abated at that ſtroake; If Barbaroſſe was not deſtroyed at Preveſe, as he might have been; The cauſe muſt be attributed t' Andre Doria, as I have ſaid in another place. It ſeemed, that theſe two Pirates had ſhared th' Empire of the Sea, and th' one deſired not the ruine of th' other for feare of being leſſe conſiderable to his Maſter, when he had defeated his Enemies, and to loſe credit with the loſſe of exerciſe: Barbaroſſe alſo repayed the Courteſie and gave the revenge to Doria neere Villa Franca where he would not deſtroy him, as it was eaſie for him after a Wrack, nor purſue his Ships which the Tempeſts had ſcattered. It may be alſo there was ſome hidden Cauſe, and ſome concealed Motive from th' Emperour, for which reaſon he ſought not Victory in the League we ſpeak of, but the retrayte of his enemies, and ceſſation of the War. I will treat of this matter in the ſecond part, in the treaty of Leagues.

Pius the fourth, layed the foundation of the League for the reliefe of Cyprus, which was concluded under Pius the fourth, That if it was not fortunate enough; If th' hopes conceived faild of their principall End, and if Cyprus was loſt for want of reliefe; The delayes the Spaniards bring t'all their undertakings; The tempeſts that were frequent that year upon the Sea; The Plague which emptied the veſſels of the Venetians; and a ſecret diſpoſition of th' Heavens, that afflicted the Republique, were the cauſes of that Diſgrace; The League nevertheleſſe was profitable, and paſt-ages nor all the powers of th' ancients did not produce upon the Levant Sea any thing ſo memorable as the Battail of Curſolary; That, if the Chriſtians had not betrayed themſelves; If the would have made uſe of the victory, and have followed the fortune Conſtantinople and the Levant offered them; we had been largely repaired for the loſſes we have lately received. We ware Maſters of the Mediterranean Sea, the Turke was reduced to the Land, and the Virtue of Don John of Auſtria might have given hopes to Spain, not t'envy France the glory of its Godfrey, and the good ſucceſſe of it's Armies. But the diſtruſt the Venetians had of the Spaniards, and th' Experience they had made under Charles the fifth, in the taking of Chaſteauneuf, how unjuſt obſervers they were of th' agreements of Leagues; On the other ſide, the jealouſie the Spaniards had, that the Ruine of the Turk, was the greatning of the Venetians, That they would gather the beſt pieces of his overthrow, and the principall fruit of the Warre; That having no cauſe to fear the forces of the Turk, they would the leſſe conſider the Spaniſh ſtrength; and becomming more powerfull, they might the more croſſe them in their deſignes for Italy; That, I ſay, corrupted the victory and fruſtrated th' hopes of Chriſtendome and th' attempt of the World. They that know the humours of Princes, what the reaſons of State are, and the nature of Leagues, will not think that ſtrange which I have now ſaid.

However we have drawn two notable advantages from the victory of Lepantha. Th'one is, that if we have not been wiſe enough to make profit of the Good offered us, we have been ſufficiently happy in avoiding th'Evills which threatned us, if the forces of the Turke had not been ſhatter'd, and that formidable Fleet diſſipated which covered all the Gulfe of Venice with Creſcents and the lower Sea of Italy. Th' other advantage is, that we have given him to underſtand, that if his forces are greater then thoſe of a ſingle Prince; they are inferiour to the forces of united Chriſtendome. And if by a deſigne worthy the name they beare, they combine together againſt him, his Greatneſſe in a ſmall time would be humbled, the Creſcent ſhattered, and himſelfe ſent to the bottome of Soythia, from whence he took his originall. The continuation of the League, and the good Fortune of Chriſtendome, dyed with the Life of Pius the fifth, and if his ſucceſſor had had as much Zeal as he to maintain it; He was not happy enough to ſupport it, for he had the diſpleaſure to know, that the Venetians had broken it, and was agreed with Selim without the knowledge of their Confederates; whether they had Reaſon or not, I will diſcourſe in the Second part, where I will examine the Cauſes of the Treaty of Moncon, which we made ſome yeares paſt upon the buſineſs of the Valtoline.

For what concernes the warrs at Land, Tis very well known, what Popes have done againſt the Common enemy of Christians, and againſt Heretiques. In the ſecond Expedition of Soliman againſt Vienna, and in th'heat which poſſeſſed him to purge off the ſhame of the firſt Expedition, It was neceſſary that Chriſtendome ſhould employ all her forces; That her reſt was to be ſet up and oppoſe its greateſt power to a Conquerour, whom Spight and Ambition animated to her Ruine; It muſt be confeſſed, that in this Occaſion Charles the fifth was truly the Caeſar of Christians, and that he fought for Religion in defending his patrimony. But it muſt alſo be confeſſed, that the Cares of the Pope were very ſedulous to ſend him forces; To ſolicite for him in all parts, and to put him into a Condition to receive that formidable Adverſary; So Soliman, as powerfull as he was, durſt not advance towards him; He durſt not put his Glory to Competition with that of Charles; And as religious as he was, He brake th' Oath he had made, Neverto return to Conſtantinople but as Conquerour of Vienna, and loaden with the ſpoiles of Auſtria.

So ſoon as th' Hereſie of Luther multiplied and felt it ſelfe powerfull, It appeared rebellious. All the Septentrionals almoſtconſpired againſt th' Emperour; nothing was ever ſeen ſo proud as that League, becauſe it was very ſtrong. The Standards of the Commanders were filled with proud Mottoes and with threatning words; And two Great perſons th' one for the warr, and th' other for th' Intricacyes of affaires, which were the Duke of Saxe and the Langrave of Heſſen, made up the ſoul and gave it Motion. Th' Emperour in apparance ought to be ſuppreſſed with the ſtorme that ſurprized him, and religion to have ſuffered finall ſhipwrack in Germany; ſo truly it had hapned, if the Pope had not run to his reliefe. The forces which Paul the third ſent him under the Command of his Nephew, were the ſinewes of Charles the fifth's Army. And with that re-enforcement which conſiſted of ten thouſand choſen men; That great Leavy of men was diſſipated. The Duke of Saxe was taken priſoner after he was overcome; The rebellious Cities opened their Gates to the victorious, and the Victory was at th' iſſue the Pope deſired it; who apprehended, for th' Intereſt of religion, the progreſſe of proteſtants Armes; and th'too great proſperity of th' Emperour, for th' Intereſt of Italy; Theſe latter yeares when Hereſie overflowed at the Dyet of Wormes, and that it propoſed to change religion in all places, with the Change of States; All Germany almoſt conſpired in this Deſigne; and the forces which ought to have been Imployed againſt the Turke and for the Recovery of Hungary, were turnd againſt th'houſe of Austria, becauſe it was Catholique or too ambitious. The revolt of Bohemia, and th'Election of the Count Palatine; The ſhew of their firſt Armes, and the weakeneſs of th' Emperour, gave feare t'other Catholiques, and raiſed the Courage of th'other Proteſtants in Europe; Italy was then threatned, Rome was alſo devoured in hopes; Babylon, ſaid they, muſt be purged, and that which had been ſo long the principall ſeat of Religion, ought to be the principall ſeat of Hereſie; In this publique Conſternation of Catholiques, and in the feare of more tragicall Events; This Evidence is to be given to th' Holy Chair, That eminent Reliefes were raiſed againſt th' Evills which happned, and againſt them that were feared; and that the Catholique League of Germany, hath been principally th'effect of the Popes Authority and zeale. And truly it hath been ſo happy, and God ſo viſibly declared in its favour, that we ſhould be troubled to believe the proſperities which happned, if we had not ſeen them; and nothing hath fallen out more Contrary to humane Diſcourſe, and to the ſhew of things than the Ruine of the Palatine and the reſurrection of th' Emperour.

The Fourteenth Diſcourſe. Of the Prudence which ought to be obſerved in treating with th' Agents of the Pope, and whether it be Lawfull t' uſe diſſimulation, and How.

THough it be eaſie to inferr from the precedent Diſcourſe, How neceſſary it is that the Pope interpoſe in the Quarrells of Princes, and that he be made the Mediator of their Diſcords; Tis eaſie alſo to conclude with what circumſpection their Agents are to be treated with. Another Miniſter of State then, treating with them, ought never to be free from diſtruſt; which aſſures buſineſs; which avoydes ſnares; which defends from ſurprizes, and leaves not deceit in the power of deceivers. That he takes it for Certaine, That they are perſons who bring Art to all they do and never deſcend t' Action but well prepared; Who are Enemies t' Impetuoſity, and ordinarily have no violent paſſion which Confoundes Diſcourſe and diſorders Reaſon; That of all th' humours whereof the body is compoſed, eſteem nothing ſo much as Flegme; nor of all the virtues that enter into affairs, as Patience for to tire them: He ought to know, that they loſe nothing, and make profit of all, That ſometimes they go back, to advance the better; That the laſt thing they diſcover, is their firſt Intention. That they turne the back, where they would ſalute; as they do, who row: And though the ſtraight lines are the ſhorteſt, they love th' oblique better t' attaine their Ends, and to hit the Mark they propoſe to themſelves.

He ought then to be prepared againſt their Art and againſt all their Cringes: But he muſt in ſuch a manner regulate his behaviour and governe himſelfe with ſuch a Temper, that he never make Diſcovery of his Diſtruſt; That he make ſhew of free deportment, and that th' outward Appearance make out nothing but freedome. He muſt fortifie th' Entries of Conferences with th' opinion he hath of th' Integrity of him with whom he treats, of th' uprightneſſe of his Intentions, and of the purity of his zeal for the publique Good. He muſt give him alſo a taſte of His Maſter's Inclination, If he be our friend that he may obſerve it, or that of his family, if it have paſſion for us, that he may not depart from it. From this open Action and free proceeding in ſhew of deſigne and artifice, of three things one will ariſe; either Impreſſion will be made on his will; an Entry on his ſoul; or an Inſinuation into his Inclinations, which will be an augury for us, of the good ſucceſſe of th' affair. Tis a point which they ought ever to aime at, who manadge buſineſſe, and that they may aſſure themſelves, that ſo ſoon as they have gained the will of any perſon, they become Maſters of his reaſon, and underſtanding. 'Tis ſtrange what power the ſecond Faculty of the ſoul, hath, which is, to ſpeak truth, nothing but heat and affection, above the firſt Faculty, which is Light and Intelligence. When ſhe pleaſeth, ſhe drawes her by whom ſhe ought to the guided; ſhe makes her walk after her deſires, though ſhe ought not to moved but by her diſcourſes; She makes her find painting and dreſſes, for th' ugly things ſhe hath Love for, ſhe makes her diſguiſe, under th' appearance of true, a lye which ſhe will follow; and under th' appearance of Good, th' injuſtice which ſhe will practiſe, This rule ought inviolably to be obſerved in all Negotiations, that they may be happy, That they benot manadged by perſons that have averſion for one another. The ſecond is, that if the perſon with whom one hath to do, ſtands firme and ſuffers not himſelfe to be ſhaken by that kind of freedome and compleaſancy. If he reſiſts that charme and catch not at that bit, He will be the leſſe on his guard when nothing ſhall be ſuſpected by him. He will be eaſier taſted, he will breathe out ſome words to manifeſt his thoughts, and it may happen to him as to ſtrong places and well provided for, which are ſometimes loſt by too great confidence had in their Forces, and by the little care is uſed to preſerve them, believing that there's no need of it; To conclude, if ſome profitable uſe be not made of this Conduct, the miſchiefe which attends an open Diſtruſt, at leaſt, will be avoided which is ever injurious to him in whoſe behalfe it is exerciſed, which would raiſe in him ſharp thoughts againſt us; and would draw th'Inconveniences we would avoid; or divert the ſucceſſes which we believe, not t'owe to the Good-will of another and to his induſtry, but to our ſubtelty, and to our addreſſe.

Two things alſo are to be remembred, Th'one that th' Art which I adviſe is not Art, if it be not concealed; and that it workes an effect contrary to what a man propoſeth to himſelfe, ſo ſoon as it hath taken Aire. This ſo beneficiall confidence then, is to be expreſſed without affectation and exceſſe. Otherwiſe truly, when it makes a noyſe and is irregular, when it ſpeaks loud, and makes its action too preſſing, 'Tis ſuſpected of ſome deſigne; it engenders diſtruſt and creates a beliefe of the contrary he would perſwade, And in this particularly, That excellent Rule in Logicke is to be obſerved; That who proves too much proves nothing, or that good word of th' Antients, That nothing be done too much, or that advice of St. Paul, To be wiſe to ſobriety and with meaſure. Th'exceſſe of complements wherewith the Court is infected and th'Irregularity of Tatling which receives neither exception nor bounds, are certaine proofs of what I have now ſaid. So there are none but fools and new commers, that delight in it; able perſons believe ordinarily the contrary, and ſeek the truth of intentions in the contradiction of words. Th'other thing particularly to be obſerved, is, Not t' employ this Art indifferently, and to all th' uſes whereunto is proper; Not to make uſe of it t'aſſault, but to defend ones ſelf; Not to deceive, but to ſecure from deceit; and not to make a poyſon of what ought to be a preſervative. According to this ſenſe, 'Tis alſo true, that diſſimulation is permitted, & That whoſoever knowes not how to Diſſemble, knows not how to Reign. The foundation of this opinion is, that though lying be forbidden, & that it is a thing unworthy of man, & a villanous perſpective in his demeanor; That the exteriour ſhould contradict th' Interiour; That the Tongue ſhould bely the Heart, and that the Word ſhould betray the thought, whereof 'tis th'Image and Character; 'Tis ſo, That no perſon is bound alwaies to declare his ſenſe, to retayle all that is in the ſoul; To make the firſt commer his confeſſor and his Judge, and 'tis certain that God hath as well recommended ſilence to us to conceale Dangerous truths, as he hath given us ſpeech to publiſh the Neceſſary Truths.

The diſſimulation which tends to the Ruine of ones Neighbour, and ſerves for a cover to injuſtice, ought to be ſhunned of honeſt people. And what gaine ſoever it propoſeth, and with what hopes of recompence 'tis attired; She cannot repaire th' evill of the breach of the bond of publique Faith, and of overthrowing the foundation of human Society; 'Tis a falſe prudence which th' Ancients have condemned; which the light of nature deteſts; which takes away credit from man, and makes even his good Actions to be ſuſpected. In a word, it deſtroyes ordinarily them that make uſe of it, and thoſe double ſpirits and ſubtile motions are often ſeen to fall into the ſnares they have prepared for others, and into the precipice they have digged for them. They who teach this doctrine, and make ſcience of deceit, propoſe examples, which are capable to divert a Man, and the tragicall ends wherewith ſhe is diverted make it appear; That when the juſtice of men failes, God at leaſt failes not t' interpoſe his juſtice; To catch the Wiſe in their Wiles, and the Cautious in their Malice. The conduct of Caeſar Borgia which was the Modell of Machavell's Prince, and that villanous Original whereof he made ſo dangerous a Copy, had in the beginning ſome conſiderable ſucceſſe; But God who had permitted that perſon to be borne in his wrath and to puniſh the ſins of Italy, and to be the Flayle of them that were leſſe wicked then himſelfe; abandoned him at laſt to juſtice; Took his judgment from him for deſtruction, permitted that no faith ſhould be obſerved to him who had ſo often broken it; That he who was ſo diſtruſtfull became Credulous, and was blind to the Nets the great Captain laid for him.

Italy, as it is the Theater of great vices and vertues, gave a little before another great Example of the ſame nature. Lodwick Sforſa believed himſelfe the ſubtilleſt perſon of his times; His Picture and Deviſes retained ever ſome marke of that vanity and all his entertainments are filled with that folly. He made profeſſion to lead the great perſons of Europe whither he liſted; To have in his hands the Peace and Warr of other Nations, and to have been more powerfull with his wit and addreſſe, then the Conquerours were with their Force and Armies. It hapned at laſt, that he who had overthrown the peace of Italy, wherein ſhe repoſed, to ſatisfie his ambition; who had ſo often broken his Confederacies and Alliances; and had opened the way to Soveraignry by Poyſon and Parricides; that he, I ſay, beſides the great Diſgraces which vexed his Life, was betrayed at Navarre by the Suiſſes that were payed by him; ſold to the French that made warre with him; Impriſoned in the Tower of Loches; and for ten years together ſerved for a ſpectacle to all Europe of the frailty of greatneſs, and of th' Inconſtancy of worldly things.

Our Hiſtory is not unfurniſhed of illuſtrious examples in this ſubject. Charles of Navarre who had neither Faith nor Religion; who was the Firebrand of France and the perpetuall diſturber of its reſt; who ſo often played upon the eaſineſſe of the people with his Eloquence, and ſo often abuſed the gifts of the Spirit which were admirable in him, t' afflict this Kingdome; with how many evills did he ſee himſelf purſued? His Quality of Prince did not exempt him from poverty nor priſon; He was eaten with long and ſharp ſickneſſe, and at laſt Fire conſumed him by th' Imprudence of a ſervant, with a Cloath wet in Aqua-vitae. The Conſtable of Saint Paul ſubſiſted long in the diſſimulation he compleatly practiſed: but in long running his Art ruined him, and deſiring to make uſe at one & the ſame time of two contrary parties, He was ſo deſerted by th'one & ſacrificed to th' other. Truly if deceits and wicked wayes were not ſubject to violent accidents, and to ſuch fatall concluſions, th' Ignorance, or Corruption of men is very ſtrange, to help of nature the wayes of reigning, and to deſtroy their affairs which they might find more certain, and honourable with prudence and diſcourſe; what pitty 'tis that ſo many experiences which have preceded cannot make them underſtand, that if vertue be ſometimes unhappy, 'tis alwaies eſteemed; That it riſeth oftner then Malice, when it falls, and that the good fortune of this conſiſts not in the ſouls of them that exerciſe it, but in th' opinion of them, that behold only th' Exteriour which covers it, and the ſuperficies that doth ſurround it.

The Fifthtenth Diſcourſe. Whether it be lawfull to make Warre with the Pope; Wherein the Demeanour which Phillip the ſecond, obſerved in the Warre he made is Commended, and that of Charles the fifth Condemned.

TO reſolve this matter well, and give it a full day and a perfect Cleereneſſe; 'Tis neceſſary to make uſe of the Metaphyſicall abſtractions, and to diſtinguiſh the things which are effectively joyned with the Spirit; But are truly diverſe, and have nothing of common but the ſubject which holds them, and the ſtock on which they are grafted. The Popes then are not now to be conſidered as Vicars of Jeſus Ghriſt, Who hath proteſted that his Kingdome was not of this world, but as Princes of th' Earth, and Lords of certaine States in Italy and in the country of Provance.

That being ſuppoſed, I ſay in the firſt place; that it ſeems that they who have given theſe Eſtates to the Church could not beſtow them with other Intentions, than as they did enjoy them, and ſubject to the ſame inconveniences they were in the time of their enjoying them. And therefore the Popes, which enjoy them are not exempt from the right of Nations, no more then the firſt Maſters of thoſe eſtates, and that they ought to propoſe to themſelves; Beſides, that injuſtice is more odious in them then in other perſons, who ought t' act only by charity; 'That 'tis permitted t'other Soveraignes to do Juſtice themſelves, when it cannot be obtained of them, and that they abuſe to the ruine of men, to temporall power they have received from men. So when Paul the fourth declared War againſt Phillip the ſecond and would take away the Kingdome of Naples from him, to give it t'one of his Nephewes; Th' adviſe of the moſt eminent Theologians of Spaine and Flanders, and amongſt others of Melchior Canus Porta, was; That he ought not only t'attend in his dominions, the Popes Forces, and beat them back; but that he might alſo with a good conſcience enter upon the Lands of the Church by way of diverſion, and to prevent the ſtorme which was raiſed againſt his Territories.

I ſay, nevertheleſſe, that here diſtinction muſt be uſed, and 'tis very probable, that a Warre purely offenſive againſt the Pope may not ſingly be undertaken; That there's no title of juſt Warre, nor conſideration of State, which can diſpence a Prince to retaine with conſcience, what he hath gained in juſtice from th' Holy Chaire, and that conſequences are not to be drawn from what intervenes in the Commerce of Princes purely temporall, and in the Quarrels they have together in relation to what reſpects the good of the Church, and the Revenue of St. Peter. The Reaſon is, that inſomuch that amongſt the firſt, 'tis ſufficient that the Warre be probably juſt t'authoriſe the conqueſts that are made, and make the poſſeſſion lawfull of what is gained. Which happens not in the Warres that are made to Popes. To make out the true difference, 'tis of importance to ſtay a little upon this dolefull matter, and to deſcend even to the Root of that juſtice, and to the finall cauſe which makes the Warre lawfull. The Soveraign Princes who have no ſuperiours on Earth, who hold only of God by themſelves, and are independent as to all other men, are dependent as Juſtice. And therefore ſo oft as they violate that Vertue, and break that Divine bond, which ſuſtains th'Order of the World; Another Prince which ſhall be wronged, may repaire himſelf of the wrong he ſuffers, and ſatisfie himſelfe with his own hands. And in this, Conſcience is ſafe, and the Warres, mads to repulſe violence, are agreeable to God, and the bloud there ſpilt a ſacrifice of a good Odour before his Divine Majeſty. Wherefore in th' Antient Law he hath ſtirred up his people t' Arme themſelves, and to fight; and he hath not diſdained amongſt his moſt Magnificent Qualities and moſt glorious Titles t' aſſume that of God of th' Armies.

This at firſt ſeems ſtrange by reaſon of th'Inclination Man ought to have to ſweetneſſe and peace; And ſince 'tis not ſeen that Beaſts are greedy of the bloud of their kinde, nor Tygers cruell againſt Tygers; There's cauſe of great amazement that men ſhould be ſo ingenious to deſtroy one another, and ſo fierce to ruine their very kind, That the nobleſt of all Virtues is Valour, and that of making warre the moſt famous Art. That the glory of Alexander and Caeſar needed two Millions of Lifes, to riſe to th' heighth it is at; And that ancient Rome allowed not the triumph but to the Murderers of all moſt a whole Nation, and to them who had depopulated a Country of the Flower of their Inhabitants, and poured out the Nobleſt bloud of a Province. That would truly be ſtrange, if it was done by an Inſtinct of Cruelty, If it proceed from a blind Envy, to drinke up humane bloud; and was conducted by any other ſpirit then that of Juſtice.

That if we make no Queſtion to take Phyſicke, To permit opening of veines, and to make uſe alſo of Poyſon, and of fire t'heat our bodies; How much leſſe difficulty ought we make t' imploy violent Remedies when gentle are unprofitable, and that there's no other proviſion to be made againſt th' Irregularities of Princes and of people, nor to Maintain juſtice which is th' health of States, and the ſoul of the politique Body. That if what ſoveraigne Princes practiſe in the perſon of their ſubjects, and the Example they make of their Crimes are, agreeable to God, and neceſſary for the world; How much more ought that to be juſt, which they exerciſe againſt other Princes, and is of the more Generall faults, and concern all the Nations of th' Earth in Conſequence, & an infinite of particular perſons in their private Intereſt. It were well to be wiſhed, That of two parts which Compoſe the diſtributive; The world knew onely that which gives Crownes to virtue, and Recompences to Merit: But ſince Corrupted nature enclines more t' evill than to good, and that th' objects of virtue are not ſo frequent and active, as thoſe of vice; That part of juſtice, which diſtributes puniſhment, hath by Conſequent a more neceſſary uſe and more extended then th' other; and Soveraignes ought no more to be exempted, then particular perſons, ſince they are alike faulty, and more dangerouſly Culpable. 'Tis the reaſon God hath put the ſword into their hands, and hath Commanded that they ſhould have power to puniſh, not onely the Criminalls of their ſtates, but alſo to revenge th' injuryes done them, and require reaſon themſelves of other Soveraignes, which had offended them, ſince they have no ſuperiours, as particular perſons who do the wrong.

I ſpeak here of the wrongs which one Soveraigne doth to another; For what concernes the Soveraigne to the ſubject, tis a buſineſs which other Soveraigns have nothing to do with, but to behold; as not ſubmitted to the Juriſdiction of any perſon, and what God hath reſerved for his Tribunall and for his Juſtice; when the power is Legitimate th' uſe may be violent, without being Lawfull, for any perſon whatſoever t' alter it with force. The people who are oppreſſed, have nothing but prayers to divert it, or Patience to ſuffer it; Beyond that, theres no Reſiſtance juſt, nor exception to be admitted. The Duty regardes not the perſon of Princes, but th' Authority God hath put into their hands. The bad as the good poſſeſſe it; and therefore he wills, that we acknowledge them equally, and reverence, as th'Image of his power, them whom we cannot love as th' Image of his bounty. The reſult of what hath been ſaid, is, that a Soveraigne may ſometimes ſtrip another Soveraigne without injuſtice; That the ſtates of th'one, may be the price and matter of Reparation for another that hath been offended; or of th' Expence which he hath made in the purſuit; and that there's nothing Committed, againſt th'order of things, if Innocent ſubjects ſuffer for the faults of their Maſters. That they partake of his Evills, as of his Benefits and receive the badas good influences of the head whereof they are members. But for what concernes Popes and the Patrimony of th' Holy Chair, The Conſiderations is very different; They have Priviledges which are not Common t'other Princes, nor t'other States. God extends to them a Certain propriety, by reaſon of Jeſus Chriſt, for whoſe Love they have been given, which renders them unalienable, which are not to be uſurped without ſacriledge, and above the Right of Nations, and thoſe univerſall Lawes to which all Nations have conſented for the Generall Good of the world. And tis not alwayes true, That the things which change Maſter cannot change Condition, and take the Qualities of the laſt poſſeſſor which they had not with the former; If the waters attract the virtues of the Mineralls by which they paſſe; If the goodneſs of the ſoile communicates it ſelfe to the plants which are brought thither, and gives them a grouth they had not in another; If the proprieties of a Crowne deſcend upon the Members which are united to it; And if Bretanny be ſubject to the Salique Law ſince it was incorporated into France; why ſhould not the dignity of th' Holy Chair infuſe ſome what of particular to the States which are belonging to it? Why ſhould it remaine Barren? why ſhould it be without virtue and action in that behalfe? Why ſhould not Holy things have ſome exemption above the prophane? and the Reflexion which is made towards Jeſus Chriſt obtaine ſome Reſpect from Chriſtian Princes, which they give not t' one another, and ſome ſpeciall Diſtinction.

I ſay, in the third place, when the Pope quits the functions of his Charge; and that, of Father (which he ought to be) becomes th' Enemy of his Children; when he breaks unjuſtly the Calme of Chriſtendome, and carries the warr to the States of other princes, They may preſerve for their defence, and make uſe of th' offenſive by way of Diverſion and prevention; provided that neither th' one or th'other tend to Conqueſt, but onely to Conſerve, and paſſe not the deſigne of a lawfull Defence. So the Duke of Alva did exerciſe it in the warr he made againſt Paul the fourth. He ſtayed not to make his defence juſt, till th' Eccleſiaſtique, and French Armies were joyned and made Incurſions into the Lands of his Maſter. He drew into the field whilſt they were preparing; Enterd the Lands of the Church, took many places, and gave Terrour to Rome. And if he would have forced the Victory as farr as he might, he had ſeen it crowned with the taking of the Chiefeſt Towne of the world. But his deſigne was t' affright the Pope, and not to hurt him; To ſhew lightning, and reſtraine the Thunder, to conſtraine him whom he could not bend, and to bring him back to his duty by violence, who voluntarily eſtranged himſelfe from it; So after we had received affronts before Civitella, and before other places by the fault of the Caraffes; After that our Army was Conſtrained to draw back and might have been defeated, If the Duke of Alva had been diſpoſed to have gained bloody Victories, and not to have prepared bridges for his Enemies. In their Retraite, He made an Accommodation with Paul and an Accord, which I preferre before the greateſt Victory Spaine ever obtained. He reſtored all the places he had taken. He confeſſed his error. He was at Rome to make his ſubmiſſions to the Pope; He demanded pardon for the fault'he had committed; ſo Rome received him, as in Triumph; He had th' honour t' eate with his Holineſs, and merited of his bounty the praiſe of being the defender of the Holy Chair whilſt he made warr with it; And ſince when after ſix yeares of ſervice, and for a matter of nothing, as I have elſe where expreſſed, Philip the ſecond ſent him a Priſoner to his houſe in the Country; Gregory the third interceded for him, and endeavoured to gaine him his Liberty. In the repreſenting to him the long and great ſervices, which he had rendred to Spaine, and to the Church, and particularly the Moderations h' uſed in behalfe of th' Holy Chair, when it was in his power t' have defaced ir, unpuni ſhed; to make uſe of the priviledges of a Conquerour, and t' exerciſe Advantages, which force gives to them that have it; This proceeding is worthy of th' Approbation of all Ages, and th' Imitation of all Princes.

Th' Action of Charles the fifth in the ſame ſubject, is very different from th' other. Let us repreſent it as it is and in its naturall poſture. Lets take away the policies and painting wherewith the Spaniards have diſguiſed it; Lets not flatter a Monſter which cannot be formed too hideous, and that ſo ſcandolous and black a Crime reſt not unpuniſhed in the Memory of Men. I am Content that the taking of Rome by Bourbon ſhould be taken to be a Blow from th' hand of God, and an effect of his provoked Juſtice, and that the warr inclined it to that ſide againſt th' Intention of Charles; and that Treaty which Moncado made with Clement was done without ſupecery, and with Deſigne to Cauſe it to be obſerved by Bourbon, and to ſuffer the Pope t' enjoy the Truce of five Months, which had been accorded unto him; And that th' Army of Bourbon took the bridle in the teeth, and marched towards Rome in ſpight of his Generall. I ſpeak not of the raiſing of 14000 furious Lutherans and burning with the firſt Zeale of that Hereſie, t'employ them in a Warre, where th'Holy Chaire had ſo great a part: But after that Rome was taken, & that dreadful accident was hapned by the courſe wherewith it was guided; After that th' Holy Citty had ſerved for ſpectacle to the World of the juſtice, and of th' Impiety of Men; After that the Pope was beſieged in the Caſtle of St. Angelo; Why did not th' Emperour cauſe the ſcandall to ceaſe at the firſt news he heard of it? Why did he not deliver Rome of that heretique Garriſon, which abuſed th'holy things; who prophaned the moſt ſacred Myſteries, of our Religion; and added to all the kinds of cruelty, all the kinds of ſacriledge. Why did he ſuffer the Pope to be put to Ranſom, to redeeme himſelfe with Money from the vexation of victorious Heretiques; and that Oſtia and th'other ſtrong place: of th' Eccleſiaſtique State, were the Price of his liberty, and th' Arguments of his ſervitude. I know well, that ſome anſwer may be made in his favour and for his diſcharge; That 'tis permitted to make uſe of th' Advantage; which we have not ſought, but fortune hath offer'd; That 'tis lawfull to draw good from th'evill which happens againſt our intentions; That 'tis the deſtiny of the things of this World, That the proſperity of ſome is raiſed by th' Adverſity of others; and that th'affairs of State are like thoſe of Merchandize, wherein the greateſt ſecret is to know when to make right uſe of the time, and t' employ th' occaſions to profit when they are offered. To that I anſwer; firſt that the evills which I have ſpoken of, and thoſe dreadfull Accidents, were the ſequells of the breach of many treaties made with Clement, and of the violation of publique faith in his perſon. And therefore, that the effects could not become Lawfull, whoſe cauſes were ſo notoriouſly unjuſt; That the River cannot be very ſound, if the Spring be poyſoned; That concluſions retain alwaies the conditions of the principles f • om which they ariſe, and partake of their ſpots and weakneſſes; and that they who have been the promoters of ſome Evill, or have not diverted it when they were obliged, are bound to repaire it, and ought to be ſecurity for th' ill conſequences, they bring with them. In the ſecond place I anſwer, that the perſon of the Pope and the dominions of th' Holy Chaire are priviledged-things and of right are not ſubject t' all th'Inconveniences, and t' all the diſgraces to which the Perſon, and States of other Princes are expoſed; for the Reaſons above given and which ſhall not here be repeated.

As to th' affliction th' Emperour ſeemed to declare, at the News of th'Accident, and the Demonſtrations he publiſhed of an eminent grief; As to the mourning he put on to make his Diſpleaſure viſible; and to the Proceſſions he made upon that occaſion; And the Rejoycings for the birth of his Son, He cauſed to ceaſe; To weep, th' ill fortune of the Pope; All that, was but illuſion and Comedy. So that falſe ſadneſſe ſuddenly diſappeared, and that vain ſhew of griefe was preſently belyed by the proceedings above mentioned. And moreover Francis the firſt reproached him in one of his Manifeſts; that he had dared to think to ſend Clement into Spain, and conceived that monſtrous vanity, To have at the ſame time in his hands, the two principall perſons of the World, and two ſo great priſoners as a Pope, and King of France, The Spaniards anſwerd that if Charles had had the will, who could have hindred him, to have executed it? And who are ſtrong enough to oppoſe his deſignes, in a time when Fortune refuſed nothing to his deſires, when his proſperities gave feare t' England, and Italy was amazed at the blow which it had newly received. When France was mortified for th'Impriſonment of its King, and th'heretiques of Germany made brags of the purging of Rome from its abominations, and abating the Pope dome under th'Authority of a Catholique Emperour.

To that, Anſwer may be made with Francis the first, That Charles was diverted from that deſigne by th' Horror the propoſition raiſed to all Spaine. That the people murmured and the Clergy raged, when there was ſpeech of leading the Vicar of Jeſus Chriſt in Triumph, and to make a Priſoner of th'head of the Church.

Though it be very hard to juſtifie the truth of this fact, & to make viſible a matter ſo darke; 'tis better to leave it in darkneſſe, and to ſuſpend herein ones beliefe, for the honour of a Prince that hath much merited of the Church in divers occaſions, and to whom the glory of beating back Soliman cannot be denyed, and th'aſſuring of all Christendome in the defence of his patrimny, and the States of his brother. At leaſt, 'tis certain that if he was a ſinner, he was a Penitent; and that he waſhed his faults with the teares of three years, which he poured out in his retraite from the world, before death tooke him away from it.

Others aggravated this fault by th'Evills which Fortune raiſed t'interrupt his proſperities, and by the diverſe faces which ſhe ſhewed to them of his Race. They mentioned the diſgraces of his Brother, The Route of his Armies at Ezechio, and at Bude, and th'other Victories which Valour did not ſo much give to the Turk, as th' ill Fortune of Ferdinand, and the Cowardiſe of his Captains. They did not conceale th' occaſions wherein he ſaw his deſignes overthrown, and his perſon in danger; The ſinking of his Fleet in th'haven of Algiers; and that fearfull loſſe, which hath not been equalled by any loſſe made by Chriſtians on the Sea, but by that, which his Son made in the Sleev of England; They repreſent the ſucceſſe which the ſecond League had againſt him in Germany: The Chaſe which Maurice Duke of Saxony gave him; And the neceſſity whereunto he was reduced, to ſave himſelfe by night, and the ſixth perſon at Iſburg, and to conſent to the peace of Paſſo ſo injurious to Religion, and ſo unworthy of th' Empire: And to conclude, they adde th' ill ſucceſſe of the Enterprize of Provance, and the ſhame of the ſiege of Mets, which was the laſt deceit fortune put upon th' Emperour, and th' accompliſhment of the deſigne he meditated to put himſelfe out of her power in quitting the World where ſhe is ſo ſoveraign. I will not affirme, that all theſe Evills befell him in revenge of the ſacking of Rome, and th' affront offered to th' Holy Chaire. It might happen that God ſent or permitted them for that ſubject; And it might fall out alſo, that they ſprang from other reaſons, and were th' effect of another cauſe. Inſomuch, that according to the judgements that are made upon that Matter, and th'Examples which are alleadged of them whom God hath puniſhed for offending of Popes; There's more in it of opinion then of ſcience, and of conjecture then certitude. For who hath been of God's counſel? who ever entred in to the depths of his Wiſedome? Who hath pierced the darkneſſe where he hids himſelfe?Tenebrae, latibulum e • us. and to whom hath he diſcovered the ſecrets of his providence, and th'hid cauſes of the government of the world? The Death of Bourbon of the firſt inſtances given is not ſo concluding an Example, nor ſo demonſtrative as 'tis believed, againſt what I have now ſaid. I deny not, but that God might have permitted it as the puniſhment of the ſacriledge he committed in forcing Rome, or as the vengeance of the breach of a Treaty whereupon Clement truſted, and whereof the confirmation had been often repeated unto him to ſurprize him. But I know alſo that the violent end of that Prince might proceed from a cauſe meerly accidentall, and th'ordinary fruits of a profeſſion which ſpares no perſon, and where Musket ſhot makes no diſtinction betwixt private Souldiers and Generalls of Armies. It might alſo happen; that if the juſtice of God did particularly conſider that death; It was to correct a man whoſe Revolt did ſo much evill to his King, and coſt ſo dear to his Country; or more likely as a Revenge for Lombardy which he deſerted to be ſpoyled with Gruelties and Rapines, and not to ſuffer his perjury to paſſe unpuniſhed when he promiſed Milan t'eaſe it of the Garriſon that devoured it, and to draw from it willingly, the laſt drops of its bloud, and what remained in it of Subſtance.

The Sixteenth Diſcourſe. The defence of Gaſton of Foix against them, who ſay that God puniſhed him for making warre to Julius th' eleventh; with the compariſon of that Prince, and of the great Captain.

I Am ſorry that Gaſton of Foix is placed amongſt th' Examples whom they ſay God hath puniſhed for having made Warre. The reſpect I bear the vertue of that Prince; The great things he did in his very youth, and the value ſome Lords of France have with me; being of his bloud, and who have with him the ſame Originall, are the cauſes that I will defend him here of Calumny, and averre that he had the Nobleſt Death and moſt glorious Life for the time it laſted, that Hiſtory makes mention of, or fame doth publiſh; 'Tis certain that Gaſton made warre in a time when the Nations of Chriſtian Princes were confuſed, and their paſſions very different for th'Intereſts of th'Holy Chaire. Julius the ſecond, who was then in the Chaire, ſeemed to have forgot what he was; and to have renounced the Quality of common Father to make himſelfe, Head of a party; or at leaſt Member of a League formed againſt France; The jealouſie he had to ſee us in the heart of Italy; The implacable hatred he bore to the King, and the effects whereof he had made him to feel in the perſon of the King of Navarre, whoſe kingdome he had interdicted; Obliged Lewis the twelfth to prepare againſt the Tempeſt that threatned him, t'exerciſe the Right of Nature, and t'oppoſe force to force, and to repaire to counſel to ſtop the violencies of th' Armies of th' Holy Chair, which Julius had on foot, nor t'heal but to kill; not to edifie, but to deſtroy.

In this occurrence, when the Right ſeemed to be of Lewis's ſide, Gaſton had the command of th' Army in Italy. And though the ſubject ought not to diſcourſe upon the deſigne of his Maſter', when he ought to follow without enquiry whither he goes, and that the Law which ought to be obſerved, doth not alwaies declare the vertues of what it ordains; Gaſton executed the orders of the King in a cauſe evidently lawfull. To whom he owed obedience, even in Matters whoſe right had been ambiguous, and juſtice doubtfull; That if he were ſlaine at the battell of Ravenna, and periſhed in an Occaſion whereunto no perſon goes not to dye, but t' overcome, as he did, The chance of Armes hath ſo ordained it, and his Death was the more noble, that it encounterd with his Duty, and that he was ſlain in the Exerciſe of his Charge.

I ſspeak not at this time of other Circumſtances, which make his death glorious. To dye at th' age of two and twenty yeares, being almoſt aſſoon Captaine as Souldier; having almoſt at the ſame time put forth flowers, and brought forth fruits; after a Number of Victories whereof none were ſmall, and the leaſt might have laid a foundation, of Reputation for an eminent perſon; and in the midſt of a proſperity ſo conſtant, that it was never in the power of fortune t' interrupt it; and ſo ſuddaine and Impetuous, that ordinarily the laſt ſucceſſes troad upon the former without Interruption, and the newes followed one another without Intervall. Add to this, th' Eſteem his virtue had gained when he dyed; the feares and hopes it diverſly occaſioned in the world; and the contrary paſſions it produced in equall degree in the ſoules of his Friends and Enemies. It was ſuch, that the French could not rejoyce in the Battell they had gained, becauſe that Prince dyed there. That Lewis the twelvth wiſhed the like Victories to his Enemies to ruine them; and, what is moſt eminent and remarkable, That it forced Ferdinand of Caſtille to reconcile himſelfe to the great Captaine, and to withdraw him from that Retiredneſs to which a jealouſie of State had confined him, to ſend him back to Naples and t' oppoſe Gaſton, if he had longger lived; That it conſtrained an old Man, and a Soveraign-Prince to ſuppreſſe ſo imperious a paſſion, and to reſtore t' Imployment one of his ſubjects whoſe greatneſs was in jealouſly with him. To dye in that high Reputation, and go out of the world, before tryall was made of the Revolutions of it; If it be a ſtroak of vengeance from Heaven, and the price of ſome great Crime; Let generous ſoules, that have th' appetite for Glory, and ſome Reſentment of honour, be Judges of it.

Since we have ſaid that Gonſalve was to paſſe into Italy t' oppoſe Gaſton, and that Ferdinand had deſigned him that Great adverſary, if he had out-lived the journey of Ravenna; Lets obſerve a little on whom in that warr th' advantage might have reſted, and on what ſide the victory have leaned, in a Difference where the Parties were ſo equall.

It may not peradventure be amiſſe to divert the Reader with pleaſure, and t' entertaine him with a piece not unpleaſant, though of no relation to the work. Titus Livius hath ſometimes done the like amongſt th' Ancients, and Paruta amongſt the Modernes, and I cannot be much blamed in th' Imitation of them, nor t'have failed after two ſo great Examples. Tis true, that the ſubject which I ſhall treate upon is extreamely ambiguous and much troubled. If it be nevertheleſſe lawfull to ground ſome judgment upon the future, and to caſt our eye upon the thing collected, Tis probable, that the virtue of Gonſalve had given place to that of Gaſton; that it had given him the field; and that fortune would not have abandoned a young ſervant, that knew how to make uſe of her favours, for a perſon that made no eſteem of it, and was compelled to retire in the midſt of Enjoyment. The long time that had paſſed wherein Gonſalve had not made warr, and the great Ceſſation, in a profeſſion that affords alwayes ſomewhat to be learnt; had without queſtion much changed him from what he was: And as Iron ruſtes, when it is not handled, and Aire corrupts, that is long ſhut up and putrifies; ſo th' Art of making warr is unlearnt, if it be diſcontinued; and military Abilities are weakened, if they are not exerciſed.

Secondly, Age that hath the property to take away the good ſenſe, and to ripen prudence; hath alſo the defect to freeze the blood, and the ſpirits, and to weaken th' active Qualities, which are the Chiefeſt principles of Execution, and the neareſt Cauſes of Victories. Inſomuch that the Coldneſs of Age, if it have nothing but experience, prevents ſometimes the committing of faults, but not alwayes the ſuffering of Loſſes, and is not capable of Enterprizes that are not happy, becauſe they are bold; nor of Certaine deſignes wherein there's leſſe need of Circumſpection then of Courage. We have alſo ſeen a great number of Brave perſons whoſe Age hath taken away their Reputation, and whoſe Glory hath been effaced by long Life. We have no example of this truth more viſible then that of Marius. His valour accompanied alwayes the diſpoſition of his Temper, It entertained it ſelfe in his faireſt yeares, and fell in the fall of his body, and in the cadency of his Age. It hath alſo been obſerved, that the greateſt part of Conquerours, and vanquiſhers of Nations, did not attaine th' Age of ſixty yeares; and that Many of them have finiſhed their dayes much ſhort of that time by naturall death, or by a precipitated or violent End. Caeſar, Charles the fifth, Francis the firſt, Henry the fourth, and the laſt Prince of Orange, failed betwixt fifty and ſixty yeares. And one of theſe ſtayed not to give over buſineſs, till he was in Condition no longer to retaine it; nor to give over his greatneſſe, till death would have taken it from him; But by a Prudence, higher then that of the world, and by Motives more generous then thoſe that had made him t' undertake ſo great things; He quitted the functions of th' Empire, t' exerciſe them onely of a Man; and choſe rather t' end his Life in th' humility of a Religious perſon, then with th' Ambition of a Monarch.

The Prince of Parma, who had th' honour, to give Life to the Military diſcipline of th' Ancients, and to advance that faire work which the Prince of Orange had finiſhed, dyed at th' age of Eight and forty yeares. And 'tis true, That his Glory began to decline, that th' affaires obeyed him no more, as they had before done; and that his laſt deſignes had neither the good fortune of Event, nor the grace of Execution as the former had; Alexander, Germanicus, The Marquis of Peſſary, and Don John of Austria have encountred the ſame period of Life, and a death almoſt alike. All four paſſed not the Age of thirty and three yeares; and all four fell rather by the Malice of others, and with great ſuſpition of poyſon, then by the fault of their Complexion or by open force.

This rule nevertheleſſe is not ſo generall, that it admits not of Exceptions; and there all valours, which reſiſt the Ruine of the body, and th'injuries of Age they maintaine themſelves in ſpight of the Time. Inſomuch, that 'tis not the blood that heats them, but reaſon that enlighteneth them; And without ſpeaking of the preſent Age, the paſt hath produced a Conſtable of Mountmorancy and a Duke of Alva, who have preſerved an entire Reputation to the very extremity of Age; whoſe laſt actions have been the Crownes of the firſt, and the Concluſion of life, the glory of all the reſt. This nevertheleſſe is very pure, and tis otherwiſe true, That fortune hath been pleaſed to favour young Captaines, when they were wiſe againſt th' old, who have not the Courage ſo active, nor the Virtue ſo violent. And by conſequence there's ſome apparance, that ſhe would have declared for Gaſton, and been of his party againſt the Great Captaine.

Thirdly the great Captaine came to the Government of an Army whoſe officers and ſouldiers were ſcarce known unto him, nor had th' army other knowledge of him then his Reputation and Glory. Inſomuch that 'tis a Queſtion, if there had been any Sympathy at leaſt at his firſt comming betwixt th' head and the Members, whether their Manners, had agreed, and the Proportion had been adjuſted to the Command and obedience. Fourthly, he came to Command an Army ſhattered and of unfortunate Troops; and he was neceſſitated at the ſame time to fight the deſpaire of his ſouldiers, and the boldneſſe of his Enemies. On the Contrary Gaſton was in Exerciſe, and in breath, and the warr he carried into the kingdome of Naples had been but a Conſequent of his good fortune, and the Continuation of that. He newly finiſhed moſt happily in Romagna: He exerciſed a Soveraigne power in his Army: He had th' heart of all his Souldiers: they loved him as their Companion, and reſpected him as their Generall: His beauty and good faſhion, and the other Graces of the body which render virtue the fairer, and in an age when they make ſtrongeſt Impreſſion, and have an action more lively: His beauty that was extreame and juſt; that was neither exceſſive, nor retentive; who knew how to give much, and to diſtinguiſh of Perſons; who obliged honeſt Perſons, and contented the covetous. His Courteſie was capable to compell his Enemies to change their paſſion, and ſo wiſh him in the practiſe of it; Th'Eloquence wherewith he changed the ſpirits of Men, prepared Courages for him as he would have them; and brought Moderation t' impetuous ſpirits, and boldneſs to the fearefull. All thoſe Qualities, I ſay, together, might give him hopes to lead his army as farr as humane force could go, and he ought not to have propoſed any difficulties to himſelfe but impoſſibilities.

Briefly, Th' opinion the ſouldiers had of his Fortune and Virtue, and th'Experience they had ſo often made of Th' one and th' Example he had given them of Th' other; Enabled them to dare all dangers under ſo valliant a Commander, and t'hope all good ſucceſſe under ſo happy a Commander.

From all theſe Conjectures, I conclude very rationally, that the death of Gaſton, hath been the good fortune of Gonſalve. That if Gonſalve, deſerved to be compared to Scipio, That our Heroique Gaſton, if he had lived long, had deſerved preference to both of them. And if the greatneſs of things he ought to have done, were to be judged by them he had done; That none of th' ancient Captaines had ſurpaſſed him in the Glory of Armes, and that He had ſurpaſſed all the Moderne Captaines.

The Firſt Diſcourſe. Of what Importance, Care and Vigilancy are, for a Miniſter of State; and that nothing is to be neglected, principally in Warre.

CAre, Labour, and Vigilancy, are not things purely ſpirituall; The body ſeems therein to have the beſt part, and if they derive their Originall from th' underſtanding. they determine in the matter, and ſenſible objects do bind them; They are the neereſt cauſes of execution, and without them a Miniſter of State may peradventure be wiſe, but can never be happy. On the contrary; there's no difficulty, nor reſiſtance which may not be forced by their aide; with them fortune is conſtrained to follow; Good counſells are aſſured; Bad are corrected; Things are ſupported and overthrown; and that form is almoſt given to buſineſſe which is propoſed; 'Tis then of great Concernment to neglect nothing that may be profitable, That no accident is to be eſteemed ſmal, if it may incommodate; That every moment ought to be of precious eſteem, if it be neceſſary for us. And that the Maxim of Morality be remembred, That evill is raiſed out of the leaſt defect in things; and that Good to be ſuch requires that every part be entire and ſound.

Above all, in great misfortunes, & in the violence of fortune that all advizes muſt be heard; and all things attempted, though they ſeem impoſſible; For then, much muſt be hazarded, provided that it be not all, unleſſe we are conſtrained thereunto, and cannot ſave our ſelves but in ruming a courſe to deſtroy our ſelves. Moreover, we ought t' Imitate the Wiſe Phyſitian, who will never ordain dangerous Remedies, and whoſe operation is doubtfull, but they will trye diverſe, of whoſe goodneſſe they may not be fully aſſured but that they ſhall not kill if they heal not, and will not make th' evill worſe if they do not eaſe it; In a word, 'tis not to be believed what great and incredible effects are produced by an exact care, by a conſtant diligence, by an infatigable conteſt, and by that prudent inquietude which alwaies acts, which forgets nothing, which never gives it ſelfe liberty, and forceth at laſt what holds too faſt, and draws what will not follow.

Caeſar was incomparable in theſe Qualities, as in all other that forme a great Captain. No perſon ever took more pains in the Warre; or exerciſed more functions together in his Army, nor that more deſired to be preſent in all occaſions, or that was more obſtinate t'execute his reſolutions, not to retire when he was once advanced, and not to ſtand in the midſt of an enterprize; 'Tis true that he deliberated much before he undertook any thing, and did not caſt himſelfe blindly upon any deſigne; He did not prepare to make war after he had begun to make it; The proviſions anſwered alwaies to the time, he had forecaſt to make them continues and th'execution never deceived his providence. But after that he loſt not a moment of time, nor an occaſion of advantage, and never remitted to the next day what he might execute the ſame day. He ſeldome truſted but to his eyes and judgement, and for the moſt part he went in perſon to view the Country he would aſſault, and th' enemies he was to fight. When th' occaſion preſt, he made incredible Marches. He paſſed Rivers by ſwimming, t' avoid going about to gain Bridges; He croſſed the Seas in ſmall Veſſels to make the more diligence, and choſe rather to ſayl in Storms, then ſuffer his buſineſſe to run hazard; and to put his perſon in danger, rather then his fortune: And it muſt not be a wonder, if in his profeſſion he left all the men in the world behind him; And if it hath been doubted, To whom the victory had remained, if Alexander had made Warre to the growing Common-Wealth; No Queſtion can be made but he was inferiour to Caeſar, who deſtroyed it in its moſt vigorous Age, and in th'exceſſe of its force, and made it fall from th'height of its greatneſſe, and from the top of its Power.

On the contrary, the reaſon why the Reputation of ſo many Men, is ſeen to paſſe with the time, and their glory t' extinguiſh; 'Tis the diminution of Labour, and the default of Vigilancy; This diminution & default proceed from ſeverall cauſes. The firſt is, that as in the condition of particular perſons, a mans fortune doth not alwaies advance with equall pace, and with an uniforme progreſſe; That it ſtops toward th' end or moves ſlowly, though it come with impetuoſity and ſwiftneſſe: Inſomuch that he who burnt with impatience in the beginning to quit poverty, and laboured with Zeal to become Rich; So ſoon as his deſire is ſatisfied, and that he ſees himſelfe in plenty, H' abates of his cares, and would enjoy with reſt th'fruits of his induſtry. So the man whoſe ſpirit is poſſeſſed with the paſſion of glory, and meditates the great actions which do beget it; when he hath attained his end; That he hath filled the World with the reputation of his vertue, and hath formed in himſelfe a great opinion of himſelfe; Th' hunger of honour which preſſed him at firſt, becomes moderate; and by conſequent, his firſt conteſt weakens, and his ordinary diligence diminiſheth.

A ſecond cauſe of this diminution, is Age; and 'tis no wonder, if the body which deſtroyes it ſelfe grieves the Soul; and if it operate not with the ſame vigour, as it did, when th' Organs are ſpoyled, and th'inſtruments of uſe weare out; This rule nevertheleſſe is not abſolutely true, and hath its exceptions, as I have ſaid elſewhere.

A third cauſe are the diſeaſes; which produce the ſame effects, and more dangerous then Age, becauſe they produce them more ſuddenly, and with more violence; and 'tis not poſſible, that in the griefe of the body, and weakneſſe of nature, a man can intend things, that are without him, and at the ſame time conteſt with the diſeaſe and buſineſſe. Beſides, what hath been ſaid before of Phillip the ſecond, The Spaniards have alſo obſerved, that their affaires in the Low Countryes declined with th' health of the Prince of Parma, and began to change when he began to be ſick; and nevertheleſſe being of a very vaſt ſpirit, and active humour, He would not abate any thing of his accuſtomed occupations. He would do more then he could. He would retain the ſame authority in buſineſſe, as when he had his health. He could not eaſe himſelf upon the cares of another, and thought that nothing was well done, but what was done by his Orders. When he was hurt before Candebu; He put the command of th'army into the hands of his Son; and in regard he was but a young Prince, and to whom experience was wanting, and that ſort of Capacity which comes not from ſtudy, or nature; He would ſupply that defect by his Counſells; Th' Army was at Iuetot, and the father at Candebu where he was dreſſed of his wound? There he would be Conſulted with upon all Occurrences, and th' order for what was to be done was fetched a League off. In the mean time, the time paſſed in going and coming; the ſtate of the warr changed Countenance; new Accidents demanded new Counſells, and the Spaniards loſt faire occaſions t' inomomodate us whilſt they went t' aſke his permiſſion, and we made no ſmall advantage of the Diſorder of a body, that was ſo diſunited from th' head that governed it.

But to make the benefits of Vigilancy the better t' appeare, and th' operations of that ſharp virtue, and of that unquiet Prudence, which is ever in Action, which makes profit of all things; that ſuffers nothing t' eſcape, and particularly in the warr where occaſions ſtay not and never returne, when they are once fled away; Lets demonſtrate this by apt examples; When Gaſton of Foix drew to the Reliefe of Bonlogna againſt th' Army of the League which had beſieged it; If at th'entry of the Towne, he had drawn out to Charge th' Enemies, he had ſurprized them; He had defeated them without reſiſtance, that had not been on their guards becauſe they diſtruſted nothing; and the delay of one night which He gave at the Requeſts of his Captaines for ſome reſt to his ſouldiers, raviſhed from us a victory which had all Italy for price, and coſt us a little after the Life of that prince which was of more vertue then all Italy. Th' evening before the battell of Jury, The late King had taken his quarter at Menoncour; The Marſhall of Charters was to diſcover it, and obſerved that his Army was weake and affrighted; Sr. of Maine nevertheleſs would not Charge that evening t' untire his ſouldiers, who were hareſſed with the Labour of the way, and with the long Marches they had made; in the mean time three thouſand foot, and Eight hundred horſe, arrived in the night to the King, who gave Courage with th' hopes of victory to his Army, and after prevailed for the gaine of the Battell; which they run hazard the day before to loſe.

As to th' Important victories, which Care and Diligence have occaſioned, and have as it were forced from the hands of deſtiny; I obſerve three famous ones amongſt the Modern and which ought to be obſerved with a particular attention. The defeate of Francis the firſt before Pavy is without doubt, a work of th' Emperours fortune, and of the virtue of the Marquis of Peſſary, who was one of the chiefe Commanders of his Army. But it ought chiefly to be attributed to his Induſtry, and to that Indefatigable and hot humour which never gave him any Reſt, which held him in perpetuall action; which exerciſed him day and night, and forced buſineſs t' obey him, and to come to the point he had propoſed to himſelfe. In that manner He overcame us againſt all ſhew of Apparance, and got the better of us, though we had then no need of any thing but patience t' overcome; That we had nothing to do but to defend our ſelves, and t' hinder being defeated for to defeate them: Firſt he did beat downe the Forts which covered our Army, and rendred his Avenues ſafe; He advanced towards us without loſſe of time, or taking of reſt, and before almoſt we could ſee them come. He fell into the Kings Quarters, and conſtrained him to fight, and to put t' hazard what he had aſſured, if he had kept his advantage. On the contrary theres no place of excuſe for Francis, nor palliate his blindneſs, and that ſtupid negligence, wherewith he was poſſeſſed in the midſt of his Army, without knowing the State or Number of it, but by the report of his Captaines; and not knowing the deſignes of his Enemies, till he was not in a Condition to break them, and not being prepared to reſiſt them but believing them too weake t' aſſault him. A notorious fault in Warr, wherein the neceſſity of fighting ſhould never be permitted, nor t' act at the pleaſure of enemies; where they ought never to be deſpiſed or eſteemed weake; where th' Eyes ought to be imployed on all things, and nothing neglected, and where ſmall Accidents are ordinarily the beginnings of great Revolutions, and th' originall of the good, or bad ſucceſs of Enterprizes. The ſecond Example is of the laſt Duke of Guiſe, when he defeated th' Army of Germans which came to overcome France under the Command of the Duke of Bouillon, and of the Baron of Auneau. So ſoon as he had diſcovered th' Army he never allowed in any reſt, and loſt not an occaſion of Incommodating it; He gave it Continuall A larmes to tire it; He had it in his Braine, when it Marched; He vexed it in its Quarters. He cut off the wayes of Proviſions from all ſides, and at laſt in three encounters at Vimony, at Auneau, and at Mount beliart, diſſipated the whole Army.

The third Example is, the Reliefe of th' Iland of Rhé. It muſt be acknowledged that the glory of that ſucceſs, which will appeare another day a Miracle in the life of the King, or a fable in Hiſtory, is an effect of the piety of that Prince, and a viſible Argument of th' Inclination which th' heavens have for him; But it muſt be alſo confeſſed, that this good fortune was not given him freely, and that he hath aided th' Hands of God to work this wonder; The feaver hath newly left him: His recovery was yet uncertaine, and it was neceſſary for his Courage to compleate the ſupport of his body when he put himſelfe into the way to find th' Engliſh: what he did in an Occaſion apparantly deplorable, may be judged by his accuſtomed Actions, which were alwayes of greateſt difficulty; And though th' Actions of Princes reſemble th' Eſſences which containe a great Virtue in a ſmall Quantity; and though they do little, yet operate much by reaſon of the force of th' Example; So it is that the King would not have believed his Charge to have been diſcharged but in doing more then th' others. If he had put them onely on their way, to let them after that march of themſelves; had he not alwayes ſerved them for guid; If he had not made way for them without Interruption; and if he had not been the laſt to quit labour and to retire from Action. Moreover it muſt be further avowed, that as in th'affaires whereof we now ſpeak, He hath forgot nothing of the duty of an Active, and labourious Prince, and that he hath alſo there Compleately ſerved; ſo that th' Inſtruments which he there imployed, betrayed not the virtue of the principall Cauſe; Monſieur his Brother made his firſt Armes there very remarkable, and the beames of that riſing valour have been ſo lively and pure, that it was viſible they could not proceed, but from a ſpring extreamly faire, and that greater beginnings could not be expected from the ſon of Henry the fourth, and from the Brother of Lewis the juſt. As to Sr. the Cardinal, tis certaine that he brought unto the work an extraordinary Conteſt of body and ſpirit, and that the cares and diligence He uſed in that Occaſion were incredible, as th' effect that did ariſe from them. He manadged it in ſuch fort, as a ſick perſon is handled, to whom ſo little of life remaines, that the leaſt ſiniſter Accident that befalls him, deſtroyes him; and the leaſt things forgot of what might be Cordiall, would kill him. Two hundred poſtes diſpatched in leſſe then two Months, ſo many orders given, within and without the Kingdome; no advice neglected, that had any apparance of Good; ſo many veſſells got together in ſo little Time, and ſo many proviſions made for the revictualing of the place beſiged. In Briefe, all that humane Induſtry hath of Inventions; All that prudence hath of Conduct: All that diligence hath of activity, and all that Courage hath of boldneſs, employed in this Occurrence; are th' Infallible proofs of what I have ſaid.

But t' act in this Manner; It imports that a ſoul be extreamely free, and have no paſſion but for his duty; That it be not divided, and 'tis not too much, that it employes all its forces in Occaſions whereunto enough cannot be brought, and wherein th'Affairs are but imperfectly done, if any other Inclination divide them; That if we have ſeen great perſons, as Caeſar, burne with Love and Ambition and done incredible things; That if he gave himſelfe up to the pleaſures of ſenſe, and to the conqueſt to the World; It was that thoſe two Paſſions never entred into conteſt in his ſpirit, nor diſputed of the Victory; and when the laſt appeared, the firſt gave it place, and left the field free; yet 'tis not poſſible, but they ſavoured of the relation, and that the contagion of th' one could not but offend th'other. This hapned even to Caeſar as incomparable he was, and the Love of Cleopatra had once almoſt deſtroyed him, and had coſt him with his Life th'Empire of the World, If he had not by ſwimming, paſſed the Nile to ſave himſelfe. But that Sr. the Cardinall hath this Liberty of ſoul whereof we ſpeak, I have elſewhere ſhewed, and therefore unneceſſary to be here repeated.

The Second Diſcourſe. That the true exerciſe of Politique Prudence conſiſts in the Knowledge of Comparing things with things, and to chooſe the greateſt Good, and t' avoid the greateſt Evill; And to conſider whether the Counſell Sr. the Cardinall gave to paſſe into th' Iland of Rhé, was grounded upon the Rules of Prudence; And if the King did well to march into Languedoc after the taking of Suze.

'TIs a ſtrange Hazard, and a hard neceſſity to be ſhut up betwixt two troubleſome extreams, and of two evills which preſent themſelves joyntly, to chuſe the leaſt. This laſt is a thing which all the World deſires to do, and for which Nature hath imprinted in us a violent and ſharp inſtinct. The leſſer Evills appeare good when they are preſervatives from greater, and phyſick is good by reaſon of the diſeaſes it is ordained againſt. But to know how to make uſe of ſo dangerous a Compoſition, to know how t'hold the Balance ſtrait, that is filled with venemous drugs, and whoſe odour ſtrikes into th'heads of them that hold it; and to diſcerne of things, whoſe quality aſtoniſheth the ſenſe and confounds the judgement, if it be not accompanied with Courage; 'Tis not th'Effect of an ordinary prudence; 'Tis not employed with leſſe difficulty though with more compleaſancy pleaſancy when good things are to be compared amongſt themſelves, and to diſcover the difference; when the ſpetious things are to be diſtinguiſhed from the profitable; and them that have weight in them, from them that make a ſhew; when we are to be exerciſed amongſt the Careſſes of Fortune, and the favours which ſhe offers us, to ſtop at the greateſt of them.

I have obſerved two places amongſt many others in the Life of the King, where, as I conceive, he hath divinely proſpered in theſe two kinds of Prudence, as he hath made moſt wiſe choices upon the Counſels which have been propoſed. Th' one upon the Counſell Sr. the Cardinall gave to paſſe part of th' Army into th'lland of Rhé, to fight th' Engliſh, who without that had been Maſters of it. T'expoſe of one ſide thoſe brave Troops and Choyſe Souldiers; ſacrifice ſo much Nobility whereof there were Princes; To ſend poor Boates againſt a Fleet of great Ships. It ſeems truly to have hazarded much, and to give up too much to Fortune. But alſo on th' other ſide, who ſhall conſider that the loſſe of our Troop: was not infallible, but that th'loſſe of th' Iland was if they had not paſſed, That the remedy was dangerous, but that there was none other t'heal the diſeaſe, and that one part of the State was ready to be divided betwixt Domeſtique Rebellion and forrain Domination, if th'Iland had not been relieved; muſt confeſſe that this Counſell was not leſſe commendable in the ſpring than in the ſucceſſe. If it was very bold, it was intirely neceſſary, and one could not only not do better, but it could not have been well done if it had been otherwiſe done.

Th'other obſervation is in reſpect of the Counſell, which Sr. the Cardinall gave to haſten to Languedoc after the taking of Zuſa; It muſt truly be confeſſed, that then there was a neceſſity to make a defence againſt the moſt ſubtile attempt & faireſt ſhew of good, which might have ſeduced an underſtanding if it had not been very ſtrong to make reſiſtance. On th' one ſide the State of Milan was in prey, and that beautifull Countrey which heretofore gave ſo much love and jealouſie to two great Princes, To Francis the firſt, and to Charles the fifth. which coſt France and Spain ſo much Bloud, and put Chriſtendome ſo often into a Combuſtion to know who ſhould have it; was ours without reſiſtance. It depended upon the King in apparance to become Maſter, and to take revenge of th'affronts which we have received there, and of the five times that they had driven us by force out of the Countrey. It was unfurniſhed of men of War, and there was but ſome miſerable Troops, that had eſcaped at the ſiege of Caſal, and which the ſole report of our Armes had overcome. All the Princes of Italy made us tender of their Aides, and believed that th' Hower was come to take away the Fetters from their feet, and deliver their Country from the yoak which was not naturall to it, and from that violent Domination whoſe ſhadow was dangerous t'all its Neighbours, and weakned their Liberty if not oppreſſed it; The Emperour was diverted againſt the King of Denmarke and he could not draw his Armies from thence without abandoning his Victories, and without betraying his good Fortune.

Spain had neither Men nor Moneyes; It was aſtoniſhed at the loſſe their Fleet had newly ſuffered; it ſaw powerfull preparations in Holland, which threatned the Low Countries, and a formed tempeſt which it could not conjure down: In a word, Milan loſt, Naples could not be preſerved; and Flanders would have been loſt of it ſelfe, in ſhutting up that paſſage, from whence it received its principall ſupplies to make Warre. And nevertheleſſe this great power which gave fear to ſo many powers, which was formidable even to the Turks and Barbarians of Affrica; which is fatall to the reſt of Chriſtian Nations, which obliged all of them to be with us or againſt us; Had been beaten with that ſingle ſtroake, and we had nothing more within to fear when the ſprings of our troubles had been ſtopped without, and the Inſtruments broak which make and nouriſh our diviſions, and humbled th'Authors or Promoters of our civill diſcords. Theſe were the thoughts that in that time exerciſed the ſpirits of many perſons, and particularly of th' Italians; and as 'tis the cuſtome of men t'accommodate their thoughts to their intereſts, and to flatter themſelves in their deſires, they imagined that ours were like theirs; Though in that poynt, our Intereſts were diſagreeing. But alſo on th' other part, who ſhall conſider that men muſt not ſpend their time about ſetting their haire, or paring their Nailes when th' Heart and the Brain are ſick; That great States never periſh by a Forraign violence, ſo long as th' Interiour is in health, and th'Entrails ſound, and that they ruine of themſelves when the corruption is within, and th'Evill hath ſeiſed upon the Noble parts: That in long Warrs abroad, a Prince ought not t' engage himſelfe when the Diverſion is ever ready within, and that ther's a formed feaction in the middle of the State, which will not fail to diſturb for to prevaile of th'Occaſions. That the diſcontented will foment, if they dare not publique aſſiſt, and to whom ſtrangers will give heat, or forces to diſturbus by our ſelves; For to conſume us at eaſie Chargges and alwaies to weaken us either by loſſe or victory; Who ſhall conſider, I ſay, theſe things, will avow that the Returne of the King into Languedoc was a ſtroake of the gaine of the deciſion of our Domeſtique Affairs & the good of Forraign Affairs. Furthermore, Could a greater misfortune befall us, then to loſe the occaſion of finiſhing the Ruine of a party, that hold France in Languiſhment more then ſixty years, & had reduced it to a State equall to that of certain perſons, who know not what health is; but are alwaies buſie either t'heal th'evills they ſuffer, or to preſent them they feare. The conjucture paſt; It was probable it would not returne of a long time, and that 'twas to no purpoſe t' hope or expect it; It was ſo contrary to that party, that it could not but be relieved from Germany, that laboured to defend its proper Liberty; That England was wearied in protecting an ill cauſe; That th' Hollanders durſt not irritate France openly by reaſon of th' uſe they have of it; and that they have learned to regulate their Charities by their Intereſts, and the Zeal of Religion by the Zeal of State: That the Spaniards had greater action in Flanders & Italy, than they could maſter; and could not act againſt us, but with a little Money, & with vain promiſes.

In the third place, The Reputation of the Kings Armes was incredible, it could alone make conqueſts; It could overcome without fighting, and never Prince was better ſerved of his Souldiers, or more feared of his Enemies. Our Souldiers were in heat and full of hope. The paſt victories were certain arguments of future, and after the taking of Rochell, & forceing of Suza, overcomming what was defended by Sea and covered with mountains; They ought not t'apprehend any thing impoſſible, nor any thing difficult. It was then the only proper ſeaſon to defeat that party which Sr. the Cardinal moſt judicially obſerved, and the King moſt divinely made choyce of. If that expedition had been longer deferr'd the plague alone had been ſufficient to force us from Languedoc, and to defeat our Armies; and if we had been engaged in Italy what had not Monſieur of Rohan don with the Aid of ſtrangers, which had not failed him? If the Spaniards, who ever promiſe timely and almoſt without deliberation; who performe ſlowly, and after long conſultations; but who ſpare nothing when they are well engaged in a buſineſſe, and have put thoſe that ſerve them in a condition not to be able to repent, or unable t' unſay it; If the Spaniards, I ſay, had performed the conditions of the Treaty they had made with him, and furniſhed the Money they had promiſed. If the forces of Savoy had paſſed into Danphine to joyne with him as the reſolution was taken; If ours had been divided within and without the Kingdome, and if th' hope of Change and Expectation of a better fortune, had withdrawne from their duty, them of that party which feare retained; He had without doubt broken all our deſignes, becauſe they were deſtitute of its Advantages; fruſtrated of forraigne promiſes; Abandoned of the ſoundeſt and moſt Conſiderable party of Hugonotes in the poverty of all them that aided him; and in the diſtruſt of ſome, and irreſolutions of others. In certaine Corners of a Province where he commanded, He gave ſo much trouble, that the preſence of the King was neceſſary and ſix Armies to reduce him.

Moreover 'tis a great diſcourſe to ſpeak of the Conqueſt of Milan, and to renew beyond that Mountaines the pretentions of our fathers; Tis a deſigne which well deſerves Conſideration before it be attempted, and requires another Conjuncture, than that wherein we are found; For who is ignorant, that tis not for the good of France, nor th' Intereſt of Italy, that the King be Duke of Milan? Who knows not that, our Conqueſts, if we ſhould Maintaine them, would give greater jealouſie to the Princes of that Country, then the domination whereof they complaine; That they eſteeme us worſe Maſters, and more dangerous Neighbours then the Spaniards; are more Conformable unto their Flegme and ſeverity, than our Heat and Licenſe. That they believe that we are a more certaine and aſſured Counterpoyſe to th' Ambition of others than they would be to ours; That the facility we have to make our Armies deſcend into their Countrey, and th' aboundance of men to relieve them, might give the deſire of undertaking and uſurping it; That th' occaſion ſtirres up the moſt lazie, and raiſeth the moſt ſleepy; That preſent objects do raiſe all the faculties; and that Commodity and Conveniency provoke th' Appetite of Conqueſt which is otherwiſe moderate and quiet. And though th' Ambition of the Spaniards hath neither Moderation nor bounds; That they deſire violently and deſire Many things; That in th' order of their Counſells which neither change nor dye, They have declared the warr t' all Nations, which hold not of them by ſubjection or dependency; ſince this End is immoveable, & that they are troubled onely in finding juſt Meanes t'attaine it; and that they ſometimes take ſuch as are not juſt, when others faile, ſince of a long time they have made love t' Italy That they can no longer diſſemble their paſſion; that for ſome yeares paſt, they have put off their Maſk, and made it known that they muſt have it, and enjoy it, though they ſhould raviſh it; ſince they are not ſo poor of Men as they have been, ſince Germany is for them, & that they have at their devotions that great ſpring of Men of warr, ſo it is that th' Italians ſee well, that the victories of th' Emperour have no deep roots, That its proſperities do yet ſhake; that them he holds, make great attempts t'eſcape him; That the Turke, it may be, will make him one day quit his hold, if he make an Accommodation with the Perſian, or ſome Christian powers, that his ruine may not be ſo ſtrange, as the Greatneſſe to which he is arrived; and that in his Fall the wonder will not be ſo great, as it hath been in his Riſing; In Briefe, that he cannot live allwayes; That th' Empire may paſſe into another Houſe that may be Contrary to his; That may hate the Spaniards; That would purge Germany of their Garriſons, and at th'End of th' Account they ſhall endeavour the greatneſſe of that power which in concluſion will devour them. Inſomuch that th' Italians will be ever glad that we have a way open into their Country, not for to ſtay there, but to relieve them when they are aſſaulted, and if that little Liberty which remaind unto them be offended, they would have us love the walke, but not the ſtay; That we become the Rivalls but not the Maſters, and that we have jealouſie not for poſſeſſion, but t' hinder others from taking of it; Beyond that, it muſt not be hoped that they favour us, or that they be not Contrary to us, and we ſhall labour in vaine if we labour not for them, and leave them not our Conqueſts. Yet we ſhould not ſo eaſily have gained the State of Milan as is imagined; A number of good places would have ſtopped our progreſſe, and given Leiſure to the Spaniards to ſend thither great releefs from Flanders and Germany; That if they have quitted the low Countries for a part of Montferrat, and expoſed thoſe faire Provinces to th' Hollanders, for a little Conveniency in regard of Milan; If th' Emperour made a ſhamefull peace with the King of Denmarke t' intend that Affaire; If he left his victories imperfect for that Cauſe, and plenty of forces to th' enemies of th' Emperour to renew the Quarrell, and to give him Trouble; what would they not have done, if the State of Milan had been aſſaulted: was it not probable that they would have ſet up their reſt to have ſaved it? That they would have ſtirred up all th' ill humours of France to divert us? That our frontiers of Champagna, and Burgonia had not been ſafe in that warr, and inſtead of aſſaulting of them, they had, it may be, put us to the termes of defence? Inſomuch that we had expoſed ourſelves to a preſent and certaine Expence for an uncertaine profit, and at a Diſtance; and for an affaire wherein th' Apparance of dammage which we ſhould have run, was greater then th'hopes of gaine we could have made. And when all things ſhould have proſpered, that Wind and Tide had been for us, and that th'event of the warr had not deceived our deſires nor fruſtrated our hopes; The fruits of the victory, and what might have been raiſed by our Labours had been no more at moſt then t' have weakened the Spaniards in impoſing an eternall neceſſity of Quarrell with them, and to Conſume France in maintaining the Conqueſts which ſhould not have been ours, and t' aſſure to th' Italians the good which we ſhould have don them.

From all this I conclude, that the prudence of Sr. the Cardinall never appeared more eminently then in the Counſell he gave to quit th' hopes of the Conqueſt of Milan, for the Certaine reducement of Landuedoc, and that it appertained onely to ſuch Eyes as his, and to an extraordinary wiſdome not to ſuffer himſelfe to be blinded with th' Apparance of the Good which fortune offered us, and t' have preſerved the King from ſo ſpecious an Ambuſcado.

The Third Diſcourſe That one and the ſame Conduct in warr is not to be obſerved.

IT may be alſo obſerved in that valiant reſolution which the King took for the Releefe of Rhé; That th' Art of making warr hath not a poſitive forme, and that it ought to be diverſified according to the State of Occurrences. They that will commit nothing to Fortune, nor undertake any Enterprize whoſe event appeares not to them infallible; who labour onely to conſume their enemies in temporizing; to make Benefit of their faults, and t' attend th' occaſion to caſt them into their nets: They I ſay do ſometimes great things, and obſerve a better Conduct then they who have accuſtomed t' Hazard, and endeavour onely to come to ſtroakes; and will owe their Victories onely to their Courage, and ſeek dangers t' overcome with the more Glory; But as the firſt receive but little notable damage nor great Loſſes by their fault; ſo they faile often, t' obtain great ſucceſſe by their fearefullneſs, and to be happy by their too great wiſdome. Such have been amongſt the Moderne, Proſper Colomna who took from us the State of Milan, and that of Genes; ſuch, Francis of Rovere, Duke of Urbin who was ſo long Generall to the Venetians, and whoſe Memory to this day is preſerved with honour, and his portraites with veneration. But beyond the two others, the Duke of Alva who allwayes preferred the ſlow means when they were ſure, to the quick that were to be ſuſpected, and never ſo little dangerous; Who was a great husband of the bloud of his, though he had a very bloudy humour; who did never caſt enemies into deſpaire, when he had taken their Courage from them; and who hath often refuſed advantages which fortune offered him, becauſe he could not receive them without ſome danger, and that he diſtruſted ſome Ambuſh; Such had been alſo amongſt us, Th' Admirall of Coligny, if he had been abſolute over th'Armies he commanded; and if he had not governed a people, that were Indocile becauſe they were ill pay'd or voluntaries.

They are nevertheleſſe ſome conſiderations to be raiſed in this matter, and certaine Rules to be obſerved.

A Prince that hath but one Army which is the ſinew of his power, and all the force of his State, that hath not Money to raiſe another when the firſt is defeated; ought never t'hazard it: nor give the Command to a Commander of an hot humour, or that hath the Spirit agitated with an exceſſive deſire of glory. The Venetians complain to this day of Aſuiane and of his Courage;At the Battell of Giragdale & that of Vicenna. His conduct was fatall for being ſo bold: It made them loſe at one blow all their firme Land, and put them another time upon the Borders of their Ruine. And nevertheleſſe all Historians agreed, that that perſon had done wonders under a Prince that could have hazarded much. That his vertue was worthy of the fortune of a Conquerour; and that in the journey to Marignan his arrivall with five hundred Horſes put in diſorder all the Suiſſes, and made fall in our ſide the Balance where the victory was hung. In the weakneſſe wherein th'Hollanders found themſelves, and in the ſmall means which they had to renew their Armyes, The dead Prince of Orange hath ever been very backward to give Battell. Even that of Newport which he gained was not without ſome ſtaine, and ſome ſhadow of Imprudency, and he hath been condemned in ſuffering himſelfe to be forced to fight; and reduced to a Neceſſity, wherein there vvas to be feared more ill in loſing then hope of good in obtaining the victory. But however a very few perſons have been long in that profeſſion but have committed ſome fault, or fell into ſome Misfortune. Another occaſion wherein this ſlow Conduct is very profitable; and where a victory is to be obtained without fighting if it be poſſible, and to be expected without forcing it to come, is, when we have to do with heady and hot Enemies. But in that caſe alſo its neceſſary that they who are to be commanded be capable of a great Patience, that there be wherewithall to make them long ſubſiſt, and that the faylor of neceſſary proviſions oblige them not to diſband. It was th' Advantage the Duke Alva had in the Warrs he commanded, and if Francis the firſt had brought a little leſſe and precipitation then he did before Pavia, and ſuffered th' Imperiall Army to conſume which ſuſtained it ſelfe only upon th'Hopes of a Battell; He had not filled the vegeance of one of his ſubjects, nor compleated in the ſpirit if th' Emperour, the deſigne of the Univerſall Monarchy. With tumultuary Armies which are not to ſtay long in COMPAIGNA; which do only paſſe and poure in and ſteal out quickly; Care muſt be had not to come to blowes: Paſſage muſt be given to them; They muſt be uſed like Torrents, which are permitted to run without reſiſtance, and to whom no oppoſition is made when they ſwell and overflow. Such have been heretofore th' Armies of the Suiſſes, when that Nation diſdained all others; and boaſted never to have gone out of their Country but to ſuppreſſe th' exceſſe of Princes, and to defend the weake from the violence of the powerfull, and from the deſignes of th'Ambitious.

Other Nations have had in this matter ill opinion of ours, and believed that we were not capable of patience or order. But if the Marſhall of Monlue be to be believed, and what is ſeen every day in Holland, and what of late hath been in France and Italy; Our Souldiers are capable of all things, when they are under good Commanders; and that there's no Nation that takes ſooner then ours, the vices or virtues of their Commanders. However, a great Captain ought ever to be Maſter of his Art, and above all the formes of making Warre, without being ſubject to any; He ought to change them according to th' occaſion, and know diverſe means, and many wayes t'attain his end, and gaine the victory. By ſuch expedients Caeſar, rendred himſelf admirable to all people, and Ages. He diverſified his conduct better then any man in the World. He gave not the ſame forme to all his deſignes, nor the ſame countenance; Induſtry or Courage, Patience or force ſerved him equally. One while he aſſaulted his Enemies with Retrenchments and Forts; He Laboured chiefly to take th' Advantage of places, and to ceize upon the moſt commodious Poſtes. He cut off the Springs of Victuals, and of all other neceſſaries, and forced them at laſt to the neceſſity of rendring, having taken from them the Means of retyring, and th'hope of fighting; He gained his end in that manner of Petreius and Aphranius whom he beſieged in the midſt of a Compagna, and from whom he ſhut up ſo dexterouſly all paſſages, and all Avennues that being but halfe a Mile from a River, they dyed with thirſt, and were overcome for want of that whoſe abundance is almoſt in all places; ſometimes he overcame his Enemies by ſtorming of them; He made them fall without Myning; His victories were infamous for fleſh and bloud, and the moſt mercifull of all men ſeemed to be come into the World to decline it, and to have been born for the Ruine of mankind. The dead King had reduced almoſt to the like extremity the Prince of Parma at Juetot, and all believed infallibly, that he muſt dye of hunger and thirſt, or render at diſcretion, or be defeated in giving Battell. But the deſigne of the King had not th' event anſwerable to Caeſars, no more then the vigilancy of his Captains was conformable to that of th'other; The Prince of Parma deceived them and exchanged ſubtilties. He fortified the place he meant to quit, for to make them believe that he would defend himſelf in it; and his Army had paſſed the River and made its retrait, before the firſt News came to our Army; Fatal and un-head of Negligence for an Army that touched ours, and was inveſted, and which was ſuſpected of deſigne, in ſome of the Commanders that governed it.

Amongſt the Modern, I ſee no Generall that hath ſurpaſſed Ferrant Gonſalve, nor any perſon more univerſall in th' Art of making Warre; I have not ſeen any perſon that commanded his forces to better purpoſe, or made better uſe of Patience. With thoſe two Qualities he alwayes overcame us, and hath taken a Kingdome from us. He hath done us as much hurt in making us ſuffer, as in acting againſt us, and hath conſumed us when he was not ſtrong enough to defeat us. Nothing almoſt hath been read like to the Reſolution He expreſt at Cinture; where we had reduced him to the laſt paine of Miſery. He was inveſted with our Troops; The Plague and Hunger was in his Army; He was drowned with continuall Raines, ſunke in the durt; expoſed to all th'injuries of a Rude Winter. In brief, he had againſt him th'elements of Men. And nevertheleſſe, at length we were more a weary t'incommodate him, then he was to ſuffer, and deſtroyed us by the courſe we made Choice of to ruine him. But when open force was to be employed, and true Valour ſet a worke; who ever performed it with more Courage or judgement then he? Hath ever a more generous voyce been heard from the mouth of a Captain then the anſwer he made at Cirignolle, to him who adviſed him to draw back; and t' abandon a Poſte he could not maintain but with great danger; He had rather, ſaid he, find Death and his Grave an hundred Paces beyond it, then to lengthen his Life many years in retraiting ten Paces and turning his back to his Enemies. And, before the Battail of Garillan, He anſwered him that would have diverted him from fighting, and giving of Battail, who preſented unto him, that he was weake in reſpect of us, and the Match ill made betwixt his Army and ours, That he knew of what importance that Daye's Labour was to his Maſter's Affairs, and that he was reſolved to periſh that day, or overcome.

'Tis true then, that there are Occurrences, wherein ſomewhat is to be ſubmitted to Fortune: Where the leſſe is to be hazarded to ſave the greater: And where when the Queſtion is of the whole Affair, not onely a part of the Forces is to be hazarded, but alſo the Generalls of th' Army; and thoſe precious heads which command ſo many other heads ought to take reſolution rather to dye, than ſee the Victory in th' Enemies hands, and t' outlive it at their Loſſe. So did Caeſar in Spain at the Battell where the Children of Pompey were ſlaine, and the reſt of that miſerable Common-wealth finiſhed their deſt uction; ſo did Monſieur of Andelot, when he defended Orleans againſt th' Army of the Duke of Guiſe: So did the Prince of Parma at the ſiege of Antwerp, after that the Hollanders were ſeized of one part of the Ditch, & that th'Engine which they made to play, had made them flye which defended it; Th'one and th'other run with Swords in their hands to the Danger; both were then tranſported Declaring that he would dye, if it were impoſſible for him t'overcome, and made appeare by his action ſomewhat that ſavoured of deſpaire, or rather of that exceſſe which Philoſophy attributes to the Heroes, and diſtills into the ſouls of extraordinary perſons. Th'example of that pathetique virtue, and of that generous emotion was not barren. The Souldiers that ſaw it, felt the ſame heat, and by that means ſome of them forced th'Enemies from the Town where they were far entred, and others Recovered the Ditch where th' Hollanders began to fortifie after they were lodged in it; Lets conclude then with th'Examples of the greateſt perſons of Antiquity, and with the firſt of the Moderne, That the paſſage of our Army into th' Iland of Rhé was not projected by chance, and without th' Advice of Reaſon; That it hath not been th'Effect of a light, troubled by ill ſucceſſe, and of a Diſcourſe confuſed by ill fortune; but of a Reſolution illuminated by that high prudence, which diverſifieth its conduct according to the diverſity of accidents which happen; which ſhift; ſayles according t' th' nature of the Winds which Reign: Which knows t' apply Remedies to the ſtate of the Maladies; which dares quit th' High-wayes, when'tis expedient to take the By-paths, and which guides not alwayes common virtues, but ſometimes inſpires, and gives birth t'Heroique perſons.

The Fourth Diſcourſe. Of the Alliances of bloud which are practiſed amongſt Princes; and whether the King was well adviſed when he made that Allyance with England.

I Treat at large th'Allyances of State in the ſecond part of this work, and particularly of that we have with the Turke, and with the Republique of Holland. There I do cleer many Doubts which reſpect the Soul, and take away the ſtones of offence whereat they ſtrike, who have not known the foundation, and ſtumble for want of Light. I give nevertheleſs nothing to conveniency that is contrary to juſtice, and flatter not the conduct of them who ſubmit all other Reaſons to that of State. I take nothing there, from God to give it to Caeſar, I hold the juſt Balance, and ſtay at the temper which God hath adviſed, in the prudence of Serpents and the ſimplicity of Doves. Here I have thought it expedient, to ſpeak of th' Allyances, which are practiſed in the families of Princes, to justiſfie that which hath been made with England. All the ſpirits that were formalized at it, are not yet ſatisfied. The Wounds which are ſhut up leave all wayes ſome marks; Some maligne impreſſion remains a long time after a poyſon is driven away; and ordinarily the opinions that are left, part not ſo neatly, but ſome impreſſion remains. On th'other ſide, they that have obſerved the ſequells of th' Alliance whereof we ſpeak; who have ſeen the Depraedations upon our Seas, and th'Invaſions of our Ilands, and th'other enterprizes th'Engliſh have made upon us; Who have underſtood, that their Miniſters of State manadged that buſineſs with poyſoned hands; that they did undermine us when they ſeemed to help us; That they ſtretched the Cloath whereof they were after call'd Merchants, and laid the foundation of the War which they made againſt us. Theſe I ſay, have believed that there was ſomewhat wanting in the prudence of our Miniſters of State, and that th' houſe was ill built that fell ſo ſoon to Ruine. Wherefore having diſcourſed of that Warr; I thought this the proper place to ſpeak of the Alliance which did precede it.

I ſay then, that th' Alliances of bloud which are entertained amongſt Princes ſerve very little to divert their deſignes, or to change their Inclinations. The diſpoſitions they find in their ſpirits are there left; They put up nothing, but at moſt palliate them, and ſuſpend for ſome time th' Action of the Cauſes which they cannot take away; And though it falls out otherwiſe in the Condition of particular perſons, no Conſequence is to be drawne for that of Princes. The Quality of Soveraignes which Princes ſuſtaine, hath priviledged Duties, and begets paſſions to which all others are ſubalterne. The King in this is above Man. The Conſideration of Parentage is inferiour to that of the State, and th'Obligations of blood which are bounded in a few perſons ought to give place to th' obligations of the Charge, wherein an infinite of Perſons are Intereſſed. To that truly, Princes need not to be Exhorted; They are but too much carried to it naturally; They ordinarily offend leſſe againſt their Dignity by default, then by exceſſe. The love they have for it, degenerates rather into Jealouſie, then into Idleneſs. And if you would have them forſake their intereſts, and the good of their affaires; It muſt be under the ſhew of ſomething that reſembles it: And 'tis not the will, that a Man ought to propoſe to himſelfe to be gained, but th' underſtanding, which is by Endeavour to be ſeduced; But 'tis true, that of too Extreams which bound the duty of Princes, they carry themſelves oftneſt to th' Exceſſe, and that the paſſion for Commanding preſerves not onely what belongs to them, but makes uſurpations upon all the Rights of Reaſon; upon all the priviledges of Humane Society, and upon all the Reſpects, which are brought by Relations. Th' Examples are ſo ordinary that a Man muſt have ſeen or heard nothing to call it in Queſtion. I will not ſpeak of what hath paſſed in the time of the Pagans, nor of that Ambitious Roman who cauſed her Chariot, to be drove over the Body of her Father, to whoſe kingdome her Husband ought to ſucceed. I paſſe by that which they might have done who thought, that the glory of Command was the ultimate End of Man, and Ambition ſomewhat a nobler and a better thing then juſtice. But even amongſt the very Chriſtians, and in th' houſes which Piety hath made famous, that Paſſion hath been ſeen t' overflow to the prejudice of blood, and violate th' holieſt lawes of Nature, and which the very barbarous people Reverence. I will recite here a Memorable Example. 'Tis a thing ſufficiently known in the world what th' houſe of Auſtria was to th' Alliance of blood; and if devotion, as tis ſaid, hath been the foundation of Greatneſs, 'tis well known, that Alliance hath built it up, and carried it from a Moderate beginning to that high Power wherein 'tis ſeen, and to that vaſt domination for which th' Heaven hath no Horizon, nor th'earth Limits. Maximilian the firſt hath gained by that means the Low Countries, and thoſe faire Provinces which by their fertility, and by the wealth wherewith they abound, have deſerved to be called th' Indies of Europe. Philip the firſt and his poſterity have obtained by it all Spaine, and thoſe Countryes of the new world, where the ſun in retiring from us goes to beget Gold, and thoſe other unprofitable things whereof men are Idolaters. Philip the ſecond came to the Crown of Portugall by that meanes; and to all thoſe States which that Nation poſſeſſed in Aſia, in Afrique, and th' Eaſt Indies. That very Prince thought t' incorporate England to Spaine by the marriage of Mary his firſt wife, that was Queen thereof. But the judgments of God in that ſupplanted the prudence of men, and permitted that Princeſſe to dye without Children, either to ſuppreſs the growth of a Power which would have been fatal to the Liberty of Chriſtian Nations, or for the puniſhment of the Iniquities of th' Engliſh, and that baſe Compliance, wherewith they had received the Schiſm which Henry th' Eighth introduced amongſt them, and applauded the paſſions of that Prince who choſe rather to quit the Church, then to ſeparate from a Concubine. The ſame Philip alſo aſpired to the Crown of France for his Children, by reaſon of the Marriage of his third wife daughter of Henry the ſecond; and the moſt important Article wherewith th' Inſtructions of the Duke of Feria were Charged when he came to Paris during the league, was, to cauſe the Salique laws to be Aboliſht, and to root out from the ſpirit of the French their Averſion of having no Soveraignes that ſpin, and of not ſubmitting to th' yoak of Women. Inſomuch, that it hath been allwayes the deſigne of the Spaniards, and a premeditated prudence of the Princes of th' houſe of Auſtria to look about them, and to caſt their nets upon the parties that could joyne ſome new eſtate to theirs, and under a Title ſo innocent and juſt t'extend their domination. With what heat did they labour to cauſe the eldeſt Daughter of Lewis the twelfth to be given to Charles the fifth who brought for her Dowry the Dutcheſſe of Britanny and of Orleans, and our pretentions for Italy? How many propoſitions were made upon that foundation, and how many treaties concluded, which the Time hath made abortive, and which Fortune laughed at; Nevertheleſſe as they have been ever Induſtrious to draw to them as much as they could, th'eſtates of their Neighbours, They have been alſo carefull, not to permit any of theirs to be alienated, nor to ſuffer any diviſion without knowing the Meanes of Conſolidating it; and to deſtroy the divided Members, and the looſe pieces.

Th' Emperour Charles never promiſed the Low Countryes, or the Duthy of Milan upon the Marriage of his daughter, or of his Neece with the ſon of France, but with Intention to break his promiſe, or at leaſt with hopes, that Fortune which had done ſuch ſtrange things, in his favour; that had ſo often given the Lye to Apparences, and diſturbed th' order of things for the Love of him, and which had ſometimes ſent him proſperities which he deſired not, would exempt him from that Obligation under ſome plauſible pretence, as it did. And when Philip the ſecond tranſmitted the Low Countryes to th' Arch Dutcheſſe for her Dowry; There's apparence that he was aſſured, that time would make up that Breach, and that he made not ſo great a wound in the reſt of his Eſtates without preparing the Remedies to heale it. But to returne to my deſigne, and make it appeare, That th' Alliances of blood, work ſoftly upon the ſpirits of Princes, and are but weake bonds t' hold their Amities; I will repreſent th' originall, and th' effects of that which hath been the moſt profitable to th'houſe of Auſtria, and it may be the moſt dammageable to the Chriſtian Common-wealth. Philip the ſon of th' Emperour Maximilian, married Joane youngeſt Daughter of Ferdinand and Iſabella, Kings of all the dominions of Spaine. Th' Eldeſt was married into Portugall according to their Cuſtſtome. The Catholique King had alſo a ſon called John who dyed young, and whom Spaine ſaw almoſt as ſoon put out as ſhine, and had almoſt at one time the Contentment to ſee him come, and the Griefe to loſe him; Preſently after the death of that Prince, th'Arch Duke Philip, and Arch Dutcheſſe his wife who lived onely by the love ſhe bare to her husband, and was Idolatreſſe of all his motions and paſſions, cauſed themſelves to be Called Princes of all the Dominions of Spain, to the prejudice of the Queen of Portugall, to whom the Crownes did belong in priority of birth to her ſiſter. That attempt ill digeſted & out ſeaſon, and that precipitated Ambition, diſpleaſed Infinitely Ferdinand and Iſabella, who judged of the Tree by the fruits, and gave their ſon in Law and daughter t'underſtood, that they were to leave that borrowed Title, and to put off that imaginary Quality, and which did not belong to them. Behold a very pleaſant Beginning of Philips Ambition, ſince it made Invaſions upon its owne Relations, and the firſt ſhew of that furious Appetite to reigne which hath vexed his Poſterity; After that he guided his Intereſts apart from them of his Father in Law; He held him alwayes at diſtance, he looked upon him only as a Prince which ſtood in his light, and there was no other Communication amongſt them but a continual Commerce of Complaints and diſorders; In a Treaty which Maximilian and he, made at Blois with Lewis the twelfth, being permitted t' either parties, to Comprehend therein whom they would, He made no more mention of Ferdinand, then as if he had not related to him, or that He had been indifferent to him. He did alſo the ſame thing in another Treaty which his Father made at Hugano with the Cardinal of Ambois; ſo Ferdinand had his Revenge in diſavowing the Treaty his ſon in Law made at Blois with Lewis the twelfth for the kingdome of Naples, and in Contracting a ſecond Marriage, and marying of Germania ſiſter of Gaſton of Foix, and Neece of Lewis, with Conditions that were Advantageous to us, if they had been obſerved. That which I have ſaid nevertheleſſe was nothing in reſpect of what Philip did, ſince the death of Iſabella, and after taht the ſucceſſion of Caſtille was open unto him. The things paſt were but ſweetneſſes for Ferdinand in Compariſon of th' uſage he received after that death. The firſt ſtroakes did ſcarce raiſe the ſkin, but the laſt entered deep and made Large and dangerous wounds. Philip will go into Spaine not onely to take poſſeſſion of what was his, but to take from his Father in Law what belonged to him by the Teſtament of Iſabella, Ferdinand employed all his Prudence, and all his ſubtilties to divert him. They Conteſt long upon that Article. Their wills were diametrically oppoſed; what th'one would not have th' other deſired, and it had been leſſe difficult t' accord Contraryes, and to joyne extreams, then t' adjuſt their pretentions. Force being wanting to Ferdinand t' overcome th' heat of Philip, He uſed diverſion; He cauſed Lewis the twelfth t' interpoſe who threatens him with his Armyes, in caſe he went for Spaine, and raiſed the Duke of Gueldiers againſt him who cut him out buſineſs in Flaunders, and gave him enough t' entertaine him in that Countrey.

In th' End, th'obſtinacy of Philip being ſtronger then th' Artifices of Ferdinand, and the difficulties which ſtopped him being taken away or ſweetned, they agreed upon the Conditions of his journey. Thereupon Philip put himſelfe on the way, but with a reſolution to break the Treaty he had made, and not performeth' Oath he had given to his Father in Law, which he ought to have kept to an Enemy. Being in Spaine he flatters the great Perſons; He unties them from Ferdinand; He drawes them to his party, who had but too great Inclinations for it, and were but too earneſtly carried t' adore the riſing Power, and a Light which began to ſhew it ſelfe; Inſomuch, that Ferdinand found himſelfe alone: All his friends were unfaithfull to him; all his Creatures abandoned him except th' Arch-Biſhop of Toledo Ximenes, and the Duke of Al •… a: ſo true it is, that there's but little Aſſurance in the will of Men, and that the Law of Intereſts is powerfull upon their ſpirits; and the Memory of Good turnes received, weake in Compariſon future Benefits.

After that, Ferdinand preſſeth an Interview with his ſon in Law; The Counſellours of Philip oppoſe it with all their powers, and raiſe troubleſome difficulties to divert it; They had ſeized upon the ſpirits of their Maſter, and taken his will from him having prepoſſeſſed his underſtanding. They were afraid, that Ferdinand would take off the Charme, and that the Reverence of a Father, and dexterity of a Great Polititian would deface that uſurped Empire, and tyrannous Domination: wherefore they omit nothing that might diſtate Ferdinand from the meeting he ſolicited, and which he preſſed for the Reſiſtance; They propoſe exorbitant Conditions, which he accepts of; They add ſhamefull Circumſtances which he refuſed not; They uſe him unworthily and he bears it; and a Great King had the diſpleaſure to receive the Law from petty Companions, who abuſed th' Inclination of an eaſy Maſter.

At laſt th' Interview being reſolved, Ferdinand renders himſelfe at the place appointed for that purpoſe, but with a ſmall traine, and accompanied onely with two hundred Men unarmed, and mounted upon Mules. On the Contrary, Philip advanceth thither, in th' Equipage of a Man of warr, with the Body of an army of Dutch, which Marched before him, and flanked with almoſt all the Great Perſons of Spaine in armes, and in the poſture of perſons who went rather to Warr, then to a Treaty of friendſhip, and to a fight rather then to a Reconciliation. The two Princes met together in a Chappell, which had been Choſen for that Interview; Don John Manuell, principall Counſellour of Philip, and abſolute diſpoſer of his reſolutions would aſſiſt at their diſcourſe, and but for th' Arch Biſhop of Toledo, who hindred him, He had been preſent at a Conference, which the Reſpect of proximity and the Dignity of thoſe Two Princes, would have to be ſecret.

After an hower and halfes diſcourſe they part, and the Conference paſſed without any mention made by Philip to the Father of his daughter, nor of Ferdinand to his ſon in Law of his wife. He diſſembled for that time his deſire, though he had an extreame paſſion to ſee her, and to Comfort his old age by the ſight of an Object which was ſo deere to him, and which was the Remainder of his ſubſtance.

There was a ſecond Meeting betwixt theſe two Princes, wherein ſome demonſtration of friendſhip appeared, or leſſe coldneſs then at the firſt Interview; But the Concluſion of all the Conferences was the firſt deſigne of Philip, that Ferdinand ſhould renouce the Government of Caſtile, notwithſtanding the diſpoſition of Iſabella, and againſt the expreſſe Clauſes of her Teſtament, Ferdinand, who had learnt t'obey the time and ſubmit to Neceſſity; who knew how to ſtrike ſaile when the Tempeſt was too ſtrong; and to put in when it was not ſafe to ſaile; Bends under his ill Fortune, and reſolves t' abandon Caſtille till a better ſeaſon called it back, and to baniſh himſelfe voluntarily from a kingdome which he had ſo long Commanded; Philip ſtops not there, He endeavours all he can to diſcredit the paſt Government, He annulls the greateſt part of th' Orders his Father in Law had made; He depoſeth the principall officers, and the principall Governours, which had been placed by his Hand. He would not, if poſſible, that one entire mark ſhould remain, nor one viſible Impreſſion of his Adminiſtration. But it had been too little for him to have ill uſed his Father in Law, and his Ambition, it may be, had been pardonable; if it had at leaſt pardoned his wife, and if he had not uſed her ill who had brought him ſo faire States, and ſuch certaine Hopes. She was truly the Queen of Spaine, and who infuſed into her Huſband, th' Authority of Government, and the Right of Commanding that Country. And nevertheleſſe He would not ſuffer her in that ſociety; He would not permit, that ſhe who was Companion of his Bed, ſhould be the Companion of the Scepter which he had received from her hands; and ſeeks ſhamefull pretences and odious Cauſes t' exclude her. A warmer love was never ſeen, than what that Princeſſe had for her Husband; It ſeemed, that ſhe lived onely by the ſight of him, and dyed when ſhe was ſevered from him. That Exceſſe of paſſion and Imbecillity of ſoul changed in ſome ſort her ſenſes; and the jealouſie which mingled with the troubles of his Abſence, weakened a little her Braine and changed th' Organs; and nevertheleſſe though that defect proceeded from ſo honeſt a Cauſe, or ſo ſupportable; Though Compaſſion ought to have obliged Philip to cover it, if Love were wanting to do it; and though Conveniency and his honour obliged him alſo to that duty, when he had neither Compaſſion nor love; He will nevertheleſſe that that accident be the foundation of his deſigne, to ſeize upon all th' authority ad to Reigne alone. He will have his wife to be entirely troubled of her ſenſes, though ſhe was onely a little weake; He will, that ſhe hath loſt all he Reaſon, though ſhe had onely diminiſhed it; That there was no Light at all, when there was onely a Miſt; and that ſhe was in a totall inability to governe, though there remained in her enough of good ſenſe t' act; For that effect, and the better t' hide his Game, he keeps her ſhut up, and permits not any perſon to ſee her of them that durſt ſpeake to her of the State of her diſeaſe. A ſtrangeproceeding, to take away her Liberty, after he had taken away her Honour! and not to leave th' ſe of the firſt good of naturall life after had ruined th' Ornament of the Civil; The Father durſt not open his mouth to him of it, in the firſt Conference they had together, and choſe rather to ſuppreſſe his Inclination, then to ſharpen more that ſpirit, which was but too ſharp; and to touch him in a place where he was ſo ſenſible, as I have above obſerved. In the ſecond Meeting, Philip obtained of him a ſecret Declaration by the which he conſented that he alone ſhould have th' adminiſtration of State, by reaſon of th' Inability of his daughter, though after he made a publique proteſtation, That his ſon in Law had forced from him that Declaration, and that he gave way onely to the Malice of the time, and to the violence of the ſtronger, according to the Maxime of wiſe Men. Philip ſtaid not there, after that Ferdinand was retired into Arragon, He would oblige the Grandies of Spaine to ſubſcribe an Act, which he had cauſed to be drawne, of the weakeneſs of the ſenſes wherein the Queene was fallen. But therein he found Reſiſtance. Th' Admirall of Caſtille oppoſeth it generouſly, after he had viſited that Princeſſe, and diſcovered that the diſpoſition of her Underſtanding was not entirely ſpoiled; Repreſented unto him, th' Inconveniencies that would ariſe from that Enterprize; The noiſe it would make in the world, and th' ill hmours it would raiſe in Spaine, where the people love their Maſters naturally, becauſe of the Roialty they exerciſe, and reverence that Character in every perſon in whom 'tis Imprinted.

At laſt, to give the world the finall Example of ingratitude, and an Eminent evidence of the power of Jealouſie, to reigne without a companion when it hath taken poſſeſſion of the ſoul; He would cauſe his wife to be declared troubled in her ſenſes in full aſſembly of the States, and by Conſequence unable to governe, which he could not obtaine. There was his acknowledgment of th' incomparable fidelity of that Princeſſe, and the paiment of the moſt violent and durable love, that ever wife bare to a Husband. Therein was his recompence of that eternall paſſion which poſſeſſe her during the Life of Phillip to the change of his ſpirit; which could not be abated by his Death, and time that overcomes what is moſt firme in the World, and moſt opinioated, could never diminiſh. For 'tis true, that after the Death of Phillip which was precipitated, & which cropt him in the Flower of his Age, & with ſome ſuſpition of poyſon, ſhe never forſook the body, ſhe cauſed his Coffine very day to be opened; ſhe took it with her when ſhe travelled, and accompliſhed what had been propheſied by an Old Woman of Spain, who had ſaid, ſeeing th'entry of Phillip into that Kingdom, and that proud Magnificence wherewith he took poſſeſſion, That he would walke there longer after his death, then during his life. At laſt, after his body was laid in a Chappell of Granada in the Sepulchre of the Kings of Caſtille, ſhe made her conſtant ſtay in that City, and powred out into Tears and Groans the reſt of her Life, upon the Aſhes of him, whom ſhe had loved with ſo great Heat, and upon the Ruines of a body which ſhe had Idolized.

To what end ſerves then th'Alliances of bloud, which are made amongſt Princes? and ſince they have been inſtituted t'unite in friendſhip diverſe families, and t'extend them the more, and enlarge that virtue which is one of the Principles of the civill Life, and one of the bonds of humain ſociety; what uſe are they of in the conditions of Soveraigns? They may ſerve much, and are not unprofitable; provided that they come not in competition with th'Intereſts of State, and with that invincible jealouſie which Princes have for the good of their Affairs. The treaties where they intervene, are made with more reputation and dignity, They are pretious pretences to lay down Armes, which two Princes are a weary to bear; they are honeſt doores to let out warrs, from which otherwiſe they cannot retire with honour, and which they cannot Continue without dammage. And there's no reſentment ſo juſt which they may not ſafely ſubmit to the Conſideration of the Parentage into which they enter, and of that ſacred bond which is inſtituted to conjoyne what is divided, and t' unite the wills which are diſunited. Francis the firſt recovered his liberty with more honour by Marrying the ſiſter of Charles th' Emperour, and he made appeare to the World th' Eſteeme he gave to his Priſoner, in ſeeking his alliance. The peace of Soiſſons which followed a warr wherein the ſame Princes did run two great though different Fortunes; Th' one to loſe a part of his States, and th' other of his Reputation in retiring; Had for foundation the Marriage that ſtaid it; and which was not accompliſhed betwixt Charles third ſon of France, and one of the Daughters of th' Emperour, or one of his Neeces. The peace of the Caſtle of Cambrey which was ſo pernicious to France; which took from us in one day, what we gained in Forty yeares, which being th' End of our forraigne warrs, was, it may, he the Beginning of Civill warrs; Comprehended the Marriage of Elizabeth, Daughter of Henry th' ſecond, with Philip the ſecond King of Spaine.

The daughters which enter into Soveraigne Houſes may alſo do much for th' Intereſts of them from whence they come, when they ſeize upon the ſpirits of their Husbands, and gaine th' Aſcendent upon their Wills which ſometimes happens. That ſubtile Portugeſe which Married Charles the third Duke of Savoy, did what ſhe would with him; in the differences of Francis the ſecond, and Charles the fifth. And in that famous diſſention whereof Piedmont was ſo long the Theater, ſhe turned Her nephew of th' Emperours ſide, though the good of his affaires obliged him, to be of our ſide, and made him take the moſt diſadvantagious part in a warr, wherein he had even done himſelfe wrong if he had ſtood a Neutrall. That Lacedemonian underſtood it better, and her Conduct was more judicious though it may be not juſt enough. Her father and Husband were Entred into a Quarrell, and laboured with great Obſtinacy the Ruine of one Another.

In that hard Acceſſe, and cruell Conjuncture, wherein ſhe could not gaine without loſſe; ſhe propoſed to herſelfe to follow alwayes the fortune of the weakeſt, to make the Counterpoiſe to the ſtrongeſt, and to diſpoſe them to Reconciliation, when both deſpaired of the victory, which ſucceeded unto her. Alliances are alſo good to preſerve union, and nouriſh th' Intelligence of Houſes which otherwiſe are obliged to be of good underſtanding, and which a Common intereſt doth conjoyne and bind. Inſomuch that if they make not the knot, they tye it faſter, If they forme not the friendſhip, they heat it; if they do not introduce the concord, they confirme it; Tis for that reaſon they are ſo frequent amongſt the Princes of th' Houſe of Auſtria, and were heretofore betwixt them of France and Navarre, and betwixt them of Caſtille and Portugall, before th' union of thoſe Crowns. But what muſt be underſtood of moſt certain from Alliances, and to which Princes who make them, and their Counſellors, ought chiefly to have an eye; is, to draw ſome preſent utility, or ſome future good, whilſt the Wills of them who are conjoyned in Alliance, are in heat, and th' emotion which that Bond brings doth laſt. Francis the firſt married Elnor, Siſter of Charls the ſiſth to recover his Liberty, as I have ſaid; Phillip the ſecond gave his youngeſt Daughter to the laſt Duke of Savoy to make him ſeiſe upon the Marquiſat of Saluce, and to cauſe the Gates of Italy to be ſhut againſt us, and to deliver Milan, from the jealouſie which that neighbourhood gave it. Ferdinand of Caſtille Marryed Germania, Neece of Lewis the twelfth, to break the Leagues which were framed betwixt Lewis, the Emperour Maximilian, and th' Arch Duke Phillip to his prejudice, and to diſſipate th'Intelligences of thoſe Princes that were not favourable unto him.

In conſideration whereof I ſay that the Alliance which the King had made with the King of England, ought to be placed amongſt his wiſeſt Elections in the felicities of his Reign. And that they who adviſed him to it could not give a ſounder Counſel, and that it hath been a great honour to Sr. the Candinall to have mingled his Cares with thoſe of his Maſter, and his diſturbances with his Maſter's for th'accompliſhment of that worke. 'Tis not a ſmall advantage to render ones enemies weake; and to make a power retire that is contrary to us or ſuſpected, is a great advance; But tis the perfection of wiſedom to draw to ones ſelfe a good that was intended for them that love us not; & to gain that which we make them loſe. If we had not made haſte, Spain who ſuffered that Alliance t'eſcape their hands, and which ſometimes loſeth her Advantages in ſeeking of them too cunningly and too great; Had, it may be, renewed it. And if that had been, is it not probable, that it had invention enough and Artifice for to keep us alwayes in Check by the means of England; That it had manadged at pleaſure the Proteſtants of France with their hands, and had aſſured all his deſignes in making the Counterpoyſe to ours with that party which was alſo entire; That the loſſes which they lately received had affrighted them more then beaten them, and that the ſight of their wounds yet bloudy, and the deſire of revenge rendred them irreconcilable; tis at leaſt certaine, that it diverted the Ruine, and was oppoſed to its dammage.

That if England hath turned her Arms upon us; if it hath ſince quarrell'd us; and if the capricious humours of a particular perſon hath been the Torch of a publique diſſention; It was a ſtroak which was not in the power of humain diſcourſe to foreſee, and the reaſon of State did not permit that a Prince ſhould give ſo pernicious an example to his ſubjects, as openly to favour Felony in the ſtates of another Prince; yet it may be ſaid in truth, that the peace which enſued that War, and which was ſo advantagious to us, is in part an effect of th'Alliance whereof we ſpeak, and the worke of that Princeſſe which ſhall be hereafter th' Indiſſoluble band of the friendſhip of the two Brothers, and th' Immortall ſubject of the Concord of both Nations. Adde to this th' Intereſt of Religion which is very conſiderable in this Alliance, of the great good it produceth to have accuſtomed th'Engliſh to permit th' exerciſe of it in the Queen's family. Tis no ſmall matter that they are made acquainted with our Holy Myſteries, and that they are no longer offended at that which they have had a long time in deteſtation; Tis to be believed, that this holy humanity which now is in ſafety amongſt them, ſhall not be there without a taſt of its Graces; and that th'Example of good ſouls to whom'tis permitted to provide for their ſafety without crime, may touch them, and bring them to the knowledge of that truth their fathers had forſaken.

The Fifth Diſcourſe. Of the Greatneſs and Importance of the Siege of Rochelle.

I Will not play th'Oratour upon the taking of Rochelle, nor amuſe my ſelfe with the Flowers of Rhetorique, and th' Ornaments of that Science which hath not ſignificant expreſſions, how rich ſoever, for the ſubject which I treat. I will not exalt the glory of that ſiege by the Reputation of a City whoſe name hath paſſed to th' Indies with reputation, by the courſe and Merchandize it made upon all Seas. Th' Hereſie and Rebellion to which it ſerved for ſanctuary in France; The friendſhip of Proteſtants, and hatred of Catholiques which it equally exerciſed; had rendred it famous in th'Earth. I ſpeake not now of the place, nor of th'advantages of its ſcituation, where it ſeemed Nature had placed all ſhe had of ſtrength and Art, had laid out all ſhe had of Invention. I paſſe by the compariſon of the ſieges of Tire and Antwerp, which others have ſpoken of, and which are inferiour to ours. Though one of them was the principall worke of the Prince of Parma, and the admiration of the paſt Age, and the other th' great effect of the power of Alexander, and th' Induſtry of Greece. I take another way and will indeavour to declare the value of the Conqueſts which we have made in other Ages. Heretofore nothing was more eaſie to a Conquerour then to ſubdue a Province, and the gaine of a battell delivered up a whole Countrey to the victorious: wherein there was ſcarce any ſtrong place. Now that th' Art of making Warre hath changed face and conduct; That 'tis in all Countryes almoſt reduced to caſt up Earth and to retrench; That few Battells are fought; that the life of Men are better Husbanded; and that an Army cannot March very farre, but a Fortreſſe is in its way; 'Tis no marvell, if there be as much difficulty, and by conſequence as much glory to take a Fortreſs of Reputation, as there was heretofore to gain a Province. And not to go farre from paſt Ages, and the memory of our Fathers. Have we not ſeen with what facility Mahomet the ſecond hath taken two Empires from Chriſtians, and carried from them Twelve Kingdoms? Will it not be ſaid, that he did runne only in conquering, and that th' exerciſe of a walke had been as long as the time of his Rapid Victories? 'Tis, that, in effects, in thoſe great Territories of Countrey, and extent of thoſe vaſt Regions there was not a good place but Conſtantinople. And yet that place was loſt rather by the Conwardiſe of Christians, and in the fury of the juſtice of God, than by the valour of the Turks, and induſtry of the beſiegers. Selin the firſt had only the Mammeluns to defeat in the Field to be Maſter of all Aegypt and Syria, and the progreſſe which the Grand Seignors made heretofore in Perſia, and the facility they found to poſſeſſe that Land, proceeded from that they encountered not one ſtrong Town that ſtopped them and hindred the Inundation of thoſe Monſtrons Armies which they brought thither. On the Contrary, who doubts but that the conqueſt of Rhodes, was not more honourable to Soliman, then that of th' Empire of Trob • ſonde to Mahomet; Who makes Queſtion that Strigonia, Buda, Alba Royall, and Zighet were not more eminent peeces and more famous Monuments for the glory of that Prince, then a dozen Kingdoms for the other's glory? And if he could have added Maltha and joyned Vienna to his other victories, the paſt Ages had not ſeen fairer Trophies then his, and he might have marched in Front with Alexander, Caeſar, and Tamerlan, though he had not run over ſo many Nations as they had done, nor invaded ſo great a number of Countries.

To give ſome new Light to my ſubject, and ſome extraordinary colours, I will propoſe alſo that noble difficulty which ſome have written of. To wit, Which of the two Actions is moſt noble, and meritorious, either the gaine of Battell, or the Taking of a good place; without ſtaying upon that which hath been ſaid upon this ſubject. It ſeems to me, that the laſt of theſe Actions requires a more profound and more generall abilitie; That it exerciſeth more virtues; and by Conſequence there's more honour in taking a Fortreſſe well defended, then to win a Battell though it be well Conteſted. The reaſon is, that in a ſiege Men muſt fight above th' Earth, and in th' Earth. The ſtrength of the place is to be overcome, and the Reſiſtance of men. Freſh enemies are to be encountered, which are Concealed and do expect. Men are expoſed to th' Artifices of fire, and to thoſe horrible Inventions which with death bring the torments of Hell, and paines that are not naturall; Long labours are to be endured, Continuall watching, and all th' Injuries of time.

Briefly, Induſtry works more there then force, and fortune acts leſſe there then virtue; That happens not in a Battell, where Men fight onely above Ground againſt Men; where all things are almoſt equall on both ſides; where Men are not conſumed by Languiſhments, and Travell; and where four howers decides the buſineſs; where Impetuoſity doth act ſometimes more then Conduct, and valour gives not ſo much the victory as extravagancy of fortune, as a command ill underſtood of th' Enemies ſide, as an unexpected Accident, and as a Pannique Terrour.

But to decide this doubt with a more exact and certaine Policy; I ſay, that thoſe Meanes are more noble and Eſtimable which produce th' End that is propoſed, and brings a Man to the Mark he Aimes at; than they that leave a Man in the Middle of the way, be they never ſo glittering, and what ſhew ſoever they make. And therefore if the gaine of a Battell were the Conqueſt of a Province as it heretofore hapned, and the taking of a Towne the reducement of a ſingle place, as it falls out for the moſt part; There's no Queſtion but the ſecond Action is inferiour to the firſt, and of an Inferiour Merit to that of th' other. But when after the gaine of a Battell th' enemie continues ſtrong, where there are other armyes to fight, and a number of good places which ſtop the Conquerour, and put a Bridle to the victory; Who doubts, but the gaine of that Battell is leſſe Conſiderable then the taking of a City, which is th' head of a whole Countrey, or of a whole party; which will bring in all the reſt to th' obedience of the victorious; and after that no Reſiſtance to be made but what ſhall be weake and raſh. Who doubts that Scipio did not more in ſubduing Carthage, and making the Rivall of Rome the Subject of Rome; than Hanibal did in the three Battells wherein he Conquered the Roman; ſince Rome ſubſiſted for all that, and that the ſpring of the warr remained unſtopt. And therefore who can alſo doubt, that the reducement of Rochell, after the loſſe whereof we have ſeen a party fall, which had ſo long a ſhare in France, and divided the Soveraigne authority; which had offered ſo many affronts to our Kings; which had ſo often opened our parts; and our frontiers to th' Enemies of the State, and made the Country of their Birth, a Country of Conqueſt; who can I ſay doubt, that the taking thereof is not to be preferred before four Battails, which have been gained againſt it; becauſe they left life and force to recover; ſince that all-bloudy and coverd with wounds, it was formidable unto them that had put it into that Condition; ſince after that, it gave the law to the victorious, and forced a peace of as much advantage, as could have been expected from a victory. That conſideration obliged th' Holy Father t' anſwer Cardinal Borgia who had repreſented unto him, that he had not made the like demonſtration of joy for the taking of Breda, which he had done for the taking of Rochell; The Taking of Breda was no more then the taking of a Towne whereof th' Hollanders had their Revenge a little after. But the Taking of Rochell, was beating downe th'head of a body and overthrowing the foundations of a Building.

The Sixth Diſcourſe. Of the Instructions may be drawn from the ſiege of Rochell; and from what the King did after the Reduction of that Towne.

AFter the precedent Conſiderations, lets ſee what may be obſerved in that ſiege which ſerves for my principall deſigne, and for th'Inſtructions of the Publique. 'Tis not Hannibal alone that knew how t' overcome, and knew not how t' uſe the victory. The like faults are encountered in all ages, and the cauſe why ſometimes Men are not happy enough, is becauſe Men are not alwayes wiſe enough. Fortune alone may very well begin the greatneſſe of a Man, but ſhe cannot finiſh it, without virtue. And though it be not in the power of expert Pilots to make the winds propitious; It depends nevertheleſſe upon their Induſtry to make good uſe of them, and to husband them well while they laſt; Of them then who give over at the firſt ſucceſſes they obtaine, and ſtop at th' Entry of their proſperity; ſome of them are aſtoniſhed at their happineſſe, and inſomuch that they have been forced into th' Haven, and that they did not bring themſelves thither; They dare not any more put forth to Sea. They content themſelves with what they have gained. They will not put their Reputation to Reference, and reſemble certaine perſons who having leapt over by night, or in th' exceſſe of a paſſion, a very large ditch or ſome very dangerous paſſage, are raviſhed with what they had done upon ſight thereof by day, or that their ſouls are ſunk, and are not bold enough t' attempt the ſame. Action, after the conſideration of it; Others will taſte of the good which is hapned to them and rejoyce in the victory, and conſider not that in that time, th'Occaſions ſteale away from them, fortune retires, and th' Enemies gather ſtrength which hinders them to march on. There are ſome, that decline not to do well ſo much by diſtruſt of their virtue, or by the weakeneſs of their Courage, as for feare of Envy; and had rather poſſeſſe in peace a Moderate reputation, than provoke that maligne paſſion which cauſeth us to be more afflicted for the good of others, then for our owne ills; and that even friends cannot behold the glory of their friends, if it be very high, nor ſuffer their Brightneſſe if it be very lively. Th' examples of what I have ſaid are but too ordinary. The Grecians have very often committed ſuch faults; and 'tis certaine that the Batteli of Salamina opened unto them the dore for the Ruine of Perſia, and for the Conqueſt of Aſia, if they had known their advantages, or if they had not been glutted with their ſucceſſe. The victory of Lepantha brought nothing to the Chriſtians, which they had not before that warr. The moſt famous Battell that was ever gained upon the ſea was unfruitfull in their hands, all the gaine of the victorious, was, not to have been overcomed. The price of ſo memorable an action determined in it ſelfe, and gained nothing from abroad, that Crowned it, and was its Recompenſe. Charles the fifth alſo as Great a perſon as he was, forgot himſelfe after the journey of Pavia; an if in the Conſternation wherein France was fallen, for th' Impriſonment of their King, and for a ſtroak ſo little expected; He had aſſaulted our frontiers, He had not met with any Reſiſtance. He had not, it may be, left Rivalls to his nephews; and had paid himſelfe by his hands the ranſome of his priſoner. The King did not handle it ſo after the reliefe of R • é, nor corrupt the fruits of that victory for want of purſuite. It was truly much to have performed an action which was held almoſt for a miracle, and to gaine an end of what was eſteemed Impoſſible. It was much to have revenged ſo many affronts th' Engliſh had heretofore done us, and purged the ſhame of the loſſes of Creci & of Poitiers after two ages. But it had not been enough for the King if he ſtayed there, and though th' Effect was great, It was not reaſonable for a Prince to retire whoſe forces were ſtrong, & to whom ſo much remained to be done.

The ſecond Conſideration, and which is a neceſſary ſequel of the firſt; is th' Incounter of the time the King made choice of, very ſeaſonable for that ſiege. The choice it may be of the time, is the greateſt ſecret in Affaires, and moſt powerfull Meanes to make them proſper. Caeſar did ſupremely poſſeſſe it, and it was one of the words of Charles the fifth and of Philip his ſon, I and the Time to Two others. Theſe words may admit of too Interpretations; Th' one is to know, how t'order a man ſelfe in the time of ill fortune; To ſtrike ſaile when the Tempeſt is too ſtrong; not t' oppoſe ones ſelfe to the violence of a deſtiny provoked. T' avoid the ſtroakes with dexterity which cannot be reſiſted in a ſtreight line; To put them by, to caſt ourſelves on Quarter, and t' obſerve th' occaſion of ſome favourable Revolution, and of a better adventure. Charles the fifth gives that Counſell to his ſon in th' inſtruction he left him, and the Spaniards have been accuſtomed to make better uſe of it then any people in the world. He practiſed it at the peace of Paſſo, which had been ſhamefull to th' Empire if the Neceſſity had not rather made it, then th' Inclination of th' Emperour. He practiſed it at the peace of Soiſſons, where the want of money interrupted the proſperity of his armes, and he was conſtrained to offer himſelf for Hoſtage to the Germans, who without that had a deſigne to ſeize upon him; The Spaniards practiſed it alſo ſome two yeares ſince at the peace of Suza, and they diverted in flying, the ſtorme, which did threaten them, and reſtrained the Thunder which was ready to fall on them, if they had not humbled themſelves. The Truce which we made the laſt yeare at Carignan, when the plague defected our armies, and that the warr was the leaſt of the Flailes of th' anger of God, was a ſtroake of that addreſſe, and gave us meanes to prepare for the Reliefe of Caſal, and to ſave Italy.

Th' other Interpretation, is, to know how to make choice of the beſt time to make an Enterprize. For 'tis true, there's a certaine Moment in time, and a certaine Encounter of cauſes in affaires, which being paſſed they returne no more together, and 'tis to no purpoſe t' attend th' Effect, when the Cauſes ceaſe. Th' Italians have called it very aptly Conjuncture, but it was not poſſible to find a more favourable then that under which the ſiege of Rochell was formed. That towne was almoſt without a Garriſon, th' Engliſh had emptied it of Victualls. Holland durſt not ſend it but a deſavoured Releeſe, and by Conſequent weake. England which we had ſo ill handled, could not ſend any but fearefull perſons, and the Rebells were reduced t' expect more from th' Elements then from Men, and from out Impatience then from their Force. The third Conſideration is th' Enterprize of the Ditch, and th' Acceptation of the propoſition which was then made; It muſt be Confeſſed, that there was uſe of an extraordinary virtue for a worke without Example, and there was not leſſe need of Light and underſtanding to Comprehend the poſſibility, then of fire and Courage to propoſe the Means of reducing it in Act, and t'overcome the difficulties which were not ordinary; Tyre and Antwerpe have nothing ſeen of like, whatſoever is ſaid, unleſſe, it may be, they will Compare the Mediterranean Sea with th' Ocean, and a ſtraight and quiet Channell with a Channell extreamly Agitated, and unmeaſurably Large.

In the Matter of theſe novelties, There are that doe generally reject all of them, by reaſon of the vanity that is found in many, and who had rather beleeve nothing then expoſe themſelves to the ſhame of being too Credulous. Tis to have too little Judgment, or too great a diſtruſt of ones ſelfe; and in th' Affaires of the world, Th' univerſall Maximes are not ever to be followed which are ſometimes deceitfull, though they are many times true. But a great Miniſter of State ought to know how to diſtinguiſh what is manifeſtly falſe; from what hath ſome apparence of true, and what is feaſable from what is Impoſſible. 'Tis not that 'tis neceſſary that He poſſeſſe all th' Arts with the ſame perfection, as they who make profeſſion but of one; But it ſufficeth that he know them in ſuch a degree, and with ſo juſt a light, that he may ſecure himſelfe, from th' Impoſture though it be very ſubtile, and obſerve what is good though it be not very excellent.

The fourth Conſideration, that th' Enterprize of the Ditch, is th' Evidence of an extreame vaſt ſoul, and of a Courage not diſtaſted by Difficulties, nor wearied by Time. Th' Humours of the French are ordinarily too lively to langniſh after a deſigne. They will ſuddenly ſee, th' End, or abandon it; what they carry not at the firſt Aſſault, rebukes them: The ſtroaks they loſe, weakens them as much as thoſe they receive; and their proper Impetuoſity tyres them not leſſe then the Reſiſtance of what they Aſſault. But the king hath made it appeare in this occaſion whereof I ſpeake, that having not the vices of the French, he had in an Eminent degree the virtues of other Nations; and that he had a very great Boldneſs t'undertake and Conſtancy to purſue it, and Patience to finiſh it; The firſt ſpoile the Sea made upon the Ditch, had ſhaken any other Courage but his, and the violence of the Equinoctialls had daunted an Imagination leſſe firme: but He believed, that the feare which might fall into the ſoules of Men commonly conſtant, ought not to fall into his, and that it was too little for his power and fortune t'overcome Men, if he did not alſo reſiſt the force of the ſtarrs, and Elements, and what nature hath of moſt impetuous and rapid. There are affaires which muſt be abandoned ſo ſoon as they are begun either in regard of their Impoſſibility or that they ſerve for hinderance to better and more profitable deſignes. And 'tis true, that t' opinionate in this, is a Manifeſt imprudence. That the ſhorteſt follies are the beſt, and that the further a Man goes when he is out of the right way, the more he wanders. There are others which are infinitely important, and are but difficult; and of them an end muſt be had whatſoever they coſt, or periſh or carry them. After that th' Earle of Fuentes had beſieged Cambray, and reduced that City to the Tearms of being taken or of rendring; Sr. of Vie entred with ſome Releefe. So ſoon as he was Entred, he changed all th' order of the defence, and ſpoiled th' Enemies by the faults they had committed in beginning the Seige. He diſmounted their Cannon with his; He made their Batteries to flye with his Mines; He rendred unprofitable a part of their Labours, and did Incommodate them in ſuch manner, that it was propoſed in the Councell of the Spaniards, either to raiſe the ſiege or to begin it againe, and give it another forme. Th' Earle of Fuentes knew well th' Errour, which had been committed in the beginning; and that the ſheep wherewith he had to do were the ſame, but that they were governed by another Shepheard, notwithſtanding that he proteſted that he would dye there rather then retire, and that he had rather be obſtinate in overcoming the Difficulties which were there in continuing the firſt deſigne, then diſcover his Imprudence in quitting it, and take by that Meanes courage from the ſouldiers, and Reputation from his Armes. When Caeſar had laid downe before Alexia or Vercingentorix, it was ſhut up with four and twenty thouſand Men to defend it. He ſaw come upon him four hundred thouſand fighting Men which came to beſiege him, and ſuch a fearefull Cloud of Men of warr to ſurround him. That nevertheleſſe did not trouble him, and inſomuch that the Queſtion was of the deciſion of a great Affaire, and that he would with one onely Blow affright all the body of the Gaules, He reſolved upon a bold Charge, He did not abandon the ſiege and marched to meet th' Enemies which drew towards him; He defeated them, and compelled the beſieged t'yeeld, and Vercingentorix t' humble itſelfe, and to lay its greatneſſe at his feet; which they could not preſerve with all the force of the Gaules; And after that the Spaniards had ſurprized Amiens, The dead King, did he not reſolve to loſe himſelfe or retake it; T'hazard rather all his State, then to ſuffer that breach to remaine, open; and that it was begun in a place which diſcovered th' heart, and left nothing ſecure even to the Gates of Paris. This proceeding appeared at firſt a little ſtrange, and ſeems t' hold more of Deſpaire then of force, and of obſtinacy then Conſtancy. That nevertheleſs is not ſo, and that which ſeems to be beyond the Limits of virtue, is not ever ſo but by Compariſon.

Theſe Limits are not fixed and immoveable. They have Many degrees according to th' abilities of them that exerciſe them: And th' Exceſſes which the Philoſophers permit t' Heroique virtue, and th' extreamities wherein they ſuffer, which ſhe paſſeth over; Are not Exceſſes or Extremities for her, but for th' ordinary virtues, and for the Common of Men. If they that ſerved the Duke of Aniou in the ſiege of Rochell had had the faithfulneſſe of Sr. the Cardinall or his prudence, if they had loved the Good of the State ſo well as he, and the Reputation of their Maſter; They had not adviſed him to riſe at the Evening of taking of it, and to give the victory that was Ripe and ready to be gathered. They had rather imitated that Great Captaine, and had ſaid as th' other did at Garillan, That they knew of what Importance that Enterprize was to the King, and that it muſt be gained or periſh. But 'tis not of new Date; that there are people in the State which love Confuſion, and who Imagine themſelves to be like Phyſicians who ſhould not be Conſiderable without the ſins of nature, nor in honour if there were not ſick perſons.

The proſperities of the King ſtop not at the taking of Rochell; our Armes were inſtantly beyond the Mountaines, and Caſall ſaw its deliverance at the ſole noiſe of our paſſage. That unheard-of Quickneſs equally ſurprized our Allyes and enemies, and thoſe who believed, that the Conqueſt we had newly made, was of the kind of thoſe victories, which make the victor to weep; would never have imagined that without tireing or taking breath, we went to force th' Alpes in the midſt of winter, and ſeek beyond the Mountaines a new harveſt of glory. The Rebells of Languedoc immediately after ſaw the King with them, and we have ſeen in leſſe then two Months all the places rendred or taken, and thoſe fearefull Baſtions which have conſumed twenty yeares labour, and the wealth of that party, humble themſelves to his powers. Tis that virtue, which the Romans called Celerity, and which we call Quickneſs wherewith Caeſar made himſelfe Maſter in 40 dayes, of Italy: in 60, of Spain; and in leſſe then three yeares of all that which Rome had Conquered in more then ſeven hundred yeares. 'Tis with that virtue, that Gaſtan of Foix in leſſe then ſix weeks relieved Bologua; Defeated the Venetians at Villa Franca; retook Breſſe, and gained the battell of Ravenna. This is to know how to make uſe of the victory, but in in an admirable Manner. 'Tis to ſayle as long as there is any wind; 'Tis to ſecond Fortune; 'Tis to make uſe of th' occaſion. There's glory in acting a number of great things; but this a marvell to performe them in a little time, and to place in a ſmall intervall, th' Actions that will honour the courſe of many yeares; one victory nevertheleſſe begets another, and as a needle rub'd with th'Adamant attracts many; Proſperities tread upon th'heeles of one another, Provided that men give not over: That they are the ſame Chiefes that governe, and the ſame ſouldiers that act, and the ſame diſcipline that doth exerciſe them.

The Seaventh Diſcourſe. That the generall of an Army ought alwayes t' Intend th' End of an Enterprize; and that Foreſight ſerves more then Courage t' attain it; and whether the King had Reaſon to make the truce, was made at Carignan.

THat a Generall of Army propoſe to himſelfe to go alwayes to th' End of what he ſhall undertake, and that he know that if a good Beginning makes halfe the work that nevertheleſſe nothing is done, if th'end faile; and therefore let him make Choice of the moſt proper Meanes t'attaine it, and not them that coſt moſt fire th' Execution and have the moſt Pompe. They ſhall be in their dignity and have the price they deſerve when th'End is gained. Let him not then be ſhaken at what the world ſhall ſay; and that he remember the Conduct of Fabius Maximus, who ſuffered the Roman people to wond his Reputation, and endured the bitings of that Beaſt with many heads, rather then quit the deſigne he had framed to deſtroy Hanniball, without fighting him; For at laſt he obtained of the ſame people, the Sirname of moſt Great which they had not given to any but him, and which they gave not to any other Captaine after him.

That he remember th'Anſwer the Prince of Parma made to the dead King, when he ſent him th' offer of Battell dureing the ſiege of Corbiell; That his Maſter had ſent him into France to relieve Paris, and t'hinder the growth of Hereſie. That if t' attaine that End he found, That the beſt and quickeſt Expedient was to give Battell, that he need not doubt, but he would give it; if not, That he would not fight at the will of his Enemies. Th' end then Crownes the work and whatſoever a Man doth of Eminent and extraordinary. If he ſtay in the way, all that will not produce unto him but an imperfect honour, and an Abortive of glory. What ſerved the gaining of four Battells by our Kings againſt the proteſtants; to have ſpilt ſo much French and ſtranger's blood; and lay waſt ſo many Townes and provinces for that Quarrell, ſince that Hereſie and Rebellion have after that ſubſiſted? Of what uſe were ſo many paſt Expeditions into Italy and into other places, ſince that after the faireſt Entries and th' happieſt Beginnings in the world; The victory remained to our enemies. From thence was formed that opinion which had its courſe amongſt other people, and which latter times have belied, That nothing was to be feared from us but th' Aſſault and firſt heat. That's not to ſay, as ſome have interpreted it, That we are more then men at the beginning of Combats, and leſſe then women at th' End; Thats not true; and our valour hath ſometimes, a continued poſture and equall purſuit, and ſometimes Acceſſes and Remiſſions as well as other nations. But 'tis true, that ordinarily in the Beginning of our Enterprizes, we bring a very hot Courage, and a Reſolution more then humane, but a little after we abate; we fall into languiſhment and defects; we have no more force nor breath.

According to what I have ſaid, the Truce which we made at Carignan, and which was ſo ill underſtood of the greateſt part of the world deſerves a particular praiſe; ſince it gave us Meanes t' enlarge our Troops, and to take away the Matter of the plague which made them deſolate; T' aſſemble new forces; To prepare fara Revictualling of Caſal, and to deliver that place which was the neareſt End of the warr, we made, and a part of the Generall. In vaine without it had we ſo happily begun the warr and raiſed the ſiege of Pignerol at the face of three Armies and of four great Captaines. In vaine with a handfull of Men ſhould we have defeated ſo many enemies at Villana, and overcome th'obſtinate Reſiſtance of th'old Regiments of th'Empire; and in vaine ſhould we have fourced at Carignan redoubles of three halfe Moons, and beaten thoſe brave Spaniards, whoſe number of fighters was know by the dead, and the Priſoners.

But as boldneſſe, diſcipline and obdience are the virtues of ſouldiers; Prudence, Conduct, and conſtant Meditation of the Meanes which cauſe the victory are the virtues of Captaines, and Generalls of Armies, 'Tis with theſe Qualities that they ought to diſtinguiſh themſelves from them that are under them. Theſe are properly the forme of their profeſſion; They do conſtitute the difference. Courage, and the Contempt of death are not, to ſpeake properly, but the body and the Matter; and ther's not ſo much glory for a Chief to go to blowes, t' enter upon dangers when he muſt, and when the occaſion preſſeth, as there would be ſhame Not to do it; That would be more pardonable in a ſingle ſouldier, whoſe wounds are the ſprings of proverty and miſery, than in great perſons to whom they are Characters of honour, and the ſeeds of Immortality; which give them place in Hiſtory whoſe markes are venerable in th' eyes of a Prince, and in th' eyes of the people, and adorne them better then all their Ornaments and precious ſtones. It ſhould be a ſtrange thing if the moſt illuſtrious profeſſion of the world, and the nobleſt of all the functions of life, which is that of Commanding Armies; ſhould be ſo eaſie, as that there were no more to do then to run to death and to caſtones ſelfe into danger to make him Worthy. There would be too eaſie a bargaine had of eternity which it promiſeth, and the Gladiators might more lawfully pretend to, it, then thoſe exalted ſoules which prepare themſelves for it with great Cares: who make the boldneſſe of Reaſon to deſcend to th'heart, and who make that divine part, the principle of their Conduct, and of all their Actions.

If Caeſar had had but Courage in the degree he had it, and that violent heat that gathers about th'heart at the ſight of danger; He had not effaced the glory of other Romans; many had been found to have equalled him in that thing, and Coriolanus, Capitolinus, Marcellus, and Catiline alſo had diſputed th'Advantage with him. Courage alone had not rendered Epaminondas the chiefe perſon of Greece; and Pelopidas, and Leonidas, and many others, had not yeelded unto him in the Reſolution of dying for their Country. Ferrant Gonſalve had an admirable prudence, and, as it was ſaid of Epaminondas, That it was not known which of two Qualities prevailed moſt in him, Knowledge or Valour. For my part I make it a queſtion whether Epaminondas was the greater Captaine or Counſellour, whether he was more Capable to governe an Army, or to guide a Negotiation; And more proper to ſubdue Men or gaine them. And to ſpeake of ours; Gaſton of Foix had Courage, and Good ſenſe equally raiſed in him. He acted at leaſt as much with the laſt as with th'other. The Command of th' Army of Italy againſt that of the League was given him, not as to the moſt Famous, but as to the moſt Capable, and he did not ſo much ſuſtaine the dignity of Generall by reaſon of the ſplendor of his Race, as by reaſon of the Merit of his perſon. I will give you two examples which will make it appeare, That he was truly in all ſenſes th'Head of his army; and had a Wit ſuperiour t' all them that obeyed him. When he went to releeve Bologna, he manadged that deſigne with ſo great ſecreſy, that he was on the way before his Army doubted it, and was within it before his Enemyes knew it; At the journey of Ravenna he alone ordered and diſpoſed of the Battell. Of three bodies which compoſed it, He choſe not one of them to command. He reſerved onely for himſelfe a Troop of voluntary Gentlemen to be free, and to charge where there ſhould be need. I ſpeake not of his eloquence; 'Tis ſufficient to ſay, that it lives yet with honour in hiſtory; and hath been admired of ſtrangers, and of them alſo who eſteem'd us Barbarous. It muſt be confeſſed that that Prince at th' Age of 22 years wherein he died was a compleat Man, and that no life was ſo ſhort and more glorious then his. Th'head then and the good ſenſe are more neceſſary for a Generall of an Army, then Armes and impetuoſity; and 'tis foreſight that begets the victory, rather then courage. 'Tis ſtudy, Meditation, and conference which ought to prepare the great Perſon whereof I ſpeak; and tis the Practique and Experience which finiſh and compleat them. For that reaſon, It was ſaid of Epaminondas, that never man knew ſo much and ſpake ſo little. 'Tis not that he eſteemed ſilence a great virtue, as ſome have interpreted, nor that he preferred it to ſpeech conducted by good ſenſe; But 'tis that, in effect, he alwayes tumbled up and down ſome great deſigne in his Braine; That he thought of raiſing Thebes of humbling Sparta, and of ſubduing the Grecian people, which to his time had been invincible.

How excellent Sr. the Cardinall is in this Matter; How active and lively his Reaſon is; how infallible and juſt his providence, and how efficacious the diſpoſition of his Conduct; Lets not amuſe at words to declare it, and let's lend nothing of ſtrange to a truth that hath no need of it; lets add nothing to th'effects, and to what hath been touched or ſeen but a naturall Repreſentation; let's leave th' Artifices, and painting for moderate Beauties and for Common virtues. For this effect, I will content my ſelfe to ſpeake of the ſecond warre of Italy, wherein he particularly preſided, and whereof he had the principall government under th' Auſpicious Planets of his maſter; I ſay then, that it had been much to make a great Army ſubſiſt in Piedmoat, if the Country had been favourable to us, if abundance had been in all places, and in a ſeaſon when the paſſages had been eaſie to us. But to make it live in th' enemies Country, and where all men and all things were Contrary to us. In a ſeaſon when Barrenneſſe was in France, and proviſions were to paſſe the Mountaines, when ſnows were at th' higheſt; It muſt be acknowledged that it belongs not to a vulgar Providence to ſtrike ſuch ſtroakes. It was to ſupply by his Wit and Conduct what was wanting to the nature of things. And the Marquis of Spinola who never thought it, ſeemed to have Reaſon to ſay, that he who had moſt proviſions would remaine victorious in that warr. He believed infallibly t' have that advantage over us, having th' Earth, and Sea for him, knowing that our Country Men are enemies t'orders, without which armies ſuffer in the midſt of abundance, and wherewith they ſubſiſt intirely in the midſt of want. He remembred that at the warr of Genes, th' army of the dead Conſtable was vexed with hunger though it was ſmall. Though it had Piedmont in its favour and made warre onely for th' Intereſts of the Duke of Savoy; But when he ſaw, that we reſiſted thoſe great incommodities; That we had found Remedies againſt thoſe evills and new Inventions to carry the proviſions; 'Tis then he confeſſed the French had changed their humours, or at leaſt that the ſheep were the ſame, but governed by other Shepheards. Theſe things truly are great, and have been worthy of admiration from our enemies and of them wh'admire not much but themſelves. But they are not nevertheleſſe the Maſter-peece of Sr. the Cardinals induſtry, nor the great effect of his prudence. The preparatives for the releaſe of Caſal are a peece moſt Illuſtrious and Magnificent. And as the works of the leaſt eize are more ingenious then th' other, and that 'tis more difficult for an artificer to make a work of a ſmall volume to proſper then a greater. In like manner the foreſight which operates much in little time, and in a ſhort intervall diſplayes a very large Matter; is of a price, and Gonſideration more exalted then that which is acted at great leiſure, which hath a free field t'extend itſelfe, which hath no bounds to Conſtraine it, and which is not oppreſſed by the brevity of time, and by the greatneſs of its object. To raiſe thirty thouſand men in leſſe then ſix weekes; Make them March through France and over the Mountaines during that time; Give order for all neceſſaries; T' enable them to live, and ſubſiſt; To ſend them to a Country ſpoiled with Contagion, and into places where the plague might give feare to them, that did not feare men; againſt powerfull Enemies covered with Retrenchments and ſtrong holds; defended by a caſtell, and a Town; In a time when the diſgrace the Venetians received at Valeſe, ad th'unhappy ſucceſs of their Armes. The ſurprize of Mantova which had ſomewhat of fatall, and inimaginable. The rendring of the Town and Caſtell of Caſall; had put all our friends into deſpaire, and the greateſt part of the French into aſtoniſhment. Add to that th' Artifices uſed by ſome ill Frenchmen to ruine the Kings deſignes and th' honour of France. The traverſes they raiſed within; which were the more dangerous that they were ſecret and ſilent, and reſembled the Mines, which make them leape who march upon them without ſuſpition or defiance. And what was moſt fatall and of ill augury the Kings ſickneſs and the deſpaire of his recovery. This ſad accident which might alone have troubled a weaker ſpirit then the Cardinal's, for th'unhappy State of our affaires, and of our Allyes; and for the revolution it had cauſed in the generall order of the World, and in his particular fortune. That this black Conjunction and ſo many Inconveniences linked together did not diſturbe his judgment nor abate his action. That the neceſſary proviſions for the Releefe fo Caſall were provided. That Caſall was relieved; If th'unhappineſſe of this time permitted me to ſpeak a bold truth, and if his modeſty of whom I ſpeak would not be offended, I would ſay that ſince Caeſar's time the world hath not ſeen a ſtronger Conduct, more reſolute or wiſer; and if that had hapned in the time of the Common-wealth of Rome or of old Greece, that it had been one of the faireſt Monuments of their Hiſtory, and one of the moſt famous Inſtances of their policy.

I will not conceale a very remarkable Condition in the Conduct of Sr. the Cardinal. 'Tis that he prepares alwayes, if he be not hindered, meaner which ſeem immeaſurable and too powerfull to produce th'End which he propoſeth t' himſelfe. 'Tis properly t'employ Exceſſe t'hinder defect. 'Tis to part very early not to faile the arrivall at the journeyes end. 'Tis t' have a remainder, t' avoid having too little 'Tis not t' act ſingly, but infallibly. 'Tis in a word the Country Cuſtome of th' ordinary humour of the French. To whom th'heat of temper and vivacity of imagination alwayes repreſent th'Enterprizes more eaſie and of leſſe durance they they are in effect. Moreover the preparations they make are ever leſſe and weaker then the nature of th' Enterprize requires, according alſo to the proportions they have imagined, and according to the Meaſure of their apprehenſion. Wherefore they are conſtrained to retire in the midſt of their Courſe, and all things faile them, when they have moſt need, and in the ſtrength of th'Affaire.

This indiſcreet proceeding and tumultuary faſhion of acting hath been cauſe of infinite evils which have vexed France. That they have often ſtirred ill humours which were left be hind without purging of them away; that ſo many faire Beginnings we have had in the warrs, had not' anſwerable ends; And in a word, that we have not known to conſerve th'advantages we had gained, nor keep the Conqueſts which we had made. Sr. the Cardinal carried himſelf in another manner and kept another way, when it was neceſſay t' force th' Alpes, and to break the Barricado's, which oppoſed the ſafety of Caſal and the liberty of Italy; He adviſed the King to march thither with an army, capable to ſubdue all Italy, and to paſſe from Suza to Ofrante. So truly the Reputation of thoſe great forces, did impart th'effect which we aimed at: It acted farr off, and all alone; it began't overcome ſo ſoon as it began to march; and the Spaniards who it may be had marched to meet us, and had diſputed all the paſſages with us, if we had been weak; durſt not attend us in their trenches of Caſal, and did not believe that there was ſafety for them in the Caſtle of Milan but by a treaty of peace. This ſerved to pull up by the roots the Rebellion of Languedoc and to lay flat a Party, which had long Rooting in this Province; ſix armies were ſeen at one inſtant to be drawn out againſt them; and that diviſion of Forces which took away the ſprings of Reliefe, and Communication to the rebell-townes. In ſhort the Cardinal knew that the firſt Maxime of warr is, That who layes out most, layes out leaſt. That the petty frugalities which are made out of time, are certaine loſſes of what is advanced, that 'tis not to ſow with hope to gather, but not to ſeem to do nothing; and that they who give ſuch covetous Counſells in neceſſary occaſions, ſeek not ſo much the good of th' affaires of their Maſter, as not to loſe the matter of doing their owne buſineſſe.

The End.