First Discourse.
That, An Excellent Minister of State is an Evidence of the Fortune of a Prince, and the Instrument of the happinesse of a State.

IN the course of Affairs, 'tis certain, that De­signes onely are in the power of man, and that all Events are disposed by some Power above him, and which being infinitely wise, doth nothing by Chance. Th'hazard, to which so many things are attributed, is a work of our brain, and none of the Principles of governing the World. All things are guided without our help, in Light and Justice; and the blind goddesse, that is called Fortune, is a fancy, which Philosophy hath not adored, and Religion hath abolished in the destruction of Idolatry. Th' invention neverthelesse hath not been unprofitable. The miserable, charge the causes of their misery upon it; and th' impru­dent, th' effects of their ill conducts: Her name is in the mouths of all persons, the wise and unwise do equally em­ploy it; and use is made of it sometimes, to be the better un­derstood, and not to depart from a received custome, nor from the tearms that are practised. But to declare what 'tis; The Power we speak of, is no other thing, than God himself; insomuch that he undertakes the government of free causes, [Page 2]and disposeth of them to his ends, whether they be confor­mable to theirs, or contrary to them. And as the first Mobile, without destroying the naturall motion of the other Hea­vens, doth make them subject to his, and carries them from th' East to the West, so God doth manage in such sort the actions of the Creatures, which work with liberty, that without violating their freedom, and by the encounter of other causes, wherein he doth cast them, infallibly drawes th' effect which he proposed to himself, and which from hu­mane foresight is often litle expected.

In a word, the workman that observes the rules of his Art, is never disappointed of his intention; the Painter, that perfectly understands the mixtures of Colours, and the pro­portions of Figures, drawes at pleasure exquisite Pictures; th' Architect, that casts his designes by the rules of Archi­tecture, makes them happily to prosper. But the fairest ope­rations of Man, wherein his noblest part hath most interest, are not solely capable of attaining their end, and th' effect aimed at. Hannibal acted the full duties of a brave Captain, and yet was overcome by Scipio. Cicero forgets nothing of the charge of an excellent Oratour, yet Milon was condemned; and André Doria sees the Fleet of his Master perish in the Port of Argiers. notwithstanding his skill and experience in Maritime affairs. But what God addes to the Principles that are in us, th' occasions which He causeth to arise for us, the means which he suscitates, th' obstacles which he diverts in our favour, and all th' assistance which He gives us, to make our desires to prosper, is, that which we call, Good fortune, and them, Happy, which receive it. But this good suc­cesse doth not alwaies accompany Justice, and Holy en­terprises, as God doth not alwaies oppose unjust and violent designes; th' Insidells have often triumphed over th' Armies of Christians, and of Catholieks. The most holy of our Kings hath been unhappy in his two Voyages be­yond the Seas; and the Cause of God, for which he made War, and th' Interest of Religion, could not secure him from prison, nor from the plague. On the contrary, nothing is reád comparable to the successe of Usurpators; nothing put a stop to Alexander's successes, but his death; and a Prince, for whose ambition the world was too little, and that had the vanity to think, that there was not matter enough therein for his courage; had fortune so favou­rable, that she covered his faults, and rendred his failings happy. Caesar had most successe, in the most unjust War he ever made, he had no more to do than to go and conquer, in dissipating the Romane Common-wealth. She that gave the [Page 3]Law to all the Earth, fell, in lesse time, than is laid out in ta­king of a City; and three years have destroyed the works of many ages. Attila and Tamberlain have passed like light­ning in their conquests; and the Race of Ottomans, which takes away Religion from God, and liberty from men, hath obtained so many victories, and extended so far Its Domi­nions, for these hundred years and upwards, that no for­raigne force seemes sufficient and capable for the present, to abate the forces of that Empire; and that it hath nothing more to fear but its own greatnesse and excessive powers. The reason of this diversity is, that God doth not alwaies work miracles, and disorders not the order of things for the love of honest men; and as it is very reasonable to rayse their courage and confirme their hopes, that God should some­times visibly hasten to their releife, it is also most conforma­ble to the lawes of his providence, and to the sweetnesse of his conduct, that second causes be suffred for the most part to act according to their capacity and extent of their force: and therefore, in order to that, the weake to give way to the stronger; that a lesser virtue, politique I meane, obey the greater; and that they, who have notorious advantages of their enemies, have also upon them notorious successe: other­wise truly he should oblige himselfe to repaire all the faults of them who have good intentions. And if goodnesse alone should be successfull in the world, prudence should be bani­shed from the civill life, and industry from the trayne of af­faires.

As to the successes of Usurpators, It is easie to give the rea­son, if we search causes of the change of States, and of the Revolution of Empires. Tis certaine that the greatest & most Extended are not alwaies the firmest, nor the most durable: on the contrary, as the most delicate fruits are sooner spoyled then others, and a perfect health is an instance of a disease approaching; it happens also that States which are in the flower of their force, and at the last round of their happines­ses, are not farre from their fall; Pleasure enters with wealth; power produceth ambition, & these two passions, which as­pect alwaies their ends without exception to meanes, draw with them so many other evills, that of necessity those unhap­py States must perish & be translated into a new form of Go­vernment; In this fatall conjuncture, if a person of courage & of ambition to conquer, take Armes, he finds the matter rea­dy prepared; God seconds his designe, and abandons them unto him whom ambition had divided, and whom delicacies had deprived of Judgement, and affeminated their courage, not that he doth inspire the conquerors with unjust thoughts [Page 4]nor with those furious motions which thrust them on to u­surp what belongs to others, and to violate the rights of hu­mane society; but acted of their owne accord, and by their owne election, he may lawfully favour them; and his justice will not suffer many good actions of theirs to passe unre­warded, nor them unpunished who have abused his graces.

But when he makes choice of a person to repaire the disor­ders of the world, or for the good of a particular State; Then his care is shewed in furnishing him with necessary princi­ples to undertake great matters. The thoughts are put in his soule by God, and he gives the power to execute them; he troubles and confounds his enemies, and leades him as by the hand to victories and triumphs; and one of the greatest ex­pedients whereof he serves himselfe for this purpose, is, to rayse unto him, excellent men, to whom he communicates his cares, and who help him to beare the weight of Affaires.

And as the operations of the soul do themselves good or ill according to the conditions of the organs and quality of their temper; the prosperity or adversity of Princes de­pends on them, in whose hands their authority is placed, and who dispose of their power. Alexander had never conquered Asia, nor made the Indiaes to tremble but for Ephestion, Parme­mo, and Clytus; Caesar gained many battails by the hands of his Lieustenants; and the fayrest Empire of the world which ambition and ill of the times had divided into three parts, was reduced under the dominion of Augustus by the Coun­sell of Mecaenas, and by the Valour of Agrippa; Justinian tri­umphed over Persia, and destroyed the Vandals in Africa, and the Goths in Italy, by the aide of Bellisarius and Nar­cete.

The Count of Dunois, Pothon, the Hire, and the Mayde Jane delivered France from the invasion of the English; And the first Man of the past-age of whom it may truly be reported, that he was too happy for a Christian Prince, hath by his conduct, or with the ayde of his Ministers of State, taken Rome and Thunis, a Pope, a King of France; given chase to Salyman, and made it appeare to Germany that it was to be con­quered. That very Prince who was so intelligent in all things, and had added so many acquired qualities to the gifts of na­ture, tooke the liberty to tell his Son in presenting to him the Secretary Eraso, that he gave him some-what that was greater than his States, and than the Crownes which he had resigned unto him. By such sort of persons, Principalities and Monarchies have been first founded. And for the love of them the people have voluntarily renounced their Liberties; and they are the persons who renew also under their Sove­raigns [Page 5]the naturall and primitive order of command, and of that obedience which is amongst men: And truly 'twas very reasonable (since a difference ought to be made amongst them) that Merit should begin to make it: The Society to which they are born, and without which they cannot sub­sist, is a Consort so delicate, and a Fabrick composed of so many pieces, that if it be not guided by a dextrous prudence, and maintained by a soveraign vertue, a very little thing confounds and disorders it.

And insomuch that they who attain to such a condition are Extraordinary, but not Immortal, and have not alwaies successors of their virtue, as they have of their dignity; It happens ordinarily that they leave, in favour of the people, a representation of their reason, and as a Monument of their Philosophy, The Laws and good Orders: And again, because all Laws are not good in all times, and that they cannot pro­vide against all occurrences and the accidents of life; 'tis necessary that he raise also some wise Person, whose pru­dence may supply the defects, and give them such a just tem­per and wholesome proportion as may best fit the Time, Men, and Affairs.

'Tis then a most certain truth, that good Ministers of state are the glory of their Princes, and happiness of the people: on the contrary, the wicked are the shame of throne, and dispair of th'other: They are the naturall principles of the Corruption of States; all ill humours are awakened under their conduct; they serve for pretence, to the spight of dis­contented, and to the disturbance of factious persons; and the people who are troubled to permit the Government of honest men, are carried to License, and enclined to Rebel­lion, when they fall under the power of those who are disho­nest. It seems to them that 'tis enough to have one Master, to whom necessary obedience ought to be paid, and whose yoak God doth oblige them to carry how grievous soever it be made; but to obey them who are not their Soveraigns when they do them hurt, when they triumph in their vexa­tions, and nourish themselves in their blood; 'Tis a sad ne­cessity for them, and a hard essay of patience. In effect, If Aristotle hath defined a Tyrant to be, The person who hath his pecu­liar interest more before his eyes, then the good of his subjects; Into the hands of how many Tyrants do the miserable people fall, when they are governed by corrupt Ministers of State? and neverthelesse 'tis a Flayl which they seldom want; And as the Prince looks upon the State as a Wife that belongs to him, and which cannot be taken from him: There are Ministers of State to be found, who cast their eyes upon [Page 6]it as a Mistress, whom they endeavour to strip naked whilst they do enjoy her.

Second Discourse.
That th'art to govern is doubtfull, and difficult; and receives a great reliefe from Learning.

'TIs not strange that so few honest men are found in the frequent occasions of sinning; not that the know­ledge of governing should be so rare when 'tis so difficult. The reason of State which is the matter, is so perplexed and ambiguous, and th'affairs have so many lights which con­found our sight, that 'tis no wonder, if we are often troubled to chuse our party; and if the choyce made in so great a con­fusion be rather a stroak of chance, and triall of our liberty, than a rational election; Moreover the greatest part of politick precepts which are left us, and reduced into a forme of sci­ence, are such abstruse things, that if Nature or Experience give not the art of Application, they become pernicious or vain; instead very often of making an able man, they make onely a Pedant, they communicate presumption rather then wisdome, they make many to wander, rather then discover unto them the nearest way; and for an uncertain reformation which they promise, they confound and alter all things by the novelties they introduce. The way also by Examples, is so deceitfull, and the past makes so ill a judgement of the fu­ture, that no certainty can be raised out of it: And as two Faces equally beautiful, or two Dayes of compleat resem­blance are rarely seen; so the condition of affairs is alwaies various, where the Vertue of the persons that mannage them is not alike, nor their fortune equall. And again, as there's not much cause for him to deliberate, who hath not two faces, nor a party to follow, nor reasons to dispose him; There are none also, who want examples and accidents to fa­vour them.

The Pope, the Duke of Milan, and the King of Naples make a league against Florence: To divert the tempest, Larance of Medicis, seeks the last; casts himself at his discretion, and by that brave confidence withdrawes him from the league, and prevents the lightning that was ready to fall, and might have burned his Country.

Charles the eighth entred Italy like a Torrent, which drown­ed all that it encountred; nothing made resistance; and Flo­rence that was on his way trembled for fear of her liberties. In this fatall fear and consternation of spirits, Peter of Medicis, [Page 7]Son of Larance, goes to meet the victorious, and casts him­selfe unhappily into his nets; Th'example which he would have followed, was destructive to him, and he returned not till he had put the keys of the States of the Common-wealth into our hands, till the Country way plundred of all with­out, and in danger to be lost, if the generosity of the Citizens had not been greater than the resolution of Charles, and than the fortune of that unwise Conqueror.

When the Sr. of Lautree undertook th'enterprise of Na­ples, Hugo Moncado resolved to defend onely the City, and to abandon the rest of the Kingdom. The Duke of Alva took a contrary course, when the Sr. of Groyse assaulted him there, and by th'advice of Ferrand Gonsalve, resolved to dispute all, and to destroy us by a multitute of Sieges; both resolutions prospered, and two very different Counsells had the same end, and the same effect, The victory. There have been some whose single presence, and first words, have in­stantly appeased th'insurrection of the people. And there have been others whom this monster hath suddenly devou­red, to whom they have not given the leasure to speak nor to open the mouth. How often by this meanes hath Caesar and Germanicus appeased the tumults of the Souldiers, and the sedition of Armies? And how many others have perish­ed in the same way, whose sight enflamed the humours that were but moved, enraged those that were but provoked, and caused in them a desire of satiating themselves with their blood, who before murmured onely against their Go­vernments. In like manner they that have condemned Hen­ry the third for leaving Paris in that notorious revolt, which is called the Baricados, have at least left as much cause to re­sist their judgement as they had to condemn a Prince; who chose rather to retire, then to expose himselfe to an evill that had no remedy if it happened; who permitted his peo­ple to be felons, rather then to put them in a condition of being Patricides; and that would not willingly suffer their faults to be compleated, nor that the greatness of their crimes should make them seek, in the death of him they had offended, impunity, which they believed was not to be found in his clemency: But 'tis the errour of the greatest part of men, to exclaim alwaies against th'unfortunate: There's no disgrace, whereof they that suffer it are not guilty in the opinion of the people. Of all the expedients which they had in hand, they were the best which they had quit­ted, when those they had taken did not prosper; and no old man ever dyed, were he never so decayed or decrepit, to whom his life had not been lengthned; if such a thing had [Page 8]not been done, or some other thing had been done. And though it thus fall our, it must nevertheless be confessed, that nothing doth sooner polish a well composed understanding, then Policy and History, nor that any thing is more profita­ble for it then conversation with the dead, and absent per­sons: therein he knows in a little time th'affairs of all Ages; there he enjoyes the experience of all the great persons that have preceded; and there also he finds lights which hinder him often to fall, and which make out the dangers unto him which he ought to pass; and th'ambushes which he ought to avoid: at least by the favour of Books and Studies, he gains that which prepares him against surprises. And sudden acci­dents, give not him the disturbance they give to ignorant persons; since nothing is so near unto him, whereof he hath not read something approaching, or like unto it. The life of man is so short, or so vexed, that it hardly holds out for five or six important Negotiations; and ordinarily they who have but the single common sense to act, cease to live, or have not health when they have experience: on the contra­ry, they whom studie prepares, and are guided by Philoso­phy, prosper quickly if they meet with very profitable dis­course. They are dextrous so soon as they touch upon bu­sinesse, and have the same advantage over the first; as in Painting, they have, who enjoy the science of Design and Proportion, over them who have nothing of Acquisition when they begun to paint. Of this, we have, without going from the modern time, illustrious examples, and eminent persons. Monlue, Bishop of Valence, under Francis the second, and under Charles the ninth. Pinai, Arch-bishop of Lyons, under Henry the third; and the Cardinal of Ossat, under the same Prince, and under Henry the Great, have been con­summated almost assoon in businesse, as known in Coun­cills: And for the war, the Marquess of Pescary, who was so brave, and whom the League of Italy judged worthy to be opposed to Charles the fifth, when he was most happy. The last Prince of Orenge, whose life had been too glorious if it had been shorter, and if fortune had suffered him to have perished in the relief of Bergen Opson. The Marquess of Spinela, who deserved at first to command th'Armies of Spain, and to be the Rivall of the last Prince of Orenge in military science: The greatest number of these great persons, I say, owe to Books, a part of the honour which they have gained with­out watching, and of that high reputation which they have so timely obtained.

But why should we search into the Age past, and amongst strangers for proofs of this truth? since we have them so [Page 9]clear and visible in the person of Sr. the Cardinal of Bichlieu: 'Tis true, that Nature hath given him all she had to give, to make him perfect; & that she hath powred out upon him with ful hands, her favour and riches. But 'tis true also, that he hath laboured very hard to compleat himselfe, and that stu­dy and meditation have acquired unto him almost all that was wanting to nature, and all that could be expected from experience. Th'affairs have served more for matter to his understanding in the exercise of it, than for occasion to in­struct it: He knew how to command before he had ever obeyed; and there's nothing so great in Peace and Warre, which was difficult unto him, when he had undertaken it. We will make, God assisting, in another place an express discourse of the profits of knowledge.

The third Discourse.
That the knowledge of the Moral, is a necessary preparation for the Politique.

THere's no question but that the knowledg of Manners is a necessary preparative for the Civil knowledge; and that they who aspire to this without being furnish'd with the other, may be resembled to sick persons who undertake to run before they have the force to go. The conduct of man in his particular, is an abstracted picture of the Govern­ment of States: In all things there are difficulties to be sur­mounted, and enemies to be overcomne. A command, and an obedience are there to be established; labours within and without are to be exercised, and a felicity is to be there gain­ed, as th'end of both lifes; wherefore I will speak here a word of the Morall, and of its usage. The matter is thorny, but it shall be profitable; if it be not agreeable, it shall be wholesome; and if there be neither colours nor perfumes to delight the senses, there shall be substance, and truth, for the satisfaction of th'understanding, and for discovery of reason. However, the discourse shall not be tedious, because it shall be very short.

The Morall then respects Man all alone, and out of the tu­mult of affairs and publique agitation, it considers the two parts whereof he is framed, and that strange Engine which is composed of body and spirit, of sense and under­standing. It acts in maintaining th'order which ought to be preserved betwixt two so different natures and extremities. It would have the noblest to command, the most illuminated [Page 10]to govern; that profit give place to honesty; that vertue be preferred before pleasure. And that what is most conforma­ble to the dignity of Man, hold also the first rank in his in­clinations, and be the principall object of his cares, and the chiefest endeavour of his life. In this order consists his glo­ry and naturall felicity. The contrary, that's to say, when the composition hath so obstructed th'understanding, and seized upon the faculties, that it becomes slave to the body, makes out a fearfull confusion, and a lamentable Anarchy. The middle condition is a state of civil War, wherein com­mon persons are alwaies engaged, and from which wise men are not ever exempted. 'Tis betwixt reason and passions, th'one whereof is the property of th'understanding, and re­sides in the chiefest place of the soul: And th'others are for­med in the low Region, and in that brutall capacity which follows onely th'impressions of sense, and is concerned one­ly in the good of th'Animal part. They are raised and en­flamed, as th'object that provokes is violent and rapid. But 'tis not necessary, that in themselves there should be that violence and force which stirs up th'appetite; it sufficeth, that 'tis received in th'imagination where it enters. There it takes the forme and the colour as pleaseth to that fanta­stick faculty; there it swels or abates, as it seems good to that Fool. In one place it communicates joy, in another it raiseth sadness: Now 'tis but an Atome, which is hardly felt, and which doth but scarcely touch upon the superficies of the soul; and in four moments after 'tis a Monster, which teares and divides it into pieces, which makes havoke in all its powers, and which brings trouble even to the Will which it would corrupt, and even to Reason also which it endeavours to suborne; so certain is it, that the imagina­tion is supple and various, and that things act not in us ac­cording to Their measure, but according to Hers. 'Tis true, that the objects which are agreeable to the sense, and promise them their felicity, are to be feared. And there's no imagi­nation so weighty nor dull, which is not raised; nor appe­tite so cold and so mortified, which is not heated; moreover the disturbance is sometimes so great, and the tempest so furious, that it is not in the power of the soul to quiet it: but in case she stand firm in the desire of good, which is most convenient for her, and whereof she hath made choice; ho­nour is alwaies on her side, and to overcome; It sufficeth not to be overcomne, and to dissent from pressing temptations. In conclusion, after many combats and defeats of such na­ture, she will remain peaceable, the lights of the Imaginati­on shall be abated. The Appetite shall have no force longer to [Page 11]rebel, Reason will raign with resistance, and the man that is arrived to such a state, deserves of naturall right to be pre­ferred before other men: lets pass further.

The Morall requires not onely Man within himselfe, and engaged in the disorders of the body and spirit of reason and passions; but considers him also in his conversation and in the Crowd. For that end he teacheth him a vertue, which is called Justice, which instructs him to live well with his Neighbour, and inclines him to render unto him what is his due, and which for the present is wholly almost imployed a­bout the division of Riches, and th'introduction, which hath been made in the world, of Mine and Thine. Introduction nevertheless very necessary for the good of society, for the ornament of the civill life, and for the plenty of all such things as are commodious for man. The Legislators and Founders of States, have regulated this justice; and in re­gard that she appeared to them a little too much in com­mon, and that it seemed to them a very dangerous thing to leave the conduct thereof to every mans judgement and in­clination: they have bounded her in certain Laws & customs which they have made: they have established publique per­sons to distribute it; they have put the sword into their hand to make men affraid of it, and have given it a scabberd with the name of a Prince, and of his Authority, to gain it the more respect.

But insomuch that notwithstanding the great care hath been taken to adjust the Rule, it remaines imperfect, and that the foresight of humane understanding is not so great as the variery of cases which interpose in Traffique; an honest man will not stay there, he will have recourse also for the re­gulating of his actions, and forming of his life to the foun­tain of Equity, and to the first spring of Justice, which is the Law of nature, or to walk after a more certain guid, and by a light free from corruption; he will follow the dictates of Religion and motions of Charity, which is the end of Christianity, which is the fulnesse of other Laws, and the definitive measure of all good things. He must have a re­spect for the formalities of ordinary justice; but he must not believe that they make up the perfection of a Christian, nor of a Philosopher. He must know that the Laws of Conscience extend themselves further then her [...]; and that they indure a severer and more general obligation; In effect, if consci­ence onely were in the world, we should be dispensed of ma­ny things which we are bound to do, we should have probi­ty good cheap; the duty of an honest man would be very large, and the way that leads to heaven would not be so long and straight as the Bible describes it.

The fourth Discourse.
How that saying of the Philosophers is to be understood, that, who com­mands ought to be wiser and better then the person that obeyes.

'TIs true then, that the Morall is one of the foundations whereupon the Politique is raised, and ought to pre­pare them that aspire to the Government of States, and to that direction of the people. From thence is taken that com­mon saying of Philosophers, That who commands ought to be better then the person that obeyes; and that, The Government of men belongs not to him that is a slave to his passions, nor to govern another unlesse he hath the better sight. It serves not therefore a Prince to have ordinary intelligence, or a common qualification of manners: But to satisfie his duty, and fill up worthily his charge, it seems that he ought to have a more sublime rea­son, and disposition of will more perfect then his subjects; This proposition nevertheless is not to be understood literal­ly and in a very rigorous sense. That was good in the foun­ding of States, and in the first liberty which the people had to make choice of their Superiours and Masters. Then it was necessary that the Election should be made of extraordinary persons, whose merit ought to be as high as the dignity to which they are called. But for Soveraign Princes who come by succession, who are born with the Character of a Prince, and are received without choice; they must be taken as God sends them, in wrath, or in the love he hath to his peo­ple, which ought to be submitted unto them. But whoso­ever they are, they cannot alwayes be perfect at th'instant of Raigning, nor have that force of reason, nor temper of man­ners which the Philosophers require in them that govern; Prudence, and other morall and politique vertues are not born with us, and come not of themselves. They must be gained with meditation and exercise, and by consequence with time and yeares. And though the principles are in our souls, and the seed in our reason, they remain barren till they are cultivated, and, if pains be not taken to preserve them, they are smothered in the seeds of evill which are in our senses, and in the corruption of our nature; The intenti­on then of the Philosophers, is, that the vertues of Princes are of more esteem then the vertues of particular persons, in regard that they have a greater extent of exercise, and a more universall influence; that they are more communica­ble; that they dart their beams at greater distance, that their bounty attracts more imitation, and that it is not so easie to [Page 13]command, as perfectly to obey; nor to lead as to follow; That if such great qualities are not to be found in their per­son, if their birth be unhappy, and if the matter whereof they are made cannot receive such divine formes, they ought at least to be in them of their Council, who act with their Princes, in the conduct of Affaires.

When the Prince is stupid or depraved in manners; when they are contrary to the function of his charge, and to the dignity he doth exercise; when they move directly, and of their proper motion to the ruine of their subjects; What can be expected from such a Government if th'infection hath also gained upon the Ministers of State, if they resemble their Master, if they do not counterpoise his vices; And if th'evill be entertained by the multitude of evill persons, such was the Councell of Jeroboam, when he called to Coun­cill onely young and deboshed, instead of ancient persons, who had been eye-witnesses of the Government of his Fa­ther, and saw that wisdom acted which was infused with­out the discourse of Reason, and the cares of Experience. This nevertheless is not extraordinary in the world, and it happens but too often that such as approach the Persons of Princes, study not so much to be ministers of their dignities, as instruments of their passions; They are rather their Cor­rupters then Counsellors; that th'imploy Vice when Ver­tue is unprofitable to advance them, and that they esteem nothing base or dishonest that may satisfie Ambition, or as­sure their fortune; And though the way they take, lead to precipices, and that there are many fresh and sensible exam­ples of them who have therein ruined themselves; that makes no impression upon their minds: The ill fortune of o­thers concerns them not, and they have so good opinion of themselves, that they imagine to have better conduct, or bet­ter fortune to warrant their behaviour. And truly although in a sea so tempestuous, at the Court, and where tempests are frequent; they see also by consequence that shipwracks are ordinary there; the pieces neverthelesse of that wrack are so faire, that they seem to them of greater value, then the condition from whence they had been taken, and then the advantages of their birth. 'Tis true, that Corruption sometimes is so extream in the soul of a Prince, and his Manners changed into so profound a deboshery, that Mini­sters of State are compelled to abate of the severity of ver­tue in treating with him; They bank those passions which they could not safely assault in a straight line; They suspend the reproofe of vice, where roots were not to be stocked up; They practise diversions, when the sick person cannot [Page 14]endure Remedies, and of two Evills, in one whereof they must undoubtedly fall, they divert him towards the lesser, for fear his inclination should force him to the greater evill; A strange unhappinesse, that to prevent Incests and Adul­teries, they must consent to other deboshes lesse criminall and lesse injurious; and to avoid sacriledges, to permit him to act single ruines: Seneca and Burrhas found themselves redu­ced to this miserable necessity; & the Philosophy & vertue of those two great persons were constrained so to bend under Nero, & to divert with industry the impetuosity of his vices: which by opposition would have been the more enflamed. This conduct nevertheless which ought to be secret, that it may work the better effects, and be stolen from the eyes of the Prince, least it should hurt more then profit, is many times ill interpreted; and the people consider not, that there are soveraign Princes who are not to be handled as men, but go­verned as Lions, and as furious beasts: and that it is a a great work to restrain their fury, and to hinder them from killing and devouring. Thanks be to God, we are in another condi­tion; we have a king whose qualities to this time have been rather desired then seen: God hath given him to the world to repair the disorders of it; we are bound to him for our safety, and they that have merited in the past actions, were the instruments onely of his fortune, and the imita­tors of his vertue. Above all, 'tis a mark of heaven's graci­ous aspect upon this Prince, to have raised for him so gene­rous and so wise persons, so understanding and so faithfull as they of his Councill. But 'tis an evidence also of the excellency of his Judgement, and of the strength of his un­derstanding to have made so good a choice, and to have fix­ed his particular Election, upon his person who is the Chief and first Intelligence.

Truly, if that be true which Aristotle sayes, that he alone hath the pure use of Reason, and by consequence the most perfect vertue, that hath no violent passions; It may be aver'd without flattery, that never person brought to the service of Princes, and to the government of States, greater liberty of the soul, then Sr. the Cardinall. His condition ex­empts him from the strong impressions which blood and na­ture stampd upon the spirits of his fathers; He is a stranger to all those inclinations, which being rooted in the body, carry away the soul entirely, or divide it betwixt the pleasures of sense, and the operations of the understanding. And as for that villanous appetite of wealth which traverseth so many illustrious persons; which subornes the most usefull ser­vants of Princes; and which hath often blotted the fairest [Page 15]Lifes: It is farre estranged from his humour; 'Tis certain, that if he hath ever leaned to any extremity in the way to vertue, it hath been towards prodigality; and that he found nothing so easie as to be in danger of poverty for the service of his Master: insomuch that it may be said of him, that he hath a soul so quiet, that not a Motion ariseth in it, but what his duty doth suggest; not an Agitation, but what the love he bears to his King hath occasioned; and that nothing hath been acted but what Reason hath consent­ed unto, and what Philosophy hath conveyed into the souls of the wisest persons.

The fifth Discourse.
That good Ministers of State have not alwaies the Recompence which they deserve; and that their Services are often payed with In­gratitude.

THat a Minister of State proposeth to himselfe to act for the Love of Vertue, and to draw from himself the Ap­probations of Conscience, as the chiefest Recompence for the good he doth; For to hope alwayes, or for the most part, Acknowledgement, or Justice from the souls of Princes, is not to know their humour, and to mistake their nature. 'Tis to be ignorant that the great services which are done them, are so many great Crimes, when they have not wherewithall to requite them: That there are not in the world such dan­gerous debtors as Princes, when they are insolvent; that they make away their Creditors when they cannot pay them, for the fear they have that they will pay themselves with their hands; That they are never confident of the faith­fulnesse of their subjects, who have power to hurt them; and that they forgive willingly enough the offences which have been done them, but never pardon the ill which may be done, though there be no will to do it.

There are so many Examples of this truth, in Histories and in all Ages, that 'tis almost a superfluous thing to make stay upon it. But amongst all, I see none comparable to the dis­grace of Bellisarius; that great person who had no other crime then his Reputation, and was not culpable, but that he was powerfull. Having conquered Persia, and subdued Africa, humbled the Goths in Italy, lead Kings in Triumph, and made appeare to Constantinople somewhat of old Rome, and an Idea of the ancient splendor of that proud Republique: After all that, I say, this great person is abandoned to Envy. A suspi­tion ill-grounded destroyes the value of so many Services, [Page 16]and a single jealousie of State wipes them out of the memo­ry of his Master: but he rests not there, for the demeanor had been too gentle; if cruelty had not been added to in­gratitude. They deprive him of all his honours; they rob him of all his fortune: they take from him the use of the Day and Light: they put out his eyes, and reduce him to the company of Rogues; and Bellisarius demands a chari­ty. I confesse when I consider the chiefe Captain of his Age, and the greatest Ornament of the Empire, of Christians, af­ter so many Victories & Conquests, accompanied with so high and clear a vertue, and in the midst of Christendom, reduced to the height of misery; it seems to me that I read the Meta­morphosis of Fables: A desire possesses me to give the lie to History; and I cannot hold from exclaiming against the memory of Justinian, that could not suffer the glory of one of his subjects, who had been so usefull to him, and that of a Cabinet person and compiler of Lawes, had made him a Conqueror and Triumpher over people; so that basnesse cost him vey dear, and obliged Narces who was as well a successour in merit, as authority to Bellisarius, not to ex­pose himselfe to the like fortune. This Narces upon a single act of disdain, which was past upon him at the Court of the Emperour, conceived that they might passe to a more cruel passion, if he prevented not the ill, and that it was bet­ter to shake off the yoak, then to stay to be oppressed. That spoiled th'affairs of Justinian in Italy: The Goths re­volted, and Fortune could not forbear to be of the party which Narces followed, nor to find the Barbarians where so great a Virtue was engaged.

All Princes nevertheless are not of his humour, & there are some whose Raign is more Christian, and Conduct more just; and with whom desert is in safety; where services are acknowledged, and in whom brave Actions beget love, without giving them the least jealousie: However the Raign of our King is an eminent Exception to a proposition so ge­nerall. And if Machavell had observed many such in the world, he had not advised them who rise very high by their Virtue to descend timely, and to quit their greatness, or to maintain it by force; He had known that there is yet a me­dium betwixt two extreams, and the King had made him see that his servants might continue great without making ill use of that greatnesse to become Rebels.

The second Example that I will propose, is the disgrace of Ferrand Gonsalve; 'Tis not in truth accompanied with so e­minent a persecution, nor with such cruell marks of Ingra­titude and Injustice, as that of Bellisarius: But it hath neverthe­lesse [Page 17]circumstances which deserve to be considered, and whereupon a Minister of State ought to pause. It must be confessed that Gonsalve is the greatest person that ever Spain brought forth. He may passe among the greatest of all Ages: He was worthy to enter the Lists of comparison with great Scipio; and the Spanish vanity hath not invented so high a Title to honour him withall, which he hath not made good by his Actions, and merited of his Enemies. He finished the conquest of the Kingdom of Granada, and had the honour to conclude a War of ten years, and to gain for Ferdinand and Isabella, the Sirname of Catholiques. He chased us from the Kingdom of Naples for to re-establish the Arragons; And when Ferdinand shared with Lewis the twelfth, the Goods of his Parents, and that those Princes divided betwixt them the Inheritance of an unfortunate person; He conquered his Master's share and forced ours from us: He defeated our Armies in all places, but at Seminara where he did not com­mand; He took all the Towns he assaulted, and which were defended by us: He knew how to overcome, and to make use of the Victory. And though no State in the World was more moveable or subject to Revolutions then that of Na­ples; He assured it notwithstanding entirely to Ferdinand and his Race. He stopped up there the Springs of the War, and of Disorders: He pulled up Factions that tore the Na­tion in pieces; and, if some root had since appeared, it had so little life and force, and such weak and faint motions, that the safety of the Kingdome was not shaken, nor its health altered.

He did not onely excell in War, and exceed all Captains of his time in the glory of Armes; but he supreamly under­stood the Art of Negotiations, and the knowledge of Af­fairs. His Eloquence was admirable; His speech had inevi­table charms, and his Tongue furnisht infallibly to gain those whom his good Countenance had shaken, and whose liber­ty was weakened, and courage abated; Being a Prisoner to a King of Granada, He gained him to the service of his Ma­ster, and perswaded him to given himselfe up to Ferdinand, who would have had much trouble to overcome him: He withdrew the Colonnes and the Ursines from th'interest of France, for to cast them upon th'interest of Spain: And know­ing well that long and inveterate hatreds as they were of both Families, are fatall to the parties where they enter, and dangerous in the occasions that awaken them. He reconci­led the differences, and for a time healed th'Emulation they laboured of. He was moreover so zealous of the Greatnesse of his Master, and so passionate for the good of his Affaires, [Page 18]that he quitted his Conscience, and broke his faith to whom he had given it: As in the Treaty he made with the Duke of Calabria, whereof I shall speak in another place, and when he seized with subtilty upon the person of Caesar Borgia, and de­ceived that subtil person, who had deceived so many other persons.

Th'incomparable qualites then of this person, and infi­nite services which he had done to his Master, rendred him a suspected person. And though they love treason, yet they hate the Traytors: on the contrary, the Virtue of Gonsalve gives Apprehensions and Alarms to Ferdinand, for whom it had gained Kingdoms, And the conquests also of Naples, and th'entire reduction of that of that State being finished: He began more willingly than he should have done, to lend his Ear to the complaints made against him; And the Ca­lumny became insolent, to assault him when it received cre­dit from his Master. 'Tis impossible that they who have Commissions for great Commands, should give content to all the world: And 'tis hard to give imployments to all such as believe to merit them, or recompences to the esteem that every Person hath of his services, and to the value he sets upon them; and therefore there are alwaies persons that do complain, because some do believe themselves ill used; and who make spight and hatred to succeed at the rate of the good they have been disappointed of: This un­happinesse befell the great Captain; And it happened also that the complaints made against him in Spain, were not disagreeable to Ferdinand, who sought occasion onely to de­stroy him, and did not act an Injustice willingly, but when he had some pretence of Justice for to colour it: 'Tis strange, what torments and inquietudes the reputation of Gonsalve gave to Ferdinand all the rest of his life; The most loyal and best disposed of all his Subjects; He to whom he owed a part of his Greatnesse, who rendred him more formidable to other Princes, then all the rest of his powers, held his soul on a perpetuall wrack: And he never had any Enemy from whom he suffered so much and so long as from him. He was almost perswaded to extream Remedies to be rid of him, and, if he had not apprehended that in missing of his stroak, he gave him occasion to become a Rebell, he had caused him to be arrested upon the single Motions of Jealousie, and had given an instance of the force of the greatest of all humane passions, which is the love of Soveraignty.

This passion which so much vexed Ferdinand, is worthy to be represented: and th'Artifices used by the greatest Poli­titian of the world, to ruine his own subject, are too subtill, [Page 19]and too curious to be concealed from a person of State; The moderation also of Gonsalve, and the strength he had to re­sist his own Greatnesse which was in his power, and to repel a temptation which had a Kingdom for prize, deserve to be proposed to the subjects of other Princes.

The sixth Discourse.
Th' Artifices used by Ferdinand to destroy the great Captain.

FErdinand then upon the bare complaints of discontented persons, whereof the number is ever great against them that govern, lesseneth the power of the great Captain, and reduceth him to the ordinary Authority of Vice-Kings in a Kingdome which he had conquered. How sensible this thing was to a person of great courage, and what Emotion it ought to raise in the heart of Gonsalve, may be judged by the dis­pleasure all men have to fall, and to be degraded in th'eyes of the world; And it may be judged by the hatred all men naturally bear to ingratitude, but they onely that exercise it; and by th'injustice it contains; that not onely the ser­vices that have been rendred, shall be frustrated of the re­ward which hath been merited, but that they also shall be th'originall of the disgraces suffered, and of th'ill entertain­ments, because a sufficient Recompence cannot be received. Gonsalve notwithstanding subdued his resentments, and ap­peared much greater in conquering himselfe in so ticklish an occasion, then he had done in conquering so often th'en­emies of his Master.

The patience wherewith he supported this injury, did not sweeten Ferdinand, nor cure his sick spirit. On the contrary it made it irreconcilable: He hates him the more whom he had newly offended, because he gave him cause to resent it, and takes the moderation which Gonsalve used for an Artifice, because his passion would not suffer him to attribute it to the greatness of his Courage; That made him resolve to bring him back from Naples, though his presence there way yet ve­ry necessary, and to deliver himselfe at once of all his feares, and of all his apprehensions, in removing him from that place where he was so powerfull. He commands him then to return into Spain, since th'affaires of Naples, as he said, were in good condition, and informs him that he had use in other places of his person, and of his service. The great Cap­tain prepares for his departure, but not with that nimble­nesse which Ferdinand desired; To whose inquietude preci­pitation would have appeared slow, since it seemed to him [Page 20]that he could never be soon enough healed of the distrust which did torment him; This slowness which was for his service, and for the confirming of Ferdinand's authority in the Kingdom which Gonsalve would not leave tottering, en­creaseth his feares and multiplies his jealousies.

Th'Enemies of Gonsalve close with this humour in Ferdi­nand; Envy again riseth against his Virtue, and there were but too many persons in Spain, and in Italy, who cryed down his Faithfulnesse, and represented his Ambition to such a height, that it would not fail speedily to compell him to as­sume the Pitle of Soveraign, whereof he exercised the Power.

That made him again resolve to send Peter Navarre to Na­ples, with private Orders to ceaze upon the person of the great Captain, and to make a Prisoner of him in the new Castle. And at the same time to lay him asleep, and for fear the distrust he had of him, should occasion the injury he feared, if it were discovered; he writes him a Letter, by which he doth promise him at his return, the great com­mand of Saint James; A dignity, that did not truly equall the services of Gonsalve, nor pay the just price of his Actions, but was the highest in Spain next to the Soveraignty. As he was ready to execute this scandalous resolution, a per­son of Credit arrives at Court, from the great Captain, with Letters, which give him so great assurances of his fidelity, and confirm with such strong Reasons the just cause of his stay, that Ferdinand abated for that time the violence that transported him; but at last finding no lawfull Causes, or very visible pretences to use extream Remedies against Gon­salve, and being not assured of the possession of Naples, so long as Gonsalve was in condition to take it from him, he re­solved to go in person to draw him away.

He was hardly arrived at Genes, but he understood of the death of his Son in law, with whom he had so many trou­bles, and who had handled him with so much indignity. Reason seemed to advise him to go back, and to retake the possession of the Government of Castile, before any change might happen there, that th'ill humours of that State were raised, and that th'ill had taken root there by his absence. That was represented to him by his Councill, and by his servants which he had left in Spain. But Naples must be pro­vided for, since he was so near; He must pull the Thorn out of his heart which pricked him; And although he would not expose his person thither, when we were powerful there, when we contested the Kingdom with him, and that for­tune then held in the Air the two scales of the Ballance [Page 21]where Victory hung uncertain; He made no question to go thither to destroy the power of a person that was most faith­ful to him. The prudence and dexterity of Ferdinand, made a wonderfull noyse on this occasion which was heard in all places, and whereon all Christendom was attentive. At his Arrivall he made extraordinary Caresses to Gonsalve: He gave him honours that would have satisfied the most ambi­tious spirit of the world. He had no sufficient praises to ex­toll his vertue, nor power enough to requite his services. In brief, one might have said, that, he would give him a share of his Authority, and of his subject make his Compa­nion.

In the mean time this great Captain is solicited from di­vers places, to take more advantageous Conditions then he had from his Master. The Pope with whom Ferdinand had founded intelligencies to make War against the Venetians, desires him for the Generall of the Churches Armies.

The Common wealth of Venice offers him the Command of their Armies; The Emperour endeavours to gain him for his service; every person thought that Victory could not be severed from him, and his reputation dispatched above th'halfe of Affairs; His virtue truly was too fair not be tempted; But it had force enough to repell Temptation, and to resist the Baits wherewith Endeavours were used to corrupt it; He had given infallible Evidences thereof to Fer­dinand during the persecution of Castile: And when almost all the Grandees of Spain had declared themselves in favour of his Son in law, and adored that new Power; Gonsalve stood firm, and assured him that what change soever hapned to him in his fortune, none should ever befall him in his af­fections; This was truly admirable in an occasion, where he had so many examples of failing, and, it may be, some Cause to do it during Philips life. Moreover being so able a person, and having long acted by th'orders of Ferdinand; It, was not possible that he should be a stranger to his diffident Humour, and to his Covetous Inclination, and therefore ought to be­lieve, that his services would pass unrequited, and that passion whereof his Master laboured against, would not be appeased but by his Fall and Ruine. However Ferdinand, to defeat th'intentions of the Pope, and to make void all solicitations that were made to Gonsalve; endeavoured to perswade him, that he had all the good opinion of the world of his fidelity; gives him a Patent of the great Master ship of Saint James, which was passionately desired by Gonsalve, and prayed the Pope to grant the Archbishop of Toledo power to confer it upon him; He well knew that the Pope would re­sist [Page 22]it, and be troubled that Gonsalve should receive that dig­nity from any hand but from His, and that so whilst, Endea­vours were used to overcome that difficulty and pass that Ditch, he should be in Spain, and out of Danger to be de­boshed; He grants him after that an Authentick Declarati­on of the great services he had received from him; at of the esteem he had for his merits, and for the inviolable zeal he had had for his Affairs. He sends this Declaration to the Courts of all Princes of Christendom, to efface, said He, th'Impressions that might have been made against the faithfulnesse of this great Captain; and that no spot might re­main upon the honour of so great a person, He draws him from Italy, and brings him with him, by these eminent Arti­fices and Pompous Demonstrations of his good Affections. The interview made at Savona with Lewis the twelfth, enfla­med his jealousie, and rendred the Virtue of Gonsalve the more suspected, because he saw it so much honoured by him, to whom he had done so much Evill, and from whom he had taken a Kingdom; For Lewis obtained of Ferdinand, that Gonsalve might dine in their company, an extraordinary fa­vour, especially for a subject of Spain with his Soveraign.

At last he is conducted into Spain, where all the hopes which had been given him, and the magnificent promises wherewith he had been fed, are reduced to the Condition of a private person, in which Condition he is permitted no­thing more then onely to live. They labour to discredit him, They use him ill in relation to his Parents: All his desires are refused, though very Civill and Just: And notwithstanding this stripped person is Ferdinand's Flayl, and a virtue desti­tute of all the helps of fortune, troubles his spirit, and puts him into great paines. But as Princes feel not passions as o­ther persons do, and take or leave them according to their Interest; The prosperity of Lewis the twelfth's Armes in Ita­ly, under the Command of Gaston of Foix, and the disgraces of th'Army, of the League whereof Ferdinand was a member, enforced him to cast his eyes upon Gonsalve to send him thi­ther.

This great Captain prepares for this Expedition; Spain dis-furnisheth her selfe of brave persons for to follow him there; and the greatest part of great persons, notwithstand­ing the fiercenesse of their humour, and good opinion of themselves, resolved to accompany him thither. This struck Ferdinand more then can be imagined; And the greatnesse of Gonsalve that became higher then ever; and th'ill condition of th'affairs of Italy which could not be recovered but by his virtue, trouble him with irresolutions. But fortune that [Page 23]had been so often favourable vnto him, forgot him not in this occasion; she would not give men the pleasure to see the two chief planets of the world in Conjunction, and duest not decide a difference where parties were so equall. Gaston is slain at the Batted of Ravenna; by his death Italy changed her face, our affaires began then to decline; There was no further need of Gonsalve, and Ferdinand was delivered of the feares which had so strongly vexed him, and so long pursued him. The great Captain after that continued intirely estran­ged from Court, and from affairs, and a very little after quit­ted the world, where his virtue was become unprofita­ble, because it was too great, and where he had lost the good graces of his Master for having overmuch merited them.

The seventh Discourse.
Of the disgrace of the Duke of Alva.

SInce we are upon the subject of Disgraces which happen at Court, and tempests which are there raised; Let us add the Duke of Alva's to the former examples. He was one of the greatest Captains Spain hath brought forth, since the death of Gonsalve; He performed threescores years services to Charles the fifth, and to Philip his Son, and with so strange a misfortune, that he was ever odious to th'one, and never beloved of th'other: He made War almost in all the parts of Europe, and in Africa; he had the Command of the Germane Army, where the first League of Protestants was beaten, and one of their Commanders taken Prisoner: He preser­ved the Kingdom of Naples to Philip: He staid the progress we made into Piedmont; He suppressed the growing Rebel­lion in the Low Countries; and though his conduct was too violent, and that the severity of his deportment, and too great Inclination for blood, had forced the people into dispair; yet if he had not been recalled, when he was of most use there, 'Tis believed, that he had finished the reduce­ment of them, or hindered them from growing greater.

And neverthelesse after so long Course of services, and so many years spent for his Masters; Philip forbids him the Court for a light fault; for an inconsiderable Cause which carried onely the shadow of disobedience: His Country-house he assigns him for his Prison, and neither his services past, nor his Age which was worthy of some respect, nor the good wishes of all the people of Spain, nor th'entreaties of the Pope who interceded for him, could bend Philip, or pre­vail with him for his Liberty. But at last the businesse of the [Page 24]succession of Portugal hapning, and Philip having need of a Commander of Reputation to manage the War which he had there prepared; It was of Necessity to repair to the Duke of Alva. He accepted the Command with an incredi­ble Gentleness, and without obtaining so much as the per­mission to see the Court; And He was to raise the Regiments of Foot, as He said, from Towns to conquer Kingdoms. The success of that War was such as Philip could desire it. But the Conclusion was glorious for the Duke, since he dyed after the reduction of Portugal, and in the Palace of Lisbon, where he had given Entry to his Master.

I do not truly find it strange that so many Princes are un­thankful, because it may be they think all to be due to them, and that they are not indebted to any person. But I cannot but admire the faithfulnesse of those great persons of whom I have lately spoken, and that Generall obedience they have given to their Masters, even then when they were so ill u­sed; This is the Cause that I will adde another example to the former, and of a person of the number of the most fa­mous of the Age past.

Albuquerque subdued Ormus, took Goa, and settled th'Em­pire of the Portugals in the East-Indies. He caused the power of his Masters to be adored, where their name was not so much as known before his time. His Conquests enriched Por­tugal, and the precious Jewels which the Sun-rising engen­ders in th'East, past in abundance, since his voyages, through all Europe. After all these services, and in his great Age, Manuel, King, of Portugal, sends him a successor, and he had the displeasure to see himself stript of an honour he had not re­ceived, and of a Dignity he held not of the bounty of him which took it from him, but from his personall valour. The news truly of that Affront which was the recompence of his long and profitable services, troubled him much at the first—And, making a great disturbance in his soul, forced him to say these words: Good God, of how many Evills do I find my selfe encompassed! If I am faithful to my King, I offend men; and I offend my King, if I follow the Inclinations of men. But this violent passion being appeased, and that his reason was returned, he justified the proceedings of Manuel, and re­duced willingly to the condition of a private person; If Death, which sometimes happens too late to many great per­sons, had not ceazed on him, before he arrived at Goa from Ormus.

You may believe that Albuquerque was solicited by his friends, to possess himselfe of that State, and to establish himselfe in a place where he was powerful, and where he had [Page 25]in his favour the love of the people; 'Tis therefore the Cu­stome of Princes, not to permit long the Government of a Country to him that hath subdued it, for fear lest in time he take root there, and that the sweetnesse of the Command, and the Conveniency of making himselfe Master, should cause in him the Desire of it. So Ferdinand of Castile, left not the Government of the West-Indies to Christopher Columbe, who had made the discovery of them. So the same Prince with­drew that great Captain from Naples, as hath been above expressed. So Fernant of Cortes was recalled from the King­dom of Mexico, which he had gained for Charles the fifth; So the Peru was filled with Combustion and Wars, because the Pizarres who had made the Conquest, would not acknow­ledge the Governour which Philip the second had sent thi­ther; nor obey in the place where they had accustomed to command.

The Eighth Discourse.
That in th'affaires of State, men do that sometimes which they would not do, and that there are inevitable Faults.

THat a Minister of State then suffer not himselfe to be transported with his charge, nor be drunk with the fume of it; That it be alwayes in him under jealousie: And con­sider that 'tis of the nature of Glass, and not of the Dia­mond; and that if it have some Clearness, yet 'tis frail. And that he may the better comprehend this truth, and make use of th'instruction it bears; he must know, that he is to de­fend himselfe not onely from men, and the designs of En­vy; But that he must also depend upon some superiour power, that will make him when it pleaseth to forsake his prudence, and compell him to act against his proper Maxims; that will carry him whither he would not go, and will so Invert his understanding, that he cannot but commit vo­luntary faults, nor to enter the precipice which he shall see open in the midst of his way; That, if in the war of the Body and Understanding, and in the seditious Motions, from the worse part of the soul, we do commit often the Evill which we would not do; The Condition of the per­son of State is much worse, and that of the proud Directors of the people, who are sometimes constrained to doe the Evil they would not do, if they were Masters of affairs, and if th'impetuosity of Destiny, and violence of some Cause stronger than them, did not over-rule them; And neverthe­less the world fails not to blame them: Princes are angry [Page 26]gainst unfortunate, as against guilty persons: Particular men that discover sometimes in their private affaires somewhat like his, do not forgive for all that the Condition of pub­lique persons: And the pittifull Boatmen, who can hard­ly save themselves upon a small River, when it is but a lit­tle moved, condemn the great Philots when they suffer ship­wrack in the Ocean, and cannot resist the fury of an im­placable Element. Behold very eminent Examples to Con­firm the truth of what hath been said.

In the league made between the Venetians and Charles the fifth, against Soliman, a memorable accident happened. The Venetians were fully resolved not to break with Soliman, and to avoid a War wherein they were to receive the first stroaks, and furnish the Field with th'action that was pre­paring, (and the theater with the Tragedy; They remem­bred, that they never had to do with the house of the Otto­mans without losse, and that they never justled with them but to their ruine: They would not forsake th'Alliance of a Prince whose faith was known to them, in whom ambiti­on permitted Justice, and was accustomed to distinguish be­tween what's honest, and what is onely profitable; They would not deprive themselves of the great advantages which they drew from those States, nor cut the pipe of Ri­ches, and the root of Abundance, which came to their sub­jects from thence; They were not ignorant of the Nature of Leagues and their weakness; They, knew that good deeds penetrate lesse then injuries, and that the desire of Revenge is more active and violent in them that are provoked, then Acknowledgement in them who are assisted. They consider that a wise Prince ought not to engage, but on extremity in th'affaires that have nothing certain but the expence, whereof the future is alwaies trouble, and whose conclusi­on is not necessarily conformable to Principles, and to the first Appearance.

Upon these foundations or others, they resisted th'endea­vours of Paul the third, who solicited them to enter into that League, and not to abandon the common Cause of Christi­ans; Soliman also on his part desired to continue fair with the Republique of Venice: He was afraid to have so many enemies together in Hand, and how great soever their ambi­tion was, the virtue and the power of Charles did not seem so inconsiderable unto him, but that he judged them Ca­pable alone to exercise him; But as fortune often deceives the desires of men, and laughs at their wisdom, it disap­pointed in this occasion, as well th'inclination of Soliman, as that of the Venetians. The encounter of some of their Ships, [Page 27]and of unexpected Accidents which happened, obliged them to fight, and engaged them also in spight of them to a total Breach; And the Venetians were constrained to accept of the League, which they had so solemnly refused; By this truly it appears, that the Venetians could not avoid with all their Conduct, th'evill they had foreseen; And that he also from whom they were to receive their damage, could not be prevented from doing of it, though he had a design to be their friend. For it happened that the Gallies of th'Empe­rour having not done their duty at Prevese, and André Dona having betrayed the Christian Republique, and suffered Barbarosse to escape when he might have sunk him; The tem­pest that ris' in the States of Charles, fell upon them of the Republique; and Soliman, offended that the Republique, as he thought, had disdained his friendship, or had not suffi­ciently respected it, turned his Forces and Designs against their Ilands, besieged Corfu, and was within little of ta­king the Bulwarks that defend Christendom; He took be­sides that, all that they had in the Archipelagus except Na­ples of Romaigna and Malvoisca, which he forced from them since, by a Treaty of peace; after the losses they had suffer­ed, after th'Expence they had made, and after a great dimi­nution of former Reputation.

Behold other Examples, to shew that there are faults which seem fatall. In the first troubles of Heresie in France, and in that Tragique Confusion, the memory whereof hath since been often repeated; All the world observed, that the siege of Poictiers had been the Stone of offence to the Huguenots, and that the fairest Army they ever had perished, there. The Cardinall of Lorraine reproached it to Sr. of the None; and though faults are customary in the war, more then in any other function of life; He assured him that they who com­manded th'Armies of the King, would prevent committing of the like; yet notwithstanding after the Battel of Moncontour, which poured out so much Hugenots blood, and where that party received such large wounds, that it depended on­ly on the Conqueror, that the soul was not let out; Instead of following the flight of th'Army which was routed, and them that saved themselves from the storm; The Duke of Anjou, unhappily dissipated his Army by lying down be­fore Saint John. He stormed that Town, and lost the fruit of his Victory, which ought not to have been taken of a single place, but the Reducement of the whole party; not the remission of the Malady, but the health of the State. By this fatall stay, I say, he failed to make an end of the work that was so well begun: He gave meanes to th'Enemies to [Page 28]breathe and recruit: He rendred again the fortune of France doubtfull, and deprived it of the honour of terminating a War which is never ended by weaknesse, but inability; nor by Reconciliation, but by the Ruine of the Conquered.

The Ninth Discourse.
Where the precedent Discourse is confirmed by the Ex­ample of the Spaniards.

I Will confirm former Discourse by a newer Example, and from the most prudent Nation of the world. The Spaniards who have their Reason so subtil, and Motions so re­gular; who make no Consultations, but they observe all the differences of the time, and have alwaies in their thoughts the future and the past, when they deliberate onely of the things in hand, or that are not farre from their eyes. These prudent, I say, and Circumspect persons, are not free from errours; They commit faults like other men, they go out of the way as well as we, and more is not to be said, then that it seems their failings are either voluntary or more inavoida­ble then ours; And as we fall ordinarily as it were by night and in unknown wayes, They fall at full noon, and in the midst of a high way. And as other people have reproached us, that we are capable to Conquer all, and to carry by as­sault what makes resistance; But that we are not able long to preserve that heat, nor to maintain our Conquests: The same may be said of the Spaniards, that their designs have some­times good beginnings, which attain not alwaies their Ends because they are Immoderate; That they begin well, but finish not alwaies the work they undertake, because they withdraw themselves to other work; that they make not an end of all things they undertake, in regard that they un­dertake too much at a time, that they Grasp more then they know how to hold and devour, more then they can di­gest.

'Tis not for want of patience, but for their too great Am­bition; nor, that they forsake the Labour for being a weary and to rest themselves, but they suspend it, or slack it in one place to attend it in another, where they think to prosper better: And as the Covetous person hath no sooner the de­sire in his heart of being rich, but he desires suddenly to be­come rich; The like is the condition of the ambitious per­son, there are no degrees for the growth of passion, 'tis great as soon as 'tis born, and he hath th'unhappinesse, that his Imagination knows not how to bound the Conquests which [Page 29]it meditates upon, nor lengthen the time, must necessarily be imployed to act them. This hath happened to the Spani­ards; It may be said, that they have found their enterprises more difficult then they were represented unto them, in ha­ving too great an opinion of their own virtue, or too little of other mens virtues. Lets come to the proof of this truth wherewith they have furnished us, and whereof they have given us cause to beware.

They observed that th'Enterprise upon England, and pre­paration for that Fleet which they called Invincible, broke the course of the Victories of the Duke of Parma; that it dray­ned Spain of Money and Men, and hindred that Prince from receiving necessary recruits to continue the War. They also acknowledged, that the journies he made into France, to re­lieve the League, had unfurnished the two Countries of their best Souldiers, and left those fair. Provinces for a prey to their Enemies which had been so long their Indyes, and since have been so long their Poverty and Church-yard.

We may indeed say here, by the way, and then we will re­turn to our subject; That Philip the second did not a little forget himselfe in these occasions, and that his Conduct was then too wise, or not wise enough. That it was not truly ill argued for the subduing of the Hollande's, first to ceaze on France, and Conquer England; to cut off at once th'Armes that supported them, and force away the Dugs which fed the Rebellion of that people. But also, that it was too vast a Design for a Prince so decayed, and a way too long and too dangerous for a person of so small strength, and short breath; That if he was transported by the zeal of th'house of God, and could not suffer Religion to perish in the first Kingdom of the world: If he was concerned in th'ill of France; and if he so vehemently loved the Church, that he could not per­mit so faire a member to be separated from her; It must be confessed, that his zeal had been commendable, if it had been more prudent. But he should have remembred that true Charity excludes not Justice; that it perverts not th'order of things; that it disorders not the duty of life; and that it hath as much light as heat, and of moderation as force: And therfore that it had been better to withdraw the people from Heresie which God submitted to him, and from rebellion wherein they were involved, then to ingage in th'affaires of his Neighbours, whereof he was not to give an Accompt, and that he was more obliged to labour the Cure of his sick subjects, then the lesser diseases of strangers. But lets speak the truth, It troubled Philip much to lose so fair an occasion as that which then presented it selfe, to gain by our disor­ders; [Page 30]And he well saw that after the French were divided into Factions, and that the Children had torn in pieces their Mother, it would be easie for him to recollect the scattered members and the pieces of th'Inheritance. That if the lost this Conjuncture, he might after in vain desire it; that the madmen might return to their senses, and that they had been corrupted by Charmes and Drenches; That they being cured might change their love into hatred, and be animated against them who had put them into that Condition.

Though the Spaniards made the forementioned reflecti­ons, they failed not to strike upon the same sands, and to re­peat their faults. Th'Emperour had incredible success in Germany; His Conquests forced in upon him like a Torrent; God sent him Victories like those of the Children of Israel, when they marched under the Conduct of Moses and Joshua, and it was no more a Caesar by name, and the vain Imagina­tion of what he ought to be, but he had the power and the majesty. His Authority gave reputation to the Spaniards. His Armies rendred them more fearfull than they were, and they saw their desires crowned with the taking of Breda, which Spinola boasted to have taken in spight of four Kings, and th'ayds of divers Nations in League: After that nothing was thought impossible for them. And notwith­standing instead of pursuing the great progress which they had made in the Low-Countties, and to follow their For­tune which marched before them; they provoked troubles in Italy, and sharpned the spirits of divers Princes, in pos­sessing themselves of the Valtoline. The usurpation of that passage gave occasion to make a league for to make it free, and the War was carryed into Piedmont, whither they con­veyed great forces, which served onely to make th'affront more eminent, which they received before Verrne, and to augment the shame of that retreat.

But they fell not alone into the precipices: They drew in the Emperour, whose name they made use of to vex Mon­sieur of Mantouë. To put I say, a poor Catholique Prince into his shirt who reverenced him; they compelled him to agree with the King of Denmark, and to make a dishonour­able peace with the Protestant Enemy. They constrained him to take the Law of the Conquered; to restore him his Losses, and to let loose the Chain which pressed all Ger­many. There's apparance, that if he had continued the de­signs he had in that Country, and those in Flanders; They had compleated His Happiness; At least they had avoided the disgraces which happened unto them; they had given no scandall to Christendom. Boldne had been preserved, and so [Page 31]Catholique a City had not entertained Heresie within its walls, nor lamented the losse of th'ancient Religion. But in this they had not onely men for Enemies, but God seemed to declare, and to make War against them; And as he suffer­ed heretofore the Philistins to take th' Ark of the Covenant, and with it the fortune of th'house of Israel; He hath also permitted that the wealth of the new world should pass into other hands then theirs: That their Fleet should be beaten, and that Heretiques whom they name Rebels, made use of the treasures against them, which were destined for th'op­pression of a Prince whom they took for their Enemy, in re­gard that he was not their subject, or ought not to be their Neighbour without depending on them. Yet, praised be God, we have been wiser; for what the King had underta­ken, his Constancy was never tyred, and He Acted not by halfs, nor laboured without Effect; no irregular passion could make diversion upon his designes: He finished all of them; He hath dissipated all th'ill humours of the State; He hath confounded the Rebellion of his subjects, and our Allies have seen all the powers of France displayed, and all the vertue of the French, to master their ill fortune, and draw them from the bottom of the pit. In that miraculous passage over the Alpes, when Italy saw her deliverer to de­scend; and that Milan durst take some free breath; and Naples think of a gentler Domination, who would not have believed that the King would have pursued his Victory, and taken in Italy a Revenge of the losses of his Auncestors? And neverthelesse by a Councell that was understood a few persons, and by an extraordinary prudence, he quirted the deceitfull appearance of good; He retired from Italy, and contented himselfe for that time to stench the blood of it, and bind up the wound, for to finish in Langnedock the Cure of an Evill that was in its Crisis, and which a greater stay might have made incureable; But of that we will make, God aiding, hereafter a discourse apart,

The Tenth Discourse.
That Princes do approve but of the Services they Command, and punish oftentimes them that are done against their Orders.

LEt a Minister of State know that he doth alwaies ill, when he acts against th'orders are given him. That in the State, good intentions are not warrantable if th'effects are not agreeable to the Prince: That the works of super­erogation are not current there, and that the services that are [Page 32]rendred, if they are not commanded, are things put to ha­zard, which are exposed to the capricious humour of a per­son interressed, and shall sometimes be condemned by him, who would be sorry if they were not done, who drawes profit from them, and hereby accommodates his affairs; so true it is, that reason of State is a strange thing, and that the Condition of men, and chiefly of publique persons is unhappy; Th'Examples will declare better then discourse which is to be observed in this matter.

The Carthaginians punished with death the Captains that had gained a battel without advice, and against the rules of War; nothing is read answerable to the jealousie the first Romans had for Command. They could not give a good countenance to the successes which were obtained with dis­obedience. And there were Fathers, who would not give life their Children, that were victorious in Combats that had been forbidden them. At the siege of Cambrey, or of Dour­lans, the Count Fuentes caused the head of a master of the Camp to be cut off, who in an assault advanced further then he was commanded, and took a post of very great Importance. And though the profits of these happy faults, and of those blind successes, remain to the Prince and Country; 'Tis cer­tain, there's cause for their punishment to hinder th'imitati­on which is often dangerous; And for th'Evill is in it, that the Judgement of a superiour should be sleighted by a parti­cular person, and his Authority violated: Amongst us, these Attempts are praised when they prosper, and they are not punished when they are unfortunate. But it is a condition inseparable from our humour, and an effect of that blind­nesse which possesseth almost all France, To neglect prudence and Order, and to have an esteem onely for Impetuosities, and to Idolize nothing but Courage.

Observe an Example very remarkable in our time, and a fault of another nature, then the prudence and love of the Country would have advised, and the Prince to whom it was of Advantage, judged it worthy of punishment. At the peace which was made 1617, by the Mediation of the King, betwixt the Republique of Venice, and the Arch-Duke Ferdi­nand, who is now Emperour; The King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy. The Republique of Venice employed Octavi­an Buon as their extraordinary Embassador, a Gentleman of great opinion among the Citizens, to manage that affair with the Gussony, their ordinary Embassadour near the King. The Instruments given to their Embassadours, commanded them not to consent to any Treaty of peace, but on condition the Galleres, which had been taken from the Venetians at Spalatre, [Page 33]by the Duke of Ossone should be restored, and that that blot was taken out from th'honour of the Republique: They had also Orders, though not so formall and express, to oppose th'union that was in forming between the two Crowns, to give joyntly the Law to Italy, and to the rest of Europe.

Neverthelesse the Spaniards, who sayl with all winds, and raise profit out of all occasions, put a great value upon th'Evidences of Esteem and Affection, they made out to the King, in submitting to him so great differences, and ex­posing of their affairs to the judgement of his Agents. But to sell this honour to him at a very dear rate, they pressed th'union whereof I have spoken; Union which they had long in their thoughts, and had sought since France was delivered of the Spanish Invasions, and had secured her selfe of their Ambushes; Union to which they aimed with the same heat they did at the Monarchy, since it was to be the Bridge to passe them safely, and the necessary principle for the ru­ine of other Christian States, and losse of their liberties.

Bentivoglio Nonce, and now a Cardinall and Protector of France, joyned his good endeavours to those of the Spanish Embassadour, in favour of that so much desired Union and fatall Intelligence.

However if that design fail, they would have peace, not being able any longer to make War: That Gradisque which the Venetians besieged, was upon its last breath; That the Duke of Savoy swollen with the reliefe was come to him from France was powerfull, and Don Petro of Toledo weak, and his Army shattered since the siege of Vercel. They would have, I say, peace, but after their manner, and upon a vain shadow of honour which they believed to have done us, and upon a light smoak of difference wherewith they thought to have intoxicated us. They would exempt themselves from Evils which hung over their heads; they would have it neverthe­lesse with vapouring and reputation; as if fortune had been propitious to them; They would have no mention made of it in the Treaty of the restitution of the Ships of the Re­publique, and that the Ships should remain with them as Trophies of a Victory, and as marks of Triumph: They promise to deliver them to the King's Officers, as a great Bounty which should be exercised for love of them, and to oblige France; They would not also that any expresse or particular mention should be made of Vercel; In regard, it was more convenient, say they, for the greatnesse and digni­ty of their Crown, to deliver up that place without Con­straint, as they promised to do, than by a Treaty of Accom­modation; [Page 34]Our Agents induced by Causes, which were then, it may be, lawfull, and which would not be indured in the generosity of the present Government, engage th'Ambassa­dors of the Republique between two extreams; They press them to sign the peace upon the foresaid Conditions, or threaten them with th'union which would have been so pre­nicious to Italy. A strange and hard necessity to which they were reduced; They desire time to informe the Senate, and to receive thereupon their pleasure. 'Tis refused, and three dayes only are given them to resolve; of the two Evils where­of Election was to be made, they chose the lesse, and accept of a shameful peace; and, contrary to their instructions, to avoid an inconveniency which contained an Evill, they had order to fly, and th'other Evills they had cause to fear, which were comprehended in th'union: They offend but for the good of the Republique: They expose their heads, but for the good of their Country: They would perish if their ruine might serve their Country. The Senate advised of what their Ambassadours had done: Condemn their proceedings, and resolve to make them examples of their Temerity: All their reasons though necessary are rejected, And if the King had not interposed his authority for the safety of the poor men, they had run the hazard of being exposed to that Justice of State which attributes so much to Conformity, that it makes no distinction betwixt the unhap­py and the guilty, and that seeks ordinarily th'advancement of the publique good in the ruine of particular persons. Certainly it was to the advantage of the Republique, to em­brace that peace, as it did, and to take it as a medicine, to cure it selfe of a greater Evill that threatned it. The Repub­lique had reason also to seem willing to preserve her Digni­ty, and for th'interest of the right of Nations, to punish her Embassadours that dared to be wiser then the Republique, and procure her good against her Prohibition.

These are onely gentle Notions, and 'tis a Conduct that ought not to hurt a Minister of State, when he is desavo­red of things treated upon by his own propensities: and a Prince may sometimes lawfully make use of the advanta­ges which befall him upon a Treaty he disavoweth, without being obliged to repair the fault which another Prince hath committed by his facility and sottishness. And it would not be thought strange, since that as well in the Commerce of Princes as of particular persons, the fortune of wise men is ordinarily made at th'expence of fools, & the good success that happens, proceeds more from the Defects, and impru­dence of them with whom they have to do, then from th'in­dustry [Page 35]and virtue of them that, obtain it. Behold an Exam­ple which happened under Lewis the twelfth, which will make clear what hath been said. It was in a season when almost all Christendom conspired against us, and when the Assauls of almost all our Neighbours were at one Time to be resisted; The most dreadfull Nation of that time was without doubt, that of the Suisses, and the greatest Enemy to this Crown. They entred into Burgundy with the body of an Army, and in great Numbers; They begin suddenly to make desolate that Province: They made dayly progress, and made no question of starving Paris, and to force Victory to its very Gates. The King sends Tremoville to allay this Tempest, and stop this impetuous inundation; He makes haste, and as he was a great person for war and business, he managed the spirit of the people with so much dexterity, that he sends them home to their Country loaden with some spoils, and promises he made them, and hopes he had given them. Th'Artifice was profitable to France, the storm that threatned it was diverted, and the stroak we could not have put back by violence, was avoided by cunning. But never­vertheless the King did not think himselfe obliged to per­forme what Tremoville had promised without his Order, nor to be warrant for th'imprudency of the Suisses, who aban­doned their present Advantages, and them that the future did infallibly promise them, for uncertain promises and vain Hopes.

When I consider the noyse which the Suisses made for the breach of that Treaty, and how odious and new that. Artifice was unto them: when I consider th'Art of deceiving, which since hath been introduced, and which shews it selfe impu­dently in th'affairs of Princes: when I consider also the le­gality used by Lewis the twelfth, in th'observation of the League at Cambray, in making Conquests for Princes that were not friends to France, and in putting them into their hands, and the maintaining of them unto them; I say unto my selfe, that the time is very unfortunate, where the vices of our Ancestors are become our virtues; where in stead of gaining knowledge, an Expedient is found to corrupt the Manners of men with reason; and where, in stead of study­ing to reconcile Virtue with Interest, and with personall love, men have so shamefully falsified and disquieted in such sort the Resentments of Good and Evill, That if Religion had not forbid us to believe it, we should be of Aristotles judgement, who doubts in some places; whether Virtues are good by nature, or by the opinion and consent of men.

It must not be forgot that there are Princes who would [Page 36]that their Ministers of State should sometimes be cruell and forsworn, provided that it were done without their know­ledge and order, They love not malice, but seek the profit that may thence arise, and are of the humour of Pompeye's Son, who was so worthy a successor of the virtue of so great a Father, and contested with Anthony and Augustus th'Em­pire of the world. This Pompey entertaining Anthony and Augustus in his Galley; the Captain which commanded it, demanded leave of him to weigh th'Anchor, and to carry away his Guests, and to make Prisoners of his Rivalls; He answered him, that he ought to have done it without telling him of it, and should have made him great without making him forsworn. Certainly an honest person will ne­ver be of the mind of this Captain. He will serve his master with his Estate and Goods, but not with his Honour and Conscience.

The Eleventh Discourse.
That a Minister of State ought to regulate his Demeanour by the interest of the State, and of his Prince; Provided that he offend not Justice.

THat a Minister of State is to conceive, that the soul of his behaviour, and the first manner of his Actions, ought to be the good of the State, and interest of his Prince, that he hath no other Law to follow, nor other way to take, and that he must never go aside; provided that Justice be not offended, which is an inviolable rule, and admits of no Exception nor Contradiction.

Particular persons may part with their Rights in many things, and make voluntary losses to act generous Actions; In that they exercise onely what belongs to them, they lose nothing but whereof they are Masters and Proprietaries, and the Damage they suffer is sufficiently requited by the glory of the good they do; But Princes, (and this the more strong­ly concerns the Ministers of State) instead of being generous in forsaking th'interest of their Countries become impru­dent; and they are unjust if they prostitute what is not theirs, and which hath been put into their hands as a sacred Deposite, by the people who have stripped themselves of it. And since their first obligation is to prevent their unhappi­nesse, who have delivered up their Liberties unto them, and have put themselves under their power: 'Tis certain, that they offend their Dignity, and sin against what they are, who suffer the loss of any Right of State, or of the diminu­tion [Page 37]of any member; and that the subjects may oppose it with Justice, and dissent without Felony; According to this Rule which is well grounded, the State of France had rea­son to hinder th'Alienation of Burgundy, and the Assignment of that Province, which Francis the first had promised for the price of his Liberty: And th'Emperour was to blame to refuse money in lieu of it, and to require of Francis, that being unable in that case to perform the Conditions of the Treaty, or overcome the resistance of his subjects; He ought to return to prison, which was, said he, the least he could do: since in all Rigour that Obligation had no force, but in the not-observance of what wholly depended upon him, and was promised fraudulently, and with intention to break promise. That, if it be permitted to a particular person, to get out of prison when he finds the door open; If it be not forbidden to a person in Chaines, to force his fetters, and to quit his misery; If some impressions of the priviledges of nature to the person escaped, may be found in the right of Nations; why should it not be commendable in a great Prince, to make use of it? Why should it be forbidden him to preserve the good gained upon a faithfull account, in re­pairing, by what is in his power, what he could not execute by being at the disposition of another.

'Tis upon this foundation, in my judgement, that Princes who finding in their States some Member thereof to have been usurped by their Predecessors, retain it in conscience, after the possession hath been long peaceable, and the occu­pation not interrupted nor contested. For in this, 'tis the Usuper that ought to answer the action, and that hath been obliged to repair th'injury that hath been committed, and the violence that hath been exercised, otherwise truly the Conditions of all Princes were miserable; They could ne­ver be assured of their States; They should be alwaies in quarrell with their Neighbours, and the peace of the world should be altered by too frequent Changes, and by eternall revolutions. It is nevertheless true, that although the re­tention be not unjust, and in Conscience be defended; yet that hinders not the just pretensions of others to those States, or that they may not also in Conscience pursue the recovery of them by Negotiation or by Arms; Provided neverthelesse, that there be no Treaty nor Agreement equall to it, by which they have renounced their right; that they have done no action contrary to it; and that so great a time be not e­lapsed, that the place be held by a formall demission of the right, and embrace the universall Consent of all Nations, and of all people in favour of the possessor. So the King may [Page 38]lawfully keep Mess, Thou, and Verdum, though these places had been unjustly taken; so we may pretend in Consci­ence to the Soveraignty of Flanders, and to the States of Mi­lan, Naples, and Navarre, since we have for that, Pretences well grounded, and undoubted Titles: that our Claimes have alwaies been made; that they are known of all the world; and that we have not by Treaty nor Action, destroy­ed the force of them; so we should be condemned to en­deavour the recovery of the losses of the first successors to Charlemaine, and to deter those quarrells whereof with dif­ficulty History hath perserved any intire impressions, or any light that were not troubled.

That if Soveraigns are bound up with so great rigour and hard Chains for the good of the people, who are their sub­jects; How much more ought the Ministers of State, and Agents whom they imployed to be bound up: And how religious ought they to be in the management of the thing that concerns so many persons, which enlargeth it selfe up­on sacred and prophane heads, and where th'interest of God mixeth with that of men; 'Tis not to be understood by what hath been said, that I would banish Liberality and Magnifi­cences from the life of Princes, and from the condition of publique persons; nor that I would cause these virtues to descend below the Thrones, and below the Purple, since they are properly there, onely in their Glory and Dignity; and that Great persons have no other advantage of mean persons that are honest men, then th'ability of doing good, which others have onely in Will and Inclination, for want of power. But there's a peculiar art in conducting of these Virtues, without which they pass easily into the nature of the Vice that is nearest to them; and resemble Torrents, which in stead of refreshing, destroy, and in pressing too hard the course of their waters, and to precipitate their fall, are pre­sently dry, and leave nothing behind them but marks of de­solation, and impressions of ruine. But thereof I shall treat in another place; Let us return to the subject from whence we parted, and give the King th'honour, that no Prince ever had more tender or lively resentments, for th'interest of his States, or for the dignity of his Kingdom, then himselfe. There's nothing so hazardous that this passion did not cause him to undertake, nor nothing so difficult that it hath not mastered. It hath made him change th'apparance of things, such as appeared impossible, have been affected; and th'Evils which were believed desperate, have found their remedies and Cure. He had no rest till he had made himselfe master of all his Subjects, and he hath constrained them to be faith­ful, [Page 39]who knew not to obey so long as they could defend themselves. He went abroad in all places where our Interests lay: The relations of blood concerned him not so much as those of his Crown: All other Duty hath given place to that of Regality, and he hath the content to have rendred unto it intirely, the two things that maintain it, Reputation and Power.

But 'tis not to be forgot, that God hath raised a Person to second his great and just inclinations, who having an under­standing and virtue above the Ordinary of men, hath im­ployed all his wit and virtue for his Masters Greatness and Glory; He laid aside the consideration of a particular Ca­pacity, so soon as he became a publique person; nothing could divert him from doing his Prince good service: He feared not the hatred of great persons, nor the bitings of the people. And he kept his way and pace at well through the contradictions and resistance was made him, as through th'ac­clamations received, and the prayers given him. Then also when he might have landed after a glorious Voyage, when Envy was silent, and reduced to observe the future; finding nothing in his past Actions for reproof, but for Commenda­tion, when he might have enjoyed the sweetnesse of that Rest which attends happy troubles, and honourable labours. He would not, because it was necessary for us; that all for­raine winds were not laid, and that disturbances were busie amongst our Neighbours and Allies. He chose rather to com­mit a full and entire glory, as his was, to the hazards of the future alwayes doubtfull, and subject to revolutions, than to permit his Master and Country to desire his care and aid; And that which is most admirable, is, that his love so neces­sary, and duty so inviolable, have sometimes prevailed with him to suspend resentments which troubled him nearer then his personall preservation, which were dearer to him then his life, and which he preferred to all his fortune at Court, and to all the greatness of the world. In pursuance of this, I say also what concerns the manners of particular persons and their Government; Charity commands us to lay out on them the best Colours, and most favourable Interpretations. But when the question is of the good of States and Interest of Princes, a greater severity of Judgement must be used. All appearances of Evill must be attended with distrust, and divers expedients must be used to avoid surprises, and to secure against Ambushes. The reason is, that 'tis not per­mitted to commit small faults in such great and general mat­ters, and that the will doth not engage to prepare us against deceit, when a great opinion is had of the honesty of the [Page 40]persons that are to be treated withall. But if precaution be at any time necessary, and if there be need at any time of preservatives against so subtill and piercing a contagion; 'tis principally in that season, when Treachery makes a part of politique Prudence, and where the simplicity of them who suffer the surprise, is more shamefull then the perfidy of them that deceive to their own advantage; Add th'Arti­fices that are imployed to disguise it, and the subtilties which have been invented to represent it under another name then its own, and cause it to pass under shews contrary to its na­ture; insomuch that though it be alwaies condemned by the mouth, and in Coversations, I doe not see nevertheless that 'tis cast out of the commerce of Princes, and use of affaires, but by th'event when it proves fatall; let us con­clude then, that in these occasions diffidence is the Mother of safety; and not to be deceived, preparation must be made as if it were to be expected.

The Twelfth Discourse.
That a Minister of State ought endeavour to make his Deport­ments more Profitable than Eminent.

THat a Minister of State ought to be a stranger to th'Ap­prehensions of the vulgar, that he ought not to be subject to the weakness of Low spirits, nor to touch upon th'ob­jects which entertain them. That he know how to make dif­ference betwixt the reality and apparance of things; be­twixt the solidity and the brightnesse; that he prefer not Glass before Gold; because th'one is more shining and lumi­nous, and th'other more dark: He must not value so much the colours of the Bow in heaven, which are but a beam of light fixed for an hour in some drops of water thickned in th'air, as the firm lasting Colour of the Ruby, Emerode, and Opale. He must make a noble expence when it shall be neces­sary, and be splendid on important occasions, and appear for th'honour of his Master; He must not neglect th'occasions whose principall Quality resides in Magnificency: As the Embassies that are made upon the coming in of a King, up­on the Crowning of a Pope, for an alliance or a marriage; but let him not fall sick upon such expences, nor be transported, nor make it the greatest Ornament of his conduct, and choy­sest expression of his life, nor fix his greatness upon a tran­sitory Pomp, nor his glory upon a Magnificence that flyeth away; and above all to beware, that instead of being magni­ficent he become not prodigall; for as Vice cannot be made [Page 41]beautifull what Ornaments soever are put upon it. 'Tis cer­tain, that the people are provoked when a vain ostentation is made of their substance, and a triumph of their sweats and pains. They are amazed and at a stand; but in the same manner as they behold the pulling down of Temples, and th'overflowings of Rivers: Wise persons are troubled, when the principal force of the State is dissipated, the securi­ty of peace, and th'instrument of War, which is Money, in superfluous expences, since there's never enough for the necessary occasions.

The things which I have said, are chiefly in relation to the people, which astonish and ravish them, at the instant they make them afraid. There are other things also which touch upon the great Spirits, and transport th'highest Courages; Such are th'Arms of War, and th'objects of Valour: There's no virtue in th'opinion of the greatest part of men more in esteem than this, and no matter is more acceptable for Conversati­on, nor any Entertainment more bewitching, then th'effects of War; wherefore Historians shun the times of peace and dead seasons, as Mariners do the gentle seasons and calms of the Sea; on the contrary, they triumph in War, and in Tu­mults; the Seditions and Insurrections of the people, are the lights of their writings; and their fairest subjects and most excellent Arguments, are raised upon the Ruine of Empires, and the death of great persons; wherefore they that frequently read Tacitus, do not so much fix upon the subtilties and deceits of State, whereof his Books are full beyond pro­bability; at upon the routing of the Roman Legions; upon the Revolts of Armies against their Generalls, upon th'inunda­tion of the Sea, and wrack of Fleets; Th'Art of Tiberius to govern, is not read with so much pleasure; nor the Artifices of Sejanus to establish himselfe, as the poysoning of Germa­nicus, or the violent death of Seneca; The dexterity practi­sed by Tiberius, in the name of Sejanus, is not so earnestly considered, and the subtil and captious Letter he wrote to the Senate to be rid of him, and whereof he was an Hearer; as the punishment of a person who had raised his Statues to the side of his Masters, and th'overthrow of that Colossus, who had commanded all th'Earth. 'Tis not, sayeth Aristotle, that Valour is the first of all Virtues, or that Justice is not to be preferred before it; but that it acts with more boldness then other Virtues, and is exercised in surmounting of dan­gers, and in despising of death. 'Tis reasonable that the Re­compence that is due to it from abroad, be the greater and the more eminent; that it be Crowned with Glory, and they that give their Lives to the service of their Princes, and to the [Page 42]good of their Country, obtain another life not subject to perish; and to be preferred in the memory of men, and to flourish alwaies in the mouthes of the Renowned.

Though these things here do raise admiration, and that the spirit of man which attends naturally actions of Eminen­cy, layes out excessive love upon them, though a Minister of State ought to esteem them highly, and honour the Con­duct when it shall be necessary; yet he ought to proceed further, and know that there are more silent and concealed operations, which are better then th'others, because they are more usefull for the publique, and want of that out­ward recompence; Time onely discovers them, in regard that secrecy is their principall Condition, and the wise one­ly consider them according to their merit, because they make but little noyse, & touch not upon the senses which make up the reason of the people; They resemble the Rivers, which running gently from the womb of their Center, fill the fields with fruitfulness, and Cities with abundance; or the motions of the Heavens, whith being almost undiscernable, turn upon the Earth the power of the Sun, and the wealth of the Stars.

To foresee th'evills which may befall a State; to prepare preservatives to hinder their growth; to suppress the Cau­ses before they have produced their Effects, are things very little considered: And yet a greater Obligation is due to a Physitian, that preserves the health from all sorts of Altera­tion, than to him that restores the health when it is lost; A greater Debt is due to him that hinders a person from fal­ling, then to him that draws him from a precipice; And 'tis a better and more difficult thing to preserve a State, then to Conquer it: The preservation of the Creatures is as noble and excellent a work of God's, as their Creation. They are both of the same price, and th'one is but the continuation of th'other. But it is not the same in Conquests and preserva­tion of States; The first are not gained but by pieces; one Province is added to another, and there's need of severall Ages, and of great Revolutions of things, before a Monar­chy can attain the Greatness that composeth it. But the second takes notice of the whole frame of an Empire, no part is exempted, and the pieces which have been made one after another, ought to move together as in a Watch, and to point out th'hours. The glory of Conquests is derived from many Causes, many Persons contribute to it; Fortune interposeth as well as Virtue; and the faults committed by Enemies, do advance them as much as the Conduct of the persons that obtain them. But the conservation, is th'effect [Page 43]of a single person, or the work of a few persons: Impru­dency enters not there but to destroy, and confound, and the door of Hazard, and so all th'Avenues of Fortune, is as strong­ly shut as it can be locked. It Conquests, force mingles with prudence, and the Body acts with th'understanding; but in Conservation, Reason onely is employed, and Wisdom the noblest of her habits.

In a word, great Princes have found the last of these things more difficult then the first; Augustus endured much labour before he could confirm the Empire his Uncle left him, and it was not done without changing the face of the world, and without seeing all Nations armed against one another; That he reunited the body that was divided into three pieces. But he was so much troubled to maintain that Composition, and to govern that Frame when he became absolute, that he had it in deliberation amongst his friends, whether he ought to strip himselfe of so weighty a greatness, or bear it with the inseparable Cares and Thorns that are fastned unto it; Some have been found, who having tryed the weight, and rusted the bitterness, have chosen rather to abandon it, & cast themselve upon the quiet of a private life, then alwaies to be encum­bred with a multitude of Persons and croud of Businesse. There are some who have given the lie to that common opi­nion which Ambition hath invented, That an Empire can no more receive a Companion, than the World two Sunt, and have per­mitted others to share with them in a thing so full of jealou­sie as Commands, and so incommunicable as Soveraignty. The Conduct of Tiberius for peace hath not been lesse admi­red, nor th'Artifices he used in his Age, lesse exactly obser­ved by the Historians, then the Wars he made in his youth, and th'evidences of Valour which he gave in his most flou­rishing time. The life of one of our Kings Which deserved the Sirname of Wise, is not less considerable then the lifes of them who have carried the Titles of Conquerors; and a Prince our Neighbour, hath given him this praise, that no King ever raised fewer Armies, and that no person ever gave him so much disturbance. The Difficulties wherewith he was assaulted both within and without; th'Artifices he was constrained to resist; the Conspiracies from which he was to be secured, and th'Enterprises of strangers, which he made uselesse by his prudence, delivered him to posterity, worthy of a Title which hath been given to meaner persons, as that of the Great.

Few Princes had greater Affairs in hand then Lewis the eleventh, or more Enemies; His principal Officers betray­ed him; the Princes of the blood forsook him; He saw Eng­land, [Page 44]Burgundy, Flanders and Bretany, in confederacy for his Ruine, and yet his dexterity surmounted those difficulties; He overcame his Enemies without conducting of Armies, or giving of Battails, and without making much noyse of eminent Attempts; He defeated all that was raised to de­stroy him; but never person was more to be feared in the Cabinet, nor had done greater things abroad, without stir­ring from home, then Philip the second. From th'Escuriall where he had shut up himselfe; He governed two Worlds, with three fingers of Paper. He was also as absolute in Peru, as in the Kingdom of Castile; with three words he changed the Governours, and deposed the Magistrates in America, and in Japan; And 'tis certain that never Prince was lesse seen of his subjects, nor more respected by them than he was.

According to what hath been said, 'tis not possible to sup­pose a more eaven Conduct, or more intelligent then that of of Sr. the Cardinal's. He never offends against the convenien­cie of things, and his Intelligence is so pure, and Reason so cleare, that he assigns them alwaies their just price and place; He is magnificent, and spends with Eminency; not that he hath no esteem naturally for wealth, or hath never adored th'Idoll of the Court, and the mean favours of Fortune; but because prudence hath so ordained it, and that his Occa­sions and Dignity require it. He makes not nevertheless that glorious dispensation, and high use of Riches, which is but for shew, and th'exterior; the Basis of his honour, or foun­dation of his glory. He knows that all prodigalls have more desire to spend then himselfe, and that publique Robbers have sometimes been seen in great States, who have had more power. But for th'other Imployment, which is the love of great Courages, which is th'Ornament of th' Annales, and Histories, and which hath made the greatest part of the Gods, th'Ancients have adored; It hath occasioned in him a great contest of body and mind, and he hath not forgot the thing might make him to prosper in it. 'Tis true, that he was furnished with the principles which accompany a noble blood, and an Illustrious Birth: 'Tis true, that his Reason, and the lights of his Understanding, have compleated that Disposition for all sorts of Good, which nature hath infused into him; notwithstanding it must be avowed that he fol­lowed such a profession of life, as had restrained those ge­nerous Inclinations, and hindred the seeds to grow; If they had not been raised up by his love to the King, and to the necessities of his Country.

But he loved his Master too well, to stay in the Calm whilst [Page 45]he was in the storm; and he was too sensible of th'evills of France, to give onely his Counsells for its reliefe, and to suffer the Remedies to be applyed by other hands than his. The things which have been done in the Wars, where he was present, are incredible, and prosperity will be puszled to be­lieve the wonders which happened in our time. But it must be confessed also, that in these Occasions he did not onely contribute his Courage, and the force of his soul, but blend­ed also that secret Art and insensible Address, which is the highest degree of Civill science, and the perfection of Mini­stration. And as th'encounter of two Stars of different qua­lities, produceth here below effects which would not happen without that mixture, and confusion of Virtues; 'Tis cer­tain also, that th'Industry which Sr. the Cardinall added to the Power, hath advanced the Kings Victories, and made them easie. It mollified th'hearts which could not have been broken but with great difficulty; It opened the Gates of Cities, where it had been dangerous to have entred by Breaches; it spared blood that was not to be despised, and an infinite number of lifes which have not been unprofitable to the State.

What hath not this Art done in the midst of peace, and in the quiet of affairs? how many designs, which had been fa­tall to France, have been stifled in their Conception? How many storms diverted at the very instant that the matter be­gan to gather? and how many ill affections have remained barren for having been prevented? And abroad and amongst our Neighbours, hath not the same Art made discovery of its virtue and influence? It hath disappointed the subtilties of Italy, from doing of us any harm; That th'Artifices of Spain have not surprised us, and that we have surmounted the prudence of strangers as well as their forces. That Prince beyond the Mountains that lived so many yeares, and raign­ed so long time, who alwaies repaired his weaknesse with his Crafts and his Courage; and deceived Fortune so often, that had made it her design to destroy him; had the dis­pleasure to see his Charmes defeated, his Finesses discover­ed; and all that inverted upon him, which an experience of above fifty years, and the vivacity of his spirit, had furnish­ed him with, of inventions to hurt us; The Spaniards, who have alwaies such plenty of means to attain their Ends, who set such subtill and invisible Twigs to catch other Nations, and have often finished in their Treaties the designs began in their Wars, were amazed to find a person so subtil as them­selves; And, as the covetous persons believe they have lost [Page 46]all they do not gain, the Spaniards have complained that they were deceived, when they saw that we knew how to hinder their deceit.

The Thirteenth Discourse.
That 'tis of Importance that a Minister of State be Learned.

SInce this elose Art, whereof we have now spoken, is so pro­fitable for States, and gives sometimes such extraordinary stroaks; since its hidden influences are so powerfull; since that its secret virtue is so active: Lets see a little from what spring is runs, and with what forces 'tis accompanied. There's no question, but for this as for all great Actions, the birth must be happy; Th'aspects of the Stars must be favourable, and Nature propitious to us, otherwise 'tis to la­bour in vain. If it be contrary to us, 'tis to build without a foun­dation, 'tis to sow seeds on the Rocks; or, at best, 'tis to row against the stream of a rapid River. When Nature and Birth have distributed their Gifts and Advantages, there are two things which help to gain this Art, and to forme it, Learning and Experience. We have treated thereof in the first Discourse of this Book. But in regard the first of them is ordinarily too little esteemed by them who make no use of it, but as an unprofitable moveable, and superfluous Or­nament. And that 'tis sometimes too much neglected by them, who have great Obligations upon them to be fur­nished with it. Who have no motions but what are accom­panied with publique Interest; no passions but such as are fatall to a State, and whose faults resemble the irregularities of the Sun which confound th'Harmony of the World, and make a totall change in Nature: It may not be superfluous, besides what hath been said in other places, to raise it here a little, and to withdraw it from the disdain which some would throw upon it.

The aneient Romans, whose least praise is, that they have not been imitated by any other Nation. They who were ordained to Govern the Common-wealth, that commanded all the world; They who had Commission to lead Armies, and subdue free people, became hearers of the Rhetoricians, and Disciples of the Philosophers: And though in the first Times, and golden Age of that Republique, the study of Sciences was not known, and that the persons of that time were instructed onely by Nature, and had no other Precepts to live well and to well, but th'Examples of their prede­cessors [Page 47]and fellow Citizens. Though old Cato who deserved all the praise of a person born for the good of others; who in his Country gained all th'honours of Peace and War; who raised the question, whether he was a better Citizen or greater Captain, seems to have been an Enemy to men of Letters; The Judgement neverthelesse of a single per­son, nor the Consent of a few Ages, are not even infallible, nor the soveraign Rule of the truth of things.

'Tis true, that there are Sciences so superfluous, and occu­pations of the Understanding so frivolous, that the losse of time is the least Evill committed by them that make their Address; which do not onely puszle but corrupt; which divert from Action dissipate the powers of the soul; fill it with effeminate Habits, and make a man sometimes unable to serve the publique, or to be usefull to himselfe. And such were the Sciences from which no doubt Cath endeavoured to divert the Romane youth. But as for other Sciences that form th'understanding and refine Prudence; which rectifie Manners, and regulate the Duties of life; that fortifie Cou­rage, and kindle the desires of Glory; He could never have consented, as I conceive, to the banishment of them from Rome, if they had been there taught, he would not have driven away the Socratians, the Platonists, th' Aristotelians, and th'other Masters of human kind, as he did the Greek Ora­tors; He would have known that from their Schools, did issue th' Epimanendas's, the Xenophons, and th' Alexanders; He had known that the Republiques called for them in Order to re­formation, and that Tyrants sent for them to secure their Do­minion, and to make lawfull the countenance of a power whose beginning was unjust.

That if Ages sometimes have produced great persons for Peace and War, who became such without th'ayd of Scien­ces, and the lights of Philosophy; If the Gothes could not en­dure in their Country th'exercise of Learning. If some Pagan Emperours have judged it for the best Expedient to take a­way the hearts from Christians, to leave them that sullen contemplation, and that languishing Entertainment; And if Lewis the Eleventh would not suffer his Son to learn above five or six Latine words, which he believed to include the whole secret of Government, and to comprehend all the substance of that Art. As to the first, it must be confessed, that they were the strains of Nature which fortune favours; that they were persons of very good common sense, and of very high Courage, and compleated by th'use of Affairs, and managment of Wars which they governed: Such have been the Marians, the Tamberlaines, and the first Romanes [Page 48]whereof we have above spoken. But it must be also acknow­ledged, that if study had been added to the rich gifts of Na­ture, and if Philosophy had cleared their understandings, that their valour had been fairer, and their glory more emi­nent; That it had not been stained with so many faults as it was, and that their valour so high and happy in their Youth, for being rooted in the body, had nor failed, nor departed in Age, as it hapned to some of them.

That if th'health of the Common-wealth changed, when Sciences flourished much at Rome, and if it fell in a time when its Captains were Philosophers; Philosophy for that Cause must not be charged with it. You must not condemn th'innocent, nor believe that she who laboured to moderate the passions, and to purge the soul of its blots and weakness, did infuse that violent Disire to raign, and that immoderate Ambition, which could not be restrained, neither by the inclinations of blood, nor by the love of their Country. This great disorder then proceeded from the temper of cer­tain spirits, who after they had a long time commanded in those Provinces, and given Lawes to the people, could not reduce themselves to equality, and civill obedience, nor suf­fer Companions and Masters. Moreover that whilst the Ro­mans were imployed, and that stranger Enemies exercised them at home, they thought onely of subduing or defending themselves. But since all the world yeelded to their Virtue, or submitted to their Power; that with the Conquest of the World, the wealth of all Nations was brought to Rome: That great persons made many servants and parties in the midst of the City, and in the Provinces: That Prodigality and Luxury had devoured the best Families, and that the change of state had given hopes of the change of fortune to them, who could not be worse then in their present Condition; no wonder at the disorders that hapned. It must not be thought strange if Factions were raised where Ambition was so hot: if Novelty was desired, where there was so much Poverty, and so much Wealth: and if the Ruine of one of the parties was attended with the ruine of the State, where the power that was shared became absolute by victory.

As to the second, it may be agreed, that for the simple fun­ction of Souldiers, 'tis not of importance that they be furnish­ed with knowledge and Learning. And 'tis true, that those Qualities which ordinarily swell up th'understanding and make it overflow; weaken obedience which is so necessary for them, and render them lesse tractable for commands; chiefly if they have not a great opinion of their Comman­ders; which they have but seldom, because they have too [Page 49]much for themselves. Besides that presumption which ari­seth to them from the small advantages which Letters give them above others that have them not; causeth, them not to expose themselves willingly but upon th'eminent occasions, and that they scorn to apply themselves to mean and small Factions, which are often a great occasion for great Execu­tions, and to obtain the Victory. Wherefore Lodowith Sforza, who by his Ambition overthrew the peace of Italy, and o­pened the door to Strangers, who have since subdued it, said, That a great Wit made an ill Condition in a Souldier, and that he received not easily into his service them who were proud of it: 'Tis true also, that it infinitely concerns States that are obli­ged to entertain great Armies, and are jealous of the Re­putation of Commerce, without which they become poor, and the Revenue of the Prince decayes; That there be not so great a number of Scholers, as are seen in France; That irregular number of men who cast themselves into the Church, ir into th'exercise of Justice, is the cause that such formidable Armies, as heretofore cannot be raised, and that many who would make good Merchants, and their Families to flourish, if they had been bred in Trade, ruine or incommodate them, by becomming ill Doctors, and dan­gerous or unprofitable Members of the Court of Justice.

For what concernes Lewis th'Eleventh, it must not be un­derstood that his opinion comprehends all the duty of a Prince, and all the knowledge of Government it makes but a little and dangerous party, and that there are nobler Maximes for Raigning, and more exalted Principles, than dissimulation. And truly the seeds of good which were in his Son, remained imperfect for want of improvement. His Courage that was high, wanted Rule and Conduct, and his Understanding had not force enough to resist the Corrupti­on of them, that had invironed him, and the designs of his Ministers of State, who ruined his businesse to doe their own.

The Fourteenth Discourse.
That 'tis of importance that a Minister of State be Eloquent.

YOu have what I would say in defence of Letters, which help to forme th'Art of a Minister of State, and some­times serve for a Guid, and Torch, to them who are to walk ofton in the dark, and amongst Precipices. It remaines now to speak a word of Eloquence, which is as th'hand of that [Page 50]Art and Instrument wherewith it enters the hearts, stirs up the passions, gives to things the form she pleaseth, and ren­ders her selfe Mistress of Men and Businesses. 'Tis a quality of an incomparable perfection which requires all the favours Nature can bestow upon a Body and Wit: All the polish­ings that Labour and Industry can bring unto it, and all that good Custome and Experience can adde unto it. 'Tis so full also of Glory, that 'tis never exposed to Disdains, as some­times the Sciences are. She makes her selfe to be feared, if not to be beloved; she hath Lightnings as well as Crowns. She raigns in all places, and to that height, that she under­takes to change the order of Providence, and to take away the use of Liberty from the Causes, to which God had gi­ven it.

This Quality then which cannot be perfect, nor in its true Dignity without Virtue and Philosophy, is worthy of the Cares of a Minister of State. It wonderfully adornes Peace, and is of great service in time of War. 'Tis by her power that th'Ancient Orators protected the Innocency of particu­lar persons, and defended oppressed Provinces. 'Tis by her force, that the fall of States hath been sometimes prevented; and fatall Conspiracies dissipated. 'Tis by her, that Cicero me­rited honours, which he preferred to the Triumph of Con­querors. And by her, he pretends to have place amongst the Founders and Restorers of the first Common-wealth of the world. 'Tis she that hath often secured the Victories that were doubtfull; that hath given courage to the Souldiers that had lost it; that struck fire and boldnesse into the souls of them who compelled Fortune to favour them, and that would die or overcome.

And without speaking of Xenophon, of Caesar, and of the greatest Captains of Antiquity; who have gained in the Modern Ages a higher and clearer Reputation than Scander-beg than the great Captain, and than Gaston of Foix? And is it not true that these three great persons have alwaies be­gun to prepare the Victory by Discourse, and by perswasion, which after they compleated by Conduct and Valour, In ef­fect, it is no small favour which God hath done to the rea­sonable soul, by giving it power to communicate its thoughts, and to bring to light its affections; And Speech is a present of an extraordinary price, wherewith she may distribute part of her excellencies: She can give without losse, and make rich without becoming poor; she can see the Treasures abroad she hath within her selfe, the Lights that beautifie her, and those admirable Representations whereof she is at the same time the Painter and the Table: [Page 51]And 'tis for that chiefly, that she hath received so exquisite a Guift: For in relation onely to the Body, and the single ne­cessities of th'animall life, 'Tis probable that Nature would have given it certain signs, and some exterior Motions to ex­press them, as it hath done to Beasts and little Children. But as health of it selfe is a silent good, and is scarce felt, if pleasure do not animate it, and delight give it life; so the Dignity of Speech is unknown, if it be not accompanied with Graces, and expressed with Pomp.

It seems that Reason scorns to go abroad unless she be a­dorned; that she hath no force without allurements; and effects Complaisancy, that she may be useful: And 'tis Elo­quence, and that divine faculty whereof we speak, which fits and trims Reason to so high an Admiration; 'Tis she that doth furnish her with Flowers and Ornaments; 'Tis she that causeth Reason not onely to bring Light to be understood, but also stirs up Love to be followed.

I will not speak here of the knowledge of Sr. the Cardinal, nor of the wonder, that laying out so much time for Action and Directions for publique Affairs, there should remain to him any time for his study, and for to gain that generall knowledge he hath of all good things. It were also to be ignorant of his strength and dignity of his subject To speak of his Eloquence, it were to seek light from the Sun, to un­dertake the publishing of that Divine Faculty which is every day admired in Councills: which hath so eminently appeared in Assemblies, done so great services to France, and hath so often by his Mouth and Pen made the Christian truths to Triumph. 'Tis such, and his soul is so strangely imbued, that as there are places in the world, from whence nothing is taken, but what is perfumed and odoriferous; In liker manner, even the most familiar Discourses, and ordi­nary Entertainments of Sr. the Cardinall, hold forth some Tincture, and give some taste of the virtue fo that excel­lent quality.

The Fifteenth Discourse.
That the Councill of a Prince ought to be composed a few persons.

'TIs of importance that the Councill of a Prince be re­duced to a few Heads, so as they be well chosen; and that the number be not the Evidence of his Dignity, but the Merit and Virtue of his Counsellors. Unity is the last mea­sure of the perfection of things; and the first of all Beings, [Page 52]is the most single of all others. This Being is God himselfe, who without suffering Division of Parts, or mixture of Qua­lities, is infinitely perfect within, and infinitely active without, and by a power infinitely pure, and infinitely single, and without th'adjunction of any forraine virtue, hath pro­duced the wonders we see, and that variety of subjects which are united to make the world: And without him the most noble Natures, and most excellent, are the least com­posed and the most indivisible; And we rejoyce much more in a sight not limited in th'extents of its objects, and that can know all the colours of Nature, and the Figures of all Bodies; then if we had as many eyes as the visible Objects are divers, and Colours different in nature.

So, if it were permitted to make faire Dreams and magni­ficent Wishes, it were to be desired that a Prince alone should make up his Councill: That he were the sole Director of his business; That he were the sole intelligence to give it mo­tion, and that he alone held the Helme, and handled the Scepter. But insomuch that such a Prince was never seen, and that th'Idaea remaines in th'head of Xenophon, that Histo­ry doth not propose the like to us; that th'imperfection of humane things suffers it not;Lewis the Eleventh. and that he who boasted that his Horse carried him and all his Councill, did sometimes commit such enormous faults and foolish errours, that all the world takes notice of them. A Prince ought at least so to order his business, that his power be not loose, that it en­large not, and be restrained to a few persons, that it may be the more active and absolute, and its operation the more nim­ble and efficacious. But that the goodness of this order may appear the better, and th'advantages that accrew to a State, where it is observed to be the more evident; It may not be amiss to demonstrate it by the comparison of other formes of Government which are more disunited, and where the Authority to resolve businesse is more dilated; for the things of this world do appear best by opposition; the shadow quickens the colours and the Lights; Recovery from sick­nesse is more agreeable then health: and there's no good that would not lose one halfe for its just price, if there were no evill contrary to it; I will say upon the subject in hand, a word of the Republique of Venice, of that of the Suisses, and of the Government of the Polaques, which is a mixt kind of Government, and composed of Aristocracy and Monarchy.

I think that no Republique was ever established with so great Wisdome, or that received Orders more apt to attain th'ends of a civill life, which is the happinesse of Inhabi­tants, then that of Venice: 'Tis not but that some have [Page 53]made a greater noyse in the world, and whose Empire hath been more enlarged, & Dominion more glorious. But as the greatest bodies, and of highest stature, are not ever the soundest; and as the vastest buildings are not alwaies the firmest: so the good policy of a State, and the goodnesse of its Composition, is not to be judged by th'extent of the Country it enjoys, & by the great quantities of Earth and Sea it commands; so whosoever considers the duration of the Republique of Venice, and its quiet for 1200 years, and ob­serves that it hath never been strongly agitated within, and hath felt but a leight intestine sedition; may easily conclude that the Noble parts have been very sound, and that the Foundations are very deep and solid: And though of late it may seem that her Forces are diminished, that her best condition is past, and that the violence of some strange cause hath blasted the beauty of her Countenance; there's no mat­ter of astonishment, nor any great wonder that old Age should produce wrinckles; that what is mortall should be sometimes sick; that the strong should offend the weak: and that Prudence should not alwayes be Mistress of For­tune, nor good events the necessary effects of good Counsels.

Though this be thus, yet there's some change to be wish­ed, as to the manner of their Treating, and resolving th'af­faires of that Republique; and 'tis a great mischief, that they are carryed through so many Assemblies, and pass by so ma­ny Heads, whereof the Senate is composed; the Secret which is never very safe with a multitude, hath much ado to be there preserved; Length is unavoydable there, and many times Fortune flies away, and good occasions are lost; whilst they deliberate, and before they have concluded. Heretofore in pressing-matters, and where dispatch was requisite, and Secrecy extraordinarily necessary, they were treated, and resolved in a Councell, which they called of Ten, with the same force and Authority as in the Senate. But they have since judged, that the supream Authority, attributed to Ten persons in matters regarding the whole State, was of too dangerous a consequence, and that that Order might in time by th'Ambition, and by th'Artifices of particular persons, degenerate into a pure Aristocracy, and corrupt th'essence of their Government, which is blended of three others.

From thence may be seen the fatality of humane things; that the good is ever accompanied with some evill, and that nothing is so well accomplished, as not in some part to be defective. Of all sorts of Government, under which the world rowls, the most excellent are not exempt from spots. 'Tis not, but that they who invented them, foresaw th'incon­veniences: [Page 54]but that they could not do better, nor provide a Remedy, where none was to be had. Prudence is not so often imployed in choosing the greatest Good, as in avoiding the greatest Evills; and as we see in the Composition of the humane body, that there are but a few parts capable of pleasure, and which touch upon the pleasant Objects: and that on the Contrary, all parts are exposed to grief, and to share Resentments; so it happens that in all other things, th'evill enters by more wayes then the good, and finds more places to make its impression, and exercise its violence. If this be to be seen in all of Nature, and if it be an experience which passeth even to Beasts; it ought not to be thought strange, if in a matter so mixed and so confused, as States are, and where Fancies so different, and Inclinations so va­rious, do enter; if the pure good be not there found, nor such a perfection as no sort of vice can alter: Let's go on.

As to the Common-wealth of the Suisses, 'tis a sort of Go­vernment very loose, and in some measure tumultuous; The Bond that tyes them, is not stronger than that which joyns the Leagues; and there's onely this difference; that they do but ordinarily pass, and have no durable cause; that they are not good, but to repell an Evill suddenly fallen upon some of the Confederates, and which threatens the rest of them; or to prevent some storm and inundation of some great approaching power; But so soon as the danger is over, or that th'oppression is taken away, they fall of themselves, and go out for want of aliment and matter.

Of this I will treat at length in the second Part of this Work. But th'Union of the Suisses cannot perish nor dissolve, but by an outward violence; It hath an everlasting founda­tion, which is jealousie of Liberty; and though they dwell onely in Rocks, and that poverty stirs not from their houses; yet they would not change their Condition, which appears not so ugly, but that there's great cause for them to be in love with it, and to believe that the Wealth which Nature hath denyed their Country, is plentifully repaired by the In­dependency wherein they have fixed themselves, and by the Freedom under which they live. Their Policy then, which is at greater distance with Unity, that that of the Venetians, is by consequence more imperfect, and hath greater Incon­veniences: Secrecy is not to be found in their Meetings; the Convocation is made with extream tediousness: Their Resolutions are not taken but very late. And besides th'error which is common to all Assemblies, To dispute much, and conclude little; 'Tis certain the variety of Religions where­with they are now in labour, causeth that when the Dyets are [Page 55]composed of all the Cantons, that interests more opposite, and passions more opinionated are brought, than heretofore were practised; And it hath been seen, and we have made very troublesome experiences; that when our Forces were not fully known to us, and that our Infantry was almost raised out of Suisses; that the services were so slowly made, and came so late to us, that very often we lost fair Occasions, or received notorious hints before we were in condition to re­sist or undertake; And that is one of the Reasons which obliged Francis the first, to establish Legions in the respective Provinces, to have the Body of an Army of French Infantry alwayes in readinesse, and not to depend, when he had a mind to Arm, upon th'humours of that heavy Nation, and fancies of so brutish and mercenary a people.

The Government of Poland is not a pure Monarchy, as I have said, but a mixt body composed of Aristocracy and Royalty. The King cannot deliberate any thing, not under­take any thing for Peace or War, without th'Assembly of Nobles. This Constitution is subject to a thousand incon­veniencies, and by reason of the tediousnesse it brings with it, 'tis at least certain it can never receive the Designs, where success depends upon the Promptitude, and where Executi­on ought to surprise and be Suddain, that it may be Happy; 'tis an Enemy to Secrecy, which is necessary to guide safely all sorts of Enterprises. It gives means to enemies, to use pre­vention, or to expect with Advantages, and to provide a­gainst the Tempest they see coming, and which grumbles and makes a noyse before it breaks out: There's nothing so ea­sie as to steal-in Corruption and Schisme, and 'tis impossible in so numerous and irregular Collection of men, as compose their Assemblies, that all parts should be sound and un­alterable; and that all the Members should agree upon the generall good of the Body, so composed. In a word, no great or extraordinary thing is to be expected from this kind of Policy, and the Polaques ought not to think of Conquests, or to extend by War Bounds of their Country, so long as they govern themsemselves in that manner. On the con­trary, they have often suffered great losses, and received no­torious outrages from the Turk, from the Muscovites, and particularly from the Tartars, before they could draw their Forces together to repell them, and fight them upon their retract. And if Nature, or rather the Corruption of Man­kind, had not raised other Thiefs, which are called Cosaques; They would suffer yet more invasions, and more suddain Enterprises from their first mentioned Enemies. But it seems that these Cosaques are the Counter-poyson, and Remedy, [Page 56]and often exchange it with them, and run with ruine and desolation into their Country, and even into the Domini­ons of the Turk who protects them.

And though it be thus, that this Policy hath so remark­able faults, It would be a difficult matter to reform it: The naturall Inclination which the Septentrionalls have for li­berty, would make there a great resistance, and I doe not think that there's a benefit, which th'absolute and inde­pendent Authority of the King could promise to the Po­laques, which would in their opinion equalize the pleasure and profit they find in being above their King; to do justice to themselves; to provide by their own hands against the evils that hurt them. And in a word, to taste of the soveraignty and absolute power. To speak freely, there are precipices on what side soever you look, and both extremities are attended with its Commodities, and hath its Flowers and Thornes. And as th'Aristocratique and mixed Government is a bridle to Princes that would abuse their Authority, and hinders them to exceed: 'Tis true also, that when they have good Understanding, and an upright Will, the condition of their subjects is better them otherwise it would be; and the affairs of State breathe more wholsome Air, and take safer Course. All nevertheless being well examined, the best expedient is that every person live conformable to the Laws and Customs of his Country were he dwels; That he love the forme of Government which is there established; that he observe the Policy there in use; and conceive that Change is the worst of all Evills that can be there introduced which almost ne­ver enters without violence, and ever almost tears up that which it would take from its place.

First Discourse.
That a Compleat Minister of State ought to be able for Counsell, and for Execution; and ought to have a free power particularly for the War.

T'Is certain that a single Quality makes not up the perfection of Administration; and to form it, th'highest powers of Man are ne­cessary, and the noblest habits of those powers. It is not satisfied with that, nor content onely with th'inward beauty, and with private satisfaction. It's Inclinations are more vast and ambitious: It suffers, if it remain concealed; It desires the Light; It will appear abroad; It must enlarge and communicate it selfe; In a word, Action is her end and her Crown, and without it, it should be a treasure half lost: or as the veins of Gold in the bosome of th'Earth, which no person hath discovered. Her beginning is that light of the Soul, and that product of th'understanding, which is called Prudence. But as the light of the Sun is a generall Quality, and which alone would produce nothing; so Pru­dence hath use of divers other Virtues to execute her Or­ders, and to give motion to her Deliberations. And again, [Page 58]as those Virtues have need of her Light and Influence, to know th'object whereon they ought to look and to pursue; In like manner also Prudence refines her selfe by th'exercise of those Virtues, and by the troubles and stormes which the imperfection of humane discourse lets fall. They take them away, and are made clearer by experience. 'Tis not necessary that he who deliberates should alwaies execute; That he who hath a very sound head, should have also strong Arms; nor that he who hath Prudence, should have all the vir­tues requisite for Action; 'tis sufficient that she guide them and direct them in what subject soever they are found, and upon what matter soever they are imployed. But as th'Arti­ficer judgeth much better of the work of his hands, and of th'excellency of his Ideaa, when he sees it upon the Cloth or the Marble; so Prudence also is much better assured of the goodnesse of its Judgement, by th'Effects then by the single Discourse that precedes them, and by the sole Agitation of the Reason which goes before: And in my opinion, 'tis of that perfect prudence, and which use hath compleated, that Aristotle is to be understood, when he saies, That there's no true Prudence without th'other Morall Virtues.

'Tis true, that when these Virtues do meet in her compa­ny, when they dwell together, when they proceed from a common principle, and from the same Root; Their Conduct is more certain and more happy; Prudence is the more in­tentive upon her businesse; She governs them with more tractablenesse, and by constant illuminations; secures them with more ease from the Ambushes of Fortune, and from th'unexpected inconveniences of the times; Wherefore in matters of War, th'execution of an enterprise ought alwaies to be committed to him who proposed it, provided he be a capable person to perform it; for therein he is excited to do well, by the glory of Success, and by the jealousie of his opinion, which is a violent and imperious passion; and, stray­ning to defend the noblest and most exalted faculty of the Soul, which is the Judgement, seldom abates of the Contest and pursuit. As also it is not safe to put th'execution of a design into the hands of them that voted against it; who will be alwaies slow in Action; who will bring to it but the halfe of themselves; who will have but faint motions, and conformable to the passions that shake them, which are irre­solution and distrust,; and who have wherewithall to com­fort themselves in th'ill of success, by the truth of the Pre­diction they had made, and by the Reputation of Wisdom, and providence they had gained to themselves.

Though it be so, and much better, that be who is capable [Page 59]to resolve, be also capable to execute; 'Tis neverthelesse a rare encounter amongst men; and as there are but few pla­ces on th'Earth which bring forth all that respects the plea­sures of the Senses, and the necessities of Life; so, there are but few souls that have all the virtues proper for Governments; and it seems that the Law of humane Society, as that of Na­ture, would have a dependency betwixt the spirits of men; as there is a Commerce and Communication betwixt di­vers Countries, and different Nations of the World, so the Coldness of Parmenio tempered th'heat of Alexander; so the Wisdom of Cyneas restrained the Courage of Pyrrhus: so Sci­pio observed th'orders of Laelius, and Augustus found a tem­per in the prudence of Metaenas, and valour of Agrippa, to which nothing was impossible.

Wherefore a Minister of State that hath all these perfecti­ons, ought to be of high price with his Prince: The State ought to reverence him as an extraordinary person; and the virtues which being severed merit a price, and to be esteem­ed; deserve highly some new respect, and a particular Ve­neration, when they joyn in a single subject for the generall good of the World: At least 'tis certain, that th'ill which attends the great variety of Agents is avoided; They that uphold them, agree rarely together in the same Design: Concord is seldom sound amongst them, unless it be in Looks and Words, because th'heart is false, or interessed; and Jealousie is there the stronger, for that it proposeth to it selfe the possession of so great a good, as the favour of the Prince, and the power of the State; They that are onely for Counsell, and whose virtue shines only in the Cabinet Coun­cell, encline alwaies to peace how dishonourable soever. 'Tis then they truly raign, when all other greatnesse bowes to theirs. And that they see at their feet the glory of Armes, and the Crowns of the Victorious. On the contrary, during the War they are out of countenance, and their Authority declines in that troublesome season. They are darkned by a profession that hath more pomp and light then theirs; And in regard that those who are called to Command, are usu­ally extraordinary persons, it makes them strongly jealous, and apprehend th'encrease of power upon the spirit of their Master, and the taking of root in his Inclinations; where­fore they endeavour to make them unprofitable, that they might be the lesse considerable. They trouble them in their employments, that they might be the lesse happy. The great Victories make them more afraid then great Losses, and our Generalls have often seen dis-banded th'Armies they Commanded, and enterprises ruined, whereof the Be­ginnings [Page 60]were plausible; for having not timely received, or in the fit Quantity the provisions necessary for continuing of the War. They on th'other side prolong the troubles, and lengthen the confusion to th'uttermost of their power, to subsist in Credit and esteem. They love the stormes because they help to guide the Ship? They desire sicknesse, because they are imployed in applying the Remedies; but neverthe­lesse they would have no end made, for fear of remaining idle Pylots, and uprofitable Physicians. Moreover they complain alwaies first: They frequently accuse them of their own faults, and ease themselves upon them of th'envy of their ill successes and disgraces that attend it.

And when it doth not so happen, and that there should be amongst them a perfect understanding and generall agree­ment; The Obligation neverthelesse which some of them are under to receive Orders for Action from others, and that regular Dependency, is over importunate, and sometimes pernicious; Whilst they consult the Councell of the Prince, occasions do passe; Things take another Countenance, and so many unexpected Accidents happen, for which suddain provision must be made, that by their Violence they are car­ried away before Remedy can be applied, and the businesse perisheth for not daring to relieve it when it was in their power. This unhappinesse hath been particularly observed in some of our Neighbours States. The Venetians have made little use of th'occasions of the War, and their Generalls have often seen a good occasion passe away before them, without daring to stay it, or to hinder it from flying away, because they had not the Senate's Order. They begin also to withdraw from that dangerous Maxime, and are no more so scrupulous as they were, to permit them to act of them­selves, and to take th'Advantages which offer themselves. It is also observed, that th'affairs of the Low Countries suffer­ed much for the same reason towards th'end of the life of Philip the second; and that they changed extreamly by rea­son of the great delayes they were constrained to use at the time of the want of his health, and decay of his age; Th'ill was, that they would take most cognisance of all things when they could worse do it, and were most earnest to retain bu­sinesse when the time was elapsed. That Prince changed his Conduct, and in safer occasions he was accustomed to give almost a soveraign Authority to them whom he imployed. The Duke of Alva had it most absolute when he came into Flanders to make War to the growing Rebellion. Don John of Austria had it very large, when he was chosen chiefe of the Christian League against the Turk, after the Conquest of [Page 61] Portugal; The Cardinal Albert had an unlimitted power to reform the Kingdom, and Philip the second procured him a Legation, that he might act with the greater Authority, and he was at one and the same time absolute Judge of tem­poral and spiritual Affairs.

Insomuch that if the Cardinall had carried with him in his second journey, beyond the Mountains, a Commission as am­ple as some have described it; and that the noyse which was but a Fable, had been true, it-had not been new nor without Example; Our Neighbours have shewed us the way, and that Nation also which understands th'Art of governing better then any Nation in the World. But the moderation of this Lord hath been such, that he sought not any extraor­dinary Power in that Occasion: That he hath not done nor undertaken any thing, but by the expresse. Orders of the King, and they that have studied his Life, and observed his demeanour, know that he hath chosen rather to be conside­red by th'Actions of the compleatest Obedience which a Subject can give to his Soveraign, than by the particular marks of Honour and Affection which he could have recei­ved. But beyond this, let us confesse, that he is that extra­ordinary person, who hath in an eminent degree all the Qua­lities fit for governing, which are rarely seen, but severed in others; who executes what he adviseth; appears in Calms and Tempests; who hath deserved th'honour of Peace, and the triumph of War, and in whom Virtue is not limited, neither by he Condition of the Times, nor Diversity of Affaires.

The Second Discourse.
whence the Virtue of keeping a Secret proceeds, and how neces­sary it is for a Minister of State.

WE have shewed in the precedent Discourse, how ne­cessary it is that the Councill of a Prince be reduced to a few persons, and how difficult it is for a multitude of persons to keep a Secret; This may be added to th'happi­nesse of the King's Raign, that never Councill was more faithfull then his, nor where the secret of Affaires lay more secure. The number is very small, but of excellent persons. Nothing is capable to untie their Tongue but when it is ne­cessary. They are not weak, nor to be Corrupted. Their Virtue is proof to all Trialls. That Condition is particular­ly remarkable in him who is the Chief, and in whom resides that Unity which is a Beam from the Soveraignty, and the [Page 62]last measure of the perfection things. Few persons have been of profounder thoughts, nor of higher exaltations of soul; And but few have been seen that could better retaine them, or that were more the Master of them. And never­theless the best thoughts of the world, and the most happy productions of wit have this in them, that they ought to re­semble fruits which should be gathered in season, that they may be wholsome; but they have this Imperfection, that they are like to Wine, which when it is new, endeavours to break out and to run out: The wit of man is so in love with it selfe, and hath so hot a thirst to make it selfe known; that so soon as it hath conceived something which may, as it be­lieves, deserve praise, hath impatience to discover it: It makes haste to bring it to light; it cannot attend the just time of delivery; and it ordinarily falls out, that it loseth by too much haste the value of what would have been excellent, if it had been brought forth in season, and had ripened at lea­sure. Besides this defect which is alwaies naturall to us, and which is the proper French Temper; There's another Cause for which the greatest part of men cannot conceal long a design, without giving it Air, nor retain unto themselves a good Thought; 'Tis the small power they have to resist common reports, and th'opinions that run abroad. It hath alwaies been th'humour of the people to be the Censurers of the designs of Princes, and of the conduct of their Coun­sellors. 'Tis a disease which cannot be cured in them; And it seems to them, that after they have made them their supe­riours, and have put their goods and lifes into their hands; that at least the liberty is reserved unto them of judging of their abilities; Strange folly, that they who make so ill and crooked Judgements in their own affairs, whereof th'extent is so short, and th'intelligence so easie; constitute themselves Arbiters of State-affairs, whose principall circumstance is secrecy and which ought to be in th'eyes of the people, as prophesies, which are not to be understood but by their success.

And nevertheless, though the knowledg of things be hid from them as much as may be, & that the Causes are concea­led; they forbear not to pry into them, & that they may have alwaies matter of disturbance. And wherewith to torment themselves unprofitably; They believe all things their sense represents unto them, or that another passion suggests unto them. A dexterous person then, and one who hath a strong understanding and high Courage; makes alwaies towards his End without disturbance for these popular infirmities. He rests in peace, whilst they who have nothing to do, but [Page 63]to take their ease, and cherish their health, are in trouble and in a feavers, and imitates the Heavens which alter not their Course for the Tempests of th'Aire, nor for the noyse that is made in that stormy Region. On the Contrary, weak un­derstandings cannot sustain the liberty of Judgements, nor th'indiscretion of Tongues; The conjectures of Curious, and the speculations of idle persons offend them; They make haste to give a reason of their Designs, and by a precipitated judgement which they passe upon them, they see them abor­tive or fatal.

Sr. the Cardinal hath not done the like; When Envy was raised against him, when the Wits did mutiny against his Government; when his Enemies opposed him silently, or have assaulted him a outward force, or by publique Defi­ance; all that, hath not disordered him. His Actions were neither slow nor confused: And, as if such Difficulties im­proved his Judgement, or gave him new Forces; He never appeared so intelligent, or so valiant, as in all occasions that seemed to be desperate. Whilst th' English possessed th'Iland of Rhee, and that Languedoc was in Rebellion; and that one part os the Huguenots had declared themselves, and th'others observed the successe of forraine enterprises; That the dis­contented Catholiques did rejoyce at th'ills of the State, and that others feared the future which they saw troubled and full of storms; never person was more exposed to complaints and ill language, then himselfe. Indiscretion was extream; Insolency raised to threats, and that purple which in Venerable in th'eyes of Catholiques, and the Dignity of a Prince of the Church, were in danger of that common Li­cense, of being violated: His soul neverthelesse changed not its place; His Courage was not shaken; He did not use violent or faint Remedies, as had been sometimes done to stay the Disorder; He did not use hatefull preservatives a­gainst an ill, which inflames by opposition, and is provoked by resistance: He chose rather to fight them with the great­ness of his Actions, than by the fear of his punishment; and resolved that his Virtue should confound th'Artifices of the wicked, and th'Errours of the simple.

But how many sinister Judgements and sharp discourses, did the siege of Rochell raise? How many passions: did that Town-stir up amongst the Protestants, and amongst the Catholiques? How many Oppositions were set on foot a­gainst that Design, in the Kingdom and abroad, by them who were our declared Enemies, and by them who would seem to be our friends? What had not been said of th'expence of that siege, if being so vast it had been unprofitable? How [Page 64]much had they cryed out against us, if we had suffered our Allies to perish, and if that we had not reduced to obedience the rebellious French. And neverthelesse, so many different passions, and all those irregular Motions, did not stop our pursuit, nor th'heat of an Enterprise, which hath secured the foundations of the State, and the foot of the Crown. And at that last business of Italy, How many disgracefull Dis­courses, and outragious Murmurings did it produce against the Reputation of that great Minister of State? It seemed that there were persons hired in all places, of purpose to cry down his Actions; His Enemies had found th'occasions they sought for, to discharge their Malice with colour, and vomited their Hatred with liberty: The people that ordina­rily wish ill to them that govern them, and suffer themselves alwaies to be led by running Reports, especially when they are bad, remember no more th'evill from which they were delivered, but demand the good which they could not so soon receive, and few persons considered what was done, nor the progress of the Kings Armes, nor his Conquests, but what was yet to be done; Even our Allies applyed themselves to us for repair of their Losses: And as if they could not be imprudent or unhappy in our Company; It seemed good to them that we should answer for their faults, and for their disgraces; and the worst. Accident of all, was the sicknesse of the King, so very violent, that it gave no place for hopes to honest men, and in such a conjuncture, that if this Prince had dyed, the world must have changed its face, and must have taken another Course, then what it ought to follow. In this Confusion of Spirits, and of Af­faires, the Constancy of Sr. the Cardinall, lost not it selfe; His Reason was still awake, the Provisions for the reliefe of Casal, were not interrupted; and he made it appeare that the wise Man is above all passions; and the true griefe he suffered for the love of so great a Master, lest him strength and Address enough not to let go the Helme, and to bring us to our Haven in spight of contrary winds.

The Third Discourse.
That a Minister of State cannot have an equall Soul, unlesse he hath made tryall of Good and Bad Fortune.

THe quality whereof we have lately spoken, and that in­vincible constancy which is necessary for a Counsel­lour of State, is not a disposition of the soul, which nature hath infused, or that Philosophy hath compleated. It hath [Page 65]besides these, need of exercise to form it; And that divine Temper which hath its Roots in our selves, and hath cause to raise it selfe betwixt the Discourses of Reason, and Examples of History, ought to take its just growth from the Trials where fortune doth place us, and from the various Countenances it shews unto us. There's nothing in the world she suffers with more impatience, not that she beholds with more maligne and more envenomed eyes. In every place where 'tis found she assaults it; in all places she forms par­ties against it, she will have it by force or by Artifice, and no causes or dissimulations shall be wanting to corrupt it, nor rudenesse of violence, that shall not be exercised to overthrow it. So they that can warrant themselves against her designes, and have power enough to resist her Charmes, and her outrages; have competent Qualities t'aspire to the Government of State; wherefore Galba protests, in Tacitus, that he called Piso to the succession of th'Empire, because he had been unhappy and constant. And that he whom for­tune could not overcome, was worthy to command the people of Rome; and to give Lawes to the Conqueror of Nations, and Triumpher over th'Earth 'Tis to know onely the Moyety of ones Life, to have tasted onely of prosperity; 'Tis not to have sayled far, to have the winds alwaies in Poope, and the Sea propitious; 'Tis to have matter onely for a part of the virtues which compose a Minister of State, to have been ever happy; Adversity hath also her Virtues, as night hath her Stars: There are some that are wholly pro­per for it, and which cannot be practised but in so rude a season, nor appear but in tumults, and in the midst of storms.

The life of Sr. the Cardinall, ought to be too highly raised, not be exposed to this variety of Accidents, and too emi­nent to want examples of every Virtue. His Actions have deserved Clappings from all hands, and praises from all Mouthes; They have given him dayes of Triumph, they have pierced the most retired parts of the World, and in all places there are but a few Names so great as his, after that of his Master; But he hath had his back blowes and contra­dictions; He hath not been exempted from private Misfor­tunes, and publique Vexations. Fortune and Envy have di­versly exercised him; notwithstanding, his Courage failed him not; his Conduct was equall. The Revolution that sur­rounded him, made no change in him, and whatsoever hap­ned, his soul was neither puffed nor abated; this equality neverthelesse is not ordinarily found. And as amongst the brightest Colours, there are but a few that preserve the same [Page 66]lustre, and the same apperance to the light of a Day, and to the light of Torches: Histories have also furnished us but with a few examples of Illustrious persons, who have been equall in Prosperity and Adversity: Spain commends the constancy of the Duke of Alva, and that he was never so great as in his afflictions. But it confesseth also, that prospe­rity made him overflow; that he was insolent when he was prosperous; and that the Victories he gained were odious to his Masters, though they were profitable unto them.

On the contrary, let us consider the three Princes of Spain, that have known how to raign for an Age and halfe, and have dared to introduce immortall Designes, in a form of Government where Soveraigns dye, and which changeth often their Master: Lets consider, I say, Ferdinand, Charles the fifth, Philip the second, and we shall find that all their lives have been nothing but a Composition of good and e­vill, and a confusion of contrary things. We shall there see Prosperity without Number, Disgraces without Measures; Wounds dressed with Laurels, Triumphs adorned with Mourning, and above all that, constant and firm Courages, and an immoveable Virtue.

Behold Ferdinand, glorious in the reduction of the King­dom of Granada, and with the Title of Catholique; Be­hold him triumphant in the Conquest of Naples, and of the fortune of France. Behold that a fancy gives him Navarre, and that chance finds him an unknown world and new wealth. This neither enflames him, nor effeminates him; He is not the more lazy, nor the lesse vigilant; He formes: greater designs, and layes the Platform of a Monarch which shall exercise his Nephews a long time, and trouble the rest of other Nations, and the peace of the world. Moreover, lets contemplate thill sucesse of his life, and th'other side of the Medall. We shall see a Prince ill handled by fortune, and a Diadem bruised by her strokes. We shall see a Father bury his own Son, and make Funeralls for his eldest Daugh­ter: A Husband that loseth his Wife, who was his Glory; and had been more the Companion of his troubles than of his bed; A Master aban doned by his Servants and Creatures, an old Man forced from his House, and a Father in law strip­ped his own Son in Law. In this Sea of Disgraces and of Afflictions, we shall also see an admirable serenity of spirit. A Calm that overthrows not it selfe; or if there was some kind of emotion, it did not pass into a storm, and was not vio­lent not dangerous. 'Tis true, that his Courage had a weak­ness in it which I cannot conceal, and a fault too visible to be dissembled; which is, not to have been able to suffer the [Page 67]reputation of he great Captain, not the Virtue of his own Subject that was faithful unto him. As to his Nephew Charles, 'tis certain that he was never so tractable as in prosperity, not so inflexible in Adversity. He never yeeled to force; no Prince of his time gave so much, and lost so little; and the Spaniards say that the never broke his word, but t'exercise Clemency, and to pardon his Enemies, whose Ruine he had sworn: During the tempest that arose in the Haven of Al­giers against his Fleet, and when the Heavens destroyed it in his sight, no other word every went out of his Mouth, than that wherewith our Saviour Christ hath taught us to pray, That thy will be done. He was humbled, but not overcome by that disgrace, and in that terrible Chaos, where th'Elements were confounded, and Nature in disorder, His Courage stood firm, His Judgement lost not its Light: and he gave order for the embarking of his Troops, which were not perished, with the same liberty of soul as before he had done, when he returned Triumphant from the taking of Th [...]nis, and from the spoils of Africa. The life of Philip is a Ta­ble much mixed, and a representation of divers former, and contrary Adventures; On the one side are seen Countries gained or recovered; the Springs of Gold and Silver disco­vered; Victory obtained against Christians, and Infidels, and that incomparable Advantage to govern peaceably, from th'Escuriall, a part of two worlds, and to be feared in the middle of this Cabinet, from one end of th'Earth to th'other. But lets turn our sight a little, and we shall find that this prosperity had frequent and long Eclipses, and that the sha­dows of the Pictures exceeded the lively Colours. We shall encounter the Death of four wives which he tenderly loved: The fancies of his eldest Son which gave him so much trou­ble, and forced him to put off the resentmen of a Father, to execute th'office of a King, and function of a Judge: The jealousies which the good successe and great virtue of Don John of Austria gave him. The defeat of his Ships by Tem­pests, and by Enemies; The Rebellion of the Low Coun­tries which have deserted Spain, and made poor the Indies. And amongst all that, and in the midst of that Revolution. and that confusion of Accidents, not to wander, and to pre­serve his Constancy; It must be acknowledged, that it be­longs to such persons by all sorts of Rights, to govern the People, to the Superiours on Earth, and soveraign Arbiters of the destiny of men. Amidst so many good successes and rude experiences, where in the virtue of Philip was not lost, I have made choice of a very remarkable Example; 'Tis of them that enter in prosperity, and be in the favours of for­tune, [Page 68]and th'evidences of Love which she giveth. And there­fore 'tis the fairer that 'tis so rare, and that 'tis more diffi­cult not to be overcome by pleasure, than to resist force, and to prevent bending than breaking. And as a gentle and tem­perate heat penetrates our bodies easier than the cold, because they expatiate themselves to receive it, and cloze to repell the cold. So th'Allurements of prosperity are more active, and enter sooner into the soul, which by desire, and the hope of enjoyment, goes to meet them, than by th'at­tempts of ill fortune, against which the soul fortifies her selfe, and defends all 'th Avenues by which she might as­sault it. After then that the Christians had gained the battel of Lepantha, and that God had them that memorable Victory, the price whereof was lost by their ill Conduct; He that carried the news to Philip, was so transported above himselfe, and seized upon by so strange an emotion, that with great difficulty could he make the report of it. On the contrary, Philip stood as cold as if it had nnot concerned him, and so little moved, as if the news had been indifferent un­to him. He replyed onely with a serious Face, and settled Countenance, THAT DON JOHN HAD MUCH HAZ­ARDED. From what cause soever this coldnesse proceeded, either from a spirit abated by a long Apprehension, least the battel should be lost, or from a soul prepared for all sorts of chances, and for all the Accidents of life; or else from a Consideration which suffered him not to rejoyce at the glo­ry of an Action, whose principles it may be he did not e­steem reasonable enough.

From that cause soever, I say, it proceeded; the view is al­wayes fair, and the substance very noble. And I am no more astonished, if the person, who was not transported for a suc­cess, which delivered Italy from an approaching Ruine, and all Christendom from a great fear; received since with any ap­parent. Tranquillity or true Constancy, the newes of the Routing of the Fleet, which had cost him so much money, and ought to have tyed England to the Chain, and content­ed himselfe to say, That he had not sent his Fleet to fight against the Winds.

The constancy of Ministers of State, hath this advantage over that of Soveraigns, That the Soveraigns are alwaies pittied in their ill successe, though it happen by their fault; and that Love or Respect which the people bears them, doth discharge them from th'envy of the Losses which they make by their imprudency. On the contrary, they cast upon the Ministers of State, all th'evill of the State, though they are not guilty. The require from them a continuall felicitie, [Page 69]though it be not in their power. They will have them se­curity for all the chances, though they ought onely to se­cure their Counsels. They make them instruments of all their afflictions, and of all their sufferings, though ordinarily their sins are the cause. In briefe, they handle them in the same manner, and with the same injustice as the first Christians were handled by the Pagans, who took exceptions to them for th'anger of Heaven, and for the wounds of th'Empire, and made them th'Authors fo th'Inundations, and of the sterili­ties, and of the plagues, wherewith the Nation was grieved Truly, Sr. the Cardinal hath alwaies acted in such manner, that what Countenance soever th'Affaires have taken, and whatsoever traverses the time hath raised, he was never a­stonished nor cast down; He abated nothing of his pursuit; He continually respected the Dignity of the Master he ser­ved, and the reputation of the Crown which he laboured to sustain. And whatsoever happened unto him, & how strange soever the Tempest was, he resolved, to perish with the Government in his hand, and to be able to say, what Francis the first wrote to his Mother, after the loss of the Journey to Pavia; All is except th'Honour. But this Courage which hath shined so eminently in Disgraces, was not effeminated in pro­serity, and that magnanimity which he expressed in his ill fortune, when it undertook to exercise him, changed it selfe into an excellent Moderation, and into a most perfect acknowledgement of that which proceeded from th'hand of God, and from the fortune of a Prince.

The Fourth Discourse.
That the Science to discover the merits of Men, and t'employ them, is necessary for a Minister of State.

ONe of the Noblest Conditions which formes the Mini­ster of State, and the perfection of Administration is the Science to discern other men, and th'Art to employ them: Truly, as our soul, how heavenly soever it is and all spirituall, hath need of the Body to make its operations: And as God makes uses of second Causes, to govern with them the World, and to renue Nature; so a Minister of State, how excellent soever he may be, hath necessary use of a num­ber of persons, to labour with him, and to help him to car­ry th'Engine of the State, and burthen of Affairs. 'Tis the Pilot that ought to give Motion to all other Officers in the Ship. 'Tis th'head that ought to put in exercise th'Armes, and th'other parts of the Body; And as that ancient Captain [Page 70]found no Title so glorious, nor Argument more magnifi­cent to make himselfe known, than to answer him who de­manded of him. If he was a man of compleat Arms, or an Archer, or a light Horseman; That he was the person that com­manded all those men there. So a principall Minister of State, ought to have a spirit, superiour to other Officers of State, and not to be ignorant of the Duties of Generals of Armies, nor of the Duties of Judges, nor of them who manage the Treasury. This Condition is remarkable in Sr. the Cardinal; and 'tis true, if a man have but one good Quality, he knows how to make choice of it in the midst of many defects, and to discern a Grain of Gold in the midst of Gravel and Dung. The Earth is not more various in its proprieties, nor the Heaven in its influences, than men are in their Tempers and Inclinations. And 'tis an extraordinary thing to find a soul capable of all sorts of good, or a Temper proper for all the functions of the soul; Lets place here some few of its Dif­ferences, and of its Proprieties, for the clearing of our sub­ject. They in whom Imagination is predominant, and who have subtil & hot spirits, are very proper for th'Intrigue. They are Rich in expedients, and have present Apprehensions which warrant them from surprises, which suffer them not to be confounded, and which resist the first impression of Ac­cidents which have not been foreseeen; and the newness of Occurrences. They speak ordinarily with grace, and ex­press themselves with facility. Their Action hath somewhat, I know not what, that pleaseth, and a certain Harmony which charmes the senses, and glides even Reason, and to th'Affections of the soul; They are bold to undertake, and for that Difficulties appear lesse to them then they are, or beneath their strength; They cast themselves blindly up­on them; they precipitate in stead of walking; And if they meet with a Ditch in the way, it stops them not; either they fall in, or leap over it. They are pleased with Noyse, and love Disturbance; they appear strong in troubled times, and the Consusion of Affaires is their element, and the matter which is proper for them. They do sometimes great things; and 'tis not possible that undertaking much, all should suc­ceed ill. That they encounter onely, if they fail in their choice, Hazard, where th'Election is of no use to them, and that being so seldom wise, they are never happy; They are neverthelesse of great service, and of incredible prosit, when they fall under the Direction of a wise man, who tem­pers th'heat by his judgement, and moderates their impetuo­sity by his Prudence. And as Philosophy observes, That Choller serves for a spur to Virtue, and puts life to it: 'Tis [Page 71]also true, that when these active humours are accompanied with a good Sense, and perfect Reason, nothing seems diffi­cult or impossible to them; But also when they are Masters of their Actions, and Arbiters of Affaires; their Conduct is much to be feared: It is more dangerous then profitable; They cannot commit easie faults, having alwaies great designes in their heads, and they seldom fail of making them, having not circumspection enough, or fore­sight to avoid them. They that are of a cold temper, and in whom reason abounds, are more fit to govern. And though their Actions are not so glaring and tumultuous as th'others are, yet they are more lively and more efficacious; The common people, who have no un­derstanding but for th'objects of sense, and comprehends but what it sees, and what it toucheth, admires these lesse then the former persons. They are neverthelesse of a higher price in the judgement of wise men; and have the same Ad­vantage of them, th'Architects have of Masons; that Pilots have of Mariners; and that they who draw the designs of Pictures, have of them who know onely how to mingle their Colours, and to habit the Figures? They seldom contribute to the fall of States by Imprudency; in so much that the first Law they observe, is, to commit no faults. As the first Inclination which Nature gives us, is to shun th'Evill, and what is contrary to us. They seldom shipwrack, because they know the nature of the Seas, and of the Winds; That they know how to foresee the Tempests, and that they put out in time, and gain timely the Haven; They are fit for War and Peace; they are good to gain, and to preserve: their Virtue is ever present, and there's neither condition of time, nor exception of affaires that hinders them to act, or renders them unprofitable. There are others in whom Ima­gination may find heat enough to act, if there were driness enough, and if it were not drowned in the Flegme, and in an abundance of moysture which duls and cooles it. And ne­verthelesse they have not the vivacity of the first, nor the prudence of the second. I speak of that high and divine Virtue which resides in the understanding, and in that su­pream Region of the soul, which is the Guide and Torch of other Virtues, and which chooseth the means of things that are feisable; for as to the rest, they have but an imper­fect and diminutive virtue, which is as the Shadow, and a light impression of the true; if Aristotle must be believed: Their principall study is to hide their defects, to daube the breaches which they cannot make up; to paint the face, and to deceive the world with apparances of Good, and by po­stern [Page 72]Virtues. But in so much that'tis hard to appear a long time what a man is not, and that a lame person counterfeits to little purpose, when he cannot walk far, but he will be observed; so th'Art of these men is easily discovered, and a little Conversation undresseth that borrowed person, and that Stage-Player; when they are in Imployments, they are secret t'excesse. They keep silence not by discretion, but by feare; and in so much that they cannot distinguish betwixt the things they ought to conceal, and such as ought to be published; They suppresse all, and so betray sometimes in­nocently th'honours of their Master, and the Reputation of his Affairs. they bring some design and subtilty to all they do, which is that petty and imperfect Prudence, where­of, as I have said, Aristotle makes mention. But had he been of our time, he had also knowm that as the Alchymists being unable to make perfect the Mettals that are not, change them that are, and thereof make false Money: so also it hap­pens that these subtill persons being not able to conduct their little Artifices, and the disposition they have to sub­tilty, even to the true Prudence; change it into Jugling, and make an Art of it, which is the slime of humane society, and the poyson of Commerce. They have neverthelesse com­monly somewhat of good, and were not made by chance; Heaven hath cast some favourable aspect upon them, and they are capable to serve, if they are imployed according to their Forces. If they are not good to deliberate and to re­solve, they are good for th'execution of such Orders as are prescribed them; They want not confidence to act, nor com­pleasancy t'insinuate into the spirits of them, with whom they treat. They are exact to perform their charge, they shun not labour; and though the softnesse of their Complexion withdraws them from it; their duty neverthelesse whereof they usually have care, and the vanity whereof they are ever sick, presse them to it, and maintain them in it: That is also the cause that they are not very wicked; That they are not capable of great Vices, no more then of great Vir­tues. And, if th'Example doth not Corrupt them, or some violent occasion transport them. That they will never be guilty of those black Actions which stain th'Honour, and de­stroy the Conscience.

There's a fourth kind of Men, who have the soul heavier then all th'others, and in whose Composition Nature hath laid up more of Earth. These men are capable of great paines and long patience; they never yeeld to labour; they never work but to work; they know not what belongs to honest leisure. And that rest which is th'end of th'active [Page 73]Life, and which the Philosophers seek for to be happy, is their torment and misery. They are unapt for Negotiation: But in so much that in the midst of that Mass whereof they are compounded, they have some beam of good sense; and although their Understanding makes no flame, it hath never­thelesse some sort of clearnesse; they are not to be despised; they are not improper for the Oeconomy: They may serve in an Army to presse on labour; to make provisions for Victuals, and for the like services, wherein the Body hath a greater share then th'Understanding, but that they have need of both.

The Fifth Discourse.
Of a fifth Temper, which comprehends the perfections of all th'others.

TO conclude, There's a fifth Order of Constitutions, which a few persons enter into, and which the world sees seldomer than Miracles: For this, Nature opens all her Treasures, becomes prodigall of her graces, draws forth her Art, and goes to the very bottom of her power; And as the ordinary Constitutions are formed of the substance of the Elements, and of the hidden virtues of Heaven, which are mingled with Harmony and Symmetry: It seems that these are composed of what others have of most rare and pure; that they are Extracts and Elixirs; and that the bodies which are so furnished, are not Prisons for the soul, but very commodious Palaces; nor rebellious slaves, but tracta­ble Servants, or obedient Subjects. In effect, As th'Heavens have generall Qualities, and which agree, and enter into society with all the qualities of th'Elements, and of the Bodies which they produced; In like manner those divine Constitutions whereof we speak, are proper to all the fa­culties of the soul, and for all the operations of those facul­ties; There's nothing in them of malignant, nor any thing that hinders; Th'abundance of the memory makes not the judgement poore: th'Action of th'understanding doth not lessen the benefits of the Memory, and dissolves not its Re­presentations; Memory and Judgement take not from the Understanding its edge, its vivacity, nor its presence; All works there with facility; and that which causeth distur­bance and trouble in other bodies, produceth here a miracu­lous Harmony and perfect Intelligence. Th'understanding, as it hath been said, is so much Master of the body, that it o­beyes it without resistance. 'Tis supple to all its desires, takes [Page 74]pains as if it were strong, though it be sometimes sick and weak; and as if it were born up by th'others strength, or raised by its Agility; It holds the body to all sorts of toyl, and is not over come by the greatness of the labour or conti­nuance of it.

The sensitive Appetite is there very quiet; no Motion al­most doth there arise, which is not voluntary either in its birth or duration. The Desire of glory is the sole passion which makes its selfe violently to be felt; and which is so imperious, if it be not suppressed, that it confounds or makes all th'others subject unto it, when it is without bridle; 'tis not content to raign over the lower part of the Soul, it will domineer in th'highest: She will command Reason; she de­clares that it belongs to her to violate Justice with praise; She stirs up Usurpators and Robbers of Provinces and Kingdoms; whom she causeth to be called Conquerors: she commands the Title of Great to be given Alexander, for having unjustly possessed himselse of part of the world, and he had a will to have invaded th'other part of it; She cau­seth, that even to Christians, th'Emperours Honour them­selves in their qualities, with the Name of a person that hath raised th'Empire, to which they succeed upon the Ruines of their Country. In briefe, it causeth that one is called the Flayl of God to colour his Invasions, and another the Cor­rector of Princes, and of the Nations of th'Earth. But when the desire of glory is submitted to Reason; when the Soul loves it without being transported; when she takes it not for the end of Virtue, but for the pursuit of it, and pro­poseth to it selfe a second Glory, which is more certain than what Fortune doth distribute, and than th'opinion which Men give; There's not a passion in the world so fair, nor more profitable: She takes away the tasts of all others that are base or effeminate: She acquires Imitators of Virtue, and by the present or near approaching Recompence which she offers her, renders her more fertile, and more efficaci­ous.

To conclude, The Constitution whereof we speak, sends marks of its Nobility, even to th'outside, and to th'exteri­our, of Men; It imprints there certain Characters, which make him to be reverenced of them, that see him. It covers his face with Majesty; it puts into his eyes a fire, which is more bright than that of ordinary eyes; and gives him, in a word, some beam of that Beauty whereof Jesus Christ him­selfe hath not refused the praise; and which, by the means of the senses, makes a suddain impression upon the will, and gains, before Discourse be entertained, and reason perswa­ded.

I will not speak here of the Constitution of Sr. the Car­dinall, nor of a Good which he hath not done to himselfe, but received it from th'Indulgence of Heaven, and from the Cares of Nature. There are truths which would not al­waies be published; And this season would hardly permit them in his favour, the knowledge whereof depends upon so profound and delicate speculation, since she is ingenu­ous enough to Contest with him th'Experience of senses, or to change the face of things which we have touched or seen. I suppress then my Judgement in this subject, to ac­commodate my self to the time, and to th'Inclination which raigneth. I will onely say in Generall, that as there are Dis­eases, which are to be discovered by th'encounter of seve­ral Symptoms; and as, for the discovery of Gold which is in th'Earth, there are many signs which ought to appear above ground, & in the Superficies; so you must conclude this high & divine Composition, whereof I speak, by a multitude of great Actions of divers Kinds, & of different Condition, which the same subject hath produced. Let reflection now be made, if there be a mind for it, upon the life of Sr.the Cardinal. Let past Governments be compared with his; let it be examined, what the King hath acted since he had him for his Instru­ment; Let the Greatnesse, the Variety, and the number of things which have been done, be considered: Let the short­nesse of the time be observed, which shuts up all these won­ders, and which amazeth th'Imagination of them who have seen them, and will weaken for the future the faith of Hi­story; And after that, let every person judge of the Matter proposed, according to his sense or passion; and let him make himselfe voluntarily blind; If he be afraid to behold a Light that offends him, and a Truth that angers him. I will not forbear t'observe, that although Sr. the Cardinal in acting, gives somewhat t'Honour; That he is very sensible of the Glory of faire Actions, and is not exempt from a sense which all generous souls partake of; That, neverthe­lesse, hath never changed his Duty, never did wrong to his Conscience, and to the Counsells which he hath proposed. He hath not onely considered the Justice of things, but ma­ny times proceeded to Charity, which is so seldom called to the Councills of Princes, and which makes with Conve­niency, the two extreams betwixt which, Reason of State is shut up. This hath been seen particularly in the Conduct which the King observed towards th'Emperour, and the Spa­niards, before he began the War of Italy and had renewed it: but I will speak thereof in another place.

I return to the first subject of the precedent Discourse, [Page 76]and to make it appear, that Sr. the Cardinall in a soveraign degree hath the spirit of Discerning, whereof I have above spoken; I will fix upon some Elections which have been made since he was in the Government.

No person is ignorant of th'Eminency, and of the weight of the Charge of the Keeper of the Seals. 'Tis one of the noblest parts of the Body of the State: 'Tis the generall form of the Justice of the Kingdom; 'tis an universal Cause whose Influence is not Circumscribed, which penetrates within and without; which makes its power known near and far, and operates in all places where we have Commu­nication or power. And 'tis of Importance that they who possess it, deserve it; and that they who exercise it, fill it up. And 'tis true, that for that Dignity, the Kings choice could not fix upon a person worthier then that of Sr. of Chasteauneuf; I speak not of the splendour of the Family from which he is come, nor of the faculty it hath had to this day, to give Illustrious persons to the state; They are Accidents which are not Proprietics, and Conditions which may fail in Fami­lies. And though the seeds of good, grow ordinarily with good blood, 'Tis not to be said that they ought alwaies to fructifie: And though the Spring be very pure, it follows not but the Stream may be poysoned, or become troubled, and taste of th'ill Qualities of the places it hath passed. These Advantages then of birth, and priviledges of fortune, are but incitements to do well by th'Examples of their Prede­cessors: To render the good the fairer, which they encoun­ter, and to make the Counterpoyse in a promotion betwixt two equall Virtues. But for Sr. of Chasteauneuf, he hath no need of the Lights of his Ancestors to make himselfe seen. He is sufficiently observable in himself; besides the know­ledge he hath gained. He hath highly that which Nature gives, which is the good sense; He hath watched in Im­ployments and Negotiations. He knows our affairs, and the affairs of Strangers: He is neither weak nor interessed: His virtue is without Artifice, and th'evill which represents it selfe publiquely, or that cometh more dangerously under the vizard of good, and with its Liveries, is not capable to deceive or corrupt him: wherefore he hath received no­thing but what was due to his Services, or to his Merit, and therein the choice of the King hath but followed the pub­lique desires, and the Predictions have been made even from a former Raign. And when it was in Question to re­lieve th'Island of Rhe, and to uphold France ready to fall in­to precipice, there was need of a man that despised Death, and dared to cast himselfe on a manifest danger; who had [Page 77]enough of affection to be willing to perish for his Master, and prudence enough to manage the least Beam of safety that should appear, and the highest Apparance for good to be seen in a deplorable Occasion. But whom could Sr. the Car­dinall propose, or the King choose, that was more capable for that purpose, then Sr. of Chombert? so th'Event did not deceive th'opinon had of the Virtue of so great a person, Th'End of that enterprise exceeded all that could have been desired of good success; Our friends were delivered, and the Rout of our Enemies compleated the Victory, which we sought not but in their retract. After the first passage of Suza, could Montferrat be trusted, in surer or more esteemed hands, then those of Sr. of Thorax? And again, as fortune had pre­prepared him that Occasion, and reserved him for the de­fence of Casal, and to confirm th'Honour he hath gained in Rhe; It seeems also, that by a certain fatality, Sr. of Chom­bert had been destined to go to relieve him the second time, and to compleat the Glory of that Siege by the safety of that place. In those last Emotions of Italy, did not the King ap­pear admirable, in the choice of the men which he imploy­ed there? And though Policy permits not many Chiefs of equall Authority in an Army, He understood neverthelesse so well to discern the just proportion of their humours, and the necessary Temper to conserve Concord amongst them, that he joyned and changed them to so good pur­pose, that, it may be, his service was advanced by that plu­rality, and his Armies were the more happy.

And when the passage was to be opened for our Troops, for the Reliefe of Casal, and the resistance of Armies to be forced which opposed it; To whom could that design be more rationally committed,Monsieur Mount Mo­raney. than to them who have execu­ted it? What might not be expected from that Lord, who came into the world, lighted with the virtue of his Ances­tors, and Crowned with their Glory? who laboured so much to improve that immortall Inheritance; who is not so absolute in th'Armies he commands by his Authority, as by th'Affections of the Men of War; That Love makes more men follow him in perillous occasions then Duty; who shews to others the way of doing well, and whose exam­ple would inspire the strongest passions into the most fear­full souls. Veillane and Carignan shall be for ever famous by th'effects of their Valour, and by that of th'other Marshal,Monsieur Feat. who accompanied them with his Courage and Prudence; and made himselfe to be no lesse considerable in War than in Peace, nor in the Field than in the Cabinet; Above all, 'tis a thing worthy of Consideration, and a particular mark [Page 78]of the Kings judgement, and of the wisdom of his Coun­cill, in leaving the Marshall of Force constantly in Italy, and in making that Army as the foundation of our Armies in that Country, and him the Director of the War.

Age which ruines th'Active Qualities of so many other persons, offended not his; old Age, which chils the blood, did not diminish his Valour. 'Tis a habit, which had not in him its Original from th'heats of the Body, but in the lights of Reason; and he was as bold when there was cause, as he was ever wise. His long and ancient experience, and the good sense wherein he naturally abounded, permitted him not to commit any fault; He knew the Spaniards too well to fall into their snares, and into a surprise by their Deceits, and with the Companions which the King gave him. There was nothing to be feared, and all good successe was to be hoped from his Conduct.

It must not be forgot, that Sr. the Cardinal, considers not onely Merit in the choice of them whom he proposeth, but would also have good Birth, if it be possible; That things may be acted with Glory, and that the reputation of affairs might improve by the Dignity of the Persons who manage them. He is very far from th'humour of a certain King, who made his Physicism his principall Counsellor: And from the humour of another, who made his Chirurgion enter into the Councill of State, and permitted the same hands to handle the Seals, which had newly quitted the Razour and Laun­cet; wherefore the Nobility is more imployed in Negoti­ations then heretofore it was. They who lead Armies, or help to make War are called to manage Treaties of Peace, and the suspensions of Arms; And 'tis true, that ordina­rily th'affairs do prosper well in their hands, because they are usually bolder in Action, and have the sense, lesse sophi­sticated, than persons of the long Robe.

The Sixth Discourse.
That a Minister of State ought not to forme his Conduct by the Example of strangers; and that be ought to treat with them af­ter a Different Manner.

THere's nothing so universall in the world, as Diver­sity, and it seems that God hath affected it, to shew his power by it, and to render Nature fair. The number of An­gels, as 'tis said, surpasseth the number of other Creatures. But if the Schools would have believed St. Thomas, the di­versity of kinds which is amongst them, had equalled the [Page 79]number of particulars, and there had not been in those high and divine Hierarchies two Natures alike; However inso­much that they conceived that the Dignity of the living Creatures encreased by the multitude of th'Individuals, which composed them; and that Philosophy hath sent back the Phoenix to the fables of the Poets, who have sung of him as being alone, The greatest part of the Schools have departed in that sense from the judgement of that Doctor, whose opinions are so often adored by them. Let's go on: The Varieties of bodies which issue from th'Elements were incredible, if Nature had not submitted them to our sense; and if Art did not discover unto us an infinity of Words, which are made of a few Letters; and an infinity of Figures, which are drawn out of a small quantity of Colours; And an infinity of Colours, which are taken out of a small quan­tity of Drugs. This is not all; The divesity which Nature could not place in Essences, she hath put to the forms which accompany them; what she could not do to the principal, she hath done to the Incidents and Accessaries; and the con­formity which is in the faces of men, for to distinguish them from Beasts, is changed by many Marks of dissemblance, for to distinguish them from one another. This Second Di­versity proceeds from the first mixture of th'Elements, which enters into the Composition of the Bodies, from the virtue of Heaven, and of the Stars which are therein pre­dominant, and from the quality of the Climate, and of the place which have a great share in the Composition, and in the Constitution of all things that are born.

That if the Compositions of bodies of the same kind, are so divers for the Causes above mentioned; How much grea­ter ought the Difference to be, which is found in the manners of men, where th'Inclinations of the Body do in­terveyn, the motions of Reason. Examples from without, and strange suggestions; but above all th'Inclinations of the Body prevail, and the strength of the Constitution: Reason is very seldom heard, Men live almost wholly by passion, and as if the whole Man were but a lump, the greatest part of them act, but according to that party, and chuse rather to submit unto it, to be at rest, if they can, then to have War in resisting it; and incline rather to peace by servitude than by Victory. Insomuch that a Minister of State ought ot take great care not to act by Imitation; not to frame his Conduct by th'Example of strangers, not to follow remote Idaea's, and not to suffer himselfe to be couse [...] ­ed by what is practised in the Government of another State, which he may see powerfull and happy, that if the Physi­tians [Page 80]of Italy and Germany, handle in a different manner the Diseases of those Countries; If the Morall have not an ex­act and indivisible Medium for the virtue it teacheth. If the Church for fastings and abstinencies, be lesse Indulgent in relation to the people of the East, than of the North; And if all proceeds from the inequality of Complexions, which ariseth in part from the difference of Climates, and places. Why should not the same Considerations be received in the Conducts of States; where not onely the Constitutions of men are unlike, and their manners contrary; but their foundations are different, and their policy diverse; And where the Contest brought to maintain them is the more ardent, because 'tis raised under the pretence of generall good, and is upheld by the multitude of them who are in­terressed, and from publique force.

Lets come t'Examples; The severity which the Spaniards affect, and which is conformable to their Constitution, is necessary for Spain; and those Melancholick and glorious Spirits, are more stirred up then the spirits of others, by the shame of punishments, and by the hope of rewards. Their Inquisition which appears so dreadfull, and which is so for­midable to all other Nations; it one of the principall causes of the peace which they enjoy, and of that high tranquilli­ty wherein they repose themselves. Errour dares not open­ly appear there: There's no contagion for their spirits; and if there be any remainder of Mahometism, after the forcing a­way of so many thousands of Moores, it lies concealed in their hearts, or passeth not out of Caves and Darkness. They serve not onely against Infidelity, and for security of Con­sciences. Many Crimes purely civill, which cannot be pu­nished according to ordinary formes, are sent thither, and sometimes innocent persons are there exposed; who are to be made Examples for th'Interest of the State, and to save th'honour of the Prince. The disgrace of Antonio Peres is a famous Evidence. That person who had no greater Crime than to be esteemed by his Masted,The Sacreta­ry of Don John of Austria, was kil­led in the In­quistion by Philip's Or­der. and to have th'assu­rance of it, after he had been di [...] years variously vexed, was at last condemned to th'Inquisition; and if the people of Saragoca had not taken him away by force, he had made ex­periment of the danger of keeping a great Persons secrets, and of being th'Instrument of an Action he would not have known.

But when they undertook to settle in other places that se­vere Inquisition, 'twas then that the spirits of the people Mutined; That Tempests have been seen t'arise; and that they have run to violent Remedies to hinder them. Heresie [Page 81]entered into Flanders under Charles the fifth, and Religion be­gan to be altered there, by the Trade with England and Germany, Graniuelle, who commanded there, repaired to the Inquisition, to smoother an evil that seemed weak, because it was new, and began onely to shew it selfe, and to bud. But he spoiled all with that Remedy: and whether he was for­ced by a good zeal, as is probable; or with a desire to ceaze on the Goods of the discovered persons as he was accused; He caused so many to dye, and provoked so many other persons, that th'Emperour was constrained to suppress that pursuit. The seeds nevertheless of the Disease dyed not, though they were laid asleep,: The'Ulcer was concealed, but not healed, and a part of the people passed since from Here­sie to Revolt, which they have changed with the time into a lawfull Dominion. The Spaniards believed also, that the In­quisition after their manner, would secure the Conquest of Naples; That it should serve as a Bridle for that untamed Horse; That it would hold that changeable and unstable people under the yoak, and abate the highest heads of that Kingdom, who loved naturally disorders; but they were deceived. And so soon, as Don Pedro of Toledo attempted it, Naples rebelled, and the people took Arms as for their com­mon Liberty: and if th'Emperour had not taken away that Design; and if the Pope should have consented to the pro­posalls of Cardinal Caraffe, they had hazarded the losse of that State, and what they had in Italy.

So soon as Philip the second war returned from Flanders into Spain, he sent divers Heretiques to be punished: He par­doned neither Sex or Quality; He caused the Effigies of Con­stantine Pontius, the last Confessor of his Father to be burnt: He Commanded Bartholme, Arch-Bishop of Toledo, to be ar­rested; This Proceeding astonished all the world; And if that Prince did not spare the memory of him, who held in his Arms the dying Emperour, and received his last Breath; nor the chief Prelate of the Spanish Dominions, and who was heard with Admiration in the Councill of Trent; And if he protested daily, that he would bring Wood to burn his Children, if they were Heretiques: What grace could be expected from him by nocent persons? There's no que­stion, but that severity hath preserved that Country from Heresie, and made impressions on the people, whose nature is circumspect, and seeks safety in all their undertakings.

And as to th'Example of the Prince, and that by his Ad­vice, endeavours have been used t'exercise the same proceed­ings in France. The same success hath not been encountred; whether that the Remedy was unseasonable, or that our hu­mour [Page 82]mour is uncapable to submit to force: It seems that the door t'Errour was opened upon that occasion; Many to whom new things were odious, were lost by the Curiosity to know what the Doctrine was for which so many persons did run with vehemency, to death, and suffered with joy. That vain Image of constancy amazed weak spirits, and them that knew not, That the Justice of the Cause, and not the Rigour of Torments made Martyrs, imagined that they could not cheerfully perish, but for the Cause of Jesus Christ. Severity then is not good, but for the speculative and fierce humours, as the Spaniards are, who consider alwaies the furture and the consequence of things. To whom gentle­nesse appears Cowardize, who neglect them that flatter them, and make themselves to be feared of them who make discovery of fear. It acts also powerfully upon the fearfull and Coward people; as they of th'East, where th'heat of the Air dissipates that of the Body, and dryes up excessively the spirits which are th'Instruments of Boldnesse and Cou­rage; so Monarchies have taken their beginnings in those Countries, the people being easily reduced under the po­wer of a single person; and Ottoman had no labour to make slaves of them whom he subdued, nor to banish liberty from his Dominions, as the greatest of all Crimes.

On the contrary, Gentlenesse is proper for the governing of the Germans, and other people of the North. They are enemies to all force; There's not a Chain which weighs not with them, thoughit be necessary and just. And th'Abun­dance of heat and blood inspires them with undaunted spi­rits, which makes them resist all sorts of Domination, if it be not in their hands. Wherefore they would have all per­sons governed by Common wealths, or at least have no Kings which should not be Elective and subordinate to their Au­thority. And for that reason also, 'tis very easie to make them revolt against the Church, because it was their Mother; and to make them hate the Pope, because he was their Su­periour. Insomuch, that I do not think that the death of seven and twenty Lords, whose heads were cut off after the battail of Prague, and that bloody spactacle which they boasted of to Germany, procured so much terrour, as it raised hatred against th'house of Austria, and the Spanish Government. And I do not believe that the manner of nou­rishing the War which Wallastein introduced into that Coun­try; The rigour of the Contributions there raised; Th'op­pression of the Towns taken, or of them that obeyed; have so much assuted the Victories of th' Emperour, as they have disposed that people to Insurrections. And if the prosperities [Page 83]of the King of Sweden continue, that they may cause a strange revolution, and destroy those violent Conquests which have neither foot nor root. At the end of th'Account, I do not see that th' Emperour hath made other Advantage of those great emotions which lasted so many years, than in avoiding the Ruine that threatned him; nor that he became the richer for making such an infinite sort of persons poor, nor that he did other thing, then impose a necessity to keep al­waies on foot a dreadfull Army to make them affraid, or to see his greatnesse decline, or to give over th'Ambition of rendring himselfe Master of Germany, and of reducing the people to a totall deficiency, from whom he could not take any away, the will to rebell. As to the zeal which he hath expressed to holy things, and as to th'exercise of that Re­ligion which he re-established in all places; 'Tis a work whereof th'Apparance is very plausible and Christian. Yet insomuch that all-that is but without, and that souls give place to Armes, and obey not the truth; 'Tis to be feared that such a Reformation will fall in the change of th' Em­perours fortune; and that Heresie may more dangeously overflow than it idd, if it ever recover impunity, and its first License.

To further confirm what I have said, I will make use of th'evidence of the Spaniards, who confess that the Duke of Alva was too blame, t'employ gentlenesse to gain the Portu­gals who were onely to be overcome; And that is was to make them worse to flatter them in subduing of them. On the contrary, that severity lost the Flemmings, and that the floods of Blood which he there made to run out, the more provoked the rebellion, and gave pretence to disobedience, to shew it self, which had been till then modest, & irresolute. Gentleness then in generall, is proper for the Conduct of the Northern people, and severity for the Spaniards, and them of th'East, for the aforesaid Reasons. They that are under a temperate Climate, as the French, and whose Complexions are tempred by the clemency of th'Heavens, and the scitu­ation of Country, have also need of a moderate Conduct, and of such a temper of Justice as takes impunity from vice, and renders it not alwaies to the Culpable, despe­rate.

Upon what hath been said, 'tis easie to judge, that it is not alwaies safe to act by Imitation; That th'Example of what is practised in a Nation, is an ill principle for the Go­vernment of an other Nation; That universal proposalls are dangerous in the publique. And t'establish generall Rules to be observed of all People, and upon all occasions, is to fit the [Page 84]Robe of Fables to all the States of the Moon. 'Tis to give the same form to two contrary natures; 'Tis to range un­der and equall measure two different Quantities. And that a Minister of State may the better comprehend this truth, which is very Important; Let him know, that except some most generall propositions, which are in the practice of af­fairs, as th'ultimate principles of the Metaphysiques in the Sciences, There' none that is not disputed and contradicted; which hath not reasons and examples to favour it, and which are contrary to it, as I have elsewhere shewed; and therefore ought either alwaies to be followed, or alwaies to be reject­ed; Let's see it by Experience, and discourse in passing by of th'use of severity and gentleness, since we are upon that subject.

they who advise that a Prince should rather make him­selfe to be feared, then loved; and that Rigour supports a Scepter much better than Easiness of Manners, and Indul­gency; may at once say, That though it may be true, that soveraigne Authority is equally preserved betwixt the feare and love of the people; That nevertheless the means which gives birth to the first of these two passions, are more cer­tain then those that engender the second: That their ope­ration is more infallible, and that good Deeds act not so cer­tainly upon the spirits of men as punishments; That 'tis al­waies in the power of them who have Forces in their hands, to make themselves to be feared. But that it is not in the power of them that are good to make themselves; to be be­loved. That men love, voluntarily and by Election; but fear for the most part of necessity, and in spight of Reason, and against the resistance of all discourse. That for all times, The Corruption of Mankind hath been such, that it had had more need of Justice for to subsist, then of the good­nesse of its Superiours; That, the State of innocency is very rare in the world; but that of Repentance is common, and in continual use; & that the Governours have been alwaies more exercise to heal Diseases, than to preserve health, and the good condition of States. That in a word, The Nature of the people, is to fear much, and to love little; but ne­verthelesse that they love not the Reigns under which they live: That they are never content with thei present Con­dition: That they are sensible onely of the memory of things past, and hopes of the future; And that ordinarily the dead Princes are their delights; And though sometimes they may have Love for their Masters, and that their In­clination therein accompanies their Duty; There's no passi­on that changeth so easily in their understanding as this; [Page 85]And whether the Manners of Princes change and degene­rate, or that they are disguised and falsifyed to th'eyes of their subjects. There's nothing so easy as to passe them from Love to Disdaine, and from Disdaine to Hatred, and to Re­volt. The Life of Henry the third, is an illustrious example of this Truth; and th' Inconveniences wherein he fell af­ter he had attained the Crowne, make it appeare what foundation is to be laid upon the will of the people, and upon th' inclinations of that beast which stirrs, and his thr [...]st; and which, after it had adored the Duke of Anjou, per­secuted the King of France, and dared to make War with him.

On th' other side, it may be said, that no Emperour is fu­rer, nor power better established, than that which is foun­ded upon Love; And 'tis certain, that things are conserved by the same causes, and with the same meanes which give them birth; there's also no doubt but that the soveraigne Authrority is the firmer, when it is supported by the good will of the people, from whence it took its Originall; In the second place, no violent thing is durable, its proper force consumes it, or some other that resists it, and which is greater: And 'tis true, that every sort of Chaine, save that of Love weighes upon the spirit of man, and that every sort of yoak, if it be not voluntary, opresseth it; To conclude, to raigne only by severity, is to renounce the peace of the spirit; 'tis to charge upon himselfe the passion given to a­nother; 'tis t' expose himselfe to an eternall necessity of distrusting all persons, and to make them Enemies whom he would not suffer to love him, for fear of not being suf­ficiently feared; 'Tis to fall into the the same mischiefs which traverse jealous husbands, and in over-straining his subjects to be faithful, to give them a will to rebell, and to quit their obedience, which would not be trusted to their vertue and to their inclination.

To the first, Answer may be given, that severity alone conserves very ill the power of a soveraigne; and that t'em­ploy violence against th'evills of a State, 'tis to use nothing but passion and fire against all the Maladies of the body, and every sort of Ulcers. That if great persons sometimes have affected an austere and hard humour, and seem thereby to maintain themselves in Authority; That effect neverthe­lesse proceeds from another cause: And, insomuch that that terrible conduct hath not been alone, and was found in the Company of many great vertues that have tempered it, It hath not done th'evill it was accusstomed to do. This was observed in the life of Torquabes, of Mariust of Sylla, of [Page 86] Corbulon, and of many others of the Ancients: And of the Moderne, in the Life of the duke of Alva, of the Marquess of the Holy Crosse, who left such cruell Markes of his Hu­mours to the Terceres, of the County of Fuentes and Wail­staine of this time who was so absolute in th'Armies, he commanded, that the name of the Emperour was but th' Image of the Soveraigne power, He exercised; If these great persons, I say, had known onely how to comand the set­ting up of Gallowses, and to send men to death, they had not been followed by their Souldiers, in the occasions of glory; and they had been unknown to us, but a ex­amples of Misfortune, whereinto severity doth precipi­tate.

It may be also aswered to the second, that Indulgency is a Means, as little safe as facile, to give power to raigne, or to compell obedience; that if the first men of the past and mo­derne ages, seem to have neglected severe wayes, and th' Examples of Rigour, the better to subsist in the spirits of their subjects, or of their souldiers, 'Tis that in effect, they had extraordinary Qualities, and I know not what of admira­ble in their persons, which appeared in their face and coun­tenance, and inspited respect with love into the souls of them who came neer them; such were Alexander, Scipio, Caesar, Ger­manicus; such, Gaston of Foix, Don John of Austria, Ferrant Gon­salve, and the two last Dukes of Gaise, whose single presence-bewitched the world, forced the wills of men in spight of Reason, and constrained their Enemies to change their passi­on or to suspend it at the sight of them.

From this discourse I draw two Instructions, which may be applyed to th' other matters of Policy. The first is, That for th' use of gentleness and severity, and generall Rule cannot be Resolution must be taken upon th'Occasion; Consultation had with the nature of Affairs; with the condition of the times; with the Quality of the persons; and leve the dis­position of th' event to fortune, and t' other causes which are without us. The second, That although the difference brought of th'inclinations of divers people, requires or the most part a very different application of the Means, which are to be used for governing of them; so 'tis that as in the Oeconomy of th' humane body, and dispensation of th' hu­mours which compose it, there's of course one that predo­minates, and which serves for a law to Physick, and for a that 'tis necessary sometimes to keep under that comman­ding Humour, and that predominant Quality, To raise o­thers, [Page 87]alter their order, and change the course of certaine Occurences, and according to the nature of the diseases which happen or threaten. 'Tis the very same with th' Hu­mours of the People and Complexions of States. There's a certaine Conduct which is as naturall to them; but, it ought not to be inviolable. A Minister of State ought not to be a slave. He may quit it, provided that he doth not abandon it, and may resume it; and a Minister of State is sometimes constrained to go out of th' high way, t'avoide an ill passage or an Ambush. There are people who are to be retained with Rigour, and whose obedience is not ascertained, but under a severe Empire. But that ought not to be eternall; 'Tis good sometimes to gaine them and not alwayes to sub­due them; To bend them, and not alwayes to break them; and occasions doe happen wherein 'tis of necessity to flatter them, and to stroake them for feare of affrighting them; lest they take the Bridle in their teeth, and Carry him away, that ought to Lead them.

The Seaventh Discourse.
That a Minister of State ought to treate in a different Manner with strangers, as they are powerfull and free.

A Minister of State ought not onely to conforme his con­duct to th' Inclination of the people which he governes, or with whom he treats; But he ought also to adjuste it to their power and to their weaknes; He ought t' Imitate that wise Physician; who considers as much the strength of the sick person, as the virtue of the Remedy; and seeks the proportion of that which actes, with that which suffers. There are States, whose Greatness is in themselves: which subsist upon their owne weight: which can passe-by all others: which have very little to feare from without, and can hardly fall but bu their owne weightiness, nor perish but by the Corruption within, and by the vices of the noble parts. Such was th' Ancient Republique of Rome, after that so many Nations had submitted unto it, and that there re­mained nothing in the world wherewith to fill up th' Am­bition of one of its Citizens, nor sufficient to make him Great enough without the Ruine of his Country. Such is also at this day the Empire of th' Ottomans, whose body is so dilated and power so vaste, that it seems, that nothing ought to affright the Head but the Members, nor dissolve the Masse, but its owne Parts; There are others, whose Ex­tent truly is not small, nor forces incosiderable; But [Page 88]which have neverthelesse need of foraine Aid [...] for to sup­port them; To fortifie themselves with Alliances; To forme Leagues; To make use of diversions. In short, to re­paire with Industry what of force is wanting in them, either for resistance or enterprize. There are Princes who subsist onely by the Conveniences of their Country, and by the benignity of its scituation: Two great powers betwixt which, It is shut up, and to whom It serves for Barriere, are in perpetuall jealousie, that th' one or th' other will make its Accommodation of it, & there's nothing that they would not do to hinder them from the change of Master, and from sub­mitting to a Domination by them suspected; This passion of State hath been th' originall of great wars, which have been seene in Piedmont since hundred yeares, and of so much Spanish and French blood as hath been shed in that Province. There are others, who have quit themselves un­der a voluntary dependency upon a greater power, or by reason of some good turne received, or to be delivered of the Expence from disturbance and from feare, which the Neigh­bourhood of a greater brings, when he is no friend, which is seldome but to their Advantage, so, he is in some sort the Master of the petty States, which he protects; without Citadelle and Garrison he Commands them; and he receives when he hath need, considerable supplyes of Money and Men.

There are others who are under a forced Dependancy, and are become Captives without thinking of it, who have given the matter of their Chaine; and furnished the Stuffe, whereof the yoak was made that oppresseth them: Covetousness hath precipitated the Genoueses into this unhappiness; That villa­nous passion hath forged their servitude: The Money which they have put into the hands of the Spaniards hath betrayed them, and by an Inverted order, the Creditors put them­selves to the Mercy of their Debtors: They cannot now unsay it; they have given them pawns and cannot recover them, and which they will not suffer them to loose; A single free thought cannot enter their spirits; They dare not accept th'aid of them who would redeem them for their Capti­vity; and being slaves to their Money, they must or necessity be to the Men who keep it for them. On the other side, 'tis a pleasant way of gaining a State that which the Spaniards have practised towards the Genoueses; It was never doned so good cheape, in other places; All others have cost them something; if the Great Duke be obliged to the defence of the State of Milan, they have rendered unto him the for­tresses of the Toscane, and given him Sienna. If the Prince o [Page 89] Parma, ought to furnish them with Men and Money for the same subject, He hath received also the Citadelle of Pleasance. But here they onely tendred th' hands to take the Money which hath been voluntarity unto them; They en­joy it and are the Masters of it; In leaving t' others the vaine Names of Creditours: and if [...]metime they give them some­what by may of profit; even that returnes to them and re­sembles the water of Certaine Fountaines, which by a con­strained Motion being forced out of its reserve, returnes thi­ther by a Naturall motion, and by a necessary fall. Let this be said in passage.

To conclude, There are States which are not conserved but by reason of their weakness, and in regard they are so in­considerable, that they deserve not the violation of Justice in a Conquerour, nor that his Ambition be rendred odious for the desire of them: such is the Common-wealth of Ragouse, which is so little, that to this day it hath not provoaked th' Appetite of the Turk; & so poor, that almost all its Revenues is laid out, to feed the great Persons of the family of Porte, and to serve for entertainment to the Sangiaes, who are their Neighbours. A Minister then of State must know, That every sort of State requires a different Conduct; That th' one ought not to serve as Example to th' other for Govern­ment; and when any business is to be had with them, that they are to be treated withall according to their Power and Liberty. Whilst the Common-wealth of Venice was in dis­order with Paul the fifth, and that Christendom was divi­ded upon that Quarrell, the Common-wealth of Genes fell into almost the like Inconvenience; This neverthelesse did bend under the will of the Pope, And having cast it selfe into a shamefull servitude, was carefull to performe such Actions as might deserve the Name of a lawfull obedience; and that Spaine, whose Aide it wanted was but too much car­ried to dispose it, to raise a prejudice against Venice. On the contrary, Venice remained inflexible in its pretensions, be­cause it had power to maintaine them, and pursued the bu­siness to th'End, that the Liberty which it had not received but from God, and wherewith it was borne, might not be weakned. The designes then of the Pope, which prospered for Genes, were vaine for Venice; and th' Inequality of those two states could not admit of the same Remedies, though they laboured of the same Evill, and of the like Acci­dent.

The Eighth Discourse.
That a Minister of State ought not inviolably t' act that which hath been alwaies practised in the State.

HE not only acts safely, who formes not his conduct up­on that of strangers, not treats equally with two une­quall powers: But a Minister of State is farre from that he ought to be if in the State where he acts he tye himselfe servilely, to what hath been done before him: If he dare not go out of the beaten Road: If he have no other marke then th' example of them that have gone before him; If he will alwaies walk upon their paces, and adore only their foot-steps. No comparison was ever more naturall or re­port more just, than that of th' humane and politique body, Th' Oeconomy of th' one may serve for Modell to th' o­ther; They are both subject to the same Accidents and to the same Symptomes: Both of them have ordinarity the birth weak, the progress proud and rapid; the subsistence trembling, and the fal precipitated. And nevertheless, each of those ages requires a different Regiment, and a Conduct al­together diverse. These considerations also have place in th' Ecclesiastique State, and in the government of Soules. And though its foundations be eternall, and that 'tis built upon an immoveable Stone; Though this Barke cannot perish nor make Shipwrack; Though the Doctrine be in­fallible that hinders not, but regard being had to the man­ners of particular persons, but that some alteration may often happen in it: That Compliance must be made with the time; sayls shifted according to the nature of the winds which blow; Relaxation from the severity of discipline, and much submission to th' inclination of the people; Mi­racles have founded the Church, and th' Holy Ghost aydes it with his protection; But it requires also that the prudence of Prelates should interpose to govern it. Reason is not ba­nished, provided that it remaine subject to Faith; and the Truths which have been proposed to us all naked and with the sole Authority of signes, are not declared unto us by the Councills, but after great inquiries, and answerable consultations.

And nevertheless Prudence requires, that, in the Conduct of souls, what is best in it self be not so much considered, as what is most conformable to them; That a violent subjection be not imposed upon them, for fear least the yoak being made too heavy, it give a desire to shake it off. Heretofore the Churches Arms were very dreadfull, and the greatest [Page 91]Princes tremble at the Noyse of th' Thunder of Rome; The Prudence of Pastors, who made no unlawfull use of their powers, & th' opinion had of their sanctity; caused that they who were threatned, held themselves at that instant cul­pable, and that they had even fear of unjust excommuni­cations: But as there's nothing so good, which man doth not abuse; nor any thing so holy which his Malice or fra­gility doth not corrupt; It hath hapned that in these lat­ter ages, have been seen great alterations of Manners in Pa­stors, and great abuses in th' exercise of Justice: There was no fault of Boniface th' eighth, and of Jules the second, which did not passe the bounds of the Spirit, which confines their power, and instead of opening the Kingdome of Heaven whereof Jesus Christ had left them the keys, endevoured to take away th' Interest of Lands from their true Masters, and lawfull possessors; Besides that, the too frequent use of Excommunications, and th' application thereof to matters of nothing; The Scismes of the Popes, which have vexed the Church, and caused many persons to take up Arms, who ought to have been governed by a single person. All this is the cause, that they are now lesse respected then they ought to be, and make not sufficient impressions of terrour upon Christian Souls. In effect, There's nothing that so much conserves the reverence due to Holy things, as the Rarity, nor that vilifies them more then to render them po­pular; Those things principally which are of an Order su­periour to the body, and whose effects are not sensible, and respect another Life then this; have need of these precauti­ons, that they may be wholsome, Insomuch that 'tis to misunderstand it, to draw a consequence from the time past, when Ecclesiastique Discipline was in vigour & the consci­ences of Christians docile, when there was nothing but heate and flame among the faithfull; when obedience was generall, and that superiours had not so much use of a Spurre to pro­voke the love of virtue, and to the pursuit of good; as of a Bridle to retaine, and to hinder th' excess by th' impetuo­sity of Zeal. 'Tis ill done, I say, to draw consequences from that time to this present time, when not only Heretiques change the Truths received, but Atheists assault the Prin­ciples of Faith and the Foundations of Religion: In the dispensation of Ecclesiastical punishments, The Prelates and the Soveraigne chief of the Church, ought not to decline th' end, for which God left then the power t'impose them: Instead of building they ought not to pul down, nor destroy a whole body in cutting of a perished member and sick part; To conclude, There's nothing that Superiours, spirituall or [Page 92]temporall ought more t' avoid, nor wherein they ought to be more difficult, than in putting their Authority to Reference, and to make Lawes that are not observed; 'Tis t' offend a­gainst the forme of what they are, and 'tis much better to suffer Evills, and to Tolerate abuses in a State, then to dis­cover its wants of power in not correcting of them, or ma­nifest its weakness in contesting too much to surmount their Resistance. Truly, since, Sr. the Cardinall hath had the power of Administration, it cannot be said, That th' Exam­ple of strangers hath put us out of our way, nor that we have lost our selves in following our predecessors, and for nor daring to be bolder, & wiser than they. This great Minister of State hath so well known the Nature of th' Ill we labou­red of, and our Boare; and the Remedies have been dispensed with such due proportion, and equality, that the defect hindered not the operations, nor th' excess sharpned the disease; The sweetness which the King used towards the Rochellers when they were not in condition any longer to resist his forces; The grace which was afforded to Crimi­nalls, when they were in his power; and the Clemency he exercised when the might have used Severity, without blame; and have made examples of Justice which could not have had any ill consequence, nor dangerous revenge; On th' o­ther side the Comportment at Privas, and that sad spectacle which seemed to have been procured by some superiour providence, To supply, it may be, the too great humanity of the King, and that of his Ministers of State; The Manner of hearkning to the propositions of accommodations not to make the culpable desperate, and to press the War, and ha­sten victory; To take from them the means of expecting any thing from time, which is th' hope of unfortunate persons; Th' industry which Sr. the Cardinall hath added to force; Th' Art he hath used to sow division, and to convey dis­trust amongst the Rebels: He divided their Interests, and hath made them weak for want of Union; The assaults of his Eloquence, and of that divine faculty, which hath so charmed the Hearers, that all the passions that nourished Re­bellion were quieted; Th' hottest Motions of desyance they had for us, were stayed; The most opinionated could not but consent to what we would have; and the most valiant durst not seek their safety in Arms but in Obedience, and subjection. Moreover the most scrupulous observati­on of promised things, and that Legall, and new proceeding wherewith fears were not allayed, but their hopes were surmounted: That I say, hath reconciled all their spi­rits; hath rendred the victory perfect and firme in gaining [Page 93]the wills of the Conquer'd; hath cut off the last Roots of Re­bellion, and finished the work which had been so often be­gun, and as often destroyed by ill Fortune or by ill Conduct.

If the King would have believed th' old Ministers of State, and the wise persons that had Governed in other Raignes; He had never assaulted the Hugenots: He had not offended a party his Father feared, nor touched that Frame which stirred not but by shakeing the Pillars of the State, and the foundations of Monarchy; Insolency, said they, must be suffer'd t'avoid Felony; and Lenitives applyed when sharp Re­medies were mortall.

They nerve Concluded for warre but when it was made to them. Th' End of our Armes was not for Victory but Peaces. They did not embarque to sayl, but to return to th' Haven from whence we were put out; They could not endure tossing at Sea; and were they in a small Boat or in a ship of Burden they would make for the Land; In the mean time the fire of the Revolt was not put out; The springs of disobedience remained full, and if they were stopped for a time from Running, they swelled and became great t'over­flow the stronger, into another Channell. In a word, the King had alwayes Companions in his kingdome; and at most the Subjection of Halfe the French, consisted in sharing his powers with Him, to leave him the name onely of a Sover­aigne.

If the Maxims observed during his Minority in Rela­tion to his Allies, had not been changed nor; more Courage exprest than when the Spaniards stript the Duke of Savoy; If our Reliefs had been as faint, and fearfull, as they in that time; and it we had as much feared three Powers as they did one; What had become of Monsiur Mantove and of our Reputation? The Liberty of th' Holy Chair had been weakned, and Italy in a Chain. They had suddenly been over the ditch of France, having there nothing abroad more to take; No person would have more trusted us; And at this day, we should not have been the Protectors of the weake: we should be the forsakers of th' afflicted. To con­clude, if Sr. the Cardinall should have had onely in sight, the Example of our Fathers, and their wisdome; The designe of Navigation should have been onely in Idea, and we had not seene the Progresse of a thing whose Beginnings aided so much for the taking of Rochell; and without it, the greatest States were never but halfe Powerfull, nor but halfe Rich.

The Ninthe Discourse.
That the Counsells of Strangers ought to be suspected by a Minister of State.

A Minister of State ought to suspect the Counsells that come from abroad, what shew soever they make of good, and what pretence soever of God-will they Cloath themselves withall. Let them take it for certaine, That the greatest part of Princes have neither hate nor friendship but for Conveniency, and have no passion but what their Interest gives them; And therefore no Friendship is so dear to them as the least of their Affaires; That there's not a Parent whom they will not turne out of a great Good, if he be ne­ver so little Dammageable to them; whom they will not sacrifice, if it turne to their profit; and expose them to th' uttermost Mischiefe, if it be for their Accommodation. The faire passions of Resentment for good turnes, and of Ac­knowledgment, are th' expressions onely of Particular and of Vulgar persons; They are seldome born amongst Princes. 'Tis a Traffique, and not a Commerce of friendship, which is practised amongst them; The lawes of Merchandize enter much easier into their Treaties, than the lawes of Philoso­phy, Interest is the sole bond that ties them. And insomuch that reason of State learnes not to do well Generously, 'tis no wonder if they know not ordinarily either to owe hand­somly, or handsomely to acknowledge. In a word, there's but little Counsell given by Strangers, whose spring is not tainted, and which is not corrupted either by th' Ambition of them most powerfull, or by the jealousie of Equalls, or by the fear of Inferiours. Great persons endeavour to catch Inferiours in their Nets, or to do their business at their Charges; They engage them in their Quarrells, and forget them in their Accommodations, or interesse them in others Men's, to keep them under in ayding of them, and retaine the securities they had seised under Colour of defending them; Equalls would be very glad to withdraw themselves from Concurrence; To gaine th' upper hand, and not to serve for Counterpoise in the forces of the others, nor obstacle to the Greatness whereunto they aspire; Inferiours are al­wayes in fear of great Persons when they are ambitious and look upon them as Monsters, from whom they expect to be devoured. They cannot have good will for them, whom they distrust; and they raise no Altars nor offer sacrifices for them, but as th' Auncients did to the Plague and to a [Page 95]Feavour to be preserved from an Evill which they feared.

In the begining of the Civil discords for the Matter of Religion, and when the new Sect severed them from th' obe­dience due to the King whom it had withdrawn from th' obedience due to the Church, Philip the second caused Katherine of Medicis to be advertized by Manique his ambassa­dour, that It concerned her much to take great care not to flatter th' Evill, or to come to any Composition with it; That lenitive Re­medies were Mortall; and that Rebellion and Heresie were to be pursued by the sword and fire. I doubt not but the Councill of Philip had th' honour of God for their End, which was offended by that new Doctrine, and th' interest which was Common to him with all th' other Princes, Not to per­mit disobedience in the States of other Princes. But in the choice of the Meanes he proposed t' oppose that Evill and to fight it; 'Tis certaine that He considered not so much the Effect it would produce, in France, as the Good the low Countryes would receive by it, where the Contagion was al­ready entred; He would make us swallow the Medicine for the purging of his subjects. He thought t' astonish the culpable of his Countrey, by example of the Justice, which should be acted in ours; and take away the heart of Heresie, when it should see it selfe so ill handled in other places, and be taken every where for th' hatred of Princes, and horrour of the people. Lets observe here, upon occasion, That the Prince whom they called the Solomon of his Age hindered to his power the Flemings from taking Religion for the pretext of th'Insurrection they studied, and th'Impatience they had to rise; He saw cleerly that they who had so often quarrelled their Princes being present, and could never Love but the race of them; would hardly containe themselves in their Absence, and permit the Domination of stranger Govern­nors. But he judged also that it was easie t'order the people that Mutined when the' engaged not God in their Revolt, and opposed not the Command of providing for their sal­vation, to that of obedience to their superiours. T' avoid that, he accords them all their demands, though they were unjust: He takes away the Spanish Garrison wherewith they said they were oppressed; He consents that the Governours of strange places should be Natives of the Country, and named by the States. He remits the Cardinal Grantuelle to the Franche County whose person was odious unto them, and Conduct insupportable. In brief, for the love of them, He overthrows the functions of Soveraignty and chose rather to receive the Law from his Catholique subjects, than to be constrained to give it to the Heretique Rebells. But he knew [Page 96]too late Nature of the people and their diseases; And as 'tis sometimes good, when th' Appetite of Novelty is ap­peased, which vexed it, and tired with its owne disorders, To bring it back with sweetness; To give it liberty to re­tire from Evill with some shew of Reputation, and to seem lesse Culpable then It was; That nothing but force can re­duce it, when it begins to shake and is full of fancies of the future and of hopes of Change: That to flatter them is to lose them, when they are in that Humour; and 'tis then that they make themselves to be feared, when the least Evidence of feare is discovered unto them: Th' easiness of granting the first demands doth furnish them with boldness to make new ones; The desire of evill is increased in giving them powers t' execute it; and at last, 'Tis found, that instead of a weak and irresolute Mutiny as it was, A powerful enemy is made, and an Irreconcilable persecutor. I handle this Matter very particularly in the second part of this work; So 'tis that Philip fell into th' Inconveniency, which he had a designe t'avoyd, and he saw Religion perish, and his Subjects of the Low Countries to rebell, for not using seasonable Remedies, which might have wrought, if they had been applied in sea­son; in employing Severity and Gentleness in counter time, and in making too much or too little use of th' one or th' other; It may be also that there was of Fate in th' Ac­cident of that new Power, and that God suffered it to rise in opposition to the Spanish Ambition; and to stop, with so small a thing that Torrent which threatned th' overflow of all his Neighbour-Countryes.

Our Kings also, under whom Heresie hath risen, have spoiled all in following violent Counsells; They have all­wayes either strained too much or slacked too much: And, as if they had been carried with Contrary windes, They never knew, how to take the Medium, nor find the temper betwixt and Excessive Rigour, and a too Loose Indulgency. The shamefull Peaces, accorded in divers times tho th' Hugu­nots, sad Edicts made in their favour, declare cleerly what spirit acted in France; and that there was no need of fighting Battails, nor of the burning of Townes, for to put things in the State they were before the warr. On th' other side, the violent designes, and bloody Resolutions which were taken t'ill purpose, have been the fruits of Spanish Counsells, and of I alian suggestions; Th' impatience which some had to see our Miseries finished, have retarded the Cure in making too great haste; And th' hopes which others had to make profits of them, hath been the Cause that they enflamed more, and prepared a long and new Matter for our Discords, which were of Advantage to them.

Th' Execution of St. Bartholomew is a work of their spirit, & they glory that their King had a particular hand in it, and that the Duke of Alva did advise it in his journey to Bayone. I will not discourse of the nature of the Action, which found even Catholique spirits divided, and their opinions diffe­rent to approve or condemn it; Th' Incertitude wherein they alwaies were, in what manner King Charles concurred; whe­ther by pretension, or by a pure designe, and the particular resentment of a Prince, which ingaged with the Zeal of publique good; are the cause that no judgement can be made thereof, but what may be dangerous or rash. I suspend mine also, to rest me upon the success which was not con­forme to th' Hopes were had of it; And were it that we knew not how to make use of our advantage; or that th' Election of the Duke of Anjou, for King of Polonia, lost the fruits of the victory that was at hand; or that God would not blesse an Action wherein it was presumed, that the pub­lique Faith, whereof he was alwaies Protector, was viola­ted; We have seen the Fire the more kindled, which they thought had been put out by that bloud-letting; and pretence given to cruelty, to be animated against the Catholique bloud.

The Cardinall of Lorrain also, made a great wound in the State and Church, in being promoter of the discourse of Poissy. After he had been so contrary to the Protestant Ministers. The persons being of obscure birth, and their Lives charged with faults; who had been shaken by many Declarations and Edicts; who had so often shun'd the Light for to save themselves in dark places and in Woods; who had deliberated upon the Doctrine they published: To bring forth I say this people to a day so glorious as the Car­dinall had made it, to draw them to so famous a Combate, and to give them the meeting in the Field, where they had him for Adversary, and the King and the Princes for Spec­tators; It must be confessed that he was much too blame, and that it was to pass too dangerously from one extream to another. He ought to have believed, that it was a means to cherish them in Errour that were shaking, and to con­firme them that were irresolute: That that Honour would excessively swell their heart: That it would give them a greater Opinion of their persons and doctrines, than they had before and would put those proud spirits into a condi­tion never to Renounce the propositions so solemnly de­bated. He might have believed, that no jealousie is so vi­olent as that which we take, in favour of our Opinions: And for the matter of Sect, that come into the World; Th' [Page 78]Authors ought to be gained before they are publiquely de­clared; or else they must be destroyed.

But when they had overcome the first encounterd resi­stance, and that apprehension which the greatnesse of their Enterprize gave them; and that the uncertainty of the suc­cess was ceased; The disease must take its Course of Neces­sity; Hope and fear are weak Remedies against it, and Man labours in vain, If God doth not shew himselfe with a pow­erfull Arme to defend his own cause. The example of Luther was fresh in memory, and the causes of the miserable Schism in Germany known to all the World. So long as Luther did only Hazzard his Doctrine, and had no other designe but to cast out his spight, and revenge the wrong he believed was done to them of his Order [for not per­mitting them to preach, as they were accustomed, th' Indulgencies, in the Duchy of Suxe]; It had been ea­sie to have reduced him: But after he had conferred with Cardinall Caietan; That he had been heard of Charles th' Emperour, and that Leon the tenth had fulminated against him; He changed the passion; Vanity succeeded cheller, and th' honour to have to do with so great persons, renders him irreconsilable. In vaine after, the Messengers of Paul the third indeavoured to sweeten that sharp spirit: In vain, did he represent unto him th' evill would happen, in o­verthrowing the peace of the World for a doubtfull beliefe; And in vain did he offer him Red Hatts, and the first digni­ties of the Church for the price of his conversion; All that, moved him not; That ambitious man could no longer submit after he had contested with Cardinals, Emperours, Popes. And after he had been made equall to them; He could not believe himselfe great enough, if any person were above him. This digression may seem, affected, but it wil be never­theless profitable: Lets return to our subject. 'Tis then true, that 'tis almost an inevitable necessity to receive or demand, Counsell; But 'tis an extream disgrace not to be able to re­solve of ones selfe, and to distinguish betwixt anothers in­terest and the good of our affairs. Behold other Examples: Peter of Medicis whose imprudence and misfortune made him famous in Story; tooke Refuge at Venice, after he was driven from Florence. Charles th' Eighth, who was the subject of his disgrace, offered also to be the cause of his Restablish­ment, and in restoring him to his first powers, to assure him­selfe of the Florentines, who were so necessary for his Italian designes; He advised him then of his Intentions, and ten­dered him his Aid for that purpose. Peter consults the Republique, and demands what he ought to do. The Senate who had jealousie of Charles's stay in Italy; who would not [Page 99]have him take Root there; who had it then in considerati­on, how to send him beyond the Mountaines, and to release by Consequence Florence, which was the breast of his Army, and of his Interests; disswade Peter from casting himselfe into th' Armes of the King to gaine his Returne. They re­present to him the danger of imploying so great a Mediator; That it would more inflame the hatred of his Country-men against him, and that they conceive the King would sell the grace he should procure him, and oblige him at the Charges of the Common Liberty; So with these Reasons, whose apparance was specious, and with the promises they made him to labour his returne, The designes of Charles, and th' hopes of Peter were frustrated.

The Venetians who are so industrious to counsell others, and who for th' opinion of wisdome they have gained in the world, are sometimes Consulted with, even from th' utter­most Confines of Asia; Take no Counsell from others but for Conveniency; nor otherwise, than, as an Evidence of th' affection of them that give it; All the Powers of Europe were interessed in the disturbance of th' Interdict; The Christians, and the Turkes, the Catholiques and the Protestants did engage, and there was not a Prince which made not offers, or gave advice to the Republique; Nothing of that neverthelesse could shake it. She stood immoveable in its proper Resent­ments, and never wandred from her End, whatsoever was proposed to the Contrary. I do not think it can be said, that Counsells from abroad have acted amongst us since Sr. the Cardinall hath been in the government, nor that for­raigne Infusions have seduced us, since He governed. I do not think that it can be reproached to this Great Minister of State, That the Gold of our Neighbours; hath put out his eyes, t'open his heart to their suggestions; nor that their subtlity hath Caused them to unty the Tongue to discover the Kings designes, and the secrets of the State; Heretofore they governed in our Counsells, though in the posture of third persons. They have there proposed their opinions by French-Interpreters; some of our Ministers of State were but bodies assumed, to which their spirits gave Motion and language; And in regard they were venall persons; no man need wonder, If they were for them that would give most, and by Consequence their's; since they never found too high a price for the Purchase of the fidelity of the subjects of o­ther Princes.

But t' assault with these base temptations a Person who would not make use of all the Just wayes of getting wealth; who had so often refused to search into the Coffers, which his Master opened unto him; who made scruple of receiving [Page 100]Benefits from a Prince, which were offered him. T'avoid the gathering of the spoiles of an unhappy person, and of­tentimes Hazarded all his Meanes t'assure ours. There's no reason for it.

Besides, that Interest which hath been ever powerfull in France; The feare that hath been long entertained of pro­voaking Neighbour forces, hath often spoiled our Affairs or weakned our Reputation. For feare of displeasing them, a pernicious Compleasancy was exercised in favour of them; their proposalls were harkned unto with too much respect; They durst not break their Designes with force; they were diverted by Treaties, and interventions. And insomuch that we had not Courage, to act with them as Equalls; They took the boldness to treate with us as our superiours and Masters. A strange Maxim that possessed some spirits, to permit in private all the tricks of a Mutinous faction, under pretence that we wanted power to represse it, and to suffer the Spaniards to do a part of what they would do abroad, t'avoyd disorder with them; and least th' hatred of that for­midable Nation should be added to the spight of disconten­ted persons, and to the disturbance of Rebells. It was upon this Principle that they suffered the Duke of Savoy to perish, and that the frontiers of the State of Milan were enlarged to the foot of the Mountaines; It was upon the same prin­ciple, that Affronts were permitted to be done to the Vene­tians; That they have suffered a person to triumph with their vessells, as a Conquerour, who had taken them, onely as a Pirate, and whom they forced t'escape into Gradisque, and conserved that place to th'house of Austria: In search whereof, they have formerly consumed a part of their treasure, and thirty thousand Men without taking of it. 'Tis by reason of this principle also, that th' Hugonots com­playned (whether of right or wrong is not for me to judge) of the Breach of the peace of Montpellier to the prejudice of the King's Intentions. And that they who made it to suppress another Caballe which could not subsist but by the Conti­nuation of the warr; had also broken it t'accommodate th' humour of Italie and of Spaine, where some murmured, that a party was suffered to Live, which, as was Imagined, might have been stiffled. And others were angry for the remission of our Evils, and for the Interruptions of our discords, which they would make perpetuall. How ever, It was, that breach, whether true or pretended hath been the begin­ning of the most dangerous warre, which as yet we have had in the State; and the Ministers of State, which succeeded had received (according to the Custome) the shame of the [Page 101]faults of their Predecessors, if they had not the Virtue to re­paire them.

But Sr. the Cardinall entred with Counsells as bold as disinteressed; He knew the power of our Neighbours, and the forces of his Master; He conceived that all his Master's forces were not to be imployed against them, so long as they held theirs divided in divers places; which without questi­on they will alwaies do, till they cease to be Ambitious, or become Weake.

And therefore upon this Infallible Principle, the King hath beaten down all that did arise in his Kingdome against his Authority, and hindred the great persons abroad to grow great at the Charges of the lesser; and of th' Allies of France.

The Tenth Discourse.
How Advises from Rome, and from the Mediation of the Pope, are to be entertained.

WHat I have said in the Precedent Discourse respects only the Princes manifestly interessed, and whose in­tentions are suspected to their Neighbours, by reason of some irregular passion they labour under. A consideration apart must be made of the Advises that come from Rome, and Interventions of Popes in th' affairs of other Princes; But insomuch as that dignity which regards onely the spirit, and th'hopes of th'other Life is joyned in time to a temporall power, wherewith it is not incompatible; It hath also hapned, that they who have beene provided of both, have cast themselves on other Interest then those of God, and mingled the Zeale of the salvation of Souls with the passions of th' Earth. And as 'tis seen that Man suffers himself to be ravisht with th' Objects of the senses, and acts not but according to th'animal faculties, though he have spiritual and divine faculties. In like manner some Popes have been seen to forget the functions of the Chiefs of the faithfull, in addicting themselves wholly to the functions of the Princes of the World, and place Ambition and Avarice in the Throne of Holinesse; Moreover some per­sons have been found who by interessed designes or with an indiscreet heat have endeavoured to over-straine the tem­porall [Page 102]greatnesse of Popes, and for some reasons of comply­ance, attribute unto them more jurisdiction over Catholique Princes, than God hath given them; they have by that means blown up the Courage of some of the Popes; They have made them t'assume unreasonable pretensions; They have caused that boldnesse in them, to trample under their feet the Crowns of Soveraigns, and to march upon their Heads, who acknowledge God onely to be above them in temporall, Jurisdictions. From thence are borne the Quar­rells, they have had with divers Princes, and chiefly with th' Emperours of the West; from thence have been kindled so ma­ny Warrs in Germany, which have passed into Italy, and brought desolation to all Europe; From thence, were for­med those famous factions of Guelphs and Gibelins, which have divided the Fathers from their Children, which put Schism into Families; which made Citties to be burnt, and Provinces to be plunderd; and held the World in combusti­on for a Quarrell which was not that of Jesus Christ. The doubtfull pretensions, or lesse cleer, which some Popes would passe for indubitable, have occasioned that they who were interessed, have maintained their Rights with the more vi­olence, and with lesse respect then they ought; and did cast themselves into extreamities in a Cause, which moderation might have made lawfull.

But moreover, When a Pope either by his proper Motion or by the suggestions of Juglers and Flatterers, wherewith sometimes they are infested, hath assumed a Right he had not, though his designe hath not prospered, and that he hath encountred impediments, which have stopped his course, some indiscreetly zealous Authors have been found, who set forth his Action for a Title, t' entitle the subsequent Popes to that Right, and to re-ingage them in a Quarrell which should be made as strong by their own Authority, as by that, wherewith they secure themselves by reason of the prescrip­tion, and that it hath the favour of time. From thence it a­riseth, that they are very sensible of what they conceive to touch them; that there's so much severity at Rome, for what concerns them; and when that matter enters into th' Affairs which are treated with them, or into the Negotiations which their Agents mannage, that great Circumspecti­ons are there to be used; Th' Eye must be open to all things, and to tread with address and lightness upon so slip­pery a Pavement.

I will place here a long consideration, but profitable, and that shall enter without Violence upon the subject in hand. The wealth which hath been given to the Church for the [Page 103]glory of God, and for th' Ornament of that fair Hierarchy, which composeth the Mysticall body of Jesus Christ; hath had in many of their members an Effect contrary to their End. The Soveraigne Shepheards themselves whose Lifes are the Lamps of the Gospel, that it be not hid under a Bush­ell; have sometimes given scandalous examples in this mat­ter; Their Manners have not shined, but to lead into pre­cipices; They have betrayed the bounties of Honest Men, and converted the Monuments of the Piety of the Constan­tines, of the Pepins, and of the Charlemaignes into instruments of Ambition, or of some other passion, less Honest: And as all the motions of the soul, when they are irregular, and that imagination in stead of discourse doth governe them; en­ter into a wilderness, and find no object to confine them, no bridle to check them; So the wealth of the Holy Chair, though it be great, hath been little to satisfie immoderate desires, and the too vast designes of some Popes, and to fur­nish th' excess of their Expences. That hath obliged some of their Agents, who burnt with a contrary passion to seek out extraordinary Means for Money; and to have recourse to violence and sacriledges, being unable by lawfull Expe­dients to satisfie the Prodigality of their Masters, or their personall Avarice; They have not only set impositions, and subsidies upon their temporall Subjects as other Princes do; But they have also abused what was most holy in Re­ligion; They put to sale the things that were above Price; They have sold the merits of Jesus Christ; and sold to children what came from the Indulgency of their Mother. Besides this, the venality of Offices, which some Popes have permitted to be introduced into the Court of Rome, and that Spring of Rapine, which hath been stopped to th' uttermost of their power, in all well polished States; The greatness of their kindred which some have procured with too much heat; The Warrs wherein they did embarke themselves to ill purpose; The sumptuous buildings and the too proud goods: In brief all that furniture, which was seen at Rome, of things which were not invented but for vanity or for pleasure, and whereof the most unprofitable were the most precious; All this, hath raised an ill opinion of the dig­nity of th' Order in many who cannot distinguish it from the Person, nor make a difference of what was of Gods Institu­tion from what proceeded from the Corruption of Man. The face then of the Court of Rome so notoriously defamed hath caused some to confound it, with that of the Church, though they are two very different things; That they applyed the spots of th'one to th'other that had none at all, and have re­volted [Page 104]against the Holy Chair because they could not suffer the vices of the Pope. Th'Authors neverthelesse of this great Attempt have not sinned of ignorance, and were not carried thereunto by the zeal of th' honour of God. They knew well, that the Licence of Manners is not incompati­ble with the purity of opinions; That the Will may follow Evill though the Reason doth not approve of it; and that the same Authority which forbids us t'imitate the deboshes of Pastors, commands us to respect their doctrine, and to hold us in the way they teach us, distinct from the myre they are fallen into; But they were put on, by other Motives. Ava­rice and Spight animated them against the dignity, to be re­venged of the persons that possessed it; Instead of stopping at th' abuses they exercised, they assaulted the power which God had given them. Instead of pruning the branches, they would cut down the body, and take away their Neigh­bours Life, to hinder him from Doing ill. And as those Creatures who draw Poyson from Flowers, and Simples, whereof men make perfumes and Medicines; Instead of admiring the care God hath for his Church, in hindring it from spoyle in the midst of corruption, and to sinke in so violent tempests; They have severed themselves from her and have indeavoured to cut the bands of the Members and the Head; and t' abolish that divine dependancy, which makes a regular body, as Dissolution makes a Mon­ster.

God also hath raised many great persons to fight the de­signs of the Revolted, and to revenge th'injury done him in destroying, what was of his Institution, for the vices of Men; and in judging of the virtue of the Sacraments by the goodness of the Priests; and the force of the work, by the merit of the workman: But as 'tis hard for th' humane spi­rit to observe moderation in its designes, and that it be not transported in the pursuit of good, for which it hath pas­sion. It hath also happened, that they who have runne to the Relief of th' Holy Chair, have truly prospered in that defence, and repelled th' imposture of them that have as­saulted it; yet all have stayed there; some have passed their bounds, and being pressed with too much heat, which the love of truth had inspired into them; have not only supported the spirituall power of the Pope, but have also at­tributed unto him a temporal which was unknown to th' Apostles; unheard of, in the Primitive Church; which gives jealousie t' other Princes; which hath not ot this time edified, which hath destroyed much and made Schism to en­ter into those States which had been Catholique, the space [Page 105]of many ages. And insomuch that they who have been raised to this Supream dignity, which severs them from the Community of men, are nevertheless men, & sometimes have common inclinations; There's no wonder, if some of them are glad to see their Authority extended, To see themselves made more powerfull then they thought to be; that the light which doth surround them is greater and disperseth its Ray, further then they did imagine; and if they are easily perswaded to a thing so conformable to their desires and to the most violent appetite of reasonable Nature which is that of Domination. Insomuch, that 'tis not only true that the change of Fortune is ordinarily accompanied with the change of Manners, but also sometimes of Opinions; That it disorders all the powers of the Soul; That it alters the disposition of th'Understanding, after it hath changed that of the Will. And some Popes have judged more favoura­bly of the greatness of the Holy Chaire, when they were in it; they they did before, when they were but single Cardinals, or in some lower dignity. Wherefore in subjects, which look either directly or obliquely upon th' Holy Chaire, A Mi­nister of State ought to be very circumspect: He must slide upon that Pavement, if he must passe upon it; If he be con­strained to touch upon so delicate parts, Let it be done with a subtile and light hand, and that he do not pierce too deep, if it be possible, into a matter wherein it will be hard not to be offended, if he do not offend. Above all, that he stay al­waies in the bounds of Reason, and in the bounds of Justice. That he take nothing away from another, but that he per­mit not, any thing to be taken away from his Master; That his imprudence, or softness do not occasion any prejudice for the future to the State, and that he remember the pro­ceeding of Charles the fifth, when he came into Italy to be Crowned Emperour. The Legates who were sent to receive him, prayed him that he would swear to do no wrong to the Liberties of the Church, nor injure the spouse of Jesus Christ; He answered that he would swear neither to alter the rights of the Church, nor the pretensions of th' Empire; That had an aspect to the Citties of Pleasance and of Parma, which the one pretended to be a Fiefe of th' Empire, th' other of the Holy Chaire.

Truly, Sr. the Cardinal behaved himself so well in Occur­rences of this nature, that the Rights of the Crown and Dignity of th' Holy Chaire have been inviolable, in his hands; That nothing but Justice held the Ballance, that he gave to God and Caesar their due; and maintained equally the Qua­lity of a Minister of State, and of a Prince of the Church; [Page 106]He is not ignorant of the Temper which ought to be be­twixt a blind Zeal, and License scarce Catholique; He knowes the way was to be held betwixt these two precipices; He knowes how to saile without striking upon the Rocks; He cannot wander for want of light; He hath a most pro­found knowledge of Holy things, and of the things of the world; and the Sorbone admired him as their Ornament, be­fore it did reverence him for their benefactor and protector.

Wherefore he took care not to see with other Mens Eyes, as others have done, or to Move with the passion of stran­gers; So no soul also was ever lesse prepossessed then his; or more direct in its apprehensions; There's no Irregularity in the functions of his powers, and with exception to the Commerce of Faith which is alwayes priviledged, the Will gives not its opinions to th' Understanding, but receives its heate, and affections, from his discourse and his Illumina­tions. Wherefore 'tis easie to judge how imprudent the Calumny of them was, who assaulted him during the Nego­tiation of Cardinal Barberin, or a little after. Rome did not complaine of Him, and th' Holy Father knew well that the necessities of State, and th' hidden Causes of its Conduct, do not ever permit; That to the zeal of honest Men, all be given that they would have. None then but ill Frenchmen have complained, or strangers that hate us; and to whom Pre­tences are good, when Causes are wanting to them; That cry us down who are incensed against us; Those black Mani­fests also, and those violent and sharp Writings which France hath seen, have done no hurt to the Reputation of this Great Minister of State. They have resembled those stinking Va­pours which are exhaled from Moorish Grounds, which evidence cleerly the Corruption of the place, whence they come, but infect not the Sun against which they arise. They have given themselves the Lye, by the things that have hap­pened. The time hath inverted them upon their Authors. They have seen that Delinquent of th' Hugonots fastned in­variably to the Ruine of all that was rebellious in that party. They have seen Rochell fall in part by the cares of that Car­dinall of Rochell, They have seen Heresy humbled by that Great polititian, and reduced under the Common Right and Ge­nerall Obedience, as well of Obedience as of Opinions to his Mode: they have seen what he dared in th' Affaires of Mon­sieur of Mantove; what he undertook t'assume the Liberty of th' Holy Chaire, and to what he exposed himselfe for the Love of that Rome, which by imputation was despised by him; They have seen, that neither th' open force of Conju­red persons, strangers; nor the great Resistance of ill disposed [Page 107] Frenchmen; Barrenes nor the Plague; could hinder the King from being the Liberator of Italy, as He hath been the Re­storer of France.

But how hath the Prudence of that Great Minister of State shined in the Dispute of th' Authority of the Pope, which had been awakened some years since amongst us? How dexte­rous hath he been in the Manadgement of a Matter so dan­gerous? How very happy in laying dead that Quarrell which shall ever be fatall to Religion, and which cannot be deterred but by opening the dore to Schisme? He alone found th' Expedients to pacifie the Sorbone, which was in Tumult on that Subject. To re-joynt the body which was torne in parts; To reduce opinions, too much flattered; To content the Pope, and to preserve our Liberties and the Rights of the Crowne. This action was so necessary, that without it our Affaires had never taken a Course so advan­tageous as they did, and so difficult, that I dare affirme, It could not have been done but by a principall Minister of State, by a Prince of the Church, by a great Theologian, and excellent Polititian altogether.

The Eleventh Discourse.
Considerations upon the precedent Discourse.

WHat I have said in the Precedent Discourse is not to Condemn the wealth of the Church, but to blame them that abuse it; Nor, to conclude, that she is not ever the same though she was born poor, and that she is now rich; That Charity is diminished: That the Manners of the greatest part of particular persons is Degenerated; and that their Lifes are contrary to theirs, who were the first of the Faithfull. 'Tis ever the same face, though the good Graces are not the same, and the Colour is gone; The figures re­maines; The features and proportions leave it not, and 'tis still the same Soul which gives it Life; Tis alwayes the same River though its water is sometimes troubled and sometimes cleere, that it flowes at one time and ebbs at another. The Channell is permanent, The spring is fixed, and its Course tends alwayes to the Sea which is its first Originall. There are in Religion, things, of an eternall Substance; and there are, that may suffer Change and Alteration. And as the beginnings of Nature are alwayes weak, and perfection comes by degrees into her works; so that which issues pure­ly from th' hand of God is usually perfect, and if it stay not in that state; Tis the fragility of Man that alters it, and the necessity of the Condition that makes the Change.

Since God determined that great Designe of the purchase of men, and that he would be th' End and Meanes of their happiness; It was Convenient, that the Church which he should establish, should be born poore. And, that the world might know it to be his work; It was necessary that she should be raised by Meanes, contrary to th' ordinary; That she should triumph over Riches, in her poverty; over Great­ness, in Disdaine; and over the Wsedome of th' Age, in the Ignorance of humane things: Otherwise truly, if it had come in Abundance; If its Entry into the world had been invi­roned with Glory; and the doctrine which she brought, per­swaded by the ornaments of Rhetorique and subtiltyes of Philosophy; It had been under jealouzie with us: No person would have been astonished at the progresse It hath made in so Little a time: and that it being come out of a Corner of Palestine; It had passed in an instant to th' uttermost Bounds of th' Earth, and penetrated even to a world severd from ours; No person would have thought it strange, that Covetous Men should run after wealth; That Ambition had followed Pompe, and that Eloquence plaid with the Credu­lity of simple persons. That famous Impostor, who hath found so many followers and whose Errors entertaine, as yet to this day, two thirds of our world; had been alone, if he had been poor; and had never deceived the people if he had not subdued them. It was the necessary, That Religion truly divine, had the markes of the Principle from which She proceeds. That she comes Contrary to the Rules of Pru­dence and establishes her self by that which ought to destroy her. But as she hath the Love of God for her End, and Charity for her Neighbour, and that chiefly it ought to di­stinguish the disciples of Iesus Christ from the rest of Men; 'Tis from thence happened, that the first Christians carried their Lands, and Goods, to the foot of th' Apostles, and stripped themselves of the propriety which did belong to them; to make it Common to their brothers. A permanent stock neverthelesse of those offerings was not made. They did onely passe, and were shared in Measure as they were received, and as in proportion the Faithfull had occasion. The flames of Charity since growing by the Number of Con­verts, and the Goods which were daily offered to the Church being extreamly increased by that Multiplication; It was judged expedient to preserve the stock, and that the distribution of the Revenue might serve to maintaine the Pastors, and to relieve the poor. This order was introduced even in the time of th' Apostles, as we may conjecture, or a little after. In conclusion, the stock which made a great [Page 109]summe was divided into proportions, & the portions assigned to them who served the Church, and constantly applyed to other uses, and without being any more mingled or Con­founded. This order hath lasted to our time; And how holy or unlawfull th' use of the goods of the Church hath been in th' hands of particular Men; 'Tis at least not to be doubted but that the Charity of the Givers hath been precious be­fore God, and their zeal extremely meritorious. But more­over I say, that after the Golden Age of Christendome, and that very happy time wherein they onely knew Jesus Christ crucified; and when from the Poverty and Abjection of the faithfull, Miracles were seen t'arise: It hath not been In­convenient That the Church should be rich. And since for the future the supernaturall meanes which have founded it, ought to be in great Esteem with Men, God hath also Con­sented that the Church should draw wealth from abroad; Advantages which should render it the more Venerable; and hold the people who regard not much more then th' Exteri­our, and are not moved but by th' objects of sense, into re­spect that is due unto it.

But with Riches, they say, a thousand Evills passed into the Church; Vanity and delicacies put themselves into the Throne of virtue: The Charity of our Fathers is become the food of the profusion of our Nephews, and the poor dye for hunger; whilst they that ought t'ingage their Lives for them, leave them not their Substance. To this I answer, that although they are vitious Ecclesiastiques, because they are rich, and that in many the License of Manners growes from th' Abundance of Goods; It followes not therefore, that the Church ought to be robbed: That this is common to them with all good things, to be exposed t'ill usage in th' hands of wicked persons. That the Sacraments are not to be abolished, because there are Men that commit sacriledge; That God doth not deface the beauty of Nature, because it serves for an occasion of sin to the weake; and no person is bound to pul out his Eyes when they are unchaste, and are ravished by forbidden Objects and dishonest Curiosities. There are Church-men spoiled, which would have been honest Men if they had not been rich; And there are whose Life is full of Edifying & of exemplary Charity, whose virtue would be concealed in poverty and unprofitable Holiness. Poverty and Riches are of themselves a Matter without Form; They are susceptible of Contrary impressions; They may receive the Figure of Good and Ill, and neither of these things hath any Merit, if Charity doth not raise it. But the number is said greater of th' Abuses of Riches in the Church, [Page 110]than of them that make good use of them, and the intenti­ons of them that have given them is oftner perverted than executed. To that I also answer, that, It being supposed for truth, it follows not that the Church should be made poor; That God suffers th' iniquity of sinners, and the vi­ces of the World, for some virtuous Actions, that are there­in exercised; That he makes his Sun to shine upon a multi­tude of wicked, for a small number of Honest men that serve him; that he had forgiven six thousand culpable Per­sons, if he had found Ten innocent persons in Sodom and Gomorrah; And in the deluge which swallowed the World, if there had been in it ten just Families, He had not, it may be, made that great Example of Justice; So, both th' order of things, and conduct of providence perswade us that Ri­ches ought not to be banished from the Church for th' abuses at whose birth they serve for an occasion; since they are the cause of a number of good Actions which are thereby done; That they serve the best of virtues which is Charity; and 'tis certain that returning to the hands of secular persons, they would be more dangerously imployed, and would cause more ill, and less good, than in the hands of Ecclesiasti­ques.

What concerns the purifying of th' Ecclesiastique Order, and to restore it to its first beauty, and its originall inno­cency, 'tis a thing easter to be desired than done, and which is not neither the worke of a little time, nor of the common force of men. It were to leap from one Extream to ano­ther. To pass suddenly to such a severe Reformation; It were to put new Wine into Old Vessels, and to sew New Cloath to a torne Garment, (following the parable of our Lord): And in driving away of Devills, the custome where­of had taken away what was most offensive which is the scandall; To introduce greater, by filling their spirits with sharpness, and the World with Tumults. Th' Alteration is so generall, th' Interests of temporall Princes are so con­founded with the interests of the Church, and the greatest part of men so fastned to their present condition; That it would cost God lesse to raise the Dead, than reduce things to the state of their birth, and bring back all Christians to to the Aunc ent Discipline. It sufficeth, That in what state soever the Church is found, every person may find sal­vation there, If he will; and that out of it, none can avoid Damnation; 'Tis neverthelesse true, that as 'tis to purpose, that the Miracles where upon the Church hath been founded, be sometimes renewed, and that the beliefe of things past be confirmed by some present Signe; so though the Ecclesiasti­call [Page 111]Order hath received some staines, and lost its purity in some of its Members; God alwaies raiseth some good souls which without forsaking of the Church, sever from the corruption of particular Men, and expresse in their lifes the Image of that great Virtue, which appeared, at the birth of Christianity; and which was common to the first faith­full persons.

The Thirteenth Discourse.
That the Mediation of Popes is very profitable in the diffe­rences of Christian Princes, and in th' Affaires of Christen­dome.

I Do not intend t'infer from the precedent discourse, that Princes ought to be deprived of the Mediation of Popes nor to reject their offices when Christendome is agitated, and that It's Princes are in discord. I should be an ill Logician to draw no better consequences, and it were t'act against all the principles of Reason, and all the Maxims of Mo­rality; To forbid th' use of good things for their cause that abuse them, To hinder good Superiours to do their Duty, because the bad neglect it, and not enjoy the Beauty of the Sun, nor the benefits of its Light because of the Eclipses which sometimes interpose, and steale it away from the World. 'Tis true, that there have been wicked Popes, and who have been the shame of th' Holy Chaire, and the scandall of Religion. There have been of them who did not engage in th'Affairs of Princes, but to trouble them; who brought only poyson and fire against the diseases, and who infected with their venome and breath, all that they touched: But all are not of that Nature, all are not guided by that Spirit. There have been some very honest Men, full of the spirit of God, who burn only with Holy Zeal, and having been raised to that supreame Dignity, have renounced all affections of Blood, for t'assume only th' affections of common Fathers of Christians, and, of incorruptible Arbiters of th' affairs committed to them. And as they have the heart very sound, and the will free from all irregular passion, some of them also have the sight cleere, and th'understanding much enlightned, having a great intelligence of the things of the World, and that the goodnesse of their understanding and th' Imployment they have had from other Popes, have put them into a condition, neither to be deceived by the artifices of their Relations, nor bewitched with strange illu­sions. The corruption also of their kindred, and of their Ministers of State, is not so Universall, but that many are exempt, and who mingle nothing of particular with the Zeal of publique Rest, nor any thing of Strangers with th' instructions of their Masters.

And without considering, that th' Holy Chaire is the foun­dation wherein Religion is supported, and that there's no salvation for the members who abandon that Head; This [Page 118]Good ariseth to the Princes his Children. That his Autho­rity is much respected by them when it interposeth in their Affaires, and that his offices are very powerfull or very pro­per to determine their Quarrells, when the fire is kindled betwixt the two great Crowns, and that France and Spaine make warr. What power is either high enough or impartiall enough t' interveine to put it our? who can have force enough, to retaine those two great Engines when they move, and to stop such Impetuous and rash Motions, but th' Holy Chair. Besides that the Empire hath long stood without its first Glory, and without any markes of its ancient Ma­jesty, but the Name, Armes; Who knows not that it de­pends on Spaine, or is in Communion of Interests with it? who knowes not that it hath withdrawn th'Empire from the precipice wherein it was falling; That it subsists not but by its subventions and Reliefes; and that Charles the fifth left not a stronger Recommendation to his son, than to be al­wayes in amity with his Cousins, though their friendship cost him very deer, or to preserve it at an excessive price and with Immoderate Conditions.

For what concernes the Crowne of England, which was heretofore the Counterpoise of th' other two, and Arbiter of their differences; It is no more so proper, as it hath been t'Act in their discords. Change of Religion hath spoiled it, it cannot entertaine any good Intentions for the Catholiques. Ha­ving that venome on the heart, it cannot behold their pros­perities with Eyes entirely pure. Their good Intelligence ought to be suspected, and if it advanceth sometimes to­wards Spaine and sometimes towards France, It lasteth so lit­tle, and is done with such languishing Motions and so sud­daine a Returne; That 'tis very visible, that 'tis not a per­fect Amity; it considers but a fancy of Goodwill which pre­sently disappeares and an abortive of Affection which is pro­duced by some light Cause; As to the Republique of Venice, It hath truly Wisdome, and Greatness enough, to labour in the Quarrells of the two Crownes; But'tis so very Jealous of the power of th' one, and so great an Enemy to their Ambi­tion, that their Endeavours would not be lesse suspected then th'offices of a Declared Enemy. As for th' other Prin­ces of Italy and Germany, they are so little or so dependant or so enstrainged from th'Inclination of Spain; That for their sakes they would not forsake their Animosity, nor submit to their good offices.

The Pope then remaines the sole Mediator of their Discords. The Quality of Children of the Church, which Catholique Princes do Glory in; obligeth them to honour Him who re­presents [Page 119]the Chiefe, and whatsoever jealousie of Honour they labour under, they do no wrong to their Courage or Ambition, to submit to him who is above them and Con­jures them in the Name of Jesus Christ, by whom they reigne, not to despise the peace he hath so much recommen­ded. Those Princes also, who are sometimes a weary of quarrelling, and to whom th'Evills of warr are dreadfull, and the Misery of their subjects gives them cause of Pitty, are very willing to be invited to Rest, by so powerfull Autho­rity; It cannot be denyed, but that the peace of Vervins so necessary for Spain and profitable for France, was the work of Clement th' Eighth, and that Henry the Great and Philip the Second had been much troubled to lay downe Armes which weighed so heavily on both partyes, without so great an Interposer. I have said, that when Princes are tired with Quarrells and emptied of Monies and Men, or that they have in other places more important Employments which they cannot attend but in quiting the first; otherwise truely when Ambition is supported by force, and when th' appetite to Conquer is provoked by th'hope of victory; Tis hard to extinguish it with Treaties, or to appease it by offices; To the greatest part of Princes that make warr, the same hap­pens, as t'opinionated Lawyers, who cease not to plead by Election but by Insufficiency, who owe their Rest to the poverty, and not to the moderation of their spirit; and who stop not in going, but stand on the way for want of Force to go further. Besides th'Experience which we have made of these last motions of Italy, we have memorable examples in the Lifes of Charles the fifth, and Francis the first. The state of Milan was the Love of those two Princes, and the most violent objects of their Ambition. They both burned with an Equall heat of possessing it, and th' animosity which they Conceived upon that subject one against another, was so great that neither time nor men could ever evercome it, Paul the third spared not his person and exposed himselfe to long journeies, to labour so necessary a Reconsiliation. Th' inundations of the Turke from all parts upon Christians sufficiently sollicited th'Emperour. And neverthelesse no­thing of that could bend them: They resisted the prayers of the Pope: The miserable Condition of Christendome touched them not; and that fatall obstinacy cost him besides the blood of his Children, The losse of Rhodes and the diminu­tion of the fairest portion of Hungary.

Popes have not onely lent their endeavours to Christendome to determine the Quarrells of those Princes; But have also often aided in securing it from the Ruine that threatned it, [Page 120]or to revenge its affronts or recover its Losses, had it not been for their Mediations and Offices: the Protestants had finished the defacing of it, or the Turks had subdued it, and God, who hath chosen them to be the visible Cheifs of the Church, hath also ordained that they should be some­times the Liberators of the Country, where the Church is preserved; and th'Instruments of temporall conservation to the people that do acknowledge her. The most famous League the world ever saw was formed in the Councill of Clermont at th'Instance of Peter th' Hermite and by th'Au­thority of Urban the second; Four hundred thousand fight­ing men put themselves under the command of Godfrey of Buillon for the conquest th'Holy Land. Christianity never overflowed so largely as at that time, It never obtained such Eminent successe; and never so great a Number of ad­venturers, and voluntary Souldiers were so long together for the same designe, and with so much courage.

But not to go from th' Age past, and from the things hap­ned in the times of our fathers; Who knows not that Paul the third was Author of the League was made betweene the Venetians and Charles the Fifth to beat back Soliman who threatned Italy, and to chastise Barbarosse, who robbed the Coasts. That if the Christians suffered the victory t' escape which they had in their hands, if they would have taken it; If the Maritime power of the Turke was not abated at that stroake; If Barbarosse was not destroyed at Prevese, as he might have been; The cause must be attributed t' Andre Doria, as I have said in another place. It seemed, that these two Pirates had shared th' Empire of the Sea, and th' one desired not the ruine of th' other for feare of being lesse considerable to his Master, when he had defeated his Enemies, and to lose credit with the losse of exercise: Barbarosse also repayed the Courtesie and gave the revenge to Doria neere Villa Franca where he would not destroy him, as it was easie for him after a Wrack, nor pursue his Ships which the Tempests had scattered. It may be also there was some hidden Cause, and some concealed Motive from th' Emperour, for which reason he sought not Victory in the League we speak of, but the retrayte of his e­nemies, and cessation of the War. I will treat of this mat­ter in the second part, in the treaty of Leagues.

Pius the fourth, layed the foundation of the League for the reliefe of Cyprus, which was concluded under Pius the fourth, That if it was not fortunate enough; If th' hopes conceived faild of their principall End, and if Cyprus was lost for want of reliefe; The delayes the Spaniards bring t'all their [Page 121]undertakings; The tempests that were frequent that year upon the Sea; The Plague which emptied the vessels of the Venetians; and a secret disposition of th' Heavens, that afflic­ted the Republique, were the causes of that Disgrace; The League neverthelesse was profitable, and past-ages nor all the powers of th' ancients did not produce upon the Levant Sea any thing so memorable as the Battail of Cursolary; That, if the Christians had not betrayed themselves; If the would have made use of the victory, and have followed the fortune Constantinople and the Levant offered them; we had been largely repaired for the losses we have lately received. We ware Masters of the Mediterranean Sea, the Turke was re­duced to the Land, and the Virtue of Don John of Austria might have given hopes to Spain, not t'envy France the glo­ry of its Godfrey, and the good successe of it's Armies. But the distrust the Venetians had of the Spaniards, and th' Experience they had made under Charles the fifth, in the taking of Chas­teauneuf, how unjust observers they were of th' agreements of Leagues; On the other side, the jealousie the Spaniards had, that the Ruine of the Turk, was the greatning of the Venetians, That they would gather the best pieces of his over­throw, and the principall fruit of the Warre; That having no cause to fear the forces of the Turk, they would the lesse consider the Spanish strength; and becomming more power­full, they might the more crosse them in their designes for Italy; That, I say, corrupted the victory and frustrated th' hopes of Christendome and th' attempt of the World. They that know the humours of Princes, what the reasons of State are, and the nature of Leagues, will not think that strange which I have now said.

However we have drawn two notable advantages from the victory of Lepantha. Th'one is, that if we have not been wise enough to make profit of the Good offered us, we have been sufficiently happy in avoiding th'Evills which threat­ned us, if the forces of the Turke had not been shatter'd, and that formidable Fleet dissipated which covered all the Gulfe of Venice with Crescents and the lower Sea of Italy. Th' other advantage is, that we have given him to under­stand, that if his forces are greater then those of a single Prince; they are inferiour to the forces of united Christen­dome. And if by a designe worthy the name they beare, they combine together against him, his Greatnesse in a small time would be humbled, the Crescent shattered, and him­selfe sent to the bottome of Soythia, from whence he took his originall. The continuation of the League, and the good Fortune of Christendome, dyed with the Life of Pius the [Page 122] fifth, and if his successor had had as much Zeal as he to maintain it; He was not happy enough to support it, for he had the displeasure to know, that the Venetians had broken it, and was agreed with Selim without the knowledge of their Confederates; whether they had Reason or not, I will dis­course in the Second part, where I will examine the Causes of the Treaty of Moncon, which we made some yeares past upon the business of the Valtoline.

For what concernes the warrs at Land, Tis very well known, what Popes have done against the Common enemy of Christians, and against Heretiques. In the second Expe­dition of Soliman against Vienna, and in th'heat which possessed him to purge off the shame of the first Expedition, It was necessary that Christendome should employ all her for­ces; That her rest was to be set up and oppose its greatest power to a Conquerour, whom Spight and Ambition ani­mated to her Ruine; It must be confessed, that in this Oc­casion Charles the fifth was truly the Caesar of Christians, and that he fought for Religion in defending his patrimony. But it must also be confessed, that the Cares of the Pope were very sedulous to send him forces; To solicite for him in all parts, and to put him into a Condition to receive that formi­dable Adversary; So Soliman, as powerfull as he was, durst not advance towards him; He durst not put his Glory to Competition with that of Charles; And as religious as he was, He brake th' Oath he had made, Neverto return to Constanti­nople but as Conquerour of Vienna, and loaden with the spoiles of Austria.

So soon as th' Heresie of Luther multiplied and felt it selfe powerfull, It appeared rebellious. All the Septentrionals al­mostconspired against th' Emperour; nothing was ever seen so proud as that League, because it was very strong. The Standards of the Commanders were filled with proud Mot­toes and with threatning words; And two Great persons th' one for the warr, and th' other for th' Intricacyes of affaires, which were the Duke of Saxe and the Langrave of Hessen, made up the soul and gave it Motion. Th' Emperour in ap­parance ought to be suppressed with the storme that sur­prized him, and religion to have suffered finall shipwrack in Germany; so truly it had hapned, if the Pope had not run to his reliefe. The forces which Paul the third sent him under the Command of his Nephew, were the sinewes of Charles the fifth's Army. And with that re-enforcement which consisted of ten thousand chosen men; That great Leavy of men was dissipated. The Duke of Saxe was taken prisoner after he was overcome; The rebellious Cities opened their Gates [Page 123]to the victorious, and the Victory was at th' issue the Pope de­sired it; who apprehended, for th' Interest of religion, the progresse of protestants Armes; and th'too great prosperity of th' Emperour, for th' Interest of Italy; These latter yeares when Heresie overflowed at the Dyet of Wormes, and that it proposed to change religion in all places, with the Change of States; All Germany almost conspired in this Designe; and the forces which ought to have been Imployed against the Turke and for the Recovery of Hungary, were turnd against th'house of Austria, because it was Catholique or too ambiti­ous. The revolt of Bohemia, and th'Election of the Count Palatine; The shew of their first Armes, and the weakeness of th' Emperour, gave feare t'other Catholiques, and raised the Courage of th'other Protestants in Europe; Italy was then threatned, Rome was also devoured in hopes; Babylon, said they, must be purged, and that which had been so long the princi­pall seat of Religion, ought to be the principall seat of Here­sie; In this publique Consternation of Catholiques, and in the feare of more tragicall Events; This Evidence is to be gi­ven to th' Holy Chair, That eminent Reliefes were raised a­gainst th' Evills which happned, and against them that were feared; and that the Catholique League of Germany, hath been principally th'effect of the Popes Authority and zeale. And truly it hath been so happy, and God so visibly declared in its favour, that we should be troubled to believe the pros­perities which happned, if we had not seen them; and no­thing hath fallen out more Contrary to humane Discourse, and to the shew of things than the Ruine of the Palatine and the resurrection of th' Emperour.

The Fourteenth Discourse.
Of the Prudence which ought to be observed in treating with th' Agents of the Pope, and whether it be Lawfull t' use dissimulation, and How.

THough it be easie to inferr from the precedent Dis­course, How necessary it is that the Pope interpose in the Quarrells of Princes, and that he be made the Mediator of their Discords; Tis easie also to conclude with what cir­cumspection their Agents are to be treated with. Another Minister of State then, treating with them, ought never to be free from distrust; which assures business; which avoydes snares; which defends from surprizes, and leaves not deceit in the power of deceivers. That he takes it for Certaine, That they are persons who bring Art to all they do and ne­ver [Page 124]descend t' Action but well prepared; Who are Enemies t' Impetuosity, and ordinarily have no violent passion which Confoundes Discourse and disorders Reason; That of all th' humours whereof the body is composed, esteem no­thing so much as Flegme; nor of all the virtues that enter in­to affairs, as Patience for to tire them: He ought to know, that they lose nothing, and make profit of all, That some­times they go back, to advance the better; That the last thing they discover, is their first Intention. That they turne the back, where they would salute; as they do, who row: And though the straight lines are the shortest, they love th' oblique better t' attaine their Ends, and to hit the Mark they propose to themselves.

He ought then to be prepared against their Art and against all their Cringes: But he must in such a manner regulate his behaviour and governe himselfe with such a Temper, that he never make Discovery of his Distrust; That he make shew of free deportment, and that th' outward Appearance make out nothing but freedome. He must fortifie th' En­tries of Conferences with th' opinion he hath of th' Inte­grity of him with whom he treats, of th' uprightnesse of his Intentions, and of the purity of his zeal for the publique Good. He must give him also a taste of His Master's Inclina­tion, If he be our friend that he may observe it, or that of his family, if it have passion for us, that he may not de­part from it. From this open Action and free proceeding in shew of designe and artifice, of three things one will arise; either Impression will be made on his will; an Entry on his soul; or an Insinuation into his Inclinations, which will be an augury for us, of the good successe of th' affair. Tis a point which they ought ever to aime at, who manadge businesse, and that they may assure themselves, that so soon as they have gained the will of any person, they become Masters of his reason, and understanding. 'Tis strange what power the second Faculty of the soul, hath, which is, to speak truth, no­thing but heat and affection, above the first Faculty, which is Light and Intelligence. When she pleaseth, she drawes her by whom she ought to the guided; she makes her walk after her desires, though she ought not to moved but by her dis­courses; She makes her find painting and dresses, for th' ug­ly things she hath Love for, she makes her disguise, under th' appearance of true, a lye which she will follow; and under th' appearance of Good, th' injustice which she will practise, This rule ought inviolably to be observed in all Negotiati­ons, that they may be happy, That they benot manadged by persons that have aversion for one another. The second [Page 121]is, that if the person with whom one hath to do, stands firme and suffers not himselfe to be shaken by that kind of free­dome and compleasancy. If he resists that charme and catch not at that bit, He will be the lesse on his guard when nothing shall be suspected by him. He will be easier tasted, he will breathe out some words to manifest his thoughts, and it may happen to him as to strong places and well provided for, which are sometimes lost by too great confidence had in their Forces, and by the little care is used to preserve them, believing that there's no need of it; To conclude, if some profitable use be not made of this Conduct, the mis­chiefe which attends an open Distrust, at least, will be avoid­ed which is ever injurious to him in whose behalfe it is ex­ercised, which would raise in him sharp thoughts against us; and would draw th'Inconveniences we would avoid; or divert the successes which we believe, not t'owe to the Good-will of another and to his industry, but to our subtelty, and to our addresse.

Two things also are to be remembred, Th'one that th' Art which I advise is not Art, if it be not concealed; and that it workes an effect contrary to what a man proposeth to himselfe, so soon as it hath taken Aire. This so benefi­ciall confidence then, is to be expressed without affectation and excesse. Otherwise truly, when it makes a noyse and is irregular, when it speaks loud, and makes its action too pressing, 'Tis suspected of some designe; it engenders distrust and creates a beliefe of the contrary he would perswade, And in this particularly, That excellent Rule in Logicke is to be observed; That who proves too much proves nothing, or that good word of th' Antients, That nothing be done too much, or that advice of St. Paul, To be wise to sobriety and with measure. Th'excesse of complements wherewith the Court is infected and th'Irregularity of Tatling which receives neither excep­tion nor bounds, are certaine proofs of what I have now said. So there are none but fools and new commers, that delight in it; able persons believe ordinarily the contrary, and seek the truth of intentions in the contradiction of words. Th'other thing particularly to be observed, is, Not t' employ this Art indifferently, and to all th' uses where­unto is proper; Not to make use of it t'assault, but to defend ones self; Not to deceive, but to secure from deceit; and not to make a poyson of what ought to be a preservative. Accor­ding to this sense, 'Tis also true, that dissimulation is per­mitted, & That whosoever knowes not how to Dissemble, knows not how to Reign. The foundation of this opinion is, that though lying be forbidden, & that it is a thing unworthy of man, & a [Page 126]villanous perspective in his demeanor; That the exteriour should contradict th' Interiour; That the Tongue should bely the Heart, and that the Word should betray the thought, whereof 'tis th'Image and Character; 'Tis so, That no person is bound alwaies to declare his sense, to retayle all that is in the soul; To make the first commer his confes­sor and his Judge, and 'tis certain that God hath as well re­commended silence to us to conceale Dangerous truths, as he hath given us speech to publish the Necessary Truths.

The dissimulation which tends to the Ruine of ones Neighbour, and serves for a cover to injustice, ought to be shunned of honest people. And what gaine soever it pro­poseth, and with what hopes of recompence 'tis attired; She cannot repaire th' evill of the breach of the bond of publique Faith, and of overthrowing the foundation of hu­man Society; 'Tis a false prudence which th' Ancients have condemned; which the light of nature detests; which takes away credit from man, and makes even his good Actions to be suspected. In a word, it destroyes ordinarily them that make use of it, and those double spirits and subtile mo­tions are often seen to fall into the snares they have prepa­red for others, and into the precipice they have digged for them. They who teach this doctrine, and make science of deceit, propose examples, which are capable to divert a Man, and the tragicall ends wherewith she is diverted make it ap­pear; That when the justice of men failes, God at least failes not t' interpose his justice; To catch the Wise in their Wiles, and the Cautious in their Malice. The conduct of Caesar Borgia which was the Modell of Machavell's Prince, and that villanous Original whereof he made so dangerous a Copy, had in the beginning some considerable successe; But God who had permitted that person to be borne in his wrath and to punish the sins of Italy, and to be the Flayle of them that were lesse wicked then himselfe; abandoned him at last to justice; Took his judgment from him for destruction, permitted that no faith should be observed to him who had so often broken it; That he who was so distrustfull became Credulous, and was blind to the Nets the great Captain laid for him.

Italy, as it is the Theater of great vices and vertues, gave a little before another great Example of the same nature. Lod­wick Sforsa believed himselfe the subtillest person of his times; His Picture and Devises retained ever some marke of that vanity and all his entertainments are filled with that folly. He made profession to lead the great persons of Europe whi­ther [Page 127]he listed; To have in his hands the Peace and Warr of other Nations, and to have been more powerfull with his wit and addresse, then the Conquerours were with their Force and Armies. It hapned at last, that he who had overthrown the peace of Italy, wherein she reposed, to satisfie his ambition; who had so often broken his Confederacies and Alliances; and had opened the way to Soveraignry by Poyson and Par­ricides; that he, I say, besides the great Disgraces which vexed his Life, was betrayed at Navarre by the Suisses that were payed by him; sold to the French that made warre with him; Im­prisoned in the Tower of Loches; and for ten years together served for a spectacle to all Europe of the frailty of greatness, and of th' Inconstancy of worldly things.

Our History is not unfurnished of illustrious examples in this subject. Charles of Navarre who had neither Faith nor Religion; who was the Firebrand of France and the per­petuall disturber of its rest; who so often played upon the easinesse of the people with his Eloquence, and so often a­bused the gifts of the Spirit which were admirable in him, t' afflict this Kingdome; with how many evills did he see himself pursued? His Quality of Prince did not exempt him from poverty nor prison; He was eaten with long and sharp sicknesse, and at last Fire consumed him by th' Impru­dence of a servant, with a Cloath wet in Aqua-vitae. The Constable of Saint Paul subsisted long in the dissimulation he compleatly practised: but in long running his Art ruined him, and desiring to make use at one & the same time of two contrary parties, He was so deserted by th'one & sacrificed to th' other. Truly if deceits and wicked wayes were not sub­ject to violent accidents, and to such fatall conclusi­ons, th' Ignorance, or Corruption of men is very strange, to help of nature the wayes of reigning, and to destroy their affairs which they might find more certain, and honourable with prudence and discourse; what pitty 'tis that so many experiences which have preceded cannot make them un­derstand, that if vertue be sometimes unhappy, 'tis alwaies esteemed; That it riseth oftner then Malice, when it falls, and that the good fortune of this consists not in the souls of them that exercise it, but in th' opinion of them, that behold only th' Exteriour which covers it, and the superficies that doth surround it.

The Fifthtenth Discourse.
Whether it be lawfull to make Warre with the Pope; Wherein the De­meanour which Phillip the second, observed in the Warre he made is Commended, and that of Charles the fifth Condemn­ed.

TO resolve this matter well, and give it a full day and a perfect Cleerenesse; 'Tis necessary to make use of the Metaphysicall abstractions, and to distinguish the things which are effectively joyned with the Spirit; But are truly diverse, and have nothing of common but the subject which holds them, and the stock on which they are grafted. The Popes then are not now to be considered as Vicars of Jesus Ghrist, Who hath protested that his Kingdome was not of this world, but as Princes of th' Earth, and Lords of certaine States in Italy and in the country of Provance.

That being supposed, I say in the first place; that it seems that they who have given these Estates to the Church could not bestow them with other Intentions, than as they did en­joy them, and subject to the same inconveniences they were in the time of their enjoying them. And therefore the Popes, which enjoy them are not exempt from the right of Nations, no more then the first Masters of those estates, and that they ought to propose to themselves; Besides, that injustice is more odious in them then in other persons, who ought t' act only by charity; 'That 'tis permitted t'other Sove­raignes to do Justice themselves, when it cannot be obtained of them, and that they abuse to the ruine of men, to tem­porall power they have received from men. So when Paul the fourth declared War against Phillip the second and would take away the Kingdome of Naples from him, to give it t'one of his Nephewes; Th' advise of the most eminent Theologi­ans of Spaine and Flanders, and amongst others of Melchior Ca­nus Porta, was; That he ought not only t'attend in his do­minions, the Popes Forces, and beat them back; but that he might also with a good conscience enter upon the Lands of the Church by way of diversion, and to prevent the storme which was raised against his Territories.

I say, neverthelesse, that here distinction must be used, and 'tis very probable, that a Warre purely offensive against the Pope may not singly be undertaken; That there's no title of just Warre, nor consideration of State, which can dispence a Prince to retaine with conscience, what he hath gained in justice from th' Holy Chaire, and that consequences are not [Page 129]to be drawn from what intervenes in the Commerce of Prin­ces purely temporall, and in the Quarrels they have toge­ther in relation to what respects the good of the Church, and the Revenue of St. Peter. The Reason is, that insomuch that amongst the first, 'tis sufficient that the Warre be pro­bably just t'authorise the conquests that are made, and make the possession lawfull of what is gained. Which happens not in the Warres that are made to Popes. To make out the true difference, 'tis of importance to stay a little upon this dolefull matter, and to descend even to the Root of that justice, and to the finall cause which makes the Warre law­full. The Soveraign Princes who have no superiours on Earth, who hold only of God by themselves, and are inde­pendent as to all other men, are dependent as Justice. And therefore so oft as they violate that Vertue, and break that Divine bond, which sustains th'Order of the World; Another Prince which shall be wronged, may repaire himself of the wrong he suffers, and satisfie himselfe with his own hands. And in this, Conscience is safe, and the Warres, mads to repulse violence, are agreeable to God, and the bloud there spilt a sacrifice of a good Odour before his Di­vine Majesty. Wherefore in th' Antient Law he hath stirred up his people t' Arme themselves, and to fight; and he hath not disdained amongst his most Magnificent Qualities and most glorious Titles t' assume that of God of th' Armies.

This at first seems strange by reason of th'Inclination Man ought to have to sweetnesse and peace; And since 'tis not seen that Beasts are greedy of the bloud of their kinde, nor Tygers cruell against Tygers; There's cause of great amaze­ment that men should be so ingenious to destroy one ano­ther, and so fierce to ruine their very kind, That the noblest of all Virtues is Valour, and that of making warre the most famous Art. That the glory of Alexander and Caesar needed two Millions of Lifes, to rise to th' heighth it is at; And that ancient Rome allowed not the triumph but to the Murderers of all most a whole Nation, and to them who had depopu­lated a Country of the Flower of their Inhabitants, and pou­red out the Noblest bloud of a Province. That would truly be strange, if it was done by an Instinct of Cruelty, If it pro­ceed from a blind Envy, to drinke up humane bloud; and was conducted by any other spirit then that of Jus­tice.

That if we make no Question to take Physicke, To permit opening of veines, and to make use also of Poyson, and of fire t'heat our bodies; How much lesse difficulty ought we [Page 130]make t' imploy violent Remedies when gentle are unprofi­table, and that there's no other provision to be made against th' Irregularities of Princes and of people, nor to Maintain justice which is th' health of States, and the soul of the poli­tique Body. That if what soveraigne Princes practise in the person of their subjects, and the Example they make of their Crimes are, agreeable to God, and necessary for the world; How much more ought that to be just, which they exercise against other Princes, and is of the more Generall faults, and concern all the Nations of th' Earth in Consequence, & an infinite of particular persons in their private Interest. It were well to be wished, That of two parts which Compose the distributive; The world knew onely that which gives Crownes to virtue, and Recompences to Merit: But since Corrupted nature enclines more t' evill than to good, and that th' objects of virtue are not so frequent and active, as those of vice; That part of justice, which distributes punish­ment, hath by Consequent a more necessary use and more extended then th' other; and Soveraignes ought no more to be exempted, then particular persons, since they are alike faulty, and more dangerously Culpable. 'Tis the reason God hath put the sword into their hands, and hath Com­manded that they should have power to punish, not onely the Criminalls of their states, but also to revenge th' injuryes done them, and require reason themselves of other Sover­aignes, which had offended them, since they have no superi­ours, as particular persons who do the wrong.

I speak here of the wrongs which one Soveraigne doth to another; For what concernes the Soveraigne to the sub­ject, tis a business which other Soveraigns have nothing to do with, but to behold; as not submitted to the Jurisdiction of any person, and what God hath reserved for his Tribu­nall and for his Justice; when the power is Legitimate th' use may be violent, without being Lawfull, for any person whatsoever t' alter it with force. The people who are op­pressed, have nothing but prayers to divert it, or Patience to suffer it; Beyond that, theres no Resistance just, nor excep­tion to be admitted. The Duty regardes not the person of Princes, but th' Authority God hath put into their hands. The bad as the good possesse it; and therefore he wills, that we acknowledge them equally, and reverence, as th'Image of his power, them whom we cannot love as th' Image of his bounty. The result of what hath been said, is, that a Sover­aigne may sometimes strip another Soveraigne without in­justice; That the states of th'one, may be the price and matter of Reparation for another that hath been offended; [Page 131]or of th' Expence which he hath made in the pursuit; and that there's nothing Committed, against th'order of things, if Innocent subjects suffer for the faults of their Masters. That they partake of his Evills, as of his Benefits and receive the badas good influences of the head whereof they are members. But for what concernes Popes and the Patrimony of th' Holy Chair, The Considerations is very different; They have Priviledges which are not Common t'other Princes, nor t'other States. God extends to them a Certain pro­priety, by reason of Jesus Christ, for whose Love they have been given, which renders them unalienable, which are not to be usurped without sacriledge, and above the Right of Nations, and those universall Lawes to which all Nations have consented for the Generall Good of the world. And tis not alwayes true, That the things which change Master cannot change Condition, and take the Qualities of the last possessor which they had not with the former; If the wa­ters attract the virtues of the Mineralls by which they passe; If the goodness of the soile communicates it selfe to the plants which are brought thither, and gives them a grouth they had not in another; If the proprieties of a Crowne de­scend upon the Members which are united to it; And if Bretanny be subject to the Salique Law since it was incorpo­rated into France; why should not the dignity of th' Holy Chair infuse some what of particular to the States which are be­longing to it? Why should it remaine Barren? why should it be without virtue and action in that behalfe? Why should not Holy things have some exemption above the prophane? and the Reflexion which is made towards Jesus Christ ob­taine some Respect from Christian Princes, which they give not t' one another, and some speciall Distinction.

I say, in the third place, when the Pope quits the functions of his Charge; and that, of Father (which he ought to be) be­comes th' Enemy of his Children; when he breaks unjustly the Calme of Christendome, and carries the warr to the States of other princes, They may preserve for their defence, and make use of th' offensive by way of Diversion and preven­tion; provided that neither th' one or th'other tend to Con­quest, but onely to Conserve, and passe not the designe of a lawfull Defence. So the Duke of Alva did exercise it in the warr he made against Paul the fourth. He stayed not to make his defence just, till th' Ecclesiastique, and French Armies were joyned and made Incursions into the Lands of his Master. He drew into the field whilst they were preparing; Enterd the Lands of the Church, took many places, and gave Terrour to Rome. And if he would have forced the Victory [Page 132]as farr as he might, he had seen it crowned with the taking of the Chiefest Towne of the world. But his designe was t' affright the Pope, and not to hurt him; To shew lightning, and restraine the Thunder, to constraine him whom he could not bend, and to bring him back to his duty by vio­lence, who voluntarily estranged himselfe from it; So after we had received affronts before Civitella, and before other places by the fault of the Caraffes; After that our Army was Constrained to draw back and might have been defeated, If the Duke of Alva had been disposed to have gained bloody Victories, and not to have prepared bridges for his Ene­mies. In their Retraite, He made an Accommodation with Paul and an Accord, which I preferre before the greatest Victory Spaine ever obtained. He restored all the places he had taken. He confessed his error. He was at Rome to make his submissions to the Pope; He demanded pardon for the fault'he had committed; so Rome received him, as in Tri­umph; He had th' honour t' eate with his Holiness, and merited of his bounty the praise of being the defender of the Holy Chair whilst he made warr with it; And since when af­ter six yeares of service, and for a matter of nothing, as I have else where expressed, Philip the second sent him a Prisoner to his house in the Country; Gregory the third interceded for him, and endeavoured to gaine him his Liberty. In the re­presenting to him the long and great services, which he had rendred to Spaine, and to the Church, and particularly the Moderations h' used in behalfe of th' Holy Chair, when it was in his power t' have defaced ir, unpuni shed; to make use of the priviledges of a Conquerour, and t' exercise Ad­vantages, which force gives to them that have it; This pro­ceeding is worthy of th' Approbation of all Ages, and th' Imitation of all Princes.

Th' Action of Charles the fifth in the same subject, is very different from th' other. Let us represent it as it is and in its naturall posture. Lets take away the policies and paint­ing wherewith the Spaniards have disguised it; Lets not flat­ter a Monster which cannot be formed too hideous, and that so scandolous and black a Crime rest not unpunished in the Memory of Men. I am Content that the taking of Rome by Bourbon should be taken to be a Blow from th' hand of God, and an effect of his provoked Justice, and that the warr inclined it to that side against th' Intention of Charles; and that Treaty which Moncado made with Clement was done without supecery, and with Designe to Cause it to be obser­ved by Bourbon, and to suffer the Pope t' enjoy the Truce of five Months, which had been accorded unto him; And that [Page 133]th' Army of Bourbon took the bridle in the teeth, and mar­ched towards Rome in spight of his Generall. I speak not of the raising of 14000 furious Lutherans and burning with the first Zeale of that Heresie, t'employ them in a Warre, where th'Holy Chaire had so great a part: But after that Rome was taken, & that dreadful accident was hapned by the course wherewith it was guided; After that th' Holy Citty had served for spectacle to the World of the justice, and of th' Impiety of Men; After that the Pope was besieged in the Castle of St. Angelo; Why did not th' Emperour cause the scandall to cease at the first news he heard of it? Why did he not deliver Rome of that heretique Garrison, which abused th'holy things; who prophaned the most sacred Mysteries, of our Religion; and added to all the kinds of cruelty, all the kinds of sacriledge. Why did he suffer the Pope to be put to Ransom, to redeeme himselfe with Money from the vex­ation of victorious Heretiques; and that Ostia and th'other strong place: of th' Ecclesiastique State, were the Price of his liberty, and th' Arguments of his servitude. I know well, that some answer may be made in his favour and for his discharge; That 'tis permitted to make use of th' Ad­vantage; which we have not sought, but fortune hath of­fer'd; That 'tis lawfull to draw good from th'evill which happens against our intentions; That 'tis the destiny of the things of this World, That the prosperity of some is raised by th' Adversity of others; and that th'affairs of State are like those of Merchandize, wherein the greatest secret is to know when to make right use of the time, and t' employ th' occasions to profit when they are offered. To that I answer; first that the evills which I have spoken of, and those dreadfull Accidents, were the sequells of the breach of many treaties made with Clement, and of the violation of publique faith in his person. And therefore, that the ef­fects could not become Lawfull, whose causes were so no­toriously unjust; That the River cannot be very sound, if the Spring be poysoned; That conclusions retain alwaies the conditions of the principles f [...]om which they arise, and partake of their spots and weaknesses; and that they who have been the promoters of some Evill, or have not diverted it when they were obliged, are bound to repaire it, and ought to be security for th' ill consequences, they bring with them. In the second place I answer, that the person of the Pope and the dominions of th' Holy Chaire are priviledged-things and of right are not subject t' all th'Inconveniences, and t' all the disgraces to which the Person, and States of other Princes are exposed; for the Reasons above given and which shall not here be repeated.

As to th' affliction th' Emperour seemed to declare, at the News of th'Accident, and the Demonstrations he pub­lished of an eminent grief; As to the mourning he put on to make his Displeasure visible; and to the Processions he made upon that occasion; And the Rejoycings for the birth of his Son, He caused to cease; To weep, th' ill fortune of the Pope; All that, was but illusion and Comedy. So that false sadnesse suddenly disappeared, and that vain shew of griefe was presently belyed by the proceedings above mentioned. And moreover Francis the first reproached him in one of his Manifests; that he had dared to think to send Clement into Spain, and conceived that monstrous vanity, To have at the same time in his hands, the two principall persons of the World, and two so great prisoners as a Pope, and King of France, The Spaniards answerd that if Charles had had the will, who could have hindred him, to have executed it? And who are strong enough to oppose his designes, in a time when Fortune refused nothing to his desires, when his prosperities gave feare t' England, and Italy was amazed at the blow which it had newly received. When France was mortified for th'Imprisonment of its King, and th'heretiques of Germany made brags of the purging of Rome from its abo­minations, and abating the Pope dome under th'Authority of a Catholique Emperour.

To that, Answer may be made with Francis the first, That Charles was diverted from that designe by th' Horror the proposition raised to all Spaine. That the people murmured and the Clergy raged, when there was speech of leading the Vicar of Jesus Christ in Triumph, and to make a Prisoner of th'head of the Church.

Though it be very hard to justifie the truth of this fact, & to make visible a matter so darke; 'tis better to leave it in darknesse, and to suspend herein ones beliefe, for the honour of a Prince that hath much merited of the Church in divers occasions, and to whom the glory of beating back Soliman cannot be denyed, and th'assuring of all Christendome in the defence of his patrimny, and the States of his brother. At least, 'tis certain that if he was a sinner, he was a Penitent; and that he washed his faults with the teares of three years, which he poured out in his retraite from the world, before death tooke him away from it.

Others aggravated this fault by th'Evills which Fortune raised t'interrupt his prosperities, and by the diverse faces which she shewed to them of his Race. They mentioned the disgraces of his Brother, The Route of his Armies at Ezechio, and at Bude, and th'other Victories which Valour [Page 135]did not so much give to the Turk, as th' ill Fortune of Fer­dinand, and the Cowardise of his Captains. They did not conceale th' occasions wherein he saw his designes over­thrown, and his person in danger; The sinking of his Fleet in th'haven of Algiers; and that fearfull losse, which hath not been equalled by any losse made by Christians on the Sea, but by that, which his Son made in the Sleev of Eng­land; They represent the successe which the second League had against him in Germany: The Chase which Maurice Duke of Saxony gave him; And the necessity whereunto he was reduced, to save himselfe by night, and the sixth person at Isburg, and to consent to the peace of Passo so inju­rious to Religion, and so unworthy of th' Empire: And to con­clude, they adde th' ill successe of the Enterprize of Pro­vance, and the shame of the siege of Mets, which was the last deceit fortune put upon th' Emperour, and th' accomplish­ment of the designe he meditated to put himselfe out of her power in quitting the World where she is so soveraign. I will not affirme, that all these Evills befell him in revenge of the sacking of Rome, and th' affront offered to th' Holy Chaire. It might happen that God sent or permitted them for that subject; And it might fall out also, that they sprang from other reasons, and were th' effect of another cause. Insomuch, that according to the judgements that are made upon that Matter, and th'Examples which are alleadg­ed of them whom God hath punished for offending of Popes; There's more in it of opinion then of science, and of conjec­ture then certitude. For who hath been of God's counsel? who ever entred in to the depths of his Wisedome? Who hath pierced the darknesse where he hids himselfe?Tenebrae, latibulum e [...]us. and to whom hath he discovered the secrets of his providence, and th'hid causes of the government of the world? The Death of Bourbon of the first instances given is not so concluding an Example, nor so demonstrative as 'tis believed, against what I have now said. I deny not, but that God might have permitted it as the punishment of the sacriledge he commit­ted in forcing Rome, or as the vengeance of the breach of a Treaty whereupon Clement trusted, and whereof the confir­mation had been often repeated unto him to surprize him. But I know also that the violent end of that Prince might proceed from a cause meerly accidentall, and th'ordinary fruits of a profession which spares no person, and where Musket shot makes no distinction betwixt private Souldiers and Generalls of Armies. It might also happen; that if the justice of God did particularly consider that death; It was to correct a man whose Revolt did so much evill to his [Page 136]King, and cost so dear to his Country; or more likely as a Revenge for Lombardy which he deserted to be spoyled with Gruelties and Rapines, and not to suffer his perjury to passe unpunished when he promised Milan t'ease it of the Garri­son that devoured it, and to draw from it willingly, the last drops of its bloud, and what remained in it of Sub­stance.

The Sixteenth Discourse.
The defence of Gaston of Foix against them, who say that God pu­nished him for making warre to Julius th' eleventh; with the com­parison of that Prince, and of the great Captain.

I Am sorry that Gaston of Foix is placed amongst th' Exam­ples whom they say God hath punished for having made Warre. The respect I bear the vertue of that Prince; The great things he did in his very youth, and the value some Lords of France have with me; being of his bloud, and who have with him the same Originall, are the causes that I will defend him here of Calumny, and averre that he had the Noblest Death and most glorious Life for the time it lasted, that History makes mention of, or fame doth publish; 'Tis certain that Gaston made warre in a time when the Nations of Christian Princes were confused, and their passions very different for th'Interests of th'Holy Chaire. Julius the se­cond, who was then in the Chaire, seemed to have forgot what he was; and to have renounced the Quality of com­mon Father to make himselfe, Head of a party; or at least Member of a League formed against France; The jealousie he had to see us in the heart of Italy; The implacable hatred he bore to the King, and the effects whereof he had made him to feel in the person of the King of Navarre, whose king­dome he had interdicted; Obliged Lewis the twelfth to pre­pare against the Tempest that threatned him, t'exercise the Right of Nature, and t'oppose force to force, and to repaire to counsel to stop the violencies of th' Armies of th' Holy Chair, which Julius had on foot, nor t'heal but to kill; not to edifie, but to destroy.

In this occurrence, when the Right seemed to be of Lew­is's side, Gaston had the command of th' Army in Italy. And though the subject ought not to discourse upon the designe of his Master', when he ought to follow without enquiry whither he goes, and that the Law which ought to be ob­served, doth not alwaies declare the vertues of what it or­dains; Gaston executed the orders of the King in a cause [Page 137]evidently lawfull. To whom he owed obedience, even in Matters whose right had been ambiguous, and justice doubtfull; That if he were slaine at the battell of Ravenna, and perished in an Occasion whereunto no person goes not to dye, but t' overcome, as he did, The chance of Armes hath so ordained it, and his Death was the more noble, that it encounterd with his Duty, and that he was slain in the Ex­ercise of his Charge.

I sspeak not at this time of other Circumstances, which make his death glorious. To dye at th' age of two and twenty yeares, being almost assoon Captaine as Souldier; having almost at the same time put forth flowers, and brought forth fruits; after a Number of Victories whereof none were small, and the least might have laid a foundation, of Reputation for an eminent person; and in the midst of a prosperity so constant, that it was never in the power of fortune t' interrupt it; and so suddaine and Impetuous, that ordinarily the last successes troad upon the former without Interruption, and the newes followed one another without Intervall. Add to this, th' Esteem his virtue had gained when he dyed; the feares and hopes it diversly occasioned in the world; and the contrary passions it produced in equall degree in the soules of his Friends and Enemies. It was such, that the French could not rejoyce in the Battell they had gained, because that Prince dyed there. That Lewis the twelvth wished the like Victories to his Enemies to ruine them; and, what is most eminent and remarkable, That it forced Ferdinand of Castille to reconcile himselfe to the great Captaine, and to withdraw him from that Reti­redness to which a jealousie of State had confined him, to send him back to Naples and t' oppose Gaston, if he had long­ger lived; That it constrained an old Man, and a Soveraign-Prince to suppresse so imperious a passion, and to restore t' Imployment one of his subjects whose greatness was in jea­lously with him. To dye in that high Reputation, and go out of the world, before tryall was made of the Revolutions of it; If it be a stroak of vengeance from Heaven, and the price of some great Crime; Let generous soules, that have th' appetite for Glory, and some Resentment of honour, be Judges of it.

Since we have said that Gonsalve was to passe into Italy t' oppose Gaston, and that Ferdinand had designed him that Great adversary, if he had out-lived the journey of Ravenna; Lets observe a little on whom in that warr th' advantage might have rested, and on what side the victory have leaned, in a Difference where the Parties were so equall.

It may not peradventure be amisse to divert the Reader with pleasure, and t' entertaine him with a piece not unplea­sant, though of no relation to the work. Titus Livius hath sometimes done the like amongst th' Ancients, and Paruta amongst the Modernes, and I cannot be much blamed in th' Imitation of them, nor t'have failed after two so great Ex­amples. Tis true, that the subject which I shall treate upon is extreamely ambiguous and much troubled. If it be never­thelesse lawfull to ground some judgment upon the future, and to cast our eye upon the thing collected, Tis proba­ble, that the virtue of Gonsalve had given place to that of Gaston; that it had given him the field; and that fortune would not have abandoned a young servant, that knew how to make use of her favours, for a person that made no esteem of it, and was compelled to retire in the midst of Enjoy­ment. The long time that had passed wherein Gonsalve had not made warr, and the great Cessation, in a profession that affords alwayes somewhat to be learnt; had without question much changed him from what he was: And as Iron rustes, when it is not handled, and Aire corrupts, that is long shut up and putrifies; so th' Art of making warr is un­learnt, if it be discontinued; and military Abilities are weakened, if they are not exercised.

Secondly, Age that hath the property to take away the good sense, and to ripen prudence; hath also the defect to freeze the blood, and the spirits, and to weaken th' active Qualities, which are the Chiefest principles of Execution, and the nearest Causes of Victories. Insomuch that the Coldness of Age, if it have nothing but experience, prevents sometimes the committing of faults, but not alwayes the suffering of Losses, and is not capable of Enterprizes that are not happy, because they are bold; nor of Certaine de­signes wherein there's lesse need of Circumspection then of Courage. We have also seen a great number of Brave persons whose Age hath taken away their Reputation, and whose Glory hath been effaced by long Life. We have no example of this truth more visible then that of Marius. His valour accompanied alwayes the disposition of his Temper, It entertained it selfe in his fairest yeares, and fell in the fall of his body, and in the cadency of his Age. It hath also been observed, that the greatest part of Conquerours, and van­quishers of Nations, did not attaine th' Age of sixty yeares; and that Many of them have finished their dayes much short of that time by naturall death, or by a precipitated or violent End. Caesar, Charles the fifth, Francis the first, Henry the fourth, and the last Prince of Orange, failed betwixt fifty and [Page 139]sixty yeares. And one of these stayed not to give over busi­ness, till he was in Condition no longer to retaine it; nor to give over his greatnesse, till death would have taken it from him; But by a Prudence, higher then that of the world, and by Motives more generous then those that had made him t' undertake so great things; He quitted the functions of th' Empire, t' exercise them onely of a Man; and chose rather t' end his Life in th' humility of a Religious person, then with th' Ambition of a Monarch.

The Prince of Parma, who had th' honour, to give Life to the Military discipline of th' Ancients, and to advance that faire work which the Prince of Orange had finished, dyed at th' age of Eight and forty yeares. And 'tis true, That his Glory began to decline, that th' affaires obeyed him no more, as they had before done; and that his last designes had neither the good fortune of Event, nor the grace of Exe­cution as the former had; Alexander, Germanicus, The Mar­quis of Pessary, and Don John of Austria have encountred the same period of Life, and a death almost alike. All four passed not the Age of thirty and three yeares; and all four fell ra­ther by the Malice of others, and with great suspition of poyson, then by the fault of their Complexion or by open force.

This rule neverthelesse is not so generall, that it admits not of Exceptions; and there all valours, which resist the Ruine of the body, and th'injuries of Age they maintaine themselves in spight of the Time. Insomuch, that 'tis not the blood that heats them, but reason that enlighteneth them; And without speaking of the present Age, the past hath pro­duced a Constable of Mountmorancy and a Duke of Alva, who have preserved an entire Reputation to the very extremity of Age; whose last actions have been the Crownes of the first, and the Conclusion of life, the glory of all the rest. This neverthelesse is very pure, and tis otherwise true, That fortune hath been pleased to favour young Captaines, when they were wise against th' old, who have not the Courage so active, nor the Virtue so violent. And by consequence there's some apparance, that she would have declared for Gaston, and been of his party against the Great Captaine.

Thirdly the great Captaine came to the Government of an Army whose officers and souldiers were scarce known unto him, nor had th' army other knowledge of him then his Re­putation and Glory. Insomuch that 'tis a Question, if there had been any Sympathy at least at his first comming betwixt th' head and the Members, whether their Manners, had agreed, and the Proportion had been adjusted to the Com­mand [Page 140]and obedience. Fourthly, he came to Command an Army shattered and of unfortunate Troops; and he was necessitated at the same time to fight the despaire of his souldiers, and the boldnesse of his Enemies. On the Con­trary Gaston was in Exercise, and in breath, and the warr he carried into the kingdome of Naples had been but a Conse­quent of his good fortune, and the Continuation of that. He newly finished most happily in Romagna: He exercised a Soveraigne power in his Army: He had th' heart of all his Souldiers: they loved him as their Companion, and respect­ed him as their Generall: His beauty and good fashion, and the other Graces of the body which render virtue the fairer, and in an age when they make strongest Impression, and have an action more lively: His beauty that was extreame and just; that was neither excessive, nor retentive; who knew how to give much, and to distinguish of Persons; who obliged honest Persons, and contented the covetous. His Courtesie was capable to compell his Enemies to change their passion, and so wish him in the practise of it; Th'Elo­quence wherewith he changed the spirits of Men, prepared Courages for him as he would have them; and brought Moderation t' impetuous spirits, and boldness to the fearefull. All those Qualities, I say, together, might give him hopes to lead his army as farr as humane force could go, and he ought not to have proposed any difficulties to himselfe but impossibilities.

Briefly, Th' opinion the souldiers had of his Fortune and Virtue, and th'Experience they had so often made of Th' one and th' Example he had given them of Th' other; Enabled them to dare all dangers under so valliant a Commander, and t'hope all good successe under so happy a Commander.

From all these Conjectures, I conclude very rationally, that the death of Gaston, hath been the good fortune of Gon­salve. That if Gonsalve, deserved to be compared to Scipio, That our Heroique Gaston, if he had lived long, had deserved preference to both of them. And if the greatness of things he ought to have done, were to be judged by them he had done; That none of th' ancient Captaines had surpassed him in the Glory of Armes, and that He had surpassed all the Moderne Captaines.

The First Discourse.
Of what Importance, Care and Vigilancy are, for a Minister of State; and that nothing is to be neglected, principally in Warre.

CAre, Labour, and Vigilancy, are not things purely spirituall; The body seems therein to have the best part, and if they derive their Originall from th' understanding. they determine in the matter, and sensi­ble objects do bind them; They are the neerest causes of execution, and without them a Minister of State may peradventure be wise, but can never be happy. On the contrary; there's no difficulty, nor re­sistance which may not be forced by their aide; with them fortune is constrained to follow; Good counsells are assu­red; Bad are corrected; Things are supported and over­thrown; and that form is almost given to businesse which is proposed; 'Tis then of great Concernment to neglect no­thing that may be profitable, That no accident is to be estee­med smal, if it may incommodate; That every moment ought to be of precious esteem, if it be necessary for us. And that the Maxim of Morality be remembred, That evill is raised out of the least defect in things; and that Good to be such requires that every part be entire and sound.

Above all, in great misfortunes, & in the violence of fortune [Page 142]that all advizes must be heard; and all things attempted, though they seem impossible; For then, much must be ha­zarded, provided that it be not all, unlesse we are constrain­ed thereunto, and cannot save our selves but in ruming a course to destroy our selves. Moreover, we ought t' Imi­tate the Wise Physitian, who will never ordain dangerous Re­medies, and whose operation is doubtfull, but they will trye diverse, of whose goodnesse they may not be fully assured but that they shall not kill if they heal not, and will not make th' evill worse if they do not ease it; In a word, 'tis not to be believed what great and incredible effects are produced by an exact care, by a constant diligence, by an infatigable contest, and by that prudent inquietude which alwaies acts, which forgets nothing, which never gives it selfe liberty, and forceth at last what holds too fast, and draws what will not follow.

Caesar was incomparable in these Qualities, as in all other that forme a great Captain. No person ever took more pains in the Warre; or exercised more functions together in his Army, nor that more desired to be present in all occasions, or that was more obstinate t'execute his resolutions, not to retire when he was once advanced, and not to stand in the midst of an enterprize; 'Tis true that he deliberated much before he undertook any thing, and did not cast himselfe blindly upon any designe; He did not prepare to make war after he had begun to make it; The provisions answered alwaies to the time, he had forecast to make them continues and th'execution never deceived his providence. But af­ter that he lost not a moment of time, nor an occasion of ad­vantage, and never remitted to the next day what he might execute the same day. He seldome trusted but to his eyes and judgement, and for the most part he went in person to view the Country he would assault, and th' enemies he was to fight. When th' occasion prest, he made incredible Mar­ches. He passed Rivers by swimming, t' avoid going about to gain Bridges; He crossed the Seas in small Ves­sels to make the more diligence, and chose rather to sayl in Storms, then suffer his businesse to run hazard; and to put his person in danger, rather then his fortune: And it must not be a wonder, if in his profession he left all the men in the world behind him; And if it hath been doubted, To whom the victory had remained, if Alexander had made Warre to the growing Common-Wealth; No Question can be made but he was inferiour to Caesar, who destroyed it in its most vigorous Age, and in th'excesse of its force, and made it fall from th'height of its greatnesse, and from the top of its Pow­er.

On the contrary, the reason why the Reputation of so many Men, is seen to passe with the time, and their glory t' extinguish; 'Tis the diminution of Labour, and the default of Vigilancy; This diminution & default proceed from se­verall causes. The first is, that as in the condition of par­ticular persons, a mans fortune doth not alwaies advance with equall pace, and with an uniforme progresse; That it stops toward th' end or moves slowly, though it come with impetuosity and swiftnesse: Insomuch that he who burnt with impatience in the beginning to quit poverty, and laboured with Zeal to become Rich; So soon as his desire is satisfied, and that he sees himselfe in plenty, H' abates of his cares, and would enjoy with rest th'fruits of his industry. So the man whose spirit is possessed with the passion of glo­ry, and meditates the great actions which do beget it; when he hath attained his end; That he hath filled the World with the reputation of his vertue, and hath formed in him­selfe a great opinion of himselfe; Th' hunger of honour which pressed him at first, becomes moderate; and by con­sequent, his first contest weakens, and his ordinary dili­gence diminisheth.

A second cause of this diminution, is Age; and 'tis no won­der, if the body which destroyes it selfe grieves the Soul; and if it operate not with the same vigour, as it did, when th' Organs are spoyled, and th'instruments of use weare out; This rule neverthelesse is not absolutely true, and hath its exceptions, as I have said elsewhere.

A third cause are the diseases; which produce the same effects, and more dangerous then Age, because they produce them more suddenly, and with more violence; and 'tis not possible, that in the griefe of the body, and weaknesse of na­ture, a man can intend things, that are without him, and at the same time contest with the disease and businesse. Besides, what hath been said before of Phillip the second, The Spaniards have also observed, that their affaires in the Low Countryes declined with th' health of the Prince of Parma, and began to change when he began to be sick; and neverthelesse being of a very vast spirit, and active humour, He would not abate any thing of his accustomed occupations. He would do more then he could. He would retain the same authority in busi­nesse, as when he had his health. He could not ease him­self upon the cares of another, and thought that nothing was well done, but what was done by his Orders. When he was hurt before Candebu; He put the command of th'army into the hands of his Son; and in regard he was but a young Prince, and to whom experience was wanting, and that sort [Page 144]of Capacity which comes not from study, or nature; He would supply that defect by his Counsells; Th' Army was at Iuetot, and the father at Candebu where he was dressed of his wound? There he would be Consulted with upon all Occurrences, and th' order for what was to be done was fetched a League off. In the mean time, the time passed in going and coming; the state of the warr changed Coun­tenance; new Accidents demanded new Counsells, and the Spaniards lost faire occasions t' inomomodate us whilst they went t' aske his permission, and we made no small advan­tage of the Disorder of a body, that was so disunited from th' head that governed it.

But to make the benefits of Vigilancy the better t' ap­peare, and th' operations of that sharp virtue, and of that unquiet Prudence, which is ever in Action, which makes profit of all things; that suffers nothing t' escape, and par­ticularly in the warr where occasions stay not and never re­turne, when they are once fled away; Lets demonstrate this by apt examples; When Gaston of Foix drew to the Reliefe of Bonlogna against th' Army of the League which had besieg­ed it; If at th'entry of the Towne, he had drawn out to Charge th' Enemies, he had surprized them; He had de­feated them without resistance, that had not been on their guards because they distrusted nothing; and the delay of one night which He gave at the Requests of his Captaines for some rest to his souldiers, ravished from us a victory which had all Italy for price, and cost us a little after the Life of that prince which was of more vertue then all Italy. Th' evening before the battell of Jury, The late King had taken his quarter at Menoncour; The Marshall of Charters was to discover it, and observed that his Army was weake and affrighted; Sr. of Maine nevertheless would not Charge that evening t' untire his souldiers, who were haressed with the Labour of the way, and with the long Marches they had made; in the mean time three thousand foot, and Eight hun­dred horse, arrived in the night to the King, who gave Courage with th' hopes of victory to his Army, and after prevailed for the gaine of the Battell; which they run ha­zard the day before to lose.

As to th' Important victories, which Care and Diligence have occasioned, and have as it were forced from the hands of destiny; I observe three famous ones amongst the Mo­dern and which ought to be observed with a particular at­tention. The defeate of Francis the first before Pavy is with­out doubt, a work of th' Emperours fortune, and of the virtue of the Marquis of Pessary, who was one of the chiefe [Page 145]Commanders of his Army. But it ought chiefly to be attri­buted to his Industry, and to that Indefatigable and hot humour which never gave him any Rest, which held him in perpetuall action; which exercised him day and night, and forced business t' obey him, and to come to the point he had proposed to himselfe. In that manner He overcame us against all shew of Apparance, and got the better of us, though we had then no need of any thing but patience t' overcome; That we had nothing to do but to defend our selves, and t' hinder being defeated for to defeate them: First he did beat downe the Forts which covered our Ar­my, and rendred his Avenues safe; He advanced towards us without losse of time, or taking of rest, and before almost we could see them come. He fell into the Kings Quarters, and constrained him to fight, and to put t' hazard what he had assured, if he had kept his advantage. On the contrary theres no place of excuse for Francis, nor palliate his blind­ness, and that stupid negligence, wherewith he was possess­ed in the midst of his Army, without knowing the State or Number of it, but by the report of his Captaines; and not knowing the designes of his Enemies, till he was not in a Condition to break them, and not being prepared to resist them but believing them too weake t' assault him. A notorious fault in Warr, wherein the necessity of fighting should never be permitted, nor t' act at the pleasure of ene­mies; where they ought never to be despised or esteemed weake; where th' Eyes ought to be imployed on all things, and nothing neglected, and where small Accidents are ordi­narily the beginnings of great Revolutions, and th' origi­nall of the good, or bad success of Enterprizes. The second Example is of the last Duke of Guise, when he defeated th' Army of Germans which came to overcome France under the Command of the Duke of Bouillon, and of the Baron of Auneau. So soon as he had discovered th' Army he never allowed in any rest, and lost not an occasion of Incommodating it; He gave it Continuall A larmes to tire it; He had it in his Braine, when it Marched; He vexed it in its Quarters. He cut off the wayes of Provisions from all sides, and at last in three encounters at Vimony, at Auneau, and at Mount beliart, dissipated the whole Army.

The third Example is, the Reliefe of th' Iland of Rhé. It must be acknowledged that the glory of that success, which will appeare another day a Miracle in the life of the King, or a fable in History, is an effect of the piety of that Prince, and a visible Argument of th' Inclination which th' heavens have for him; But it must be also confessed, that this good [Page 146]fortune was not given him freely, and that he hath aided th' Hands of God to work this wonder; The feaver hath newly left him: His recovery was yet uncertaine, and it was necessary for his Courage to compleate the support of his body when he put himselfe into the way to find th' English: what he did in an Occasion apparantly deplorable, may be judged by his accustomed Actions, which were alwayes of greatest difficulty; And though th' Actions of Princes resem­ble th' Essences which containe a great Virtue in a small Quantity; and though they do little, yet operate much by reason of the force of th' Example; So it is that the King would not have believed his Charge to have been dischar­ged but in doing more then th' others. If he had put them onely on their way, to let them after that march of them­selves; had he not alwayes served them for guid; If he had not made way for them without Interruption; and if he had not been the last to quit labour and to retire from Action. More­over it must be further avowed, that as in th'affaires where­of we now speak, He hath forgot nothing of the duty of an Active, and labourious Prince, and that he hath also there Compleately served; so that th' Instruments which he there imployed, betrayed not the virtue of the principall Cause; Monsieur his Brother made his first Armes there very remarkable, and the beames of that rising valour have been so lively and pure, that it was visible they could not proceed, but from a spring extreamly faire, and that greater beginnings could not be expected from the son of Henry the fourth, and from the Brother of Lewis the just. As to Sr. the Cardinal, tis certaine that he brought unto the work an extraordinary Contest of body and spirit, and that the cares and diligence He used in that Occasion were incredi­ble, as th' effect that did arise from them. He manadged it in such fort, as a sick person is handled, to whom so little of life remaines, that the least sinister Accident that befalls him, destroyes him; and the least things forgot of what might be Cordiall, would kill him. Two hundred postes dis­patched in lesse then two Months, so many orders given, within and without the Kingdome; no advice neglected, that had any apparance of Good; so many vessells got together in so little Time, and so many provisions made for the revi­ctualing of the place besiged. In Briefe, all that humane In­dustry hath of Inventions; All that prudence hath of Con­duct: All that diligence hath of activity, and all that Cou­rage hath of boldness, employed in this Occurrence; are th' Infallible proofs of what I have said.

But t' act in this Manner; It imports that a soul be [Page 147]extreamely free, and have no passion but for his duty; That it be not divided, and 'tis not too much, that it employes all its forces in Occasions whereunto enough cannot be brought, and wherein th'Affairs are but imperfectly done, if any other Inclination divide them; That if we have seen great persons, as Caesar, burne with Love and Ambition and done incredible things; That if he gave himselfe up to the pleasures of sense, and to the conquest to the World; It was that those two Passions never entred into contest in his spirit, nor disputed of the Victory; and when the last appeared, the first gave it place, and left the field free; yet 'tis not possible, but they savoured of the relation, and that the contagion of th' one could not but offend th'other. This hapned even to Caesar as incomparable he was, and the Love of Cleopatra had once almost destroyed him, and had cost him with his Life th'Empire of the World, If he had not by swimming, passed the Nile to save himselfe. But that Sr. the Cardinall hath this Liberty of soul whereof we speak, I have elsewhere shewed, and therefore unnecessary to be here repeated.

The Second Discourse.
That the true exercise of Politique Prudence consists in the Know­ledge of Comparing things with things, and to choose the greatest Good, and t' avoid the greatest Evill; And to consider whether the Counsell Sr. the Cardinall gave to passe into th' Iland of Rhé, was grounded upon the Rules of Prudence; And if the King did well to march into Languedoc after the taking of Suze.

'TIs a strange Hazard, and a hard necessity to be shut up betwixt two troublesome extreams, and of two evills which present themselves joyntly, to chuse the least. This last is a thing which all the World desires to do, and for which Nature hath imprinted in us a violent and sharp instinct. The lesser Evills appeare good when they are pre­servatives from greater, and physick is good by reason of the diseases it is ordained against. But to know how to make use of so dangerous a Composition, to know how t'hold the Ba­lance strait, that is filled with venemous drugs, and whose odour strikes into th'heads of them that hold it; and to discerne of things, whose quality astonisheth the sense and confounds the judgement, if it be not accompanied with Courage; 'Tis not th'Effect of an ordinary prudence; 'Tis not employed with lesse difficulty though with more com­pleasancy [Page 148]pleasancy when good things are to be compared amongst themselves, and to discover the difference; when the spetious things are to be distinguished from the profitable; and them that have weight in them, from them that make a shew; when we are to be exercised amongst the Caresses of Fortune, and the favours which she offers us, to stop at the greatest of them.

I have observed two places amongst many others in the Life of the King, where, as I conceive, he hath divinely pros­pered in these two kinds of Prudence, as he hath made most wise choices upon the Counsels which have been proposed. Th' one upon the Counsell Sr. the Cardinall gave to passe part of th' Army into th'lland of Rhé, to fight th' English, who without that had been Masters of it. T'expose of one side those brave Troops and Choyse Souldiers; sacrifice so much Nobility whereof there were Princes; To send poor Boates against a Fleet of great Ships. It seems truly to have hazarded much, and to give up too much to For­tune. But also on th' other side, who shall consider that the losse of our Troop: was not infallible, but that th'losse of th' Iland was if they had not passed, That the remedy was dangerous, but that there was none other t'heal the disease, and that one part of the State was ready to be divided betwixt Domestique Rebellion and forrain Do­mination, if th'Iland had not been relieved; must confesse that this Counsell was not lesse commendable in the spring than in the successe. If it was very bold, it was intirely necessa­ry, and one could not only not do better, but it could not have been well done if it had been otherwise done.

Th'other observation is in respect of the Counsell, which Sr. the Cardinall gave to hasten to Languedoc after the taking of Zusa; It must truly be confessed, that then there was a necessity to make a defence against the most subtile attempt & fairest shew of good, which might have seduced an under­standing if it had not been very strong to make resistance. On th' one side the State of Milan was in prey, and that beautifull Countrey which heretofore gave so much love and jealousie to two great Princes, To Francis the first, and to Charles the fifth. which cost France and Spain so much Bloud, and put Christendome so often into a Combustion to know who should have it; was ours without resistance. It depended upon the King in apparance to become Master, and to take revenge of th'affronts which we have received there, and of the five times that they had driven us by force out of the Countrey. It was unfurnished of men of War, and there was but some miserable Troops, that had escaped at the siege of Casal, and which the sole report of our Armes [Page 149]had overcome. All the Princes of Italy made us tender of their Aides, and believed that th' Hower was come to take away the Fetters from their feet, and deliver their Country from the yoak which was not naturall to it, and from that violent Domination whose shadow was dangerous t'all its Neighbours, and weakned their Liberty if not oppressed it; The Emperour was diverted against the King of Denmarke and he could not draw his Armies from thence without abando­ning his Victories, and without betraying his good For­tune.

Spain had neither Men nor Moneyes; It was astonished at the losse their Fleet had newly suffered; it saw powerfull preparations in Holland, which threatned the Low Coun­tries, and a formed tempest which it could not conjure down: In a word, Milan lost, Naples could not be preserved; and Flan­ders would have been lost of it selfe, in shutting up that pas­sage, from whence it received its principall supplies to make Warre. And neverthelesse this great power which gave fear to so many powers, which was formidable even to the Turks and Barbarians of Affrica; which is fatall to the rest of Christian Nations, which obliged all of them to be with us or against us; Had been beaten with that single stroake, and we had nothing more within to fear when the springs of our troubles had been stopped without, and the Instruments broak which make and nourish our divisions, and humbled th'Authors or Promoters of our civill discords. These were the thoughts that in that time exercised the spirits of many persons, and particularly of th' Italians; and as 'tis the custome of men t'accommodate their thoughts to their interests, and to flatter themselves in their desires, they imagined that ours were like theirs; Though in that poynt, our Interests were disagreeing. But also on th' other part, who shall consider that men must not spend their time about setting their haire, or paring their Nailes when th' Heart and the Brain are sick; That great States never perish by a Forraign violence, so long as th' Interiour is in health, and th'Entrails sound, and that they ruine of themselves when the corrupti­on is within, and th'Evill hath seised upon the Noble parts: That in long Warrs abroad, a Prince ought not t' engage himselfe when the Diversion is ever ready within, and that ther's a formed feaction in the middle of the State, which will not fail to disturb for to prevaile of th'Occasions. That the discontented will foment, if they dare not publique as­sist, and to whom strangers will give heat, or forces to di­sturbus by our selves; For to consume us at easie Chargges and alwaies to weaken us either by losse or victory; Who [Page 150]shall consider, I say, these things, will avow that the Returne of the King into Languedoc was a stroake of the gaine of the decision of our Domestique Affairs & the good of Forraign Affairs. Furthermore, Could a greater misfortune befall us, then to lose the occasion of finishing the Ruine of a par­ty, that hold France in Languishment more then sixty years, & had reduced it to a State equall to that of certain persons, who know not what health is; but are alwaies busie either t'heal th'evills they suffer, or to present them they feare. The conjucture past; It was probable it would not returne of a long time, and that 'twas to no purpose t' hope or expect it; It was so contrary to that party, that it could not but be relieved from Germany, that laboured to defend its proper Liberty; That England was wearied in protecting an ill cause; That th' Hollanders durst not irritate France openly by reason of th' use they have of it; and that they have lear­ned to regulate their Charities by their Interests, and the Zeal of Religion by the Zeal of State: That the Spaniards had greater action in Flanders & Italy, than they could master; and could not act against us, but with a little Money, & with vain promises.

In the third place, The Reputation of the Kings Armes was incredible, it could alone make conquests; It could o­vercome without fighting, and never Prince was better ser­ved of his Souldiers, or more feared of his Enemies. Our Souldiers were in heat and full of hope. The past victo­ries were certain arguments of future, and after the taking of Rochell, & forceing of Suza, overcomming what was defen­ded by Sea and covered with mountains; They ought not t'apprehend any thing impossible, nor any thing difficult. It was then the only proper season to defeat that party which Sr. the Cardinal most judicially observed, and the King most divinely made choyce of. If that expedition had been longer deferr'd the plague alone had been suffici­ent to force us from Languedoc, and to defeat our Armies; and if we had been engaged in Italy what had not Monsieur of Rohan don with the Aid of strangers, which had not failed him? If the Spaniards, who ever promise timely and almost without deliberation; who performe slowly, and after long consultations; but who spare nothing when they are well engaged in a businesse, and have put those that serve them in a condition not to be able to repent, or unable t' unsay it; If the Spaniards, I say, had performed the conditions of the Treaty they had made with him, and furnished the Money they had promised. If the forces of Savoy had passed into Danphine to joyne with him as the resolution was [Page 151]taken; If ours had been divided within and without the Kingdome, and if th' hope of Change and Expectation of a better fortune, had withdrawne from their duty, them of that party which feare retained; He had without doubt broken all our designes, because they were destitute of its Advantages; frustrated of forraigne promises; Aban­doned of the soundest and most Considerable party of Hu­gonotes in the poverty of all them that aided him; and in the distrust of some, and irresolutions of others. In certaine Corners of a Province where he commanded, He gave so much trouble, that the presence of the King was necessary and six Armies to reduce him.

Moreover 'tis a great discourse to speak of the Conquest of Milan, and to renew beyond that Mountaines the preten­tions of our fathers; Tis a designe which well deserves Con­sideration before it be attempted, and requires another Conjuncture, than that wherein we are found; For who is ignorant, that tis not for the good of France, nor th' Interest of Italy, that the King be Duke of Milan? Who knows not that, our Conquests, if we should Maintaine them, would give greater jealousie to the Princes of that Country, then the do­mination whereof they complaine; That they esteeme us worse Masters, and more dangerous Neighbours then the Spaniards; are more Conformable unto their Flegme and severity, than our Heat and License. That they believe that we are a more certaine and assured Counterpoyse to th' Ambition of others than they would be to ours; That the facility we have to make our Armies descend into their Countrey, and th' aboundance of men to relieve them, might give the desire of undertaking and usurping it; That th' occasion stirres up the most lazie, and raiseth the most sleepy; That present objects do raise all the faculties; and that Commodity and Conveniency provoke th' Appetite of Conquest which is otherwise moderate and quiet. And though th' Ambition of the Spaniards hath neither Modera­tion nor bounds; That they desire violently and desire Ma­ny things; That in th' order of their Counsells which nei­ther change nor dye, They have declared the warr t' all Nations, which hold not of them by subjection or depen­dency; since this End is immoveable, & that they are troubled onely in finding just Meanes t'attaine it; and that they some­times take such as are not just, when others faile, since of a long time they have made love t' Italy That they can no lon­ger dissemble their passion; that for some yeares past, they have put off their Mask, and made it known that they must [Page 152]have it, and enjoy it, though they should ravish it; since they are not so poor of Men as they have been, since Germany is for them, & that they have at their devotions that great spring of Men of warr, so it is that th' Italians see well, that the victories of th' Emperour have no deep roots, That its prosperities do yet shake; that them he holds, make great attempts t'escape him; That the Turke, it may be, will make him one day quit his hold, if he make an Accommodation with the Persian, or some Christian powers, that his ruine may not be so strange, as the Greatnesse to which he is arrived; and that in his Fall the wonder will not be so great, as it hath been in his Rising; In Briefe, that he cannot live allwayes; That th' Empire may passe into another House that may be Contrary to his; That may hate the Spaniards; That would purge Germany of their Garrisons, and at th'End of th' Account they shall endea­vour the greatnesse of that power which in conclusion will devour them. Insomuch that th' Italians will be ever glad that we have a way open into their Country, not for to stay there, but to relieve them when they are assaulted, and if that little Liberty which remaind unto them be offended, they would have us love the walke, but not the stay; That we become the Rivalls but not the Masters, and that we have jealousie not for possession, but t' hinder others from taking of it; Beyond that, it must not be hoped that they favour us, or that they be not Contrary to us, and we shall labour in vaine if we labour not for them, and leave them not our Conquests. Yet we should not so easily have gained the State of Milan as is imagined; A number of good pla­ces would have stopped our progresse, and given Leisure to the Spaniards to send thither great releefs from Flanders and Germany; That if they have quitted the low Countries for a part of Montferrat, and exposed those faire Provinces to th' Hollanders, for a little Conveniency in regard of Milan; If th' Emperour made a shamefull peace with the King of Den­marke t' intend that Affaire; If he left his victories imper­fect for that Cause, and plenty of forces to th' enemies of th' Emperour to renew the Quarrell, and to give him Trouble; what would they not have done, if the State of Milan had been assaulted: was it not probable that they would have set up their rest to have saved it? That they would have stirred up all th' ill humours of France to divert us? That our fron­tiers of Champagna, and Burgonia had not been safe in that warr, and instead of assaulting of them, they had, it may be, put us to the termes of defence? Insomuch that we had ex­posed ourselves to a present and certaine Expence for an uncertaine profit, and at a Distance; and for an affaire [Page 153]wherein th' Apparance of dammage which we should have run, was greater then th'hopes of gaine we could have made. And when all things should have prospered, that Wind and Tide had been for us, and that th'event of the warr had not deceived our desires nor frustrated our hopes; The fruits of the victory, and what might have been raised by our Labours had been no more at most then t' have weaken­ed the Spaniards in imposing an eternall necessity of Quar­rell with them, and to Consume France in maintaining the Conquests which should not have been ours, and t' assure to th' Italians the good which we should have don them.

From all this I conclude, that the prudence of Sr. the Car­dinall never appeared more eminently then in the Counsell he gave to quit th' hopes of the Conquest of Milan, for the Certaine reducement of Landuedoc, and that it appertained onely to such Eyes as his, and to an extraordinary wisdome not to suffer himselfe to be blinded with th' Apparance of the Good which fortune offered us, and t' have preserved the King from so specious an Ambuscado.

The Third Discourse
That one and the same Conduct in warr is not to be observed.

IT may be also observed in that valiant resolution which the King took for the Releefe of Rhé; That th' Art of making warr hath not a positive forme, and that it ought to be diversified according to the State of Occurrences. They that will commit nothing to Fortune, nor undertake any Enterprize whose event appeares not to them infallible; who labour onely to consume their enemies in temporizing; to make Benefit of their faults, and t' attend th' occasion to cast them into their nets: They I say do sometimes great things, and observe a better Conduct then they who have accustomed t' Hazard, and endeavour onely to come to stroakes; and will owe their Victories onely to their Cou­rage, and seek dangers t' overcome with the more Glory; But as the first receive but little notable damage nor great Losses by their fault; so they faile often, t' obtain great suc­cesse by their fearefullness, and to be happy by their too great wisdome. Such have been amongst the Moderne, Pros­per Colomna who took from us the State of Milan, and that of Genes; such, Francis of Rovere, Duke of Urbin who was so long Generall to the Venetians, and whose Memory to this day is preserved with honour, and his portraites with veneration. But beyond the two others, the Duke of Alva who allwayes [Page 154]preferred the slow means when they were sure, to the quick that were to be suspected, and never so little dangerous; Who was a great husband of the bloud of his, though he had a very bloudy humour; who did never cast enemies into despaire, when he had taken their Courage from them; and who hath often refused advantages which fortune of­fered him, because he could not receive them without some danger, and that he distrusted some Ambush; Such had been also amongst us, Th' Admirall of Coligny, if he had been absolute over th'Armies he commanded; and if he had not governed a people, that were Indocile because they were ill pay'd or voluntaries.

They are neverthelesse some considerations to be raised in this matter, and certaine Rules to be obser­ved.

A Prince that hath but one Army which is the sinew of his power, and all the force of his State, that hath not Mo­ney to raise another when the first is defeated; ought never t'hazard it: nor give the Command to a Commander of an hot humour, or that hath the Spirit agitated with an exces­sive desire of glory. The Venetians complain to this day of Asuiane and of his Courage;At the Bat­tell of Gi­ragdale & that of Vi­cenna. His conduct was fatall for be­ing so bold: It made them lose at one blow all their firme Land, and put them another time upon the Borders of their Ruine. And neverthelesse all Historians agreed, that that person had done wonders under a Prince that could have hazarded much. That his vertue was worthy of the for­tune of a Conquerour; and that in the journey to Marig­nan his arrivall with five hundred Horses put in disorder all the Suisses, and made fall in our side the Balance where the victory was hung. In the weaknesse wherein th'Hollanders found themselves, and in the small means which they had to renew their Armyes, The dead Prince of Orange hath ever been very backward to give Battell. Even that of Newport which he gained was not without some staine, and some shadow of Imprudency, and he hath been condemned in suffering himselfe to be forced to fight; and reduced to a Necessity, wherein there vvas to be feared more ill in losing then hope of good in obtaining the victory. But however a very few persons have been long in that profession but have committed some fault, or fell into some Misfortune. Another occasion wherein this slow Conduct is very profi­table; and where a victory is to be obtained without fight­ing if it be possible, and to be expected without forcing it to come, is, when we have to do with heady and hot E­nemies. But in that case also its necessary that they who [Page 155]are to be commanded be capable of a great Patience, that there be wherewithall to make them long subsist, and that the faylor of necessary provisions oblige them not to disband. It was th' Advantage the Duke Alva had in the Warrs he commanded, and if Francis the first had brought a little lesse and precipitation then he did be­fore Pavia, and suffered th' Imperiall Army to consume which sustained it selfe only upon th'Hopes of a Battell; He had not filled the vegeance of one of his subjects, nor com­pleated in the spirit if th' Emperour, the designe of the Uni­versall Monarchy. With tumultuary Armies which are not to stay long in COMPAIGNA; which do only passe and poure in and steal out quickly; Care must be had not to come to blowes: Passage must be given to them; They must be used like Torrents, which are permitted to run with­out resistance, and to whom no opposition is made when they swell and overflow. Such have been heretofore th' Armies of the Suisses, when that Nation disdained all others; and boasted never to have gone out of their Country but to suppresse th' excesse of Princes, and to defend the weake from the violence of the powerfull, and from the designes of th'Ambitious.

Other Nations have had in this matter ill opinion of ours, and believed that we were not capable of patience or order. But if the Marshall of Monlue be to be believed, and what is seen every day in Holland, and what of late hath been in France and Italy; Our Souldiers are capable of all things, when they are under good Commanders; and that there's no Nation that takes sooner then ours, the vices or virtues of their Commanders. However, a great Captain ought e­ver to be Master of his Art, and above all the formes of mak­ing Warre, without being subject to any; He ought to change them according to th' occasion, and know diverse means, and many wayes t'attain his end, and gaine the victo­ry. By such expedients Caesar, rendred himself admirable to all people, and Ages. He diversified his conduct better then any man in the World. He gave not the same forme to all his designes, nor the same countenance; Industry or Cou­rage, Patience or force served him equally. One while he assaulted his Enemies with Retrenchments and Forts; He Laboured chiefly to take th' Advantage of places, and to ceize upon the most commodious Postes. He cut off the Springs of Victuals, and of all other necessaries, and forced them at last to the necessity of rendring, having taken from them the Means of retyring, and th'hope of fighting; He gained his end in that manner of Petreius and Aphranius whom he be­sieged [Page 156]in the midst of a Compagna, and from whom he shut up so dexterously all passages, and all Avennues that being but halfe a Mile from a River, they dyed with thirst, and were overcome for want of that whose abun­dance is almost in all places; sometimes he overcame his Enemies by storming of them; He made them fall without Myning; His victories were infamous for flesh and bloud, and the most mercifull of all men seemed to be come into the World to decline it, and to have been born for the Ru­ine of mankind. The dead King had reduced almost to the like extremity the Prince of Parma at Juetot, and all believed infallibly, that he must dye of hunger and thirst, or render at discretion, or be defeated in giving Battell. But the designe of the King had not th' event answerable to Caesars, no more then the vigilancy of his Captains was con­formable to that of th'other; The Prince of Parma deceived them and exchanged subtilties. He fortified the place he meant to quit, for to make them believe that he would de­fend himself in it; and his Army had passed the River and made its retrait, before the first News came to our Army; Fatal and un-head of Negligence for an Army that touch­ed ours, and was invested, and which was suspected of designe, in some of the Commanders that governed it.

Amongst the Modern, I see no Generall that hath surpas­sed Ferrant Gonsalve, nor any person more universall in th' Art of making Warre; I have not seen any person that com­manded his forces to better purpose, or made better use of Patience. With those two Qualities he alwayes overcame us, and hath taken a Kingdome from us. He hath done us as much hurt in making us suffer, as in acting against us, and hath consumed us when he was not strong enough to defeat us. Nothing almost hath been read like to the Resolution He exprest at Cinture; where we had reduced him to the last paine of Misery. He was invested with our Troops; The Plague and Hunger was in his Army; He was drowned with continuall Raines, sunke in the durt; exposed to all th'injuries of a Rude Winter. In brief, he had against him th'elements of Men. And neverthelesse, at length we were more a weary t'incommodate him, then he was to suffer, and destroyed us by the course we made Choice of to ruine him. But when open force was to be employed, and true Valour set a worke; who ever performed it with more Courage or judgement then he? Hath ever a more generous voyce been heard from the mouth of a Captain then the answer he made at Cirignolle, to him who advised him to draw back; [Page 157]and t' abandon a Poste he could not maintain but with great danger; He had rather, said he, find Death and his Grave an hun­dred Paces beyond it, then to lengthen his Life many years in re­traiting ten Paces and turning his back to his Enemies. And, be­fore the Battail of Garillan, He answered him that would have diverted him from fighting, and giving of Battail, who presented unto him, that he was weake in respect of us, and the Match ill made betwixt his Army and ours, That he knew of what importance that Daye's Labour was to his Master's Affairs, and that he was resolved to perish that day, or overcome.

'Tis true then, that there are Occurrences, wherein some­what is to be submitted to Fortune: Where the lesse is to be hazarded to save the greater: And where when the Ques­tion is of the whole Affair, not onely a part of the Forces is to be hazarded, but also the Generalls of th' Army; and those precious heads which command so many other heads ought to take resolution rather to dye, than see the Victory in th' Enemies hands, and t' outlive it at their Losse. So did Caesar in Spain at the Battell where the Children of Pompey were slaine, and the rest of that miserable Common-wealth finished their dest uction; so did Monsieur of Andelot, when he defended Orleans against th' Army of the Duke of Guise: So did the Prince of Parma at the siege of Antwerp, after that the Hollanders were seized of one part of the Ditch, & that th'Engine which they made to play, had made them flye which defended it; Th'one and th'other run with Swords in their hands to the Danger; both were then transported Declaring that he would dye, if it were impossible for him t'overcome, and made appeare by his action somewhat that savoured of despaire, or rather of that excesse which Philosophy attributes to the Heroes, and distills into the souls of extraordinary persons. Th'example of that pathetique virtue, and of that generous emotion was not barren. The Souldiers that saw it, felt the same heat, and by that means some of them forced th'Enemies from the Town where they were far entred, and others Recovered the Ditch where th' Hollanders began to fortifie after they were lodged in it; Lets conclude then with th'Examples of the greatest persons of Antiquity, and with the first of the Moderne, That the passage of our Army into th' Iland of Rhé was not projected by chance, and without th' Advice of Reason; That it hath not been th'Effect of a light, troubled by ill successe, and of a Discourse confused by ill fortune; but of a Resolution illu­minated by that high prudence, which diversifieth its con­duct according to the diversity of accidents which happen; which shift; sayles according t' th' nature of the Winds [Page 158]which Reign: Which knows t' apply Remedies to the state of the Maladies; which dares quit th' High-wayes, when'tis expedient to take the By-paths, and which guides not alwayes common virtues, but sometimes inspires, and gives birth t'Heroique persons.

The Fourth Discourse.
Of the Alliances of bloud which are practised amongst Princes; and whether the King was well advised when he made that Ally­ance with England.

I Treat at large th'Allyances of State in the second part of this work, and particularly of that we have with the Turke, and with the Republique of Holland. There I do cleer ma­ny Doubts which respect the Soul, and take away the stones of offence whereat they strike, who have not known the foundation, and stumble for want of Light. I give never­theless nothing to conveniency that is contrary to justice, and flatter not the conduct of them who submit all other Reasons to that of State. I take nothing there, from God to give it to Caesar, I hold the just Balance, and stay at the tem­per which God hath advised, in the prudence of Serpents and the simplicity of Doves. Here I have thought it ex­pedient, to speak of th' Allyances, which are practised in the families of Princes, to justisfie that which hath been made with England. All the spirits that were formalized at it, are not yet satisfied. The Wounds which are shut up leave all wayes some marks; Some maligne impression remains a long time after a poyson is driven away; and ordinarily the opinions that are left, part not so neatly, but some impressi­on remains. On th'other side, they that have observed the sequells of th' Alliance whereof we speak; who have seen the Depraedations upon our Seas, and th'Invasions of our Ilands, and th'other enterprizes th'English have made upon us; Who have understood, that their Ministers of State ma­nadged that business with poysoned hands; that they did un­dermine us when they seemed to help us; That they stretch­ed the Cloath whereof they were after call'd Merchants, and laid the foundation of the War which they made against us. These I say, have believed that there was somewhat wanting in the prudence of our Ministers of State, and that th' house was ill built that fell so soon to Ruine. Wherefore having discoursed of that Warr; I thought this the pro­per place to speak of the Alliance which did precede it.

I say then, that th' Alliances of bloud which are entertain­ed [Page 159]amongst Princes serve very little to divert their designes, or to change their Inclinations. The dispositions they find in their spirits are there left; They put up nothing, but at most palliate them, and suspend for some time th' Action of the Causes which they cannot take away; And though it falls out otherwise in the Condition of particular persons, no Consequence is to be drawne for that of Princes. The Qua­lity of Soveraignes which Princes sustaine, hath priviledged Duties, and begets passions to which all others are sub­alterne. The King in this is above Man. The Conside­ration of Parentage is inferiour to that of the State, and th'Obligations of blood which are bounded in a few persons ought to give place to th' obligations of the Charge, where­in an infinite of Persons are Interessed. To that truly, Prin­ces need not to be Exhorted; They are but too much car­ried to it naturally; They ordinarily offend lesse against their Dignity by default, then by excesse. The love they have for it, degenerates rather into Jealousie, then into Idle­ness. And if you would have them forsake their interests, and the good of their affaires; It must be under the shew of something that resembles it: And 'tis not the will, that a Man ought to propose to himselfe to be gained, but th' un­derstanding, which is by Endeavour to be seduced; But 'tis true, that of too Extreams which bound the duty of Princes, they carry themselves oftnest to th' Excesse, and that the passion for Commanding preserves not onely what belongs to them, but makes usurpations upon all the Rights of Reason; upon all the priviledges of Humane Society, and upon all the Respects, which are brought by Relations. Th' Examples are so ordinary that a Man must have seen or heard nothing to call it in Question. I will not speak of what hath passed in the time of the Pagans, nor of that Am­bitious Roman who caused her Chariot, to be drove over the Body of her Father, to whose kingdome her Husband ought to succeed. I passe by that which they might have done who thought, that the glory of Command was the ultimate End of Man, and Ambition somewhat a nobler and a better thing then justice. But even amongst the very Christians, and in th' houses which Piety hath made famous, that Passion hath been seen t' overflow to the prejudice of blood, and violate th' holiest lawes of Nature, and which the very barbarous people Reverence. I will recite here a Memora­ble Example. 'Tis a thing sufficiently known in the world what th' house of Austria was to th' Alliance of blood; and if devotion, as tis said, hath been the foundation of Great­ness, 'tis well known, that Alliance hath built it up, and [Page 160]carried it from a Moderate beginning to that high Power wherein 'tis seen, and to that vast domination for which th' Heaven hath no Horizon, nor th'earth Limits. Maximilian the first hath gained by that means the Low Countries, and those faire Provinces which by their fertility, and by the wealth wherewith they abound, have deserved to be called th' Indies of Europe. Philip the first and his posterity have obtain­ed by it all Spaine, and those Countryes of the new world, where the sun in retiring from us goes to beget Gold, and those other unprofitable things whereof men are Idolaters. Philip the second came to the Crown of Portugall by that meanes; and to all those States which that Nation possessed in Asia, in Afrique, and th' East Indies. That very Prince thought t' incorporate England to Spaine by the marriage of Mary his first wife, that was Queen thereof. But the judg­ments of God in that supplanted the prudence of men, and permitted that Princesse to dye without Children, either to suppress the growth of a Power which would have been fatal to the Liberty of Christian Nations, or for the punishment of the Iniquities of th' English, and that base Compliance, wherewith they had received the Schism which Henry th' Eighth introduced amongst them, and applauded the passi­ons of that Prince who chose rather to quit the Church, then to separate from a Concubine. The same Philip also as­pired to the Crown of France for his Children, by reason of the Marriage of his third wife daughter of Henry the second; and the most important Article wherewith th' Instructions of the Duke of Feria were Charged when he came to Paris during the league, was, to cause the Salique laws to be Abo­lisht, and to root out from the spirit of the French their A­version of having no Soveraignes that spin, and of not sub­mitting to th' yoak of Women. Insomuch, that it hath been allwayes the designe of the Spaniards, and a premeditated prudence of the Princes of th' house of Austria to look about them, and to cast their nets upon the parties that could joyne some new estate to theirs, and under a Title so inno­cent and just t'extend their domination. With what heat did they labour to cause the eldest Daughter of Lewis the twelfth to be given to Charles the fifth who brought for her Dowry the Dutchesse of Britanny and of Orleans, and our pretentions for Italy? How many propositions were made upon that foun­dation, and how many treaties concluded, which the Time hath made abortive, and which Fortune laughed at; Never­thelesse as they have been ever Industrious to draw to them as much as they could, th'estates of their Neighbours, They have been also carefull, not to permit any of theirs [Page 161]to be alienated, nor to suffer any division without knowing the Meanes of Consolidating it; and to destroy the divided Members, and the loose pieces.

Th' Emperour Charles never promised the Low Countryes, or the Duthy of Milan upon the Marriage of his daughter, or of his Neece with the son of France, but with Intention to break his promise, or at least with hopes, that Fortune which had done such strange things, in his favour; that had so often gi­ven the Lye to Apparences, and disturbed th' order of things for the Love of him, and which had sometimes sent him prosperities which he desired not, would exempt him from that Obligation under some plausible pretence, as it did. And when Philip the second transmitted the Low Countryes to th' Arch Dutchesse for her Dowry; There's apparence that he was assured, that time would make up that Breach, and that he made not so great a wound in the rest of his Estates with­out preparing the Remedies to heale it. But to returne to my designe, and make it appeare, That th' Alliances of blood, work softly upon the spirits of Princes, and are but weake bonds t' hold their Amities; I will represent th' ori­ginall, and th' effects of that which hath been the most pro­fitable to th'house of Austria, and it may be the most dam­mageable to the Christian Common-wealth. Philip the son of th' Emperour Maximilian, married Joane youngest Daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, Kings of all the dominions of Spaine. Th' Eldest was married into Portugall according to their Cust­stome. The Catholique King had also a son called John who dyed young, and whom Spaine saw almost as soon put out as shine, and had almost at one time the Contentment to see him come, and the Griefe to lose him; Presently after the death of that Prince, th'Arch Duke Philip, and Arch Dutchesse his wife who lived onely by the love she bare to her husband, and was Idolatresse of all his motions and passions, caused them­selves to be Called Princes of all the Dominions of Spain, to the prejudice of the Queen of Portugall, to whom the Crownes did belong in priority of birth to her sister. That attempt ill digested & out season, and that precipitated Am­bition, displeased Infinitely Ferdinand and Isabella, who judg­ed of the Tree by the fruits, and gave their son in Law and daughter t'understood, that they were to leave that bor­rowed Title, and to put off that imaginary Quality, and which did not belong to them. Behold a very pleasant Be­ginning of Philips Ambition, since it made Invasions upon its owne Relations, and the first shew of that furious Appetite to reigne which hath vexed his Posterity; After that he guided his Interests apart from them of his Father in Law; [Page 162]He held him alwayes at distance, he looked upon him only as a Prince which stood in his light, and there was no other Communication amongst them but a continual Commerce of Complaints and disorders; In a Treaty which Maximi­lian and he, made at Blois with Lewis the twelfth, being permit­ted t' either parties, to Comprehend therein whom they would, He made no more mention of Ferdinand, then as if he had not related to him, or that He had been indifferent to him. He did also the same thing in another Treaty which his Father made at Hugano with the Cardinal of Ambois; so Ferdinand had his Revenge in disavowing the Treaty his son in Law made at Blois with Lewis the twelfth for the king­dome of Naples, and in Contracting a second Marriage, and marying of Germania sister of Gaston of Foix, and Neece of Lewis, with Conditions that were Advantageous to us, if they had been observed. That which I have said neverthe­lesse was nothing in respect of what Philip did, since the death of Isabella, and after taht the succession of Castille was open unto him. The things past were but sweetnesses for Ferdinand in Comparison of th' usage he received after that death. The first stroakes did scarce raise the skin, but the last entered deep and made Large and dangerous wounds. Philip will go into Spaine not onely to take possession of what was his, but to take from his Father in Law what belonged to him by the Testament of Isabella, Ferdinand employed all his Prudence, and all his subtilties to divert him. They Contest long upon that Article. Their wills were diame­trically opposed; what th'one would not have th' other de­sired, and it had been lesse difficult t' accord Contraryes, and to joyne extreams, then t' adjust their pretentions. Force being wanting to Ferdinand t' overcome th' heat of Philip, He used diversion; He caused Lewis the twelfth t' in­terpose who threatens him with his Armyes, in case he went for Spaine, and raised the Duke of Gueldiers against him who cut him out business in Flaunders, and gave him enough t' entertaine him in that Countrey.

In th' End, th'obstinacy of Philip being stronger then th' Artifices of Ferdinand, and the difficulties which stopped him being taken away or sweetned, they agreed upon the Con­ditions of his journey. Thereupon Philip put himselfe on the way, but with a resolution to break the Treaty he had made, and not performeth' Oath he had given to his Father in Law, which he ought to have kept to an Enemy. Being in Spaine he flatters the great Persons; He unties them from Ferdinand; He drawes them to his party, who had but too great Inclinations for it, and were but too earnestly carri­ed [Page 163]t' adore the rising Power, and a Light which began to shew it selfe; Insomuch, that Ferdinand found himselfe alone: All his friends were unfaithfull to him; all his Crea­tures abandoned him except th' Arch-Bishop of Toledo Xime­nes, and the Duke of Al [...]a: so true it is, that there's but little Assurance in the will of Men, and that the Law of Interests is powerfull upon their spirits; and the Memory of Good turnes received, weake in Comparison future Benefits.

After that, Ferdinand presseth an Interview with his son in Law; The Counsellours of Philip oppose it with all their powers, and raise troublesome difficulties to divert it; They had seized upon the spirits of their Master, and taken his will from him having prepossessed his understanding. They were afraid, that Ferdinand would take off the Charme, and that the Reverence of a Father, and dexterity of a Great Polititian would deface that usurped Empire, and tyran­nous Domination: wherefore they omit nothing that might distate Ferdinand from the meeting he solicited, and which he pressed for the Resistance; They propose exorbitant Conditions, which he accepts of; They add shamefull Cir­cumstances which he refused not; They use him unworthily and he bears it; and a Great King had the displeasure to re­ceive the Law from petty Companions, who abused th' In­clination of an easy Master.

At last th' Interview being resolved, Ferdinand renders himselfe at the place appointed for that purpose, but with a small traine, and accompanied onely with two hundred Men unarmed, and mounted upon Mules. On the Contrary, Philip advanceth thither, in th' Equipage of a Man of warr, with the Body of an army of Dutch, which Marched before him, and flanked with almost all the Great Persons of Spaine in armes, and in the posture of persons who went rather to Warr, then to a Treaty of friendship, and to a fight rather then to a Reconciliation. The two Princes met together in a Chappell, which had been Chosen for that Interview; Don John Manuell, principall Counsellour of Philip, and absolute disposer of his resolutions would assist at their discourse, and but for th' Arch Bishop of Toledo, who hindred him, He had been present at a Conference, which the Respect of proximity and the Dignity of those Two Princes, would have to be secret.

After an hower and halfes discourse they part, and the Conference passed without any mention made by Philip to the Father of his daughter, nor of Ferdinand to his son in Law of his wife. He dissembled for that time his desire, though he had an extreame passion to see her, and to Comfort his [Page 164]old age by the sight of an Object which was so deere to him, and which was the Remainder of his substance.

There was a second Meeting betwixt these two Princes, wherein some demonstration of friendship appeared, or lesse coldness then at the first Interview; But the Conclusion of all the Conferences was the first designe of Philip, that Fer­dinand should renouce the Government of Castile, notwith­standing the disposition of Isabella, and against the expresse Clauses of her Testament, Ferdinand, who had learnt t'obey the time and submit to Necessity; who knew how to strike saile when the Tempest was too strong; and to put in when it was not safe to saile; Bends under his ill Fortune, and resolves t' abandon Castille till a better season called it back, and to banish himselfe voluntarily from a kingdome which he had so long Commanded; Philip stops not there, He endeavours all he can to discredit the past Government, He annulls the greatest part of th' Orders his Father in Law had made; He deposeth the principall officers, and the principall Governours, which had been placed by his Hand. He would not, if possible, that one entire mark should remain, nor one visible Impression of his Administration. But it had been too little for him to have ill used his Father in Law, and his Ambition, it may be, had been pardonable; if it had at least pardoned his wife, and if he had not used her ill who had brought him so faire States, and such certaine Hopes. She was truly the Queen of Spaine, and who infused into her Husband, th' Authority of Government, and the Right of Commanding that Country. And neverthelesse He would not suffer her in that society; He would not permit, that she who was Companion of his Bed, should be the Companion of the Scepter which he had received from her hands; and seeks shamefull pretences and odious Causes t' exclude her. A warmer love was never seen, than what that Princesse had for her Husband; It seemed, that she lived onely by the sight of him, and dyed when she was severed from him. That Excesse of passion and Imbecillity of soul changed in some sort her senses; and the jealousie which mingled with the troubles of his Absence, weakened a little her Braine and changed th' Organs; and neverthelesse though that defect proceeded from so honest a Cause, or so supportable; Though Compassion ought to have obliged Philip to cover it, if Love were wanting to do it; and though Conveniency and his honour obliged him also to that duty, when he had neither Compassion nor love; He will neverthelesse that that accident be the foundation of his designe, to seize upon all th' authority ad to Reigne alone. He will have his wife to [Page 165]be entirely troubled of her senses, though she was onely a little weake; He will, that she hath lost all he Reason, though she had onely diminished it; That there was no Light at all, when there was onely a Mist; and that she was in a totall inability to governe, though there remained in her enough of good sense t' act; For that effect, and the bet­ter t' hide his Game, he keeps her shut up, and permits not any person to see her of them that durst speake to her of the State of her disease. A strangeproceeding, to take away her Liberty, after he had taken away her Honour! and not to leave th' se of the first good of naturall life after had rui­ned th' Ornament of the Civil; The Father durst not open his mouth to him of it, in the first Conference they had together, and chose rather to suppresse his Inclination, then to sharpen more that spirit, which was but too sharp; and to touch him in a place where he was so sensible, as I have above observed. In the second Meeting, Philip obtained of him a secret Declaration by the which he consented that he alone should have th' administration of State, by reason of th' Inability of his daughter, though after he made a pub­lique protestation, That his son in Law had forced from him that Declaration, and that he gave way onely to the Malice of the time, and to the violence of the stronger, according to the Maxime of wise Men. Philip staid not there, after that Ferdinand was retired into Arragon, He would oblige the Grandies of Spaine to subscribe an Act, which he had caused to be drawne, of the weakeness of the senses wherein the Queene was fallen. But therein he found Resistance. Th' Admirall of Castille opposeth it generously, after he had visi­ted that Princesse, and discovered that the disposition of her Understanding was not entirely spoiled; Represented unto him, th' Inconveniencies that would arise from that Enterprize; The noise it would make in the world, and th' ill hmours it would raise in Spaine, where the people love their Masters naturally, because of the Roialty they exer­cise, and reverence that Character in every person in whom 'tis Imprinted.

At last, to give the world the finall Example of ingratitude, and an Eminent evidence of the power of Jealousie, to reigne without a companion when it hath taken possession of the soul; He would cause his wife to be declared troubled in her senses in full assembly of the States, and by Conse­quence unable to governe, which he could not obtaine. There was his acknowledgment of th' incomparable fidelity of that Princesse, and the paiment of the most violent and durable love, that ever wife bare to a Husband. Therein [Page 166]was his recompence of that eternall passion which possesse her during the Life of Phillip to the change of his spirit; which could not be abated by his Death, and time that o­vercomes what is most firme in the World, and most opinio­ated, could never diminish. For 'tis true, that after the Death of Phillip which was precipitated, & which cropt him in the Flower of his Age, & with some suspition of poyson, she never forsook the body, she caused his Coffine very day to be opened; she took it with her when she travelled, and accomplished what had been prophesied by an Old Woman of Spain, who had said, seeing th'entry of Phillip into that Kingdom, and that proud Magnificence wherewith he took possession, That he would walke there longer after his death, then during his life. At last, after his body was laid in a Chap­pell of Granada in the Sepulchre of the Kings of Castille, she made her constant stay in that City, and powred out into Tears and Groans the rest of her Life, upon the Ashes of him, whom she had loved with so great Heat, and upon the Ru­ines of a body which she had Idolized.

To what end serves then th'Alliances of bloud, which are made amongst Princes? and since they have been instituted t'unite in friendship diverse families, and t'extend them the more, and enlarge that virtue which is one of the Principles of the civill Life, and one of the bonds of humain society; what use are they of in the conditions of Soveraigns? They may serve much, and are not unprofitable; provided that they come not in competition with th'Interests of State, and with that invincible jealousie which Princes have for the good of their Affairs. The treaties where they intervene, are made with more reputation and dignity, They are pretious pre­tences to lay down Armes, which two Princes are a weary to bear; they are honest doores to let out warrs, from which o­therwise they cannot retire with honour, and which they cannot Continue without dammage. And there's no resent­ment so just which they may not safely submit to the Con­sideration of the Parentage into which they enter, and of that sacred bond which is instituted to conjoyne what is di­vided, and t' unite the wills which are disunited. Francis the first recovered his liberty with more honour by Marrying the sister of Charles th' Emperour, and he made appeare to the World th' Esteeme he gave to his Prisoner, in seeking his alliance. The peace of Soissons which followed a warr where­in the same Princes did run two great though different For­tunes; Th' one to lose a part of his States, and th' other of his Reputation in retiring; Had for foundation the Marriage that staid it; and which was not accomplished betwixt [Page 167] Charles third son of France, and one of the Daughters of th' Emperour, or one of his Neeces. The peace of the Castle of Cambrey which was so pernicious to France; which took from us in one day, what we gained in Forty yeares, which being th' End of our forraigne warrs, was, it may, he the Beginning of Civill warrs; Comprehended the Marriage of Elizabeth, Daughter of Henry th' second, with Philip the second King of Spaine.

The daughters which enter into Soveraigne Houses may also do much for th' Interests of them from whence they come, when they seize upon the spirits of their Husbands, and gaine th' Ascendent upon their Wills which some­times happens. That subtile Portugese which Married Charles the third Duke of Savoy, did what she would with him; in the differences of Francis the second, and Charles the fifth. And in that famous dissention whereof Piedmont was so long the Theater, she turned Her nephew of th' Emperours side, though the good of his affaires obliged him, to be of our side, and made him take the most disadvantagious part in a warr, wherein he had even done himselfe wrong if he had stood a Neutrall. That Lacedemonian understood it better, and her Conduct was more judicious though it may be not just enough. Her father and Husband were Entred into a Quar­rell, and laboured with great Obstinacy the Ruine of one Another.

In that hard Accesse, and cruell Conjuncture, wherein she could not gaine without losse; she proposed to herselfe to fol­low alwayes the fortune of the weakest, to make the Counterpoise to the strongest, and to dispose them to Re­conciliation, when both despaired of the victory, which suc­ceeded unto her. Alliances are also good to preserve union, and nourish th' Intelligence of Houses which otherwise are obliged to be of good understanding, and which a Com­mon interest doth conjoyne and bind. Insomuch that if they make not the knot, they tye it faster, If they forme not the friendship, they heat it; if they do not introduce the con­cord, they confirme it; Tis for that reason they are so fre­quent amongst the Princes of th' House of Austria, and were heretofore betwixt them of France and Navarre, and betwixt them of Castille and Portugall, before th' union of those Crowns. But what must be understood of most certain from Alliances, and to which Princes who make them, and their Counsellors, ought chiefly to have an eye; is, to draw some present utility, or some future good, whilst the Wills of them who are conjoyned in Alliance, are in heat, and th' e­motion which that Bond brings doth last. Francis the [Page 168]first married Elnor, Sister of Charls the sisth to recover his Li­berty, as I have said; Phillip the second gave his youngest Daughter to the last Duke of Savoy to make him seise upon the Marquisat of Saluce, and to cause the Gates of Italy to be shut against us, and to deliver Milan, from the jealousie which that neighbourhood gave it. Ferdinand of Castille Marryed Germania, Neece of Lewis the twelfth, to break the Leagues which were framed betwixt Lewis, the Emperour Maximilian, and th' Arch Duke Phillip to his prejudice, and to dissipate th'In­telligences of those Princes that were not favourable unto him.

In consideration whereof I say that the Alliance which the King had made with the King of England, ought to be placed amongst his wisest Elections in the felicities of his Reign. And that they who advised him to it could not give a soun­der Counsel, and that it hath been a great honour to Sr. the Candinall to have mingled his Cares with those of his Master, and his disturbances with his Master's for th'accomplishment of that worke. 'Tis not a small advantage to render ones enemies weake; and to make a power retire that is contra­ry to us or suspected, is a great advance; But tis the per­fection of wisedom to draw to ones selfe a good that was intended for them that love us not; & to gain that which we make them lose. If we had not made haste, Spain who suf­fered that Alliance t'escape their hands, and which some­times loseth her Advantages in seeking of them too cunningly and too great; Had, it may be, renewed it. And if that had been, is it not probable, that it had invention enough and Artifice for to keep us alwayes in Check by the means of England; That it had manadged at pleasure the Protestants of France with their hands, and had assured all his designes in making the Counterpoyse to ours with that party which was also entire; That the losses which they lately received had affrighted them more then beaten them, and that the sight of their wounds yet bloudy, and the desire of revenge rendred them irreconcilable; tis at least certaine, that it diverted the Ruine, and was opposed to its dam­mage.

That if England hath turned her Arms upon us; if it hath since quarrell'd us; and if the capricious humours of a particular person hath been the Torch of a publique dissen­tion; It was a stroak which was not in the power of humain discourse to foresee, and the reason of State did not permit that a Prince should give so pernicious an example to his subjects, as openly to favour Felony in the states of another Prince; yet it may be said in truth, that the peace which ensu­ed [Page 169]that War, and which was so advantagious to us, is in part an effect of th'Alliance whereof we speak, and the worke of that Princesse which shall be hereafter th' Indissoluble band of the friendship of the two Brothers, and th' Immortall sub­ject of the Concord of both Nations. Adde to this th' In­terest of Religion which is very considerable in this Alli­ance, of the great good it produceth to have accustomed th'English to permit th' exercise of it in the Queen's family. Tis no small matter that they are made acquainted with our Holy Mysteries, and that they are no longer offended at that which they have had a long time in detestation; Tis to be believed, that this holy humanity which now is in safety amongst them, shall not be there without a tast of its Graces; and that th'Example of good souls to whom'tis permitted to provide for their safety without crime, may touch them, and bring them to the knowledge of that truth their fa­thers had forsaken.

The Fifth Discourse.
Of the Greatness and Importance of the Siege of Ro­chelle.

I Will not play th'Oratour upon the taking of Rochelle, nor amuse my selfe with the Flowers of Rhetorique, and th' Ornaments of that Science which hath not significant ex­pressions, how rich soever, for the subject which I treat. I will not exalt the glory of that siege by the Reputation of a City whose name hath passed to th' Indies with reputa­tion, by the course and Merchandize it made upon all Seas. Th' Heresie and Rebellion to which it served for sanctuary in France; The friendship of Protestants, and hatred of Ca­tholiques which it equally exercised; had rendred it famous in th'Earth. I speake not now of the place, nor of th'ad­vantages of its scituation, where it seemed Nature had placed all she had of strength and Art, had laid out all she had of Invention. I passe by the comparison of the sieges of Tire and Antwerp, which others have spoken of, and which are inferiour to ours. Though one of them was the prin­cipall worke of the Prince of Parma, and the admiration of the past Age, and the other th' great effect of the power of Alexander, and th' Industry of Greece. I take another way and will indeavour to declare the value of the Conquests which we have made in other Ages. Heretofore nothing was more easie to a Conquerour then to subdue a Province, [Page 170]and the gaine of a battell delivered up a whole Countrey to the victorious: wherein there was scarce any strong place. Now that th' Art of making Warre hath changed face and conduct; That 'tis in all Countryes almost redu­ced to cast up Earth and to retrench; That few Battells are fought; that the life of Men are better Husbanded; and that an Army cannot March very farre, but a For­tresse is in its way; 'Tis no marvell, if there be as much difficulty, and by consequence as much glory to take a Fortress of Reputation, as there was heretofore to gain a Province. And not to go farre from past Ages, and the memory of our Fathers. Have we not seen with what facility Mahomet the second hath taken two Empires from Christians, and carried from them Twelve Kingdoms? Will it not be said, that he did runne only in conquering, and that th' exercise of a walke had been as long as the time of his Rapid Victories? 'Tis, that, in effects, in those great Territories of Countrey, and extent of those vast Regions there was not a good place but Constantinople. And yet that place was lost rather by the Conwardise of Christi­ans, and in the fury of the justice of God, than by the valour of the Turks, and industry of the besiegers. Selin the first had only the Mammeluns to defeat in the Field to be Master of all Aegypt and Syria, and the progresse which the Grand Seig­nors made heretofore in Persia, and the facility they found to possesse that Land, proceeded from that they encountered not one strong Town that stopped them and hindred the Inundation of those Monstrons Armies which they brought thither. On the Contrary, who doubts but that the conquest of Rhodes, was not more honourable to Soliman, then that of th' Empire of Trob [...]sonde to Mahomet; Who makes Question that Strigonia, Buda, Alba Royall, and Zighet were not more eminent peeces and more famous Monu­ments for the glory of that Prince, then a dozen Kingdoms for the other's glory? And if he could have added Maltha and joyned Vienna to his other victories, the past Ages had not seen fairer Trophies then his, and he might have mar­ched in Front with Alexander, Caesar, and Tamerlan, though he had not run over so many Nations as they had done, nor invaded so great a number of Countries.

To give some new Light to my subject, and some extra­ordinary colours, I will propose also that noble difficulty which some have written of. To wit, Which of the two Acti­ons is most noble, and meritorious, either the gaine of Bat­tell, or the Taking of a good place; without staying upon that which hath been said upon this subject. It seems to me, [Page 171]that the last of these Actions requires a more profound and more generall abilitie; That it exerciseth more virtues; and by Consequence there's more honour in taking a For­tresse well defended, then to win a Battell though it be well Contested. The reason is, that in a siege Men must fight above th' Earth, and in th' Earth. The strength of the place is to be overcome, and the Resistance of men. Fresh ene­mies are to be encountered, which are Concealed and do expect. Men are exposed to th' Artifices of fire, and to those horrible Inventions which with death bring the tor­ments of Hell, and paines that are not naturall; Long la­bours are to be endured, Continuall watching, and all th' Injuries of time.

Briefly, Industry works more there then force, and for­tune acts lesse there then virtue; That happens not in a Bat­tell, where Men fight onely above Ground against Men; where all things are almost equall on both sides; where Men are not consumed by Languishments, and Travell; and where four howers decides the business; where Impetuosity doth act sometimes more then Conduct, and valour gives not so much the victory as extravagancy of fortune, as a command ill understood of th' Enemies side, as an unex­pected Accident, and as a Pannique Terrour.

But to decide this doubt with a more exact and certaine Policy; I say, that those Meanes are more noble and Esti­mable which produce th' End that is proposed, and brings a Man to the Mark he Aimes at; than they that leave a Man in the Middle of the way, be they never so glittering, and what shew soever they make. And therefore if the gaine of a Battell were the Conquest of a Province as it heretofore hapned, and the taking of a Towne the reducement of a single place, as it falls out for the most part; There's no Question but the second Action is inferiour to the first, and of an Inferiour Merit to that of th' other. But when after the gaine of a Battell th' enemie continues strong, where there are other armyes to fight, and a number of good places which stop the Conquerour, and put a Bridle to the victory; Who doubts, but the gaine of that Battell is lesse Conside­rable then the taking of a City, which is th' head of a whole Countrey, or of a whole party; which will bring in all the rest to th' obedience of the victorious; and after that no Resistance to be made but what shall be weake and rash. Who doubts that Scipio did not more in subduing Car­thage, and making the Rivall of Rome the Subject of Rome; than Hanibal did in the three Battells wherein he Con­quered the Roman; since Rome subsisted for all that, and that [Page 172]the spring of the warr remained unstopt. And therefore who can also doubt, that the reducement of Rochell, after the losse whereof we have seen a party fall, which had so long a share in France, and divided the Soveraigne authority; which had offered so many affronts to our Kings; which had so of­ten opened our parts; and our frontiers to th' Enemies of the State, and made the Country of their Birth, a Country of Conquest; who can I say doubt, that the taking thereof is not to be preferred before four Battails, which have been gained against it; because they left life and force to reco­ver; since that all-bloudy and coverd with wounds, it was formidable unto them that had put it into that Condition; since after that, it gave the law to the victorious, and forced a peace of as much advantage, as could have been expected from a victory. That consideration obliged th' Holy Father t' answer Cardinal Borgia who had represented unto him, that he had not made the like demonstration of joy for the tak­ing of Breda, which he had done for the taking of Rochell; The Taking of Breda was no more then the taking of a Towne where­of th' Hollanders had their Revenge a little after. But the Taking of Rochell, was beating downe th'head of a body and overthrow­ing the foundations of a Building.

The Sixth Discourse.
Of the Instructions may be drawn from the siege of Rochell; and from what the King did after the Reduction of that Towne.

AFter the precedent Considerations, lets see what may be observed in that siege which serves for my principall designe, and for th'Instructions of the Publique. 'Tis not Hanni­bal alone that knew how t' overcome, and knew not how t' use the victory. The like faults are encountered in all ages, and the cause why sometimes Men are not happy enough, is because Men are not alwayes wise enough. Fortune alone may very well begin the greatnesse of a Man, but she cannot finish it, without virtue. And though it be not in the pow­er of expert Pilots to make the winds propitious; It de­pends neverthelesse upon their Industry to make good use of them, and to husband them well while they last; Of them then who give over at the first successes they obtaine, and stop at th' Entry of their prosperity; some of them are astonished at their happinesse, and insomuch that they have been forced into th' Haven, and that they did not bring themselves thither; They dare not any more put forth to Sea. They content themselves with what they have gained. [Page 173]They will not put their Reputation to Reference, and re­semble certaine persons who having leapt over by night, or in th' excesse of a passion, a very large ditch or some very dangerous passage, are ravished with what they had done upon sight thereof by day, or that their souls are sunk, and are not bold enough t' attempt the same. Action, after the consideration of it; Others will taste of the good which is hapned to them and rejoyce in the victory, and consider not that in that time, th'Occasions steale away from them, fortune retires, and th' Enemies gather strength which hin­ders them to march on. There are some, that decline not to do well so much by distrust of their virtue, or by the weakeness of their Courage, as for feare of Envy; and had rather possesse in peace a Moderate reputation, than provoke that maligne passion which causeth us to be more afflicted for the good of others, then for our owne ills; and that even friends cannot behold the glory of their friends, if it be very high, nor suffer their Brightnesse if it be very lively. Th' examples of what I have said are but too ordinary. The Grecians have very often committed such faults; and 'tis certaine that the Batteli of Salamina opened unto them the dore for the Ruine of Persia, and for the Conquest of Asia, if they had known their advantages, or if they had not been glutted with their successe. The victory of Lepantha brought nothing to the Christians, which they had not before that warr. The most famous Battell that was ever gained upon the sea was unfruitfull in their hands, all the gaine of the victorious, was, not to have been overcomed. The price of so memorable an action determined in it selfe, and gained no­thing from abroad, that Crowned it, and was its Recom­pense. Charles the fifth also as Great a person as he was, forgot himselfe after the journey of Pavia; an if in the Conster­nation wherein France was fallen, for th' Imprisonment of their King, and for a stroak so little expected; He had assaul­ted our frontiers, He had not met with any Resistance. He had not, it may be, left Rivalls to his nephews; and had paid himselfe by his hands the ransome of his prisoner. The King did not handle it so after the reliefe of R [...]é, nor corrupt the fruits of that victory for want of pursuite. It was truly much to have performed an action which was held almost for a miracle, and to gaine an end of what was esteemed Im­possible. It was much to have revenged so many affronts th' English had heretofore done us, and purged the shame of the losses of Creci & of Poitiers after two ages. But it had not been enough for the King if he stayed there, and though th' Effect was great, It was not reasonable for a Prince to retire whose [Page 174]forces were strong, & to whom so much remained to be done.

The second Consideration, and which is a necessary se­quel of the first; is th' Incounter of the time the King made choice of, very seasonable for that siege. The choice it may be of the time, is the greatest secret in Affaires, and most powerfull Meanes to make them prosper. Caesar did supreme­ly possesse it, and it was one of the words of Charles the fifth and of Philip his son, I and the Time to Two others. These words may admit of too Interpretations; Th' one is to know, how t'order a man selfe in the time of ill fortune; To strike saile when the Tempest is too strong; not t' oppose ones selfe to the violence of a destiny provoked. T' avoid the stroakes with dexterity which cannot be resisted in a streight line; To put them by, to cast ourselves on Quarter, and t' observe th' occasion of some favourable Revolution, and of a better adventure. Charles the fifth gives that Counsell to his son in th' instruction he left him, and the Spaniards have been ac­customed to make better use of it then any people in the world. He practised it at the peace of Passo, which had been shamefull to th' Empire if the Necessity had not rather made it, then th' Inclination of th' Emperour. He practised it at the peace of Soissons, where the want of money interrupted the prosperity of his armes, and he was constrained to offer him­self for Hostage to the Germans, who without that had a de­signe to seize upon him; The Spaniards practised it also some two yeares since at the peace of Suza, and they diverted in flying, the storme, which did threaten them, and restrained the Thunder which was ready to fall on them, if they had not humbled themselves. The Truce which we made the last yeare at Carignan, when the plague defected our armies, and that the warr was the least of the Flailes of th' anger of God, was a stroake of that addresse, and gave us meanes to prepare for the Reliefe of Casal, and to save Italy.

Th' other Interpretation, is, to know how to make choice of the best time to make an Enterprize. For 'tis true, there's a certaine Moment in time, and a certaine Encounter of causes in affaires, which being passed they returne no more together, and 'tis to no purpose t' attend th' Effect, when the Causes cease. Th' Italians have called it very aptly Conjunct­ure, but it was not possible to find a more favourable then that under which the siege of Rochell was formed. That towne was almost without a Garrison, th' English had emp­tied it of Victualls. Holland durst not send it but a de­savoured Releese, and by Consequent weake. England which we had so ill handled, could not send any but fearefull per­sons, and the Rebells were reduced t' expect more from th' [Page 175]Elements then from Men, and from out Impatience then from their Force. The third Consideration is th' Enterprize of the Ditch, and th' Acceptation of the proposition which was then made; It must be Confessed, that there was use of an extraordinary virtue for a worke without Example, and there was not lesse need of Light and understanding to Comprehend the possibility, then of fire and Courage to propose the Means of reducing it in Act, and t'overcome the difficulties which were not ordinary; Tyre and Antwerpe have nothing seen of like, whatsoever is said, unlesse, it may be, they will Compare the Mediterranean Sea with th' Ocean, and a straight and quiet Channell with a Channell extreamly Agitated, and unmeasurably Large.

In the Matter of these novelties, There are that doe generally reject all of them, by reason of the vanity that is found in many, and who had rather beleeve nothing then expose themselves to the shame of being too Credulous. Tis to have too little Judgment, or too great a distrust of ones selfe; and in th' Affaires of the world, Th' universall Maxi­mes are not ever to be followed which are sometimes de­ceitfull, though they are many times true. But a great Mini­ster of State ought to know how to distinguish what is ma­nifestly false; from what hath some apparence of true, and what is feasable from what is Impossible. 'Tis not that 'tis necessary that He possesse all th' Arts with the same per­fection, as they who make profession but of one; But it sufficeth that he know them in such a degree, and with so just a light, that he may secure himselfe, from th' Imposture though it be very subtile, and observe what is good though it be not very excellent.

The fourth Consideration, that th' Enterprize of the Ditch, is th' Evidence of an extreame vast soul, and of a Courage not distasted by Difficulties, nor wearied by Time. Th' Hu­mours of the French are ordinarily too lively to langnish after a designe. They will suddenly see, th' End, or abandon it; what they carry not at the first Assault, rebukes them: The stroaks they lose, weakens them as much as those they receive; and their proper Impetuosity tyres them not lesse then the Resistance of what they Assault. But the king hath made it appeare in this occasion whereof I speake, that hav­ing not the vices of the French, he had in an Eminent degree the virtues of other Nations; and that he had a very great Boldness t'undertake and Constancy to pursue it, and Patience to finish it; The first spoile the Sea made upon the Ditch, had shaken any other Courage but his, and the vio­lence of the Equinoctialls had daunted an Imagination [Page 176]lesse firme: but He believed, that the feare which might fall into the soules of Men commonly constant, ought not to fall into his, and that it was too little for his power and for­tune t'overcome Men, if he did not also resist the force of the starrs, and Elements, and what nature hath of most im­petuous and rapid. There are affaires which must be aban­doned so soon as they are begun either in regard of their Im­possibility or that they serve for hinderance to better and more profitable designes. And 'tis true, that t' opinionate in this, is a Manifest imprudence. That the shortest follies are the best, and that the further a Man goes when he is out of the right way, the more he wanders. There are others which are infinitely important, and are but difficult; and of them an end must be had whatsoever they cost, or perish or carry them. After that th' Earle of Fuentes had besieged Cam­bray, and reduced that City to the Tearms of being taken or of rendring; Sr. of Vie entred with some Releefe. So soon as he was Entred, he changed all th' order of the defence, and spoiled th' Enemies by the faults they had committed in beginning the Seige. He dismounted their Cannon with his; He made their Batteries to flye with his Mines; He rendred unprofitable a part of their Labours, and did Incommodate them in such manner, that it was proposed in the Councell of the Spaniards, either to raise the siege or to begin it againe, and give it another forme. Th' Earle of Fuentes knew well th' Errour, which had been committed in the beginning; and that the sheep wherewith he had to do were the same, but that they were governed by another Shepheard, notwith­standing that he protested that he would dye there rather then retire, and that he had rather be obstinate in overcom­ing the Difficulties which were there in continuing the first designe, then discover his Imprudence in quitting it, and take by that Meanes courage from the souldiers, and Repu­tation from his Armes. When Caesar had laid downe before Alexia or Vercingentorix, it was shut up with four and twenty thousand Men to defend it. He saw come upon him four hundred thousand fighting Men which came to besiege him, and such a fearefull Cloud of Men of warr to surround him. That neverthelesse did not trouble him, and insomuch that the Question was of the decision of a great Affaire, and that he would with one onely Blow affright all the body of the Gaules, He resolved upon a bold Charge, He did not abandon the siege and marched to meet th' Enemies which drew to­wards him; He defeated them, and compelled the besieged t'yeeld, and Vercingentorix t' humble itselfe, and to lay its greatnesse at his feet; which they could not preserve with all [Page 177]the force of the Gaules; And after that the Spaniards had sur­prized Amiens, The dead King, did he not resolve to lose himselfe or retake it; T'hazard rather all his State, then to suffer that breach to remaine, open; and that it was begun in a place which discovered th' heart, and left nothing secure even to the Gates of Paris. This proceeding appeared at first a little strange, and seems t' hold more of Despaire then of force, and of obstinacy then Constancy. That nevertheless is not so, and that which seems to be beyond the Limits of virtue, is not ever so but by Comparison.

These Limits are not fixed and immoveable. They have Many degrees according to th' abilities of them that exer­cise them: And th' Excesses which the Philosophers permit t' Heroique virtue, and th' extreamities wherein they suffer, which she passeth over; Are not Excesses or Extremities for her, but for th' ordinary virtues, and for the Common of Men. If they that served the Duke of Aniou in the siege of Rochell had had the faithfulnesse of Sr. the Cardinall or his prudence, if they had loved the Good of the State so well as he, and the Reputation of their Master; They had not ad­vised him to rise at the Evening of taking of it, and to give the victory that was Ripe and ready to be gathered. They had rather imitated that Great Captaine, and had said as th' other did at Garillan, That they knew of what Importance that Enterprize was to the King, and that it must be gained or perish. But 'tis not of new Date; that there are people in the State which love Confusion, and who Imagine them­selves to be like Physicians who should not be Considerable without the sins of nature, nor in honour if there were not sick persons.

The prosperities of the King stop not at the taking of Ro­chell; our Armes were instantly beyond the Mountaines, and Casall saw its deliverance at the sole noise of our passage. That unheard-of Quickness equally surprized our Allyes and enemies, and those who believed, that the Conquest we had newly made, was of the kind of those victories, which make the victor to weep; would never have imagined that without tireing or taking breath, we went to force th' Alpes in the midst of winter, and seek beyond the Mountaines a new harvest of glory. The Rebells of Languedoc immediately after saw the King with them, and we have seen in lesse then two Months all the places rendred or taken, and those feare­full Bastions which have consumed twenty yeares labour, and the wealth of that party, humble themselves to his powers. Tis that virtue, which the Romans called Celerity, and which we call Quickness wherewith Caesar made him­selfe [Page 178]Master in 40 dayes, of Italy: in 60, of Spain; and in lesse then three yeares of all that which Rome had Conquered in more then seven hundred yeares. 'Tis with that virtue, that Gastan of Foix in lesse then six weeks relieved Bologua; De­feated the Venetians at Villa Franca; retook Bresse, and gained the battell of Ravenna. This is to know how to make use of the victory, but in in an admirable Manner. 'Tis to sayle as long as there is any wind; 'Tis to second Fortune; 'Tis to make use of th' occasion. There's glory in acting a number of great things; but this a marvell to performe them in a little time, and to place in a small intervall, th' Actions that will honour the course of many yeares; one victory neverthe­lesse begets another, and as a needle rub'd with th'Adamant attracts many; Prosperities tread upon th'heeles of one another, Provided that men give not over: That they are the same Chiefes that governe, and the same souldiers that act, and the same discipline that doth exercise them.

The Seaventh Discourse.
That the generall of an Army ought alwayes t' Intend th' End of an Enterprize; and that Foresight serves more then Courage t' attain it; and whether the King had Reason to make the truce, was made at Carignan.

THat a Generall of Army propose to himselfe to go alwayes to th' End of what he shall undertake, and that he know that if a good Beginning makes halfe the work that neverthelesse nothing is done, if th'end faile; and therefore let him make Choice of the most proper Meanes t'attaine it, and not them that cost most fire th' Execu­tion and have the most Pompe. They shall be in their dig­nity and have the price they deserve when th'End is gained. Let him not then be shaken at what the world shall say; and that he remember the Conduct of Fabius Maximus, who suffered the Roman people to wond his Reputation, and endured the bitings of that Beast with many heads, rather then quit the designe he had framed to destroy Hanniball, without fighting him; For at last he obtained of the same people, the Sirname of most Great which they had not given to any but him, and which they gave not to any other Cap­taine after him.

That he remember th'Answer the Prince of Parma made to the dead King, when he sent him th' offer of Battell dure­ing the siege of Corbiell; That his Master had sent him into France to relieve Paris, and t'hinder the growth of Heresie. That if t' at­taine [Page 179]that End he found, That the best and quickest Expedient was to give Battell, that he need not doubt, but he would give it; if not, That he would not fight at the will of his Enemies. Th' end then Crownes the work and whatsoever a Man doth of Eminent and extraordinary. If he stay in the way, all that will not produce unto him but an imperfect honour, and an Abor­tive of glory. What served the gaining of four Battells by our Kings against the protestants; to have spilt so much French and stranger's blood; and lay wast so many Townes and provinces for that Quarrell, since that Heresie and Re­bellion have after that subsisted? Of what use were so many past Expeditions into Italy and into other places, since that after the fairest Entries and th' happiest Beginnings in the world; The victory remained to our enemies. From thence was formed that opinion which had its course amongst other people, and which latter times have belied, That nothing was to be feared from us but th' Assault and first heat. That's not to say, as some have interpreted it, That we are more then men at the beginning of Combats, and lesse then women at th' End; Thats not true; and our valour hath sometimes, a continued posture and equall pursuit, and sometimes Accesses and Remissions as well as other nations. But 'tis true, that ordinarily in the Beginning of our Enterprizes, we bring a very hot Courage, and a Reso­lution more then humane, but a little after we abate; we fall into languishment and defects; we have no more force nor breath.

According to what I have said, the Truce which we made at Carignan, and which was so ill understood of the greatest part of the world deserves a particular praise; since it gave us Meanes t' enlarge our Troops, and to take away the Mat­ter of the plague which made them desolate; T' assemble new forces; To prepare fara Revictualling of Casal, and to deliver that place which was the nearest End of the warr, we made, and a part of the Generall. In vaine without it had we so happily begun the warr and raised the siege of Pignerol at the face of three Armies and of four great Captaines. In vaine with a handfull of Men should we have defeated so many enemies at Villana, and overcome th'obstinate Resist­ance of th'old Regiments of th'Empire; and in vaine should we have fourced at Carignan redoubles of three halfe Moons, and beaten those brave Spaniards, whose number of fighters was know by the dead, and the Prisoners.

But as boldnesse, discipline and obdience are the virtues of souldiers; Prudence, Conduct, and constant Meditation of the Meanes which cause the victory are the virtues of Cap­taines, [Page 180]and Generalls of Armies, 'Tis with these Qualities that they ought to distinguish themselves from them that are under them. These are properly the forme of their pro­fession; They do constitute the difference. Courage, and the Contempt of death are not, to speake properly, but the bo­dy and the Matter; and ther's not so much glory for a Chief to go to blowes, t' enter upon dangers when he must, and when the occasion presseth, as there would be shame Not to do it; That would be more pardonable in a single souldier, whose wounds are the springs of proverty and misery, than in great persons to whom they are Characters of honour, and the seeds of Immortality; which give them place in History whose markes are venerable in th' eyes of a Prince, and in th' eyes of the people, and adorne them better then all their Ornaments and precious stones. It should be a strange thing if the most illustrious profession of the world, and the noblest of all the functions of life, which is that of Commanding Armies; should be so easie, as that there were no more to do then to run to death and to castones selfe into danger to make him Worthy. There would be too easie a bargaine had of eternity which it promiseth, and the Gladiators might more lawfully pretend to, it, then those exalted soules which prepare themselves for it with great Cares: who make the boldnesse of Reason to descend to th'heart, and who make that divine part, the principle of their Conduct, and of all their Actions.

If Caesar had had but Courage in the degree he had it, and that violent heat that gathers about th'heart at the sight of danger; He had not effaced the glory of other Romans; many had been found to have equalled him in that thing, and Coriolanus, Capitolinus, Marcellus, and Catiline also had disputed th'Advantage with him. Courage alone had not rendered Epaminondas the chiefe person of Greece; and Pelopidas, and Leonidas, and many others, had not yeelded unto him in the Resolution of dying for their Country. Ferrant Gonsalve had an admirable prudence, and, as it was said of Epaminondas, That it was not known which of two Qualities prevailed most in him, Knowledge or Valour. For my part I make it a question whether Epaminondas was the greater Captaine or Counsellour, whether he was more Capable to governe an Army, or to guide a Negotiation; And more proper to sub­due Men or gaine them. And to speake of ours; Gaston of Foix had Courage, and Good sense equally raised in him. He acted at least as much with the last as with th'other. The Com­mand of th' Army of Italy against that of the League was given him, not as to the most Famous, but as to the most [Page 181]Capable, and he did not so much sustaine the dignity of Ge­nerall by reason of the splendor of his Race, as by reason of the Merit of his person. I will give you two examples which will make it appeare, That he was truly in all senses th'Head of his army; and had a Wit superiour t' all them that obeyed him. When he went to releeve Bologna, he manadged that designe with so great secresy, that he was on the way before his Army doubted it, and was within it before his Enemyes knew it; At the journey of Ravenna he alone ordered and disposed of the Battell. Of three bodies which composed it, He chose not one of them to command. He reserved onely for himselfe a Troop of voluntary Gentlemen to be free, and to charge where there should be need. I speake not of his eloquence; 'Tis sufficient to say, that it lives yet with honour in history; and hath been admired of strangers, and of them also who esteem'd us Barbarous. It must be confess­ed that that Prince at th' Age of 22 years wherein he died was a compleat Man, and that no life was so short and more glorious then his. Th'head then and the good sense are more necessary for a Generall of an Army, then Armes and impetuosity; and 'tis foresight that begets the victory, rather then courage. 'Tis study, Meditation, and conference which ought to prepare the great Person whereof I speak; and tis the Practique and Experience which finish and compleat them. For that reason, It was said of Epaminondas, that ne­ver man knew so much and spake so little. 'Tis not that he esteemed silence a great virtue, as some have interpreted, nor that he preferred it to speech conducted by good sense; But 'tis that, in effect, he alwayes tumbled up and down some great designe in his Braine; That he thought of raising Thebes of humbling Sparta, and of subduing the Grecian people, which to his time had been invincible.

How excellent Sr. the Cardinall is in this Matter; How active and lively his Reason is; how infallible and just his providence, and how efficacious the disposition of his Con­duct; Lets not amuse at words to declare it, and let's lend nothing of strange to a truth that hath no need of it; lets add nothing to th'effects, and to what hath been touched or seen but a naturall Representation; let's leave th' Artifices, and painting for moderate Beauties and for Common vir­tues. For this effect, I will content my selfe to speake of the second warre of Italy, wherein he particularly presided, and whereof he had the principall government under th' Au­spicious Planets of his master; I say then, that it had been much to make a great Army subsist in Piedmoat, if the Coun­try had been favourable to us, if abundance had been in all [Page 182]places, and in a season when the passages had been easie to us. But to make it live in th' enemies Country, and where all men and all things were Contrary to us. In a season when Barrennesse was in France, and provisions were to passe the Mountaines, when snows were at th' highest; It must be ac­knowledged that it belongs not to a vulgar Providence to strike such stroakes. It was to supply by his Wit and Con­duct what was wanting to the nature of things. And the Marquis of Spinola who never thought it, seemed to have Reason to say, that he who had most provisions would re­maine victorious in that warr. He believed infallibly t' have that advantage over us, having th' Earth, and Sea for him, knowing that our Country Men are enemies t'orders, without which armies suffer in the midst of abundance, and wherewith they subsist intirely in the midst of want. He remembred that at the warr of Genes, th' army of the dead Constable was vexed with hunger though it was small. Though it had Piedmont in its favour and made warre onely for th' Interests of the Duke of Savoy; But when he saw, that we resisted those great incommodities; That we had found Remedies against those evills and new Inventions to carry the provisions; 'Tis then he confessed the French had changed their humours, or at least that the sheep were the same, but governed by other Shepheards. These things truly are great, and have been worthy of admiration from our ene­mies and of them wh'admire not much but themselves. But they are not neverthelesse the Master-peece of Sr. the Cardinals industry, nor the great effect of his prudence. The preparatives for the release of Casal are a peece most Illustri­ous and Magnificent. And as the works of the least eize are more ingenious then th' other, and that 'tis more diffi­cult for an artificer to make a work of a small volume to prosper then a greater. In like manner the foresight which operates much in little time, and in a short intervall dis­playes a very large Matter; is of a price, and Gonsideration more exalted then that which is acted at great leisure, which hath a free field t'extend itselfe, which hath no bounds to Constraine it, and which is not oppressed by the brevity of time, and by the greatness of its object. To raise thirty thousand men in lesse then six weekes; Make them March through France and over the Mountaines during that time; Give order for all necessaries; T' enable them to live, and subsist; To send them to a Country spoiled with Contagion, and into places where the plague might give feare to them, that did not feare men; against powerfull Enemies covered with Retrenchments and strong holds; defended by a castell, [Page 183]and a Town; In a time when the disgrace the Venetians re­ceived at Valese, ad th'unhappy success of their Armes. The surprize of Mantova which had somewhat of fatall, and inimaginable. The rendring of the Town and Castell of Ca­sall; had put all our friends into despaire, and the greatest part of the French into astonishment. Add to that th' Arti­fices used by some ill Frenchmen to ruine the Kings designes and th' honour of France. The traverses they raised within; which were the more dangerous that they were secret and silent, and resembled the Mines, which make them leape who march upon them without suspition or defiance. And what was most fatall and of ill augury the Kings sickness and the despaire of his recovery. This sad accident which might alone have troubled a weaker spirit then the Cardinal's, for th'unhappy State of our affaires, and of our Allyes; and for the revolution it had caused in the generall order of the World, and in his particular fortune. That this black Con­junction and so many Inconveniences linked together did not disturbe his judgment nor abate his action. That the necessary provisions for the Releefe fo Casall were provided. That Casall was relieved; If th'unhappinesse of this time permitted me to speak a bold truth, and if his modesty of whom I speak would not be offended, I would say that since Caesar's time the world hath not seen a stronger Con­duct, more resolute or wiser; and if that had hapned in the time of the Common-wealth of Rome or of old Greece, that it had been one of the fairest Monuments of their History, and one of the most famous Instances of their policy.

I will not conceale a very remarkable Condition in the Conduct of Sr. the Cardinal. 'Tis that he prepares alwayes, if he be not hindered, meaner which seem immeasurable and too powerfull to produce th'End which he proposeth t' himselfe. 'Tis properly t'employ Excesse t'hinder defect. 'Tis to part very early not to faile the arrivall at the journeyes end. 'Tis t' have a remainder, t' avoid having too little 'Tis not t' act singly, but infallibly. 'Tis in a word the Country Custome of th' ordinary humour of the French. To whom th'heat of temper and vivacity of imagination alwayes re­present th'Enterprizes more easie and of lesse durance they they are in effect. Moreover the preparations they make are ever lesse and weaker then the nature of th' Enterprize requires, according also to the proportions they have ima­gined, and according to the Measure of their apprehension. Wherefore they are constrained to retire in the midst of their Course, and all things faile them, when they have most need, and in the strength of th'Affaire.

This indiscreet proceeding and tumultuary fashion of act­ing hath been cause of infinite evils which have vexed France. That they have often stirred ill humours which were left be hind without purging of them away; that so many faire Beginnings we have had in the warrs, had not' answerable ends; And in a word, that we have not known to conserve th'advantages we had gained, nor keep the Conquests which we had made. Sr. the Cardinal carried himself in another man­ner and kept another way, when it was necessay t' force th' Alpes, and to break the Barricado's, which opposed the safe­ty of Casal and the liberty of Italy; He advised the King to march thither with an army, capable to subdue all Italy, and to passe from Suza to Ofrante. So truly the Reputation of those great forces, did impart th'effect which we aimed at: It acted farr off, and all alone; it began't overcome so soon as it began to march; and the Spaniards who it may be had mar­ched to meet us, and had disputed all the passages with us, if we had been weak; durst not attend us in their trenches of Casal, and did not believe that there was safety for them in the Castle of Milan but by a treaty of peace. This served to pull up by the roots the Rebellion of Languedoc and to lay flat a Party, which had long Rooting in this Province; six armies were seen at one instant to be drawn out against them; and that division of Forces which took away the springs of Reliefe, and Communication to the rebell-townes. In short the Cardinal knew that the first Maxime of warr is, That who layes out most, layes out least. That the petty frugalities which are made out of time, are certaine losses of what is advanced, that 'tis not to sow with hope to gather, but not to seem to do nothing; and that they who give such cove­tous Counsells in necessary occasions, seek not so much the good of th' affaires of their Master, as not to lose the matter of doing their owne businesse.