Some had yr hands struck off & hanged others beheaded. Some hanged & quartered [...] Some Tortured by bools thumbkins firematches.

Some taken & instantly shot in [...] fields. Some banished, others perished in ship-wrack. women hanged, others drowned of stakes in the sea

A Hind let loose, OR An Historical Representation of the TESTIMONIES, Of the Church of Scotland, for the Interest of Christ, vvith the true State thereof in all its Periods: TOGETHER WITH A Vindication of the present Testimonie, against the Popish, Prelatical, & Malignant Enemies of that Church, as it is now stated for the Prerogatives of Christ, Privi­ledges of the Church, and Liberties of Mankind, and sealed by the sufferings of a Reproached Remnant of Presbyterians there, witnessing against the Corruptions of the Time.

WHEREIN Several Controversies of Greatest Consequence are en­quired into, and in some measure cleared; concerning hearing of the Curats, owning of the present Tyrannie, taking of ensnaring Oaths & Bonds, frequenting of field meetings, Defensive Resistence of Tyrannical Violence, with several other Subordinate Questions useful for these times.

By a Lover of true Liberty.

Psal. 94. 20.
Shall the Throne of iniquity have fellowship with Thee that frameth mischief by a Law?
Prov. 28. 15.
As a roaring Lion & a ranging Bear so is a wicked Ruler over the poor people.
Hos. 8. 4.
They have set up Kings but not by me, they have made Princes and I knew it not.
Revel. 12. 11.
And they overcame him by the bloud of the Lamb and by the word of their Testimony and they loved not their Lives unto the Death.

Printed in the Year MDCLXXXVII.

The Preface to the Reader.

Christian Reader,

PResuming it is thy desire, to answer the holy & honourable designation I accost thee with, I shall take the Confidence to assure thee, it is my de­sign to answer in some measure the expectation, which the Title of this Treatise would offer; in the hope, that, wherein I come short (as I indeed confess not only my jealous fears, but my sensible conviction of my in­sufficiency for such a great undertaking) thy Christian ten­derness will impute it to my weakness, and not to any want of worth in the Cause I manage; which is truly worthy, weighty, noble, & honourable, in the esteem of all the Lo­vers of Christ, that have Zeal for his Honour in exercise: And therefore as it gives me all the encouragement I have, in dependance on his furniture, whose Cause it is, to make such an Essay; So it animates my ambition, albeit I cannot manage it with any proportion to its merit, yet to move the Christian Reader to make enquiry about it, and then sure I am he will find it is Truth I plead for, though my plea be weak. All I shall further say by way of Preface is to declare the Reason of the Title and the design of the work.

Though Books use not to be required to render a reason of their names, which often are arbitrarly imposed, more for the Authors fancy, and the times fashion than for the readers Instruction: yet, seing the times injuries do oblige the Author to conceal his name, the Title will not obscure­ly notify it to some, for whose satisfaction this is mainly in­tended, and signify also the Scope of the subject; which aims at giving goodly words, not suggared with Parasitick sweetness, nor painted with affected pedantry, but fairly brought forth in unhampered freedom, for the beauty of the blessing of humane & Christian Liberty, in its due & true boundaries. This was the subject of a discourse, as some may remember, on that Text whence this Title is taken Gen. 49. 21. Naphtali is a hind let loose: In prosecuting of which, the Speaker with several others, falling at the same time into the hands of the hunters, to learn the worth of that interrupted subject from the experience of the want of it; an [Page] occasion was given, and interpreted by the Author to be a Call, to study more the preciousness of that priviledge pre­dicated of Naphtali, which is the right an [...] property of the wrestling Tribe of Israel, the persecuted witnesses of Christ now every where preyed upon: And now, providence ha­ving opened a door, for delivering himself as a roe from the hand of the hunter, he thought it his duty, and as necessary a piece of service as he could do to the Generation, to bring to light his Lucubrations thereupon: With an endeavour to disco­ver, to all that are free born, and are not contented slaves mancipated in a stupid subjection to Tyrants absoluteness; that, this Character of Naphtali, satisfied with favour and full with the blessing of the Lord, that he is a hind let loose from the yoke of Tyrannical slaverie, is far preferable, in the account of all that understand to be Christians or men, to that infa­mous Stigma of Issachar (the sin, shame, & miserie of this age) to be a strong Ass couching under two burdens, and he saw that rest was good, and the Land that it was pleasant, and bowed his shoul­der to bear, and became a servant unto tribute. But to all that are not altogether strangers in our Israel it will appear, that this Title is not ineptly applied to the subject and design of this Treatise. The party, whose Case and Cause and Conten­dings are here treated of, being known to have the same situation of residence in Scotland, that Naphtali had in Israel, viz. the West and the South (Deut. 33. 23.) will be found, among all our Tribes, most appositely to bear the signature of Naphtali, who, in their wrestlings for the Interest of Christ and the Liberties of his Israel, have mostly jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields; and chiefly to deserve his Elogy, being a hind (called wild by nick-name in the scorn of them that are at ease, but) truly weak in their present wilderness Condition, to wrestle against the force & fraud of their Cruel & cunning hunters, who cease not (when they have now got the rest of the Roes and hinds of the field made fast asleep, under the bondage of the Lions dens & Mountains of Leopards, by a pretence of a falsely so called Liberty of Conscience) to seek and pursue the chase of them for a prey; Yet, really they are let loose, and not only suffered to run loose, as a prey to the hunters by the unwatchfullness of their keepers, but made to escape loose, by the mercy of the Mighty one of Iacob, from [Page] the nets of the hunters, and snares of the foulers, and from the yoke of the bondage of these beasts of prey, to whose Authority they will not oune a willing subjection: And being such hinds, so let loose, they make it their work, to give goodly words, for the worth and honour and Royalties of their Princely Master, and for the precious Liberties wherewith he hath endoted and entrusted his Spouse and Children, and to keep the goodly words of his patience, untill he return as a Roe or a young Hart upon the Mountains of Bether. This being the party, who are represented as the Wild folk of Scotland, the design of this Treatise is to hold forth the History of their manifold Chases, the Craft, keenness, & Cruelty of their hunters, and the goodlyness of the words of their Testimony: Which, by reason of the likeness of the Testimony of for­mer Periods with the present, and that the latter may be vindicated by the former, is resumed from the beginning of the Church of Scotlands wrestlings against the Enemies of Christ, and deduced through all the most signal steps of this long propagated and hereditary War. And lest my words should not be goodly enough, nor my notions grateful to the Criticks of this age, who cast every thing as new and nice, which is someway singular and not suited to their senti­ments; that it may appear the Cause here cleared and vindi­cated is not of yesterday, but older than their Grandfathers who oppose it, I dare avouch without vanity, there is no­thing here but what is confirmed by Authors of greatest note & repute in our Church, both ancient & modern, namely, Buchanan, Knox, Calderwood, Acts of General Assemblies, Caw­ses of Wrath, Lex Rex, Apologetical Relation, Napthali, Ius Po­puli, History of the Indulgence, Banders disbanded, Rectius In­struendum, and some other Authors much respected: whose Authority, more alwayes repelled by rage than ever yet re­sisted by reason, though I value more, than all the vain oblatrations of the Opposers of this Testimony, and think it sufficient to confute all imputations of its Novelty, and to counterballance the weight that may be laid on the Con­tradictions of the greatest that treat on this subject: Yet I do not lay so much stress on the reason of their Authority, as on the Authority of their reason; which is here represented with that Candor and Care, that, lest any should cavil that [Page] they are wrested or wronged, when made to speak so patly to the present Controversies, I have chosen rather to tran­scribe their words, than to borrow their matter dressed up in my own; except where the prolixity & multiplicity of their Arguments, as clearly demonstrating that which I adduce them for as that for which they were primarly in­tended, did impose the necessity of abridging them; which yet is mostly in their oun words, though reduced into a Syl­logistical forme. But this obloquie of Novelty being antici­pated, when I reflect on the helps I have collected from so many hands, I am rather afraid, the Truths here delivered be comtemned as obsolete and antiquate, than cast at for new speculations. However I am content, yea it is my am­bition that nothing here be looked upon as mine, but that it may appear, this is an old Plea; and that the party here pleaded for, who are stigmatized with many singularities, are a people, who ask the old paths and the good way, that they may walk therein; and though their paths be not now much paved, by the frequency of passengers, and multitude of Professors walking therein; and albeit it must indeed be confessed, the word of their Testimony is some way singu­lar, that the same things were never the word of Christs pa­tience, stated as heads of suffering before; yet they are not untroden paths, but the same way of Truth, which hath been maintained by the witnesses of Christ in all the Periods of our Church, and asserted by the greatest Confessors, though never before sealed by Martyrs. As for the Argu­ments I bring to clear & confirm them, whether they be accounted mine or borrowed from others, I am very indif­ferent; if they prove the point they are brought for, which I hope they will be sound to do: But of this [...] am confident, there is nothing here can be condemned, untill some one or more of those grave Authors be confuted, and when that is done (which will be ad Calendas Graecas, or against the 30. of February) there is something besides here which will challenge Consideration.

The design then of this work is of great importance: even no less than to essay, the discussing the difficulties of all our Conflicts with open Enemies, about the present state of the Testimony; the vindicating of all the heads of sufferings [Page] sustained thereupon, these 27 years past; the proposing of the right state of the Testimony for the Interest of Christ, not only of this but of all former Periods; with an ac­count of the propagation & prosecution of the witnessings, wrestlings, and sufferings for it from time to time; to the end it may appear, not only how great the sufferings have been, since this fatal Catastrophe and overturning of the Covenanted Reformation, and unhappie restauration of Tyrannie and Prelacie; but that the grounds, upon which they have been stated, are not niceties and novelties (as they are reproached and reputed by many) but worthie and weighty Truths of great value and validity, and of near affi­nity unto & Conformity with the continued series and suc­cession of the Testimonies in all former Periods. So that in this litle Treatise must be contained, a Compendious Histo­rie of the Church of Scotland her Testimony in all ages, a vindication of the present state of it, yea in effect a short Epitome of the substance of those famous forecited Authors, as far as we need to consult them concerning the Contro­versies of the present time with Adversaries: Which is much, and perhaps too much, to be undertaken in so small a volume. But considering, that many who are concerned in this Cause, yea the most part who concern themselves about it, are such who have neither access nor time nor ca­pacity to revolve the voluminous Labours of these Learned men, for light in this Case; I have done my best, to bring them into one body of a portable bulk, with as great brevity as could consist well with any measure of perspicuity; Not medling with any thing, but what I thought might some way conduce to clear some part of the present Testimony.

Every undertaking of this nature, cannot but be lyable to several disadvantages that are unavoidable, this hath many discouraging and difficult. One is, that it shall be exposed to the Common fate of such representations, to be stigmatized as a seditious Libel, and so may be sent to the flames to be confuted; and to enflame the fury of these firebrands, alrea­dy hell-hot, into the utmost extremity of rage against the Author, that ever Cruelty it self at its fullest freedom did exert, against Truth and reason arraigned and cast for Sedi­tion and Treason: The only Sanctuary in such a Case is, in [Page] prospect of this, to have the greater care, that nothing be spoken, but what the Speaker may dare to affirm in the face of Cruelty it self. A Second common disadvantage is obvious from the Consideration of the humor of the Age, wherein fancy hath greater force than faith, and nothing is pleasing but what is parasitical, or attempered to the palat of the Greatest not of the best; And naked Truth, without the fairdings of flatterie, or paintings of that pâkiness which is commonly applauded as prudence now adayes, is either bogled at or exposed to scorn & Contempt; and reason, if roundly written, except it meet with an honest heart, is commonly read with a stammering mouth, which puts a T before it, and then it is stumbled at as Treason: This Essay does expect no Entertainment from any, but such who re­solve to harbour Truth be the hazard what will, even when the world raises the Hue & Cry after it, and from such who are really groaning, either by suffering or Sympathie, under the same grievances here represented. There is a Third which makes it not a litle difficult, the quality, quantity, & intricacy of the matter, here to be confined to such a Compend. All which together considered, do infer a fourth difficulty, that hardly can it get a pass through the Press; which is blocked up against all such books, that may offer a manifestation of the innocency of that people, and the in­justice & inhumanity of their enemies; which is their only hope of preventing the worlds knowledge & condemnation of their actings. Yea there is a fifth, that wants not its own difficulty, that though the Press were patent, yet an empty Purse, from a poor impoverished people, will as readily preclude all access to it, as if it were locked up by Law; but both together make it hard. But there is a sixth disadvantage yet more discouraging, that the man as well as the money is wanting to manage the business: And this needs no other proof, than the necessity of my poor pen to undertake it, instead of a better. It must needs be very low with that peo­ple, that stand in need of such a pitiful patrociny as mine is. Our persecuted brethren elsewhere, have this advantage of us, that they have Champions to espouse their quarrel, which we have not; but only such, who, as they are re­puted in the world, so in their own sense, owne themselves [Page] to be very unaccomplished for such work; and under this invincible disadvantage also, that, being forced to a wande­ring and unsetled life, they have no conveniency, nor can be accommodated with time nor helps to performe it; and so circumstantiated, that either it must be done at this time, and in this manner, or not at all. In the seventh place, we are at a greater loss than any suffering people, in that among all other bitter ingredients we have this Gall also in our Cup, that they that suffer most among us have not the com­fort & benefit of the Sympathie of others, that sufferers use to have from good people. The reason of this makes an Eight discouragement, besides what is said above; that not only is the Case & Cause of that poor persecuted & wasted Witnessing Remnant obscure in it self, and not known in the world, nay not so much as in the very neighbouring Churches of England & Ireland; but also more obscured by the malice of Enemies, traducing, calumniating, & re­proaching that righteous Remnant whom they intend to ruine; not indeed as Hereticks (which is the case of other suffering Churches, wherein they have the advantage of us also, that thô the name be more odious, yet it makes the notion of their Cause and the nature of their enemies more notour, and is more effectual to conciliate Sympathie from all that know, that Protestants are persecuted by Papists under the notion of Hereticks; But we are at a loss in this, that our Persecuters, at least the most part of the Executio­ners of the Persecution, will not as yet avouch that Pro­testanism is Heresie, though we want not this Nick-name likewise from the Chief of them, that are professed Papists) but as Schismaticks, Seditious, Rebells, Traitors, Murderers, hol­ding Principles inconsistent with Government (to wit, their Ty­ranny) and the peace of humane Society (to wit, their Associa­tion against Religion and liberty) and therefore to be exter­minated out of the world. And this Imposture covering all their mischiefs, hath prevailed so far with the blinded world, that under this brand the Consideration of their Case & Cause is buried, without farther inquirie. This were yet more tolerable from open enemies; if there were not ano­ther more pressing discouragement in the Ninth place, pe­culiar to them in Scotland; that having to do with treache­rous [Page] as well as Truculent Enemies, as they have been much destroyed by open force, so much more by fraud: while by ensnaring favours some have been flattered from the Testi­mony, others disdaining & suspecting, as well as deprived of and secluded from, these favours, have s [...]uck to it; hence Defection brought on Division, and Division Confusion, which hath reduced the Reformation to a ruinous heap. In the next place, as the Consequent of the former, while the purer Remnant have been resolutely prosecuting the Testi­mony, and not only keeping themselves free of, and stand­ing at the surthest distance from, all degrees of Com­plyance, but also witnessing against their Brethren involved in them, and thinking it their duty to discountenance them in these Corruptions & backslidings; they have been there­fore reproached and misrepresented very industriously, as Ignorant, imprudent, transported with blind Zeal, Extrava­gant, wild, Separatists, espousing new & nice notions, Rejecters of the Ministry, Imposers on the Ministry, Denyers of all Go­vernment, Usurpers of an imaginary Government of their oun, that died as fools, and as guilty of their oun blood. By which odious & invidious obloquies, they have easily prevailed with many, both at home & abroad, that are more credulous than con­siderate, to beleeve these things of them: Hence, with pre­judicate people a contrary Representation will find difficult acceptance. However this Moreover is another great disad­vantage, and renders an Essay to vindicate their sufferings very uneasie, that they are thrust at & tosted on both hands, by Enemies & professed friends: And by Enemies, that are not all Papists: but professed Protestants, ouning the same fundamentalls in opinion, though in practice not holding the same Head: And by friends, that not only are Protestants, but Presbyterians, under the bonds of the same Solemn & Sa­cred Covenants, the obligation whereof they still oune; And not only so, but such, whose Piety & Godliness cannot be doubted. This is a Gravamen grievous to bear, & greatly ag­gravates the difficultie. Finally, the greatest of all is, that not only their Cause is rendered odious, but must be confessed truly to be odd & someway singular; and therefore will seem strange & surprising to Strangers, to hear an account of ex­traordinary sufferings for & upon extraordinary Causes, [Page] which never were formerly stated as heads of suffering. For now it is the Dragons chiefest stratagem with us, like to be the most subtil, ensnaring, & successful of any, that ever he set on work since ever he began this War with the Lamb, (which yet I hope will prove as fatal to his Interest as the former) to bring the sufferings of Christs witnesses to such a state, that may seem to spectators litle or nothing relative to Religion, that so he may destroy both them and their Te­stimony unlamented, and by that Trick divert others from concerting that same necessary witness in the season thereof. And for this end he will change both matter & manner, in managing the War. He will not now persecute for the old Controverted heads of Poperie, with fire & faggot as for­merly, for refusing to worship Our Lady, or the blessed Sa­crament of the Altar. These weapons & Engines are so worn out of use, that they will not work now as they did before. And that old Baud of Babylon is become so ugly and out of date, that he does not believe her beauty can be so bewit­ching, except she put on a new busk. But her Eldest Daugh­ter, the Prelatical Church, of the same Complexion with her­self, except that she is coloured with Protestant paint, is fitter for his service, to allure our Land into fornication; And who will not be entyced, must be forced to Communion with her, by finings, confynings, exactions, extortions, & impositions of Oaths &c. Religion must be litle concerned here: for there is Preaching enough, and of Protestant Do­ctrine too, and without the Monkie-Tricks, & Monte­bank showes, & fopperies of English-Popish Ceremonies, & Lyturgical services: What would they be at? Is it not bet­ter to yeeld to this, than to fall into the hand of the Scotish-Spanish-Inquisition, that will rack the Purse, the Body, & Conscience, and all? This is one Complex head of suffe­ring, and thought a very small one by many. But now find­ing this would not do his business yet, it looked too like Re­ligion still: He hath therefore invented a new Machin: He will not now Persecute, nor force the Conscience at all (so good natur'd is the Devil and his Lievetenant grown, in their old age) for matters of meer Religion. Nay (if we may believe him, who when he speaketh a lie speaketh it of his own) he hath not done it this long time, but only, in all the [Page] violent Courses exercised against these Sufferers, he hath been Magistratically chastising the disobedience & rebellion, of a few turbulent Traitors, who would not oune the Go­vernment. And thus under the notion of Rebellion, & disouning Authority, he hath had access & success to destroy almost an innumerable number of honest & innocent, faith­ful & fruitful, lovers of Christ; who though indeed they have had their sufferings stated upon those points, yet I doubt not shall be found among the followers of the Lamb, and Confessors and Martyrs of Christ, who haue overcome by the blood of the Lamb & the word of their Testimony, not loving their lives unto the Death, whose blood is crying for vengeance against the shedders thereof, And He will make inquisition for it, when He comes to overturn, overturn, & take His own right, for which they have been Con­tending. Nevertheless this is a prejudice too prevalent with many, to misregard the Case & Cause of these Contenders, or any thing that can be said to represent them favourablie. And all these disadvantages, difficulties, & discouragements together considered, would soon cool my Courage, and at first blush make me leave off before I begin, were I not persuaded that it is the Cause of Christ these reproached people are suffering for, and that their great sufferings & reproaches are both alike unjust, from both which the Lord vvill vindicate them, & bring forth their righteousness as the light & their judgment as the noon day, [...]n His oun time. In confidence of vvhich, depending on his Conduct, I shall undertake, as briefly as is possible for me, to represent their case, and clear the Cause, so far at least as concerns their Contest vvith their pesecuting Enemies, vvi [...]h vvhom I only deal at present; it not being my purpose to descend particu­larly into their necessitated Contendings vvith Complying Brethren, partly because they vvould make the volume to excresce unto too great a bulk, & because they are to be seen elsevvhere; yet in effect these also are not only here narratively deduced, but vvhatever is odious in them is vin­dicated, & vvhat is difficult in some measure enodated.

But it may be expected and desiderated, that I should give a distinct deduction of all the Steps of this woful defection, against which a great part of the Testimony hath been stated: [Page] but I would have the Reader advertised, I touch only that part of the Testimony which hath been sealed by severe suffe­rings from enemies. It were a Task transcending my Ca­pacity, and a Theme wherein I have no pleasure, besides that it is inconsistent with my Leasure, to inlarge upon such a sad and shameful subject: Though the world indeed is at a loss, that they that would do it cannot, and they that would & should do it will not; And it is a greater loss, not only to Scotland, but also to the whole Christian world, that what hath been done in this kind already cannot see the light, or rather that the Church of Christ is deprived of its light, which through the injury of the times, & the disingenuous Prudence of some, who suffer themselves to be imposed upon by the Patrons of Defection, is embezilled & suppres­sed. I mean that excellent & faithful History of Defection, the posthumous work of famous Mr. M'ward, whose praise is in the Churches: which if they that have it in keeping, would do themselves the honour, and the world the happiness, of publishing it, there would be no more need to discover, from whence, to what, and how, that Church hath fallen & de­generate; nor so great dissicultie in that indisputable & in­dispensable duty that such a day calls for, in searching & trying our wayes to the end we may turn again to the Lord; Nor any necessity for my poor essay, to invite & incite the people of the lord to take Cognizance & Compassion of poor perishing Scotland. I wish that they who have it, may consult more their oun duty and credit, and what they owe to the memory of the dead, the Churches edification, the dayes Testimony, and the honour of Christ, than to conti­nue robbing the world of such a Treasure; wich I doubt not to call Treason against Christ, & Sacriledge against the Church, & stick not to tell them, if they will not publish it, the world must knovv there was such a thing done. But it not being my design now, to detect or reflect upon all the defections of that declining, & by declensions divided, & by divisions almost (only not) destroyed Church; I shall medle with them no further, than what is necessary to clear the cause; refering the knowledge and account of them, either to the Notoriety of the grossest of them, or to the more particular enarration of them, to be found in papers [Page] emitted & published by the Contenders against them: Of vvhich one is of this same years edition, entituled, The In­formatory vindication of a poor, wasted, misrepresented Remnant, &c. In vvhich may be evident, that notvvithstanding of all this darkness & distress, defection & division, under vvhich the Church of Scotland hath been so long & is still labouring, there is yet a poor vvasted, vvounded, rent & almost rui­ned, but still vvrestling & vvitnessing Remnant, of Profes­sors & Confessors of Christ there, vvho though they have not only had their soulls exceedingly filled vvith the scorning of those that are at ease & vvith the contempt of the proud, but their bodies also killed all day long and counted as sheep for the slaughter, have yet through grace endeavoured to overcome by the blood of the Lamb and the vvord of their Testimony, & have not loved their lives dear unto the death, & have continued to this day contending both against Pro­fessed Enemies, & also declining friends, sustaining from both the utmost of rage & reproach. And since that litle book gives an account, vvhat their Conten [...]ings have been against their backdravving brethren on the right & left hand, I shall spare labour to offer a discussion of them, only en­deavour to make it not difficult to decide & determine, on vvhose side Truth lies, by vvhat is here hinted.

I shall conclude, vvith advertising the Reader of one thing further; that, as this Reproached people, for vvhose Testi­mony I am pleading, is novv the only party that is persecu­ted in Scotland (some fevv excepted; vvho are exempted from the pretended favour of the current Indemnities) & their persecution still continues, notvvithstanding of the im­pudent as wel as insnaring Declarations of Universal Liber­ty to all Dissenters, vvhich they look upon as their honour & happiness, to be thought incapable of Tyrannical & An­tichristian favours; So their past & present oppressions & sufferings are only here in general agregated described as to their kinds, & vindicated as to their causes: the particular deduction of their number, vveight, & measure; of their names that have been martyred & murdered, both by forma­lity of Lavv & vvithout all formality of Lavv, by Sea & Land, City & Countrey, on Scaffolds & in the fields; of the manner of their sufferings; & of the forme of their Trialls & [Page] Testimonies, being intended shortly (if the Lord vvill) to be emitted & published in a book by it self; vvhich vvil disco­ver to the vvorld as rare instances of the injustice, illegali­ty, & inhumanity of the Scotish Inquisition, & of the inno­cency, zeal, ingenuity, & patience of the vvitnesses of Christ, as readily can be instanced in these latter ages. On­ly here is a taste till more come: vvhich if the Lord shall bless for its designed end, the Glory of God, the vindica­tion of Truth, the information & satisfaction of all Serious Sympathisers vvith Zions sorrovves, & the Conviction or Confutation of Reproachers, so far at least as to make them surcease from their invidious charges of things vvhereof the innocency is here vindicated, I have obtained all my design, & shall desire to give the Lord the praise.

To fill up the vacancy of this page, it will not be unprofitable for the Rea­der, to cast his eye upon these Sen­tences of Great Authors, which re­late to some heads of the following discourse.

Erasm. Ut Atagen, aliás vocalis, captus obiuutescit, ita quibusdam servitus adimit vocem, qui liberi loquuntur libere.
Nazianzen. Melius est pro pietate dissidium, quam concordia fucata.
Bernard. Si autem de veritate sumitur scandalum, utilius est ut scandalum oriatur, quam veritas relinquatur.
Bracton. Rex est qui bene regit, Tyramius qui populum opprimit.
Cicero. Amittit is omne imperii jus, qui e [...] imperio Rempu­blicam oppugnat.
Aristot. Qui legi paret, is Deo & legi paret; qui Regi, homini & belluae.
Sweton. Sub paena perjurii non tenentur fidem fervare Regi degeneri.
Ambros. Qui non repellit a socio injuriam, si potest, tam est in vitio quam ille qui facit.
Chamier. At Cives omnes jus habent insurgendi contra Ty­rannos, qui vi aperta regna occupant.
Barclai. Contra Monarchom. Tyrannos, ut hostes publi­cos, non solum ab universo populo, sed à singulis etiam, impeti caedique, jure optimo posse, tota Antiquitas cen­suit.

AN Historical Representation OF THE TESTIMONIES OF THE Church of Scotland, With the true state of the same in all the Periods thereof.

WITH A Vindication of the present Testimonie.

THe Church of Christ, in the impression of all that have the least spark of the dayes Spi­rit, is now brought to such a doleful & dread­ful Case & Crisis; that if it may not be rec­koned The killing of the Witnesses: yet all that have or desire the knowledge of the times, will judge it no impeachment to the Prophecie to say, it is either very like or near unto it. When now the Devil is come down in great wrath as knowing his time is but short, and therefore exerting all the energy of the venom & violence, Craft & Cruelty of the Dragon: And Antichrist, alias Pope, his Captain General, is now universally prevailing, and plying all his hellish Engines, to batter down, & bury under the rubbish of Everlasting Darkness, what is left to be de­stroyed of the work of Reformation: And the Crowned heads or horns of the Beast, the Tyrants, alias Kings, of [Page 2] Europe, his Council of War, are advancing their Preroga­tives upon the ruines of the Nations & Churches Privi­ledges, to such a pitch of Absoluteness; & improving & imploying their power, for promoving their Masters (the Devil & Antichrists) Interests, to whom they have gifted the Churches, mancipated their own, and sacrificed the Nations Interest; and that with such combination of Coun­sels, & Countenance of providential success, that all the Powers of Hell, the Principalities of Earth, & the Provi­dence of Heaven, overruling all things for the accom­plishment or the Divine purpose, & purchase, & prediction, seem to conspire to produce that prodigious Period, and ultimus Conatus of the Churches Enemie. And the com­mencement is so far advanced, that, now in all the Chur­ches of Europe, either the Witnesses of Christ are a killing, or the witness for Christ is in a great measure killed; either the followers of the Lamb, who are cal [...]ed & chosen & faithful, are killed for their Testimony, or fainting in their Zeal, and falling from their first Love, they are cooled or cajoled from their Testimony. Some are indulging them­selves in their ease, settleing on their Lees, & sleeping in a stupid security; And, while the Lord is roaring from above, & His & their Enemies raging about them, & de­signing to raze them after they have ruined their Neigh­bours, they are rotting away under the destructive Distem­pers of detestable Neutrality, loathsom lul [...]warmness, de­clining & decaying in Corruptions, defections, divisions, distractions, confusions, & so judicially infatuated with darkness & delusions, that they forget & forgo the neces­sary Testimony of the day. Others again, outwearied with the length & weight of the Tryal, under the tentation of Antichrists formidable strength on the one hand, & a de­ceitful prospect of an insnaring Liberty on the other, are overcome either to be hectored or flattered from their Te­stimony. And so in these Churches, comprehending all that are free from Persecution at this time, the Witness for Christ is in a great measure killed. Other Churches, which are keeping & contending for the word of Christs patience, are so wasted. & almost worn out, with Persecutions, [Page 3] afflictions, & calamities, that, after they have been & are (so much) daylie killed for the Word of God, & the Testi­mony of Jesus, it may well be said, there hath been & is a great slaughter of the Witnesses. And it were hard to de­termine, which of them can give the largest & most lamen­table account of their sufferings, or which of them have had the greatest & most grievous experiences, of the Trea­chery & Truculency, Violence & Villanie, of Atheistical & Papistical Enemies: whether the Reformed Church of France, howling under the paw of that devouring Lyon, the French Tyrant; or the Protestants of Hungary, under the tearing Clawes of that ravenous Eagle the Tyrant of Au­stria; or those of Piedemont, under the grassant Tyranny of that litle Ty [...]er of Savoy. The accounts they give in print, the reports they bring with them in their flight from their respective Countreyes, & the litle Hints we have in Ga­zetts & News Letters, must needs enforce a conviction, if not extort a Compassion, of the greatness of their pressures; & that with such a parity, that it is doubtful which prepon­derats. I shall not make comparisons, nor aggravate nor extenuate the sufferings of any of the Churches of Christ, beyond or below their due measures: But will presume to plead, that Scotland, another Ancient & sometimes fa­mous Reformed Church, be enrolled in the Catalogue of suffering Churches, besides these mentioned; and crave, that she may have a share of that Charity & Sympathy, which is the demand & desire of afflicted Churches of Christ, from all the fellow members of that same body: And so much the rather is this her due; that, whereas among all the rest of the Churches, Christs witnesses are killed in some particular respect, & each of them have their own proper complaint of it; some upon the account of Persecution, some of defection, division &c. Of this it may be said, in all respects, both the witnesses of Christ, and a witness for Christ, are killed with a witness. This is the Case of the sometimes Renouned, famous, faithful, & fruitful, Reformed, Covenanted Church of Scotland, famous for unity, faithful for verity, fruitful in the pu­rity of Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, & Government; [Page 4] which now, for these 27 years past, under the Domina­tion of the late Tyrant & present Usurper of Brittain, hath been so wasted with oppression, wounded with Persecu­tion, rent with Division, ruined with defection, that now she is as much despised, as she was before admired: And her Witness & Testimony for Reformation, is now as far depressed & suppressed in obscuritie as it was formerly de­clared & depredicated in glory & honour. And yet, which should move the greater commiseration, her witnessings & wrestlings, Tryalls & Tentations, have not been infe­riour, in manner or measure, quality or continuance, to any of the forementioned Churches, thô in extent not so great, because her precinct is not so large, whereby the number of her oppressed & murdered Children could not be so multiplyed, though her Martyrs be more, and the manner of their Murder more illegal, than can be instanced in any of them, during that time. A particular enumera­tion or enarration whereof, cannot be here exhibited, but is referred & reserved to a peculiar Treatise of that Subject, which ere long the world may see. Only I shall give a compendious account of the kinds & causes, grounds and Heads, of their sufferings, who have been most slighted & least sympathised with, though they have sustained the greatest severities of any; and inend endeavour to vindicate the Merit of their Cause, in the most principal heads upon which their sufferings have been stated: Whereby it will appear to impartial men, that will not be imposed upon, there hath been, & yet is, a great & grievous, & some way uparalleled, Persecution in Scotland, at least inferiour to none: Which hath not hitherto been culy considered, with any proportion to the importance thereof.

But thô this be the Scope, it is not the summe of what is intended in this Discourse. The Method I have proposed to prosecute it withall, will discover it: Which is. 1. To give a brief & summary account, of the Series & Succession, success & result, of the several Contendings of the Wit­nesses of Christ, against His Enemies in Scotland from time to time; that it may appear; whether or not the present [Page 5] sufferings as now stated can be condemned, if the former be approven. 2. To rehearse some of the chief means, methods, & measures, that the Popish, Prelatical, & Malignant saction, have managed, for the ruin of this witnessing Remnant, & some of the most signal steps of sufferings sustained by & from these within these 27 years; by which it will appear, that the Persecution in Scotland hath been very re­markable (though litle regarded) both in respect of the injustice, illegality, & inhumanity of the Persecutors, & in respect of the innocency, Zeal, & ingenuity of the Persecuted. 3. To clear the state & vindicate the merit of the cause of their sufferings, as to the most material heads of it, that are most controverted at this time. In the first of these, I must study all compendious brevity, as may con­sist with the clearing of my Scope: which is not to enlarge an Historical deduction, of the rise & result, progress & prosecution, occasion & continuation, of every Contro­versie the Church hath had with her several Adversaries in several Periods; But only to hint at the chief Heads of their contendings, with a design to make it appear; that the most material Heads of sufferings that are now con­demned, as new & nice notions, have been transmitted from age to age, from the beginning even to this present time, through all the Periods of this Church.

PERIOD. I.
Comprehending the Testimony of the Culdees.

IT is not without reason reckoned among the peculiar prerogatives of the renouned Church of Scotland, that Christs conquest in the conversion of that Nation, is one of the most eminent Accomplishments of Scripture Prophecies, of the propagation of His Kingdom in the New Testament Dispensation: Not only because it was, when called out of Gentile Paganisme, among the rudest of Heathen Nations, & in the ackowledgment of all, among [Page 6] the uttermost parts of the Earth, which were given to Christ for His inheritance & possession; Whereunto He had, & hath still, undoubted right, by His Fathers grant, & by His oun purchase; and took Infeofment of it by a glorious conquest, of that Land which the Roman Armes could never subdue, & erected His victorious Trophees there, whither their Triumphs could never penetrate, obtaining & thereby accomplishing that predicted Song of praise, From the uttermost parts of the Earth have we heard Songs, even Glory to the righteous; Which gives us groun [...] to expect, that however Christs Interest there be now very low, and like to be lost as a prey in the Dragons Mouth, Yet Christ, hav­ing such undoubted & manifold right to it, will not so easily quit or forego His possession: But also because, He hath so constantly continued His possession, & maintained His Title, by a long course of Contendings, by the Testimo­nies of His witnesses, against the Invaders thereof, through all the Periods of the Church, from the very infancy of this new Dispensation: And because, Scotlands conver­sion into the Christian Faith was among the first fruits of the Gentiles, of the oldest date, that any standing Church holding the head Christ this day can deduce its original from. For it is clear from Ancient Records, the Christian Faith was imbraced here, a few years after the Ascension of our Saviour, being taught by the Disciples of Iohn the Apostle; & received afterwards great increment from the Brittons, flying to Scotland to escape the Persecution of the Emperour Domitian, & was long promoted by the ancient Culdees or Cultores Dei; men whose memory is still fra­grant, for piety & purity of faith & life, who continued some hundreds of years, under various vicissitudes of Pro­vidence, before either Prelacy or Poperie was known in Scotland. They were first universally encouraged by King Cratilinth, in the time of the last Persecution under Diocle­sian, which brought many of Christs witnesses hither for Shelter, who were very helpful for the setling of Truth, & the total extirpation of the Idolatry of the Druides, the Heathen Priests; whereby the pure Doctrine, Worship, & Government also of Christs Institution, was established [Page 7] & continued many years, while these Witnesses of Christ had no other emulation but of well doing & to advance Pietie. In this Period, these ancient & first Confessors & Witnesses of Christ, did wrestle strenously, according to their strength & light, for the Truths & words of Christs patience, controverted in their day, both against professed Enemies Pagan Persecutors & [...], & pretended friends corrupters of the Faith. Their Testimony was stated, in a peculiar manner, for the verity, value, & vertue of Christs Natures & Offices, in [...] rel [...]ive to either, against the Malignants & Sectaries of their time: particu­larly for the concerns of His Pr [...]phetical Office. And though we be at a loss, that for the most art their witness is buried in oblivion, through the darkness of the times succeeding: yet the scraps & fragments that are left, do furnish us with these few Remarks.

I. They maintained the verity of the Christian Doctrine, against both Pagan Persecutors, & Heretical perverters; And the purity of His instituted worship, without the va­nity of humane inventions, or conformity with, either the Druides on the one hand, or the Hereticks on the other: with which, sometime befor the end of that Period, they were in [...]ested: Chiefly the Pelagians, with whom the faith­ful would have no communion, but abstracted themselves in a Monastical life, liveing & exercising their Religion in Cells, from whence many places in the Countrey yet retain the name, as Kilmarnock, Kil-Patrick &c. that is the Cells of these eminent men among the Culdees. And their Government also, was that of the primitive order without Bishops, with litle vanity, but great simplicity & holyness. Many Authors do testity, that near about 400 years the Church of Scotland knew nothing of the Episcopal Hie­rarchy, untill Pa [...]adius brought it in, & not without great opposition.

II. In these Recesses, they had the advantage, both of outward peace when others were in trouble, & of inward peace of conscience, when others were debauched with many conjurations, & abjurations, combinations & con­federacies, imposed & exacted by them that prevailed for [Page 8] the time: whereby they might both keep themselves free of insnaring Oaths, perfidious complyances, & Associations with the wicked, & also intertain & incourage the oppres­sed for equity, who fled unto their sanctuary for safety. We find they refused to enter into League with ma­lignant Enemies. One memorable passage I shall insert (though strictly it belong not to this Period, as I distinguish it, yet falling out, within 80 years thereafter, in the time of the Culdees, it will not obscurely evidence the truth of this) Goranus the 45 King of Scots, earnestly dissuaded Lo­thus, King of Picts, to entertain the League with the Saxons, not only because they were treacherous & cruel, but be­cause they were Enemies to the Countre [...] & to the Reli­gion they professed, concluding thus, Homi [...]i vero Christiano id longe omnium videri &c. But to a Christian nothing must seem more grievous, than to consent to such a Covenant, as will extin­guish the Christian Religion, & reduce the profane Customes of the Heathen, & arme wicked Tyrants the enemies of all humanity & piety against God & His Law: whereupon Lothus was per­swaded to relinquish the Saxons. Buchan. Histor. rer. Scotic.

III. Though they were not for partaking in wicked un­necessary Wars, without authority or against it; yet we have ground to conclude, they were for War, & did maintain the principle of resisting Tyrannie: since there was never more of the pactice of it, nor more happy resistances in any age, than in that. Where we find, that, as their Ancestors had frequently done before, so they also followed their footsteps, in resisting, reduceing to order. repressing, & bringing to condign punishment, Tyrant; & Usurpers; And thought those actions, which their Fathers did by the light of nature & dictates of reason, worthy of imitation, when they had the advantage of the light of Revelation & dictates of Faith; the one being indeed moderate & directed but no ways contradicted by the other. Therefore we read; that, as their Predecessors had done with Thereus the 8th King of Scotland, whom they banished in the year before Christs Incarnation 173. With Durstus the II King, whom they slew in Battel, in the year befor Christ 107. Evenus 3. who was imprisoned & dyed there, in the year befor [Page 9] Christ 12. Dardanus, the 20th King, who was taken in Battel, beheaded by his oun Subjects, his head exposed to Mockage, & his body cast into a sink, Anno Christi 72. Luctatus the 22. King, who was slain for his Leachery & Tyranny, anno 110. Mogaldus the 23. King, slain anno 113. Conarus the 24. King, a Leacherous tyrant, dyed in Prison, anno 149. Satrael the 26. King, hanged anno 159. So, after the Christian Faith was publickly professed, they pursued Athirco, the 29. King, when degenerate into Tyranny, who was forced to kill himself anno 231. They slew Nathalocus, the 30. King, & cast him into a privy anno 242. They beheaded Romachus, the 36. King, and caryed about his head for a show, anno 348. As they did with many others afterwards, as witnesseth Buchan. lib. 4. Histor. Scotic,

IV. Whence it is evident, that as they attained, even in these primitive times, & maintained the purity & freedom of their Ministery, independent on Pope, Prelate, or any humane Supremacy (that Antichristian Hierarchy, & Erastian blasphemie, not being known in those dayes) so they contended for the order & boundaries of the Magi­stracy, according to Gods appointment & the fundamental constitutions of their Government; & thought it their duty to shake off the yoke, & disoune the Authority of these Tyrants that destroyed the same. Yea we find that even for incapacity, stupidity, & folly, they disouned the Re­lation of a Magistrate, & disposed of the Government another way, as they did with Ethodius 2. whose authority they did oune, but Titulo tenus. See Buchan. loco Citato,

PERIOD. II.
Comprehending the Testimonie of the same Culdees with that of the Lollards.

THe following Period was that fatal one, that brought in universal Darkness on the face of the whole Church of Christ, and on Scotland with the first of [Page 10] them: which, as it received very early Christianity, so it was with the first corrupted with Antichristianisme: For that Mystorie of iniquity that had been long working, till he who letted was taken out of the way, found Scotland ripe for it when it came: which, while the Dragon did persecute the woman in the wilderness, did vallantly repell his As­saults, but when the Beast did arise, to whom he gave his power, he prevailed more by his subtiltie, than his rampant Predecessor could do by his rage. Scotland could Resist the Roman Legions while heathenish, but not the Roman Locusts when Antichristian. At his very first appearance in the world under the Character of Antichrist, his harbinger Palladius brought in Prelacy to Scotland, & by that convey­ance the contagion of Popery: which hath always been, as every where so especially in Scotland, both the Mother & Daughter, cause & effect, occasion & consequence, of Popery. These rose, stood, & lived together, & sometimes did also fall together: & we have ground to hope, that they shall fall again; & their final & fatal fall is not fa [...] off. Whatever difficulty Authors do make, in calculating the Epocha of the 42 moneths of Antichrists duration in the world, because of the obscurity of his first rise; yet there needs not be much perplexity in finding out that Epocha in Scotland, nor so much discouragment from the fancyed permanency of that Kingdom of wickedness. For if it be certain, as it will not be much disputed, that Popery & Prelacy came in by Palla­dius, sent Legate by Pope Celestine, about the year 450. then if we adde 42 Moneths or 1260 Prophetical d [...]yes, that is years, we may have a comfortable prospect of their Tragical con­clusion. And though both clashings & combinations, oppo­sitions & conjunctions, this day may seem to have a terrible aspect, portending a darker hour befor the Dawning; yet all these [...]eelings & revolutions, though they be Symptoms of wrath incumbent upon us for our sins, they may be looked upon, through a prospect of faith, as presages & progno­sticks of Mercy impendent for His Names Sake, encou­raging us, when we see these dreadful things come to pass in our day, to lift up our heads for the day of our Redemption draweth nigh. This dark Period continued [...]igh about 1100 [Page 11] years, in which though Christs witnesses were very few, yet He had some witnessing & Prophecieing in sackcloth all the while. Their Testimony was the same with that of the Waldenses & Albingenses, slated upon the grounds of their secession or rather abstraction from that Mystery Baby­lon, Mot [...]r of harlots Popery & Prelacy, for their corrup­tion in Doctrine, worship, Discipline, & Government. And did more particularly relate to the concerns of Christs Priestly Office, which was transmitted from the Culdees to the Lollards, And by them handed doun to the Instru­ments of Reformation, in the following Period. Their Testimony indeed was not Active, by way of forcible resistance, against the Soveraign Powers; but passive, by way of Confession & Martyrdom, & sufferings & verbal contendings, & witnessings against the prevailing corrup­tions of the time. And no wonder it should be so, & in this some way different from ours, because that was a dispen­sation of suffering, when Antichrist was on the Ascen­dant, & they had no call nor capacity to oppose him any other way, and were novv spirited for this passive Testi­mony, in which circumstances they are an excellent pat­tern for imitation, but not an example for confutation of that principle of defensive resistence which they never con­tradicted, & had never occasion to confirm by their practice. But as in their manageing their Testimony, their man­ner was somevvay different from ours on this respect; so they had far the advantage of us, that their cause was so clearly stated upon the greatest of heads of sufferings, hav­ing the clearest connexion with the fundamentals of Re­ligion. Yet we shall find in this Period our Heads of suffe­ring someway homologated, if we consider.

I. That as they did faithfully keep & contend for the word of Christs patience under that dispensation, in asserting & maintani [...]g both the verity of Christs Doctrin, & the pu­rity of His Worship, by testifieing against the corruptions, errors, Idolatries, & Superstitions of Popery; so they did constantly bear witness against the usurpation & Tyranni­cal domination of the Antichristian Prelats. And as the Culdees did vigorously oppose their first introduction, and [Page 12] after aspiring domination, as well as the corruptions of their Doctrine, As we have the contendings of Eminent witnesses recorded from age to age; in the fourth & fifth Age, Columbe, Libthac, Ethernan, Kintogerne or Mungo; in the Sexth & seventh Age, Colmanus, C [...]emens, & Samson with others, in the Eight & ninth Age, Alcuin, Rabanus Maurus, Ioannes Scotus Acrigena, are noted in Historie; And the Lollards, by their Examinations & Testimonies, are found to have witnessed against the exercise of their power, & sometimes against the very Nature of their power it selfe: so in their practise, they condemned Prelacy as well as Popery, in that their Ministers did in much painfullness, poverty, simplicity, Humility, & Equality, observe the Institution of our Lord. And so far as their light served, & had occasion to inquire into this point, they acknowled­ged no officer in the House of God superior to a preaching Minister, & according to this standart they rejected & cra­ved Reformation of exorbitant Prelacy. And it is plain that they were frequently discovered, by discountinanceing & withdrawing from their superstitions & Idolatrous worship: for all which, when they could not escape nor repell their violence, they cheerfuly embraced & endured the flames.

II. That their Adversaries did manage their cruel craft, & crafty cruelty, in murdering those Servants of God, much after the same methods that ours do; except that they are many stages outdone by their successors, as much as perfect Artists do outstrip the rude beginings of Apprenti­ces. But on the other hand, the Suffe [...]ers in our day, that would follow the example of those Worthyes under Popery, would be much condemned by this generation, even by them that commend the matter of their Testimo­ny, though they will not allow the manner of it to be imi­tated in this day. The Adversaries of Christ in this & that generation, are more like then his Confe [...]sors & witnesses are. The Adversaries then, when constrained by diver­sions of the times troubles, or when their designes were not ripe, pretended more moderation & aversation from severity, but no sooner got they opportunity (which al­ways they sought) but so soon they renewed the Battel [Page 13] against Jesus Christ; so now: when they had seven abo­minations in their hearts, & many cursed designes in their heads, they always spoke fairest; so now: when they had a mind to execute their cruelty, they would resolve befor­hand whom to pitch upon before conviction; so now: And when so resolved, the least pretence of a fault, obnoxious to their wicked Law, would serve their design; so now: They used then to forge Articles, & falsly misrepresent their answers, & declarations of their principles; so now. Yet on the other hand, if now poor sufferers should glory in that they are counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Christ, as they did then; If now they should suf­fer with as great cheerfullnesse, for the smallest points as for the greatest heads, as they did then, who endured the flames as gallantly, for eating a Goose upon Friday, as others did for the Doctrin of Justification, or Purgatory, or Indulgences, or worshipping of Images & Saints; If now they should speak for every truth in question, with all simplicity & plainness, without reserves or shifts declining a Testimony, as they did; If they should supersede from all applications to their Enemies for savour, & not medle with either petitioning or bonding with them, as they did; nay not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better resurrection: Then they might expect the severe Censure of ignorant & precise fools, as the most part who suffer now are counted.

III. That they stood aloof from every appearance of a base Complyance with them; not so much as to give them an interpretative sign of it, which in their meaning might be thought a recantation, though abstractly consideredit might be capable of a more favourable construction: As the re­quired burning of their Bill was; which might have been thought a condemning of their accusations: but because that was not their Adversaries sense of it, they durst not do it. Not like many now a dayes, who will not be solici­tous to consult that. Neither would they take any of their Oaths, nor pay any of their Eccllesiastical Exactions, as we find in the Articles brought in against the Lollards of Kyle. Knox Hist. of Reform. These things are easily complyed [Page 14] with now: and such as will suffer upon such things are con­demned.

IV. That while the Love of God and his blessed Truth, and the precepts, promise, & presence of our Lord Jesus Christ, did enable them into all patience with joy, in a pas­sive Testimony, being by the call of a clear 8: necessary pro­vidence sent & sett forth to behis witnesses; they did not in­deed endeavour any resistence: yet we find they never resigned nor abandoned that first & most just priviledge of resistence; nay, nor bringing publick beasts of prey to con­digne punishment, in an extraordinary way of vindictive Justice, for the Murder of the Saints. As, upon the Mur­der of Mr. George Wishchard, was done with Cardinal Bea­ton, who was slain in the tower of St. Andrews by Iames Melvin: who perceiving his consorts in the interprise mo­ved with passion, withdrew them & said; this work & judg­ment of God, although it be secret, ought to be done with greater gravity, And, presenting the point of the sword to the Cardinal, said, Repent thee of thy former wicked life, but espe­cially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of God, Mr. George Wishchard, which albeit the flame of fire consu­med before men, yet it cryes for vengeance upon the [...] & we from God are sent to revenge it; for here, before my God, I protest, that nei­ther the hatred of thy person, the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thow couldst have d [...]me to me in particular, moved or moveth me to strike thee, but only because thow hast been & remai­nest an obstinate Enemy against Christ Iesus, & His holy Gospel. Of which fact, the famous & faithful Historian Mr Knox speaks very honorably, and was so far from condemning it, that while after the slaughter they kept out the Castle, he with other Godly men went to them & stayed with them, till they were together caryed captives to Fr [...]nce. Yet now such a fact, committed upon such another bloody & trea­cherous Beast, the Cardinal Prelat of Scotland, eight years agone, is generally condemned as horrid Murther.

V. However, tho in this dark Period there be no noted instances of these witnesses resisting the Superior powers, for reasons above hinted: yet in this Period, we find ma­ny instances of noble & vertuous Patriots, their not only [Page 15] resisting, but also revenging to the utmost of severity rigo­rous & raging Tyrants. As may be seen in Histories. For before the corruption of Antichrist came to its hight, we find Ferchardus I. the 52. K. was drawen to judgment against his will, great crimes were layd to his charge, & among others the Pelagian heresie, & contempt of Baptisme, for which he was cast into Prison, where he killed himself; anno 636. Eugenius 8. the 62. King degenerating into wicked­nesse, & rejecting the Admonitious of his friends & espe­cially of the Ministers, was killed in a convention of his nobles, with the consent of all, anno 765. Donaldus 7. was imprisoned, where he killed himself, anno 859. Ethus, surnamed Alipes, the 72. King was apprehended, & his wicked life layd out befor the people, & then compelled to resigne the Government, & dyed in Prison, anno 875. Afterwards when the Government was transmitted to the Stewarts, Iames the 2. the 103. King, who killed William E. of Douglas in the Castle of Sterling, most treacherously after he had pretended a civil treatment, was publickly defyed by the Earles friends; who took the Kings publick writ & sub­scription made to the said Earle, & tyed it to a horse tail, dragging it through the streets, & when they came to the Mercat place they Proclaimed both King & Nobles perjured Covenant-breakers: And thereafter when E. Iames his Bro­ther, was desired to submit, he answered, he would never put himself in their reverence, who had no regard to shame, nor to the lawes of God or man, and who had so perfidiously & treache­rously killed his Brother & his Cousins. Iames 3. the 104. King for his Treachery & Tyranny was opposed & purswed by ar­mes by his oun subjects; who finding himself under disad­vantages, sent to the rebells (as he thought them & called them) ‘an offer of peace, & received this answer; that seeing the King did nothing honestly, a certain war seemed bet­ter to them then a peace not to be trusted, that there was no other hope of agreement but one, that he should quite the Government, otherwise it was to no purpose to trouble themselves with treaties.’ Thereafter in a bat­tel he was slain at Bannockburn, by Gray, Ker, & Borthwick. Iames the 4. the 105. King was also constrained, by the va­lour [Page 16] of Archibald Douglas E. of Angus called Bell the Cat▪ to reforme the Court, and put away some wicked Syco­phants from his Counsel, and give way tho against his will to the execution of judgement upon others: which was the occasion of that foresaid Agnomen to the Earle. For, he with other Nobles, in a meeting at Lawder, consulting how to reform & repress the insolency of the Court, had the Apologue of the Mice laid out before them; that the Mice [...]ell upon deliberating how to be rid of the Cat, & concluded the best way was to put a bell about her neck, but when it came to be put in execution, never a Mouse durst under­take it: The Earle quickly made application, saying, I will bell the Cat; & forthwith went out & meeting Cochran, one of these wicked Consellours, took hold of him, & hanged him with a horse halter over the bridge of Lawder, & ru­shing in to the Kings presence proceeded to snatch Ramsey, another of the countreyes Enemies, out of the Kings Ar­mes, but that he yeelded at length to the Kings earnest en­treaties to spare him. However we see how generously zealous these noble Patriots were for the countries good, against Tyrannie, thô they were ignorant of Religion: Yet this all alongs was still the character of the Scots in these dayes, none more terrible to Tyrants, none more Loyal to Kings then they.

PERIOD. III.
Containing the Testimonie of the Reformation from Poperie.

AS in the former the Testimony was mostly Passive, so in the following Period, when they were increa­sed in number & strength that embraced the Gospel, the Lord called & spirited to an Active Testimony, for these two Twins, Religion & Liberty, that were then sought to be stifled in the birth, & are now designed more [Page 17] declaredly to be destroyed, after they have growen up to some maturity: Which, as it renders the cruelty of the pre­sent destroyers the more grassant & grievous, so it rubs the more indeleble Infamie, on the shamfull security & Ass­like stupidity of this generation, that have received such an excellent Testimony deposited to their trust, transmitted to them through a continued trāct of the witnessings & wrestlings of their worthy Ancestors, and now let it slip & slide through their feeble fingers; And does the more justify, yea magnify, the poor endeavours of the present Sufferers, who at least, when they cannot react these mighty works in defending Religion & Liberty, do choose rather to die than to resign the Testimony, or quite the least Priviledge that their Progenitors possessed them of: And though they be superciliously despised, as litle insigni­ficant nothings, in the eyes of the bulk of the big boasters of this blind age; yet, if these valiant Heroes who did such exploits for their God, in commenceing & carying on the work of Reformation, were now to see the dull Dotages of this dreaming generation (not only suffering & con­senting to, but congratulating & applauding, the intro­duction & reestablishment of Idolatry & Tyranny, Popery & Slavery, upon the ruines of the work they built with so great expence.) And were to read the pitiful Petitions, and airy & empty, flattering & fauning Addresses, to this An­tichristian Tyrant, for the Toleration of that Religion & Li­berty, under the odious notion of a Crime, which they had conveyed to them under the security of a fundamental Law; They, if any, would be acknowledged as their Children, who disdain & disoune such dishonorable & dastardly yeeldings, and are therefore most despised with disdain & despight. A brief Rehearsal of their Contendings will clear the Case.

While the Queen Dowager Regent reigned by the curse of God, and employed all her power & policy to suppress the Gospel in Scotland; God so Counteracted her, that the blood of the Martyrs she caused to be murdered proved the seed of the Church; and the endeavours of His Servants had such success, that no small part of the Barons & Gentle­men, [Page 18] as well as commons, began to abhor the Tyranny of the Bishops: yea men almost universally began to doubt, whether they could without sin give their bodily presence ‘to the Masse, or offer their Children to the Papistical Baptisme? Whether these that were in any publick trust, could with safe conscience serve the higher Powers, in maintaini [...]g of Idolatry, persecuting their Brethren, & suppressing Christs Truth! or whether they might suffer their Brethren to be murdered in their presence, without any declaration that such Tyrannie displeased them?’ And from the Scriptures they were resolved, that a lively Faith required a plain Confession, when Christs Truth is impugned; And that not only they be guilty that do evil, but also they that con­sent to evil, and this they should do, if seeing such things openly committed, they should be silent, and so allow whatsoever was done. From doubts they came to determinations, to en­deavour that Christ Iesus His glorious Gospel should be Preached, His holy Sacraments truely ministred, Superstition, Idolatry, & Tyranny should be suppressed in this Realme; And that both as to the Worship, Discipline, & Government, the Reverend face of the first primitive & Apostolick Church should be reduced again to the eyes & knowledge of men. And in this they never fa [...]nted till the work was finished. To accomplis [...] this, famous and faithfull Mr Knox, and other Servants of the Lord, did Preach diligently in Private Meetings. And for that, when they were summoned before the Queen; several zealous & bold men repaired to her, & plainly in the hearing of the Prelats, did charge them with the cruel device in­tended, & told her with a vow, they should make a day of it, because they oppressed them & their tennents, for feeding of their idle bellies, they troubled the Preachers, and would murder all; should they suffer this any longer? No, it should not be. Thereafter, the more effectually to prosecute the Reformation begun, they entered into Covenants, to maintain & advance that work of Reformation, And to stand to the Desence thereof; and of one another, against all wicked Power, that might intend Tyranny or trouble against them, [Page 19] and to resent any injury done to any of their Brerhren, upon the account of the Common Cause, as done to all. Of which Covenants they entered into many very solemnly: one was at Edinburgh anno 1557. Another at Perth, 1559. Another at Sterling 1559. binding, that none should have any correspondence with the Queen, without notifieing it to one another, And that nothing should proceed therein, without common Consent of them all. Another at Leith, anno 1560. Another at Air, anno 1562. of the same tenor. By which Covenants, as their Conjunction was the more firme among themselves, so was it the more fearful to their Adversaries; when according to the tenor of them they kept their Conventions, & held Counsells with such gravity & clossness, that the enemies trembled. I mention these things more particularly, because these same very things commended in our Fathers, are now condemned in a poor handful, that wo [...]ld aim at imitating their exam­ple, in renewing & reiterating such Covenants of the same Nature & Tenor, & binding to the same very duties, and prosecute in the same methods of keeping General Meetings for Correspondence, & consultation about com­mon mutual Duties in common danger; whereunto they have not only present necessity to urge them, but also pre­terite examples of these Worthies to encourage them, and their experience of comfort & tranquillity they reaped, by these Christian Assemblies & Godly Conferences, as ost as any danger appeared to any member or members of their body. These beginings the zealous Covenanted Reformers left no means unessayed to promote, by Protestations to the Parliament, & Petitions, & many reiterated Addresses to the Queen Dowager: From whom they received many renewed fair promises; which she had never mind to keep, and wanted not the impudence, when challenged for breaking them, to declare, It becomes not Subjects to burthen their Princes with promises, further then it pleased them to keep the same: And at another time, that she was bound to keep no Faith to Hereticks: And again, that [Page 20] Princes must not be strictly bound to keep their promises; And that her self would make litle Conscience to take from all that sort their Lives & Inheritance, if she might do it with an honest excuse. Wherein she spoke not only the venome of her oun heart, but the very soul & sense, prin­ciple & project, of all Popish Princes: Whereby we may see what security we have for Religion & Liberty this day, though the most part make such a pretence a pillow to sleep on. But after many Discoveries in this kind of the Queens Treachery, at length they would no more be bribed by promises, blinded by pretences, nor boasted by her Pro­clamations, (slandering their interprise, as if it pertained nothing to Religion) from their endeavours to prosecute the same: but finding themselves compelled to take the Sword of Just defence, against all that should persue them for the matter of Religion, they first signified unto her; That they would notifie to the King of France; & all Chri­stian Princes,‘that her cruel unjust & most Tyrannieal murther intended against Touns & Mnltitudes, was & is the only Cause of their revolt from their accustomed obedience, which they ouned & promised to their So­veraign; provided they might live in Peace & Liberty, and enjoy Christs Gospel, without which they firmly purpose never to be subject to mortal man; And that better it were to expose their bodies to a thousand deaths, than to deny Christ; which thing not only do they, who com­mit open Idolatry, but also all such, as, seeing their Brethren purswed for the Cause of Religion, and haveing sufficient means to comfort & assist them, do neverthe­less withdraw from them their dutiful support.’ And thereafter, they published a Declaration to the generation of Antichrist, the pestilent Prelats, & their shavelings within Scotland. ‘That they should not be abused, thinking to escape just punishment, after that they in their blind fury had caused the blood of many to be shed, but if they proceeded in this their malicious Cruelty, they should be dealt with all, wheresoever they should be apprehended, as Murderers, & open Enemies to God & to Mankind. [Page 21] And that with the same measure they had measured, & intended to measure to others, it should be measured to them—that is, they should, with all force & power they had, execute just vengeance & punishment upon them; yea begin that same War which God com­mandeth Israel to execute against the Canaanites, that is, Contract of Peace should never be made, till they desist from their open Idolatry & cruel Persecution of Gods Children.’ I rehearse this Declaration the more expresly, because in our day Declarations of this stile & strain, and aiming at the same Scope, is hideously hissed & houted at as unheard of novelties. Finally, when by all their Let­ters, Warnings, Admonitions & Protestations, they could obtain no redress, but rather an increase of insuppor­table violence; they proponed the Question in a General Meeting: Whether she, whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole Commonwealth, ought to be suffered so Tyrannically to domineer over them? Unto which the Ministers, being required to give their judgment, answered, that she ought not. And accordingly they declared her deposed, from all Government over them; because of her persecuting the ‘Professors of the true Religion, and oppressing the Li­berties of the true Lieges, never being called nor con­vinced of any Crime; because of her intrusion of Magi­strats against all order of Election; because of her bringing in strangers to suppress the Liberty of the Countrey, and placing them in greatest Offices of Credite, because of her altering and subverting the old Laws of the Realme &c.’ Which I mention, because hence we may see what things our Fathers judged, did dissolve the relation between the people & their Rulers: And when applyed to our Case, will justify their reasons that have renounced the pre­sent Tyranny: This was done at Edinburgh, anno 1559. And thereafter, while they vindicated themselves, & went on with the work of Reformation, throwing doun all monuments of Idolatry, & propogateing the Reformed Religion; God so blessed their endeavours that their Con­fession of faith, and all Articles of the Protestant Reli­gion, was Read & Ratified by the three Estates of Parlia­ment, [Page 22] at Edinburgh Iulij 1560. And the same year the Book of Discipline, containing the forme & order of Pres­byterial Government, was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility. Thus through the wisdom & power of God alone, even by the weaknesse of very mean Instr [...]ments, against the rage & fury of the devil, and of all the powers of Hell, was this work of Reformation advanced & effe­ctuated; And came to the establishment of a Law, which did not only ratifie & confirme the P [...]ote [...]ant Religion, but abolish Antichristian Popery, and appoint punishment for the Professors & promoters thereof. Which Law, often confirmed & ratified afterwards, though it be now cassed & rescinded by the Prerogative of the present Ty­rant, because it anulls & invalidates his pretence to succes­sion in the Government (it being expressly enacted after­wards, by a Parliament at Edinburgh 156. Confirming this, that all Princes & Kings hereafter before their Corona­tion shall take Oath to maintain the true Religion then professed, & suppress all things contrary to it) yet is still in force in the hearts of all honest men, that will not prosti­tute Religion, Law, & Liberty to the lusts of Tyrants; and will be accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying Religion upon, than the perfidious promises of a Popish Usurper, pretending a Liberty to dissenting Pro­testants, by takeing away the Penal Statuts, the Legal Bulwark against Popery: All which yet, to the reproach of all Protestants, some are applauding & Congratula­ting in this time by their Addresses & Petitions, to this destroyer of Law & Religion. I wish they would look back to see what the building of this Bulwark cost our Fathers, before they sell it at such a rate: And compare the present Addresses, Courting & Carressing the Papists, with the Addresses of these worthy builders of what they are destroying. There is one dated Edinb. May. 27. 1561. Presented to the Council, shewing, that honesty craved them; and conscience moved them, to make the secrets of their heart patent, which was; ‘That, before ever these Tyrants & dumb Dogs empire over them professing Christ Jesus within this Realme, they were fully deter­mined, [Page 23] to hazard Life, and whatsoever they had received. of God in temporal things—And let these Enemies of God assure themselves, that if their Counsell put not order unto them, that they should shortly take such order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, neither yet to live upon the sweat of the browes of such as are no Debters to them.’ And when the mischievous Mary, the daughter of the Degraded Queen, returning from France, set up the Mass but in her oun family; the Godly at that time gave plain signification, that they could not abide that ‘the Land which God by His power had purged from Ido­latry, should in their eyes be polluted again. Shall that Idol (say they) be suffered again to take place within this Realme: It shall not.’ The Idolatrous Priests should die the death according to Gods Law. And a Proclamation being issued to protect the Queens Domestick Servants, that were Papists; There was a Protestation given forth pre­sently, That if any of her Servants shall commit Idola­try, ‘say Mass, participate therewith, or take the de­fence thereof, in that case this Proclamation was not ex­tended to them in that behalf, nor to be a Safeguard to them in that behalf, no more then if they commit murther. Seeing the one is much more abominable in the sight of God then the other. But that it may be Lawful to inflict upon them, the pains contained in Gods word, against Idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended without fa­vour.’ The words of Iohn Knox upon the folowing sabbath may be added. That one Masse was more fear [...]ul unto him then if ten thousand armed Enemies, were Landed in any part of the realme, of purpose to suppress the whole Reli­gion: for (said he) in our God there is strength to resist & confound Multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon Him; but when we joine hands with Idolatry, it is no doubt, but both Gods amiable Presence & comfortable defence, will leave us and what shall then become of us? Yea when it was voted in the General Assembly, whether they might take the Queens Mass from her? Many frankly affirmed; that [Page 24] ‘as the Mass is abominable, so it is just & right, that it should be suppressed: And that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queens Majestie, than they that should by force take from her a Poisoned Cup, when she were going to drink it.’ Thus we have some Specimen of the Zeal of our fathers against Idolatry. But in a litle time, Court favours blunted it in many. And then had the Ser­vants of God a double Battel, fighting or the one hand against Idolatrie, and the rest of the abominations main­tained by the Court. And upon the other hand, against the unfaithfullness of false brethren, and Treachery of Sycophants, who informed the Court against the Ministers for their free & faithful Preaching and warning on all oc­casions; yet they sustained the brunt of all these assaults, and came off with honour. At length to be short, in pro­cess of time, this Mary a woman of a proud & crafty wit, and an indured heart against God & His Truth, insisted in the same steps of Tyranny & Treachery (but with greater Aggravations) that her Mother walked in, and was served according to her desert. For after that her Darling Davie Rizio, the Italian Fidler (whom most men then supposed, and do still suspect, to be the Father of King Iames, this mans Grandfather; and some do think it not unlikly that his Successors have derived from this stock the Italian Complexion & Constitution, both of body & mind, Spare & Swarthy, Cruel & Crafty) received his [...]ue rewards in her presence, by the Kings consent & Counsel: she con­ceived such contempt of & indignation against the poor uxorious young King, Henry of Darnely; that she never rested, till she & Bothwel contrived & executed his Mur­ther. And then she married that Murdering Adulterer, the said Earle of Bothwel. Whereupon the Protestant Noble­men pursueing the Murther, took her & sent her Prisoner to Lochlevin; where they made her resigne the Govern­ment to her Son Iames, then an Infant. And afterwards she was beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We see now by this deduction what was the Testimony of this Pe­riod, and how in many things it confirmes the Heads of the present Sufferings, which we may particularly remark.

[Page 25] I. The Reformation of Scotland had this common with all other Protestant Churches, that it was carried on by re­sisting the opposing powers: But it had this peculiar advan­tage above all, that at once & from the begining, both Doctrine & Worship, Discipline & Government, were Reformed: as Mr. Knox witnesseth, that there was no Realme upon the face of the Earth at that time that had Religion in greater Purity. Yea, sayes he, we must speak the Truth whomsoever we offend, there is no Realme that hath the like Purity; for all others, how sincere soever the Doctrine be, retain in their Churches and the Ministery thereof some footsteps of Antichrist & dregs of Popery, But we (praise to God alone) have nothing in our Churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin. The Doctrine was purely Reformed, according to the Rule of Christ, both as to Matter & Manner of Delivery. As to the Matter of it, what it was, the Confession of Faith ratified in Parliament anno 1560. Doth witness. In the Manner of it, they studyed not the smooth & pâkie prudence that is now so much applauded, for not observeing which, such as would fain be honest in this duty, are so much condemned; but they cryed aloud against & did not spare the sins of the time, with application to every degree of men: as we have it published & vindicated in Mr. Knox his History. They cryed that the ‘same God who plagued Pharaoh, repulsed Sennacherib, struck Herod with wormes, and made the bellies of dogs the Grave & Sepulcher of the Spiteful Iezabel, will not spare misled Princes, who authorise the Murtherers of Christs members in this our time: Many now a dayes will have no other Religion than the Qween; the Queen, no other than the Cardinal; the Cardinal, no other than the Pope; the Pope, no other than the Devil: Let men therefore consider what danger they stand in, if their Salvation shall depend upon the Queens faith.’ And they used to defend such manner of free dealing, from the examples of the Prophets reproving Kings Personally: ‘Now if the like & greater corruptions be in the World this day, who dare interprise, to put to silence the Spi­rit [Page 26] of God, whih will not be subject to the apetites of misled Princes.’ Mr. Knox his defence befor the Queen, when rebuked for speaking of her Mariage in the pulpit, was: The Evangel, sayth he, hath two points, ‘Repen­tance & Faith; in preaching Repentance, of necessity it is that the sins of men be noted, that they way know wherein they offend.’ And in his dispate with Lithing­toun, requiring where any of the Prophets did so use Kings & Rulers; he gave the example of Elias. reproveing A­chab & Iezebel, that ‘dogs shall lick the blood of Achab and eat the flesh of Jezebel; which was not whispered in their ears, but so as the People understood: well enough, for so witnessed Iehu after the accomplishment; Elizeiu repro­ved Iehoram, saying, what have I to do with thee, if it were not for Jehoshaphat, I would not have looked toward thee; though a subject yet he gave litle reverence to the King.’ These were their Arguments for faithfullness then which are now exploded with contempt. Their worship was also Reformed from all Dregs of Popery, & fopperies of hu­mane Ceremonies, retained in many other Churches; especially in England. To whose Bishops, in Queen Elizabeths time, the Assembly wrote; ‘That if Surplice▪ Corner cap, Tippet &c. have been the badges of Idolaters in the very act of Idolatry, what have Preachers to do with the dregs of that Romish Beast? Yea what is he that ought not to fear to take, either in his hand or fore head, the mark of that odious Beast?—We think yow should boldly oppose your selves to all power, that will dare ex­toll it self against God, and against all such as do bur­den the Conscience of the faithful, further then God hath burdened them by His oun word.’ The Disclpline & Go­vernment was from the begining Presbyterial, even before the establishment; both in practice, among the Persecuted Mi­nisters who kept their private Meetings: And in their Doctri­ne, This was one of Mr Knox's Articles, he sustained at St Andrews, upon his first entry unto the Ministery, Art. S. There is no Bishop except he preach even by himself wiihout any substitute. But so soon as they attained any settlement, they assembled in their first National Synod, anno 1560. by [Page 27] vertue of that Intrinsick Power, granted by the Lord to His Church; nor did they so much as petition for the In­dulgence of the then Authority; But upon Christs warrant, they kept & held their Courts in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ only, and in His sole Authority, by direction of His Word & Spirit, concluded all their Counsels, Votes, & Acts. And as they knew nothing of an Exotick Supre­macy, so they put out & held out Prelacy, and kept a perfect Parity; which was nothing infringed by the extraordinary Imployments & Commissions delegated to some Superin­tendents, upon the account of the particular exigence of these times.

II. Next we find in the Practice of these renouned Re­formers, many demonstrations of pure zeal, worthy of all imitation: which I remark the rather, because poor Suffe­rers that would now imitate it, are condemned as blind & ignorant zelots. But why are not the Reformers con­demned for the same things? We find in the first place, that they were so far from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing publick sins, that they could not contain themselves from declaring their Detestation of the sight of them: yea the very boyes did abominate it, as at the Re­formation of St Iohnstoun, a boy cryed with a bold voice, This is intolerable, that when God by His Word hath plainly con­demned Idolatry, we shall stand & see it used in despight. Where­upon he & others throw doun all the monuments of Idola­try in the place. But if now any should enterprise such a thing, when the Idol of the Masse is set up in every City, they might expect Ierubbaals censure of the Abiezrites; th [...] it is true they might have the same encouragement, because they have the same Command as he had, to wit, the perpe­tual precept of throwing doun Idolatrous Altars. Next they were so far from complying with the Enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought it a great sin not to oppose them, when their brethren were forced to take the sword of self defence, being perswaded by these arguments: ‘That by their fainting & abstracting their support, the Enemies would be encouraged; And thereby they should declare themselves both Traitors to the Truth once pro­fessed, [Page 28] and Murderers of their Brethren, whom their presence & Concurrence might preserve; And that if they should deny their Brethren suffering for His Names sake, they should also deny Christ, and be denyed of Him; And that God hath often punished subjects with their Princes, for winking at and not resisting their ma­nifest iniquity; And therefore, as He is immutable in nature, so would He not Pardon them in that which He hath punished in others &c.’ Which Arguments prevailed with the noble Earle of Glencarn, in zeal to burst forth in these words—Albeit never man should accompany me, yet I will go to my Brethren, and if it were but a Pike upon my shoul­der, I had rather die with that company then Live after them. But now professors cannot only sit at home in their shops & ceiled houses, when the Lords people are pursued & murdered in the fields, but also can hire their Murderers, & strengthen their hands, by paying them Cesses & Locali­ties, and what they require for help to do their work, and maintaining them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr Knox disproveth very much in his day; Arguing that ‘if people thought they were innocent, because they were not the actors of such iniquity, they were utterly de­ceived; for God doth not only punish the chief offen­ders, but the Consenters to such iniquity, And all are judged to consent, who give not Testimony against it; As the Rulers & Bishops are Criminal of all the innocent blood, thats shed for the Testimony of Christs Truth, so are all who assist & maintain them in their blind rage, and give no declaration that their Tyranny displeaseth them; This doctrine is strange to the blind world, but the verity of it hath been declared in all notable punish­ments from the begining; when the old world was de­stroyed by water, Sodom & Jerusalem were destroyed, were all alike wicked? yet all perished; why? All kept silence, or did not resist, by which al [...] approved ini­quity, and joined hands with the Tyrants, as it had been in one Battel against the Omnipotent.’ Which words if impartially applyed, will condemn & confute the dull Daubings of the present Complyances, in maintaining [Page 29] Tyrants & their Emissaries, by Emoluments which they require & exact, and that professedly, for promoting their accursed projects; And will justify Consciencious suffe­rers, for refuseing to pay these impositions. And this will the more appear, if we adde some more of his pithie ex­pressions in the same place, clearing the subject he is upon, and answering an objection, what poor people might do, when compelled to give obedience to all their Rulers de­manded? ‘Ye may saith that Author, without sedition withhold the fruits & profits, which your false Bishops & Clergy most unjustly received of yow: Upon which he subjoins the preceeding Arguments.’ Yet now a dayes these have no weight, but such as refuse either to pay Op­pressors exactions, or Curats stipends, are condemned for giddy fools. Again we find, that when they were challenged for duty, they would never decline a declara­tion of its righteousness, nor do any thing directly or in­directly which might seem a condemning of it. And there­fore they wold receive no pardons for these things which they could not confess to be offences. Iohn Knox, chal­lenged for offending the Queen, had her promise, that if he would confess an offence, his greatest punishment should be, but to go within the Castle of Edinburgh, and immediatly to return to his own house; he re­fused absolutely. But now, if our Pardon-mongers & pru­dent men had been so circumstantiate, surely they could have helped themselves with their distinctions, they might confess & be pardoned for offending the Queen, thô not confess it to be a fault in their Conscience: But Mr Knox had not learned that then. When they were pursuing the Murder of King Henry of Darnely, the Queen finding her self not strong enough, offers to forgive & pardon that insurection: The Earle of Morton, in name of all the rest, did not only refuse a Cessation, but told her they would not ask a pardon. But now sufferers, for refusing of these base & unmanly aswell as unchristian Complyances, are much condemned. Finally, because this strictness, espe­cially in their severity against their Enemies, may be ac­cused of Iewish rigidity, inconsistent with a Gospel Spirit [Page 30] of Lenity; which also is imputed to the much condemned sufferers of Scotland at this time, for their Testimonies against Toleration & Liberty of Conscience: Let us hear what Knox sayes; ‘whatsoever God required of the Civil Magistrate in Israel or Juda, concerning the observation of true Re­ligion during the time of the Law, the same doth He re­quire of Lawful Magistrates, professing Christ Jesus, in the time of the Gospel: And Cites a large Testimony out of Augustine to this purpose.’ And afterward objecting to himself the practice of the Apostles, who did not punish the Idolatrous Gentiles; he answers, ‘That the Gentiles, being never avowed to be Gods people before, had never received his Law, and therefore were not to be punished according to the rigor of it, to which they were never subject, being strangers from the Commonwealth of Israel; But if any think, after the Gentiles were received in the number of Abrahams children, and so made one people with the Jewes beleeving, then [...]hey were not bound to the same obedience of Israels Covenant, the same seems to make Christ inferior to Moses, and con­trare to the Law of His heavenly Father; for if the Con­tempt and transgression of Moses's Law was worthy of death, what judge we the contempt of Christs ordinance to be? And if Christ be not come to dissolve, but to fulfill the Law of His Heavenly Father, shall the Liberty of His Gospel be an occasion that the special glory of His Father be troden under foot, and regarded of no man? God forbid; And therefore I fear not to affirme, that the Gentiles be bound by the same Covenant that God made with His people Israel, in these words; Beware that thou make not any Covenant with the Inhabitants of the Land but thou shalt destroy their Altars &c. When therefore the Lord puteth the Sword in the hand of a people, they are no less bound to purge their Cities & Countreyes from Ido­latrie, then were the Israelites, what time they received the Possession of the Land of Canaan.’

III. For the head of Resistence of Superior powers, we have no clearer instances in any Period then in this, where of the above mentioned hints give some account, to which in [Page 31] their sentiments & arguments may be here subjoined. They prised and improved this principle so much, that they put it in their Confession of faith Art. 14. To save the Life of Inno­cents, to repress Tyranny, to defend the oppressed, are among the good works of the Second Table, which are most pleasing & acceptable to God, as these works are com­manded by Himself; And to suffer innocent blood to be [...]hed if we may withstand it, is affirmed to be sin, by which Gods hot Displeasure is kindled against the proud & unthankful world. And if there were no more to render the late. Test of Scotland detestable, that condemns all resistence of Kings upon any pretence whatsoever, this may make all Chri­stians & all men abhor the contrivance of it; that that same Test that confirms this Thesis, doth also impose the Anti­thesis upon Conscience. It obliges to this Confession in the first part of it, and to deny it in the Latter. But no wonder, that men of feared Consciences can receive any thing, thô never so contradictory to it self; And that men who deny sense and that principle irradicated in humane nature, may also deny Conscience, & make a fool of it in sowdering Contradictories. But not only did our Reformers assert this Truth for which now their children adhering to their Testimony suffer both rage and reproach, but also gave their reasons for it. As (1) Mr Knox, in his first Conference with the Queen, argues thus: ‘There is neither greater honour nor obedience to be given to Princes than Parents; but so it is that the father may be stricken with a phrensie, in the which he would slay his oun children; now if the children arise, take his weapon from him, bind his hands, do the children any wrong? It is even so with Princes, that would murder the Children of God subject to them, their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad phren­sie; and therefore to take the sword from them, and cast them into prison till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against Princes. (2) In his Con­ference with Lithingtoun, he proves the same point, from the consideration of the justice of God, punishing the peo­ple for not resisting the Prince. The Scripture of God teacheth me (saith he) Ierusalem & Iuda were punished [Page 32] for the sins of Manassoh; If you alledge they were pu­nished because they were wicked, and not because the King was wicked, the Scripture sayes expressly, for the sins of Manasseh; yet will I not absolve the people, I will grant the whole people offended with their King, but how? to affirme that all Iuda committee the acts of his impiety, hath no certainty; who can think, that all Ieru­salem should turn Idolaters immediatly after Hezekias no­table Reformation? One part therefore willingly followed him in his Idolatry, the other suffered him, & so were criminal of his sin, even as Scotland is guilty of the Queens Idolatry this day.’ In the same Discourse he makes it plain, that all are guilty of Innocents murder who do not oppose it, from Ieremies words in his defence before the Prin­ces —Know ye for certain if ye put me to death ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves and upon the City and upon the Inhabitants thereof; Now if the Princes & the whole peo­ple should have been guilty of the Prophets blood, how shall others be judged innocent before God, if they suffer the blood of Innocents to be shed when they may save it? (3) Ibid. he argues from the distinction between the person placed in Authority, and the ordinance of God, the one may be resisted the other cannot. The plain words of the Apostle makes the difference: ‘The ordinance is of God, for preservation of mankind, punishment o [...]vice, which is holy & constant; Persons commonly are profane & unjust: He that resisteth the power there, is only meant of the just power wherewith God hath armed His Magi­strats, which who so resists, resists Gods or [...]inance; But if men in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury of Princes, they then resist not God, but the Devil who abuses the sword & Authority of God: It is evident the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn Ionathan should dye, whom they delivered: The Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime, but praises them & con­demns the King: This same Saul again commanded the Priests of the Lord to be slain, his guard would not obey, but Doeg put the Kings cruelty in execution; I will not ask, whether the Kings servants not obeying resisted the [Page 33] ordinance of God, or whether Doeg murthering gave obe­dience to just Authority? The Spirit of God condemns that fact Psal. 52. that God would not only punish the Commander, but also the merciless executer; Therefore they who gainstood his command, resisted not the ordinance of God. (4). Ibid. He argues from exam­ples, not only of resisting but of punishing Tyrants: chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to this purpose, 2 Chon. 26. who after his usurping the Priests Office, was put out of the Temple. When it was replyed, that they were the Priests that with stood the King, not simple peo­ple: He answered, The Priests were subjects, as Ab­ [...]athar was deposed by Solomon &c. yet they made him go out of the Temple for his Leprosie, and the people put him from the Kingdom.’ It is noted also that Mr Knox, in that discourse, adduces examples of those, who use to be brought in as objections against defensive Armes, even the Primitive Christians, before that Passage last cited: what precepts, sayes he, the Apostles gave, I will not affirme; But I find two things the faithful did, the one was they assisted their Preachers even against the rulers, the other was they suppressed Idolatrie wheresoever God gave unto them force, asking no leave of the Emperour nor of his deputies: Read the Ecclesiastical Histories, and ye shall find examples sufficient.

IV. In the next place we may inquire into the judgment of these Reformers, concerning that Question that is now so pusling to many; which indeed was never started before this time as a head of suffering, but now, when it is star­ted, we may gather from our Ancestors Actings & Deter­minations about it, how it ought to be answered. They were indeed in capacity, and accordingly did improve it, for disouning the Authority of both the Queens: but their ca­pacity was not the thing that made it duty, if it had not been so before. Capacity makes a thing possible, but not law­ful: It does indeed make a duty seasonable, and clears the Call to it, and regulates the timing of Affirmative duties, but the want of it can never dispense with negative Pre­cepts: And a duty, negative especially, may become ne­cessary, [Page 34] when it hath not the advantage of seasonableness or capacity; certainly it were duty to depose [...]he Pope from his usurped authority, and to disoune it even in Rome it self, but there it would not be thought very feasible or seasona­ble, for twenty or thirty people to avouch such a thing there, yet at all times it is a duty never to oune it. It is thought unseasonable & unfeasable to disoune the Tyrants authority, but it is made necessary, when u [...]ged never to oune it. And for this we have the grounds of our Ance­stors, shewing who may be disouned, and must not be ouned. I shall first insert here John Knox his propositions, prosecuted in his second blast, extant at the end of Anton. Gilbies Admonition to England & Scotland. 1. It is not birth only nor propinquity of bloodh that maketh, a King lawfully to Reign over a people, professing Christ Iesus and His Eternal verity, but in his Election, the ordinance which God hath established in the election of inferior judges, must be observed. 2. No manifest Idolater, nor notorious trans­gressor of Gods holy precepts, ought to be promo [...]ed to any pu­blick regiment, honour, or dignity, in any realme, Pro­vince, or Citie, that hath subjected themselves to Christ Iesus and His blessed Evangel. 3. Neither can Oath, or pro­mise, bind any such people to obey & maintain Tyrants, against God and His Truth known. 4. B [...]t if rashly they have promo­ted any manifest wicked person, or yet ignorantly have cho­sen such an one, as after Declareth himself unworthy of regi­ment, above the people of God (and such be all Idolaters & Cruel Presecuters) most justly may the same men depose & punish him, that unadvisedly before they did nominate, ap­point, & elect. Accordingly this was done in deposing both the Queens: wich is fully vindicated by the Earle of Morton, in his discourse to the Queen of England, as Bu­chanan Relates it, ‘Lib. 20. Pag. 746. The deed it self, neither the Custom of our Ancestors of taking a Course with their Governour, will suffer it to be accounted [Page 35] new, nor the moderation of the punishment to be odious: for it were not needful to recount so many Kings puni­shed by death, bonds, & exile by our Progenitors. For the Scotish nation, being from the begining alwise free, hath created Kings upon these conditions, that the Go­vernment entrusted to them by the peoples suffrages, might be also (if the matter required) removed by the same suffrages: Of which Law there are many footsteps remaining even to our day; for both in the Isles about, and in many places of the continent, in which the old Language & institutions have any abode, this Custom is kept, in creating their Governours of Clanns: And the Ceremonies, used at the entering into Government, do yet retain the express representation of this Law. Whence it is evident, that the Government is nothing else but a mutual stipulation between Kings & people: which further appears, from the inviolated tenor of the Ancient Law, since the begining of the Scotish Govern­ment, reserved even unto our memory, without the least essay either to abrogate it, or disable, or dimi­nish it. Yea even when our fathers have deposed, ba­nished, & more severely punished so many Kings, yet never was any mention or motion made, of relaxing the rigor of that Law: And not without reason, seeing it was not of that kind of Constitutions, that change with the times, but of those which are engraven in the minds of men from the first original, and approved by the mu­tual consent of all Nations, and by natures Sanction continued inviolable and perpetual, which being subject to no other Lawes do Command & rule all. This, which in every action doth offer it self to our eyes & minds, and whether we will or not abides in our breasts, our Predecessors followed; being alwayes armed against violence, and ready to suppress Tyrants—And now for the present, what have we done, but insisting in the footsteps of so many Kingdoms & free Nations, suppressed Tyrannical Licentiousness, extolling it self above all order of Laws, not indeed so severely as our Predicessors in like cases; if we had imitated them, not [Page 36] only wold we have been far from all fear of danger, but also have escaped the trouble of Calumnies—What would our Adversaries be at? Is it that we should arm with Authority Tyrants convicted of grievous Crimes, main­tained by the spoils of the subjects, having hands em­brued in royal blood, and hearts gaping for the oppression of all good men? And shall we put them upon our head, who are infamously suspected of Parricide, both pro­jected & perpetrated?’ To which we may adde, a for­reign conclusion indeed, but adduced & maintained by Mr Craig, in the Assembly anno 1564. which had been de­termined by Learned men in Bononia, Principes omnes, tam supremi quam inferiores, possunt & debent Reformari, vel deponi per cos per quos eriguntur, confirmantur, vel ad­mittuntur ad officium, quoties a side praestita subditis per juramentum desiciant, quoniam relatio juramenti subdito­rum & principum mutua est, & utrinque aequo jure ser­vanda & resormanda, juxta Legem & conditionem jura­menti ab utraque parte sacti. That is, all Rulers be they supreme or inferior, may & ought to be reformed, or bridled (to speak moderatly) by them by whom they are chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office, so oft as they break that promise made by Oath to their subjects, because that the Prince is no less bound by Oath to their subjects, then are the subjects to their Princes, And there­for ought it to be kept & reformed equally, according to Law & condition of the Oath that is made of either Party. By comparing which two Testimonyes together, we may see the reasons, why neither of the two Royal Brothers, that have ruled in our day, could be conscienciously ouned as Magistrates, in the Case they have been in for se­veral years past: The first testimony is for the second▪ Brother, the Latter is for he first thats gone. But as for Mr Knox his opinion, it is evident he had written a [...] a book against the Government of women: which though he did not intend it particularly against Mary of Scotland, yet▪ it did invalidate her authority as well as other womens. [Page 37] This book he ounes and maintains, in his first conference with her, and consequently could not oune her authority as of the Lord, though he gave her common respect, as the title of Majestie &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queens question, yow think, said she, that I have no just authority; He would not answer in the affirmative, but shifted it, by telling her; That ‘learned men in all ages, have had their judgment free, and most commonly dis­agreeing from the Common judgment of the world. And tho, he sayes, he could live under her government (so may & would the greatest disouners of Tyranny, if they be not troubled with questions about ovvneing it) yet he affirms that with the Testimony of a good Conscience, he had communicate his judgment to the world, and that if the realme found no inconveniences in her govern­ment, he would no further disallow than within his oun breast.’ Certainly then in his Conscience he did not & could not oune her, as the Magistrate of God; And that thô many things which before were holden stable, had been called in doubt, yet neither Protestant nor Papist could prove, that any such question was at any time moved in publick or private, Neither could ever such a question be moved, if the Conscience were not posed, and then when it must speak, it must of necessity be unpleasant to Tyrants. Thus we have heard both the positions & scru­ples of this witness, let us also hear his arguings that People may punish Princes for their Idolatry & murther &c. And therefore much more may disoune them: And therefore a­gain much more may they forbear to oune them, when cal­led; for can a dead man by Law be ouned to be a Magistrate, & Custos of the Law. ‘Idolatry (sayth he in his conference with Lithington) ought not only to be suppressed, but the Idolater ought to die the death: but by whom? by the people of God, for the Commandment was given to Israel; yea a Command, that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City, that then the whole body of the people arise and destroy that City, sparing nei­ther man woman nor child. But shall the King also be punished? If he be an Idolater, I find no privi­ledge [Page 38] granted unto Kings more then unto people, to offend Gods Majestie. But the people may not be Judges to their King.—God is the universal Judge; so that what His Word commands to be punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the other; And that the people, yea or a part of the people, may not execute Gods judgments against their King being an offender, I am sure you have no other warrant, except your own imagina­tions, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend their Princes than God.’ In the same Conference we have the instance of Iehu adduced to prove that Subjects may execute Gods judgments upon their Princes. It was ob­jected, Iehu was a King before he executed judgment upon Ahabs house, and the fact was extraordinary, and not to be imitated. He answered, he was a meer Subject; ‘No doubt Iezabel both thought & said he was a Traitor, and so did many others in Israel & Samaria. And whereas it was said, that the fact was extraordinary; I say, it had the ground of Gods ordinary judgment, which com­mandeth the Idolater to die the death; and [...]herefore I yet again affirme, it is to be imitated of all those that prefer the true honour of the true Worship & Glory of God to the affection of flesh & wicked Princes. We are not bound, said Lithingtoun to follow extraordinary exam­ples, unless we have the like Comman [...]ment & assu­rance. I grant, said the other, if the example repugne to the Law, but where the example aggrees with the Law, & is as it were the execution of Gods judgment expressed within the same, I say that the example approved of God stands to us in place of a Commandment; for as God in His Nature is Constant & Immutable, so cannot He condemne in the ages subsequent that which He hath approved in His Servants before us. Then he brings ano­ther Argument from Amaziah who fled to Lachish, but the people sent thither and flew him there.’ Lethingtoun doubted, whether they did well or not: [...]e answered, ‘where I find execution according to Gods Law, and God Himself not accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of their Cause: And it appears. God gave them [Page 39] sufficient evidence of His approving the fact, for He blessed them with peace and prosperity. But prosperity does not alwise prove that God approves the fact: yes, when the acts of men agree with the Law, and are re­warded according to the promise in that Law, then the prosperity succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance that God hath approved it; but so it is, that there is a promise of lengthening out prosperity to them that de­stroy Idolatry. And again, concluding Uzziahs exam­ple, he sayes there, The people ought to execute Gods Law, even against their Princes, when that their open Crimes by Gods Law deserve punishment, especially when they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude.’

V. There is another thing for which people have suffered much in our day of blasphemy rebuke & trouble, which yet we find was not so odious in our Reformers eyes as this dull & degenerate age would represent it. That in some cases it is Lawfull & laudable for private persons, touched with the zeal of God & love to their Countrey, & respect to Ju­stice trampled upon by Tyrants, to put forth their hand to execute righteous judgment upon the Enemies of God & mankind, intollerable Traitors, Murderers, Idolaters; when the ruine of the Countrey, Destruction of Religion & Liberty, and the wrath of God is threatened, in & for the impunity of that vermin of villains, and may be averted by their destruction, always supposed, that these whose office it is to do it decline their duty. The mind of our Reformers as to this is manifest, both in their practice & opinion. We heard before of the slaughter of Cardinal Beaton, and of the fidler Rizio: we shall find both com­mended by Mr Knox, giving account how these that were caryed Captives to France for this Cause from St Andrews were delivered. ‘This (saith he) we write, to let the posterity to come to understand, how potently God wrought in preserving & delivering of those, that had but a small knowledge of His Truth, and for the love of the same hazarded all; That if we in our days, or our posterity that shall follow, shall see a dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety, or take upon them to [Page 40] punish the same otherwise then Laws of men will per­mit, if such shall be left of men, yea as it were despised & punished of God: yet let us not damn the persons that punish vice (and that for just cause) nor ye [...] despair, but that the same God that dejects will raise up again the per­sons dejected, to His glory and their comfort: And to let the world understand in plain termes what we mean; that great abuser of this Commonwealth, that Pultron & vile Knave Davio was justly punished March 9. 1565. by the Counsel & hands of Iames Douglas Earle of Mor­toun, Patrick Lord Lindsay &c: who for the [...]r just act, and most worthy of all praise, are now unworthily left of all their Brethren.’ This is not only commended by the Au­thor alone, but we find it concluded by all the Brethren at that time, when the Queen brought in the Idol of the Masse again, and the proud Papists began to avow it: then ‘let it be marked that, The Brethren universally offend­ed, and espying that the Queen by Proclamation did but delude them, determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of others; And so some Priests in the West Land were apprehended, Intimation was made to others, as to the Abbot of Cosragnel, the Parson of Sanquhar, and such, that they should neither complain to the Queen nor Council, but should execute the pu­nishment that God has appointed to Idolaters in His Law, by such means as they might, wherever they should be apprehended.’ Upon this the Queen sent for Mr Knox, and dealt with him earnestly, that he would be the instrument to perswade the people not to put hand to punish. He perceiving her craft, willed her Maj. to pu­nish Malefactors according to Law, and he durst promise quietness, upon the part of all them that professed Christ within Scotland, but if her Maj. thought to delude the Laws, he feared some would let the Papists understand, that without punishment they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend Gods Majestie. Will ye (quoth she) allow they shall take my Sword in their hand? ‘The Sword of Justice (said he) Madam is Gods, and is given to Princes & Rulers for one end; which if they transgress, [Page 41] sparing the wicked & oppressing the Innocents, they that in the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath commanded, offend not God, although Kings do it not: the examples are evident, for Samuel spared not to slay Agag the fat & delicate King of Amalek, whom King Saul had saved; Neither spared Elias Iezabels false Pro­phets, & Baals Priests, albeit that King Ahab was pre­sent; Phineas was no Magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Zimri & Cozbi in the very act of filthy fornica­tion: And so Madam your Maj. may see that others then Magistrates may Lawfully punish, & have punished the vice & crimes that God commands to be punished. He proved it also at more length in his Appellation, from Deut. 13. If thy Brother solicite thee secretly saying, let us go serve other Gods, consent not to him, let not thine eye spare him [...] him; let thy hand be first upon him, and afterward the hand of the whole people. Of these words of Moses, two things ap­pertaining to our purpose are to be noted: The first is, that such as solicitate only to Idolatrie ought to be pu­nished to death, without favour or respect of person; for He that will not suffer man to spare his son, wife, &c. will not wink at the Idolatry of others, of what state or condition soever they be: It is not unknown that the Prophets had Revelations of God, which were not common to the people; Now if any man might have claimed any priviledge from the rigor of the Law, or might have justified his fact, it should have been the Prophet, but God commands, that the Prophet that shall so solicitate the people to serve strange Gods, shall dye the death, notwithstanding that he alleadge for him­self dream, vision, or Revelation, because he teacheth Apostacy from God: hereby it may be seen, that none provoking the people to Idolatry ought to be exempted from the punishment of death. Evident it is that no state, condition, nor honour can exempt the Idolater from the hands of God, when He shall call him to an account: How shall it then excuse the people, that they, according to Gods command, punish not to death such as shall solicitate or violently draw the people to Idolatrie? The [Page 42] second, is that the punishment of such Crimes, as Ido­latrie, blasphemy, & others that touch the Majestie of God, doth not appertain to Kings & chief Rulers only, but also to the whole body of the people, and to every member of the same, according to the vocation of every man, and according to that possibility & occasion which God doth minister, to revenge the injury done against His Glory: And that doth Moses more plainly speak in these words of the same Chapter, If in any Citie which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou shalt hear this bruite, there are some men sons of Belial—Plain it is that Moses speaks not nor giveth charge to Kings, Rulers, & Judges only; but he commands the whole body of the people, yea and every member of the same, according to their possibility. And who dare be so impudent as to deny [...]his to be most reasonable & just? For seeing God had delivered the whole body from bondage, and to the whole multitude had given His Law, and to the twelve tribes had distributed the Land of Canaan; was not the whole & every member addebted to confess the benefits of God, and to study to keep the possession received? which they could not do, except they kept the Religion established, & put out iniquity from amongst them. To the carnal man this may seem to be a rigorous & severe judgement, that even the Infants there should be appointed to the cruel death: and as concerning the City, and spoill of the same, mans reason cannot think but that it might have been better bestowed, than to be consumed. But in such cases let all creatures stoup, and desist from reasoning, when Commandment is given to execute His Judgment. I will search no other reasons, than the Holy Ghost hath assigned; first, that all Israel should fear to commit the like abomination; And secondly, that the Lord might turn from the fury of His anger: Which plainly doth signifie, that by the defection & Idolatry of a few, Gods wrath is kindled against the whole, which is never quenched, till such punishment be taken upon the of­fenders, that whatsoever served them in their Idolatry be brought to destruction &c.’ I have inlarged so far upon [Page 43] this Period, that it may appear, there is nothing now in Controversy, between the suffering & reproached party now in Scotland, and either their Friends or Enemies, which could fall under our Reformers inquiry; but they have declared themselves of the same sentiments, that are now so much opposed: And therefore none can condemn the present heads of suffering, except also they condemn the Reformers judgment; and consequently the imputa­tion of novelty must fall.

PERIOD. IV.
Containing the Testimony of the first Conten­ders against Prelacy and Supremacy, from the year 1570. to 1638.

HItherto the Conflict was for the Concerns of Christs Prophetical & Priestly Office, against Paganisine & Popery. But from the year 1570. And dounward, the Testimony is stated, and gradually Prosecuted, for the Rights, Priviledges, & Prerogatives of Christs Kingly Of­fice: which hath been the peculiar Glory of the Church of Scotland, above all the Churches in the Earth, that this hath been given to her as the word of her Testimony; and not only Consequentially & Reductively, as all other Churches may challenge a part of this dignity, but Formally & Expli­citely to contend for this very head, The Headship & King­ship of Iesus Christ, the Prince of the Kings of the Earth, and His Mediatory Supremacy over His oun Kingdom of Grace, both visible & Invisible. This is Christs supremacy, a special radiant Jewel of His Imperial Croun: which, as it hath been as explicitely incroached upon in Scotland, by His Insolent Enemies, as ever by any that entered in op­position to Him; so it hath been more expressly witnessed and wrestled for, by His suffering Servants in that Land, [Page 44] than in any place of the world. This was in a particular manner the Testimony of that Period, during the reign of King Iames the Sixth; as it hath been in a great measure in our day, since the year 1660. Which, as it is the most important Cause, of the greatest Consequence that Mor­tals can contend for; So it hath this peculiar Glory in it, that it is not only for a Truth of Christ, of greater value then the standing of Heaven & Earth, but also it is the very Truth, for which Christ Himself died, considered as a Martyr; And which concerns Him to vindicate & main­tain as a Monarch. The Witnesses of that day made such an high account of it, that they encouraged one another to suffer for it, as the greatest Concern; ‘being a witness for Christs Glorious & free Monarchie, which as it is the end of the other two Offices’, so the Testimony is more Glorious to God, more honourable to His Son, and more Comfortable to them, then the Testimony either for His Prophetical office, or for His Priesthood, because His King­dom was specially impugned at the time; As Mr Forbes & Mr Welsh write in a Letter to the Ministers at Court. The Corruptions & Usurpations wronging this Truth, that they contended against, were Prelacy and the Kings Supremacy in Ecclesiastical matters: which will be usefull to hint a litle, how they Prosecuted the Conflict. When Sathan (whose Kingdom was then declining) by several instru­ments & means, both by force & fraud, did endeavour to put a stop to the Reformation, by reintroducing the Anti­christian Hierarchy of Prelacy, when he could not reesta­blish the Antichristian Doctrine of Popery; he left no means unessayed to effectuate it. And first he began to bring the name Bishop in request, that was now growing obsolete & odious, by reason of the abuse of it (as it ought to be still; for though the name be found in the Scriptures, yet neither is that Catechrestical application of it to Prelats to be sound, nor was there any other reason for the tran­slation of it after that manner, except it were to please Princes; seeing the native signification of it is an Overseer, proper and common to all faithfull Pastors.) And indeed his first essay reached litle further then the bare name, for they [Page 45] were to be subject to & tryed by Assemblies, and hardly had so much power as Superintendents before. But it was a fine Court-juggle for Noblemen, to get the Church re­venues into their hands, by restoring the Ecclesiastical titles, and obtaining from the titulars either Temporal Lands, or Pensions to their dependers: so they were only Tulchan Bishops, a Calfeskin to cause the Cow give milk. Yet, though this in our day would have been thought tol­lerable; The faithful Servants of Christ did zealously op­pose it. Mr Knox denunced Anathema to the Giver, and Anathema to the Receiver. And the following Assembly condemned the office it self, as having ‘no sure warrant, authority, nor ground in the Book of God, but brought in by the folly & corruption of mens invention, to the overthrow of the Church; and ordained all that brooked the office, to dimit simpliciter, and to desist & cease from preaching, while they received de novo admission from the Generall Assembly, under the pain of excomunica­tion.’ Hereby they were awakened & animated, to a more vigorous Prosecution of the establishment of the House of God, in its due Government. In pursuance whereof, the Assemblies from that time untill the year 1581. Did with much painfulness & faithfulness attend the work; un­till, by perfecting of the Second Book of Discipline, they compleated their work, in the exact Model of Presbyterial Government, in all its Courts & Officers. Which was Con­firmed, & Covenanted to be kept inviolate, in the Na­tional Covenant, subscribed that year by the King, his Court, & Council; and afterwards by all ranks of People in the Land. Whence it may be doubted, whether the impudence of the succeeding Prelats that denyed this, or their per­jury in breaking of it, be greater. This was but the first brush: a brisker assault followes. Wherein, for the better establishment of Prelacy, that what it wants of Divine right, might be supplyed by the accession of humane Pre­rogative, and not only Diocesan but also Erastian Prelacy might be set up, to destroy Christs Kingdom & advance Sathans; the Earle of Arran & his wicked Complices, move the King, contrary both to the Word & Oath of [Page 46] God, to usurp the prerogative of Jesus Christ, and assume to himself, a blasphemous Monster of Supremacy, over all Persons, & in all Causes, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil. But this also the faithful Servants of God did worthily & valiantly resist: and at the very first appearance of it, gave in a Grie­vance to the King, anno 1582. ‘That he had taken upon him a spiritual Power, which properly belongs to Christ, as only King & Head of the Church; the Ministerie & execution whereof, is only given to such as bear office in the Ecclesiastical Government in the same: so that in the Kings Person, some men press to erect a new Pope­dome, as though he could not be full King of this Com­monwealth, unless as well the spiritual as temporal Sword be put in his hand, unless Christ be rest of His Authority, and the two Jurisdictions confounded, which God hath divided, which directly tendeth to the wrack of all true Religion.’ Which being presented by the Com­missioners of the General Assembly; the Earle of Arran asked, with a frouning Countenance, who dare subscribe these treasonable Articles? Mr Andrew Melvin answered, we dare, & will subscribe, & render our Lives in the Cause. And afterward, that same Assembly presented Articles, shewing, that ‘seeing the spiritual Jurisdiction of the Church, is granted by Christ, and given only to them, that by preaching, teaching, & overseeing, bear Office within the same, to be exercised, not by the in­junctions of men, but by the only Rule of Gods Word —hereafter, no other of whatsomever degree, or under whatsomever pretence, have any colour to ascri­be, or to take upon them any part thereof, either in placing or displacing of Ministers, without the Churches admission, or in stopping the mouths of Preachers, or puting them to silence, or take upon them the judgment of tryal of Doctrine &c.’ But in contempt & contradiction to this, and to prosecute & exert this new usurped Power, Mr Andrew Melvin was summoned before the secret Council, for a Sermon of his, applying his doctrine to the Times Corruptions: whereupon he gave in his de­clinature against them as incompetent Judges; and told [Page 47] them, ‘they were too bold, in a Constitute Christian Church, to pass by the Pastors, Prophets, & Doctors, and to take upon them to judge the Doctrine, and to control the Ambassadors of a Greater then was there, which they neither ought nor can do. There are (saith he, Loosing a litle Hebrew Bible from his girdle) my Instructions & Warrant: see if any of you can control me, that I have past my injunctions.’ For this he was decerned, to be warded in the Castle of Edinbrugh, but he being informed, that if he entered in ward he would not be released, unless it were for the scaffold, he conveyed himself secretly out of the Countrey. Hereafter when the Parliament 1584. had enacted this Supremacy, and sub­mission to Prelacy, to be subscribed by all Ministers; the faithful first directed Mr David Lindsey to the King, de­siring that nothing be done in Parliament prejudicial to the Churches Liberty: who got the Prison of Blackness for his Pains. And then when they could not get access for shut doors to Protest before the Parliament; yet, when the Acts were proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh, they took publick Documents, in name of the Church of Scotland (though they were but two) that they protested against the said Acts: and fled to England, leaving behind them rea­sons that moved them to do so. And Mr Iames Melvin wrote against the subscribers at that time very pertinently: Proving, first, that they had not only set up a new Pope, ‘& so become Traitors to Christ, and condiscended to that chief error of Papistrie, whereupon all the rest de­pend; but further, in so doing they had granted more to the King, than ever the Popes of Rome peaceably ob­tained &c.’ And in the end, as for those that Lamented their oun weakness & feebleness, he adviseth them, to remove the publick slander, by going boldly to the King & Lords, ‘and shew them how they had fallen through weakness, but by Gods power are risen again; and there by publick note & witness taken, free themselves from that subscription, and to will the same to be delete, re­nouncing & detesting it plainly, and thereafter publickly in their Sermons, and by their Declaration & retracta­tion [Page 48] in writ,’ presented to the faithful, manifest the same, let them do with stipend, benefice, & Life it self what they list. This I insert, because this Counsel is now con­demned, and when poor people, offended with Ministers subscriptions of Bonds & other Complyances, desire ac­knowledgments of the offence, they reject it as an imper­tinent imposition, and plead they are not obliged to ma­nifest any retractation but to an Ecclesiastical Judicatory. To which I shall say nothing here, but this is no novelty. After this, it is known what bickerings the faithful wit­nesses of Christ had, in their Conflicts with this supre­macy, upon the account of Mr David Blacks Declinature, which they both advised him to, & approved when he gave it in, against the King & Conncil as Judges of his Doctrine. And the Commissioners of the General Assembly ordained all, to deal mightily with the power of the word, against the Councils encroachments; for which they were charged to depart forth of Edinburgh. After which he added a second Declinature: Declaring, ‘there are two Jurisdictions in this realme, the one Spiritual the other Civil; the one respecting the Conscience, the other externals; &c.— Therefore, in so far as he was one of the spiritual office-bearers, and had discharged his spiritual Calling in some measure of grace & sincerity, should not nor could not be Lawfully judged, for preaching and applying the word, by any Civil power; he being an Ambassadour & Mes­senger of the Lord Jesus, having his Commission from the King of Kings, and all his instructions set doun & limited in the book of God, that cannot be extended, abridged, or altered by any mortal wight, King or Empe­rour; And seeing he was sent to all sorts, his Commission & discharge of it should not nor cannot be Lawfuly, judg­ed, by them to whom he was sent; they being sheep & not Pastors, to be judged by the Word and [...]t to be judges thereof in a judicial way.’ The Interloquutor being past against him for this; the Brethren thought it duty, that the Doctrine of the Preachers should be directed against the said Interloquutor, as against a strong & mighty hold set up against the Lord Jesus, and the freedom of the [Page 49] Gospel; and praised God for the force & unity of the Spi­rit, that was among themselves. And being charged to depart out of Toun, they leave a faithful Declaration at Large; shewing, how the Liberties of the Church were invaded & robbed: But all this was nothing, in comparison of their wrestlings for the Royalties of their Princely Ma­ster, and Priviledges of His Kingdom, against that Ty­rants Insolencies, after he obtained he Croun of England. For then he would not suffer the Church to indict her oun Assemblies. And when the faithful thought themselves obliged to counteract his Encroachments, and therefore conveened in an Assembly at Aberdeen, anno 1605. they were forced to dissolve: and thereafter, the most eminent of the Ministers there assembled, were transported Pri­soners to Black-ness. Whence being cited befor the Coun­cil, they decline their Judicatory. And one of their Bre­thren, Mr Robert Youngson, who had formerly succumbed, being moved in Conscience, returned: and when the rest were standing before the Council, desired to be heard; and acknowledged his fault, and therefore, howbeit not summoned by the Lords, was charged by the Living God, and compelled to compear that day, to justifie that Assem­bly, to the great astonishment of the Lords, and comfort of His brethren; He subscribed the Declinature with the rest: And for this they were arraigned, and con­demned, as guilty of Treason, and banished. Before the execution of which sentence, Mr Welsh wrote to the Lady Fleming, to this effect. ‘What am I, that He should first have called me, and then constituted me a Minister of glad things, of the Gospel of Salvation, these fifteen years already, and now last of all to be a sufferer for His Cause & Kingdom? To witness that good Con­fession, that Jesus Christ is the King of Saints, and that His Church is a most free Kingdom, yea as free as any Kingdom under Heaven, not only to convocate, hold & keep her Meetings, Conventions, & Assemblies: But also to judge of all her affairs in all her Meetings & Conventions, among His members and Subjects. These two points. (1) That Christ is the Head of His Church. (2) That she is free in her Government from all other ju­risdiction [Page 50] except Christs, are the special Cause of our im­prisonment, being now convict as Traitors, for main­taining thereof. We have now been waiting with joyful­ness to give the last Testimonie of our blood in con­firmation thereof. If it would please our God to be so favourable, as to honour us with that dignity.’ After this, the King resolving by Parliament to advance the estate of Bishops again, as in the time of Popery, without Cautions as before; and further to establish not only that Antichristian Hierarchie, but an Erastian Supremacy: The faithful Ministers of Christ, thought themselves bound in Conscience to protest. And accordingly they offered a faithful Protestation to the Parliament Iulij—1606. ob­testing, that they would reserve into the Lords own hands, ‘that Glory which He will communicate neither with man nor Angel, to wit, to prescribe from His holy Mountain a Lively pattern, according to which His oun Tabernacle should be formed: Remembring al­wise, that there is no absolute & undoubted Anthority in this world, except the soveraigne Authority of Christ the King; to vvhom it belongeth as properly to rule the Church, according to the good pleasure of His oun vvill, as it belongeth to Him to save His Church by the Merit of His oun Sufferings: All other anthority is so intrenched vvithin the marches of Divine Command, that the least overpassing of the bounds set by God Him­self, bring men under the fearful expectation of Tem­poral & Eternal judgements.—If ye should authorize Bishops, ye should bring into the Church the ordinance of man, vvhich experience hath found, to have been the ground of that Antichristian Hierarchie, vvhich mounted up on the steps of Bishops preeminence, until that man of sin came forth, as the ripe fruit of mans vvise­dome, vvhom God shall consume vvith the breath of His oun mouth. Let the svvord of God pierce that belly, vvhich brought forth such a monster: And let the staff of God crush that egg, vvhich hath hatched such a Cocka­trice: And let not only that Roman Antichrist be thrown down from the high bench of his usurped authority, but [Page 51] also let all the steps whereby he mounted up to that un­lawful preeminence, be cut down & utterly abolished in this Land: And beware to strive against God with an open displayed banner, by building up again the walls of Iericho, which the Lord hath not only cast down, but also hath laid them under an horrible Interdiction & exe­cration, so that the building of them again must needs stand to greater charges to the builders, then the reedi­fying of Iericho, to Hiel the Bethelite in the days of Ahab.’ Yet notwithstanding of all opposition, Prelacy was again restored in Parliament. And to bring all to a Complyance with the same, Presbytries & Synods universally charged, under highest pains, to admit a constant Moderator without change: which many refused resolutely, as being the first step of Prelacy. Upon this followed a great Persecution of the faithful, for their Nonconformity, managed by that Mongrel & Monstrous kind of Court, made up of Clergy­men & Statesmen, called the High Commission Court, erected anno 1610. whereby many honest men were put violently from their charges & habitations; the Generality were in­volved in a great & fearful Defection. But the Copestone of the wickedness of that Period, was the Ratification of the five Articles of Perth; kneeling at the Communion, private Communion to be given to the sick, private Baptisme, and Con­firmation of Children by the Bishop, and observation of festival dayes. Which were much opposed & testified against by the faithful, from their first hatching anno 1618. to the year 1621. when they were ratified in Parliament: at what time they were also witnessed against from Heaven, by extraor­dinary Lightenings & Tempest. And against this the Testi­mony of the faithful continued, till the Revolution anno 1638. Here we see how the Cause was stated in this Period; and may gather also, wherein it aggress, and how far it differs from the present Testimony, now suffered for under all rage & reproach.

I. The matter of the Testimony was one with that that we are suffering for, against Popery, Prelacy, & Supre­macy; except that it was not so far extended against Tyranny, because that Tyrant was not such an usurper, [Page 52] nor such a violater of the fundamental constitutions of the Civil Government, as these that we have had to do with all. But as to the managing the Testimony, they far out stripped their successors in this generation, in conduct & courage, Prudence & zeal, as is above hintend in many instances: to which we may adde some more. When se­veral plots of Papist Lords had been discovered, conspi­ring with the King of Spain, And they were by the Kings Indulgence favoured, and some were also perswaded to treat with them: famous Mr Davidson opposed with great resolution; Declaring before the Synod of Lothian, that it favoured much of defection in these dayes, ‘that such no­torious rebells to God, His Church, & the Country, should be so treated with; we should not rashly open a door to Gods Enemies, without better proof of their manners nor were yet seen.’ And when a convention in Falkland was consulting to call home these conspiring Trai­tors: Mr Andrew Melvin went thither uncalled; and when found fault with by the King for his boldness, he answered, ‘Sir, I have a call to come here from Christ & His Church, who have special Interest in this Turn, and against whom this Convention is assembled directly: I charge yow, and your Estates, in the Name of Christ & His Church, that ye favour not His Enemies whom He ha­teth, nor go about to call home nor make Citizens of these, who have traiterously sought to betray their City & native Countrey, with the overthroiw of Chists Kingdom.’ And further challenged them of treason against Christ, His Church & the Countrey, in that purpose they were about. About the same time in a private Conference with the King, he called the King Gods sillie vassal; and taking him by the sleeve, told him; Sir, yow, and Church & Coun­trey is like to be wracked for not telling the Truth, ‘and giving yow faithful Counsel; we must discharge our du­ty, or else be enemies to Christ & yow: Therefore I must tell yow, there are two Kings and two Kingdoms; There is Christ and His Kingdom, whose subject King Iames the 6th is, and of whose Kingdom he is not a King, nor a Head, nor a Lord, but a member, and they [Page 53] vvhom Christ hath called to vvatch over & govern his Church, have sufficient Authority, and Power from Him, which no Christian King should control but assist, othervvise they are not faithfull subjects to Christ. Sir, vvhen yovv vvere in your svvedling clouts, Christ reigned freely in this Land, in spight of all His enemies; but novv the vvisdom of your Council, vvhich is Devi­lish & pernicious, is this, that yovv may be served of all sorts of men to your purpose & grandour, Iew & Gentile, Papist & Protestant, because the Ministers & Protestants in Scotland are too strong, & control the King, they must be vveakened & brought lovv, by stir­ring up a party against them, and the King being equal & indifferent, both shall be fain to flee to him, so shall he be well setled: But, Sir, let Gods wisedom be the only wisdom, this will prove meer & mad folly; for His curse cannot but light upon it, so that in seeking both yow shall lose both. To the like effect, Mr Robert Bruce, in a Sermon upon Psal, 51. gives faithful warning of the danger of the times. It is not we (sayes he) that are Partie in this cause; no, the quarrel is betwixt a greater Prince and them. What are we, but sillie men? Yet it has pleased Him to set us in this Office, that we should oppone to the manifest usurpation that is made upon His Spiritual Kingdom. Is there a more forcible mean to draw down the wrath of God, than to let Barrabas that no­bilitate Malefactor pass free, and to begin the war against Christ and His Ministry. It puteth on the Copestone, that so many of our brethren should not be so faithful, as their Calling & this Cause craveth. Fy upon false bre­thren, to see them dumb, so faint hearted, when it comes to the Chock: Not only are they ashamed to speak the thing they think, which is a shame in a Pastor, but speak directly against their former Doctrin. They will speak the Truth a while, till they be put at, but in­continent they will turn and make their gifts weapons to fight against Christ; for there is none so malicious as an Apostate when he begins to slide back &c.’ The same faithful witness, because he would not preach as the King [Page 54] would have him, against his oun conscience, to justifie & Proclaim the Kings Innocency, in a forged conspiracy against him, was put from his Church in Edinburgh, and being requested in an insinuating manner to desist from preaching but for nine or ten dayes; he condiscended at first, thinking the matter of no great importance: yet that night his body was cast in a fever, with the terror of his conscience, and he promised he should never obey their Commandment any more. These were faithful men, yet we find they challenge themselves in deep humiliation, for their short comings & defections, at the renovation of the National Covenant, March, 30. 1596. the greatst so­lemnity ever had been seen in Scotland before that time, so that the place might worthily have been called Bochim. O when shall we see such a day, when even the most faithful among us, shall mourn over our far more aggravated de­fections! but if they mourned then for these first degrees of declensions, we may say, quam gravius ingemiscerent illi for­tes viri, qui propter Ecclesiae Scoticanae Libertatem. olim in acie decertarunt, si nostram hanc ignaviam (ne quid gravius dicam) conspicerent! I know notwithstanding of all this, that some encourage themselves in a base Complyance with the pre­sent corruptions of our Church, from the practise of these Worthies; Alledging, they did not scruple to hear & join with Prelatical men, dispensing the ordinances. But this Objection will be easily refelled, if we consider, first, the Period wherein they were but growing up to a more perfect Reformation, and therefore might bear with many things which we cannot, after we have been reformed from them: They were then advancing and still gaining ground, we are now declining, and therefore should be more shie to lose what we have gained. They had then of a long time enjoyed their Judicatories, unto which they might re­cur for an orderly redress of such grievances that offended them; and when they were deprived of them, yet they were still in hopes of recovering them, and so suspended their total secession from that corrupt Church, untill they should recover them; in the mean time still holding their right and maintaining their cause against these Invaders. But we [Page 55] were at thevery first begining of this unhappy Revolution, totally deprived of our Judicatories, and denuded of all expectation of them in an ordinary way, and of all place, but what they are Masters of to contend with them that way; therefore must keep our selves free of their▪ Commu­nion. But next if we consider their practise, we shall find these Worthies vvere not such Conformists, as our Com­plyers vvould make them. What if vve find among them Meetings, that vvere Called & Counted as Seditious & Schismatick, as Ours are novv? vve find a field Meeting, yea a General Assembly, at Dumfermling vvithout & against the Kings vvarrant, vvhen the [...]ports vvere shut against them, anno 1585. But that is not so pat to the purpose, as that vve find Private-Meetings at Edinburgh, and that in the very time of publick Service in the Churches, dischar­ged by open Proclamation anno 1624. vvherein it is char­ged, that they had no respect to the ordinary Pastors, con­temned & impugned their Doctrine, disobeyed & con­trolled their Discipline, abstained to hear the Word preached, and to Participate of the Sacraments. And long before that, vve find the sincerer sort scrupled to hear Bishop Adamson, not withstanding that he vvas absolved in the Assembly. And that aftervvards, the doubt being proponed to the Assembly, if it be a slander to a Christian, to absent himself from the Sermons of them that are sus­pended from all function in the Ministry. The Assembly Ansvvered, there is no slander in the Case but rather it is slanderous to resort. And why is not this ground to think it slanderous or scandalous to resort to them, who deserve to be suspended (all of them by a Spiritual cognizance, and some of them to be suspended Corporally, for their vil­lanie) when there can be no access orderly to do it. And the rather, because we find in this Period, that sometimes Ministers were so faithful & zealous against the Cor­ruptions of the Ministry, that they decerned Ministers to be suspended for far smaller faults, than many now could exempt themselves from; viz. if they were not powerful & Spiritual, if they did not apply their Doctrine to Cor­ruptions, if they were obscure & too Scholastick before [Page 56] the people, cold & wanting zeal, flatterers, dissembling at publick sins for flattery or fear &c. As we may read in the Advice of the Brethren, deputed for penning the Corruptions in the Ministery, anno 1596. I wish our silent prudent Mi­nisters now would consider the justness of this Censure, and what ground people have to be offended at such censura­bleness. But not only this may answer the false imputation of Conformity on these witnesses of Christ at that time, but I shall set down a part of a Letter of one of the banished Ministers at that time, discovering his mind about hearing these men, that were then serving the times. ‘Mr Iohn Welsh, writing to Mr Robert Bruce,—what my mind is concerning the root of these branches, the bearer will shew yow more fully. They are no more to be counted Orthodox, but Apostates; They have fallen from their Callings by receiving an Antichristian, and bringing in of Idolatrie, to make the Kingdom culpable, and to expose it to fearful Judgments, for such an high perfidie against an Oath so sol [...]mnly enacted & given; And are no more to be counted Christians, but strangers, Apo­states, & Persecutors, And therefore not to be heard any more, either in publick, or in Consistories, Colledges, or Synods; for what fellowship hath light with darkness?’ We see then as to that part of the Testimony, they were not dissonant to the vvitness of the present reproached suf­ferers.

II. As the matter & manner of their Testimony against all the invaders of the Churches priviledges, did speak forth a great deal of sincere & pure zeal; so their practice was conform, shewing forth a great deal of strictness, and aversness from all sinfull Complyances, even with things that would be now accounted of very minute & inconside­rable consequence, and for which honest sufferers now are flouted at as fools. When that Oath was formed for acknowledging the Supremacy, there was a Clause added which might have been thought to salve the matter, ac­cording to the Word of God. I fear many now would not stand to subscribe, with such a qualification. Yet the faithful then perceived the Sophistrie, that it made it rather worse, [Page 57] affirming that that brat of Hell was according to the word of God: And therefore, though there were several emi­nent men to perswade them to it both by advice & example, yet they could not in conscience Comply; And pleaded also from the illegality of that imposition, that they should be charged with the subscription of Laws, a thing never required before of any subject; if they offended against the Laws, why might they not be punished according to the Laws? When many honest faithful Patriots, for their at­tempt at Ruthven to deliver the Countrey from a vermine of Villains that abused the King, to the destruction of the Church & Kingdom, were charged to crave Pardon, & take remission; they would do neither, judging it a base condemning of duty: which puts a brand upon our sneaking Supplicators, & Petitioners, & Pardon-mongers, as un­worthy to be called the race of such Worthies, who scorn­ed such baseness, and choosed rather to endure the extre­mity of their unjust Sentences, of Intercommuning & Banishment &c. And when the Earle of Gowrie accepted of a Remission, he afterwards condemned himself for it, and desired that his old friends would accept of his friend­ship, to whom he had made himself justly suspected. Mr Black, when he had the same favour offered to him, refused altogether, left so doing he should condemn him­self, and approve the Courts Proceedings: And the Bre­thren, confering with the Councellors, craving that some penalty should be condiscended unto for satisfying his Ma­jestie in his honour, would not condiscend to any how light soever; lest thereby they should seem to approve the Judicatorie & their Proceeding. The Imprisoned Ministers, for declining the Council, had it in their offer, that if they would without any confession of offence only submit themselves to his Majestie, pro scandalo, accepto non dato, they should be restored to their places: But it pleased God so to strengthen them, that they stopped their Mouths, and convinced them in their Consciences, that they could not do it without betraying of the Cause of Christ. Again in another case, we have Instances of such strictness, as is much scorned now a dayes. The Ministers of Edinburgh [Page 58] were committed to ward, for refusing to pray for the Queen, before her execution in Forthringam Castle 1586. they refused not simply to pray for her, but for the preser­vation of her life, as if she had been innocent of the crimes laid to her charge, which had imported a condemnation of the proceedings against her. Afterwards in the year 1600. the Ministers of Edinburgh, would not praise God for the deliverie of the King, from a pretended Conspi­racy of the Earle of Gowrie at that time, of which they had no credit nor assurance; and would not crave Pardon for it neither. For this Mr Robert Bruce was deprived of the exercise of his Ministry, and never obtained it again in Edinburgh: But now for refusing such compelled & im­posed Devotion, to pray or praise for the King, poor peo­ple are much condemned. I know it is alleadged, that these faithful sufferers in those days, were not so strict as they are now, in submitting to unjust Sentences, and obeying & keeping their Confinements. I shall grant, there was much of this, and much might be tollerate in their circumstances, when the Court procedure against them was not so illegal, their Authority was not so Tyrannical, nor so necessary to be disouned, and they were so stated, that they were afrayed to take guilt upon them, in making their escapes: whereas it is not so with us. Yet we find very faithful men broke their Confinements: As Mr Iohn Murray, confined about Dumfreis, perceiving there was no end of the Bishops malice, and that he would be in no worse case than he was, he resolved without Li­cence either of King or Council to transport himself: So did also Mr Robert Bruce.

III. For resistence of Superior Powers, we have in this Period, first the practice of some Noblemen an Ruthven, anno 1582. who took the King, and seised on that Arrant Traitor, Enemy to the Church & Countrey, the Earle of Arran; declaring to the world the Causes of it, the Kings Correspondence with Papists, his usurping the Supremacy over the Church, and oppressing the Ministers, all by means of his wicked Councellors, whom therefore they removed from him. The King himself emitted a Declara­tion [Page 59] allowing this deed. The General Assembly approved of it, and perswaded to a Concurrence with it, and nothing was wanting to ratifie it, as a most Lawfull & laudable action. At length the Fox escapes, & changes all, and re­tracts his former Declaration. The Lords again rallie, and interprise the taking of the Castle of Stirling, and gain it; but afterward surrender it: after which the Earle of Gowrie is executed, and Ministers are commanded to retract the Approbation of Ruthven business, but they refused: and many were forced to flee to England, and the Lords were banished. But in the year 1585. they return with more suc­cess, and take the Castle of Stirling. The cowardly King does again acknowledge & justify their Enterprise, that they needed no Apology of words, Weapons had spoken well enough, and gotten them audience to clear their own Cause: but his after carriage declared him as crafty & false, as he was cowardly & fearful. Again we have the advice of the General As­sembly, for resisting, when the Ministers were troubled, upon Mr Blacks bussiness, and there was an intention to pull them out of their Pulpits: They advised them to stand to the discharge of their Calling, if their flocks would save them from violence, and yet this violence was expected from the King and his Emissaries. As to that point then there can be no dispute.

IV. There was litle occasion for the Question about the Kings Authority in this Period, but generally all acknow­ledged it: because they were not sensible of his usurpation, and his cowardice made him incapable of attempting any thing that might raise commotions in civil things. Yet we remark, that whatsoever Authority he usurped beyond his sphere, that was disouned & declined by all the Faithful, as the Supremacy. Next that they resented, & represented very harshly, any aspiring to Absoluteness; as Mr Andrew Melvin could give it no better name, nor intertain no bet­ter notion of it, then to terme it, The bloodie Guillie, as he inveighs against it in the Assembly, 1582. And next, in this same Period, we have a very good description of that Authority, which the King himself allowes not to be ouned, which out of a Kings mouth abundantly justifies [Page 60] the disouning of the present Tyrannie: This same King Iames, in a speech to the Parliament in the year 1609. sayth, A King degenerateth into a Tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by [...], much more when he beginneth to invade his Subjects Persons, Rights, & Liberties, to set up an Arbitrary Power, impose unlawful taxes, raise forces, make War upon his Subjects, to pillage, plunder, wast, and spoil his Kingdoms.

PERIOD. V.
Containing the Testimony for the last Refor­mation from Prelacy, in all its steps, from the year 1638, to 1660.

THe following Period, from the year 1638. to 1660, continues & advances the Testimony, to the grea­test hight of Purity & Power, that either this Church or any other did ever arrive unto, with a Gradation, Suc­cession, & Complication of wonders, of Divine Wisdom, Power, Justice & Mercy, signally & singularly ouning & sealing it, to the Confusion of His Enemies, Comfort of His People, Conviction of Indifferent Neutrals, and Consternation of All. Now after a long winter, and night of Deadness & Darkness, the sun returns with an amiable approach of Light & Life: now the winter was past, the rain was over & gone, the flowers appear on the earth, and the time of singing of birds is come, and the voice of the turtle is heard in our Land. Now the second time, the Testimony comes to be managed in an Active manner, as before it was Passive: As the one hath been alwayes ob­served to follow interchangably upon the other, especially in Scotland, and the Last alwayes the Greatest; which gives ground to hope, though it be now our turn to suffer, that when the summer comes again after this winter, and the day after this night, the next Active Testimony shall [Page 61] be more notable than any that went before. The matter of the Testimony was the same as before, for the Concerns of Christs Kingly Prerogative, but with some more increase as to its opposites: for these grew successively in every Period, the Last alwayes including all that went before. The first Period had Gentilisme principally to deal with, the second Poperie, The third Poperie & Tyrannie, the fourth Prelacy & Supremacy, this fifth hath all together, and Sectaria­nisme also, to contend against. The former had alwayes the opposites on one hand, but this hath them in extremes on both hands; both fighting against one another, and both fighting together against the Church of Scotland, and she against both, till at length one of her opposites prevailed, viz. the Secterian Party, and that prevailing brought in the other, to wit, the Malignant, which now domineers over all together. Wherefore, because this Period is in it self of so great importance, the Revolutions therein emergent so eminent, the Reformation therein prosecuted wanting litle of its perfect Complement; the Deformation suc­ceeding in its Deviation from the Pattern being so destru­ctive; to the end it may be seen from whence we have fal­len, and whether or not the present reproached Sufferers have lost or left their ground, we must give a short de­duction of the Rise, Progress, & End of the Contendings of that Period.

In the midst of the forementioned Miseries & Mischiefs, that the pride of Prelacy and Tyrannical Supremacy had multiplied beyond measure upon this Church & Nation, and at the hight of all their haughtiness, when they were setting up their Dagon, and erecting Altars for him, im­posing the Service-book, and book of Canons &c. the Lord in Mercy remembered His people, and surprised them with a sudden unexpected Deliverance, by very despicable means; even the opposition of a few weak women, at the beginning of that Contest, which, ere it was quashed, made the Tyrant tumble headless off his throne. The zeal against the English popish Ceremonies, obtruded on Edin­burgh, did first inflame some feminine hearts to witness their detestation of them; but afterwards was followed out [Page 62] with more Masculine fervor, accosting King & Council with Petitions, Remonstrances, Protestations, & Testi­monies against the Innovations, and resolving upon a mutual Conjunction, to defend Religion, Lives, & Li­berties, against all that would innovate or invade them. To fortifie which, and conciliate the favour both of God & man in the Resolution, All the Lovers of God, and friends to the Liberty of the Nation, did solemnly Renew the National Covenant (wherein they were signally coun­tenanced of the Lord) vvhich, though in it self obliging to the Condemnation of Prelatical Hierarchie, and clearly enough confirming Presbyterial Government, yet they in­gaged into it vvith an inlargment, to suspend the practice of Novations already introduced, and the approbation of the Corruptions of the present Government, vvith the late places & povver of Church men, till they be tried in a free General Assembly. Which vvas obtaine [...] that same year, and indicted at Glasgow: and there, not vvith stand­ing all the opposition that the Kings Commissioner could make, by Protestations & Proclamations to dissolve it, the six preceeding Assemblies establishing Prelacy vvere an­nulled, The Service-Book, and high Commission vvere con­demned; All the Bishops vvere deposed, and their Go­vernment declared to be abjured in that National Co­venant; though many had, through the Commissioners, persvvasions, subscribed it in another sense vvithout that application: As also the five Articles of Perth vvere there discovered, to have been inconsistent vvith that Covenant & Confession, and the Civil places & povver of Church men vvere disproved & rejected: on the other hand Pres­byterial Government vvas Justified & Approved, and an Act vvas passed for their keeping yearly General Assemblies. This was a bold begining, into which they were animated with more than humane resolution, against more than humane opposition, Hell as well as the powers of the earth being set against them. But when the Lord gave the Call, they considered not their oun deadness, nor were daunted with Discouragments, nor staggered at the promise through unbelief, but gave Glory to God, out braving all diffi­culties. [Page 63] Which in the following year were much increased, by the Prelats and their Popish Partakers, rendevouzing their forces under the Kings Personal Standart, and me­nacing nothing but misery to the zealous Covenanters: yet when they found them prepared to resist, were forced to yeeld to a Pacification, concluding that an Assembly & Parliament should be held for healing all grievances of Church and State. In which Assembly, at Edinburgh, the Covenant is ratified & subscribed by the Earle of Traquair Commissioner, and enjoined to be subscribed by the body of the whole Land, with an explication expressly con­demning the five Articles of Perth, the Government of Bishops, the Civil places & power of Church men: But the sons of Belial cannot be taken with hands, nor bound with bonds of faith, humanity, or honour; For in the year following, King & Prelats, with their Popish Abet­tors, go to arms again; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new Pacification, whereby all Civil & Reli­gious Liberties were ratified. And in the folowing year 1641, by Lawes, Oaths, Promises, subscriptions of King & Parliament fully confirmed. The King, Charles the I. being present, and consenting to all; though in the mean time he was treacherously encouraging the Irish murderers, who by his Authority made a Massacre of many thousand Innocent Protestants in Ireland. But in Scotland things vvent vvell, the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus vvas greatly advanced, the Gospel flourished, and the Glory of the Lord did shine upon us, vvith such a splendor that it avvaked England, and animated the Lords People there, then groaning under those Grievances from vvhich Scotland vvas delivered, to aspire to the like Reformation. For advice in vvhich, because though all aggreed to cast off the yoke of Prelacy, yet sundry forms of Church Go­vernment vvere projected to be set up in the room there­of, chiefly the Independent order, determining all Acts of Church Government, as Election, ordination, and de­position of officers, vvith Admission, Excommunication, & Absolution of members, to be done & decided by the voices of every Particular Congregation, vvithout any [Page 64] Authoritative Concurrence or interposition of any other, condemning all imperative & decisive povver of Classes &c. as a meer usurpation; Therefore the Brethren in England vvrote to the Assembly then fitting at Edinburgh, vvho gave them ansvver ‘That they vvere grieved, that any of the Godly should be found not aggreeing vvith other Reformed Churches in point of Government, as well as Doctrine; and that it was to be feared, where the edge of Discipline & Government is different, the Doctrine & Worship shall not long continue the same without change; That the Government of the Church, by Compound Presbytries & Synods, is a help & strength, and not a hinderance to particular Congregations & Elderships, in all the parts of Government; and are not an extrinsecal Power set over Particular Churches, but the intrinsecal power where with Christ hath invested His Officers, who may not exercise it Inde­pendently, but with subordination unto Presbytries &c. Which as they are Representative of particular Chur­ches, conjoined together in one under their Govern­ment; so their determination, when they proceed or­derly, whether in Causes common to all, or brought before them by reference in case of aberration, is to the several Congregations Authoritative, & not Consulta­tory only. And this subordination is not only warranted by the light of nature, but grounded upon the Word of God, and conforme to the Pattern of the Primitive & Apostolick Church, for the Preservation of verity & unity, against Schisme, Heresie, & Tyrannie, which is the fruit of this Government where soever it hath place.’ So from henceforth the Assembly did incessantly urge uniformity in Reformation, with their Brethren in England, as the chiefest of their Desires, Prayers, & Cares. And in the year 1643. prevailed so far, that the English Parliament did first desire that the two Nations might be strictly united for their mutual defence, against the Papists & Prelatical faction and their Adherents in both Kingdoms; and not to lay down Armes, till these implacable Enemies should be brought in subjection: and did instantly urge for the help & [Page 65] assistance from Scotland. Which being sent did return with an Olive branch of Peace, and not without some beginings of a Reformation in England. And afterwards, a bloody War begining between the King & Parliament, with great success on the Kings side, whence the Papists at the time got great advantage (witness the cessation of Armes con­cluded in Ireland) Commissioners were sent from both Houses to Scotland, earnestly inviting to a nearer union of the Kingdoms, and desiring Assistance from this Nation to their Brethren in that their great distress: And this, by the good hand of God, produced the solemn League & Covenant of the three Kingdoms, first drawen up in Scotland, and approven in the Assembly at Edinburgh, and afterward embraced in England, to the terror of the Popish and Prelatical party, and to the great comfort of such as were wishing and waiting for the Reformation of Reli­gion, and the recoveries of Just Liberties. The tenor whereof did import, their sincere & constant endeavours, in their several places & Callings, for preservation of the Uniformity in Reformation, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, & Govern­ment; The extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, Error & Prof [...]nity; the preservation of the Rights & Liberties of the people, and of the Magistrats Authority, in defence of the true Religion and Liberty; the discovery & punishment of Incendaries; the retaining of the Peace & Union of the Kingdoms; the mutual assistance & defence of all under the bond of this Covenant; and the performing all duties we owe to God, in the amendment of our Lives, and walking exemplarly one before another. This is that Covenant compre­hending the purpose of all Prior, and the Pattern of all posterior Covenants, to which Christs witnesses did al­ways adhere, for which the present witnesses do suffer & contend; That Covenant, which the Representative of Church & State in the three Nations did solemnly Sub­scribe & Swear, for themselves & posterity, of which the obligation, either to the duty or the punishment, continues indispensibly on the Generation; which for the moral equity o [...] its matter, the formality of its manner, the im­portance of its purpose, the holyness of its solemn En­gagment, and the Glory of its Ends, no power on Earth, [Page 66] can Disannul, Disable, or Dispense; That Covenant, which the Lord did Ratifie from Heaven, by the conver­sion of many thousands at their entering under the bond of it, securing & establishing unto them, and all the faithful, the blessings & priviledges therein expressed, and avouching Himself to be their God, as they had avouched themselves to be His people; That Covenant, which in all the Con­troversies it hath occasioned, did never receive a greater confirmation than from the malice & opposition of its Ad­versaries; That Covenant, which malignants do malign & deny, and Sectaries scorn & lay aside, as an Almanack out of date; which hath been many ways traduced & re­proached by enemies, and yet could never be reflected on by any Serious in this Land, without a honourable & fra­grant remembrance: Especially that Retortion of Adver­saries of the rigor of its imposition upon Recusants, to justi­fie their cruelty upon its Asserters now, is to be refelled, not with confutation of its importance, but with disdain of its impudence. For who were the Recusants: but wicked enemies to God and Church & Nation, who for their malignancy were then to be prosecuted, not for their scrupling at a Covenant, but for their contumacious Con­tempt of a Law? This was no violence done to their con­science; for as they had none, and could not pretend to any, so they were never troubled for that, but for their opposition & conspiracy against the common cause. How­ever, it went through at that time: And that the Cove­nanted Reformation, in a nearer conjunction betwixt the united Churches, might be promoted, the Parliament of England called an Assembly of Divines at Westminster: and desired the Assembly of Scotland to send thither their Com­missioners; which accordingly nominated & elected, Mr Alexander Henderson, Mr Robert Dowglas, Mr Samuel Ru­therford, Mr Robert Balzie, Mr George Gillespie Ministers, And Iohn Earle of Cassils, Iohn Lord Maitland, and Sir Archbald Iohnstoun of Waristoun, Ruling Elders; to Pro­pone, Consult, Treat, & conclude in all such things as might conduce to the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, He­resie, Schism, Superstition, & Idolatry, and for the [Page 67] settling of the so much desired union of the whole Island, in one forme of Church Government, one Confession of Faith, one common Catechisme, & one Directory for the Worship of God. Forces were also sent, to assist the Parliament of England: which were favoured with great success in their Entreprizes, till that War was ended by the total overthrow of Tyranny at that time, and all its upholders. But that Popish, Prelatical, & Malignant faction being brought much under in England, attempted (not unlike the Syrians, who thought the God of Israel was not God of the Hills & Valleyes both) to try the fortune of War in Scotland, under the conduct of that Treacherous & truculent Traitor Montrose, gathering an Army of wick­ed Apostates & Irish Murderers: who prevailing for a time, did punish, in the Justice of God, the Hypocrisie & self-seeking of such in this Land whose hearts were not upright in His Covenant; at length was defeat at Philiphaugh, in the year 1645. yet certain it is, that they had Commission & warrant from the King: as the Assembly that year, Feb. 13. remonstrates it to himself; ‘Warning him in the name of their Master, the Lord Jesus Christ, that the guilt which cleaved to his throne was such, as (whatsoever flattering Preachers or unfaithful Counsellors might say to the con­trary) if not timely repented, could not but involve him­self & his Posterity, under the wrath of the Everliving God, for his being guilty of the shedding of the blood of many thousands of his best Subjects, for his permitting the Masse & other Idolatry in his family & Dominions &c.’ At the same time also the Assembly did zealously incite the Parliament to a speedy course of Justice, against these Incendaries & Murderers, as the only mean of cleans­ing the Land from that deluge of blood then current, and of appeasing the wrath of God: and solemnly & seasona­bly warned all ranks, to applaud the Glory & Righteous­ness of that Judgment of the sword, in the hands of these Apostates & Murderers, and to search to understand the Language of that Dispensation; wherein many Publick sins & breaches of Covenant are pointed at, as the Causes of that desolation; And the Covenant it self is there very [Page 68] Encomiastically vindicated. ‘We are so far from repenting of it (say they) that we can not mention it without great joy & thankfullness to God, as that which hath drawn many blessings after it, and unto which God hath given manifold evident Testimonies: for no sooner was the Co­venant begun to be taken in England, but sensibly the con­dition of affairs there was changed to the better, and our forces sent into that Kingdom, in pursuance of that Cove­nant, have been so mercifully & manifestly assisted & bles­sed from Heaven, that we have what to answer the enemy that reproacheth us concerning that business, & that which may make iniquity it self to stop her mouth: but which is more unto us than all victories, the Reformation of Reli­gion in England, & Uniformity therein between both Kingdoms (a principal end of that Covenant) is so far ad­vanced, that the Government of the Church by Congre­gational Elderships, Classical Presbyteries, Provincial & National Assemblies, is aggreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at Westmnster, and voted & conc [...]uded in both houses of Parliament.’ After this the Malignants in En­gland being crushed in all their Projects, the King renders himself to the Scots in New castle: by whom (because by Covenant they were not obliged to defend him, but only in defence of Religion & Liberty, which he had been destroy­ing and they defending; because in this war he did directly oppose & oppugne these conditions, under which they were only to defend him, and therefore they had all alongst carried towards him as an enemy, as he to them; And be­cause by the same Covenant they were obliged to discover, & render to condign punishment all Malignants & Incen­daries, of whom he was the chief, and to re [...]ain the Peace & Union of the Kingdoms, which could not be retained in maintaining their destroyer, And to assist mutually all en­tered into that Covenant, which he was fighting against) he was delivered up into the English, and kept under re­straint in the Isle of Wight, untill he received his just deme­rit, for all his oppressions, Murders, Treachery, & Ty­ranny; being condemned & execute Ianuar. 30. anno 1648/9 Which fact, though it was protested against both before [Page 69] & after by the Assembly of the Church of Scotland, out of zeal against the Sectarians, the executioners of that extraor­dinary Act of Justice; yet it was more sor the manner than for the matter, and more for the motives & ends of it than for the grounds of it, that they opposed themselves to it, and resented it. For they acknowledged & remon­strated to himself, the Truth of all these things upon which that sentence & execution of Justice was founded. And when a wicked Association, & Unlawful Engagment was on foot to rescue him, they opposed it with all their might: Shewing, in their Answers to the Estates that year 1648. and Declarations & Remonstrances, the sin­fullness & destructiveness of that Engagment; that it was a breach of the Commandments of God, & of all the Articles of the Covenant; Declaring withal, they would never consent to the Kings Restitution to the exer­cise of his Power, without previous assurance by solemn Oath under his hand & seal, for settling of Religion ac­cording to the Covenant. By which it appears, they were not so stupidly Loyal, as some would make them. Yet indeed it cannot be past without regrate, that there was too much of this plague of the Kings-evil even among good men: which from that time forth hath so infected the heads & hearts of this Generation, that it hath almost quite ex­tinct all Loyaltie to Christ, and all zeal for Religion & Li­berty. Then it began to infuse & diffuse its Contagion, when after the death of Charles the first, in the year 1649. they began, after all that they had smarted for their trusting these treacherous Tyrants, and after that Grace had been shewed them from the Lord their God, by breaking these mens yokes from from off their necks, and puting them again into a Capacity to act for the good of Religion, their oun safety, and the peace & safety of the Kingdom, to think of joining once more with the people of these abo­minations, and taking into their bosoms these Serpents which had formerly stung them almost to death. Hinc il [...] lachrimae, en origo & Scaturigo nostrae defectionis! There was indeed at that time a Party faithful for God, who consi­dering the many breaches of the Solemn League & Cove­nant, [Page 70] and Particularly by the late Engagment against En­gland, did so travel that they procured the Covenant to be renewed, with the Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & En­gagment to duties, which was Universally subscribed & sworn through all the Land; wherein also they regrete this tampering with Malignants. And therefore the Lord did mightily save & defend them from all their Adversaries, subdued them at Stirling, and in the North. They did also give warning concerning the young King, that notwith­standing of the Lords hand against his Father, ‘yet he hearkens unto the Counsells of these, who were Au­thors of these Miseries to his Father; by which it hath come to pass, that he hath hitherto refused to grant the just & necessary desires of the Church & Kingdom, for securing of Religion & Liberty: And it is much to be feared, that these wicked Counsellers, may so far pre­vail upon him, as to ingage him in a war, for overturn­ing the Work of God, and bearing doun all those in the three Kingdoms that adhere therto. Which if he shall do, cannot but bring great wrath from the Lord upon him­self & throne, and must be the cause of many new & great Miseries & Calamities to these Lands.’ And in the same warning, by many weighty reasons, they prove, that he is not to be admitted to the exercise of his power, with­out security for Religion & Liberty. And when the bring­ing home of the King came to be voted in the Assembly, there was one faithful witness, Mr Adam Kae Minister in Galaway, protested against it; fore shewing & fore telling, what mischeef & misery he would bring with him when he should come. These things might have had some weight, to demur the Nation from medling with that perfidious Traitor. But all this serves only to aggravate the sin & shame of that distraction, which hath procured all this de­struction, under which the Land mourns to this day: That notwithstanding of all these Convictions, warnings yea and discoveries of his Malignancy, Treachery, & in­clinations to Tyranny; They sent Commissioners, and concluded at Treaty with him at Breda. During which Treaty, the Commissions which he had sent to that bloody [Page 71] villain Montrose, & his Cut throat Complices, to raise an Armie, & wast & invade the Countrey with fire & sword the second time; were brought to the Committee of Estates, discovering what sort of King they were treating with. Whereupon, after serious Consulting not only together, but with the Lord: And after many debates what to do in such a doubtfull case, wherein all was in danger, the Estates concluded to break off the Treaty, and recall their Com­missioners. To which intent, they sent an Express with Letters to Breda; which by providence falling into the hands of Libberton, a true Libertine, & false betrayer of his trust & Country, was by him, without the know­ledge of the other Commissioners, delivered unto the King: who consulting the Contents of the Packet with his Jesuitical & Hypocritical Cabal, found it his interest to play the fox (being disappointed at that time to play the Tyger) and dissemble with God & man. And so sending for the Commissioners, he made a flattering speech to them, shewing that novv after serious deliberation he vvas resolved to comply vvith all their Proposals. Where upon the poor cheated Commissioners dispatch the post back with Letters, full of praise & joy, for the satisfaction they had received. The Estates, perceiving themselves imposed upon, consulted again vvhat to do; and in end, being oversvvayed more vvith respect to their oun credite (vvhich they thought should be impeached, if they should retract their oun Plenipotentiary Instructions, to conclude the Treaty upon the Kings assent to their Conditions) than to their reclamant consciences, they resolved to bring home that pest, and thereby Precipitated themselves & us into in­eluctable miserie. Yet they thought to mend the Matter, by binding him vvith all Cords, and puting him to all most explicite Engagments, before he should receive the Im­perial Croun. Well, upon these termes home he comes, and before he set his foot on British ground he takes the Co­venant. And thereafter, because the Commission of the General Assembly, by the Act o [...] the West Kirk August. 13. 1650. Precluded his Admittance unto the Croun, if he should refuse the then required satifaction, before his Co­ronation [Page 72] he emits that Declaration at Dumferling; ‘where­in, Professing & appearing in the full perswasion & love of the Truth, he repenteth (as having to do with & in the sight of God) his Fathers opposition to the Co­venant & work of God, & his oun reluctances against the same, hoping for Mercy through the blood of Jesus Christ, and obtesting the prayers of the faithful to God for his stedfastness; and than protesteth his Truth & sincerity in entering into the Oath of God, resolving to prosecute the ends of the Covenant to his utmost, and to have with it the same Common friends & Enemies, exhorting all to lay doun their enmity against the cause of God, and not to prefer mans Interest to Gods, which will prove an Idol of Jealousie to provoke the Lord, and he himself accounteth to be but selfish flatterie.’ A declaration so full of heart Professions, & high Attestations of God, that none considering what followed can reflect thereon, without horror & trembling from the holy Jea­lousie of the Lord, either for the then deep dissimulation or the after unparalelled Apostacy. I know it is objected by Court parasites, that the King was then compelled to do these things. To which I shall only say: It would have cost any of them their head at that time, to have as­serted that he did upon deliberation & choise mock God & man, and entered into these Engagments, only with a purpose to be thereby in better Capacity, to destroy what he swore to maintain; only because he could not have the Croun without this way, which in the Confession of the objectors themselves was only deliberate & premeditate Perjurie. Next, if it should, be granted he was Com­pelled; let it be also considered, who Compelled him; and these will be found to be the deceitful Courtiers. For, let it be adverted, what Mr Gilespie declares of the Case, who put the pen in his hand when he subscribed that De­claration: He, perceiving there was sufficient ground to Jealouse his reality, and seeing evidently that the Cour­tiers prevailed with the King on a sudden to offer to sub­scribe the Declaration (when they observed that the Com­missioners of Churh & State were resolute, & ready to go [Page 73] away in a fixedness, to leave out the puting of his Interest in the state of the quarrel) and being afrayed of the sad Consequences of it, spoke his mind plainly to the King, ‘That if he was not satisfied in his Soul & Conscience, be­yond all hesitation of the righteousness of the subscription, he was so far from overdriving him to run upon that, for which he had no light, as he obtested him, yea he charged him in his Masters name, and in the name of these who sent him, not to subscribe this Declaration, no not for the three Kingdoms.’ Whereupon the King answered, Mr Gillespie, Mr Gillespie I am satisfied, I am satisfied with the Declaration, and therefore will subscribe it. Upon which some of the Courtiers swore that Mr Gillespie intended simply to disswade the King from subscribing it, that so Church and State might professedly lay aside his Inetrest: which would have defeat their hopes to make up themselves, as now they have done, upon the then designed ruine of the Interest of Truth. Then at his Coronation, we have his again reite­rated confirmations of that Covenant: first, he is desired in name of the people to accept the Crown, and maintain Religion according to the National & Solemn League & Covenant; whereunto he gave his apparently Cordial con­sent (the words are in the forme & order of the Coronation with the whole Action.) Then next, a Sermon being Preached upon 2 King. 11. 12, & 17. the action commen­ceth, with his most solemn renewing of the National and solemn League & Covenant, by Oath. Then, he is pre­sented to the people, and their willingness demanded to have him for their King on these termes. At the same time, in the next place, he took the Coronation Oath. Then on these termes he accepted the Sword. And after the Crown is set upon his head, the peoples obligatory Oath is pro­claimed on the termes foresaid, otherwise he is not that King to whom they swore subjection. Then being set upon the Throne, he was by the Minister put in mind of his Engagments, from 1 Chron. 29. 33. And then the Nobles of the Land came one by one kneeling, and lifting up their hands between his hands, swore the same Oath. These things done, the whole Action was closed with a [Page 74] most solid & severe exhortation from several instances, Neh. 5. 13. Ier. 34. 18, 19, 20, &c. There after in the year 1651. followed the Ratification of all these preceeding Treaties, Transactions, & Engagments, concluded & enacted by the King, and the Parliament then fully & freely conveened; whereby the same did pass into a Per­petual Law. And this Covenant, which from the be­gining was & is the most sure & indispensible Oath of God, became at length the very fundamental Law of the King­dom, whereon all the rights or priviledges, either of King or people, are principally bottomed & secured. This might seem security sufficient, but considering the former discoveries & experiences they had of his Treachery, and the visible appearances (in the mean time) of his Refusalls, visible Reluctances, manifest Resilings, open Counter actings, and continued prejudices against the Covenant, and his following unprecedented avowed perjurie, every thing doth indelebly fasten upon them the weakness at least of an overweening Credulity, and upon him the wickedness of a perfidious Policy, in all these Condiscen­sions. After this it came to pass, that zeal for the Cause rightly stated was suddenly contracted to a few, and the flame thereof extinguished in many, and Court wild fire substitute in its place: whereby a plain defection was vio­lently carried on by the Publick Resolutioners, who relapsing into that most sinful Conjunction with the People of these abominations, so solemnly repented for & resolved against, did notwithstanding bring in Notorious Malignants, into places of power & Trust, in Judicatories & Armies, in a more Politick than Pious way of requiring of them a con­strained & dissembled Repentance, to the mocking of the God of Truth, and Scorn of all our holy Engagments. Which defection did not only cause for a long time an in­curable Division; the first of that kind, and most perma­nent of any that ever was in the Church of Scotland, by reason of the surcease of General Assembl [...]es, stoped & hindered by the yoke of the Sectarian Usurpation; but also was the spring & source of all our defections since, all flowing from & fomented by that same spirit that fostered [Page 75] that: And for that, since that time, the Lord hath been contending with this Church & Nation, bringing us under the bondage of these Malignant Enemies, whom we suffered them then to encourage & introduce. And both at that time, & since that time, the Lord never counte­nanced an Expedition where that Malignant Interest was taken in unto the state of the quarrel. Upon this our Land was invaded by Oliver Cromwel, who defeat our Army at Dumbar, where the Anger of the Lord was evidently seen to smoke against us, for espousing that Interest. And re­markable it is, how in that very day where in the Publick Resolutions were concluded in the Assembly at St Andrews, the Lord then shed the blood of His people at Enner­keithing; so as that the Assembly, having in great hast hur­ried through this Approbation, were all made to run for it, and Adjourn themselves to Dundie, where they met and compleated that step of defection. And afterwards its known, what a peculiar vengeance fell upon that City, where this deed was done beyond all the Cities of the Na­tion. Next, an Army being raised, according to these unhallowed Resolutions, and the Lord puting remarkable Discountinance upon them in their attemptings at home, as was manifest in their attemptings at Torewood &c. They march into England; and there did the Lord continue, by His leaving our Army to the Sword, to preach that Do­ctrine to the world Iosh. 7. 10, 11, 12. [Israel hath sinned and transgressed the Covenant—have taken the accursed thing —and dissembled also, and have put it even amongst their oun stuff, therefore the Children of Israel could not stand before their enemies, but turned their backs before their Enemies, because they were accursed: Neither will I be with yow any more, except ye de­stroy the accersed thing from among yow] An army of near 30000 was totally routed at Worcester; and the Achan, the Cause of the overthrow, was forced to hide himself in the Oak, and thence to transport himself beyond sea, where he con­tinued a wandering fugitive in Exile, till the year 1660. In the mean time the Sectarian Army here prevailed, till, after the usurper Cromwel his death, the false Monk then General, with a Combination of Malignants and Publick [Page 76] Resolutioners, did machinate our misery, and effectuated it by bringing home the King to England from his banish­ment: Wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred against the Work of God. Yet, though since the Kings first reception into Scotland, our declensions were still growing untill they produced this fearful Revolt from God, wherein the Nation is now involved; there was still a faith­ful Remnant of Ministers & Professors, zealous for the Cause, keeping their Integrity; who in their Remon­strances & Testimonies witnessed against both their Ma­lignant Enemies and their backsliding Brethren the Reso­lutioners, and also against the Sectarians their Invaders; whose vast Toleration & Liberty of Conscience, which they brought in to invade our Religion as they had invaded our Land, and infect it with their multifarious Errors, was particularly by the Synod of Fife, and other Brethren in the Ministery that joined themselves to them, Testified against, and demonstrated to be wicked & intollerable. Now to see how far the present Testimony is Con [...]irmed by the witnesses of this Period, we may resume some Reflections on it.

I. They impartially carried on the Testimony against Prelacy, and the Popish Prelatical & Malignant faction on the one hand, and the Sectarians on the other, without ever waving the Testimony against either, or at the least winking at the one to weaken the other: both which Testi­monies they though of so great importance, that they could not dispense with but faithfully maintain both, in their witnessings & warnings. In that seasonable & necessary Warning & Declaration concerning present & imminent dangers, given at Edinb. Iuly 27. sess 27. They say first of the S [...]ctaries ‘That prevailing Party of Sectaries in England, who have bro­ken the Covenant, and despised the Oath of God, cor­rupted the Truth, subverted the fundamental Govern­ment, Look upon us with an evil eye, as upon these who stand in the way of their Monstrous & new fangled devices in Religion & Government; and though there were no Cause to fear any thing from that party, but the Gangren & infection of those many damnable & abomi­nable [Page 77] errors which have taken hold on them; yet our vi­cinity unto and dayly Commerce with that Nation, may justly make us afrayed, that the Lord may give up many in this Land into a spirit of delusion to beleeve Lies,’ be­cause they have not received the Love of the Truth. In that same warning they say ‘we are not so to have the one of our eyes upon the Sectaries, as not to have the other upon Malignants, they being an Enemie more numerous & more dangerous than the other; not only because ex­perience hath proven, that there is a greater aptitude & inclination in these of our Land to comply with Ma­lignants, than Sectaries, in that they carry on their wicked designe, under a pretext of being for the King, but also because there be many of them in our oun bovvells.’ By vvhich vve may see, hovv impartially they opposed both; and that this cannot be condemned in the Testimonies of the present Sufferers, except the Assembly be condemned. And because many novv a dayes have extenuating notions of those debates, against Prelacy & Sectarianisme, about the Government of the Church &c. and condemn these that vvould adhere to & suffer for the Punctilio's of it, as rigid nicetie: I shall, for seeing vvhat account the Assembly had of them, cite their vvords in a Letter to the Assembly of divines at Westminster, Dated Edin. Iune 18. 1646. ‘The smallest (say they) of Christs Truths (if it be Lavvfull to call any of them small) is of greater moment than all the other businesses, that ever have been debated since the be­gining of the vvorld to this day: but the highest of honours and heaviest of burdens is put upon yovv; to declare, out of the Sacred Records of Divine Truth, vvhat is the Prerogative of the Croun & extent of the Scepter of Jesus Christ; vvhat bounds are to be set betvveen Him Ruling in His House, and povvers established by God on Earth; hovv & by vvhom His House is to be Governed; and by vvhat vvayes a restraint is to be put on these, vvho vvould pervert His Truth and subvert the faith of many.’

II. In the manner of maintaining this Testimony, these famous Fathers while faithful for God gave us a perfect pattern of purity & strictness, in opposition to all degrees [Page 78] of conformity & complyance with the Corruptions of the time; and laid down such Rules & Constitutions, as might regulate us in our Contendings about present Defections, and teach us what account to make of them, and how to carry towards them: which if adverted unto, would evince how manifest & manifold the declinings of many have been from the late Reformation, that yet pretend to adhere unto it, and how Justifieable the aversation & abstraction of the present reproached suffering party is, from all these defections and the daubings of them, because so much deviating & declining from the attained Reformation. I need not repeat, how Prelacy, and all the parts & pendi­cles of that Antichristian Hierarchy, were abjured in the National Covenant, and condemned in the Acts of Assem­blies, and reabjured in the solemn League & Covenant, and in the solemn Acknowledgment of [...]ins & Engagment to duties, where also we came under Sacred & Inviolable Engagments, to endeavour the extirpation thereof: Which doth clearly file the present Countenancing & submitting to the Prelatick Curats, in receiving ordinances from them, among the grossest of defections; being altogether incon­sistent with these Acts and Constitutions & Covenant-obli­gations to extirpate them, as much as the countenancing of Popish Priests were inconsistent therewith, being both equally Covenanted to be extirpated. Next, though in this Period, Tyrannie being in its Retrograde Motion, Erastian Supremacy was not so much contended for, and therefore not so much questioned as formerly, being held exploded with exsecration out of doors & out of doubt; yet the Testimony was still continued against it, in the uninter­upted maintaining of the Churches Priviledges and free­dom of Assemblies, against all Encroachings of Adversa­ries. And therefore the embracing of the late detestable Indulgences, were as Contrary to the Actings of this as to the Testimonies of the former Period, against the Supre­macy from which they flow. Yea many Particulars, might be instanced, wherein the Accepters had declined from the Covenanted Reformation then prosecuted; not only in their Confederating with Malignant Usurpers, for the [Page 79] pretended benefite of them (by which, if there had been no more, they are obnoxious to the Censure of the Church, standing registred in an Act of Assembly, or­daining all persons in Ecclesiastick office, for the like or lesser degrees of Complyance, yea even for procuring pro­tections from Malignant Enemies, to be suspended from their office & all exercise thereof At Edinb. 1646. Sess, 14) Nor only in their taking sinfull Instructions from them, restricting them in the exercise of their Ministry; but in admitting themselves, by their patronage, to be by them presented to their prelimited & preimposed Congregations: which involves them in the iniquity of the Abolished Pa­tronages, condemned by the Assembly; for that the Mi­nistry of such so presented, is made too much to depend upon the will & pleasure of man, and such an imposition is Destructive of the Church & peoples Liberties, obstructive of the Gospels freedom & faithful plainness, and occa­sion of much base flattery & partiality; And in subjecting to, homologating, & fortifying a Sacrilegions Supremacy, overturning the Intrinsick power of the Church, contrare to the Covenant obliging to the Preservation of the Go­vernment, as well as to the Doctrine of the Church, in the first Article thereof; And in their suffering themselves, either directly or indirectly, either by Combination, per­suasion, or terror, to be divided & withdrawn from that blessed Union & Conjunction, which they were obliged to maintain & promove, according to the 6th Art. of the Solemn League & Covenant; And in their strengthening the Erastian Usurpations of Enemies encroaching upon the Churches Liberties and Christs prerogatives, against which wer are engaged expressly in the Solemn Acknow­ledgment of sins and Engagment to duties, where also we have these words Art. 2. Because many have of late laboured to supplant the Liberties of the Church, we shall maintain & defend the Church of Scotland, in all her Liberties & Priviledges, against all who shall oppose or undermine the same, or encroach thereupon under any pretext whatsomever, Next, we have many De­monstrations of the zeal & strictness of these Servants of Christ, in their Synodical determinations of Censures, to [Page 80] be past upon many Ministerial Corruptions; which will condemn the present course of covering & countenancing them, and commend the Contendings of a poor reproached party against them, in their consciencious abstracting from them. Of which determinations, I shal rehearse some. Among the Enormities & Corruptions of the Ministrie, in their Callings, this is one, §. 4. 5. Silenee in the publick Cause —Some accounting it a point of wisedom to speak am­biguously —whereof the remedie is §. 15. ‘That beside all other scandals, Silence or Ambiguous speaking in the pu­blick Cause—be seasonably Censured, Gen. Ass. at Edinb. Iunij 13. 1646.’ There is indeed an Act against withdrawers from Ministers: but in the self same Act, they are charged to be diligent in fulfilling their Ministrie, to be faithful in Preaching, declaring ‘the whole Counsel of God, and as they have occasion from the Text of Scripture to reprove the sins & errors, and press the du­ties of the time, And in all these to observe the Rules prescribed by the Acts of Assembly, wherein if they be negligent, they are to be Censured, Gen, Ass. Edinb. Aug. 24. 1647. Sess.’ 19. Then there is that Act, August 3. 1648. Sess. 26. for Censuring Ministers for their silence, and not speaking to the Corruptions of the time; ‘Calling it, a great Scandal, through some Ministers their reserv­ing & not declaring themselves against the prevalent sins of the times; appointing, that all that do not apply their Doctrine to these Corruptions, which is the Pastoral Gift, and that are cold or wanting of Spiritual zeal, Dissembling of Publick sins, that all such be Censured even to deprivation; for forbearing or passing in silence the Errors & Exorbitancies of Sectaries in England, or the defections current at home, the plots & Practises of Malignants, the Principles & Tenents of Erastianisme; And if they be found too sparing, general, or ambiguous in their applications & reproofs, and continuing so, they are to be deposed, for being pleasers of men rather than servers of Christ, for giving themselves to a detestable indifferency or Neutrality in the Cause of God, for de­frauding the souls of people, yea for being highly guilty [Page 81] of the blood of Souls, in not giving them warning.’ And in that seasonable & necessary warning of the Gen. Ass. Edinb. Iuij 27. 1649. Sess. 27. we are taught how they resented the unfaithfulness of Ministers continuing in defections, and how we are to look upon them & carry to them: where they say; ‘It is undenyably true, that many of the evils, wherewith this Church & Kingdom hath been afflicted in our age, have come to pass because of the negligence of some and corruptions of others of the Ministrie; And the course of backsliding was carryed on, untill it plea­sed God to stir up the spirits of these few, who stood in the Gap, to oppose & resist the same, and to begin the work of Reformation in the Land; since which time, the silence of some Ministers, & the complyance of others, hath had great influence upon the backslidings of many amongst the people, who, upon the discovery of the evil of their way, complain that they got not warning, or that if they were warned by some, others held their peace, or did justify them in the course of their backsliding: we can look upon such Ministers no otherwise, than upon these that are guilty of the blood of the Lords peo­ple, and with whom the Lord will reckon, for all the breach of Covenant & defection that hath been in the Land; The Priests lips should preserve knowledge, and they should seek the Law at his mouth, for he is the Messenger of the Lord of Hosts, but such as are departed out of the way, and have caused many to stumble at the Law, therefore hath the Lord made them contemptible before all the people, according as they have not kept His wayes, but have been partial in His Law, because they have lost their savour, He hath cast out many of them as unsavoury salt.’ Further more, to evidence the Purity & power of zeal burning & blazing in these dayes, in their Contendings against Publick Enemies on all hands, I shall instance some of their Acts & Testimonies, clearly condemning the manifold Complyances of this Genera­tion, and which may contribute somewhat to Justifie the reproached preciseness of a Remnant, standing at the furthest distance from them. There is an Act for Censuring [Page 82] the Complyers with the publick Enemies of this Church & King­dom, Gen. Ass. Edinb. Iunij 17. 1646. Sess. 14. where, ‘they judge it a great & scandalous provocation, & grievous de­fection from the publick cause, to comply with these Malignants (such as Iames Graham then was) in any de­gree, even to procure Protections from them, or to have invited them to their houses, or to have drunk Iames Graham his health, or to be guilty of any other such Gross degrees of Complyance; censured to be suspended from the communions, ay & while they acknowledge their offence.’ And yet now, for refusing these degrees of complyance, for not having the protectior of a Pass from the wicked courts of malignant enemies, by taking a wicked oath, and for refusing to drink the Kings health, a greater Enemy then ever Iames Graham was, some poor conscien­tious people have not only been murdere [...] by Enemies, but mocked & condemned by professores. There is an Act likewise, & declaration against all new oaths or bonds in the common cause imposed without consent of the Church Gen. Ass. Edinb. Iuly 28. 1648. Sess. 18. ‘Enjoining all the members of the Church to forbear the swearing or subscribing any new oaths or bonds, in this Cause, without Advice & concurrence of the Church, especially any negative oaths or bonds, which may any way limit or restrain them in the duties whereunto they are obliged, by National or Solemn League & Covenant.’ Yet now, for refusing Oaths, not only limiting in Covenanted duties, but con­tradicting & condemning many material Principles of the Covenanted Reformation, many have not only lost their Lives, but also have been condemned, by them that are at ease having a wider conscience to swallow such baits. It is known how pertinacious the most faithful in those dayes were, in their contendings against Associations, in any undertaking for the cause, with persons disaffected to the true state thereof. I need not give any account of this, were it not that now that Principle is quite inverted; and poor Adherers to it, for their abstracting & substracting their concurrence with such promiscuous Associations, are much hated & flouted; therefore I shall give some hints [Page 83] of their sentiments of them. ‘In their Answer to the Commit­tee of Estates, Iulij 25. 1648. Sess. 14. the Gen. Assembly sayes, It was represented to the Parliament, that for securing of Religion it was necessary, that the Popish, Prelatical, & Malignant party, be declared Enemies to the cause upon the one hand, as well as Sectaries upon the other, and that all Associations either in forces or counsels, with the former as well as with the latter, be avoided.’ ‘And in their declaration concerning the Present dangers of Re­ligion, especially the unlawful Engagment in War, Iulij, ult. 1648. Sess. 21. They say, suppose the ends of that Engagment be good (as they are not) yet the means & wayes of Prosecution are unlawful; because there is not an equal avoiding of rocks on both hands, but a joining with Malignants to suppress Sectaries, a joining hands with a black devil to beat a white devil; They are bad Phisicians who would so cure one disease, as to breed another as evil or worse—we find in the Scriptures condemned, all Confederacies & Associations with the Enemies of true Religion, whether Canaanites Exod. 23. 32. and 24. 12, 15. Deut. 7. 2. or other heathens 1. King. 11. 1, 2.’ More Arguments against Associations may be seen in that excellent discussion of this useful Case, Concerning Associations & Confederacies with Idolaters Infidels Hereticks or any other known enemy of Truth or Godliness, by famous Mr G. Gillespie, published at that same time: whereunto is appended his Letter to the commission of the General Assembly, having these golden words in it, words fitly spoken in that season, when he was a dying, at the begining of the Publick Resolutions ‘Having heard of some motions & beginings of complyance, with these who have been so deeply engaged in a war destructive to Religion & the Kingdoms Liberties, I cannot but discharge my con­science, in giving a Testimony against all such com­plyance. I know & am perswaded, that all the faithful witnesses that gave Testimony to the Thesis, that the late Engagment was contrary & destructive to the Covenant, will also give Testimony to the Appendix, that com­plyance with any who have been active in that Engagment [Page 84] is most sinful & unlawful. I am not able to express all the evils of that complyance, they are so many—But above all, that which would highten this sin even to the Heavens is, that it were not only a horrid backsliding, but a back­sliding into that very sin, vvhich vvas specially pointed at & punished by the prevailency of the Malignant party, God justly making them thorns & scourges vvho were taken in as friends. Alas! shall we split twice upon the same rock? yea run upon it, when God hath set a beacon on it? yea I may say, shall we thus out face & out dare the Almighty, by protecting His & our Enemies, by making peace & friendship with them, when the anger of the Lord is burning against them. I mus [...] here apply to our present condition, the words of Ezrah. 9. 14—O happy Scotland, if thow canst now improve & not abuse this Golden opportunity? but if thou help the ungodly, & love them that hate the Lord, wrath upon wrath, and wo upon wo, shall be upon thee from the Lord. Whereunto is subjoined his dying Testimony to the same purpose; wherein are these words,, But if there shall be a falling back, to the sin of complyance with Malignant ungodly men, then I look for the breaking out of the wrath of the Lord, till there be no remedy.’ This was the warning of a worthy dying Man. Notwithstanding of which & many other warnings & witnessings, a course of com­plyance was commenced by the pulick Resolutioners, and continued in to this day; wherein that faithful warning of a dying servant of Christ is verified. But before I leave this purpose, I must obviate an objection that some make use of for strengthening themselves in their incorporations & joinings at least in Worship, with the corruptions of the time, and for condemning conscientious withdrawers; That the Godly in those dayes did not separate from the men of these complyances & defections, as many do now, to wit the protesting party did not withdraw from the publick Resolutioners & Associators with Malignants. I answer, first, many & these the most Godly & tender did withdraw, even from their oun Ministers, and would have gone 40. or 50 myles to hear a faithful Minister at that time: yea [Page 85] Ministers themselves, in the case of intrusion of the unfaith­ful, would have supplyed the Paroch, as if the Church had been vacant, and when they could not get access to the pulpit, they preached in the fields, on purpose to wit­ness against, and professedly to withdraw the people from such an unfaithful Intruder; as might be instanced particu­larly for time & place, if need were. But next, The Church then, though broken by division, and under the subjection of strangers deprived of her General Assemblies, yet was in a constitut Case, enjoying the priviledge, power & order of Synods & Presbyteries, to whom the people of­fended with their Ministers might address themselves, for an orderly redress, and removal of these Scandals in an ordina­ry way; and so they needed not assume to themselves that power to regulate their communion, that in a broken State, as now is, must be allowed to them. And besides, both the Ministers at that time who were faithful, though they might have proceeded to censure & silence the corrupt par­ty as they were obliged, yet not only found it difficult by reason of the injury of the times; but also thought it best to spare them, And the people to bear them, as burdens; untill, as they were still in hopes, they should obtain a General Assembly to take order with them but now it is not so. And then the defection was but begining, and people did not know and could not expect it would go such a length, and therefore could not fall upon the rigor of that duty, which such disorders call for at first: but if they had seen where these beginings would Land them at length, I doubt not but they would have resisted those beginings, in such a way as would have precluded this imputation of novelty upon our necessitated with drawings.

III. We have in this Period, not only an Illustrious Testimony for the Principle, but a continued and uninter­mitted putting into practice the duty of defensive Armes, in resisting the Soverain power, malversing & abusing Au­thority to the destruction of the ends of it; which resistence was avowed, encouraged, & furthered by the General Assembly, both for the defence of themselves, and for the help of their Brethren in England. Take one expres­sion in their ‘Solemn & seasonable Warning to all ranks Feb. 12. [Page 86] 1645. Sess 18. Unless men will blot out of their hearts the love of Religion & cause of God, and cast off all care of their Country, Lawes, Liberties &c. (all being in visible danger of present ruine & destruction) they must now or never appear actively, each one stretching himself to, yea beyond his power. It is no time to dally, or to go about the business by halfs, nor be almost but altogether zealous: Cursed is he that doeth the work of the Lord negligently. If we have been forward to as­sist our Neighbour Kingdoms, shall we neglect to defend our oun? Or shall the Enemies of God be more active against His cause, than His people for it? God forbid. In another seasonable & necessary warning Iuly 27. 1649. Sess. 27. They say, But if his Maj. or any having or pretending power & commission from him, shall in­vade this Kingdom, upon pretext of establishing him in the exercise of his royal power; as it will be an high pro­vocation against God, to be accessory or assisting there to, so it will be a necessary duty to resist & oppose the same.’ These Fathers could well distinguish, between Authority and the person abusing it: And were not so Loyal, as now their degenerate Children are ambitious to shew themselves, stupidly stouping to the shaddow thereof, and yet will be called the only Asserters of Presbyterian principles. But we find, they put it among the Chara­cters of Malignants, to confound the Kings honour & Au­thority with the abuse & pretence thereof, and with Com­missions, warrants, & Letters, procured from the King by the Enemies of the cause & Covenant, as if we could not oppose the Latter, without increaching upon the for­mer. But here, an Objection or two must be removed out of the way, before we go forward. One is, from the Third Atticle of the Covinant; where there seems to be a great deal of Loyaltie, obliging to defend the Kings Maj. his person & Authority, in the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our Loyaltie, And that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesties just power & greatness. I Ans. There is indeed a deal of Loyaltie there, and true Loyaltie, because Lawfully limited, being [Page 87] qualified with & subordinate unto the preservation & de­fence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdom (as the makers of the Covenant do expound it, in the Assem­bles declaration against the unlawful Eugagment Iuly ult. 1648. Sess. 21.) not that Reverse Loyaltie, which makes duties to God conditional & limited, and duties to thee King abso­lute & unlimited, as our Loyalists do now. And I wish others were free of it, who have sworn Oaths of unli­mited Alledgiances, to maintain the King in any power unto which his force aspires; and to justify this their Loyaltie, will bring in this Article of the Covenant with a distorted sense, reading it backward, that we in the preservation & de­fence of Religion must preserve & defend the King: As if Reli­gion obliged to defend him, do what he will. It were better such pretended Covenanters, denyed the Cove­nant, than to be such a reproach to it, in wresting its ge­nuine sense. But I have adduced the sense of the best In­terpreters of it, the General Assembly. Next when they entered under the bond of this Covenant, they did it with a purpose to oppose all his invasions upon Religion & the Liberty of the people, and to vindicate these precious In­terests from his usurpings, into a state of Liberty: And shall we imagine, that that very Oath of God did lay upon them or us an obligation, to defend the person who is a destroyer of all these, contrary to the very nature of the Oath, contrare to the scope of the Covenanters, and con­trary to their subsequent practise? But then it will be urged, why then was that clause cast into the Covenant? I answer we have not the same cause to keep it, as they had some cause to put it in, with accommodation to the present posses­sor of the Soveraignity. The ouning of it in our circum­stances would be as great a reproach to us, as the want of it was to them in theirs. They put in the words, to pre­vent the worlds mistake, and to remove that odium in­dustriously heaped upon the heads of those, whose hearts were associate in the defence of Religion & Liberty, there­fore they would profess they would not be disloyal while he was for God. And a defiance may be given to clamour, & calumnie it self, to give one instance of the defect of [Page 88] performance hereof, while he went not about to ruine those things, incomparably more precious then his person or Authority, and in ruining whereof no person can re­tain Authority.

IV. But now two things will chiefly be desiderated, which now we oune in our Testimony, for which many have dyed, that seem not to be confirmed by or consistent with the Testimony of this Period. One is, that we not only maintain defensive resistance, but in some cases vin­dictive & punitive force, to be executed upon men that are bloody beasts of prey, and burdens to the earth, in cases of necessity, when there is no living for them. This prin­ciple of Reason & natural Justice, was not much inquired into in this time; when the sun was up, whose warmth & light made these beasts creep into their dens, and when they, being brought under subjection, could not force people into such extraordinary violent courses when the ordinary & orderly course of Law was running in its right Channel. Yet from the ground of their ordinary Proce­dure, Military & Civil, against such Monsters, we may gather the lawfullness of an ordinary Procedure in a pinch of necessity, conforme to their grounds: I hope to make this evident, when I come ex proposito to vincicate this head. But there is another thing that we onne, which seems not to have been known in these dayes, viz. That when we are required to oune the Authority of the present Dominator, we hold sinful to oune it. Yet we find these Reverend & renouned Fathers ouned King Charles I. and did not re­fuse the succession of Charles II. I shall answer in order. First, as to King Charles the first, there was a great diffe­rence betuixt him and his sons that succeeded; he never declared Parliamentarely that neither Promises, Con­tracts, nor Oaths should bind him, as the first of his perfidious sons did; It might have been then presumed, if he had engaged so far for promoving the Work of God, he would have been a man of his word (for to say a King of his word, is antiquitate in a good sense, except that it means he is as absolute in his word as in his sword, and scorns to be a slave to it) Neither professed he himself [Page 89] a Papist, as the second Son hath done: Again it must be granted, that more might have been comported with in the begining, when there were some hopes of redress, than after such process of time; whereby now we see & feel beyond all debate, that the Throne stands and is stated, not only in opposition to, but upon the ruines of the Rights & Priviledges both of Religion & Liberty. But was not the equivalent done by the Church, anno 1648. when they refused to concur with that unlawful Engag­ment, for restoring of the King, till security be had, by ‘Solem Oath under his hand & Seal, that he shall for him­self & Successors, give his assent to all Acts & Bills for enjoining Presbyterial Government, and never make opposition to it, nor endeavour any change thereof? Iulij ult. 1648. Sess, 21.’ But it will be said, that in their renewing the Covenant that year, they did not leave out that Article. True, thereby they stopped the mouths of their Adversaries: And then they were not without hopes, but that in his straits he might have proved a Manasseh taken among the thornes. And the Covenanters at that time, not being clear that he had done that which ipso jure made him no Magistrate, chused rather while matters stood so to ingage to maintain him, than simply to disoune him (which yet our forefathers did upon smaller grounds many times) in the hopes of being prevailed with at last. But when they saw that this proved ineffectual, therefore at the Coronation of the new King they made the Covenanted Interest the sole Basis upon which alone Authority was conferred upon him. For the second, though they did not refuse the suc­cession of Charles the Second (which vvas their blame and our bane, of vvhich vve may blush this day) yet vve find many things in that Transaction vvhich justifie our disoun­ing of him, and condemn the ouning of the present Pos­sessor. (1.) ‘In that seasonable & necessary warning Iulij 27. Sess. 27. vvhereas many vvould have admitted his Maj. to the exercise of his Royal povver, upon any termes vvhat­soever: The Assembly declares first; That a boundless & illimited povver is to be acknovvledged in no King nor Magistrate; neither is our King to be admitted to the [Page 90] exercise of his povver, as long as he refuses to vvalk in the administration of the same, according to this rule. Secondly, that there is a mutual stipulation & obligation betvveen the King & the people, as both of them are tyed to God, so each of them are tyed to one another, for the performance of mutual & reciprocal duties; accor­dingly Kings are to take the Oath of Coronation, to abo­lish Popery & maintain the Protestant Religion: As long therefore as the King refuses to engage & oblige himself for security of Religion & safety of his people, it is con­sonant to Scripture & Reason and Lavves of the King­dom, that he should be refused. Thirdly, in the League & Covenant the duty of defending & preserving the King, is subordinate to the duty of preserving Religion & Li­berty: And therefore, he standing in opposition to the publick desires of the people for their security, it vvere a manifest breach of Covenant, and a preferring the Kings Interest to the Interest of Jesus Christ, to bring him to the exercise of his povver. Fourthly, That it vvas for restraint of Arbitrary Government, and for their Just defence against Tyranny, that the Lords people did join in Co­venant, and have been at the expence of so much blood these years past; And if he should be admitted to the Government before satisfaction, it vvere to put in his hand that Arbitrary Povver, and so to abandon their for­mer Principles, and betray the Cause. Fifthly, That he, being admitted before satisfaction, vvould soon endea­vour an overturning of the things vvhich God hath wrought, and labour to dravv publick administrations, concerning Religion & Liberty, into that course & Channel in vvhich they did run under Prelacy, and before the work of Reformation. Whence they warn that every one take heed of such a snare, that they be not accessery to any such design, as they would not bring upon them­selves & their families, the guilt of all the detriment that will undoubtedly follow thereupon, of all the miseries it will bring upon the Kingdoms—And therefore who soever attempt the same, oppose themselves to the cause of God, and will at last dash against the Rock of the Lords [Page 91] power, which hath broken in pieces many high & lofty ones, since the begining of the work in the Kingdoms.’ (2) I shall here insert the Act of the West-Kirk, declaring their mind very manifestly.

West Kirk. August. 13. 1650. The Commission of the General Assembly, considering that there may be just ground of stumbling, from the K. Maj. refusing to subscribe & emitt the Declaration, offered to him by the Committee of Estates and the Commission of the General Assembly, concerning his former carriage & resolutions for the future, in reference to the Cause of God and the enemies & friends thereof; Doth therefore declare, That this Kirk & Kingdom doth not oune or espouse any Malignant Party, or Quarrel, or Interest, but that they fight meerly upon their former Grounds & Prin­ciples, and in the defence of the Cause of God and of the Kingdom, as they have done these twelve years past: And therefore, as they disclaim all the sin & guilt of the King and of his house, so they will not oune him nor his interest, other­wise than with a subordination to God, and so far as he ounes & prosecutes the Cause of God, and disclaims his & his fathers opposition to the Work of God, and to the Covenant, and likewise all the enemies thereof; And that they will with convenient speed take unto Consideration the Papers, late­ly sent unto them by Oliver Cromwel, and vindicate them­selves from all the falshoods contained therein; especially in these things wherein the quarrel betwixt us & that party is Mistated, as if we ouned the late Kings proceedings, and were resolved to prosecute & maintain his present Maj. In­terest, before & without acknowledgment of the sin of his house and former wayes, & satisfaction to Gods people in both Kingdoms.

A. KER.

Aug. 13. 1650. The Committe of Estates, having seen & considered a Declaration of the Commission of the General Assembly, anent the stating of the quarrel wherein the Army is to fight, do approve the same, and heartily concur therein.

Tho: Henderson.

In the (3) place: It is specified in the Causes of wrath, as one of the steps of defection, Art. 9. Step. 5. ‘That a Treaty should have been closed with him, upon his sub­scribing demands, after he had given many clear evi­dences of his disaffection & enmity to the work & people of God: That these demands, which he was required to subscribe, did not contain a real security, a real aban­doning of former Malignant courses & principles, and cleaving to the Work of God; It was not a paper or ver­bal security, which we were bound to demand of him, but a real one; and to intrust him without this, was but to mock God, and deceive the world, and to betray & destroy our selves, by giving up all precious Interests of Religion & Liberty unto the hands of one, who was in a course of enmity to them: That both before, and in the mean time of the treaty, he had given evidence of his enmity in many instances, there condiscended upon par­ticularly; that he authorized Iames Graham to invade this Kingdom, and incouraged him by Letters to go on in that Invasion, even whilest he was in termes of a Treaty with us, as appeared by bringing into our hands the Au­thentick Commission it self, and sundry Letters under his own hand.’ Next, in the same Causes of wrath, among the sins of the Ministrie, in relation to the publick, §. 10, 11, 12, 13. ‘That they agreed to receive the King to the Covenant, barely upon writing, without any apparent evidences of a real change of principle: That they did not use freedom, in showing what was sinful in reference to that Treaty, but went on therein when they were not satisfied in their consciences, for fear of reproach & of being mistaken: That they were silent in publick, and did [Page 93] not give Testimony, after a discovery of the Kings Com­mission to Iames Graham for invading the Kingdom: That they pressed the King to make a Declaration to the world, whilst they knew by clear evidences that he had no real conviction of the things contained therein.’

PERIOD. VI.
Containing the Testimony through the conti­nued Tract of the present Deformation from the year 1660. to this day.

NOw comes the last Catastrophe of the Deformation of the Church of Scotland, which now renders her to all Nations as infamously despicable, as her Reformation formerly made her admired & envied; which in a Retrograde motion hath gradually been growing these 27 years, going back through all the steps by which the Reformation ascended, till now she is returned to the very border of that Babylon, from whence she took her depar­ture, and reduced through defection, & division, and persecutions, to a confused Chaos of almost irreparable dis­solution, and unavoidable desolation. Through all which steps notwithstang, to this day, Scotland hath never wanted a witness for Christ, against all the various steps of the Enemies advancings, and of professed friends declinings: Though the Testimony hath had some singularities, some way discriminating it from that of former Periods; in that it hath been more difficult, by reason of more desperate & dreadful assaults of more enraged enemies, more expert & experienced in the accursed art of overturning than any formerly; In that it hath been attended with more disad­vantages, by reason of the Enemies greater prevalency, and Friends deficiency, and greater want of significant Assertors, than any formerly; In that it hath been in­tangled [Page 94] in more multifarious intricacies, of questions, and debates, and divisions among the Assertors themselves, making it more dark, and yet in the end contributing to clear it more than any formerly; In that it hath been in­tended & extended to a greater measure, both as to matter & manner of contendings against the Adversaries, and stated upon nicer points; more enixely prosecuted & tena­ciously maintained, & sealed with more sufferings, than any formeriy; In that it hath had more opposition & con­tradiction, and less countenance from professed friends to the Reformation, either at home or abroad, than any formerly. And yet it hath had all these several specialities together, which were peculiar to the former Testimonies, in their respective Periods: being both Active & Passive, both against Enemies & Friends; And in cumulo stated against Atheisme, Popery, Prelacy, & Errastian Supremacy, which were the successive heads of the former Testimonies, and also now extended in a particular manner against Tyrannie. And not only against the substance & essence of these in the abstract, but against substance & circumstance, abstract & concret root & branch, head & tail of them, and all com­plying with them, conforming to them, or countenancing of them, or any thing conductive for them, or deduced from them, any manner of way, directly or indirectly, formally or interpretatively. This is that extensive and very comprehensive Testimony of the present Period, as it is now stated & sealed with the blood of many: Which in all its parts, points & pendicles is most directly relative, and dilucidly reducible, to a complex Witness for the Decla­rative Glory of Christs Kingship and Headship over all, as He is God and as He is Mediator, which is the greatest con­cern that Creatures have to contend for, either as Men or as Christians. The matter of this Testimony, I shall give a short manuduction to the progress & Result of its Ma­nagment.

During the Exile of the Royal Brothers, it is undenyably known that they were, by their Mothers caresses and the Jesuites Allurements, seduced to abjure the Reformed Religion (which was easie to induce persons to that never [Page 95] had the sense of any Religion) and to be reconciled to the Church of Rome: And that, not only they wrote to the Pope many promisses of promoting his projects, if ever they should recover the power into their hands again, and often frequented the Mass themselves; but also, by their example and the influence of their future hopes, prevailed with many of their dependents & attendants abroad, to do the like. Yet it is also unquestionably known, that in the mean time of his Exile, [...]e renewed & confirmed, by private Letters to Presbyterians, his many reiterated En­gagments to adhere to the Covenant, and declared that he was & would continue the same man, that he had declared himself to be in Scotland (wherein doubtless, as he was an expert Artist, he equivocated, and meant in his heart he would continue as Treacherous as ever) which helped to keep a Loyal Impression of his Interest in the hearts of too many, and an expectation of some good of him, of which they were ashamed afterwards. And immediatly before his return, its known what promises are contained in that Declaration from Breda (from whence he came also the second time, with greater Treachery than at the first) to all Protestants that would live peaceably under his Go­vernment; begining now to weigh out his perfidie, & perjurie, & breach of Covenant, in offering to tolerote that in an Indulgence, which he swore to maintain as a duty. But in all this he purposed nothing, but to ingyre & ingratiate himself into the peoples over credulous affections, that they might not obstruct his return, which a jealousie of his intended Tyrannie would have awakened them to with­stand. And so having seated himself, and strengthened his power against the attemptings of any, whom his conscience might suggest an apprehension that they ought to resist him, he thought himself discharged from all obligations of Co­venants, Oaths, or promises, for which his faith had been pledged. And from the first hour of his arrival, he did in a manner set himself to affront & Defy the Authority, of God, and to be revenged upon his Kingdoms for inviting him so unanimously to sway their Scepter; in polluting & infecting the people with all debaucheries & monstrous [Page 96] villanies; and commencing his incestous Whoredoms that very first night he came to his Palace, wherein he conti­nued to his dying day outvying all for vileness. Yet he went on deluding our Church with his dissimulations, and would not discover all his wickedness hatched in his heart at first, till his designs should be riper; but directed a Letter to the Presbyterie of Edinburgh, declaring he was resolved to protect & preserve the Government of the Church of Scotland, as it is settled by Law without violation: Wherein it was observed he altered the Stile, and spake never a word of the Cove­nant, our Magna Charta of Religion & Righteousness, our greatest security for all Interests intrusted to him, but only of Law; by which, as his practice expounded it afterwards, he meant the Prelatical Church, as it was settled by the Law of his Father, since which time he reckoned there was no Law but Rebellion. This was a piece & preludie of our base defection, & degeneration into blind, block­ish, & brutish stupidity; that after he had discovered so much perfidie, we not only at first tempted him to Perju­rie, in admitting him to the Crown, upon his mock-en­gagment in the Covenant, whereby God was mocked, His Spirit was grieved, His Covenant prostituted, the Church cheated, & the State betrayed; but after the Lord had broken his yoke from off our necks, by sending him to exile ten years, where he was discovered to be imbibing all that venome & Tyrannical violence, which he afterward vented in revenge upon the Nations; and after we had long smarted for our first transaction with him; yet not withstanding of all this, we beleeved him again, and Issachar-like couched under his burdens, and were so far from withstanding, that we did not so much as witness against the readmission & restauration of the head & tail of Malignants, but let them come in peaceably to the throne, without any security to the Covenanted cause, or for our Civil or Religious Interests, and by piece meal, at their oun ease, leasure & pleasure, to overturn all the Work of God, and reintroduce the old Antichristian yoke of abjured Prelacy, and blasphemous Sacrelegious Supremacy, and Absolute Arbitrary Tyrannie with all their abominations: [Page 97] which he, and with him the generality of our Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, & commonality by him corrupted, without regard to faith, or fear of God or man, did promote & pro­pogate, until the Nation was involved in the greatest revolt from, & rebellion against God, that ever could be recorded in any Age or Generation; Nay attended with greater & grosser Aggravations, than ever any could be capable of before us, who have had the greatest Priviledges that ever any Church had; since the National Church of the Iewes, the greatest light; the greatest effects of matchless magnified love, the greatest Convictions of Sin, the greatest Reso­lutions & Solemn Engagments against it, and the greatest Reformation from it, that ever any had to abuse & affront. O Heavens be astonished at this, & horribly afraid! for Scotland hath changed her Glory, and the Crown hath fallen from off her head, by an unparalelled Apostasie, a free & voluntary, vvilfull & deliberate Apostasie, an avoued & declared & Authorized Apostasie, Tyrannically carried on by Militarie violence & cruelty, a most univer­sal & every vvay unprecedented Apostasie! I must a litle change my method, in deducing the narration of this Ca­tastrophe, and subdistinguish this unhappie Period into several steps; shevving hovv the Enemies opposition to Christ advanced, and the Testimony of His Witnesses did gradually ascend, to the pitch it is novv arrived at.

I. These Enemies of God, having once got footing again, with the favour and the fawnings of the foolish Nation, went on fervently to further and promote their wicked design: and meeting with no opposition at first, did encourage themelves to begin boldly. Wherefore, hearing of some Ministers peaceably Assembled, to draw up a Monitory Letter to the King, minding him of his Covenant Engagments & promises (which was though weak, yet the first witness & warning against that Heaven-daring wickedness then begun) they cruelly incarcerate them. Having hereby much daunted the Ministry from their duty in that day, for fear of the like unusual & outragious usage. The Parliament conveens Ianuar. 1. 1661. without so much as a Protestation for Religion & Liberty given in to [Page 98] them. And there, in the first place, they frame & take the Oath of Supremacy, Exauctorating Christ, and investing His usurping Enemy with the spoils of his robbed Preroga­tive, acknowledging the King only supreme Governour over all persons & in all Causes, and that his power & Iurisdiction must not be declined. Whereby under all persons & all Cause [...], All Church Officers, in their most properly Ecclesiastick Affairs & Concerns of Christ, are comprehended: And if the King shall take upon him to judge their Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, or Government, he must not be declined as an incompetent Judge. Which did at once enervate all the Testimony of the 4th Period above declared, and laid the foundation for all this Babel they have built since, and of all this war that hath been waged against the Son of God, and did introduce all this Tyrannie & absolute power which hath been since carried to its Complement, and made the Kings Throne the foundation of all the succeeding per­jurie & Apostasie. Yet, though then our Synods & Pres­bytries, were not discharged, but might have had access in some Concurrence to witness, against this horrid Inva­sion upon Christs Prerogative and the Churches Priviledge, no joint Testimony was given against it, except that some were found witnessing against it in their singular Capacity by themselves. As faithful Mr Iames Guthrie, for declining this usurped Authority in prejudice of the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus, suffered death, and got the Martyrs Crown upon his head: And some others, for refusing that Oath arbitrarly imposed, were Banished or Confined, when they had gained this Bulwark of Christs Kingdom; Then they waxed more insolent, and set up their Ensigns for signs, and broke doun the carved Work of Reformation with axes & hammers. In this Parliament 1661. They past an Act Rescissorie, whereby they annulled & declared void the National Covenant, the Solemn League & Covenant, Presbytrial Government, and all Lawes made in favours of the Work of Reforma­tion, since the year 1633. O horrid wickedness! both in its nature so attrocious, to condemn & rescind what God did so signally seal as His oun Work, to the con­viction of the world, and for which He will rescind the [Page 99] Rescinders, and overturn these Overturners of His Work, and make the curse of that broken Covenant bind them to the punishment, vvhom its bond could not oblige to the duty Covenanted; And in its design & end so base & de­testable, for nothing but to flatter the King in making way for Prelacy, Tyranny, & Popery, and to indulge the licenciousness of some debauched Nobles; who could not endure the yoke of Christs Government, and to suppress Religion & Righteousness under the ruines of that Refor­mation. But O holy & astonishing Justice, thus to recom­pense our way upon our own head! to suffer this work & cause to be ruined under our unhappy hands, who suffered this Destroyer to come in before it was so effectually se­cured, as it should not have been in the power of his hand (whatever had been in his heart, swelled with enmity against Christ) to have razed & ruined that Work as now most wickedly he did, and drew in so many into the guilt of the same deed, that almost the whole Land not only consented unto it but applauded it; by approving & coun­tenancing another wicked Act framed at the same time, by that same perfidious Parliament for an Anniversary Thanksgiving commemorating every 29. of May, that Blasphemy against the Spirit & Work of God, and cele­brating that unhappy Restauration of the Rescinder of the Reformation; which had not only the concurrence of the universality of the Nation, But (alas for shame that it should be told in Gath &c!) even of some Ministers who afterwards accepted the Indulgence (one of which a Pillar among them, was seen scandalously dancing about the bonefires.) And others, who should have alarmed the whole Nation quasi pro aris & focis, to rise for Religion & Liberty, to resist such wickedness, did wink at it. O how Righteous is the Lord now in turning our Harps into mourning! Though alas! we will not suffer our selves to this day, to see the shining Righteousness of this Retribu­tion: And though we be scourged with Scorpions, & brayed in a Mortar, our madness, our folly in these irreli­gious frolicks, is not yet acknowledged let be lamented. Yet albeit, neither in this day when the Covenant was not [Page 100] only broken but Cassed & declared of no obligation, nor afterward when it was burnt (for which Turks & Pagans would have been ashamed & afraid at such a terrible sight, and for which the Lords Anger is burning against these bold burners, and against them who suffered it, and did not witness against it) was there any publick Testimony by protestation, or Remonstrance, or an publick witness? though the Lord had some then, and some who came out afterward with the Trumpet at their mouth, whose heart then sorrowed at the sight: And some suffered for the sense they shewed of that Anniversary abomination, for not keeping which they lost both Church & Liberty. Its true the ordinary Meetings of Presbytries & Synods were about that time discharged, to make way for the exercise of the new power conferred on the four Prelats who were at Court, reordained & Consecrated thereby renouncing their former Title to the Ministry. But this could not give a discharge from a Necessary Testimony, then called for from faithful Watchmen. However the Reformation being thus rescinded & razed, and the House of the Lord pulled doun, then they begin to build their Babel. In the Parlia­ment anno 1662. by their first Act they restore & reestablish Prelacy, upon such a foundation as they might by the same Law bring in Poperie, which was then designed; and so settled its Harbinger Diocesan & Erastiar Prelacy, by fuller Enlargment of the Supremacy. The very Act begin­neth thus. For as much as the ordering & disposal of the ‘external Government of the Church, doth properly belong to his Maj. as an Inherent right of the Croun, by virtue of his Royal Prerogative, & Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastick—what ever shall be determined by his Maj. with advice of the Arch Bishops, and such of the Clergy as he shall nominate, in the external Govern­ment of the Church (the same consisting with the stand­ing Lawes of the Kingdom) shall be valide & effectual. And in the same Act all Lawes are rescinded, by which the sole power & Jurisdiction within the Church doth stand in the Church Assemblies, And all which may be interpreted, to have given any Church power, Juris­diction, [Page 101] or Government to the Office bearers of the Church, other than that which acknowledgeth a de­pendence upon, & subordination to the Soveraign power of the King as Supreme.’ By which, Prelats are redintegrated to all their priviledges & preheminencies, that they possessed anno 1637. And all their Church power (robbed from the Officers of Christ) is made to be derived from, to depend upon, and to be subordinate to, the Croun prerogative of the King: whereby the King is made the only fountain of Church power, and that exclusive even of Christ, of whom there is no mentioned exception: And his vassals the Bishops, as his Clerks in Ecclesiastiks, are accountable to him for all their administrations; A greater usurpation upon the Kingdom of Christ, than ever the Papacy it self aspired unto. Yet, albeit here was another display of a banner of defyance against Christ, in altering the Church Government of Christs Institution into the humane Invention of Lordly Prelacy, in assuming a power by prerogative to dispose of the external Govern­ment of the Church, and in giving his Creatures patents for this effect, to be his Administrators in that usurped Govern­ment; There was no publick, Ministerial, at least united Testimony against this neither. Therefore the Lord puni­shed this sinful & shamful silence of Ministers, in His holy Justice, though by mens horrid wickedness; when by another wicked Act of the Council at Glasgow, above 300 Ministers were put from their Charges; and afterwards, for their Non-conformity in not Countenancing their Diocesan Meeting, and not keeping the Anniversary day May 29. The rest were violently thrust from their labours in the Lords vineyard, and banished from their Parishes, and adjudged unto a nice & strange Confinement, twenty miles from their oun parishes, six miles from a Cathedral Church as they called it, and three miles from a Burgh; whereby they were reduced in to many inconveniencies. Yet in this fatal Convulsion of the Church, generally all were struck with blindness & baseness, that a Paper-Pro­clamation made them all run from their posts, and obey the Kings Orders for their ejection. Thus were they given [Page 102] up, because of their forbearing to sound an alarm, charg­ing the people of God, in point of Loyaltie to Christ, and under the pain of the Curse of the Covenant, to a wake and acquit themselves like men, and not to suffer the enemie to rob them of that Treasure of Reforma­tion, which they were put in possession of, by the tears, prayers, & blood of such as went before them; instead of those prudential fumblings, & fisflings then & since so much followed. Wherefore the Lord in His holy righteousness, left that enemie (against whom they should have cried & contended, and to whose eye they should have held the Curse of the Covenant, as having held it first to their oun, in case of unfaithful silence in not holding it to his) to cast them out of the House of the Lord, and dissolve their As­semblies, and deprive them of their priviledges, because of their not being so valiant for the Truth, as that a ful & faith­ful Testimony against that Encroachment might be found upon record. Nevertheless somewere found faithful in that hour & pour of darkness, who kept the Word of the Lords patience, and who were therefore kept in & from that ten­tation (which carried many away into sad & shamful defe­ctions) though not from suffering hard things from the hands of men; & only these who felt most of their violence, found grace helping them to acquit themselves suitably to that dayes Testimony, being thereby prevented from an Active yeelding to their impositions, when they were made passively to suffer force. However that season of a publick Testimony was lost, and as to the most part never reco­vered to this day. The Prelats being settled, & readmit­ted to voice in Parliament, they procure an Act, Dogma­tically condemning several Material parts & points of our Covenanted Reformation, to wit, these positions ‘That it was lawful for Subjects, for Reformation or necessary self defence, to enter into leagues, or take up Armes, against the King: And particularly declaring that the na­tional Covenant, as explained in the year 1638. and the Solemn league & Covenant, were & are i [...] themselves unlawful Oaths, and were taken by & imposed upon the subjects of this Kingdom against the fundamental [Page 103] Lawes & Liberties thereof, That all such gatherings & petitions, that were used in the begining of the late troubles, were unlawful & seditious: And whereas then People were led unto these things, by having dissemina­ted among them such principles as these, That it was lawful to come with petitions & Representations of grievances to the King, That it was lawful for people to restrict their Allegiance under such & such limitations, and suspend it untill he should give security for Religion &c. It was therefore enacted, that all such positions & practices founded thereupon, were treasonable—And furder did enact▪ that no person, by writing, praying, preaching, or malicious or advised speaking, express or publish any words or sentences, to stir up the people to the dislike of the Kings prerogative & Supremacy, or of the Government of the Church by Bishops, or justi­fie any of the deeds, actings, or things declared against by that Act.’ Yet not withstanding of all this subversion of Religion & Liberty, and restraint of asserting these Truths here trampled upon either before men by Testimo­ny, or before God in mourning over these Indignities done unto Him, in everting these & all the parts of Re­formation, even when it came to Daniels case of confes­sion, preaching & praying Truths interdicted by Lavv; fevv had their eyes open (let be their vvindovvs in an open avouching them) to see the duty of the day calling for a Testimony. Though aftervvards, the Lord Spirited some to assert & demonstrate the Glory of these Truths & duties to the vvorld. As that Judicious Author of the Apologetical Relation, vvhose Labours need no Elagium to commend them. But this is not all: for these men, hav­ing novv as they thought subverted the Work of God, they provided also against the fears of its revival: making Acts, declaring, that if the outed Ministers dare to continue to ‘preach, and presume to exercise their Ministrie, they should be punished as seditious persons; requiring of all a due acknowledgment of, & hearty complyance with, the Kings Government Ecclesiastical & Civil; And that who soever shall ordinarly & wilfully withdraw & absent from [Page 104] the ordinary Meetings for Divine Worship in their ou [...] Churches on the Lords day, shall incur the Penalties there insert.’ Thus the sometimes Chast Virgin, whose name was Beulah to the Lord, the Reformed Church of Scotland, did now suffer a violent & villanous rape; from a vermine of vile Schismatical Apostates, obtruded & im­posed upon her, instead of her able, painful, faithful & succeseful Pastors, that the Lord had set over her, and now by their faintness & the Enemies force robbed from her; And none now allowed by Law to administer the Ordinances, but either Apostate Curats, who by their Perjurie & Apostacy forfaulted their Ministry, or other Hirelings & Prelat [...] Journey-men, who run without a Mission except from them who had none to give according to Christs Institution, the seal of whose Ministry could never yet be shown in the Conversion of any sinner to Christ: but if the tree may be known by its fruit [...], we may know whose Ministers they are; ut ex ungue Leonem, by their Conversions of Reformation into Deformation, of the Work & Cause of God into the similitude of the Ro­man beast, of Ministers into Hirelings, of their Proselytes into ten times worse children of the Devil then they were before, of the power of Godlyness into formality, of Preaching Christ into Orations of Morality, of the purity of Christs Ordinances into the vanity of mens Inventions, of the beautiful Government of the House of God for Edi­fication, to a Lordly preheminence & Domination over consciences, in a word of Church & State Constitutions for Religion & Liberty all up side doun into wickedness & slavery: These are the Conversions of Prelacy. But now this astonishing blow to the Gospel of the Kingdom, in­troducing such a Swarm of Locusts into the Church, And in forcing a Complyance of the people with this defection, and that so violently & rigorously, as even simple with­drawing was so severely punished by severe Edicts of fyn­ing, & other arbitrary punishments at first; what did it produce? did it awaken all Christs Ambassadours, now to appear for Christ, in this clear & clamant case of Con­fessing Him, and the freedom & Purity of His Ordinances? [Page 105] Alas! the backwardness & bentness to backsliding, in a Superseding from the duties of that day, did make it evi­dent, that now the Lord had in a great measure forsaken them, because they had forsaken Him. The standart of the Gospel was then fallen, and few to take it up. The Generality of Ministers & Professors both went & Con­formed so far as to hear the Curats, contrary to many points of the Reformation formerly attained, contrare to their Covenant Engagments, and contrare to their oun princi­ples & practice at that same time; scrupling and refusing to keep the Bishops visitations, and to Countenance their Discipline & power of Iurisdiction, because it was required as a Testification of their acknowledgment of, & Com­plyance with the present Government, And yet not scrupl­ing to Countenance their Doctrine & usurped power of Order required also by the same Law, as the same Test of the same Compliance & submission. Its strange that some yet doe plead for persisting in that same Complyance, after all the bitter Consequents of it. Other Ministers Lay al­together by in their retired recesses, waiting to see what things would turn to: Others were hopeless, turned Far­mers & Doctors: others more wyllie, staid at home, & Preached quietly in Ladies Chambe [...] But the faithful thought that this Tyrannical ejection did [...] or could not unminister them, so as they might not Prea [...] Gospel where ever they were, as Ambassadours of [...]; but rather found themselves under an indispensible necessity to Preach the Gospel and witness for the freedom of their Ministry, and make full proof of it, in preaching in season & out of season: and thereupon as occasion offered preached to all such as were willing to hear; but at first only in private houses, and that for the most part at such times, when Sermons in pu­blick surceased (a superplus of Caution.) But afterwards, finding so great difficulties and Persecutions for their house Meetings, where they were so easily attrapped, were constrained at last to keep their Meetings in the fields, with­out shelter from cold, wind, snow, or rain. Where testifieing both practically & particularly against these U­surpations on their Masters Prerogatives, and witnessing [Page 106] for their Ministerial freedom, contrary to all Law-Inter­dictions, without any Licences or Indulgences from the Usurper, but holding their Ministry from Jesus Christ alone, both as to the Office & exercise thereof; they had so much of their Masters Countenance, & success in their la­bours, that they valued neither hazards nor hardships, nei­ther the contempt of pretended Friends, nor the Laws nor threatnings of Enemies, adjudging the penalty of death it self to Preachers at Field Conventicles as they called them. Now having thus overturned the Church Government, by in­troducing Prelacy, to advance an absolute Supremacy; the effects whereof were either the Corruption, or Persecution of all the Ministrie, Encouragment of profanity & wicked­ness, the enerease & advancment of Popery, Superstition, & Error, cruel impositions on the Conscience, and oppressions for Conscience sake, by the practices of cruel Supra-Spanish Inquisitions, and all manner of outcryes of outragious vio­lence & villany: The King proceeds in his design, to per­vert & evert the wel modelled & moderated Constitution of the State Government also, by introducing & advancing an Arbitrary Tyranny; the effects whereof were, an ab­solute Mancipation of Lives & Liberties and estates unto his lust & pleasure, the utter subversion of Lawes, and absolute impoverishin [...] the people. For effectuating which, he first proc [...] lasting Imposition of intollerable Subsidies & Taxati [...], to impoverish that he might the more easily enslave the Nation; Next a further recogni­zance of his Prerogative, in a subjection of persons, fortunes, & whole strength of the Kingdom to his absolute arbitre­ment, ‘in a Levy of Militia of 20000 footmen, & 2000 horsemen sufficiently armed, with 40 dayes provision, to be ready upon the Kings call to march to any part of his Dominions, for opposing whatsoever invasion, or insurrection, or for any other service.’ The first sprout­ings of Tyrannie were cherished, by the cheerfull & stupid submission generally yeelded to these exorbitances; under which they who suffered most were inwardly Malecon­tents, but there was no opposition to them by word or Action, but on the contrary, generally people did not so [Page 107] much as scruple sending out or going out as Militia-men: never adverting unto what this Concurrence was designed, & demanded, and given for; Nor what an accession it was, in the nature & influence of the mean it self, and in the sense & intention of the Requirers, unto a Confederacy for a Complyance with, and a Confirmation & strengthen­ing of Arbitrary Tyrannie. After the fundamental consti­tutions of both Church & State are thus razed & rooted up, to confirm this Absolute Power, he contrived to frame all inferior Magistrats according to his mould: And for this end appointed, that all persons in any publick Trust or Of­fice whatsoever should subscribe a Declaration, renouncing & abjuring the Covenants; whereby Perjurie was made the chief & indispensible qualification, and Conditio sine qua non, of all that were capable of exercing any power or place in Church or State. But finding this not yet sufficient security for this unsettled settlement; because he wel un­derstood, the people stood no ways obliged to acknowledge him but only according to the solemn Covenants, being the fundamental Conditions whereupon their Allegiance was founded (as amongst all people, the Articles mutually consented betwixt them and these whom they set over them, are the constituent fundamentalls of Government) and wel knowing, that he & his Associats, by violating these Conditions, had loosed the people from all subjection, to him, or any deriving power from him, whereby the people might justly plead, that since he had kept no Con­dition they were not now obliged to him, he therefore contrived a new Oath of Allegiance to be imposed upon all in publick trust both in Church & State; wherein they are made to oblige themselves to that Boundless breaker of all Bonds Sacred & Civil, and his Successors also, without any reciprocal obligation from him to them, or any re­served restriction, limitation, or qualification, as all hu­mane Authority by Gods Ordinance must be bounded. Whereby the Swearers have by Oath homologated the overturning of the very Basis of the Government, making free people Slaves to the subverters thereof, betraying their native Brethren & posterity to the lust of Tyrannie, and [Page 108] have in effect as really as if in plain termes affirmed, that whatsoever Tyrannie shall command or do, either as to the overturning of the work of God, subverting of Reli­gion, destroying of Liberty, or persecuting all the Godly to the utmost extremity, they shall not only stupidly endure it, but actively concur with it, and assist in all this Tyran­nie. Alas there was no publick Testimony against this Trick, to bring people under the yoke of Tyrannie; except by some who suffered for Consciencious refusing it, while many others did take it, thinking to salve the matter by their pitiful quibleng senses, of giving Cesar his due. Where as this Cesar, for whom these Loyal Alleg [...]ers plead, is not an ordinary Cesar, but such a Cesar, Nero, or Caligula, that if he got his due, it would be in another kind. Strange! can Presbyterians swear that Allegiance, which is substitute in the place of the broken & burnt Covenant? Or could they swear it to such a person, who having broken & buryed the Covenant, that he who had sworn it might have another right and another Allegiance than that of the Covenant, had then remitted to us all Allegiance founded upon the Covenant? However, having now prepared & furnished himself with Tools so qualified for his purpose, in Church & State, he prosecutes his Persecution with such fervour & fury, rage & revenge, impositions & oppressions, and with armed formed force, against the faithful following their duty in a peaceable manner, without the least shadow of Contempt even of his abused Authority, that at length in the year 1666, a small party were compelled to go to defensive armes. Which, whatever was the desire of the Court (as it is known how desirous they have been of an Insurrection, when they thought themselves sure to sup­press it, that they might have a vent for their Cruelty; and how one of the Brothers hath been heard say, that if he might have his wish, he would have them all turn Rebells and go to armes.) Yet it wa [...] no predetermined design of that poor Handful. For Sir Iames Turner, pursuing his cruel orders in Galoway, sent some Souldiers to apprehend a poor old man; whom his neighbours compassionating, intreated the Souldiers to loose him as he lay bound, but were answered with drawen [Page 109] Swords and necessitated to their own defence: In which they relieve the man, and disarm the Souldiers, and further attacqued some others oppressing that Countrey, disarming 10 or 12 more, and killing one that made resistence. Whereupon, the Countrey being alarmed, and fearing from sad experience Sir Iames would certainly avenge this affront upon the whole Country, without distinction of free & unfree, they gather about 54 horsemen, march to Drumfreis, take Sir Iames Turner Prisoner, and disarm the Souldiers, without any more violence. Being thus by Providence engaged without any hope of retreat, and gett­ing some Concurrence of their Brethren in the same Condition, they come to Lanerk, where they renew the Covenant; and thence to Pentland hills: where, by the holy Disposal of God, they were routed, many killed, and 130 taken Prisoners, who were treated so treacher­ously & truculently, as Turks would have blushed to have seen the like. Hence now on the one hand, we may see the Righteousness of God, in leaving that Enemy to Him, whom we embraced, to make such avowed Discoveries of himself, without a blush to the world, and to scourge us with Scorpions that we nourished and put in his hands: And also, how justly at that time He left us into such a damp, that like Asses we couched under all burdens, and few came out to the help of the Lord against the Mighty, drawing on them Meroz's Curse, and the blood of their butchered Brethren; after we had sitten, & seen, and suf­fered all things Civil & Sacred to be destroyed in our sight without resentment. And though the Lord, who called out these worthy Patriots who fell at Pentland to such an appearance for His Interests, did take a Testimony of their hands with acceptance by sufferings, and singularly Coun­tenanced them in sealing it with their blood; yet He would not give success nor His presence to the Enterprise, but left them in a sort of infatuation, without Counsel & Conduct, to be a prey to devourers, that by a sad inadvertency they took in the Tyrants Interest into the State of the Quarrel. Which should have warned His people for the future, to have stated the Quarrel otherwise.

[Page 110] II. By this time; and much more after, the King gave as many proofs & demonstrations of his being true to Anti­christ, in minding all the promises & treaties with him, as he had of his being false to Christ, in all his Covenant En­gagments with His People. For in this same year 1666. he, with his dear & Royal Brother the Duke of York, con­trived, countenanced, & abetted, the burning of London, evident by their employing their Guards to hinder the People from saving their oun, and to dismiss the Incen­diaries the Papists, that were taken in the fact. The Com­mittee, appointed to cognosce upon that business, traced it fo far, that they durst go no further, unless they would arraign the Duke, & charge the King, and yet before this it was enacted as Criminal for any to say the King was a Papist. But having gained so much of his design in Scot­land; where he had established Prelacy, advanced Tyranny to the hight of Absoluteness, and his Supremacy almost beyond the reach of any additional supply, yea above the Popes oun Claim, and had now brought his only opposites, the few faithful Witnesses of Christ, to a Low pass; he went on by Craft as wel as Cruelty, to advance his oun in promoting Antichrists Interest. And therefore, having gotten the Supremacy devolved upon him by Law (for which also he had the Popes dispensation, to take it to him­self for the time, under promise to restore & surrender it to him, as soon as he could attain his end by it, as the other Brother succeeding hath now done) he would now exert that usurped power, and work by infnaring policy to effectuate the end which he could not do by other means. Therefore, seeing he was not able to suppress the Meetings of the Lords people for Gospel Ordinances, in house & fields, but that the more he laboured by violent courses the greater & more frequent they grew; he fell upon a more Craftie device, not only to overthrow the Gospel and suppress the Meetings, but to break the faithful, and to divide, between the Mad-cap & the Moderate Fanaticks (as they phrased it) that he might the more easily destroy both; to confirm the usurpation, and to settle people in a sinful silence & stupid submission to all the Incroachments made [Page 111] on Christs Prerogatives, and more effectually to over­turn what remained of the Work of God. And, knowing that nothing could more fortifie the Supremacy than Mi­nisters their homologating & acknowledging it; Therefore he offerd the first Indulgence, Anno 1669. Signifying in a Letter, dated that year Iune 7. His gracious pleasure was, to appoint so many of the outed Ministers, ‘as have lived peaceably & orderly, to return to preach & exercise other functions of the Ministrie, in the Paroch Churches where they formerly served (provided they be vacant) and to allow Patrons to present to other vacant Churches, such others of them as the Council should approve: That all who are so Indulged, be enjoyned to keep Presbytries, and the Refusers to be confined within the bounds of their paroches: And that they be enjoined not to admitt any of their neighbour Paroches unto their Commu­nions, nor Baptize their Children, nor marry any of them, without the allowance of the Minister of the Paroch, and if they Countenance the people deserting their oun Paroches, they are to be silenced for shorter or longer time, or altogether turned out, as the Council shall see cause: And upon Complaint made & verified, of any Seditious discourse or expressions in the Pulpit, uttered by any of the Ministers, they are immediatly to be turned out, and further punished according to Law: And seeing by these orders, all Pretences for Conventickles were taken away, if any should be found hereafter to Preach without Authority, or keep Conventickles, his Pleasure is, to proceed with all severity against them, as Seditious persons & Contemners of Authority.’ To salve this in point of Law (because it was against former Lawes of their oun) and to make the Kings Letter the supreme Law afterwards, and a valid ground in Law, where upon the Council might proceed, & enact, and execute what the King pleased in Matters Ecclesiastick; he therefore caused frame a formal Statutory Act of Supre­macy, of this Tenor. ‘That his Maj. hath the supreme Authority & Supremacy over all Persons and in all Caus­es Ecclesiastick, within his dominions, and that by [Page 112] virtue thereof, the ordering & disposal of the external Government of the Church, doth properly belong to him & his successors, as an Inherent right to the Croun: And that he may settle, enact, & emitt such Constitu­tions, Acts, & Orders, concerning the Administrating therof, and Persons employed in the same, and con­cerning all Ecclesiastical Meetings & Matters, to be proposed & determined therein; as he in his Royal wisdom shall think fit: which Acts, Orders, & Constitutions, are to be observed & obeyed by all his Maj. Subjects, any Law, act, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.’ Where upon, accordingly the Council, in their Act Iuli [...]. 27. 1669. do nominate several Ministers, and appoint them to Preach, ‘and exercise the other functions of the Mi­nistrie, at their respective Churches there specified, with Consent of the Patrons. The same day also they conclude & enact the forementioned Restrictions,’ conform to the Kings Letter above rehearsed, And ordain them to be in­timat to every person, who is by Authority foresaid allowed the exercise of the Ministrie. These Indulged Ministers, having that Indulgence given only upon these termes, that they should accept these Injunctions, and having received it upon these termes also (as an essential part of the bargain & Condition, on which the Indulgence was granted & accepted, as many following Proclamations did expressly declare) do Appoint Mr Hutcheson, one of the number, to declare so much; ‘In Acknowledging his Maj. favour & Clemency, in granting that Liberty, after so long a restraint; And however they had received their Mini­strie from Jesus Christ, with full Prescriptions from Him for regulating them therein, yet nothing could be more refreshing on earth to them, than to have free Liberty for the exercise of their Ministrie, under the Protection of Lawful Authority: And so they purposed to be have themselves, in the discharge of the Ministrie, with that wisdom that became faithful Ministers, and to de­mean themselves towards Lawful Authority, notwith­standing of their known judgment in Church affairs, as wel becometh Loyal subjects; And their prayer to God [Page 113] should be, that the Lord should bless his Maj. in his person & Government, and the Council in the publick administration, and especially in the Pursuance of his Maj. mind in his Letter, wherein his singular modera­tion eminently appears.’—Afterwards they issued out Proclamations, reinforcing the punctual observation of the forementioned Injunctions, and delivered them into the Indulged. In the mean time, though Cruel Acts & Edicts were made against the Meetings of the Lords people, in houses & the fields, after all these Midianitish wyles to suppress them; such was the presence of the Lord in these Meetings, and so powerful was His Countenance & Concurrence with the Labours of a few, who laid out themselves to hold up the Standart of Christ; that the num­ber of Converts multiplyed dayly, to the praise of free Grace, and to the great encouragment of the few hands that wrestled in that Work, through all humane discourag­ment. Therefore King & Council was put to a new shift, which they supposed would prove more effectual: To wit, because there was a great number of Non-conformed Ministers not yet Indulged, who either did or might hereafter hold Conventickles, therefore, to remeed or pre­vent this in time coming, they appoint & ordain them to such places where Indulged Ministers were settled, there to be confined with allowance to Preach as the Indulged should employ them; thinking by this means to incapaci­tate many to hold Meetings there or elswere: And to these also they give injunctions & restrictions to regulate them in the exercise of their Ministrie. And to the end that all the outed Ministers might be brought under restraint, and the Word of God be kept under bonds, by another Act of Council they Command, that all other Ministers (not Disposed of as is said) were either to repair to the Pa­roch Churches where they were, or to some other Pa­roches where they may be ordinary hearers, and to declare & condiscend upon the Paroches where they intend to have their Residence. After this they assumed a Power, to Dispose of these their Curats as they pleased, and transport them from place to place; whereof the only ground was [Page 114] a simple Act of Council, the Instructions alwayes going along with them, as the constant Companion of the Indul­gence▪ By all which it is apparent; what ever these Mini­sters alledge, in vindication of it to cover its deformity, in their Balmes to take away its Stink, and in their Surveyes to gather Plaisters to scurf over its Scurveyness, viz. that it was but the removal of the Civil restraint, And that they entered into their places by the Call of the People (a meer mock pre­tence for a Prelimited imposition, whereby that Ordinance of Christ was basely prostituted & abused) And that their Testimony & Protestation was a Salvo for their conscience (a meer Outopian fancy▪ that the Indulgers with whom they bargained never heard of, otherwise, as they did with some who were faithful in testifying against their Encroach­ments, they would soon have given them a Bill of Ease) It cannot be denyed, that that doleful Indulge [...]e, both in its Rise, Contrivance; Conveyance, Grant, & Acceptance, End & Effects, was a Grievous Encroachment upon the Princely Prerogative of Jesus Christ the only Head of the Church; whereby the usurpers Supremacy was Homolo­gated; bowed to▪ complyed with, strengthened & esta­blished▪ the Cause & Kingdom of Christ betrayed, His Churches Priviledges surrendered, His Enemies harde­ned, His Friends stumbled, and the Remnant rent & ru­ined; in that it was granted & deduced from the Kings Supremacy, and conveyed by the Council; in that, ac­cording to his pleasure, he gave and they received a Li­cence & warrant, to such as he nominated & Elected and judged fit & qualified for it, and fixed them in what parti­cular Paroch he pleased to assign, under the notion of a Confinment, in that he imposed and they submitted to restrictions in the exercise of their Ministry, in these par­ticular Paroches, inhibiting to Preach elswhere in the Church; And with these restrictions, he gave and they received instructions to regulate & direct them in their functions: All which was done without Advice or Con­sent of the Church: And thereupon they have frequentlie been called & coveened before the Counci [...], to give ac­ [...]ount of their Ministerial exercise, and some of them sen­tenced, [Page 115] silenced, & deposed for alledged disobedience. This was a manifest Treason against Christ, which involved many in the actual guilt of it that day, and many others who gaped after it & could not obtain it, and for more at that time & since in the guilt of Misprision of Treason, in passing this also without a witness. Thus, in holy judge­ment, because of our Indulging & Conniving at the usurper of Christs Throne, He left a great part of the Mi­nisters to take that wretched Indulgence; and another part, instead of remonstrating the wickedness of that deed, have been left to palliate, & plaister, & Patronize it, in keeping up the Credit of the King & Councils Curats, wherein they have shewed more zeal, than ever against that wicked In­dulgence. Yet the Lord had some Witnesses, who prettie early did give significations of their resentment of this dis­honour done to Christ, as Mr William Weer, who having got the Legal Call of the People, and discharging his duty honestly, was turned out; And Mr Iohn Burnet, who wrote a Testimony directed to the Council, shewing why he could not submit to that Indulgence, inserted at large in the History of the Indulgence; Where also we have the Testi­mony of other ten Ministers, who drew up their Reasons of Non-Complyance with such a snare; And Mr Alexan­der Blair, who, upon occasion of a Citation before the Council for not observing the 29 of Maij, having with others made his appearance, and got new Copies of In­structions presented to them, being moved with zeal and remembering whose Ambassadour he was, told the Coun­cil plainly, that he could receive no Instructions from them in the exercise of his Ministry, otherwise he should not be Christs Am­bassadour but theirs, and herewith lets their Instructions drop out of his hand, knowing of no other Salv [...] or manner of Testifying for the Truth in the Case؛ for which he was im­prisoned, & died under Confinement. But afterwards, the Lord raised up some more explicite Witnesses against that defection. All this Trouble was before the year 1673. About which time, finding this device of Indulgences proved so steadable for his Service in Scotland, he was induced to try it also in England; which he did almost with the same or [Page 116] like success, & producing the same effects of defection, se­curity, & unfaithfulness. The Occasion was upon his wars with the Dutch: Which gave another demonstrative disco­very of his Treacherie & Popish perfidie, in breaking League with them, and entering into one with the French, to de­stroy Religion & Liberty in Britain: ‘Wherein the King of France assures him an Absolute Authority over his Par­liaments, and to reestablish the Catholick Religion in his Kingdoms of England Scotland & Ireland; to Compass which it was necessary first to abate the pride & power of the Dutch, and to reduce them to the sole Province of Holland, by which means the King of England should have Zeland for a retreat in case of need, and that the rest of the Low Countries should remain to the King of France, if he could render himself Master of it. But to return to Scotland.’ While by the forementioned Device, he thought he had utterly suppressed the Gospel in house & field Meetings, he was so far disappointed, that these very means & Machins by which he thought to bury it, did chiefly contribute to its revival. For, when by Persecution many Ministers had been chased away by illegal Law-Sen­tences, many had been banished away, and by their en­snaring Indulgences many had been drawen away from their duty, and others were now sentenced with Confinements & Restraints, if they should not choose & fix their residence where they could not keep their Quiet & Conscience both; they were forced to wander and disperse through the Country, and the People being tired of the cold & dead Curats, and wanting long the Ministrie of their old Pa­stors, so longed & hungered after the Word, that they be­hoved to have it at any rate cost what it would; which made them entertain the dispersed Ministers more earnestly, and encouraged them more to their duty. By whose En­deavours, through the mighty power & presence of God, and the Light of His Countenance now shining through the Cloud, after so fatal & fearful a darkness that had over­clouded the Land for a while, with such a resplendent brightness, that it darkened the Prelatick Locusts, and made them hisse and gnash their tongues for pain, and dazeled [Page 117] the eyes of all Onlookers; the Word of God grew exceed­ingly, and went through at least the Southern borders of the Kingdom like lightning, or like the Sun in its Meri­dian beauty; discovering so the Wonders of Gods Law, the Mysteries of His Gospel, and the Secrets of His Co­venant, and the Sins & Duties of that day, that a nume­rous issue was begotten to Christ, and His Conquest was Glorious, Captivating poor slaves of Satan, and bringing them from his power unto God, and from darkness to Light. O! who can remember the Glory of that Day, without a melting heart, in reflecting upon what we have lost, and let go, and sinned away, by our Misimprove­ments? O that in that our day we had hearkened to His voice, and had known the things that belonged to our peace! A day of such power, that it made the People, even the bulk & body of the People, willing to come out and venture, upon the greatest of hardships and the greatest of hazards, in pursuing after the Gospel, through Mosses & Moors, & inaccessible Mountains, Summer & Winter, through excess of heat & extremity of cold, many dayes & night-journeyes; even when they could not have a probable expectation of escaping the Sword of the wilderness, and the barbarous fury of bloody Burrio's raging for their prey, sent out with orders to take & kill them, it being now made Criminal by Law, especially to the preachers & Convocaters of those Meetings. But this was a day of such power, that nothing could daunt them from their duty, that had tasted once the sweetness of the Lords pre­sence at these persecuted Meetings. Then had we such Humiliation-dayes for personal & publick Defections, such Communion-dayes even in the open fields, and such Sabbath-Solemnities, that the places where they were kept might have been called Bethel, or Peniel, or Bochim, and all of them Iehovah-Shammah; wherein many were truly Converted, more Convinced, and generally all Reformed from their former immoralities: That even Robbers, Thieves, and Profane Men, were some of them brought to a saving sub­jection to Christ, and generally under such restraint, that all the severities of heading & hanging &c. in a great many [Page 118] years, could not make such a Civil Reformation, as a few dayes of the Gospel, in these formerly the Devils Terito­ries, now Christs Quarters, where His Kingly Standart was displayed. I have not Language to lay out the inex­pressible Glory of that day: But I will make bold to say two things of it, first, I doubt if ever there was Greater dayes of the Son of Man upon the Earth since the Apostolick times, than we enjoyed for the space of Seven years at that time: And next, I doubt, if upon the back of such a light­some day there was ever a blacker night of darkness, de­fection, division, & confusion, and a more universal im­pudent Apostasie, than we have seen since. The world is at a great loss, that a more exact & complete account demonstrating both these, is not published, which I am sure would be a fertile Theme to any faithful pen. But this not being my scope at present, but only to deduce the steps of the Contendings of Christs Friends & His Enemies, I must follow the threed of my Narration. Now when Christ is gaining Ground by the preached Gospel in plenty, in pu­rity, & power, the Usurpers Supremacy was like to stag­ger, and Prelacy came under universal Contempt, in so much that several Country Curats would have had but scarce half a dozen of hearers, and some none at all. And this was a General Observe that never failed, that no sooner did any poor Soul come to get a serious sense of Religion, and was brought under any real Exercise of Spirit about their Souls Concerns, but as soon they did fall out with Prelacy and left the Curats. Hence to secure what he had possessed himself of by Law, and to prevent a dangerous Paraxisme which he thought would ensue upon these Commotions, the King returned to exerce his innate Tyranny, and to emit terrible Orders, and more terrible Executioners, & bloody Emissaries, against all Field Meetings: which, after long patience▪ the people at length could not endure; but being first chased to the Fields, where they would have been content to have the Gospel with all the inconve­niences of it, and also expelled from the Fields, being re­solute to maintain the Gospel, they resolved to defend it & themselves by Armes. To which, unavoidable necessity [Page 119] in unsupportable extremity did constrain them, as the only remaining remedy. It is known, for several years they met without any Armes, where frequently they were disturbed & dispersed with Souldiers some killed others wounded, which they patiently endured without Resistence: At length the Ministers that were most in hazard, having a Price set upon their heads to be brought in dead or alive, with some attending them in their wanderings, understanding they were thus appointed for death, judged it their duty to pro­vide for the necessary defence of their lives from the vio­lence of their Armed Assaulters. And as Meetings increased, diverse others came under the same hazard, which enforced them to endeavour the same remedy, without the least in­tention of prejudice to any. Thus the number of Sufferers increasing, as they joyned in the Ordinances at these perse­cuted Meetings, found themselves in some probable Capa­city to defend themselves and these much endeared & pre­cious Gospel Priviledges, & to preserve the Memory of the Lords great Work in the Land, which to transmit to poste­rity was their great design. And they had no small encou­ragment to endeavour it, by the satisfying sweetness & com­fort they found in these Ordinances, being perswaded of the justness of their Cause, and of the groundlessness of their Adversaries quarrel against them: And hereunto also they were incited & prompted, by the palpableness of the Ene­mies purposes to destroy the Remainder of the Gospel, by extirpating the Remnant that professed it. Wherefore in these circumstances, being redacted to that strait, either to be deprived of the Gospel or to defend themselves in their Meetings for it; And thinking their turning their backs upon it for hazard, was a cowardly deserting duty, and palpable breach of Covenant-Engagments, abandoning their greatest Interest, They thought it expedient, yea ne­cessary, to carry defensive Armes with them. And as for that discouragment from the difficulty & danger of it, be­cause of their fewness & meanness, it did not deter or daunt them from the endeavour of their duty; when they consi­dered, the Lord in former times was wont to oune a very small party of their Ancestors, who in extremity jeoparded [Page 120] their lives in defence of Reformation against very potent & powerful Enemies: These now ouning the same Cause, judged themselves obliged to run the same hazard, in the same circumstances, and to follow the same method, & durst not leave it unessayed, leaving the event to God: considering also, that not only the Law of Nature & Na­tions doth allow self defence from unjust violence, but also the indissoluble obligation of their Covenants, to maintain & defend the true Religion & one another in pro­moving the same, made it indispensible to use that en­deavour, the defect of which through their former supine­ness gave no small encouragment to the Enemies: They considered also what would be the consequence of that War, declared against all the Faithful of t [...]e Land with a displayed banner, prosecuted with fire & [...]word, and all acts of horrid hostility, published in printed Proclama­tions, & written in Characters of blood by barbarous soul­diers, so that none could enjoy Gospel Ordinances dis­pensed in Purity, but upon the hazard of their lives: And therefore, to prevent & frustrate these effects, they en­deavoured to put themselves in a posture. And hereunto they were encouraged, by the constant experience of the Lords countenancing their endeavours in that posture, which alwayes proved successful for several years, their enemies either turning their backs without disturbance, when they observed them resolve defence, or in their as­saultings repulsed: So that there was never a Meeting which stood to their defence, got any considerable harme thereby. Thus the Lord was with us while we were with Him, but when we forsook Him then He forsook us, and left us in the hands of our enemies. However, while Meet­ings for Gospel Ordinances did continue, the wicked Rulers did not cease from time to time to encrease their numerous [...]ands of Barbarous Souldiers, for suppressing the Gospel in these field-Meetings. And for their Mainti­nance, they imposed new wicked & arbitrary Cesses & Taxations, professedly required for suppressing Religion & Liberty, banishing the Gospel out of the Land, and pre­serving & promoting his Absoluteness over all Matters & [Page 121] Persons Sacred & Civil: Which, under that tentation of great suffering threatened to Refusers, and under the dis­advantage of the silence & unfaithfulness of many Mini­sters, who either did not condemn it or pleaded for the peaceable payment of it, many did comply with it then, and far more since. Yet at that time there were far more Recusants, in some places, (especially in the Western Shires) than Complyers: And there were many of the Ministers that did faithfully declare to the people the sin of it; Not only from the illegality of its imposition, by a convention of overawed and prelimited States; but from the nature of that imposed Complyance, that it was a sin­ful transaction with Christs declared Enemies, a strengthen­ing the hands of the wicked, an Obedience to a wicked Law, a Consenting to Christs Expulsion out of the Land, and not only that, but (far worse than the sin, of the Ga­darens) a formal Concurrence to assist His Expellers, by maintaining their force, a hiring our Oppressours to de­stroy Religion & Liberty; And from the fountain of it, an Arbitrary power domineering over us, and oppressing & overpressing the Kingdoms with intollerable exactions That to pay it, it was to entail slaverie on the posterity; And from the declared end of it, expressed in the very Nar­rative of the Act, viz: to levy & maintain forces for suppres­sing & dispersing Meetings of the Lords people, and to shew unanimous affection for maintaining the Kings Su­premacy as now established by Law; which designs he re­solved, and would be capacitate by the Granters to effec­tuate by such a Grant, which in effect, to all tender Consciences, had an evident tendency to the exauctorating the Lord Christ, to maintain Souldiers to suppress His Work, & murder His Followers, yet all this time Mini­sters & Professors were unite, and with one soul & shoul­der followed the Work of the Lord, till the Indulged▪ being dissatisfied with the Meetings in the fields, whose Glory was like to overcloud & obscure their beds of ease, and especially being offended at the freedom & faithful­ness of some, who set the Trumpet to their mouth, and shewed Iacob his sins & Israel his transgressions impartially without a clock or cover, they began to make a faction [Page 122] among the Ministers, and to devise how to quench the fervour of their zeal who were faithful for God. But the more they sought to extinguish it, the more it brake out and blazed into a flame. For Several of Christs Am­bassadours, touched & affected with the affronts done to their Princely Master by the Supremacy and the Indulgence its Bastard brood & brat, began after long silence to discover its iniquity, and to acquaint the people how the Usurper had invaded the Mediators Chair, in taking upon him to depose; suspend, silence, plant & transplant His Mini­sters, where & when & how he pleased, and to give forth warrants & Licences for admitting them, with Ca­nons & Instructions for regulating them in the exercise of their Ministrie, and to arraign & censure them at his Courts for delinquencies in their Ministry; pursuing all to the death who are faithful to Christ, and maintain their Loyaltie to His Lawes, and will not prostitute their Con­sciences to his lusts, and bow doun to the Idol of his Su­premacy, but will oune the Kingly Authority of Christ. Yet others, and the greater number of dissenting Mini­sters, were not only deficient herein, but defended them, joyned with them, and (pretending prudence & preven­tion of Schisme) in effect homologated that deed and the practice of these Priests Ezek. 22. 26. teaching & advising the people to hear them, both by precept, and going along with them in that Erastian Course: And not only so, but condemned & censured such who preached against the sin­fulness thereof, especially in the first place, Worthy Mr Walwood, who was among the first Witnesses against that defection, and Mr Kid, Mr King, Mr Cameron, Mr Do­nald Cargil &c. who sealed their Testimony afterwards with their blood; yet then even by their Brethren were loaden with the reproachful Nicknames of Schismaticks, blind Zea [...]ots, I [...]suits &c. But it was alwayes observed, as long as Ministers were faithful in following the Lord in the way of their duty, Professors were fervent, And un­under all their Conflicts with Persecuters▪ the courage & zeal of the lovers of Christ was blazing, and never out-braved by all the enemies boastings to undertake brisk Ex­ploits: [Page 123] which from time to time they were now and then essaying, till defection destroyed, and division diverted their zeal against the Enemis of God, who before were alwayes the object against which they whetted the edge of their just Indignation. Especially the insulting insolency & insolent villanie of that publick Incendiarie, the Arch-Prelate Sharp, was judged intollerable by ingenuous Spi­rits; because he had treacherously betrayed the Church & Nation, and being imployed as their delegate to oppose the threatened introduction of Prelacy, he had like a per­jured Apostate and perfidious Traitor advanced himself into the place of Primate of Scotland, and being a member of Council he became a chief Instrument of all the Persecu­tion, and main Instigator to all the bloody violence & cruelty that was exerced against the people of God; by whose means, the letter sent doun to stop the shedding of more blood after Pentland was kept [...] up, until several of these Martyrs were Murdered. Therefore in Iulij 1668. Mr Iames Mitchel thought in his duty to save himself, de­liver his Brethren, and free the Land of the violence of that beast of prey, and attempted to cut him off: which failing, he then escaped, but afterwards was apprehend­ed; and being moved by the Councils Oath, and Act of Assurance promising his life, he made Confession of the fact: Yet afterwards for the same he was arraigned be­fore the Justiciary, and the Confession he made was brought in against him, and witnessed by the perjured Chancellour Rothes, and other Lords, contrare to their Oath & Act produced in open Court, to their indeleble infamy: whereupon he was tortured, condemned, & executed. But Justice would not suffer this Murder to pass long unrevenged, nor that Truculunt Traitor, Iamos Sharp the Arch-Prelat, who was the occasion & cause of it, and of many more both before & after, to escape remark­able punishment; the severity whereof did sufficiently compense its delay, after ten years respite, wherein he ceased not more and more to pursue, persecute, & make havock of the Righteous for their duty, until at length he received the just demerit of his perfidie, perjury, aposta­sie, [Page 124] sorceries, villanies, and murders, Sharp arrowes of the Mighty & coals of Iuniper. For upon the 3. of May 1679. several worthy Gentlmen, with some other men of Cou­rage & zeal for the cause of God and the good of the Coun­try, executed righteous Judgement upon him in Magu [...] Moor near St Andrews. And that same moneth, on the Anniversary day May 29. the Testimony at Rutherglen was Published, against that abomination of celebrating an An­niversary day, kept every year for giving thanks for the setting up an usurped power, destroying the Interest of Christ in the Land—And angainst all sinful & unlawful Acts, emitted & executed, published & prosecuted against our Covenanted Refor­mation. Where also they burnt the Act of Supremacy, the Declaration, the Act Recissory &c. in way of retaliation for the burning of the Covenants. On the Sabbath following Iun. 1. A field Meeting for the Worship of God near to Loudoun-hil was assaulted by Graham of Claverhouse, and with him three troups of horse & Dragoons, who had that morning taken an honest Minister and about 14 Country­men out of their beds and carried them along with them as Prisoners to the Meeting in a Barbarous manner. But by the good hand of God upon the Defendents, they were re­pulsed at Drumclogg and put to flight, the Prisoners reliev­ed, about 30. of the Souldiers killed on the place, and 3. of the Meeting, and several wounded on both sides. There­after the people retreating from the pursuit, consulted what was expedient in that juncture, whether to disperse themselves as formerly, or to keep together for their ne­cessary defence. The result was, that considering the craft & cruelty of those they had to deal with, the sad con­sequents of falling into their hands now more incensed than ever, the evil effects that likely would ensue upon their separation, which would give them access to make havock of all; they judged it most safe in that extremity for some time not to separate. Which Resolution, com­ing abroad to the ears of others of their Brethren; deter­mined them incontinently to come to their Assistence, considering their necessity, and their oun lyableness to the same common danger, upon the account of their endea­vours [Page 125] of that nature elsewhere to defend themselves, being of the same judgement for maintaining of the same Cause, to which the were bound by the same Covenants, and groaning under the same burdens; they judged therefore that if they now with held their assistence in such a strait, they could not be innocent of their Brethrens blood, nor found faithful in their Covenant: To which they were en­couraged with the Countenance & success the Lord had given to that Meeting, in that defensive Resistence. This was the Rise & Occasion of that Appearance at Bothwel­bridge, which the Lord did in His Holy Soveraignty confound, for former Defections by the means of Divi­sion, which broke that litle Army among themselves, be­fore they were broken by the Enemy. They continued together in amiable & amicable peace for the space of 8 or 9 dayes, while they endeavoured to put out & keep out every wicked thing from amongst them, and adhered to the Rutherglen-Testimony, and that short Declaration at Glasgow confirming it; ‘Representing their present purposes & endeavours, where only in vindication & defence of the Reformed Religion—as they stood obliged thereto by the National & Solemn League & Covenant, and the Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins & Engagment to du­ties; Declaring against Popery, Prelacy, Erastianisme, and all things depending thereupon.’ Intending hereby to comprehend the defection of the Indulgence, to witness against which all unanimously aggreed: Until the Army encreasing, the Defenders & Daubers of that defection, some Ministers and others, came in who broke all, and upon whom the blood of that Appearance may be charged. The occasion of the breach was, first, When in the sense of the obligation of that Command, when the host goeth forth against thine enemies, keep thee from every wicked thing, an over­ture was offered to set times apart for humiliation for the publick sins of the Land, according to the practice of the Godly in all ages before engaging their enemies, and the laudable precedents of our Ancestors; that so the Causes of Gods wrath against the Nation might be enquired into & confessed, and the Lords Blessing, Counsel, & Conduct [Page 126] to & upon present Endeavours, might be implored. And accordingly the Complying with abjured Erastianisme, by the acceptance of the ensnaring Indulgence, offered by & received from the Usurping Rulers, was condescended upon among the rest of the grounds of fasting & humilia­tion, so seasonably & necessarely called for at that time. The Sticklers for the Indulgence refused the overture, upon politick considerations, for fear of offending the Indulged Ministers & Gentlemen, and provoking them to withdraw their Assistence. This was the great Cause of the division, that produced such unhappy & destructive effects. And next, whereas the Cause was stated before according to the Covenants, in the Rutherglen-Testimony & Glasglow-De­claration, wherein the Kings Interest was waved; These Dividers drew up another large paper (called the Hamil­toun-Declaration) wherein they assert the Kings Interest, ac­cording to the third Article of the Solemn League & Co­venant. Against which the best affected contended, & pro­tested they could not in Conscience put in his Interest in the State of the Quarrel, being now in stated opposition to Christs Interests, and inconsistent with the meaning of the Covenant, and the practices of the Covenanters, and their own Testimonies; while now he could not be de­clared for as being in the defence of Religion & Liberty, when he had so palpably overturned & ruined the Work of Reformation, and oppressed such as adhered thereunto, and had burnt the Covenant &c. Whereby he had loosed the people from all obligation to him from it. Yet that con­trary faction prevailed, so far as to get it published in the name of all: whereby the Cause was perverted & betrayed, and the former Testimonies rendered irrite, and the In­terest of the publick Enemy epsoused. Finally, the same day that the Enemy approached in sight, And a conside­rable advantage was offered to do execution against them, these Loyal Gentlemen hindered & retarded all Action, till a Parly was beat, and an Address dispatched to the Duke of Monmouth, who then commanded his Fathers Army. By which nothing was gained, but free Liberty given to the Enemies to plant their Canon, and advance [Page 127] without interruption. After which, in the Holy All-over­ruling Providence of God, that poor handful was signally discountenanced of God, deprived of all Conduct, divested of all Protection, and laid open to the raging Sword, the just punishment of all such tamperings with the Enemies of God, and espousing their Interest, and omitting humi­liation for their own and the Lands sins. About 300 were killed in the Fields, and 1000. and upwards were taken Prisoners, stripped, and carried to Edinburgh, where they were kept for a long time in the Gray Friers Church­yard, without shelter from cold or rain. And at length had the tentation of an insnaring bond of peace: Wherein they were to acknowledge that Insurrection to be Rebellion▪ and oblige themselves never to rise in Armes against the King, nor any commissionate by him, and to live peaceably &c. Which, through fear of threatened death, and the unfaithfulness of some, and the impudence of other Ministers that per­swaded them to take it, prevailed with many: Yet others resolutely resisted, judging it to imply a condemning of their duty, an abandoning of their Covenant-Engagments, wherein they were obliged to duties inconsistent with such bonds, and a voluntary binding up their hands from all oppositions to the declared War against Christ, which is the native sense of the peace they require, which can never be entertained long with men so treacherous. And there­fore upon Principles of Reason & Conscience they refused that pretended Indemnity, offered in these termes. Never­theless the most part took it: and yet were sentenced with banishment; and sent away for America as well as they who refused it; And by the way, (a few excepted,) pe­rished in Shipwrack: whose blood yet cries both against the Imposers, and the Perswaders to that bond.

III. This fearful & fatal stroke at Bothuel, not only was in its immediate effects so deadly, but in its consequents so destructive, that the decaying Church of Scotland, which before was begining to revive, was then cast into such a swoon that she is never like to recover to this day. And the Universality of her Children, which before espoused her Testimony, was after that partly drawn by Craft, and [Page 128] partly drawn by Cruelty, from a Conjunction with their Brethren in prosecuting the same, either into an open de­fection to the Contrary side, or into a detestable indiffe­rency & neutrality in the Cause of God. For first of all the Duke of Monmouth, whose nature more averse from Cruelty than the rest of that Progeny made him pliable to all suggestions of wicked policy, that seemed to have a shew or smoothness & lenity, procured the emission of a pretended Indemnity, attended with the foresaid Band of p [...]ace for its Companion. Which were dreadful snares, catching many with flatteries, and fair pretences of fa­vours, fairded over with curious words and cozening names of living peaceably &c. while in the mean time a most deadly & destructive thrust (as it were under the fifth rib) because most secret, was intended against all that was left remaining of the Work of God undestroyed, and a bar put upon all essayes to revive or recover it by their oun con­sent, who should endeavour it. This Course of Defection carried away many at that time: And from that time, since the taking of that bond of peaceable living, there hath been an universal preferring of peace to Truth, and of ease to duty. And the generality have been left to swallow all baits, tho the hook was never so discernible, all those ensnaring Oaths & Bonds imposed since, which both then & since People were left to their oun determination to chuse or refuse; many Ministers refusing to give their Advice when required & requested thereunto, and some not being a­shamed or afraid to perswad the People to take them. The Ministrie then also were generally insnared with that band­ed Indulgence, the pretended benefit of that Indemnity, which as it was designed so it produced the woful effect of propagating the defection, and promoting the division, and laying them by from their duty & Testimony of that day, which to this day they have not yet taken upon their former ground. For when a Proclamation was emitted, inveighing bitterly against field Meetings, and absolutely interdicting all such for the future under highest pain, but granting Liberty to Preach in houses upon the termes of a Cautionary bond given for their living peaceably: yet exclud­ing [Page 129] all these Ministers who were suspected to have been at the late Rebellion; and all these who shall afterward be admitted by Non-Conforme Ministers: And certifying, that if ever they shall be at any field Conventickle, the said In­demnity shall not be useful to such Transgressours any manner of way: And requiring security, that none under the colour of this favour continue to preach Rebellion. Though there seems to be enough in the Proclamation it self to have scarred them from this scandalous snare, yet a Meeting of Ministers at Edinburg made up of Indulged, avowed Ap­plauders of the Indulgence, or underhand Approvers and favourers of the same, and some of them old Publick Reso­lutioners, assuming to themselves the name of a General Assembly, yea of the Representative of the Church of Scotland, voted for the Acceptance of it. And so formally transacted & bargained upon base, dishonest, & dishonour­able termes with the Usurper, by consenting & com­pacting with the People to give that bond, Wherein the People upon an humble Petition to the Council, ‘obtaining their Indulged-Minister do bind & oblige—that the said—shall live peaceably. And in order thereto to pre­sent him before his Maj. Privie Council, when they shall be called so to do; And in case of failzie in not pre­senting him, to be Lyable to the summe of 6000 Merks.’ Whereby they condemned themselves of former un­peaceableness, and engaged to a sinful Peace with the ene­mies of God, and became bound and fettered under these bonds to a forbearance of a Testimony, and made answer­able to their Courts, and the People were bound to pre­sent them for their duty. The sinfulness, scandalousness, & inconveniences of which transactions, are abundantly demonstrated by a Treatise thereupon, intituled, The Banders disbanded. Nevertheless many embraced this new bastard Indulgence, that had not the benefit of the former brat, of the same Mother the Supremacy, and far more consented to it without a witness, and most of all did some way homologate it, in preaching under the sconce of it: Declining the many reiterated & urgent Calls of the [...]ealous Lovers of Christ, to come out and maintain the [Page 130] Testimony of the Gospel in the open fields, for the honour of their Master and the freedom of their Ministrie. Where­upon, as many poor People were stumbled and jumbled into many confusions, so that they were so bewildered & bemisted in doubts & debates, that they knew not what to do, and were tempted to question the Cause formerly so servently contended for against all opposition, then so simply abandoned, by these that seemed sometimes valiant for it, when they saw them consulting more their oun ease than the Concerns of their Masters Glory, or the ne­cessity of the poor people hungering for the Gospel, and standing in need of Counsel in time of such abounding snares, whereby many became a prey to all tentations: So the more zealous & faithful, after several Addresses, Calls, & Invitations to Ministers, finding themselves deserted by them, judged themselves under a necessity to discounte­nance many of them, whom formerly they followed with pleasure; and to resolve upon a pursuit & prosecution of the duty of the day without them, and to provide them­selves with faithful Ministers, who would not shun for all hazards to declare the whole Counsel of God. And accord­ingly through the tender Mercy of God, compassionating the exigence of the People, the Lord sent them first Mr Richard Cameron, with whom after his serious solicitation his Brethren denied their concurrence, and then Mr Donald Cargil; who, with a zeal & boldness becoming Christs Ambassadours, maintained & prosecuted the Testi­mony, against all the Indignities done to their Master and wrongs to the Cause, both by the encroachments of Ad­versaries and defections of their declining Brethren. Wherein they were signally countenanced of their Master; And the Lords Inheritance was again revived with the showres of the Gospels blessings, wherewith they had been before refreshed; and enlightened with a Glance & Glimpse of resplendent brightness, immediatly before the obscurity of this fearful night of darkness that hath succeeded. But as Christ was then displaying His beauty, to His poor de­spised & persecuted People; so Antichrist began to blaze his bravery, in the solemn & shameful reception of his [Page 131] harbinger, that Pimp of the Romish whore, the Duke of York. Who had now pulled off the Mask, under which he had long covered his Antichristian Bigotrie, through a trick of his brother, constrained by the Papists importunity, and the necessity of their favour, & recruit of their Coyn, either to declare himself Papist, or to make his brother do it: whereby all the locusts were engaged to his Interest, with whom he entered into a Conspiracy and Popish Plot, as was discovered by many infallible evidences, and con­fessed by Coleman his Secretary, to Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey; for which, lest he should witness against him, when Cole­man was apprehended, that Gentleman was cruelly mur­dered by the Duke of Yorks contrivance & command. Yet for all the demonstrations of his being a Bigot Papist, that he had long given unto the world, it is known what some suffered for saying, that the Duke of York was a Papist and being forced to leave England he was come to Scotland to promots Poperie & Arbitrary Government. However, thô the Parlia­ment of England, for his Poperie & Villanie, and his plot­ing & pursuing the destruction of the Nation, did vote his Exclusion; yet degenerate Scotland did receive him in great pompe & pride. Against which, the forementioned faith­ful witnesses of Christ did find themselves obliged to testify their just resentment, and to protest against his succeeding to the Croun, in their Declaration published at ‘Sanquhair, Iune 22. 1680. Wherein also they Disoune Charles Ste­wart, as having any Right, Title, or Interest in the Croun of Scotland or Government thereof, as being fore­ [...]aulted several years since, by his perjurie & breach of Covenant, Usurpation on Christs Prerogatives, and by his Tyranny & breaches in the very Leges regnandi in matters Civil—And declare a war with him, and all the men of these practices—homologating the Testi­mony at Rutherglen,’ and disclaiming that declaration at Hamiltoun. This Action was generally condemned by the body of lurking Ministers, both for the matter of it, and the unseasonableness of it, and its apparent unfeasibleness, being done by a handful so inconsiderable, for number, strength, or significancy. But as they had very great & im­portant [Page 132] reasons to disclaim that Tyrants Authority, hinted in the Declaration it self, and hereafter more fully vindi­cated: so the necessity of a Testimony against all the Tyran­nical Encroachments on Religion & Liberty, then current & encreasing; and the sin & shame of shifting & delaying it so long, when the Blasphemous Supremacy was now ad­vanced to its summity; the Churches Priviledges all over­turned; Religion and the Work of Reformation trampled under foot; the Peoples Rights & Liberties destroyed, and Lawes all subverted; and no shadow of Government left but arbitrary Absoluteness, obtruding the Tyrants will for Reason, and his Letter for the Supreme Law (witness the Answer which one of the Council gave to another, obje­cting against their Proceedings as not according to Law, what devil do ye talk of Law? have not we the Kings Letter for it?) And all the ends of Magistracy wholly inverted; while inno­cent & honest People were grievously oppressed in their persons, Consciences, & Estates; And Perjuries, Adulteries, Idolatries, and all impieties were not only connived at, but countenanced as badges of Loyaltie, and manifest & mon­strous Robbries & Murders Authorized, Judgement turned into gall, and the fruit of Righteousness into hemlock; do justify its Seasonableness: And the ends of the Declaration, to keep up the Standart of the Gospel, and maintain the Work of Reformation, and preserve a Remnant of faithful Adhe­rers to it; the nature of the Resolution declared, being only to endeavour to make good & maintain their Revolt, in op­position to all who would pursue them for it, and reinforce them to a subjection to that yoke of slaverie again; and the extremity of danger & distress that party was in, while declar­ed & pursued as Rebells, and intercommuned & interdicted of all supplie & solace, being put out of their oun, and by Law precluded of the harbour of all other habitations, and so both for safety & subsistence compelled by necessity to concur & keep together, may alleviate the Censure and stop the Clamour of its unfeasibleness. But thô it is not the prudence of the managment, but the justness of the Action, that I would have vindicated from obliquies; yet it wanted nothing but success to justify both, in the conviction of many that made much outcry against it. ‘In these dangerous [...] [Page 135] in his maintainance of the true Covenanted Religion—which homage they cannot now require upon the ac­count of the Covenant, which they have renounced & disclaimed; and upon no other ground we are bound to them—the Croun not being an inheritance, that pas­seth from Father to son without the Consent of Tenants—(3) Of the hope of their returning from these Courses: Whereof there is none, seeing they have so often declared their purposes of persevering ill thein, And suppose they should dissemble a repentance—suppo­sing also they might be pardoned, for that which is done—from whose guiltiness the Land cannot be cleansed, but by executing Gods righteous Judgements upon them—yet they cannot now be believed, after they have violated all that humane wisdom could devise to bind them. Upon these accounts they reject that King, and those associate with him in the Government—and declare them henceforth no lawful Rulers, as they had declared them to be no lawful Subjects—they having destroyed the established Religion, overturned the fun­damental Lawes of the Kingdom, taken away Christs Church-Government, and changed the Civil into Ty­rannie, where none are associate in partaking of the Go­vernment, but only these who will be found by Justice guilty of Criminals—And declare they shall, God giving power, set up Government & Governours ac­cording to the Word of God, and the qualifications re­quired Exod. 18. vers. 20.—And shall not commit the Government—to any single person, or lineal suc­cession, being not tyed as the Jewes were to one single family—and that kind being lyable to most inconve­niences, & aptest to degenerate into Tyrannie—And moreover, that these men set over them shall be en­gaged to Govern Principally, by that Civil & Judicial Law (not that which is any way Typical) given by God to His people of Israel—as the best so far as it goes, being given by God—especially in matters of life & death—and other things, so far as they reach, and are consistent with Christian Liberty—exempting [Page 136] Divorces & Polygamie—6. Seeing the greatest part of Ministers, not only were defective in Preaching a­gainst the Acts of the Rulers for overthrowing Religion —but hindered others also who were willing, and censured some that did it—and have voted for accep­tation of that Liberty, founded upon & given by virtue of that blaspemously arrogate & Usurped power—and appeared before their Courts to accept of it, and to be enacted & authorized their Ministers—whereby they have become the Ministers of men, and bound to be answerable to them as they will—And have preach­ed for the lawfulness of paying that Tribute, de­clared to be imposed for the bearing doun of the true Worship of God—And advised poor Prisoners to subscribe that Bond—which if it were universally sub­scribed —they should close that door, which the Lord hath made use of in all the Churches of Europe, for casting off the yoke of the whore—and stop all regress of men, when once brought under Tyrannie, to re­cover their Libertie again.—They declare they nei­ther can nor will hear them &c. nor any who encouraged & strengthened their hands, and pleaded for them, and trafficqued for union with them. 7. That they are for a standing Gospel Ministrie, rightly chosen & rightly or­dained —& that none shall take upon them the Preach­ing of the Word &c. unless called & ordained there­unto —And whereas Separation might be imputed to them, they refell both the malice, and the ignorance of that Calumnie—for if there be a Separation, it must be where the change is; and that was not to be found in them, who were not separating from the Com­munion of the true Church, nor setting up a New Mi­nistrie, but cleaving to the same Ministers & Ordi­nances, that formerly they followed, when others have fled to new wayes, and a new Authority, which is like the old piece in the new Garment. 8. That they shall defend themselves in their Civil, Natural, & Di­vine Rights & Liberties—And if any assault them, they shall look on it as a declaring a war, and take all [Page 137] advantages that one enemie does of another—but trou­ble’ and injure none but those that injure them—This is the Compend of that Paper which the Enemies seised and published, while it was only in a rude draught, and not polished, digested, nor consulted by the rest of the Community: yet, whether or not it was for their ad­vantage so to blaze their oun baseness in that Paper truly represented, I leave it to the Reader to judge: or, if they did not thereby Proclaim their oun Tyrannie, and the In­nocency & honesty of that people, whom thereby they were seeking to make odious; but in effect inviting all Lovers of Religion & Liberty to Sympathise with them, in their difficulties & distresses there discovered. However that poor Partie continued together in a posture of defence, without the Concurrence or Countenance of their Cove­nanted Brethren, who staid at home, and left both them to be murdered and their Testimony to be trampled upon, untill the 22. of Iulij 1680. Upon the which day they were attacqued at Airsmoss, by a strong party of about 120 horse well armed, while they were but 23 horse and 40 foot at most; and so fighting valiantly were at length rout­ed, not without their Adversaries Testimony of their being resolute men: Several of Zions precious Mourners, and faithful Witnesses of Christ, were killed; and among the rest, that faithful Minister of Christ, Mr Richard Ca­meron sealed & fulfilled his Testimony with his blood. And with others, the valiant and much honoured Gentleman, David Hackstoun of Rathillet, was after many received wounds apprehended, brought in to Edinburgh; and there, resolutely adhering to the Testimony, and disouning the Authority of King & Council, and all their Tyrannical Judicatories, was cruelly murdered, but countenanced eminently of the Lord. Now remained Mr Donald Car­gil, deprived of his faithful Collegue, destitute of his Brethrens concurrence, but not of the Lords Counsel & Conduct; by which he was prompted & helped to prose­cute the Testimony, against the Universal Apostasie of the Church & Nation, Tyranny of Enemies, Backsliding of Friends, and all the wrongs done to his Master on [Page 138] all hands. And considering, in the zeal of God, and sense of His holy Jealousie provoked and threatening wrath a­gainst the Land; for the sins especially of Rulers; who had arrived to the hight of Heaven-daring Insolence in all wick­edness, in which they were still growing & going on with­out control; That notwithstanding of all the Testimonies given against them, by publick Preachings, Protestations, and Declarations, remonstrating their Tyranny and dis­ouning their Authority; yet not only did they still persist in their sins & scandals, to make the Lords fierce Anger break forth into a flame, but were ouned also by Professors, not only as Magistrats, but as members of the Christian & Protestant Church; And that, however both the defensive armes of men had been used against them, and the Chri­stian armes of Prayers, and the Ministerial weapon of Preaching, yet that of Ecclesiastical Censure had not been Authoritatively exerted against them: Therefore, that no Weapon which Christ allowes His Servants under His Standart to manage against His Enemies might be wanting, thô he could not obtain the Concurrence of his Brethren to strengthen the solemnity & formality of the Action; yet he did not judge that defect, in this broken Case of the Church, could disable his Authority nor de [...]ur the duty, but that he might and ought to proceed to Excommunication. And accordingly, in September—1680. at the Torwood, he excommunicated some of the most scandalous and Prin­cipal Promoters & Abettors of this Conspiracy against Christ, as formally as the present Case could admit: After Sermon upon Ezek. 21. 25, 26, 27. And thou profane wicked Prince of Israel, whose day is come &c. He had a short and pertinent discourse on the nature, the subject, the causes, and the ends of Excommunication in general: And then de­clared, that he was not led out of any private Spirit or passion to this Action, but constrained by Conscience of duty and zeal to God to stigmatize with this brand, and wound with the Sword of the Lord, these Enemies of God that had so Apostatized, rebelled against, mocked, despised & defied Our Lord, and to declare them as they are none of His, to be none of ours. The persons excom­municated, [Page 139] and the Sentence against them, was given forth as followes—I being a Minister of Iesus Christ, and having Authority and Power from Him, do, in His Name & by His Spirit, excommunicat [...], cast out of the true Church, and de­liver up to Satan, Charles the Second, King &c. The Sen­tence was founded upon these grounds, ‘declared in the pronunciation thereof (1) for his high mocking of God, in that after he had acknowledged his own sins, his fathers sins, his mothers Idolatrie—yet had gone on more avow­edly in the same than all before him. (2) for his great Perjurie, in breaking & burning the Covenant. (3) for his rescinding all Lawes for establishing the Reforma­tion, and enacting Lawes contrarie thereunto. (4) for commanding of Armies to destroy the Lords people. (5) for his being an Enemy to true Protestants, & helper of the Papists, and hindering the execution of just Lawes against them. (6) for his granting Remissions & Pardons for Murderers, which is in the power of no King to do, being expressly contrare to the Law of God. (7) for his Adulteries, and dissembling with God & man—Next by the same Authority, and in the same name, he excom­municated Iames Duke of York, for his Idolatrie, and setting it up in Scotland to defile the Land, and entycing & encouraging others to do so:’ Not mentioning any other sins, but what he scandalously persisted in in Scotland &c. With several other rotten Malignant Enemies, on whom the Lord hath rati [...]ed that Sentence since very remarkably, whose sins & punishments both may be read more visiblie in the Providences of the time, than I can record them. But about this time, when amidst all the abounding defections & divisions of that dark & dismal hour of tentation, some in zeal for the Cause were endea­vouring to keep up the Testimony of the day, in an ab­straction from Complying Ministers; Others were left (in holy judgment, to be a stumbling block to the Generation hardening them in their defections, and to be a beacon to the most zealous to keep off from all unwarrantable ex­cesses) to fall into fear [...]ul extravagances and delirious & damnable delusions, being overdriven with ignorant & [Page 140] blind zeal into untroden paths, which led them into a labyrinth of darkness; when as they were stumbled at many Ministers their unfaithfulness, so through the deceit of Sa­than and the hypocrisie of his Instruments, they came to be offended at Mr Cargil his faithfulness, who spared neither left hand declensions nor right hand extremes, and left him and all the Ministers; not only disouning all Com­munion with those that were not of their way, but exe­crating & Cursing them; and kept themselves in desert places from all Company; where they persisted prodigiously in fastings, and singing Psalms, pretending to wonderful raptures & Enthusiasmes: and in fine, I. Gib with 4 more of them came to that hight of Blasphemy, that they burnt the Bible & Confession of Faith. These were the sweet singers, as they were called, led away into these delusions by that Impostor & Sorcerer Iohn Gib; who never encreased to such a number, as was then feared & reported, being within thirty & most part women: all which for the most part have been through Mercy reclaimed from that destructive way, which through Grace the Reproached Remnant, adhering to the foresaid Testimony, had alwayes an abhorrence of. Wherefore that ignorant & impudent Calumnie, of their Consortship with Gibs followers, is only the vent of vipe­rous Envy. For they were the first that discovered them, and whose pains the Lord blessed in reclaiming them, and were alwayes so far from partaking with them, that to this day these that have come off from that way, and have offered the Confession of their scandal, do still complain of their over-rigid severity, in not admitting them to their select fellowships. To which may be added this undenyable Demonstration, that whereas the persecu [...]ing Courts of Inquisition did alwayes extend the utmost severity against the Ouners of this Testimony, yet they spared them: And the Duke of York, then in Scotland was so we [...] pleased with Gib's Blasphemies, that he favoured him extraordinarly, and freely dismissed him. This was a cloudy & dark day, but not without a burning & shining light as long as that faithful Minister of Christ, Mr Donald Cargil, was follow­ing the Work of the Lord; who shortly after this finished [Page 141] his Testimony, being apprehended with other two faithful & zealous Witnesses of Christ, Mr Walter Smith, and Mr Iames Boog, who with 2 more were altogether, at Edinburgh 27. Iulij 1681. Crouned with the Glory of Martyrdom. Then came the day of the Remnants vexation, trouble, darkness & dimness of anguish, wherein who so looked unto the Land could see nothing but darkness & sorrow, & the light darkened in the Heavens thereof, wherein neither Star nor Sun appeared for many dayes, and poor People were made to grope for the wall like the blind, and to stumble in noon day as in the night. While the Persecution advanced on the one hand, a violent spait of defection carried doun the most part of Ministers & Professors before it, driving them to Courses of sinful & scandalous Con­formings with the times Corruptions, Compearings be­fore their Courts, Complyings with their Commands, paying of theis Cesses and other Exactions, Taking of their Oaths & Bonds, and countenancing their Prelatical Church-Services, which they were ashamed to do before. And thereupon on the other hand the Divisions and Con­fusions were augmented, and poor people that desired to cleave to the Testimony were more & more offended and stumbled at the Ministers, who either left the Land in that clamant Call of the peoples necessity, or lurk­ed in their own retirements, and declined the duty of that day, leaving people to determine themselves in all their perplexities, as a prey to all tentations. But the tender Pastor and Shepherd of Israel, who leads the blind in the way they know not, did not forsake a Remnant in that hour of tentation who kept the Word of His Patience; and as He helped those that fell into the hands of Enemies to Witness a good Confession, so He strength­ened the zeal of the remaining Contenders, against all the Machinations of Adversaries to crush it, and all the Methods of Backsliding Professors to quench it. And the mean which most effectually preserved it in life & vigour, was the expedient they fell upon of Corresponding in Ge­neral Meetings, to consult, informe, & confirme one another about common duties in common dangers, for preserva­tion [Page 142] of the Remnant from the destruction & contagion of the times, and propagation of the Testimony: Laying doun this General Conclusion for a foundation of Order, to be observed among them in incident doubtful cases, & emergent Controversies, that nothing relative to the publick, and which concerns the who [...]e of their Community, be done by any of them, without harmonious consent sought after & rationally waited for, and sufficient deliberation about the best means & manner. In the mean time, the Duke of York, as Commissioner from his brother, held a Parliament wherein he presided, not only against all righteous Lawes that make a bloody & avowed Papist incapable or such a Trust, but against the Letter of their oun wicked Lawes, whereby none ought to be ad­mitted but such as swear the Oaths; yet not only was he con­stitute in this place, but in the whole Administration of the Government of Scotland without the taking any Oath, which then he was Courting to be entailed Successor and heir of the Croun thereof; And for this [...]n [...] made many pretences of flatteries, and feigned expressions of love, & of doing many acts o [...] kindness to that ancient Kingdom, as he hath made many dissembling protestations of it since, for carrying on his oun Popish & Tyrannical designs: But what good-will he hath born to it, not only his acts & actings written in Characters of the blood of Innocents declare, but his words do witness, which is known when and to whom he spake, when he said, It would never [...]e wel til all on the southside of Forth were made a hunting field. However in that Parliament, anno 1681. he is chiefly intended, and upon the matter by a wicked Act declared legal & lineal Suc­cessor, and a detestable Blasphemous and Self-contra­dictory Test is framed for a Pest to Consciences, which turned out of all places of Trust any that had any remaining measure of common honesty; And when some was speak­ing of a bill for securing Religion in case of a Popish Prince, the Dukes answer was notable, that whatsoever they intended or prepared against Papists should light upon others: whereby we may understand what measures we may expect, when his designs are ripe. And to all the Cruel Acts then & before made against the People of God, there was one superadded [Page 143] regulating the execution of all the rest, whereby at one dash all Civil & Criminal Justice was overthroun, and a foundation laid for Popish-Tyranny, that the Right of Iu­risdiction both in Civil & Criminal Matters is so inherent in the Croun, that his Maj. may judge all Causes by himself, on any other he thinks fit to commissionate. Here was Law for Com­missionating Souldiers to take away the lives of Innocents, as was frequently exemplified afterwards, and may serve hereafter for erecting the Spanish Inquisition to murder Pro­testants when he thinks fit to commissonate them. Against which wicked Encroachments on Religion & Liberty, the Faithful thought themselves obliged to emit a Testimony: And therefore published a Declaration at Lanerk, Iannary 12. 1682. Confirming the preceeding at Sanquhair, and adding reasons of their Revolt from the Government of Charles the Second. 1. ‘For cutting off the neck at one blow of the noble Constitution of Church & State, and in­volving all Officers in the Kingdom in the same perjurie with himself. 2. For exalting himself into a sphere ex­ceeding all measures Divine & humane, Tyrannically obtruding his will for a Law in his arbitrary Letters, so that we are made the reproach of Nations, who say, we have only the Law of Letters instead of the Letter of the Law. 3. For his constant adjourning & dissolving Parliaments at his pleasure. 4. For his arrogantly arrogated Supre­macy in all Causes Civil & Ecclesiastick, and oppressing the Godly for Conscience & duty. 5. For his exorbitan [...] Taxings, Cessings, & grinding the faces of the poor, dilapidating the rights & revenues of the Croun, for no other end but to imploy them for keeping up a Borthel▪ rather than a Court. 6. For installing a successor, such an one (if not worse) as himself, contrare to all Law, Reason, & Religion, and framing the Test &c. And in end offer to prove, they have done nothing in this against our Ancient Lawes, Civil or Ecclesiastick—but only endeavoured to extricate themselves from under a Tyran­nous yoke, and to reduce Church & State to what they were in the year 1648 and 1649.’ After which Declara­tion, they were more condemned by them that were at [Page 144] ease than ever, and very untenderly dealt with; being without any previous admonition reproached, accused, and informed against, both at home & abroad, as if they had turned to some wild & unhappy Course. For which Cause, in the next General Meeting, they resolved to delegate some of their number to forreign Churches, on purpose to vindicate themselves from these Calumnies, and to represent the justness of their Cause, and the sadness of their Case, and provoke them to some Sympathie abroad, which was denied at home: And withall to pro­vide for a Succession of Witnesses, who might maintain the Testimony, which was then in appearance interrupted, except by Martyrdom & Sufferings. Therefore by that means having obtained access for the instruction of some young men, at an University in the United Provinces, in process of time, Mr Iames Renwick received Ordination there, and came home to take up the Standart of his Master, upon the ground where it last was left, and to carry on the Testimony against all the oppositions of that day, from open Enemies & backsliding Professors: an undertaking more desperate-like than that of Unus Atha­nasius contra totam orbem, and like that of a Child threshing doun a Mountain. Which yet against all the outragious rage of ravening Enemies, ranging, ravaging, hunting, chasing, pursuing after him, through all the touns, villages, cottages, woods, moors, mosses, & mountains of the Country; and against all the scourge of tongues, con­tradictions, condemnations, obliquies, reproaches, & cruel mockings of incensed Professors, and generally of all the Inhabitants of the Land; he was helped to prose­cute, by many weary wanderings, travells, and travers­ings through the deserts, night & day, Preaching, Con­fering, & Catechising, mostly in the cold winter nighrs in the open fields: until, by the Blessing of God upon his labours, not only was the faithfull Witnessing Remnant that joyned in the Testimony, further cleared confirmed, and encouraged, and their number much encreased by the coming in and joyning of many others to the fellow­ship of their settled Societies; but also many others, in [...] [Page 149] but as soon as it grew dark, all hope lost, they dispers­ed, every man shifting for himself; only a few keep­ing together all the nixt day, had a skirmage with a Party of the Enemies, in which they slew the Captain, and about 12 or some moe of his men, and afterwards they dispersed themselves also. The Enemies, searching the Country, gleaned up the E. of Argyle himself, Col. Rumbol an Englishman, Mr Thomas Archer Minister, Gawin Russel, an David Law, who were all condemned & exe­cute at Edinburgh, and many others who were banished to America: and about some 20 in the Highlands, who were hanged at Inerarie. In England, the D. of Monmouths expe­dition, though it had more action, yet terminated in the same success, the loss of many hundred lives, many killed in Battel: And afterwas, by the mercy of the Duke of York▪ several hunderds in the West of England were carried about and hanged before the door of their oun habitations; and to make his Captains sport by the way, according to the number of the hours of the day, when the murdering hu­mour came in their head, so many of the poor Captives were hanged, as a prodigious monument of monstrous Crueltie. This was the Comencement of the present Ty­rants Government. In the mean time, the Wanderers in Scotland, thô they did not associate with this Expedition upon the account of the too promiscuous admittence of persons to trust in that Partie, who were then and since have discovered themselves to be Enemies to the Cause, and because they could not espouse their Declaration as the State of their Quarrel, being not concerted according to the constant Plea of the Scots Covenanters, and for other reasons given in their late Vindication: yet against this Usurpation of a bloody Papist, advancing himself to the Throne in such a manner, they published another De­claration at Sanquhair, May 28. 1685. ‘Wherein, Ap­proving & adhering unto all their former Declarations, And considering that Iames Duke of York, a Profest & Excommunicate Papist, was proclaimed—To te­stify their resentment of that deed, And to make it appear unto the world, that they were free thereof, by con­currence [Page 150] or connivance; They Protest against the fore­said Proclamation of Iames Duke of York as King: In regard that it is the choosing of a Murtherer to be a Go­vernour, who hath shed the blood of the Saints—that it is the hight of Confederacy with an Idolater, for bidden by the Law of God—contrarie to the Declaration of the Gen. Ass. of the Church, Iulij 27. 1649. And con­trary to many wholesome & laudable Acts of Parliament—and inconsistent with the safety, faith, Con­science, & Christian Libertie of a Christian People, to chuse a subject of Antichrist to be their Supreme Magi­strate—and to entrust an Enemy to the Work & People of God with the Interests of both: And upon many important grounds & reasons (which there they express) they Protest against the validity & Constitution of that Parliament, approving & ratifying the foresaid Proclamation—And against all kind of Poperie in General & Particular heads—as abjured by the Na­tional Covenant, and abrogated by Acts of Parliament—and against its entrie again into this Land, And eve­ry thing that doth or may directly or indirectly make way for the same: Disclaiming likewise all Sectarianisme, Malignancy,’ and any Confederacy therewith.—This was their Testimony against Poperie in the season thereof: which thô it was not so much condemned as any former Declarations, yet neither in this had they the Concurrence of any Ministers or Professors; who as they had been silent, and omitted a seasonable Testimony against Prelacy, and the Supremacy, when these were introduced, so now also, even when this wicked Mysterie & Conspiracie of Poperie & Tyrannie, twisted together in the present designe of An­tichrist, had made so great a progress, and was evidently brought above board, they were left to let [...]lip this oppor­tunity of a Testimony also, to the reproach of the declin­ing & far degenerate Church of Scotland. Yea to their shame, the very rabble of ignorant People may be brought as a witness against the body of Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland, in that they testified their detestation of the first Erection of the Idolatrous Mass, and some of the souldie­rie, [Page 151] and such as had no Profession of Religion, suffered unto death for speaking against Poperie and the designs of the King, while the Ministers were silent. And some of the Curats, and members of the late Parliament 1686. made some stickling against the taking away of the penal Statutes against Papists; while Presbyterians, from whom might have been expected greater opposition, were sleeping in a profound submission. I cannot without Confusion of Spi­rit touch these obvious & dolorous reflections, and yet in candor cannot forbear them. However the Persecution against the Wanderers went on, and more cruel Edicts were given forth against them, while a relenting abatement of severity was pretended against other Dissenters. At length what could not be obtained by Law at the late Parliament for taking off the Statutes against Papists, was effectuated by Prerogative: and to make it pass with the greater appro­bation, it was convoyed in a channel of pretended Cle­mency, offering a sort of Liberty, but really introducing a licencious Latitude, for bringing in all future snares by tak­ing off some former, as arbitrarly as before they were im­posed, in a Proclamation dated Feb. 12. 1687. Granting, ‘by the Kings Soveraign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and absolute power, which all Subjects are to obey without re­serve, a Royal Toleration, to the several Professors of the Christian Religion afternamed, with & under the several Conditions, restrictions, & limitations aftermention­ed. In the first place, tolerating the Moderate Presbyte­rians to meet in their private houses, and there to hear all such Ministers, as either have or are willing to accept of the Indulgence allanerly, and none other: And that there be nothing said or done contrare to the wel & peace of his reign, seditious or treasonable, under the highest pains these Crimes will import, nor are they to presume to build Meeting houses, or to use out-houses or barns—In the mean time its his Royal will & plea­sure, that Field Conventicles, and such as Preach at them, or who shall any way assist or connive at them, shall be prosecute according to the utmost severity of Lawes made against them—In like manner tolerating the [Page 152] Quakers to meet & exercise in their forme, in any place or places appointed for their Worship—And by the same absolute power, foresaid, suspending, stoping, & disabling all Lawes or Acts of Parliament, Customs, or Constitutions against any Roman Catholick subjects—So that they shall in all things be as free in all respects as any Protestant subjects whatsoever, not only to exer­cise their Religion, but to enjoy all Offices, benefices, &c. which he shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming—And cassing, annulling, & discharg­ing all Oaths whatsoever, and Tests, and Lawes enjoyn­ing them. And in place of them this Oath only is to be taken—I A. B. do ackowledge, testifie, & declare that Iames the Seventh &c. is rightful King & Supreme Gover­nour of these Realms, and over all persons therein; And that it is unlawful for Subjects, on any Pretence or for any Cause whatsoever, to rise in Armes against him, or any Commission­ated by him; and that I shall never so rise in Armes, nor as­sist any who shall so do; And that I shall never resist his power or Authority, nor ever oppose this Authority to his person—but shall to the utmost of my power assist, defend, & maintain him, his heirs & lawful successors, in the exercise of their Absolute power & Authority against all deadly—And by the same absolute power giving his ful & ample In­demnitie, to all the foresaid sorts of People, under the fore­said restrictions.’ Here is a Proclamation for a Prince: That Proclaims him in whose name it is emitted, to be the greatest Tyrant that ever lived in the world, and their Revolt who have disouned him to be the justest that ever was. For herein that Monster of Prerogative is not only ad­vanced, paramount to all Lawes Divine & humane, but far surmounting all the lust, impudence, & insolence of all the Roman, Sicilian, Turkish, Tartarian, or Indian Ty­rants that ever trampled upon the Liberties of Mankind; who have indeed demanded absolute subjectio [...], & surrender of their Lives, Lands, & Liberties at their pleasure, but never arrived at such a hight of arrogance as this does, to claim absolute obedience, without reserve of Conscience, Re­ligion, Honour, or Reason; Not only that which igno­rantly [Page 153] is called Passive, never to resist him, not only on any Pretence, but for any Cause, even thô he should com­mand his Popish Ianizaries to murder & massacre all Pro­testants, which is the tender mercy & burning fervent cha­rity of Papists; but also of absolute Active obedience without reserve, to assist, defend, & maintain him in every thing, whereby he shall be pleased to exercise his absolute power, thô he should command to burn the Bible as well as the Cove­nant (as already he applauded Iohn Gib in doing of it) and to burn and butcher all that will not go to Mass, which we have all grounds to expect will be the end of his Clemency at last. Herein he claims a power to command what he will, and obliging subjects to obey whatsoever he will command: A power to rescind, stop, & disable all Lawes; which unhinges all stabilitie and unsettles all the security of humane societie, yea extinguishes all that remains of natural Liberty: Wherein, as is wel observed by the Au­thor of the ‘Representation of the threatening dangers impending over Protestants Pag. 53. It is very natural to observe, that he allowes the Government, under which we were born, and to which we were sworn, to be hereby subverted & changed, and that thereupon we are not only absolved & acquited from all Allegiance to him, but indispensably obliged, by the ties & engagments that are upon us, to apply our selves to the use of all means & endeavours against him, as an Enemy of the People & subverter of the legal Government.’ But this was so gross, and grievously gripping in its restrictions, as to persons, as to the place, as to the matter allowed the Presbyterians in Preaching, that it was disdained of all; and therefore he behoved to busk it better, and mend the matter, in a Letter to the Council (the Supreme Law of Scotland) bearing date March 31. 1687. of this tenor—Whereas ‘we did recommend to yow to take care, that any of the Presbyterians should not be allowed to Preach, but such only as should have your Allowance for the same, and that they at the receiving the Indulgence should take the Oath contained in the Proclamation—These are therefore to let you know, that thereby we meant such [Page 154] of them as did not solemnly take the Test; but if never­theless the Presbyterian Preachers do scruple to take the said Oath, or any other Oath whatsoever, and that you shall find it reasonable or fit to grant them or any of them our said Indulgence, so as they desire it upon these termes; It is now our will & pleasure—to grant them our said Indulgence, without being obliged to take the Oath, with power unto them to enjoy the benefite of the said Indulgence (during our pleasure only) or so long as yow shall find they behave themselves regularly & peaceably, without giving any cause of offence to us, or any in Authority or trust under us in our Go­vernment.’—Thus finding the former Proposal not adequately apportioned to his design, because of its pal­pable odiousness, he would pretend his meaning was mistaken (thô it was manifest enough) and mitigate the matter by taking away of the Oaths altogether, if any should scruple it; whereas he could not but know, that all that had sense would abhor it: yet it is clogged with the same restrictions, limited to the same persons, characterized more plainly and peremptorly, with an addition of Cau­tions, not only that they shall not say or do any thing con­trare to the wel & peace of his reign seditious or treason­able; but also that they behave themselves regularly & peaceably without giving any cause of offence to him or any un­der him; which comprehends lesser offences than sedition or treason, even every thing that will displease a Tyrant and a Papist, that is, all faithfulness in seasonable Duties or Testimonies. But at length lest the difformity & disparity of the Proclamation for the Toleration in Scotland, and the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England, should make his Pretences to Conscience suspect of disingenuity, and lest it should be said he had one Conscience for England and another for Scotland; therefore he added a third eke to the liberty, but such as made it still an ill favoured patched project to destroy Religion & true Liberty, in another Proclamation dated at Windsor, Iune 28. 1687. wherein he sayes—Taking into our Royal Consideration, ‘the sinistrous Interpretations, which either have or may [Page 155] be made of some Restrictions (mentioned in the last) we have thought fit by this further to declare, that we will Protect our Arch-bishops &c. And we do likewise, by our Soveraign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and Ab­solute power, suspend, stop, & disable, all penal & San­guinary Lawes; made against any for Non-conformity to the Religion established by Law in that our Ancient Kingdom—to the end, that by the Liberty thereby granted the peace & security of our Government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, we hereby straitly charge all our Loving subjects, that as we do give them leave to meet & serve God after their oun way, in private Houses, Chappels, or Places purposely hired or built for that use, so that they take care that nothing be Preach­ed or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our People from us & our Government, and that their Meetings be peaceably & publickly held, and all persons freely admitted to them, and that they do signify & make known to some one or more of the next Privie Councellors, Sheriffs, Stewards, Bailiffs, Justices of the Peace, or Magistrats of Burgh Royal, what place or places they set a part for these uses, with the names of the Preachers—provided alwayes that the Meetings be in houses, and not in the open fields; for which now after this our Royal grace & favour (which surpasses the hopes, & equalls the very wishes of the most zealously concerned) there is not the least shadow of execuse left: Which Meetings in the fields we do hereby strictly pro­hibite & forbid, against all which we do leave our Lawes & Acts of Parliament in full force & vigour, notwith­standing the premises; and do further command all our Judges, Magistrats, & Officers of forces, to prosecute such as shall be guilty of the said field Conventicles with the utmost rigour; for we are confident, none will after these Liberties & freedoms, given to all without reserve to serve God in their oun way, presume to meet in these Assemblies, except such as make a pretence of Religion to cover their treasonable designs against our Royal per­son & the peace of our Government’

[Page 156] This is the Royal Charter for security of the Protestant Religion (intended to secure it so, that it shall not go much abroad again) in Lieu of all the Lawes, Constitutions, Oaths, & Covenants wherewith it was formerly confirm­ed. This is the only patent which the Royal Dâties, the Moderate Presbyterians, have now received to ensure their enjoyment of it durante beneplacito, during his pleasure whose Faith is as absolute over all ties of promises, as his power from whence it flowes is over all Lawes; whose chiefest principle of Conscience is that no Faith is to be kept to Here­ticks. Here is the Liberty which is said to surpass the hopes and equal the wishes of the most zealously concerned; holding true indeed of too many, whose hopes & wishes & zeal are terminate upon peace rather than Truth, ease rather than duty and their own things rather than the things of Christ; But as for the poor wild Wanderers, it some way answers their fears and corrosponds with their jealousies, who put the same interpretation upon it as on all the former Indul­gences, Indemnities & Tolerations, proceeding from the same fountain & designed for the same sinistrous ends with this, which they look upon as more openly & obviously Anti-christian: and therefore, while others are rejoicing under the bramble-shadow of it, they think it a cause of weeping & matter of mourning, not because they do not share of the benefit of it, but because they are afraid to share of the Curse of it. For which cause, thô a freedom be pretended to be given, to all without reserve to serve God in their own way, they think it necessary to reserve to themselves the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free, and to serve Him in His Way thô interdicted by men, and to take none from Antichrist restricted with his reserves; And do look upon it as a Seasonable Testimony for the Cause of Christ, and the Interest of the Protestant Religion, and the Lawes & Liberties of the Country, all overturned & subverted by this Toleration, to keep their Meetings as in former times, in the open fields whither their Tyranny hath driven them. And let them call these Meetings covered & treasonable designs against the Government on pretence of Religion, I trust it shall be made evident in the Conviction of all that know Religion, [Page 157] that their designs are to preserve it, in opposition to the Tyranny that goes about all these wayes to suppress it. Though I must suspend the Reasons of their keeping their Meetings in the fields, till I come to discuss that Case in its oun place: Here I shall only say, none that is acquainted with their Circumstances, which are as dangerously stated as ever, by reason of the Constant Persecution of Cruel enraged Enemies incessantly pursuing them without re­lenting, notwithstanding of all this pretence of Clemency & tenderness to Conscience, but may know they can nei­ther have safety, secrecy, nor conveniency in houses for fear of their entrapping enemies, and none will blame them that after so many discoveries of their truculent treachery they dare not trust them: And besides, they think it sinful, scandalous, & inconvenient to seem to homologate this Toleration, the wickedness whereof they are convinced of, from these Reasons.

I. Considering the Granter in his personal Capacity, as to his Morals, they look upon him as a person with whom they cannot in Prudence communicate, in any transaction of that nature. First, because being in his Principles & practice professedly treacherous, yea obliged to be both per­fidious & cruel by that Religion whereunto he is addicted, he cannot be trusted in the least concerns, let be those of such momentous consequence as this, without a stupid abandoning of Conscience, Reason, & Experience. Since both that known principle, that no Faith is to be kept to He­reticks, which is espoused by all Papists, does to them justify all their lying dissimulations, equivocations, & treacheries imaginable; and that Lateran Canon, that en­joyns Kings to destroy & exstirpate Hereticks under pain of excom­munication, does oblige him to be cruel; besides what deep engagments he is known to be under by Oaths & Promises to the Pope, both in his exile, and while a subject, and since he came to the Croun; which make him to all Considering persons to be a person of that Character, whose deceitful dainties are not to be desired, and that when he speaketh fair is not to be beleeved, for there are seven abominations in his heart. Of which open & affronted Lies we have a [Page 158] sufficient swatch, both in his Proclamation for Scotland and Declaration for England; where he speaks of his con­stant resolves of uniting the hearts of Subjects to God in Religion, & to their Neighbours in Christian Love, and that it never was his principle to offer violence to any mans Conscience, or use invinc­ible necessity against any man on the account of his persuasion; and that their Property was never in any case invaded since his coming to the Croun; and that it hath been his constant sense & opinion, that Conscience ought not to to be constrained nor People forced in matters of meer Religion. To which, his uninterrupted endeavours to divide us from God and from on another, that he might the more easily destroy us, and his constant encroachments upon Lawes, Liberties, & Properties, and all Interests of men & Christians for Con­science sake do give the lie manifestly. And it must be great blindness not to see, and great baseness willingly to wink at that double faced equivocation, in matters of meer Reli­gion; by which he may elude all these flattering promises of tenderness, by excepting at the most necessary & indispens­able duties, if either they be such wherein any other In­terest is concerned beside meer Religion, or if their troubles sustained thereupon be not altogether invincible necessities. Hence the plain falsehood & doubleness of his Assertions as to what is past, may give ground to conclude his intend­ed perfidie in the promises of what is future. Next, it is known what his Practices & Plots have been for the de­struction of all honest & precious Interests; what a deep hand he had in the burning of London, in the Popish plot discovered, anno 1678. in the Murder of the Earle of Essex, yea in the Parricide committed upon his oun brother. By all which it appears, nothing is so abominable & barbarous which he hath not a Conscience that will swallow & digest without a scruple; and what he hath done of this kind must be but preparatory to what he intends, as meritorious to attone for these villanies. And in his esteem, and per­suasion of Papists, nothing is thought more meritorious than to exstirpate the Protestant Religion, and destroy the Professors thereof. Therefore being such a person with whom in Reason no honest man could transact, for a [Page 159] tenure of the least piece of Land or house or any holding whatsoever, they dare not accept of his security or pro­tection for so great an Interest, as the freedom & exercise of their Religion under the shadow of such a bramble. If it was the Shechemites sin & shame to strengthen a naughty Abimelech, and strengthen themselves under the shadow of his protection, much more must it be to take protection for Religion as wel as peace, from such a Monster of crueltie & treacherie. This were against their Testimony, and contrary to the Laudable Constitutions of the Church of Scotland, to take no Protections from Malignant Ene­mies, as was shewed above in Montroses case. See Pag. 82. above.

II. Considering his Religion more particularly, they judge it unlawful so to bargain with him as this Accep­tance would import. It is known he is not only a Papist, an Apostate Papist, and an Excommunicate Papist (as is re­lated above) but a fiery Bigot in the Romish Religion, and zealous sworn votarie & vassal of Antichrist: who, as the Letter of the Iesuite from Liege lately published in print tells us, is resolved either to convert England to Poperie or die a Martyr, and again that he stiles himself a son of the Societie of Iesuites, and will account every injury done to them to be a wrong done against himself; being known to be under the conduct & guidance of that furious Order, yea and enrolled as a member of that Society. Which makes it the less to be wondered, that he should require absolute obedience without reserve, seeing he himself yeelds absolute obedience as wel as implicite faith, without reserve, to the Jesuites. Such a Bigot was Mary of England (as also his great Grandame of Scotland if she had got her will) And his Bigotrie will make him emulous of her Crueltie, as counting it a diminution of his glory, for such a Champion as he under Antichrists banner to come short of a womans enterprizes: Nor would the late King have been so posted off the stage, if his suc­cessor were not to act more vigorously than he in this Tra­gical design, to which this Toleration is subservient. He is then a Servant of Antichrist, and as such under the Me­diators Malediction; yea in this respect is heir to his Grand­fathers [Page 160] imprecation, who wished the Curse of God to fall upon such of his Posterity as should at any time turn Papists. How then can the Followers of the Lamb strike hands, be at peace, associate, confederate, or bargain with such a declared Enemy to Christ? Certainly the Scripture-Com­mands of making no Covenant or League, interdicting entering into any affinity with the People of these abomi­nations, and forbidding saying a Confederacy with them, do lay awful bonds on the Faithful to stand aloof from such. The People might have had Liberty of Conscience under the Assyrian Protection, when they were saying a Confe­deracy with him, but in so doing they forefaulted the benefit of the Lord being a Sanctuary to them. To bargain therefore with such an one for a Toleration of Religion, were con­trary to the Scriptures, contrary to the Covenants and Principles of the Church of Scotland, against Associations & Confederacies with such Enemies. See Gillesp. Useful Case of Conscience concerning Assoc. hinted Pag. 83. and more Head. 3. Arg. 1. But to accept of this Liberty as now of­fered were a bargaining; for where there is a Giving & Receiving upon certain Conditions, where there are Demands & Complyance; Commands & Obedience, Promises & Relyance, Offers upon termes & Acquiescence in these termes, what is there wanting to a bargain, but the meer formality of Subscriptions? At least it cannot be denied, but the Addressers have bargained for it, and in the name of all the Accepters, which must stand as their deed also; if they do not evidence their resentment of such Presumption, which I do not see how they can, if they abide under the shadow thereof the same way as they do. I grant Liberty is very desirable, and may be taken & im­proven from Enemies of Religion: And so do the Wander­ers now take it & improve it to the best advantage, without receiving it by acquiescing in any termes. But such a Liberty as this was never offered without a destructive design, nor ever received without a destructive effect. It is one of the filthie flatteries found in the English Addresses, parti­cularly that from Totness, that the present Indulger is like another Cyrus who proclaimed Liberty to the People of [Page 161] God Ezra. 1. But who sees not the disparity in every re­spect? Cyrus at his very first entry into the Government did lay out himself for the Churches good; This man who speaks now so fair, his first work was to break our head and next to put on our hood, first to assert & corroberate his prerogative, and then by virtue of that to dispense with all Penal Lawes: It was foretold that Cyrus should deliver the Church at that time; But was it ever promised that the Church should get Liberty to advance Antichrist? or that Antichrist, or one of his Limbs, should be em­ployed in the Churches deliverance, while such? The Lord stirred up the Spirit of Cyrus; Can it be said without blasphemy that the Lord stirred up this man, to contrive the introduction of Poperie by this Gate & Gap, except in a penal sense for judgment? Cyrus had a Charge to build the Lord a House, but this is not a Charge but a Grant or Licence, not from nor according to Gods Authority but mans, not to build Christ a House, but a Babel for Anti­christ; and all this Liberty is but contrived as scaffolding for that Edifice, which when it is advanced then the scaffold­ing must be removed.

3. Considering him in his Relation as a Magistrate, it were contrary to their Testimony so often renewed & ra­tified, & confirmed with so many reasons, and sealed by so much blood, bonds, banishment, & other sufferings, to oune or acknowledge his Authority which is meer Usurpation & Tyrannie; in that by the Lawes of the Land he is incapable of Government, and that he hath neither given nor can give, without an hypocritical & damning cheat, the Oath & Security indispensibly required of him before & at his entry to the Government. Yet this Liberty cannot be Complyed with, without recognoscing his Au­thority that he arrogates in giving it: Seeing he tenders it to all his good Subjects, and gives it by his Soveraign Authority, and to the end that by the Liberty thereby granted the peace & secu­rity of the Government in the practice thereof may not be indangered; And in the Declaration to England, it is offered as an ex­pedient to establish his Government on sach a foundation, as may make his Subjects happy, and unite them to him by inclination as [Page 162] well as duty; to which indeed the Acceptance thereof hath a very apt subserviency: seeing it implies, not only ouning of the Government out of Duty, but an union & joyning with it and him by inclination, which is a cordial Confe­deracy with Gods enemie, and a cooperating to the esta­blishment of his Tyrannie; that the peace & security thereof may not be endangered. And in his former Proclamation, he gives them the same security for their Rights & Proper­ties, which he gives for Religion; And in the English De­claration, addeth that to the perfect enjoyment of their Propertie, which was never invaded &c. Which to accept, were not only to take the security of a manifest lie, but to prefer the word of a man that cannot, must not, will not keep it (without going cross to his principles) to the Security of Right & Law which is hereby infringed, and to acknow­ledge not only the Liberty of Religion, but the Right of Property to his grant: which when ever it is removed, there must remain no more Charter for it, but stupid slavery entailed upon Posterity, and pure & perfect Tyranny trans­mitted to them. The sin & absurdity where of may be seen demonstrated Head. 2.

4, Considering the Fountain whence it flowes, they cannot defile themselves with it. In the English Declara­tion, it flowes from the Royal will & pleasur [...] which speaks a Domination Despotical & Arbitrary enough, but more gently expressed than in the Scots Proclamation; where it is refounded on Soveraign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and Absolute Power: Proclaiming by sound of Trumpet à Power Paramount to all Law, Reason, & Religion, and outvying the hight of Ottoman Tyranny▪ A Power which all are to obey without res [...]rve: A power to Tolerate or Re­strain the Protestant Religion, according to his Royal will or pleasure: An Absolute power which can not be limited by Lawes, nor most Sacred Obligations, but only regu­lated by the Royal lust; whereby indeed he may suffer the Protestant Religion, but only precariously so long as he pleases, and until his Royal pleasure shall be to command the establishment of Poperie, which then must be complyed with without control. Whereby all the tenure that Pro­testants [Page 163] have for their Religion, is only the Arbitrary word of an absolute Monarch, whose principles oblige him to break it, and his ambition to disdain to be a slave to it. Now the Acceptance of this Grant, would imply the re­cognizance of this power that the Granter claims in grant­ing it; which utterly disolves all Government, and all security for Religion & Liberty, and all the precious In­terests of men & Christians: Which to acknowledge, were contrare to Scripture, contrary to Reason, and contrary to the Principles of the Church of Scotland, particularly the Declaration of the Gen. Ass. Iulij 27. 1649. See pag. 89. &c. and contrary to the Covenant.

5. Considering the Channel in which it is conveyed, they cannot Comply with it. Because it comes through such a Conveyance, as suspends, stops, & disables, all penal Lawes against Papists, and thereby everts all the Securities & legal Bulwarks that Protestants can have for the establish­ment of their Religion; yea in effect leaves no Lawes in force against any that shall attempt the utter subversion of it, but rati [...]ies & leaves in ful vigour all wicked Lawes & Acts of Parliament, against such as would most avowedly assert it; and stops & disables none of the most cruel & bloody Lawes against Protestants: for the most cruel are such as have been made against Field-Meetings, which are hereby left in ful force & vigour. Hence as he hath formally by absolute power suspended all Lawes made for the Pro­tection of our Religion, so he may when he will dispense with all the Lawes made for its establishment; and those who approve the one by such an Acceptance, cannot dis­allow the other, but must recognosce a power in the King to subvert all Lawes, Rights, & Liberties, which is contrare to Reason as wel as Religion, and a clear breach of the National & Solemn League & Covenants.

6. Considering the Ends of its Contrivance, they dare not have any accession to accomplish such wicked Pro­jects, to which this Acceptance would be so natively sub­servient. The expressed ends of this Grant are, to unite the hearts of his Subjects to him in Loyaltie and to their Neighbours in love, as in the former Proclamation; And that by the Liberty [Page 164] granted the peace & security of his Government in the practice thereof may not be endangered, as in the latter Proclamation; And to unite the Subjects to him by inclination as well as duty which he thinks can be done by no means so effectually as by grant­ing the free exercise of Religion, as in the English Declaration. Whence we may gather not obscurely, what is the proper tendency of it, both as to the work & worker, to wit, to incline & induce us by flatterie to a lawless Loyaltie, and a stupid contented slavery when he cannot compel us by force, and make us actively cooperate in setting & settling his Tyranny, in the peaceable possession of all his Usurp­ations, Robberies, & Encroachments upon our Religion, Lawes, & Liberties, and to incorporate us with Babylon, for wbo are the Neighbours he would have us unite with in love, but the Papists? against whom all the Lovers of Christ must profess themselves irreconcileable Enemies. The English Declaration does further discover the design of this device, in one expression which will most easily be obtained to be beleeved of any in it, viz. that he heartily wishes that all the People of these Dominions were members of the Catholick Church: which clearly insinuates, that hereby he would entyce them to commit fornication with that Mother of harlots; which entycing to Idolatrie (if we consult the Scripture) should meet with another sort of entertainment than such a kind & thankful Acceptance, which is not an opposing of such a wicked wish, but an encouraging & corroberating of it. And further he sayes, that all the former tract of Persecutions never obtained the end for which it was employed; For after all the frequent & pressing endeavours that were used, to reduce this Kingdom to an exact con [...]ormity in Reli­gion, it is visible the success has not answered the design, and that the difficultie is invincible. Wherein we may note his extort­ed acknowledgment, that all former endeavours to destroy the Work of God have been successless, which induces him to try another method, to which this Acceptance is very subservient, to wit, to destroy us and our Religion by flatteries, and by peace to overturn Truth, and by the subversion of Lawes to open a door to let in Poperie and all abominations. But what is more obscurely expressed in [Page 165] his words, is more visibly obvious in his works, to all that will not willingly wink at them; discovering clearly the end of this Liberty is not for the Glory of God, nor the Advantage of Truth, or the Churches Edification, nor intended as a benefit to Protestants; but for a pernicious de­sign, by gratifying a few of them in a pretended favour to rob all of them of their chiefest Interests, Religion, Lawes, Rights, & Liberties, which he could not otherwise ef­fectuate but by this arbitrary way; for if he could have ob­tained his designs by Law: he would never have talked of Lenity or Liberty, but having no legal ends he behoved [...] compass them by illegal means. They must then be very blind who do not see, his drift is, first to get in all Popish Officers in places of Publick Trust, by taking off the Penal Lawes disabling them for the same; Then to advance his Absoluteness over all Lawes, in a way which will be best acknowledged & acquiesced in by People, till he be so strengthened in it that he fears no control; And then to undermine & overturn the Protestant Religion, & establish Poperie & Idolatrie: which he is concerned the more violently to pursue, because he is now growing old, and therefore must make hast, lest he leave the Papists in a worse condition than he found them: which to be sure the Papists are aware of, and their conscious fears of the Nations resentments of their Villanies will prompt them, as long as they have such a Patron, to all vigilance & vio­lence in playing their game: And withall, hereby he may intend to capacitate himself for subduing the Dutch, against whom he hath given many indications of a hostile mind of old & of late; not only in hiring two Rascals to burn the Amsterdam-fleet heretofore, but in stirring up & protecting the Algerine Pyrats against them; So universal a Protector is he become of late, that Papists & Protesiants, Turks & Iewes are shrouded under the shadow of his Patrociny, but with a design to destroy the best, when his time comes. Which cursed designs cannot be counteracted, but very much strengthened by this Acceptance.

7. Considering the Effects already produced thereby, they cannot but abhor it. Seeing the eyes of all that are [Page 166] tender may affect their hearts, observing how the Papists are hereby encouraged & encreased in numbers, the whole Nation overflow'd wlth their hellish Locusts, and all Places filled with Priests & Iesuites, yea the executive power of the Government put into the hands of the Romanists, and on the other hand how the People are endangered with their abounding & prevailing Errors (to which the Lord may & will give up those that have not received the love of the Truth) Truth is sallen in the streets & equity cannot enter, a Testimony against Antichrist is abandoned & laid aside as unseasonable, the edge of zeal for the Interest of Christ is blunted and its fervor extinginshed, they that should stand in the Gap and upon the watch Tower are laid aside from all opposition to the invasions of the Enemy, and lulled asleep by this bewitching Charm & intoxicating Opium, Mi­nisters & Professors are generally settling on their lees and languishing in a fatal security, Defection is carried on, Di­vision promoted, and Destruction is imminent. Is it not then both a part of the Witness of the Faithful, and of their wisdom to stand aloof from such a Plague, that hath such destructive effects?

8. Considering the Nature & Name of this pretended Li­berty, they cannot but disdain it as most dishonourable to the Cause of Christ. It is indeed the honour of Kings and happiness of People; to have true humane & Christian Li­berty established in the Common wealth, that is, Liberty of Persons from slaverie; Liberty of Priviledges from Ty­ranny, and Liberty of Conscience from all impositions of men; Consisting in a freedom from the Doctrines, Tra­ditions, & Commandments of men against or beside the Word of God, in the free enjoyment of Gospel Ordinanc­es in purity & power, and in the free observance & esta­blishment of all His Institutions of Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, & Government, in subordination to the only Rule of Conscience, the revealed Will of its only Law-giver Jesus Christ. When this is ratified as a Right by the Sanction of approven Authority, and countenanced & encouraged as Religion, by the Confirmation of Lawes, approving whatsoever is Commanded by the God of [Page 167] Heaven to be done for the House of the God of Heaven (which is the full amount of all Magistrats Authority) Then we are obliged to accept of it with all thankful acceptation. But such a Liberty, as overturns our Rights, our Privi­ledges, our Lawes, our Religion, and Tolerates it only under the Notion of a Crime, and indemnifies it under the notion of a Fault to be Pardoned, and allowes the exercise thereof only in Part so & so modified, cannot be accepted by any to whom the reproach thereof is a burden, and to whom the reproaches of Christ are in esteem, in such a day when even the hoofs of Christs Interest buried in bond­age are to be contended for. Whatever Liberty this may be to some Consciences, it is none to the tender according to the Rule of Conscience, It is only a Toleration which is alwayes of evil: for that which is good cannot be tolerated under the notion of good, but countenanced & encouraged as such. Therefore this reflects upon our Religion, when a Toleration is accepted which implies such a reproach: And the annexed Indemnity & Pardon tacitely condemns the Profession thereof as a fault or Crime, which no Chri­stian can bear with, or by his acceptance homologate these reproaches, if he consider the nature of it: And much more will he be averse from it, if he consider how disho­nourable it is to God (whatever some Addressers, particu­cularly the Presbyterians at London, have blasphemously alledged, that God is hereby restored to His Empire over the Con­science) Since the Granter, after he hath robbed the Me­diator of His Supremacy and given it away to Antichrist, And God of His Supremacy Imperial as Universal King by a Claim of Absolute Power peculiar to Him, he hath also robbed Him of His Empire over the Conscience, in giving every man the Empire over his oun Conscience, which he reserves a power to retract whem he pleases.

9. Considering the Extent of it, they cannot class them­selves amoug the number of them that are Indulged thereby. It takes in not only the Arch-Bishops & Bishops, and the Prelatical & Malignant Crue, but all Quakers, and Papists, reaching all Idolatry, Blasphemy, & Heresie, and Truth also (which could never yet dwell together under one [Page 168] sconce) Whereby the Professors of Christ come in as Part­ners in the same bargain with Antichrists Vassals; And the Lords Ark hath a place with Dagon, and its Priests & Fol­lowers consent to it; And the builders of Babel & of Ieru­salem ar made to build together, under the same Protection; and a sluce is opened to let the enemy come in like a flood, which to oppose the Accepters cannot stand in the Gap nor lift up a Standart against them. Liberty indeed should be Universally extended to all the Lords People, as Cyrus his Proclamation was General, who is there among yow of all His People? his God be with him. But a Toleration of Ido­laters, Blasphemers, & Hereticks, as Papists, &c. is odious to God, because it is contrary to Scripture, expressly Commanding Idolaters to die the death, and all Seducers & Entycers to Apostasie from God to be put to death without pity; and Commending all righteous Magistrats that exe­cuted Judgement accordingly, as Asa, Hezekiah &c. yea even Heathen Magistrats that added their Sanction to the Lawes of God, as Artaxerxes is approven for that Statute, that whosoever will not do the Law of God and of the King, judge­ment should be executed speedily upon him. And in the New Testament this was never repealed but confirmed, in that the sword is given to Magistrats, not in vain, but to be a terror to, and revengers to execute wrath upon all that do evil, among whom Seducers that are evil workers & Idolaters are chiefly to be ranked, being such as do the worst of evil to mankind. Ephesus is commended because they could not bear them which are evil: and Thyatira reproved for suffer­ing Iezebel: by which it appeareth, that our Lord Jesus is no friend to Toleration. It is true this is spoken against Church­men; but will any think that will be approven in Civil Powers, which is so hateful in Church Officers? Surely it will be the duty & honour of these horns spoken of Revel. 17. to eat the whores flesh & burn her with fire: And shall that be restricted only to be done against the great Anti­christ, & not be duty against the lesser Antichrists, the limbs of the Great one? It is recorded of Iulian the Apostate, that among other devices he used, to root out Christianity this was one, that he gave Toleration openly to all the different Professions that were among Christians, whereof there [Page 169] were many heretical in those dayes: which is exactly aped by Iames the Apostate now for the same end. It is also contrare to the Confession of faith Chap. 20. § 4. asserting that ‘for their publishing such opinions, or maintaining of such practices, as are contrary to the light of Nature, or to the known Principles of Christianity, whether concern­ing Faith Worship, or Conversation, or to the power of Godliness, or such erroneous opinions or practices, as either in their oun nature, or in the manner of publish­ing or maintaining them, are destructive to the external Peace &. Order, which Christ hath established in the Church; they may lawfully be called to account, and proceeded against by the Censures of the Church, and by the power of the Civil Magistrate.’ And therefore to ac­cept of this Toleration is inconsistent with the Principles of the Church of Scotland, with the National & Solemn League & Covenants, & Solemn Acknowledgment of sins & Enga­gement to duties, in all which we are bound to extirpate Pope­rie, Prelacie &c. With the whole tract of Contendings in the fifth Period above related, and particularly by the Testimony of the Synod of Fife, and other Brethren in the Ministry, against Cromuels vast Toleration & Liberty of Conscience, mentioned above Pag. 76. for it is plain, if it be not to be suffered, then it is not to be accepted.

10. Considering the Termes wherein it is offered, they cannot make such a shameful bargain. In the former Pro­clamation it is granted expressly under several Conditions, Restrictions, & Limitations: whereof indeed some are re­tracted in the Latter, as the restriction of it to Moderate Presbyterians, which would seem to be taken off by extend­ing to all without reserve to serve, God in their oun may; but being evidently exclusive of all that would serve God in Christs way, and not after the mode prescribed, it is so modified and restricted that all that will accept of it must be Moderate Presbyterians indeed, which as it is taken in the Court sense must be an ignominy to all that have zeal against Antichrist. The Limitation also to private houses and not to out-houses, is further enlarged to Chappels or places purposely hired but still it is stinted to these, which they must bargain [Page 170] for with Councellors, Shiriffs &c. So that none of these Re­strictions & Limitations are altogether removed, but the Condition of taking the Oath only: yet it is very near to an equivalency homologated, by the Accepters acknow­ledging in the Granter a Prerogative & Absolute Power over all Lawes, which is confirmed & maintained by their Ac­ceptance. As for the rest that are not so much as said to be removed, they must be interpreted to remain, as the termes, conditions, restrictions, & limitations, upon which they are to enjoy the benefite of this Toleration. And what he sayes, that he thought fit by this Proclamation further to declare, does confirme it, that there are further ex­plications, but no taking off of former restrictions. Hence it is yet clogged with such provisions & restrictions, as must make it very nauseous to all truly tender (1) The re­striction as to the Persons still remains, that only Moderate Presbyterians, and such as are willing to accept of this Indul­gence allanerly, and none other, and such only whose names must be signified to these Sheriffs, Stewards, Bailifs &c. are to have the benefit of this Indulgence: wherey all the zeal­ous & faithful Presbyterians are excluded, (for these they will not call them Moderate) and all that would improve it without a formal Acceptance, and all who for their form­er diligence in duty are under the lash of their wicked Law, and dare not give up their names to those who are seeking their lives, must be deprived of it. (2) It is restricted to certain Places still, which must be made known to some one or more of the next privie Councellors & whereby they are tied to a dependence on their warrand, and must have their lease & licence for Preaching the Word in any place, and Field-Meetings are severely interdicted, though signally countenanced of the Lord, whereby the Word of the Lord is bound & bounded; and by this Acceptance their bloody Lawes against Preaching in the open fields, where People can have freest access with conveniency & safety, are justified. (3) The manner of Meeting is restricted, which must be in such a way as the peace & security of the Go­vernment in the practice thereof may not be endangered, and again that their Meetings be peaceably held, which is all one upon [Page 171] the matter with the bond of peace, and binding to the good be­haviour so much formerly contended against by Professors, and is really the same with the Condition of the Cautionary Bond in the Indulgence after Bothuel, of which see Pag. 129. And further they must be openly & publickly held, and all persons freely admitted to them; which is for the inform­ing trade, exposing to all the inconveniences of Iesuites, and other Spies & Flies their delations, in case any thing be spoken reflecting on the Government, a great tenta­tion to Ministers. (4) The worst of all is upon ther mat­ter of Preaching. which is so restricted & limited, that nothing must be said or done contrare to the well & peace of his reign, seditious or treasonable; And in case any treasonable speeches be uttered the Law is to take place against the guilty, and none other present, providing they reveal to any of the Council the guilt so committed, as in the former Proclamation: And in the last it is further declared, that nothing must be Preached or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of the People from him or his Government. Here is the price at which they are to purchase their freedom (a sad bargain to buy Liberty & sell Truth) which yet hardly can be so exactly paid, but he may find a pretence for retrenching it when he pleases; for if a Minister shall Pray for the overturning of a throne of iniquity, or for confounding all that serve graven Imag­es, and for destruction to the Pope and all that give their power to that beast, there will be something said against the well of his Government; Or if any shall hear this and not delate it, then the same pretence is relevant; Or if he shall Preach against the Kings Religion as Idolatry, and the Church of Rome as Babylon, and discharge his Conscience & Duty in speaking against the Tyrannie of the times; Or let him Preach against any publick sin faithfully, a Popish Critick or Romish Bigot shall interpret it to be an alienation of the Peoples hearts from the King & his Government. But who can be faithful, and Preach in season & out of season now, but he must think it his duty to endeavour to alienate the hearts of the People from such an Enemy to Christ, and his absolute Tyranny, so declaredly stated against God? What Watchman must not see it his indis­pensable [Page 172] Duty, to warn all People of his Devilish designs to destroy the Church & Nation, and Preach so that People may hate the whore, and this Pimp of hers? Sure if he Preach the whole Counsel of God, he must Preach against Poperie & Tyrannie. And if he think this Indulgence from Absolute Prerogative, granted & accepted on these termes, can supercede him from this faithfulness, then he is no more the Servant of Christ but a pleaser of men. Therefore since it is so clogged with so many restrictions, so inconsistent with duty, so contrary to Scripture, so clearly violatory of Covenant-Engagements, so cross to the constant Contendings & Constitutions of this Church, and Acts of Ass. (See Pag. 80. &c.) it were a great defe­ction to Accept of it.

11. Considering the Scandal of it, they dare not so of­fend the generation of the Righteous by the Acceptance, and dishonour God, disgrace the Protestant Profession, wrong the Interest thereof, and betray their native Coun­try, as thus to comply with the Design of Antichrist, and partake of this cruel tender mercy of the beast; who hath alwayes mischief in his heart, and intends this as a Pre­parative for inducing or inforcing all that are hereby lulled asleep either to take on his Mark, or bear the Marks of his fiery fury afterwards. For hereby forreign Churches may think, we are in a fair way of reconciliation with Antichrist, when we so kindly accept his Harbingers fa­vours. And it cannot but be very stumbling to see the Mi­nisters of Scotland, whose Testimony used to be terrible to the Popish and renouned through all the Protestant Churches, purchasing a Liberty to themselves at the rate of burying & betraying the Cause into bondage & restraint, and thus to be laid by from all active & open opposition to Antichrists Designs, in such a season. The world will be tempted to think, they are not governed by Principles but their oun Interest in this juncture, seeking their oun things more than the things of Christ; And that it was not the late Usurpation upon, & overturning of Religion & Liberty that offended them, so much as the Persecution they sustained thereby; but if that Arbitrary Power had [Page 173] been exerted in their favours, tho with the same prejudice of the Cause of Christ, they would have complyed with it as they do now. Alas sad & dolorous have been the Scan­dals given & taken by & from the Declining Ministers of Scotland heretofore, which have rent & racked the poor Remnant, and offended many both at home & abroad, but none so stumbling as this. And therefore the tender will be shie to medle with it.

12. Considering the Addresses made thereupon, with such a stain of foulsome & blasphemous flatteries, to the dishonour of God, the reproach of the Cause, the be­traying of the Church, and detriment of the Nation, and exposing themselves to the contempt of all, the poor Per­secuted Partie dare not so much as seem to incorporate with them. I shall set doun the first of their Addresses, given forth in the name of all the Presbyterian Ministers, And let the Reader judge whether there be not Cause of stand­ing aloof from every appearance of being of their number. It is dated at Edinburgh, Iulj 21. 1687. of this tenor.

To the Kings most excellent Majestie. The humble Address of the Presbyterian Ministers of his Majesties Kingdom of Scotland.

We your Maj. most loyal subjects, the Ministers of the Presbyterian persuasion in your Ancient Kingdom of Scotland, from the due sense we have of your Maj. graci­ous & surprising favour, in not only puting a stop to our long sad sufferings for Non-conformity, but granting us the Liberty of the Publick & Peaceable exercise of our Ministerial function without any hazard: As we bless the Great God who hath put this in your Royal heart, do with all find our selves bound in duty to offer our most humble & hearty thanks to your Sacred Majestie, the fa­vour bestowed being to us and all the People of our Per­suasion valuable above all our earthly comforts, espe­cially since we have ground from your Maj. to beleeve that our Loyaltie is not to be questioned upon the account of our being Presbyterians, who as we have amidst all [Page 174] former tentations endeavoured, so we are firmly re­solved still to preserve an intire Loyaltie in our Doctrine & Practice (consonant to our known Principles, which according to the Holy Scriptures are contained in the Confession of faith, generally ouned by Presbyterians in all your Maj. Dominions) and by the help of God so to demean our selves, as your Maj. may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish your favours towards us; throughly perswading our selves from your Maj. justice & goodness, that if we shall at any time be otherwise represented, your Maj. will not give credit to such in­formation, until yow have due cognition thereof: and humbly beseeching, that those who promote any dsloyal Principles & practices (as we disoune them) may be look­ed upon as none of ours, whatsover name they may assume to themselves. May it please your most excellent Maj. graciously to accept of this our most hmble Ad­dress, as proceeding from the plainness & sincerity of Loyal & thankful hearts, much engaged by your Royal favour, to continue our fervent Prayers to the King of Kings, for Divine illumination & conduct, with all other blessings Spiritual & Temporal, ever to attend your Royal Person & Government, which is the greatest duty can be rendered to your Maj. by

Your Maj. most humble, mast faithful, & most obedient Subjects. Subscribed in our Names, and in the name of the rest of our Brethren of our Persuasion, at their desire.

Which received this Gracious return.

The Kings Letter to the Presbyterians in his ancient Kingdom of Scotland.

We love yow well: and we heartily thank yow for your Address: we resolve to Protect yow in your Liberty, Religion, & properties all our life: And we shall lay doun such methods, as shall not be in the power of any to alter hereafter. And in the mean tune we desire yow [Page 175] to Pray for our Person & Government. To which may be added that kind Complement of the Chancellors: Gent­lemen, My Master hath commanded me to tell yow, that I am to serve yow in all things within the compass of my power.

These Gentlemen needed not to have been sollicitous, that those who avouch an Adherance to the Covenanted Reformation, and avow an opposition to Antichristian Usurpers (which they call promoting Dislayal principles & practices) might not be looked upon as of their Confedera­cy: for all that abide in the principles & Practices of the Church of Scotland (which they have deserted) and that desire to be found Loyal to Christ, in opposition to His and the Churches and the Countries Declared Enemy, would count it a sin & scandal, laying them obnoxious to the Displeasure of the Holy & Jealous God, who will re­sent this heinous Indignity they have done unto His Ma­jestie (if they do not Address themselves unto Him for par­don of the iniquity of this Address, which is the desire of those whom they disoune that they may find Grace to do so) and a shameful Reproach, exposing them to the Con­tempt of all of whom they expect Sympathie, to be reck­oned of their Association who have thus betrayed the Cause & the Country. These mutual Complements (so like the Caresses of the Romish whore whereby she entyces the Nations to her fornication) between the Professed Ser­vants of Christ and the Vassals of Antichrist, if they be cor­dial; would seem to import that they are in a fair way of compounding their differences and to accommodate their oppositions at length; which yet I hope will be irreconci­leably maintained & kept up by all true Presbyterians, in whose name they have the impudence to give out their Ad­dress: But if they be only Adulatory & flattering Comple­ments, importing only a Conjunction of tails like Sam­sons foxes) with a Disjunction of heads and hearts, tending towards distinct & opposite Interests; then, as they would suite far better the Dissmulations of Politicians, than the Simplicity of Gospel-Ministers, and do put upon them the brand of being men-pleasers rather than Servants of Christ, [Page 176] so for their dissemblings with Dissemblers, who know their Complements to be and take them for such, they may look to be paid home in good measure, heaped up & running over, when such methods shall be laid doun as shall not be in the power of any to alter, when such designs shall be ob­tained by this Liberty and these Addresses, that the after bought wit of the Addressers shall not be able to disappoint. However the Address it self is of such a dress, as makes the thing addressed for to be odious, and the Addressers to forefault the respect, & merit the indignation of all that are friends to the Protestant & Presbyterian Cause, as may appear from these obvious Reflections. 1. It was needful indeed they should have assumed the name of Presbyterians (though it might have been more tolerable to let them pass under that name, if they had not presumed to give forth their flatteries in the name of all of that Persuasion, and to al­ledge it was at their desire; which is either an illuding equivocation, or a great untruth, for though it might be the desire of the men of their oun persuasion, which is a newly start up opinion that Interest hath led them to espouse, yet nothing could be more cross to the real desires of true Presbyterians, that prefer the Truth of the Cause to the external peace of the Professors thereof) and call it the humble Address of Presbyterian Ministers: for otherwise it could never have been known to come from men of the Presbyterian persuasion; seeing the Contents of this Ad­dress are so clearly contrary to their known Principles. It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles, to Congratulate an Antichristian Usurper for undermining Religion, and overturning Lawes & Liberties. It is contrary to Presby­terian Principles, to justify the abrogation of the National Covenant, in giving thanks for a Liberty whereby all the Lawes are called & disabled therein confirmed. It is con­tray to Presbyterian Principles, to thank the King for opening a door to bring in Poperie, which they are engaged to exstirpate in the Solemn League & Covenant. It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles to allow or accept of such a vast Toleration for Idolaters & Hereticks, as is evi­dent above from all their Contendings against it, which is [Page 177] also contrary to the Confession of faith, generally ouned by Presbyterians, as may be seen in the place forecited Chap. 20. Par. 4. It is contrary to Presbyterian Principles to consent to any Restrictions, Limitations, & Conditions, binding them up in the exercise of the Ministerial function, where­with this Liberty is loaded & clogged; whereby indeed they have the Liberty of the Publick & peaceable exercise of it, without any hazard of present Persecution, but not with­out great hazard of sin, and incurring the guilt of the blood of Souls, for not declaring the whole Counsel of God, which Addressers cannot declare, if they Preserve an intire Loyaltie in their Doctrine, as here they promise. 2. There is nothing here sounds like the old Presbyterian strain; neither was there ever an Address of this stile seen before from Presbyterian hands. It would have looked far more Pres­byterian like, instead of this Address, to have sent a Pro­testation against the now openly designed introduction of Poperie, and subversion of all Lawes & Liberties which they are Covenanted to maintain, or at least to have given an Address in the usual Language of Presbyterians, who used alwayes to speak of the Covenants, and Work of Re­formation: But here never a word of these, but of Loyaltie to his excellent, to his Gracious, and to his Sacred Majestie, of Loyaltie not to be questioned, an Entire Loyaltie in Do­ctrine, a resolved Loyaltie in Practice, and a servent Loyaltie in Prayers: And all that they are solicitous about, is not lest the Prerogatives of their Master be encroached upon, and the Liberties of the Church be supplanted, and Religion wronged; but lest their Loyaltie be questioned, and they be otherwise represented: And all that they beseech for is, not that the Cause of Christ be not wronged, nor Antichristian Idolatrie introduced by this Liberty; but that these who promove any disloyal Principles & Practices may be looked upon as none of theirs, wherein all their encouragment is, that they persuade themselves from his Maj. justice & goodness, that he will not give credite to any other information until he take due cognition thereof. Here is a Lawless unrestricted Loyaltie to a Ty­rant, claiming an absolute power to be obeyed without reserve, not only professed, but solicitously sought to be the Prin­ciple [Page 178] of Presbyterians; whereas it is rather the Principle of Athiestical Hobbes exploded with indignation by all rational men. This is not a Christian Loyaltie, o [...] profession of Consciencious Subjection, to a Minister of God for good who is a terror to evil doers, but a stupid subjection & absolute Allegiance to a Minister of Antichrist, who gives Liberty to all evil men & seducers. This is not the Presby­terian Loyaltie to the King, in the defence of Christ His Evangel, Liberties of the Country, Ministration of Iustice, & punishment of iniquity, according to the National Covenant; And in the preservation & defence of the true Religion & Liberties of the Kingdoms, according to the Solemn League & Cove­nant; but an Erastian Loyaltie to a Tyrant, in his over­turning Religion Lawes & Liberties, & protecting & en­couraging all iniquity. This Loyaltie in Doctrine will be found Disloyaltie to Christ, in a sinful & shameful silence at the wrongs done to Him, and not declaring against the Invasions of His open Enemies. This Loyaltie in Practice is a plain betraying of Religion & Liberty, in lying by from all opposition to the open Destroyer of both. And this Loyaltie in Prayers, for all blessings ever to attend his person & Government, will be found neither consonant to Presby­terian Prayers in reference to Popish Tyrants, nor con­sistent with the Zeal of Christians, and the Cries of all the Elect unto God to whom vengeance belongs, against An­tichrist and all his Supporters, nor any way conforme to the Saints Prayers in Scripture, nor founded upon any Scripture promises, to pray for a blessing to a Papists Ty­rannie, which cannot be of Faith and therefore must be sin. It were much more suitable to pray, that the God which hath caused His Name to dwell in His Church, may destroy all Kings that shall put to their hand to alter & destroy the House of God, Ezrah. 6. 12. 3. This Address is so stuffed with sneak­ing flatteries, that it would become more Sycophants & Court-Parasites than Ministers of the Gospel; and were more suitable to the Popish, Prelatical, & Malignant faction to congratulate & rejoice in their professed Patroh & Head, and fill the Gazetts with their Adulatory Addresses, which heretofore used to be deservedly inveighed against [Page 179] by all Dissenters; than for Presbyterians to take a Copy from them, and espouse the practice which they had con­demned before, and which was never commended in any good Government, nor never known in these British Na­tions, before Oliver's Usurpation & Charles his Tyranny; flatterie being alwayes counted base among ingenuous men. But here is a Rhapsodie of flatteries, from the deep sense they have of his Maj. gracious & surprising favour—finding themselves bound in duty to offer their most humble & hearty thanks, to his Sacred Maj. the favour bestowed being to them—valuable above all earthly comforts. One would think this behoved to be a very great favour, from a very great friend, for very gracious ends: But what is it? In not only puting a stop to their long sad sufferings; which were some ground indeed if the way were honest: but this not only supposes an also; what is that? but also granting us the Liberty—which is either a needless Tautology (for if all Sufferings were stop­ped, then Liberty must needs follow) or it must respect the qualifications of the Liberty; flowing from such a Fountain, absolute power; through such a Conveyance, the stoping all penal Lawes against Papists; in such a Forme as a Toleration; for such Ends, as overturning the Reformation & introducing Poperie. This is the favour for which they offer most humble & hearty thanks, more valuable to them than all earthly comforts; thô it be manifestly intended to deprive the Lords People, at the long run, of the Heavenly Comforts of the Preached Gospel. Sure, if they thank him for the Liberty, they must thank him for the Procla­mation whereby he grants it, and justify all his Claim there to Absoluteness, being that upon which it is super­structed, and from which it emergeth, And so become a listed faction to abett & oune him in all his attemptings, engaged now to demean themselves as that he may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours, which can be no other way but in assisting him to destroy Religion & Liberty, at least in suffering him to do what he will without control. O what an indeleble reproach is this for Ministers, who pretend to be set for the defence of the Gospel, thus to be found betraying Religion, through [Page 180] justifying & magnifying a Tyrant, for his suspension of so many Lawes whereby is was established & supported. 4. It were more tolerable if they went no further than flatteries: but I fear they come near the border of Blasphemie, when they say, that the Great God hath put this in his Royal heart: which can bear no other Construction but this, that the holy Lord hath put it in his heart to assume to himself a blasphemous & absolute power, whereby he stops & sus­pends all Penal Lawes against Idolaters, and gives a Tole­ration for all Errors: Or if it be capable of any other sense, it must be like that as the Lord is said to have moved David to number the People, or that Rev. 17. 17. God hath put it in their hearts to fulfill His Will, and to aggree aud give their King­dom unto the Beast. But to bless God and thank the Tyrant for this wicked Project, as deliberate & purposed by men, I say is near unto Blasphemy. And again where they say, they are firmly resolved by the help of God so to demean themselves as his Maj. may find cause rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours; this in effect is as great Blasphemy as if they had said, they resolved by the help of God to be as unfaithful Time-serving & Silent Ministers as ever plagued the Church of God; for no otherwise can they demean them­selves so as he may find cause to enlarge his favours towards them, it being no way supposible that his enlarging his favours can consist with their faithfulness, but if they dis­cover any measure of zeal against Antichrist, he will quickly diminish them.

Thus far I have compendiously deduced the Account of the Progress, & Prosecution of the Testimony of this Church to the present State thereof, as it is Con­certed & Contended for, by the Reproached Remnant now only Persecuted: which I hope this pretended Li­berty shall be so far from obscuring & interrupting, that it shall contribute further to clear it, and engage them more to Constancy in it, and induce others also to Countenance it, when they shall see the sad effects of this Destructive Snare, which I leave to time to produce: And hope, that as the former Representa­tion of their Cause will conciliate the Charity of the [Page 181] unbyassed, so an Account of their Sufferings thereupon will provoke them to Sympathie. To which I now proceed.

PART. II.
CONTAINING A BRIEF ACCOUNT Of the Persecution of the last Period, And of the great Sufferings whereby all the Parts of its Testimony were sealed.

THe foregoing Deduction, being the first thing I proposed to be discussed in the Method of this Essay, hath now swelled to such a Bulk, that the Last Period of it doth in a manner swallow up what I intended to have said on the Second: Because it gives grounds to gather the Methods & Measures that our Adversaries have managed, for the ruin of this Witnessing Remnant, and also discovers some special steps of their Sufferings within these 27. years past, under the Tyranny of both the Brothers. It will now be the more easie to glean the Gradations of the Means & Machins, used by this Popish, Prelatical, & Malignant faction, to raze the Work of Reformation, and to build their Babel of Poperie & Slaverie on the ruines thereof; And to aggre­gate an Account in brief of the Great Sufferings of the Faithful. Which though it be beyond my power and besides my purposes at present, to offer a Narrative of it, with any proportion to the greatness of the subject; A more particular Relation thereof, being now projected, if Pro­vidence [Page 182] permit, to be Published to the world, which will discover strange & unheard of Cruelties: yet in this little heap of some hints only of the kinds of their Sufferings, I do not question but it will appear, that the Persecution of Scotland hath been very remarkable, and scarcely out-done by the most Cruel in any Place or Age, in respect of injustice, illegality, & inhumanity, though perhaps in­feriour in some other Circumstances. But that none could be more unjust, illegal, or inhumane, I need not fur­ther, I cannot better, demonstrate than only to Declare the matter of fact, as it fell out in the several Steps of the Last Period.

1. In the Entry of this fatal Catastrophe, the first of their Mischievous Machinations was to remove out of the way all who were eminent Instruments in carrying on the former Work of God, or might be of influence for ob­structing their Antichristian & Tyrannical designs, both in the State and in the Church. And accordingly when the Marque [...]s of Argyle, who had a main hand in bringing home the King, and closing the Second Treaty at Breda, went up to London to Congratulate his return from exile, he was made Prisoner in the Tower, thereafter sent doun to Scotland, indyted of high Treason, at length beheaded, and his head placed upon the Tolbooth of Edinburgh (A watch word of warning to our Addressers, who may ere all be done meet with the same sawce) for no other alledged Cause, but for his Complyance with the English when they had our Land in subjection; a thing wherein the Judges that condemned him were Socii Criminis: but really for another provocation that incensed the King against him, which made him a Tyrant as infamous for villanie as for violence, to wit, for his reproving the King (when others declined it) for an Adulterous Rape, which he held for so piacular a Crime, that he resolved nothing should expiate it but the blood of this Nobleman. For the same Pretended Cause was the Lord Waristoun afterwards executed to death at Edinburgh, after they had missed of their design of taking him off by Clandestine ways abroad. Then they fall upon the Ministers: And because Mr Iames Guthrie was a man, [Page 183] who had been honoured of God to be zealous & singularly faithful in carrying on the Work of Reformation, and had asserted the Kingly Authority of Christ in opposition to the Erastian Supremacy encroaching thereupon, therefore he must Live no longer, but is condemned to die, and most basely handled as if he had been a most Notorious Thief or Malefactor; he is hanged, & afterward his head placed upon one of the Ports of Edinburgh; where it abideth to this day Preaching not only against the Enemies Rebellion against God, but against the defection of many Ministers since, who have Practically denied that Great Truth for which he Suffered, viz, his Testimony against the Supremacy, and for declining the Usurped Authority of him who Arrogated it. At the same time there was a Proclamation, which they caused to be read at all the Church-doors, discharging Ministers to speak against them or their Proceedings, whereby Profane & Malicious per­sons were encouraged to witness against their Ministers. By which means (though many were in no hazard, think­ing it commendable Prudence, commended indeed by the world, but hateful unfaithfulness before God, to be silent at such a time) some faithful Ministers giving faithful & free warning & Protesting against the present Defection, were condemned of Treason, and banished out of the three Dominions. Others Indicta Causa without access to give in their defences, were sentenced with banishment, and could never get an Extract of their sentence: And furder were compelled to subscribe a bond, under pain of death to remove out of all the Dominions betuixt & such a day. This was the lot, and also the blot, of these famous & faithful Ministers, Mr Iohn Livingstoun, Mr Ro M [...] Ward, Mr Io. Broun &c. who spent the rest of their dayes in Holland, serving their Generation by their excellent Writ­ings. Then after they had disposed of many other Mini­sters, whom they thrust out for not keeping the 29th of May, having now laid by the most Eminent, & whom they feared most of the Ministrie, they shortly thereafter outed & violented the rest from the exercise of their Mini­strie, and straitened them with strange & severe Con­finements, [Page 184] yea because they would not be out done [...] suppressing Religion by any, no not by Iulian the Apo­state, they proceeded to poyson all the springs & fountains of Learning; ordaining that none be Masters in Univer­sities, except they take the Oath of Supremacy, & oune the Government of Prelacy, and none be admitted to teach in a School without the Prelats Licence. These Courses brought many Ministers & Expectants to great Sufferings.

2. Hitherto they reached only Noblemen, Gentlemen, & Ministers, and others whom they thought might stand in their way: of advancing their Cursed Designs. The next Drift is, when they had emptied the Churches of Mini­sters, and filled them with the vermine of ignorant & scan­dalous Curats, to force the People to Conformity, and to Disoune & discountenance their oun Ministers; first, by severe Edicts of exorbitant fining not only the persons themselves contraveening, but those that had the Supe­riority over them, & rigourous execution of these fines, to the Depopulation of a poor Country, by Military force. Whereby, where there was but one Church in the bounds, still enjoying a Minister whom the People could hear, the profane Souldiers would beset that Church in time of Worship, and cause all within to pay their fines, or take the garments from them that could not, and beat them to the effusion of their blood: And where the Church was planted with a Curat, the Souldiers would come and call the Names of the Parishoners, and amerciate the Absents in such fines as they pleased. In other Places they went to private houses, and by force drove them to Church, even though sick & unable. But where the Dis­senters were numerous, great bands of Legal Robbers were sent to exact & extort these exorbitant fines, by plun­dering, quartering, beating, wounding, binding men like beasts, chasing away from houses, and harrassing whole Countrysides, in a hideous manner. And yet after all these insolencies, some of the common sort were com­pelled to subscribe an acknowledgment, that the Captain had used them civilly & discreetly; though the account of others of that place manifests the violence to have been so [Page 185] monstrous, that it justified the greatest barbarity: shewing their exactions to have been intolerable, both for the quan­tity, without all proportion or pity, and for the manner of it, consuming & wasting poor Peoples provision by their very dogs, and sparing no more these who conform­ed than others who did not conform at all, and punishing husbands for their wives, yea doubling & tripling the same exactions after payment. Next, though at first they did not imprison any for simple absenting themselves from the Curats, yet they began to fill Prisons with such as at any time shewed more than ordinary zeal against the Curats In­trusion, and testified their dissatisfaction to his face; for which, some were imprisoned, scourged, stigmatized, and thereafter carried to Barbadoes. Others, because they would not give the Prelats their Title of Lords, when con­veened before them were also scourged: And one Mini­ster seised for Preaching, and offending the Prelates by the same fault, was carried first to the Thieves hole, laid in irons in company with a Madman, and then banished to Shetland, the coldest & wildest of all the Scots Islands.

3. But when fining would not do, and still the People were more averse from the Curats, by getting some times occasions of hearing their oun Ministers in private: Hence were houses forced & searched, many hailed to Prisons, and several necessitate to escape at windowes with the hazard of their lives; spies sent unto & set in suspected places, to seize & fall upon such as they found at such Meetings, or but suspected to have been there. Whence it came to pass, that many both men & women, young & old, have been dragged to Prisons, & there closs keeped as Malefactors, besides several other outragious & illegal Acts of violence & oppression committed against them, contrare to all Law, Equity, & Conscience.

4. After Pentland defeat, they ruled by rage more than either Law or Reason. There 40. Prisoners who were taken upon quarter, and solemn Parol to have their life spared, yet treacherously & bloodily were all hanged (ex­cept 5. that were reprieved) who had much of the Lords presence at their deaths, and assurance of His love, strength­ening [Page 186] them to seal a Noble Testimony. One of them a much honoured young Minister, only for having a sword about him though not present at the fight, did first most pa­tiently endure the cruel Torture of the Boots (a Cruel En­gine of Iron, whereby with wedges the Leg is tortured until the marrow come out of the bone) and afterwards death, with great Courage & Constancy. Upon the Scaf­fold, at their execution, they then began that barbarity never practised in Scotland before, but frequently & al most alwayes at all the executions since, to beat Drums that they might not be heard. After this Conflict, many were forefaulted of their Estates, and intercommuned, with inhibition to all to reset, conceal, or correspond with any that had escaped, under the pain of being accounted guilty of the same Rebellion, as they called it. Souldiers are permitted to take free quarter in the Country, and Li­censed to all the abuses that either Rapine or Cruelty may suggest; to examine men by tortures, threatnening to kill or rost alive, all that would not delate all they knew was accessory to that Rising; To strip them who did so much as resett the fugitives, & thrust them into Prisons in cold, hunger & nakedness, and croud them so with numbers, that they could scarce stand together, having the miseries of their oun excrements superadded; yea to m [...]rther without process such as would not, nay could not, discover those persecuted People. But not only time but heart & tongue would fail, to relate all the Violences & Insolencies, the stobbings, woundings, stripping & impriso [...]ings of mens­persons, violent breaking of their houses both by day & night, beatings of Wives & Children, ravishings of wo­men, forcings of them by fire Matches & other tortures, to discover their husbands & nearest relations, although not within the compass of their knowledge, and driving away all their goods that can be carried away, without respect to guilt or innocency, and all the Cruelties▪ that were ex­ercised without a check by these Ruffians at that time.

II. After all these tender Mercies & Clemencies or Cruelties, which his Gracious Maj. was pleased to confer or commit upon these poor Contenders for Religion & Li­berty; [Page 187] he and his Cabal the Council, thought it not enough to suppress them with Oppressions and force, distrusting the Authority of his Law (that he knew the People would no more observe, than he would observe a promise or Oath) and diffiding also the Authority of his sword, which he had above their heads; he proposes termes of bargaining with them, whereupon he would suffer them to live, and to which he would have them bound to live according to his Prescript: Therefore, besides the old Oaths of Alle­giance & Supremacy that were still going among hands, he caused coyn New Ones to keep the Peace, and to live Or­derly, meaning to conforme themselves to the Disorders of the times. Whereby, after he had wrought such destru­ction to their Bodies & Estates, & almost nothing was left them but a bit of a Conscience, he would rob them of that too; verifying the Constant Character of the wicked, They only consult to cast a man doun from his excellency: What is a mans excellency but a good Conscience? But these men, having feared Consciences of their oun not capable of any impression, they presume to impose upon all others, and cannot endure so much as to hear of the Name of Conscience in the Country, except it be when it is baffled in the bel­chings of beastly mouths. As one, that was well acquaint with he Councils humor in this point, told a Gentleman that was going before them. To have one of these Oaths imposed upon him, who was before hand signifying his Scruples that he could not do such things in Conscience; Conscience (said he) I beseech yow whatever yow do, speak no­thing of Conscience before the Lords, far they cannot abide to hear that word. Therefore it is, that since this last Revolution there have been more Conscience-debauching & ensnaring Oaths invented & imposed, and some repugnant & con­tradictory to others, than ever was in any Nation in the World in so short a time. And hereby they have had wo­ful success in their designes, involving the generality of the Land in the sin of Perjurie & false swearing with themsel­ves. And it hath been observed, that scarcely have they let on year pass without imposing some Oaths or Bonds upon Presbyterians; Such alwayes as are unlawful to take, yea [Page 188] & impossible to keep, sometimes more obviously gross, some times more seemingly smooth, sometimes tendered more generally through the Kingdom, sometimes im­posed upon particular Shires; And these carried on some­times by Craft & Cunning, sometimes by Force & Cruelty. Doubtless it is not the least part of their design, hereby to make Oaths & Bonds become a trivial & common thing, & by making all men of as Capacious Consciences as them­selves.

2. Further they never ceased to express their fear of another Rising (their guilty Consciences dictating that they deserved greater opposition) Hence, to secure themselves and incapacitate the People from further Attempts of that nature, they order all Withdrawers from Churches, all who did not joyne to suppress the Lords People, to de­liver up their Armes betuixt & such a day, and not keep a horse above such a very mean price, unfit for service.

3. When force could not do the business then they try flatteries; and hence Contrive that wicked Indulgence to di­vide & distroy the Ministers that remained, and to suppress Meetings. But when this bait so well busked could not catch all, but still there were Meetings for administring the Ordinances; their flatterie turns to fury, and the Ac­ceptance of that Indulgence by some, and despising of it by others, did both animate & instigate them unto a following forth of their design, by all the Cruel Acts & bloody exe­cutions. And hereby the residue of the Faithful of the Land were exposed unto their rage, while the Indulged became Interpretatively guilt of, & accessorie to all the Cruelties used & executed upon Ministers & Professors, for adhering unto that way. Hence it was common at private & peaceable Meetings when, without Armes of defence, they were disturbed by Souldiers, & exposed to all manner of villanous violence, some being dragged to Prisons, some banished & sold to French Captains to be transported with Rascals, many intercommuned & driven from their Dwellings & Relations, Great summes of money were proferred to any that would bring in severa [...] of the most eminent Ministers, either dead or alive; yea several at se­veral [Page 189] times were killed, and others cruelly handled: All which for several years they patiently endured without Re­sistence. But especially, when not only they were driven to the fields to keep their Meetings in all weathers, Summer & Winter, but necessitate to meet with Armes, then they raised more Troups of horse & Dragoons to pursue them with all rage, as Traitors & Rebels. Hence what pur­suings, hornings, huntings, hidings, wanderings through Mountains & Moors, and all Kinds of Afflictions, the People of God then met with, because of their following that necessary & signally blessed Duty; All the Lands In­habitants know, the Jaylors can witness to this day, and the barbarous Souldiers, bloody Executioners of the Com­mands of their enraged Masters, having orders to wound & kill and apprehend all they could take at these Meetings, or on the way suspected to be going to or coming from them, having encouragment to apprehend some Ministers, and bring them dead or alive, by the promise of two thou­sand Merks, others valued at one thousand, and several Professors also with prices put upon their heads. Hence others that were taken of them were sent into the Bass, a Dry & Cold Rock in the Sea, where they had no fresh wa­ter, nor any provision but what they had brought many miles from the Country, and when they got it, it would not keep unspoiled. And others, both Ministers and many hundreds of Professors, were outlawed; whereby all the Subjects were prohibited to reset, supply, intercom­mune with any of them, or to correspond with them by word writ, or message, or furnish them with meat, drink, house, harbour, victual, or any other thing useful under the highest pains. Hence also Prisons were filled: And the Wives & Children of the Outed Ministers, that were come to Edinburgh for shelter, were commanded to dis­lodge, within a short day prefixed, under the pain of being forcibly shut up or dragged out. For which and other such uses, to apprehend & seise on Meetings, a Major was appointed in Edinburgh, with command over the toun Guards, and a good Salarie for that end. Then Prisons being filled, they were emptied to make room for others [Page 190] in Ships, to be taken away to be sold for Slaves, in one of which were sent to Virginia above 60 men, some Mini­sters; who, through the kindness & Sympathie of some English Godly People, were relieved at London. A greater Barbarity not to be fonnd, in the Reigns of Caligul [...] or Nero.

4. But all this is nothing to what followed: when, thinking these blood-hounds were too favourable, they brought doun from the Wild Highlands a host of Savages upon the western Shires, more terrible than Turks or Turtars, men who feared not God nor regarded man; And being also poor pitiful Skybalds, they thought they had come to a brave world, to waste & destroy a plentiful Country, which they resolved before they left it to make as bare as their oun. This hellish Crue was adduced to work a Reformation, Like the French Conversions, to press a Band of Conformity, wherein every Subscriber was bound for himself & all under him, wife, Children, Servants, Tenants, to frequent their Paroch-Churches, and never to go to these Meetings, nor reset nor intertain any that went, but to informe against, pursue, & deliver up all vagrant Preachers as they called them, to t [...]yal & Judge­ment. Which they prosecuted with that rigor & restless boundless rage, that the Children then unborn and their pitiful Mothers do lament the memory, of that day, for the loss of their fathers & husbands. Many ho [...]ses & families then were left desolate in a winter flight, many lost their Cattel & Horses, and some in seeking to recover them lost their lives, by the Sword of these Burrio's. So that it was too evident, both by what orders was given, the seve­ritie of prosecuting, and the expressions of some great ones since, that nothing less than the utter ruin and desolation of these Shires was consulted and concluded, and that expedition at that time calculated for that end; for what else can be imagined could induce to the raising 10, or 11000 barbarous Savages the joyning them to the standing forces, and with such cruel orders the directing them all to the West; where there was not one person moving the finger against them; neither could they pretend any quarrel, [Page 191] If it was not the faithfulness of the People there in their Covenanted Religion, and their hoplessness of complying to their Popish and Tyrannical designs, and therefore no course so feasible as to destroy them; So for dispatching thereof, order is given forth that whosoever refuseth to subscribe that Hell-hatched bond, must instantly have 10, 20, 30, 40, moe or fewer according to his condition as he is poorer or richer, of these new Reformers sent to him, to ly not only upon free Quarters to eat up and destroy what they pleased, but also (for the more speedy expe­dition) ordered to take a six pence for each common Soul­dier a day, and the Officers more, according to their de­grees, and so to remain till either the bond was subscribed, or all destroyed; Nor was these Trusties deficient to further their purposes in prosecuting their orders, Who coming to their Quarters used ordinarly to produce a Bill­gate for near to as many more as came, and for these ab­sents they must have double money, because their Land­lord was not burthened with their maintenance, and where that was refused would take the readiest goods, and if any thing remained not destroyed and plundered at their removeing, which was not transportible, rather then the owner should get any good of it, they would in some places set fire to it, as they did with the Corn-stacks. It would re­quire several great volumes to record the many instances of horrid Barbarities, Bloods, and Villanies of that wicked ex­pedition, so that what by free Quarterings, Exactions, Robberies, Thifts, Plunderings and other acts of Violence & Crueltie, many places was ruined almost to desolation, all which the faithful choosed rather to suffer, than to sin in complying: and albeit their oppression was exceeding lamentable, and their loss great, yet that of the complyers was greater and sader who lossed a good Conscience in yielding to them, and compounding with them.

5 Then the Country behoved to pay the Souldiers for all this Service, and hire them to do more, by paying the imposed Cess; whereby they were sharpened into a greater keenness in Cruel executions of their Orders, returning to those places of the Country whether they had chased the [Page 192] Persecuted People, who still kept their Meetings where­ever they were, though they could not attend them but upon the hazard of being killed, either in the place (where some had their blood mingled with their sacrifice) or flee­ing, or be exposed to their dreadful Cruelties more bitter than death. For then it was counted a greater Crime, and punished with greater severity, for Persons to hear a faithful Minister Preach, than to commit Murder, In­cest, Adulterie, or to be guiltie of Witchcraft, or Ido­latrie, or the grossest abominations: for these have past unpunished, when some for their simple presence at a Meeting, have been executed unto the death. Then also, when some were forced to flee into the English border for shelter, there also were Parties ordered to pursue those poor hunted Partridges, who could not find a hole to hide their head in. There we lost a valiant Champion for Truth, and truly zealous Contender for the Interest of Christ, that universally accomplished Gentleman & Christian, Tho. Ker of Heyhope, who was cruelly murthered in a rancounter with a Party of the English side.

Thereafter followed that Lamentable stroke at Bothuel, where about 300 were killed on the field, and about 10. or 1100 taken Prisoners, and stript, & brought into Edin­burgh in a merciless manner. After which, first two faith­ful & painful Ministers & Witnesses of Christ, Mr Iohn Kid & Mr Iohn King, received the Croun of Martyrdom, sealling that Testimony with their blood, and many others after them for the same Cause. Then the Enemy, after the manner used before, first to wound our head and then put on a hood upon it (as they have done alwayes after a Mischief, and intending a greater) offered their Bond of peace, on termes that clearly condemned the Cause, never to rise in armes against the King &c. by which bond, many of the Prisoners, after they had lyen several weeks in a Church-yard, without the shadow of a house to cover them night & day, were Liberate: And many of the rest, by the persuasion of some Ministers, at whose door their blood lied as well as at the Enemies, took that bond; and yet were sent away with others that did not take it, in a [Page 193] Ship bound for America between, 2. and 300. in all, who were all murdered in the Ship, being shut up under the hatches, when it split upon a rock in the North of Scotland, except about 50 persons; whereof many to this day are Living Witnesses of such a Cruelty.

III. Hitherto only the Common Rules & Rudiments of the Art of Persecution were put in practice, exactly qua­drating with the Rules of Adam [...] the [...] for introducing of Poperie, in his Polit. Lib. 2. Cap. [...]8. which are, (1) To proceed as Musicians do, in tuning the [...] In­struments gradually. (2) To press the examples of some eminent men to draw on the rest. (3) To banish all Arch Hereticks at once (that is the most zealous Witnesses of Christ) or at least with all expedition by degrees. (4) To put them out of all power & trust, and put in friends to the Catholick Interest. (5) To load the Protestant Opinions, as are most obnoxious, with all odious Constructions. (6) To discharge all Private Conventieles▪ (7) To [...] & execute rigorous Lawes against the most dangerous. (8) To foment all quarrels among Prote [...]ts, and strengthen the Party that is ready to comply. [...], and many other of a deeper Projection & greater [...]erfection, were fallen upon afterwards, equalling [...] the most mischievous Machins of Spanish Inquisition; [...] the Methods that effectuated the desolation of the Church of [...], that were exactly followed, as they are related in Clarks Mar­tyrology. Especially the last of Cantzens Rules was indu­striously observed, in the Device of the Indulgences both before & after Bothwel; which contributed more to the rending & ruining the Remnant, [...] expose the Faith­ful to rage & cruelty, than any thing for when by these ensnaring favours many were drawn away from their duty, the rest that maintained it, and kept [...] the Testimony; were both the more easily preyed upon; and more cruelly insulted over. Hence the few Field-Meetings that were kept, were more fiercely pursued after Bothwel than the many before, and more cruel Lawes were made against them, and more bloody executions, than I can find words to express in short. But in a word, no Party of T [...]rtars in­vading [Page 194] the Land, or Crue of Cutthroats destroying the In­habitants, or the most Capital Malefactors, could have been more violently opposed, or more vigorously sought to be suppressed, than these poor Meeters were. But I must make some more special hints.

1. They not only raised more forces to exhaust the strength & substance of the already wasted Country, and laid on & continued from one terme to another that wicked exaction & cruel oppression of the Cess, for the same declared ends of suppressing & banishing what remained of the Gospel, and imposed Localities for maintaining the Souldiers imployed in those designs; for refusing which many families were pillaged, plundered, & quite impo­verished, besides the heating & abusing them: But also they went on unweariedly with their Courts of Inquisition, pres­sing the Bonds of peace, and dragging them like dogs to Prisons that would not subscribe them, And for taking up in their Porteous Rolls the names of all that were suspect to have been at [...] In [...]urection; which they gathered by the Informations of [...]cophants, and reputed them con­vict if being [...] they did not appear, and forced others to swear [...], and delate upon Oath whom they did either [...]ee or heard that they were in armes, or went to Meetings. And such as refused suffered bonds or banishment. Yea, having made it Criminal to reset, harbour, corrospond or converse with these whom they declared Rebels, they thereupon imprisoned, fined, & ruined vast numbers, [...] having seen or spoken with some of them, or because they did not discover or apprehend them when they [...] they might, and even when they were not obliged and could not know whether they were ob [...]o [...]ious persons or not: for which many Gentlemen & others were Indy [...]ed & imprisoned, and so [...]e arraigned & condemned to death. For these Causes, the Country [...] harrassed & destroyed by four extraordinary Circuit [...] successively going about with their numerous train [...] whereby many were grievously oppressed, and with their oppressions tempted with many Impositions of Con­science debauching Oaths, & Bonds to compear when [Page 195] called, and to keep the Church, and to refrain from going to Meetings &c. and by these tentations involved in Com­plyances and Defections.

2. To enrich themselves by these means with the spoyl of the Country did not satisfie these Destroyers; but they must glut themselves with the blood of the Saints, upon every pretext that they could catch, under any colour of Law. As upon the account of Bothwel Insurrection, many were cruelly executed to the death, some Gentlemen, and some Common Country men, without any Legal Con­viction, by packing bloody Juries & Assises most partially for their Murdering ends, besides more than can be reckon­ed that were kept to perish in their imprisonments. And not only for being actually in armes, or any overt act of transgressing their wicked Lawes, but even for their ex­torted opinion of things, or because they could not con­demn these necessitated Risings in armes to be Rebellion and a sin against God, which they were forced to declare by ter­rible menacings of death & torture, they have been con­demned to death; making their arbitrary Lawes to reach the heart, thoughts, & inward sentiments of the mind, as well as outward actions. Whereupon this became a Cri­minal question robbing many of their Lives, Was the rising at Bothwel-bridge Rebellion and a sin against God? And this another, Was the killing of the Bishop of St Andrewes horrid Murther? which if any answered negatively, or did not answer affirmatively, they were cruelly condemned to death: for which first five innocent Christians were exe­cute upon the spot, where that Murtherer fell. Tho they declared, and it was known, they were as free as the Child unborn, and that some of them had never seen a Bishop that they knew from another man, and were never in that place of the Country where he was killed. And afterwards this was the constant question that all brought before them were troubled with, which some avouching to be duty were dismembered alive, their hands struck off, and then hanged, and their heads cut off when dead.

3. After Sanquhair Declaration, they observed the Je­suites rules more exactly, especially that mentioned above [Page 196] to load the Opinions as are most obnoxious with all odious Constructions, and to make it both Criminal to declare them, and also Criminal to conceal & wave their intrap­ping questions thereupon. For after Mr Hal [...] was killed at the Queensferrie, and Mr Cameron with several worthies were slain at Airsmoss, and after Mr Hackstoun for declining the Authority of his Murderers, head and tail, and for being accessory to executing Judgement upon the Arch-traitor or Arch-Bishop of St Andrewes (thô he laid not his hands on him himself, nor was present at the action, but at a distance when it was done) was tortured alive, with the cuting off of his hands, and then hanged, and before he was dead ripped up, his heart taken out, carried about on the point of a knife and throun into a fire, and afterwards his body quartered. Then, not only such as were with that litle handful at Airsmoss were cruelly murdered, but others against whom they could charge no matter of fact, were questioned if they ouned the Kings Authority? which if any did not Answer affirmatively & positively, he was to look for nothing but exquisite torments by terrible kinds of tor­tures, & death besides. And if any declared their judge­ment, that they could not in Conscience oune such Autho­rity as was then exercised; or if they declined to give their thoughts of it, as judging thoughts to be under no humane jurisdiction; or if they answered with such innocent speci­fications as these, that they ouned all Authority in the Lord, or for the Lord, or according to the Word of God, or all just & Lawful Authority, these under-went & suffered the Capital punishment of Treason. And yet both for declining & de­claring their extorted Answers about this, they were con­demned as unsufferable Maintainers of Principles incon­sistent with Government.

4. But here, as in Egypt, the more they were afflicted the more they grew, the more that the Enem [...]es rage was increased the more were the People inflamed to inquire about the Grounds of their Suffering, seeing rational men and Religious Christians die so resolutely upon them; And the more they insisted in this Inquisition, the more did the number of Witnesses multiply, with a growing increase [Page 197] undauntedness, so that the then shed blood of the Martyrs became the seed of the Church, and as by hearing & seeing them so signally countenanced of the Lord many were re­claimed from their Courses of Complyance, so others were daylie more & more, confirmed in the wayes of the Lord, and so strengthened by His Grace that they choose rather to endure all Torture, and embrace death in its most terrible aspect, than to give the Tyrant & his Complices any acknowledgment: yea not so much as to say, God save the King, which was offered as the price of their life, and Test of their acknowledgment, but they would not accept Deliverance on these termes, that they might obtain a better Resurrection. Which so enraged the Tygrish Trucu­lency of these Persecuters, that they spared neither age, sexe, nor Profession: the tenderness of youth did not move them to any relenting, in murdering very boyes upon this head, nor the gray hairs of the aged; neither were women spared, but some were hanged, some drouned, tied to Stakes within the Sea-mark, to be devoured gradually with the growing waves, and some of them of a very young, some of an old age. Especially after the murder of the never to be forgotten Martyr, Mr Cargil, the multitude of merci­less Sufferings upon this account cannot be enumerated; which encreased far beyond all the former steps, after the Lanerk Declaration, which was burnt with great Solemnity by the Magistrats of Edinburgh in their robes, together with the Solemn League & Covenant, which had been burnt before, but then they would more declaredly give new demonstra­strations of their rage against it, because they confessed and were convinced of its being conforme unto & founded upon that Covenant. And because the Incorporation of Lanerk did not, because they could not, hinder the publish­ing of it, therefore they were threatened with the loss of their Priviledges and forced to pay 6000 Merks. Upon the back of which, the Sufferings of poor People that ouned the Testimony were sadder & sharper, and further extend­ed than ever: Some being banished for Souldiers to Flan­ders, &c. some to be sold as Slaves in Carolina, and other Places in America, to empty the filled Prisons and make [Page 198] room for more [...] which were daylie brought in from all quarters, and either kept languishing in their [...]asty Prisons, or Thiefes holes, in bolts & irons to make them weary of their life, or dispatched as Sacrifices and led as dumb Sheep to the slaughter, without suffering them to speak their dying words, for beating of Drums, or disposed of to Ma­sters of Ships to be transported in Slaverie.

5. Had they satisfied themselves with murdering them out of hand, it would have been more tolerable, and reck­oned some degree of mercy, in comparison of their malice; which, after all their endeavours to murder their Souls, by ensnaring Offers, enslaving Bonds, blasphemous & contradictory Oaths, and multiplying captious Questions to catch the Conscience, or at least vexe the Spirits of the Righteous, whom they could not prevail with to put forth their hands into iniquity, did proceed to invent all exquisite torments more terrible than death. Some at their first ap­prehending were tortured with Fire-matches, burning and for ever thereafter disabling their hands: Then laid fast & locked up in great Irons upon their legs, where they lay many Moneths in the cold of winter, without any relaxa­tion. Some were tortured with the Boots, squeezing out the marrow of their legs: Others with Thumbkins, piercing & bruising the bones of their thumbs: And some torment­ed with both one after another, and besides kept waking nine nights together by watchful Souldiers. who were sworn not to let the afflicted person sleep all that time.

6. All this Tyranny had been the more tolerable, if they had kept within any bounds of colourable or pretend­ed shadow of legality, or in any consonancy to their oun wicked Lawes, or exemplars of any former Persecutions. But in an ambition to outdo all the Nero's, Domitians, Dio­clesians, Duke d' Alva's, or Lewis de Grands, they scorned all formes as wel as Justice of Law, and set up monstrous Monuments of unprecedented illegalitie & inhumanitie. For when, after all their hornings, harrass [...]ngs, hunt­ings, searchings, chasings, catchings, imprisonments, torturings, banishments, and effusions of blood, yet they could not get the Meetings crushed, either in publick or [Page 199] private, nor the zeal of the poor Wanderers quenched, with whom they had interdicted all harbour, supply, comfort, refreshment, converse or corrospondence, and whom they had driven out of their oun & all other habitations, in Touns, Villages, or Cottages, to the Deserts, Moun­tains, Moors, & Mosses, in whose hags & holes they were forced to make Dens & Caves to hide themselves, but that they would still meet for the Worship of God, either in Publick (though mostly in the cold winter nights) or in their Private fellowships for Prayer & Conference; and to rescue their Brethren, and prevent their Murder in these extremities, would surprize and take advantages of the Souldiers now & then: They then raged beyond all bounds, and not only apprehending many innocent persons (against whom they had nothing to accuse them of, but because they could not satisfie them in their Answers) sentenced, and executed them, all in one day, and made an Act to do so with all; but allowed the bloody Souldiers to murder them, without either Tryal or Sentence. Especially after the Apologetical Declaration, affixed on the Church-doors, they acted with an unheard of Arbitrariness. For not only did they frame an Oath of Abjuration, renouncing the same; but pressed it universally upon pain of death, upon all men & women in City & Country, and went from house to house forcing young & old to give their judgement of that Declaration, and of the Kings Authority &c. to ridicule and reproach and make a Ludibrum of all Government: yea impowered Souldiers, & common Varlets, to impannel Juries, condemn & cause to be put to death innocent Re­cusants, and having stopt all Travel & Commerce without a Pass, signifying they had taken that Oath, they gave power to all Hostlers & Inn-keepers to impose Oaths, upon all Passengers, Travellers, Gentlemen or Countrymen, who were to swear that their Pass was not forged. And Prisoners that would not take the Oath, were according to the foresaid Act condemned, sentenced, & execute, all in one day, and early in the morning, that the People might not be affected with the Spectacles of their bloody Severities. Yea Spectators also, that gathered to see the [Page 200] execution, were imposed upon, and commanded to give their judgement, whether these men were justly put to death or not. And not only so, but after that, they gave Orders & Commands to to the Souldiers to pursue the chase after these Wanderers more violently, and shoot or other wise put them to death wherever they could appre­hend them: Whereby many were taken & instantly most inhumanely murdered.

IV. In the begining of this killing time, as the Country calls it; the first Author & Authorizer of all these Mis­chiefs, Charles II. was removed by death. Then one would have thought, the Severity would have stopped: And the Duke of York succeding, in his late Proclamation would make the world beleeve, that it never was his prin­ciple, nor will he ever suffer violence to be offered to any mans Con­science, nor use force or invincible necessity against any man on the account of his persuasion; Smooth words, to cover the mis­chiefs of his former Destructions, and the wickedness of his future designs. To which, his former celebrated saying, that it would never be well till all the south-syd of Forth were made a hunting-field, and his acts & actings designed to ve [...]ify it, since his unhappy succession, do give the lie. For immediatly upon his mounting the Throne, the executions and Acts prosecuting the Persecution of the poor Wanderers, were more Cruel than ever.

1. There were more butchered & slaughtered in the fields, without all shadow of Law, or Trial, or Sen­tence, than in all the former Tyrants reign; who were murdered without time given to deliberate upon death, or space to conclude their Prayers, but either in the instant when they were Praying shooting them to death, or sur­prizing them in their Caves, and murdering them there, without any grant of Prayer at all; Yea many of them mur­dered without taking notice of any thing to be laid against them, according to the worst of their oun Lawes, but slain & cut off without any pity, when they were found at their labour in the field, or travelling upon the road. And such as were Prisoners were condemned for [...]e [...]using to take the Oath of Abjuration, and to oune the Authority, [Page 201] and surprized with their execution, not knowing certain­ly the time when it should be, yea leff in suspense whether it should be or not, as if it had been on design to destroy both their Souls & Bodies. Yea Queens [...]errie had the impu­dence to express his desire of it, when some went to solli­cite him, being then Commissioner, for a Reprieval in favours of some of them, he told them, they should not have time to prepare for Heaven, hell was too good for them.

2. There have been more banished to forreign Planta­tions in this mans time, than in the others. Within these two years, several shipfulls of honest & Consciencious Sufferers have been sent to Iamacia (to which before they were sent, some had their ears cutt) New Ieresey, & Bar­badoes, in such Crouds & Numbers, that many have died in transportation; as many also died before in their pinching Prisons, so thronged that they had neither room to lye nor sit. Particularly the Barbarous usage of a great multitude of them that were sent to Denotter Castle, when there was no room for them in Edinburgh, is never to be forgotten; which the wildest & rudest of Savages would have thought shame of. They were all that long way made to travel on foot, men & women, and some of both sexes, very in­firme & decrepite through age, and several sick, guarded by bonds of Souldiers, And then put in to an old ruinous & rusty house, and shut up under vauts above 80 in a room, men & women, without air, without ease, without place, either to lie, or walk, & without any Comfort save what they had from Heaven, & so straitened for want of refresh­ment which they could not have but at exorbitant prices in­consistent with their poor empty purses, and so suffo­cated with the smell of the place, and of their oun excre­ments, that as several of them died, so it was a wonder of Mercy that any of them could outlive that Miserie: Yet there they remained some moneths, at a distance from all their friends, being sent thither to that Northern Corner out of the South & West borders of the Country; and some out of London. Whose transportation hither, if it were not a part of this Tragical Story, would seem a merry & ridicu­lous passage to Strangers discovering the ridiculous folly [Page 202] as well as the outragious fury of their Persecuters. For at a Private Meeting in London, among others some Scotchmen, of very mean figure, some Taylors, a Shoe­maker, a Chap man &c. were taken, & being found to be Scotchmen, were not only examined at the Common Courts there but by Sir Andrew Foster, by express Commission from the late King a litle before his death; who threatened them under a strange sort of Certification (considering what fell out immediately thereafter) that assuredly they should be sent to Scotland very shortly, if there were not a Revolution of the Government. But this Revolution follow­ing within a few dayes retarded it a litle: yet not long there­after they were sent in a Yacht, with a Guard of Souldiers, and a Charge of high Treason. But when brought before the Council of Scotland, the amount of all that [...]ussle with them was, a Question posed to them under pain of death, whether the King should be King or no? that is, wheither they ouned his Authority or not. Yet thô some of the poor men did oune it, they were sent to Denotter Castle: And thence among the rest banished & transported to New Iersey; in which passage, by reason of their Croud & bad provision, the most part in the ship were cast into a fever, and upwards of 60 died yea even since the former Proclamation for this pretended Liberty, there are 21. men and 5. women sent to Barbadoes against whom nothing could be a [...]ledged but matters of meer Religion & Conscience: which, as it Pro­claims the Notoriousness of these impudent lies where­with the Proclamations for this Liberty are stuffed; So it puts an indeleble brand of infamy upon some L [...]ndon Mer­chants, that are said to pretend to some profession of Re­ligion, who sent the ship to transport them, thereby to make gain of the merchandise of the Lords Captives.

3. There have been more Cruel Acts of Parliament enacted in this Tyrants time, than the former made all his reign. For in his first Parliament held by Queensberrie Com­missioner, not only was there an Act for making it Treason to refuse the Oath of Abjuration, confirming all the illega­lities of their Procedure hereupon before; but an Act mak­ing it Criminal to oune the Covenant, and another Act mak­ing [Page 203] it Criminal for any to be present at a Field Meeting, which was only so to Preachers before. Yet neither these Acts, and all the executions following upon them, have daunt­ed, nor I hope shall drive them, nor the Indemnity and To­leration (so generally now applauded) draw them from the Duty of ouning both these, that are so much the more Publickly to be avouched, that they are so openly inter­dicted by wicked & blasphemous Tranny, though for the same they expect from the Scotish Inquisition all the murder­ing violence, that hell & Rome and Malignant rage can exert.

But to conclude this Tragical Deduction: As these hints we have heaped together of the Kinds & several sorts (the Particulars being impossible to be reckoned) of barbarities and arbitrary Methods, used in carrying on this Persecu­tion, demonstrating the reign or rather rage of these two Dominators, under which we have houled these 27, years, to be a Complete & habitual Tyranny, do discover the inhumanity & illegality of their Proceedings, having no other Precedent save that of the French Conversions, or Spanish Inquisition, out done by many stages in respect of Illegality by the Scotish Inquisition, and the Practices of the Council of Scotland, and Iusticiary Court; So I shall shut up all in a summarie Relation, of the Common Prac­ticks & formes of Procedure in these Courts: which will be useful to understand a litle more distinctly, to the end the Innocency of Sufferers may more clearly appear. 1. They can accuse whom they will, of what they please; And if by summar Citation, he will not, may be because he can­not, compear, if once his Name be in their Porteous rolls, that is sufficient to render him convict. 2. They used also to seize some, and shut them up in Prison year & day, without any signification of the cause of their imprison­ment. 3. They can pick any man off the Street, and if he do not answer their Captious Questions, proceed against him to the utmost of severity; as they have taken some among the Croud at Executions, & imposed upon them the Questions. 4. They can also go through all the houses of the City, as well as the Prisons, and examine all families upon the Questions of the Councils Catechisme, upon the [Page 204] hazard of their life; if they do not answer to their satisfa­ction, as hath been done in Edinburgh. 5. When any are brought in by Seisure, sometimes (as is said before) they let them lie long without any hearing, if they expect they cannot reach them: But if they think they can win at them any way, then they hurry them in such hast, that they have no time to deliberate upon, and oftentimes have no knowledg [...] or conjecture of, the matter of their Prosecu­tion. Yea if they be never so insignificant, they will take Diversion from their weightiest affairs, to examine & take Cognizance of poor Things, if they understand they dare vent or avow any respect to the Cause of Christ: And the silliest body will not escape their Catechization, about af­fairs of State, what they think of the Authority &c. 6. If they be kept in Prison any space, they take all wayes to pump and discover what can be brought in against them: Yea sometimes they have exactly observed that Device of the Spanish Inquisition, in suborning & sending Flies among them, under the disguise & shew of Prisoners, to search & find out their minds, who will outstrip all in an Hypo­critical zeal, thereby to extort & draw forth words from the most wary, which may be brought in judgement against them the next day. 7. When Prisoners are brought in be­fore them, they have neither Lybel nor Accuser, but must answer super inquirendis, to all Questions they are pleased to ask. 8. If at any time they forme a sort of Lybel, they will not restrict themselves to the Charges thereof, but ex­amine the person about other things altogether extraneous to the Lybel. 9. They have frequently suborned Witnes­ses; and have sustained them as Witnesses, who either were sent out by themselves as Spies & Inte [...]ligencers, or who palpably were known to delate those against whom they witnessed out of a pick & prejudice, and yet would not su [...]er them to be cast for partial Counsel. 10. If they suppose a man to be wary & circumspect, and more prudent than forward in the Testimony; then they multiply questions, and at first many impertinent Inter­rogations, having no Connexion with the Cause, to try his humour & freedom, that they may know how to deal [Page 205] with him; And renew & reiterate several Criminal exa­minations, that they may know whereof, and find matter wherein, to indyte him by endeavouring to confound, or intrap, or involve him in Confessions, or Contradictions, by wresting his words. 11. They will admit no time for advice, nor any Lawful defence for a delay, but will have them to answer presently, except they have some hopes of their Complyance, and find them begining to stagger & succumb in the Testimony; in that case, when a man seeks time to advise, they are animated to a keenness to impose, and encouraged to an expectation of Catching by their snares, which then they contrive & prepare with greater cunning. 12. If a man should answer all their questions, and clear himself of all things they can alledge against him yet they used to impose some of the Oaths, that they con­cluded he would not take; and according to the measure of the tenderness they discovered in any man, so they ap­portioned the Oaths to trap them, to the Stricter the smoother Oaths, to the Laxer the more odious, that all natural Consciences did scar at. 13. They will not only have their Lawes obeyed, but subscribed; And they reckon not their Subjects obedience secured by the Law-makers sanction, but the Peoples hand-writing; And think it not sufficient that People transgress no Lawes, but they must also oune the justice of them, and the Authority that enacts them, and swear to maintain it: And yet when some have done all this, and cleared themselves by all Complyances, they will not discharge them, but under a bond to answer again when called. 14. They will have their Lawes to reach not only actions but thoughts, and therefore they require, what People think of the Bishops death, and of Bothwel Insurection; And whether they oune the Authority, when they can neither prove their disouning of it, nor any way offending it. 15. They will have men to declare their thoughts, and hold them convict if they do not answer Positively all their Captious questions; And if they will not tell what they think of this or that, then they must go as guilty. 16. If they insist in waving, and will not give Categorical Answers, then they can extort all and prove [Page 206] what they please by torture: And when they have extorted their thoughts of things, thô they be innocent as to all actions their Law can charge them with, then they used to hang them when they had done. 17. They have wheedled men sometimes into Confession either of Practices or Principles, by promising to favour their ingenuity, and upbraiding them for dissemblers if they would not, and by mock-ex­postulations, why were they ashamed to give a Testimony? And then make them sign their Confessions at the Council, to bring them in as a witness against them at the Criminal Court. 18. Yea not only extrajudicial Confession will sustain in their Law, but when they have given the Publick faith, the Kings security, the Act & Oath of Council, that their Confesion shall not militate against them, they have brought it in as witness against them, and given it upon Oath, when their former Oath & Act was produced in open Court, in demonstration of their perjurie. 19. When the matter comes to an Assize or Cognizance of a Iurie, they use to pack them for their purpose, and pick out such as are listed, who they think will not be bloody enough. 20. Sometimes when the Jurie hath brought their verdict in favours of the Pannal, they have made them sit doun, & resume the Cognition of the Case again, and threatened them with an Assize of errour if they did not [...]ring him in guilty. 21. Yea most frequently the Kings Advocate used to Command them to Condemn and bring in the Pannal Guilty, under most peremptory Certification; of punish­ment if they should not; so that they needed [...]o Juries but only for the fashion. 22. Sometimes they have sentenced innocent persons twice, once to have their ears cut and be banished, and after the lopping of their ears, some have been re-examined and Sentenced to death, and execute. 23. They have Sentenced some and hanged them both in one day; Others early in the morning, both to surprize the persons that were to die, and to prevent Spectators of the sight of their Cruelty; Others have been kept in sus­pense, till the very day & hour of their execution. 24. Not only have they murdered serious & zealous Followers of Christ, in taking away their Lives, but endeavoured to [Page 207] murder their Names, and to murder the Cause for which they suffered; loading it with all Reproaches, as Sedition & Rebellion &c. which was their peculiar Policy, to bring the Heads of Sufferings to Points that are most obnoxious to mens Censure, and accounted most extrinsick to Reli­gion, whereby they levelled their-designs against Reli­gion, not directly under that notion, but obliquely in the destruction of its Professors, under the odium & reproach of enemies to Government. 25. But chiefly they labour to murder the Soul, defile the Conscience, and only consult to cast a man doun from his excellency, which is his inte­grity; that is a Christians Croun, and that they would rather rob him of as any thing, either by hectoring or flattering him from the Testimony! which they endeavour by proposing many offers, with many threatenings in subtile termes; And pretend a great deal of tenderness, protesting they will be as tender of their blood as of their oun Soul (which in some sense is true, for they have none at all of their oun Souls) and purging themselves as Pilate did, and charging it upon their oun head. 26. They will be very easie in their Accom­modations, where they find the poor man begining to faint, and hearken to their overtures wherein they will grant him his life, yeelding to him as cunning Anglers do with Fishes: And to persuade him to some length in com­plying, they will offer Conference sometimes or reason­ing upon the Point, to satisfie & informe his Conscience, as they pretend, but really to catch him with their busked hook. 27. If they have any hope of prevailing they will change a mans Prison, and take him out from among the more strict & fervent in the Cause, that might sharpen & strenghen his zeal, and put him in among the more cool & remiss. 28. Sometimes they used to stage several together, whereof they knew some would Comply, to Tantalize the rest with the sight of the others Liberty, and make them byte the more eagerly at their bait to catch the Conscience. But when they had done all they could; Christ had many Witnesses, who did retain the Croun of their Testimony in the smallest Points, till they obtained the Croun of Martyrdom, and attained to the Croun of Glory, Speaking [Page 208] boldly to them without fear or shame, and disdaining their flattering Proposals, but looking on them under a right notion as stated there in opposition to Christ; whereby they found this Advantage, that hence they were restrained from all sinful tampering with them, or intertaining any discourse with them, but what was suitable to speak to Christs enemies, or doing any thing to save their life but what became Christs Witnesses, who loved not their lives unto the death. Of whom universally this was observed, that to the Admiration of all, the Conviction of many ene­mies, the Confirmation of many friends, the Establishment of the Cause, and the Glory of their Redeeme [...], they went off the stage with so much of the Lords Coun [...]enance, so much Assurance of Pardon & Eternal Peace, so much hope of the Lords returning to Revive His Work and Plead His Cause again in these Lands, that never any suffered with more meekness, humility, & composure of Spirit, and with more faithfulness, stedfastness, & re­solution, than these Worthies did for these despised & re­proached Truths: for which their surviving Brethren are now Contending & Suffering, while others are at ease.

PART. III.
THE PRESENT TESTIMONY Stated and Vindicated in its Principal Heads.

BY what is above premitted, the Reader may see the Series & Succession of the Testimony of Christs Witnesses in Scotland from time to time, in all the Periods of that Church; how it hath been transmitted from one generation to ano­ther Doun to our hands; how far it hath been extended; and what Increments it hath received in every Period; how it hath been opposed by a Continued Prosecution of an hereditary War against Christ, by an Atheistical, Papistical, Prelatical, and Tyrannical faction; and how it hath been concerted, contended for, maintained, & sealed actively & passively, by an Anti-pagan, Anti-Popish, Anti-Prelatical, Anti-Erastian, Anti-Sectarian, and Anti-Ty­rannical Remnant of the Followers, Professors, Con­fessors, & Martyrs of Christ in all Ages. Now it remains in the third & last Place to consider the Merit of the Cause as it is now Stated, to see whether it will bear the weight of those great Sufferings wherewith it hath been sealed. I hope all the Lovers of Christ, who have an estee [...]. [...]ven of His reproaches above all the Treasures of Egypt; will grant that if these sufferings be Stated on the least or lowest of the Truths of Christs, then they are not Misstated, no [...] built upon a bottom that will not bear them, or is not of that worth to sustain them. For Certainly every Truth, the least of Truths, is of greater value than any thing that we can suffer the loss of for it, yea of infinitely greater value [Page 210] than the whole world. So that if I prove these Heads of Suffering to be Truths, wherein Conscience is concerned, the Cause will be sufficiently vindicated from the loadings & lashings of such as prefer Peace to Truth. & ease to dutie, who to Justify their oun backwardness & detastable lukwarmness call some of them only State questions about things Civil, and not Gospel-Truths and Heads to State suffering upon: And if they be Truths & Duties, the Cause will some way be rendered more Illustrious, that it is Stated upon the smallest hoofs & hair-breadths of the Con­cerns of Christs Declarative Glory; as being a greater witness of its Ouners Love & Loyalty to Christ, and of their pure & tender zeal for His honour, than if for more substantial & fundamental Truths, which a Natural Con­science may reclaim to Decline, when for the meanest Circumstantials of Christs Truths they dare & are ambi­tious to bestow their dearest blood. But if the Complexe of them be impartially Considered, no unprejudiced Ar­biter will suffer himself to have such extenuating Impres­sions of the present Word of Patience, & Testimony of the suffering Remant in Scotland this day: But it will appear to be a very weighty & worthy Concern, as any that either Men or Christians can be called to Witness for; being the Priviledge of all mankind, the Duty of all Christians, and the Dignity of all Churches, to assert, It is for the Glory & Croun Prerogatives and Imperial Regalia of the King of Kings, with reference to His visible Kingdom, of which the Government is layd upon His shoulders, against the heaven-daring Usurpations & encroachments made there­upon, both as He is Mediator & King & Head of the Church, and as He is God & Universal King of the world. As He is Mediator, it is His Peculiar Prerogative to have a Supre­macy & Sole Soveraignty over His oun Kingdom, to insti­tute His oun Government, to constitute His oun Lawes, to ordain His oun Officers, to appoint His oun Ordinan­ces, which He will have observed without alteration, ad­dition, or diminution untill His Second Coming: This His Prerogative hath been & is invaded by Erastian Prelacy, Sacrilegious Supremacy, and now by Antichristian Poperie, [Page 211] which have overturned His Government, inverted His Lawes, subverted His Officiers, & Perverted His Ordi­nances. As He is God & Universal King, it is His in com­municable Property & Glory, not only to have Absolute & Illimited Power, but to invest his Deputed Ministers of Justice with His Authority & Ordinance of Magistracy, to be administred in subordination to Him, to be regulated by His Lawes, and to be improved for His Glory & the good of Mankind: This Glory of His hath been invaded by Tyrants & Usurpers arrogating to themselves an Absolute Power, intruding themselves without His investment into Authority, in a Rebellion against Him, in opposition to His Lawes, and abusing it to His dishonour, and the de­struction of Mankind. Against both which Encroach­ments the Present Testimony is stated, in a Witness for Religion & Liberty, to both which these are destructive. This will appear to be the Result & Tendency of the Testi­mony in all its parts, opposed by the Enemies of Religion & Liberty, and the end of all their oppositions, to bring it to this Crinomenon, who shall he King? Iesus or Cesar? Let any seriously search into all their Proclamations & Edicts against Religion & Liberty, this will be found to be the soul & sense of them, practically & Really speaking to this pur­pose, especially since this man came to the Throne.

J. R.

JAmes the 7/2 by the V. of G. King of Scotland, England, France, & Ireland, Defender of the Antichristian faith: To'all & sundry our good subjects, whom these presents do or many concern, Greeting. We having taken into our Royal Con­siderati [...]n, the many & great inconveniences which have happened in that our Ancient Kingdom of Scotland, especially of late years, through the persuasions of the Christian Religion, & the great heats & animosities, betuixt the Professors therof, and our good & faithful subjects, whose faith & Religion is subject & subservient to our Royal will (the Supreme Law, & Reason, & publick Conscience) to the disappointment of our Projects, restraint of our pleasures, and Contempt [Page 212] of the Royal power, Converting [...] true Loyaltie & absolute subjection, into words & names (which we care not for) of Religion & Liberty, Conscience & the Word of God, thereby withdrawing some to the Christian fa­ction from an absolute & implicite subjection to us & our will, as if there were a Superiour Law to which they might appeal; And considering that these Rebellious Chri­stians do never cease to assert & maintain strange Para­doxes, such Principles as are inconsistent with the glory & interest of our Government, as that the Authority of Kings should be hem'd in with Limits, and that their Acts & Actions are to be examined by another rule than their oun Authority to make them Lawful, that some­things in the Kingdom are not subject to the Kings Au­thority, That there is a Kingdom within a Kingdom not subordinate to the King, And that there is another King Superior to the Supreme whom they will rather obey than us, And that we must either take Laws from Him or otherwise we are not Magistrats; And Considering also their Practices are Conforme to their, Principles, They will not obey our Lawes but the Lawes of Ano­ther inconsistent with ours, and will calculate their Re­ligion according to His Lawes and not according to ours, And continually make their Addresses to and receive Ambassadours from a Prince whom we know not, whom our Predicessors of truely worthy memory did crucify, One Iesus who was dead, whom they affirm to be alive, whose Government they alledge is Supreme over all Kings Whom they acknowledge but as His Vas­sals; Being now by favourable fortune, not only brought to the Imperial Croun of these Kingdoms through the greatest dif­ficulties, but preserved upon the throne of our Royal Ancestors, which from our Great founder Nimrod of Glorious Me­mory, and our Illustrious Predecessors Pharaoh, Nebuch­adnezzar, Herod the Great, Nero, Caligula &c. of bles­sed & pious Memory, hath been ever opposite to and pro­jecting the Destruction of that Kingdom of Christ: Do, after their Laudable example, resolve to suppress that Kingdom by all the means & might we can use, because [Page 213] His Government is hateful to us, His yoke heavy, His sayings are hard, His Lawes are contrary to our lusts; Therefore we will not let this man reign over us, we will break His bonds and cast away His Cords, from us; And advance & exerce our Soveraign Authority, Prerogative Royal, & Absolute Power, which all our subjects are to obey without re­serve. And as by virtue of our Supremacy, whereby we are above all, but such as we are pleased to subject our selves to, settled by Law and Lineally Derived to us as an Inherent right to the Croun, we have Power to order all matters of Church as well as State, as we in our Royal wisdom shall think fit, All Laws & Acts of Christ to the contrary notwithstanding; And accordingly in our Royal wisdom have overturned the plat-form of that Govern­ment which Christ hath instituted, razed all Courts fenced in His Name, and severely interdicted all Meet­ings of His subjects, and intertainment of His Ambassa­dours; many of whom, in contempt of Him that sent them, we have punished according to Law, for nego­tiating His Affairs in our Kingdoms without our plea­sure, & requiring Allegiance & obedience to Him, after we had exauctorated Him; we have also established our Right Trusty & Entirely beloved Clerks in Ecclesiastick affairs, and their underlings, by our Authority to have the Administration of the business of Religion, and im­powered our Right Trusty & well beloved Cousins & Counsellers, to Compell all to submitt to them, by Finings, Confinings, Imprisonment, Banishment, Oaths, & Bonds, and all Legal means: So now having prosecuted this war against Christ to this length, that we have no fears of a Rally of His forces again so often beaten, we are now engaged with other Antichristian Princes to give our Power to our holy Father Antichrist, so far as may serve his purpose to oppse Christ in his way; but we reserve so much to our seeves, as may encroach upon Him in our Capacity. And therefore we have thought fit to restore to Antichrist our Ecclesiastical Su­premacy, from whom we borrowed it, and for which we have no use at present: But we resolve to maintain [Page 214] & prosecute our Soveraign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and Absolute Power foresaid, against Christ, and without subordation to Him, from whom as we sought none so we received no Power by His Warrant & Grant, and against whom we mind to manage it to the utter most of out power. Yet reflecting upon the Conduct of the four last Reigns, how after all the frequent & pressing endeavours that were used in each of them, to reduce our Kingdoms to An­tichrist, the Subjects of Christ were so stubborn, that the success hath not answered the designe: We must now change our Methods alitle, and tollerate that Profession of Christ which we cannot yet get overturned, His Subjects being so numerous, but alwayes upon these termes, that they take aspecial care that nothing be Preach­ed or taught among them, which may be a Testimony for Christs Prerogatives in opposition to our Usurpation, or may any way tend to alienate the hearts of our People from us or our Government, or Preach his Truths which we have condemned as Seditious & Treasonable, under the highest pains these Crimes will import. Hereby we shall establish our Government on such a foundation, on the ruine of Christs, as may make our subjects happy, and unite them to us by Inclina­tion as well as Duty, in a belief that we will not constrain Con­science in matters of meer Religion: for which we have a Dispensation from our holy-Father, and also from our oun Absoluteness, to be slaves to this Promise no longer then consists with our Interest: And which we have power to Interpret as we please: And would have all to understand, that no Testimony for Christs Supremacy against our Encroachments thereupon, shall be Com­prehended under these Matters of meer Religion [...]or which the Conscience shall not be constrained: But we will have the Consciences of such Subjects of his, that dare assert it, brought to a Test & probation how they stand affected in this Competition betuixt us & this King Iesus, and see whether they will oune or de­cline our Authority, because not of him, nor for him, nor to him, but against him & all his Interests. Our will is therefore, that all who will Countenance any [Page 215] other Meetings of His Subjects than we have allowed, or connive at them, shall be prosecuted according to the utmost severity of our Lawes made against them, which we leave in full force & vigour notwithstanding of the Premises. And for this effect, we further Command all our Iudges, Magistrats, & Officers of our Forces, to prosecute all these Subjects & Followers of Christ, who shall be guilty of treating with, or paying homage to that exauctorated King of theirs, in their Assemblies with His Ambassadours in the Fields, with the utmost rigor as they would avoid our highest Displeasure: for we are confident, none will after these Liberties & freedoms we have given to all without reserve, to serve God Publickly in such a way as we by our Soveraign Authority, Prero­gative Royal, & Absolute Power foresaid, have pre­scribed & allowed, presume to meet in these Assemblies, ex­cept such whose Loyaltie to Christ doth alienate them from us & our Government. As also under the same Certifications, by the same Soveraign Authority, Pre­rogative Royal & Absolute Power foresaid, We charge, impower, warrand, & Authorize, against all hazards (Hell excepted) all our foresaid Judges & Officers in their respective places, to Prosecute & execute our Lawes, against all that may be suspected or convicted of their Adherence to Christ, or be found guilty of ouning their Allegiance to Him as their Liege Lord by Solemn Co­venant, which we have caused burn by the hand of the hangman, and declared Criminal to oune it, or shall be found guilty of declining Allegiance to us & our Abso­lute Authority, stated in opposition to Him & His, or of maintaining that pernicious Principle, inconsistent with our Government that their lives are their oun, which they will preserve without surrender to our Mercy: All which we Command to be executed to death, or banished as Slaves, as shall be found most conducible to our Interest. And to the end, the few that remain of that way may be totally exterminated, we straitly Command all our Souldiers, Horse & Foot, to be ready upon order, to march & make search, pursue & follow, seise & apprehend, kill & slay & cause to [Page 216] perish, all such whether they shall be found at Meetings, or in their wanderings, wherever they may be appre­hended: And ordain all our good Subjects to be assistent to these our Forces, in prosecuting this War against Christ and his Followers, and Contribute their best help & encouragement, in giving them their required Maintinance, & duely paying the Cess & Locality imposed for that end; And that they shall not dare to Counte­nance, Converse with, resett, harbour, supply, or keep any manner of Correspondence with any of these Traitors that adhere to Christ, under the pain of being found airt & part with them, and obnoxious to the same Punishments to which they are lyable; But on the con­trary to Assist our Forces, to apprehend, and raise the Hue & Cry after them wherever they shall be seen, that they may be forthwith purswed, seised, cut off, & de­stroyed, which we order to be instantly done upon the place, where [...]ey or any of them are apprehended, & that without any delay or mercy to age or sexe &c.

On the other hand if any will take a look of the De­clarations & Testimonies of the other Party, without prejudice or stumbling at some Expressions which may be offensive to Criticks, he will find the Scope & Strain of them to have this Importance.

WE, a Poor Company of Persecuted, reproached, & despised Christians; who indeed have not many wise men among us after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, but are a few foolish, weak, base, & despised nothings in the world; Yet having this Ambition to be His called, chosen, & faithful Soul­diers, who is King of Glory, King of Heaven, King of Saints, King of Nations, King of Kings, whose King­dom is Everlasting & Universal; Considering the many insolent indignities, affronts, & reproaches cast upon His Name & Glory, and the many Usurpations, En­croachments, & Invasions made upon His Croun & dignity, by a Pestilent Generation of His Atheistical, [Page 217] Papistical, Prelatical, & Tyrannical Enemies, who have rebelled against Him, and have renounced, cor­rupted, & subverted His Royal Government, both in the Church & in the world, both in His Kingdom of Grace and of Power: Do bear Witness & Testimony against these Rebels, from the Highest to the Lowest: And assert the Interest & Title of our Princely Master, and oune Allegiance & absolute obedience to Him and His Government, to which He hath all undoubted right; An Essential right by His Eternal God head, being the Everlasting Father whose goings forth have been of old from Everlasting; A Covenant right by Compact with the Father, to bear the Glory and rule upon His Throne, by virtue of the Council of Peace between them both; A Donative right by the Fathers right of Delegation, by which He hath all Power given to him in Heaven & in Earth, and all Authority even because He is the Son of man; An Institute right by the Fathers Inauguration, which hath set Him as King in Zion; An Acquisite right by His oun Purchase, by which He hath merited & obtained not only Subjects to Govern, but the Glory of the Sole Soveraignty over them in that re­lation, a Name above every Name; A Bellical right by Conquest, making the People fall under Him, and be willing in the day of His Power, and overcoming those that make war with Him; An Hereditary right by Proximity of blood & Primogeniture, being the first born, higher then the Kings of the Earth, and the first born from the dead, that in all things He might have the Preeminence; An Elective right by His Peoples choise & surrender, a Croun wherewith His Mother Crouned Him in the Day of His espousals. In a humble recognizance of all which Rights, we oune & avouch, that He hath that Incommunicable Prerogative of Sole Soveraignty, over his Visible Kingdom as well as In­visible, without a Copartner or Competitor, either Coordinate or subordinate; in Prescribing Lawes, by no humane Authority to be reversed; in appointing Ordinances, immutable without addition or diminu­tion, [Page 218] for matter or manner; instituting a Government, which no man or Angel can without Blasphemy arro­gate a Power either to invert or evert, change or over­turn; And Constituting Officers, which must depend only on His Authority and His alone; and must be cloathed only with His Commission and His alone, guided by His Instructions & His alone, Acting accord­ing to His Lawes & Prescribed Platforme and His alone, without any dependence on, subordination to, Licence warrand or Indulgence from, any Mortal. And therefore We disoune & detest every thing that hath not the stamp of His Authority, either in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline or Government: And will discoun­tenance Prelacy, Supremacy, Popery, and all Cor­ruption contrarie to His Institution, who is Sole & Su­preme Lawgiver to the Conscience, and will submit to, or comply with nothing that may directly or indirectly signify our respect unto them. Hence we will take none of their Oaths, subscribe none of their bonds, yeeld to none of their Impositions, pay none of their Exactions: Neither will we hear or receive Ordinances from any Minister, but the faithful Authorized Ambassadours, of Christ our King, whatever either rage or reproach we suffer for it. We assert & affirm also, that our Exalted Prince is King of the whole world, by whom Kings reign & Princes Decree Justice, as His Ministers of Ju­stice, in subordination to Him; whom He hath appoint­ed to rule over us, with just boundaries that they may not exceed, and true Characters by which we should know them & pay them deference. And therefore, who soever shall arrogate to themselves and extend their power beyond & above His prescripts, being neither call­ed to, nor qualified for, nor improving the Office, for the ends He hath appointed; We will acknowledge them no otherwise than Usurping Tyrants, & not Ma­gistrats nor Ministers of Justice, to whom He hath given the Sword by His preceptive Will, only as Lyons, Bears, Wolves, to whom he hath given a rod by His providential Will: In that case we may be passively [Page 219] subject when we cannot do better, but will never oune Consciencious Allegiance to them, nor oune them as our Lawful Magistrars▪ And therefore we will not bow to their Idols they have set up, nor prostitute either Conscience or Liberty to their Lust, But will endeavour under our Masters Banner & Conduct to preserve what­ever he hath intrusted to us, Religion, Life, Liberty, Estate, And whatsoever the Lord our God hath given us to possess, As they unjustly possess what their God gives them: And will maintain a war of constant oppo­sition to them (against whom our Lord hath declared a war for ever) without parly, Treaty of peace, Capitu­lation, Composition, Truce or any Transaction: we will neither Medle nor make with them less or more, nor seek their favour, nor embrace it when it is offered, on any termes that may imply any obligation to surcease from our duty to our King, and irreconcileable oppo­sition to them &c.

Now I shall come more Distinctly to the purpose, in offering a short vindication of the Heads & Grounds of our great sufferings: Dividing them into their principal parts, which I reduce to two, viz Negatives & Positives. The Ne­gative Grounds? I reckon three principally. 1. For Re­fusing to acknowledge a Corrupt Ministrie. 2. For Re­fusing to oune a Tyrannical Magistracy. 3. For Refusing to Swear & subscribe their unlawful imposed Oaths, Chiefly that of Abjuration, which was the occasion of suffering unto death. The positive Grounds are also three. 1. For frequenting field-meetings, to receive Gospel-Or­dinancs from faithful Ministers. 2. For maintaining the principle & practice of Defensive Resistence of Superior powers. 3. For maintaining the priviledge & Duty of offen­sive revenge in executing Justice upon Murdering Ene­mies of Mankind in cases of extreme necessity. In prose­cuting which, I shall intertexe some subordinate questions relating to their respective Heads, and endeavour to discuss them briefly.

HEAD. I. Where The Sufferings of many for Refusing to ac­knowledge a Corrupt Ministrie are Vindicated: and the Question of Hearing Curats is cleared.

THis Question though it may seem nice and of no great Moment, to Persons of Gallio's or Laodiceds temper, indifferent & Lukwarm dispositions, con­sulting their oun more them the things of Christ, which maks it pass without any enquiry with the most part of the world: Yet to all who are truly tender in keeping a good Conscience free of the times Contagion, to all who have the true Impression of the fear of God, who is Iealous especially in the matters of his worship, to all who have the true zeal of God eating them up, in a just indignation at the indignities done to him, in usurping the office, & cor­rupting the Administration of the Ministrie, to all who truly Love the Gospel and put a due value on the Ordinan­ces of Christ, the Corruptions whereof this Question touches, it will be accounted of great importance. There are three Questions about the Duty of hearing the Word, Concerning which the Lord Jesus gives us very weighty Cautions, viz what we should hear, Mark. 4. 24. how we should hear Luk. 8. 18. and whom we should hear. The last of which, though it be not so expressly Stated as the other two, yet the Searcher of the Scriptures will find it as clearly Determined, and as many Cautions to guard from erring in it, as in any other Case, And that the Concern of Con­science in it is very weighty. And certain it is if there had been more advertency in this Point, there would not have been such inconsideration and Licenciousness in the matter & manner of hearing. Nor would that itching humor & Luxuriancy of lust, in heaping up teachers to please the fancy, have been so much encouraged, to the great de­triment of the Church, disgrace of the Gospel, & de­struction of many poor Souls. But through the ignorance [Page 221] & neglect of this Duty of trying whom we should hear, by seeking some satisfieing evidence of their being cloathed with Authority from Christ, the world hath been left louse in a Licence to hear what they pleased, and so have received the Poison of error from Monte banks, instead of the true & wholesome Potions of Christs Prescripts from them that had Power & skill to administer them. Hence the many Sects, & Schismes, & errors, that have Pestered the Church in all ages, have in a great measure proceeded from this latitude & laxness of Promiscous hearing of all whom they pleased, whom either the worlds Authority impowered, or by other means were possessed of the place of Preaching, without taking any Cognizance whe­ther they had the Characters of Christs Ambassadours or not. If this had been observed, and People had scrupled & refused to hear these whom they might know should not have Preached; neither the Great Antichrist, nor the many lesser Antichrists, would have had such footing in the world as they have this day. It is then of no small Conse­quence to have this Question cleared. Neither is it of small difficulty to solve the intricacies of it, what Cha­racters to fix for a discovery of Christs true Ministers; whom we should submit to & obey in the Lord, and Love & esteem them for their Works sake, and for their quali­ties sake, as standing in Christs stead, having the dispensa­tion of the word of Reconciliation committed to them; And how we may discern those Characters, what judgment is incumbent to private Christians, for the satisfaction of theiroun Consciences in the Case; And how they ought to demean themselves in their practice, with out Scandal on either hand, or sin against their oun Conscience; how to avoid the rocks & Extremes that inadvertency or preci­pitancy in this matter may rush upon; So as to escape & sail by the Scylla of sinful Separation on the one hand, and the Charybdis of sinful union & Communion on the other, which are equally dangerous; especially how these Cautions are to be managed in a broken and disturbed & divided Case of the Church. The Question also is the more diffi­cult, that as it was never so much questioned before this [Page 222] time, and never so much sought to be obscured, by the perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds to find out evasions to cover sin & escape sufferings upon this account; So it hath never been discussed by Divines either at home or abroad, with relation to our Case, except what hath been of late by some faithful men, who have suffered upon this head, from whom I shall gather the most of my Ar­guments, in as Compendious a way as I can without wronging them. The reason, I fancy, that we are at such a loss in our helps from the Learned on this head, is partly, that they have written with relation to their oun times, in a Constitute Case of the Church, when Corruptions & disorders might be orderly rectified, and people might have access to get their scruples removed in a Legal way by Church-order, in which case the Learned & Judicious Mr Durham hath written excellently in his book on Scandal, but therein neither he nor others did consult nor could have a prospect of such a case as ours is; And partly, that forreign Divines, not having this for their exer­cise, could not be acquainted with our circumstantiate case, and so are not fit nor Competent Arbiters to decide this Contraversie; hence many of them do wonder at our sufferings upon this head. Every Church is best ac­quainted with her oun Testimony. Yet we want not the suffrage of some of the Learnedst of them, as the Great Gisb. Voetius in his Polit Eccles. in several places comes near to favour us: where he allowes People to leave some & hear such Ministers as they profit most by, from these grounds, ‘that people should chuse the best & most edifying gifts, and from that scripture 1 Thess. 5. 21. Prove all things &c. and answers objections to the contrare, and granteth that upon several occasions one may abstain from expli­cite Communion with a Corrupt Church, for these rea­sons, that such Communion is not absolutely necessary, Necessitate either Medii or Precepti, where the Christian shall have more peace of Conscience, and free exercise of Christian Duties elswhere, And that he may keep Communion with more Purity in other places Polit. Ecces. Quest. 17. Pag. 68. And he approves of People refusing [Page 223] to bring their Children to be baptized by such Corrupt Mi­nisters, because they may wait until they have occasion of a Minister, for if the best gifts be to be Coveted why should not the best Ministers be preferred? and why should not Christians shew by their deeds, that they ho­nour such as fear the Lord, & contemn a vile Person? They ought not to partake of other mens sins 1 Cor. 5. 9. 11. Eph. 5. 11. They should not strengthen the hands of the wicked and make sad the Godly; The Authority of such Ministers should not be strengthened Voet. Polit Eccles. Pag. 637. to 640.’ But though it labour under all these disadvantages: yet it is not the less but so much the rather necessary, to say somwhat to clear it, with depen­dance upon light from the Fountain, and with the help of those faithful men who hath sufficiently cleared it up, to all that have a Conscience not blinded or bribed with some prejudices, by which more light hath accrued to the Church in this point of withdrawing from Corrupt Ministers, [...] ever was attained in former times; which is all the good we have got of Prelacy. In so much that I might spare la­bour in adding any thing, were it not that I would make the Arguments vindicating this Cause of suffering alitle more publick, and take occasion to shew, that the grounds espoused by the Present & reproached party for their with­drawings, so far as they are stretched, are no other than have been ouned by our writers on this head; to the intent it may appear, there is no Discrepancy but great likness & harmony between the Arguments & Grounds of with­drawing, in the late Informatorie Vindication &c. and those that are found in other writings. And so much the rather I think it needful to touch this subject now, that not only this hath been the first ground of our sufferings, but many that suffered a while for it, now have fainted, and con­demned all their former Contendings for this Part of the Testimony, calling in question all these reasons that former­ly satisfied' them. But to proceed with some distinctness in this thorny point: Some Concessory Assertions must first be premitted, And then Our Grounds Propounded.

First, I willingly yeeld to & Cordially close with the Truth of these Assertions.

[Page 224] I. The Unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace, ought to be the Endeavour of all that are members of the One Body of Christ, Partakers of his One Spirit, called in One Hope, Pro­fessing One Lord, Confessing One Faith, sealed with One Baptisme Eph. 4. 3. &c. And for Brethren to dwel together in Unity, is good & pleasant, and like the precious Oynt­ment upon the head, that ran doun upon Aarons beard Psal. 133. 1, 2. A fragrant Oyntment indeed, if it be composed aright of Gospel-simples, according to Divine art, and the Wisdom that is from above, which is first pure & then peacable; and not made up of Adulterate Politicks: that Union that hath the Spirit for its Author, the Scripture for its Rule, Peace for its bond & beauty, love for its Ce­ment, Faith for its foment, Christ for its foundation, and Truth & holiness for its constant Companions, cannot but be intensely desired, enixely endeavoured, and fer­vently followed, by all the Professors of the Gospel of Peace, & Subjects of the Prince of Peace: Which makes Division & Schisme not only a great Miserie, but a Grand sin. But it must be in the way of Truth & Duty, and con­sistent with holiness & the honour of Christ, otherwise if it be in the way of Apostasie & defection, it is but a Con­federacy & Conspiracy against the Lord. And true Union can neither be attained, nor retained, nor recovered; ex­cept the sinful Cause of Division, Defection; and the holy overruling Cause, the Anger of the Lord be removed, in turning to & following him.

II. Thô there be not perfect Union, but diversity both of judgements and practices, in several Cases there may be Communion with a Church in its Ordinances and Mi­nistrie. As 1. We may have a Catholick Communion with all Christian Ministers & Members of the Catholick Church, considered as such; holding the Head Christ, and the foundation sure. And so we may meet for Wor­ship with all Devout men in every Nation under Heaven, whether they be Parthians, or Medes, or Elamites, or French or Dutch &c. thô differing in Controversies of lesser moment, not overturning that; if they hold the Univer­sal▪ Testimony of the Gospel, against the Common ene­mies [Page 225] thereof, Iewes, Turks, or Pagans: for there is nei­ther Greek nor Iew if he be a Christian, Christ is all and in all Col. 3. 11. But if they be Hereticks, we can have no Communion with them. 2. We may have a more special Communion with all Protestant Ministers & Members of the Reformed Church, considered as such, more strictly, and upon stricter conditions: providing they hold, not only the Universal of Christians, but the General Testimo­ny of Protestants, against the Greater & lesser Antichrists; thô differing from us in some circumstantial points, not Reformed, and not contradictory unto the Protestant Te­stimony, against Poperie & all Heresie; nor declining from their oun Reformation, by Defection or Schisme. And Consequently, its Lawful to oune Communion with the Churches of the United Provinces, and take Ordination from them, thô they have some formes not allowable, from which they were never Reformed, because they are sound in the Protestant Testimony. But with the Sectarians or Schismaticks or Apostates among them, we cannot oune that special Communion. 3. We may have a more Par­ticular Communion upon yet stricter conditions, with all our Covenanted Brethren, Ministers & Members of the Churches of Britain & Ireland, considered as such: Pro­viding they hold, not only the Universal, not only the more Special, Protestant Testimony against the Greater & lesser Antichrists, but the Covenanted Testimony for the Refor­mation in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, & Govern­ment, against Poperie, Prelacy, Superstition, Heresie, Schisme, & Profanness, according to the Covenant; Thô differing from us in those Controversial points, never Re­formed, and which were never the Word of Christs pa­tience, and do not overturn the Covenanted Testimony. But with those that contradict & counteract that, we can­not oune that particular Communion. 4. We may have yet a nearer Organical Communion, upon stricter condi­tions still, with all the Ministers & Members of the Natio­nal Church of Scotland, constitute & confederate under one Reformed Government, according to the Rule of Christ: providing they hold, not only all the former Testi­monies [Page 226] under the foresaid considerations, but the Presbyte­rian Testimony as stated in the Ecclesiastical Constitutions, and sworn to in the National Covenants & Engagements of that Church, founded upon the Word of God, against Poperie, Prelacy, Erastianisme, Sectarianisme, Tole­ration, Schisme & Defection; thô differing in some things from us, never Reformed, never considered in Eccle­siastical Judicatories, never engaged against in our Cove­nants, never Stated as the Word of patience and Matter of Testimony. But with those that oppose, suppress, re­proach, and abandon this Testimony, we cannot oune this Organical Communion, in this broken State of the Church. We may have yet a stricter Congregational Com­munion, upon stricter conditions, in and with the Ordi­nary or extraordinary Meetings or Societies of the Lords people for Gospel Ordinances, with any Minister or Mi­nisters, duely & truely admitted to that function, accor­ding to Christs Appointment, and the Call of the people, whether in a fixed or unfixed relation: provicing he holds the Testimony of Christ, under all the former considera­tions, and ounes and adheres unto the true received prin­ciples of the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, & Government, founded upon the written Word of God, and whatsoever Declarations or Testimo­nies, former or latter, particular or more General, are aggreable thereunto; thô differing from us in some of the Integral & not Essential parts of our Testimony, against the Enemies of our Covenanted Reformation. But with such as deny or decline from it, by Schisme or Defection, or Complyance with the enemies thereof, we cannot oune this Congregational Communion, in this broken State of the Church.

III. Thô there be many things in a Church, to brangle & lessen the Comfort of our Communion with it and the Mi­nistrie thereof; yet we may keep fellowship with a true Church, thô in many things faultie and Corrupt, as all Churches are in some measure in this Militant State. As the Church of Corinth had many corruptions in their prac­tice, yet no separation is enjoyned from it. And the Lord [Page 227] did not require separation from the Churches of Perga [...] & Thyatira, though they had many corruptions & deficien­cies in Discipline, in a Toleration of Hereticks; and would lay no other burden upon them, but to hold fast what they had: as Mr Durham shewes in his Comment. on the Revel. chap. 2. Lect. 6. Pag. 148, 149. as also Chap. 18. Lect. 1. Pag. 585. in 4to. This must be granted especially in these cases. 1. In the infant State of the Church, when the Reformation is only begun: then many things may be tolerated, before they be gradually Reformed, which in an adult State are not to be suffered. 2. In a growing case of the Church, advancing out of corruptions: then many things may be born with, while they are ascending & wrestling up the hill, which in a Declining State; when the Church is going back­ward, must not be yeelded unto. See that Objection of hearing Prelatical men in the time of former Prelacy, an­swered above, Peri. 4. Pag. 54. 3. In a Constitute and settled case of the Church, enjoying her Priviledges & Judicato­ries, corruptions may be [...]oreborn, and the offended are not to withdraw, before recourse to the Judicatories for an orderly redress: But in a broken & disturbed State, when there is no access to these Courts of Christ; then people, thô they must not usurp a power of Judicial Censuring these corruptions, yet they may claim & exercise a discretive power over their oun practice; and by their withdrawing from such Ministers as are guilty of them, signify their sense of the moral equity of these censures that have been legally enacted against these & the equivalent corruptions, and when they should be legally inflicted. As we do upon this Ground withdraw from the Prelatick Curats, and likewise from some of our Covenanted Brethren, upon the account of their being chargable with such corruptions & defections from our Reformation, as we cannot but shew our dis­like of. This the Reverend Author of Rectius instruendum justifies Confut. 3. Dial. Chap. 1. Pag. 8. where he is shew­ing, what separation is not sinful; and gives this for one, if we separate in that, which a National Church hath commanded us as her Members to disoune, by her standing Acts & Authority, while those from whom we separate oune that Corruption. Which [Page 228] holds true of the Curats, & Indulged, and Addressers, and all that we withdraw from. However it be, certainly those are to be withdrawn from, with whom we cannot communicate without submitting to the Lawes establishing them, and taking on that Test & badge of our incorpora­tion with them, and partaking of their sin, & in hazard of their judgment.

IV. Thô in some cases, as we are warranted, so are necessitated to withdraw: yet neither do we allow it upon slight or slender grounds, nor can any tender soul be forced to discountenance the Ministers of Christ (I do not speak here of the Prelatick Curats) without great reluctancy and grief of heart, even when the grounds of it are solid & va­lid, and the necessity unavoidable. Therefore we reject these as insufficient Grounds, besides what are given al­ready. 1. We cannot withdraw from a Minister, for his Infirmities or weaknesses, Natural, spiritual or Moral. 2. Neither for Pers [...]nal faults & escapes: We expect a faithful, but not a sinless Ministrie. 3. Nor for every defect in faith­fulness, through Ignorance, want of courage, Misinfor­mation, or being byassed with affection for particular per­sons. We do not hold, that faults in Members, or de­fects in Ministers, do pollute the Oordinances, and so necessitate a Separation; but aggree with what Mr Durham sayes on Revel. chap. 2. Lect. 6. Pag. 147. in 4to. Sincerity discovered, will cover many faults. 4. Nor for every discoverie of Hypocrisie; thô we may have gro [...]nd to sus­pect a Mans principle & Motive be not right, yet if he be following duty unblameably, and have a Lawfull Call, What then! notwithstanding every way, whether in Pretence or in Truth, Christ is Preached, therein me may rejoyce Philip. 1. 18. 5. Nor yet for real Scandals, not attended with ob­stinacy, if Ministers will take reproof & admonition, and at least by Doctrinal Confessing and practicall for saking them satisfie the offended. 6. Yea thô his Scandals be so gross, that we must discountenance him, when he persis [...]s in them: yet that is not a disouning of his Ministrie `or a rejecting his Commission, but a discountenancing for his disorders, until they be removed. But the Apologet. Rela [...] Sect. 14. [Page 229] Pag. 290, 291. sayes (1) there may be Ministerial cor­ruptions, ‘that cut the very throat of the Office, and make one no Officer—and it is past questioning, such may be shunned, without all hazard of Separation (2) when personal faults are very gross & palpable, open & avowed, such may be shuned without any hazard of Se­paration; because the mans being an Officer coram Deo is much to be questioned, and there is great probability that ipso facto he had forefaulted the same, thô such should be the corruption in a Church, that notwithstanding of all this he may be maintained. (3) Separation is [...] thing, and not hearing such or such a man is a far other thing: there may be many just grounds of exception against a particular person, why people may refuse to countenance him, without any hazard of separation, or joining with separatists in their principles: Separation is one thing, and refusing to attend the Ministrie of such a man is another thing; for a man may joine with Ordi­nances in another congregation, and so testify that he hath no prejudice at the Ministrie, but only against such a man in particular.’ Whence it is an ignorant as wel as malicious calumnie, to say, that our withdrawing from the Curats, and also from some Ministers, whom other­wise we respect & reverence as Godly Ministers, for their offensive defections, is a disouning al the Ministrie of Scot­land. Whereas, we do profess indeed a disouning of the Curats Ministrie, but for our Reverend Presbyterian Mi­nisters, thô we do discountenance many of them with sad hearts, for their not keeping the Word of the Lords pa­tience in this hour of tentation, nor adhering to the prin­ciples & constitutions of the Church of Scotland: Yet this is not a disouning of their Ministrie, but a Refusing to counte­nance them in their present administrations, in this disturb­ed State, till these offences be removed.

V. As to disoune the Ministrie, were hateful Sectaria­nisme; so to dissolve or break off Communion with a true Church, whereof we are Members, were an unnatural Schisme, which is horrid sin. But because among all the various Sufferings, wherewith the poor tossed, & racked [Page 230] Remnant now Persecuted have been exercised, this hath not been the lightest; that they have been on all hands stig­matized as Schismaticks & Separatists, not only because they have maintained a resolved withdrawing from the Curats, but also have discountenanced many Presbyterian Ministers, with whom they have been offended for their declining Courses, and Complyances with the Times Corruptions, and forsaking in a great measure the duty of this day: I shall distinguish some cases of Separation, out of the Writings of our approven Authors, which will j [...]tify all their withdrawings. 1. Mr Durham distinguishes these three; Schisme, separating from the Unity & Com­munion of a true Church, consisting not alway in diversity of Doctrine, but in divided Practices, according to that of Augustine, Schismaticos facit not diversa fides, sed disrupta communionis Societas: Then separation, either in whole from a Church as no Church, or in part in some things wherein they cannot communicate with that corrupt Church, which is Lawful if it exceed not its ground: Then lastly, Secession, a local removing to a better Church. The first of these can­not be imputed to the Persecuted Wanderers: for they sepa­rate from no true Church, whereof they were Members, but these from whom they separate, will be found to be the Schismaticks. 2. The second of these, to wit, sepa­ration, is either Positive & Active, or Negative & Passive. The first is, when a party not only leaves Communion with a Church, whereunto they were formerly joyned, but also gathers up new distinct Churches, different from the former, under another Government & Ministrie & Ordinances, disouning those they left. The latter is, when the faithful Remnant of a declining Church, standing still & refusing to concur with the backsliding part of the same Church, after they have become obstinate in their de­fections, holds clossly by, & adheres unto the Reformation attained. This Famous Mr Rutherfoord in his due Right of Presbytries pag. 253. 254. sheweth to be Lawful, and call­eth it a Non-Union, as that in Augustines time, when the Faithf [...]l did separate from the Donatists, which is Lawful & laudable. 3. Mr Rutherfoord there proceeds to distin­guish, [Page 231] ‘between a separation from the Church in her worst & most part, and a separation from the best & least part: and these who separate from the worst & greatest part, do notwithstanding retain a part of, and a part in the Visible Church, because they do not separate from the Church according to the least & best part therof; as the Godly in England who refused the Popish Ceremo­nies & Antichristian Bishops. Hence it will follow, that though now People should withdraw from Communion with the greatest part of the Church, which is now Corrupted, they cannot be counted Separatists because, they hold still Communion with the better thô lesser part. Moreover he saith Pag. 254. 255. That there may be Causes of Non-Union with a Church, which are not sufficient causes of separation. Lastly he tells us ibid. Pag. 258. When the Greatest part of a Church makes de­fection from the Truth, the lesser part remaining sound, the Greast part is the Church of separatists; thô the manyest & greatest part in the actual exercise of Discipline be the Church, yet in the case of right Discipline the best thô fewest is the Church. For Truth is like life, that retireth from the manyest Members unto the heart, and there remaineth in its fountain in case of dangers. So that it is the major part which hath made defection, that are to be accounted Separatists, and not such who stand to their principles, thô they cannot comply or joyne with the corrupt Majoritie.’ Thus the Apol. Relat. rehearsed his words Sect. 14. pag. 292. 293. 4. There may be a Law­ful withdrawing, where the Ordinances & Ministrie are not cast at, as the Apol, Rel. saith. ibid. 291. So then, ‘so long as people do not cast at the Ordinances, but are willing to run many miles to enjoy them: nor cast at the Church as no Church (thô they sadly fear, that God shall be provoked by this dreadful defection, which is carried on by these men & their favourers, to give her a Bill of divorce) nor at the Ministrie, for they love those that stand to their Principles dearly, and are most willing to hear them either in publick or private. 5. It is granted by all that write against Separatists, that separation from [Page 232] a Church is Lawful, when the case so falleth out, that union cannot be kept up with her without sin, Voet. Polit. Eccles. pag. 68. quest. 17. 6.’ ‘The Grave Author of Rectius Instruendum Confut. 3. Dial. Chap. pag. 7. &c. allowes, every Separation is not Schisme, even from the Church which hath essentials, yea and more than essentials: If it be from those (thô never so many) who are drawing back from whatever piece of duty & integrity is attained; for this is still to be held fast, according to many Scripture Commands. So Elias, when Gods Covenant was for­saken, was as another Athanasius (I and I only am left) in point of tenacious integrity. 7. Next he sayes, if we separate in that which a National Church hath com­manded us as her Members to disoune, by her standing Acts & Authority, while those from whom we separate oune that Corruption. 8. Likewise he there asserts, there is a Lawful forbearance of Union & Complyance with notorious Backsliders, in that which is of it self sinful, or inductive to it: which is far from Separation str [...]ctly taken. The Commands of abstaining from all appearance of evil, and hating the garment spotted with the flesh, do clearly include this. 9. He addes, many things will warrant Se­paration from such a particular Minister or Congrega­tion; which will not warrant Separation from the Church National; nor infer it, by Mr Durhams acknowledge­ment (on Scandal, pag. 129.) for if Scandals become ex­cessive, he allowes to depart to another Congregation. 10. Lastly he sayes, There is a Commanded withdrawing from Persons & Societies even in Worship, the precepts Rom. 16. 17. 2 Cor. 6. 17. Prov. 19. 27. Act. 2. 40. will clearly import this by Consequence—Surely the Mini­sters & Professors, adhering to the Reformat [...]on, must be the true Church of Scotland, thô the lesse [...] number: These Souldiers who keep the Generals Orders, are the true Army, not the deserters of the same.’

But Secondly, it being in part cleared by these Assertions, what is our mind in this Controversie, I shall lay coun from Scripture Oracles, all the Causes & Cases justifying & war­randing withdrawing from any Ministers; with application [Page 233] of all of them to the Curats, and accommodation of some of them to all that the Wanderers withdraw from: with Arguments endeavouring to evince the Validity of them, and evidencing they are not new Notions, but the same Grounds which approven Authors have improved in this Controversie. I shall omitt the ordinary Criticismes in stating the Question, in distinguishing betuixt hearing & joyn­ing in Worship, and ouning them as our Ministers, and submitting to them &c. And only essay to prove this Thesis: We cannot without sin oune Church Communion in Gospel Ordi­nances with the Prelats or their Curats, as Our Ministers, but must Withdraw from them, and any other guilty of the like Corru­ptions, which we can make out against them. I shall not resume what Confirmations this Thesis is strenthened with, from the Testimonies or Church Constitutions of former Periods, which are premitted in the foregoing discourse: Nor make any repitition of the Circumstances of our present Con­dition, Represented above, which contributes to clear it: but shortly come to the Arguments.

I. It is necessary that we must acknowledge them Mini­sters of Christs, and his Ambassadours cloathed with his Commission, from whom we receive the ordinances of the Gospel. For otherwise they must be looked upon as Thieves, Robbers, Usurpers, and strangers whom Christs sheep will not, nay must not hear, Iohn. 10. 1, 5. And how shall they preach, or be heard, except they be sent, Rom. 10. 15. for such whom we know may not Lawfully preach, we cannot Lawfully hear. These from whom we may receive the Misteries of God, we must account Ministers of Christ 1 Cor. 4. 1. and Ambassadours for Christ, standing in his stead, beseeching us to be reconciled to God 2. Cor. 5. 20. Hence such as we doubt to acknowledge Ministers of Christ, cloathed with His Commission, them we cannot hear without sin: But the Prelatical Curats are such as we doubt to acknowledge Ministers of Christ, cloathed with His commission: Therefore we cannot hear them. The Minor only needs probation. These who neither have nor can have the Qualifications of a Minister of Christ, nor the Lawful call of a Minister of Christ, cannot be acknow­ledged [Page 234] with confidence to be Ministers of Christ cloathed with His commission: But the Prelatical Curats are such: Ergo.—First they neither have nor can have the qualifi­cations of Christs Ministers: Since few of them have the personal, as Christians, far less the Ministerial as Officers, mentioned 1. Tim. 3. 2-4. Tit. 1. 6-9. except it be to be husbands of one wife, and if that do not make them Ministers, they have nothing else: especially four are wanting in all of them. (1) Blamelessness, and freedom from Scandal, even such as affects the office (besides other gross disorders in their life & conversation, obvious to the view of onlookers being men who have denyed the Faith, and therefore unfit to have the priviledge of Church members in any well Go [...]erned Church) being in the experience of all that know them signalized under the Characters of those that run unsent, and from whom we are commanded to with­draw: Causing the people to erre by their lies and by their lightness, not sent of God Ier. 23. making the heart of the righteous sad, and strengthening the hands of the wicked Ezek. 13. 22. See also Ezek. 34 2, 3. Such as we are com­manded to beware of Math. 7. 15, 16. Such as we must mark & avoid, Rom. 16. 17, 18. Phil. 3. 2. Disorderly walkers from whom we must withdraw 2 Thess. 3. 6. Covenant-breakers from whom we are commanded to turn away 2 Tim. 3. 3, 5. They are not then Blameless: and in shewing how fitly these aggree unto the persons now spoken of, time needs not be spent, such as know them can best Judge. Hence, such as either are not fit to be Church members, or have all the Characters of such Officers from whom we are to withdraw, cannot be acknowledged capable of the qualifications of the Ministers of Christ: But such are the Curats: Ergo—(2) The qualification of Vigilancy can­not be found with them: for all that know them will ac­knowledge that they neither do, nor can in Preaching the word be instant in season & out of season, so as to make full proof of their Ministrie 2 Tim. 4. 1-5. Nay they can give no proof of their Ministrie at all, further than may be com­petent to dumb Dogs that cannot bark, Isa. 56. 10, 11. for they nor no man can say, that the diseased they have strenght­ened, [Page 235] or healed that which was sick &c. Ezek. 34. 4. And it is known to all that know them, that if ever there were any that assumed to themselves the name of Levites, who de­parted out of the way, and caused many to stumble at the Law, and corrupted the Covenant of Levi, and therefore were deservedly contemptible & base before all the people (Mal. 2. 8, 9.) they are the men. Let any man judge then, whether they have the qualifications of the Messengers of the Lord of hosts. Hence, they that can give no proof of their Ministry, but that which proves them to be such whom the Lord condemns, & such who deserve to be contemned of all, cannot be acknowledged to be qualified as the Lords Ministers: But the Prelatick Curats can give no proof of their Ministry &c. Ergo—(3) The qualification of Aptness to teach is wanting, yea incompatible with them, not only such of them as are noted for ignorance, of whom clearly that is verified, they are blind watchmen, they are all ignorant (Isa. 56. 10.) but even their Greatest Clerks & Rabbies may fitly be called after the name of their forefathers, whom Christ calls blind Leaders of the blind, concerning whom he gives a Command to let them alone Math. 15. 14. Either generally they are discovered to be such Masters of Israel, as know not these things Iohn. 3. 10. being men not exercised in Re­ligion, and have not Learned the Truth as it is in Jesus: or they are such, as if they have had gifts or Grace, yet now they are palpably blasted of God, and so cannot profit the people at all, being such as do not stand in Gods Counsel, for then they should have turned the people from their evil way, and so they are not apt to teach others when they are not taught of God, but steal his words every one from their Neighbour, clearly discovering they are not sent of Him Ier. 23. 21, 22, 30, 32. And because they do not stand in Gods Counsel, they cannot declare all the Counsel of God, Act. 20. 27. For they can neither be apt to teach repentance towards God, since they cannot be supposed to be sensible of these sins to be repented of, for which the Land perisheth & is burnt up like a wilderness, Ier. 9. 12. for then they would first repent themselves of their oun Conformity with Prelacy, of their breach of Covenant &c. All that they can [Page 236] do in such a subject is, to see vain & foolish things, and not to discover the Lands intiquity, but to see false burdens, & causes of banishment, Lam. 2. 14. Nor can they be apt to teach faith, seing in many things they teach otherwise than Christ hath taught us in his word, and consen [...] not to whole­some words and to the Doctrine which is according to God­lyness from such the Command is to withdraw, 1. Tim. 6. 3-5. whose Mouths must be stopped when they teach things which they ought not, Tit. 1. 9-11. which is undenyable to all that know what sort of stuff they Preach, contrary to the word of God, and the principles of our Covenanted Reformation. Hence if none of them be apt to teach, then none of them is fit to be heard; ‘But none of them is apt to teach: Ergo—It is true private Chri­stians may not judge of the enduements & qualifications of Ministers, yet every private Christian h [...]th the judg­ment of discretion, and that way may judge such an one if he appear qualified according to the rule of the word; And may doubt if he be a qualified Minister Coram Deo, wanting these qualifications which the word requireth, Apol. Relation Sect 15. p. 283.’ Secondly, They have not the Lawful Call of a Minister of Christ, So much as an External Call of his Institution: which I prove thus. They that have Presentations from Patrons, & Collations from Prelats, and no more for a Call, have no Lawfull Call at all: But the Curats have presentations from Patrons, & collations from Prelats, and no more for a Call: Ergo they have no Lawful Call at all. ‘The Minor cannot be doubted: for in this Government, the Ministers Mis­sion, Call, Ordination, and Relation to such a people over whom he is to officiate, flowes all from the Pre­late; the Congregational Eldership hath not the least interest in it: hence the Presbyterian way of Calling Pastors was ranversed by the Parliament, when Prelacy was set up, and the old custome of Patronages was resto­red, Rectius Instru. Consut. of 1 Dial. chap. 4. pag. 3.’ The Major proposition may be proven by parts. First, presen­tations from Patrons cannot give a Lawful Call: for besides what other reasons might be given against this old relict of [Page 237] Popish bondage of patronages; It destroyes that priviledge & Liberty of the Church in calling their oun Pastors, and makes all Intruders, without the Churches choice; where­as the flock are allowed a Judgment of Discretion, knowledge of, & consent to the admission of their Pastors, to whom they intrust their Souls Directions, before they be subject & obey him in the Lord, for otherwise he is a stranger that hath not come in at the door, and they must not, nor will not be imposed upon, Iohn. 10. 1-5. They had an Interest in choosing & nominating even the Apo­stles, though there were other Apostles of infallible know­ledge as to qualifications, present to ordain them: And they appointed two to be chosen by Lots, Act. 1. 23. and even the Deacons were looked out & chosen by the people, and appointed over their business Act. 6. 3. Much less ought Ministers, to be thrust upon such a weighty employ­ment, ‘to pleasure Great Men who are Patrons, since in their faithfulness the people are infinitely more con­cerned. Rectius Instruen. ubi Supra.’ Hence, if the Curates have no Call but what destroyes the Peoples Priviledge, they have no Lawful Call at all, neither ought they to be ouned or Countenanced as Called Ministers: But by the Presen­tation of Patrons they have no Call, but what destroyes the peoples Priviledge: Ergo—Next Collations from Prelats cannot give a lawful Call: for (1) they cannot give that to others which they have not themselves: But they have not a Lawful Call themselves, because they are not Lawful officers, as is clear, & may be proven afterwards. (2) The only way of Conveyance of an ordinary Call to this office, is by the Act of a Presbytrie, Tim. 4. 14. And by Ministers their ordaining Elders in every Church, with the Consent of that Church: But a Prelats Collation is not this Act of a Presbytrie. (3) That which only makes a man a Prelats Depute, cannot give him a Call to the Mi­nistry of Christ: But this Collation only makes a man a Prelats Depute. Or thus, A Prelats Depute is no Mini­ster: But a Curate is a Prelats Depute: Ergo—That a Prelats Depute is no Minister, I Prove: not only from that, that a Prelat qua talis is not a servant of Christ but an [Page 238] enemy, and therefore cannot confer upon another that Dignity to be Christs Servant; but from this, that the Scripture allowes no Derivation of deputed Officers. If no Officers of Christ can have Deputes of Christs Institu­tion; then the Deputes that they make cannot be Christs Officers of His Institution: But no Officers of Christ can have Deputes by Christs Institution: every man that hath any piece of Stewardship in Gods family, must ever see & execute it immediatly by himself, & wait upon it Rom. 12. 7, 8. That Curats are Prelats Deputes is clear: for they are subject to them in order & jurisdiction, and derive all their Power from them, and are accountable to them. There­fore they cannot be acknowledged with confidence of conscience to be Christs Ministers, because they have not such a visible evidence of the Call of Christ, ‘as in reason & charity doth oblige all men to receive the person so called, as truely sent: which things are so evident in themselves, that whoever denyeth them, is obliged by the same consequence to affirm, that if Simon Magus had in his horrid wickednesse purchased the Apostleship by money, the Christian world had been bound to receive him as an Apostle, Napht. p. 105. 106. Prior Edit.’ That their Ministry is the Lords Ordinance he plainly denyed, Napht. pag. 109. They have nothing like a solemn ordina­nation, ‘having no imposition of hands of the Presbytrie with fasting & prayer, according to the order of the Gospel, but the sole warrand & mission of the Prelat, and therefore it cannot be Lawful to countenance such, and to look upon them as Lawful Ministers Apol. Relat. Sect. 15. pag. 283.’ It will be objected here. 1. That then their baptism is no baptisme, if they be no Ministers. Ans. ‘(1) what sad consequences may follow upon the nulling of their office, let them see to it who either send such [...]orth or employ them. Apol. Relat. ibid. pag. 294.’ the best way to avoid these inconveniences is not to counte­nance them. But (2) the same Answers may serve which are adduced for Popish Baptismes & ordinations: And factum sometimes valet, quod fieri non debuit. Next it will be Obj. 2. That many of the Curats were in the Ministrie be­fore, [Page 239] therefore the Argument is not stringent against them. Ans. The one half of it about the qualifications does still urge them, through the want of which, and their base Treachery & betraying their trust, and perjuries in break­ing Covenant, they have really forfaulted their Ministry, and loosed all from an obligation to hear them, or any other to whom these Scripture Characters may be applyed, and brings all under the guilt of partaking with them that hear them.

II. It is necessary also, that all whom we may lawfully hear as Ministers & Ambassadours of Christ, should not only have had a commission from Christ, sometimes con­veyed to them in his orderly appointed way, by & from approven Church officers; but they must have it then when we hear them, at this time when we oune Communion with them. For if they have sometimes had it, and fore­faulted it or changed it, by taking anew right another way, it is all one in point of ouning them as if they had none at all: and we must not medle with such changelings, in things that they & we must not come & go upon Prov. 24. 21. Now plain it is that some Curats sometimes had a com­mission from Christ, when they were Presbyters; but now they have changed their holding, and taken a new right from them who are no Officers of Christ, invested with power to confirm or Convey a Ministerial Mission, and so they have forefaulted what they had Mr Durham, in a digression on this subject of hearing, shewes that Ministers may forefeit on Revel. chap. 1. pag. 55. in 4 to. ‘In matter of hearing (sayes he) it is not so hard to discern, who are to be counted to speak without Gods commission; be­cause ordinarely such have no warrantable Call at all (no not in the outward forme, and so cannot be counted but to run unsent) or by palpable defection from the Truth, and Commission given them in that Call, they have fore­feited their commission: And so no more are to be count­ed Ambassadours of Christ, or Watchmen of His flock, than a Watchmen of the City is to be accounted an ob­server thereof, when he hath publickly made defection to the Enemy, and taken on with him.’ Let the Indulg­ed [Page 240] and Addressing Ministers advert to this; And consider, whether or not the truly tender have reason to discounte­nance them, while they continue in their palpable defe­ction. But undenyably this refells that Objection of the Curats Ordination before they were Curats: For they that change their holding of a right, and take a new right which is null, they forego & forefeit their old right, & all right: But the Prelatick Curats have changed their holding of their right, and taken a new one which is null: Therefore they have foregone & forefeited their old one. The minor I prove thus. They who had aright from Christ by Con­veyance of His officers, and take a new grant for the ex­ercise of it, not from Christ, but by conveyance of such as are none of His officers, they change their hold [...]ng and take a new one which is null: But the Prelatick Curats who had a right by conveyance of His officers, have taken a new grant for the exercise of it, not from Christ, but by con­veyance of the Prelat, which is none of His officers: Ergo —The stress of all will ly in the Probation of this, that the Prelat is none of Christs officers, and therefore the conveyance of a power from him is not from Christ. Which I prove. 1. Because His office is cross to the very nature of Gospel Church-Government, and therefore he cannot be a Gospel Church Ruler. Christ discharged His officers to exercise Dominion (or Lordship Luk. 22. 25.) or Autho­rity as the Gentils did, but that the Chiefest should be only a Minister Math. 22. 25, 26. The Apostle Paul disclaims Dominion over the Church, 2 Cor. 1. ult. Peter exhorts the Elders not to be Lords over Gods Heritage 1 Pet. 5. 3. The Authority of Church officers then is not a Desp [...]tick power, but a Ministerial Stewardship. But the Diocesan Bishop is both a Lordly Title & Power, having all Authority in the Diocess derived from him, as being as it were the Uni­versal Pastor, and so taking upon him a power, which is nei­ther commanded, nor can be discharged. Hence, he that subjects his His Ministrie to the Domination of a strange Lord, inverting the Nature of Gospel Church-Govern­ment, cannot be ouned in His Ministrie: But all Curats subject their Ministry &c. Ergo—2. Because he is an [Page 241] officer Distinct from & superior to a Presbyter or Pastor; where­as the Scripture makes a Bishop and Presbyter all one. The Elders of the Church of Ephesus are called Episcopi or Over­seers Act. 20. 17. 28. An ordainded Elder must be a blame­less Bishop, as the steward of God, Tit. 1. 5, 7. Again, it cannot be shown where the Scripture mentions either Name, qualification, work, Duty, or ordination of an ordinary Church officer Superior to Presbyters, and which are not likewise appropriat to them, who are called Rulers, Governours, Bishops. In all the Holy Ghost His purposed recitalls of ordinary Church Officers, there is not the least hint of a Diocesan Bishop: and yet a Deacon is described, the meanest officer, in His work & qualifications. Hence then, if this Diocesan Prelate be such an uncouth beast, that neither in name nor Nature is found in the word of God, all the power derived from him is null: But the first is true: Ergo—3. Because every Officer in the Scrip­ture relates to the flock (except the extraordinary Officers, who were further extended, now ceased) Bishops of Ephesus were overseers over the flock Act. 20. the Elders that Peter writes to were over the flock. But this Diocesan Antiscriptural Monster, pretends to be over the Shepherds: And invents new Degrees & orders of Superiority & infe­riority, of officers of the same kind, beside & against the Scripture, which makes all Apostles alike, & all Evange­lists, so all Teachers: though there be a Distinction & Supe­riority in diverse Kinds, yet not in the same. God hath set some in the Church, first Apostles, Secondarly Pro­phets, thirdly Teachers 1 Cor. 12. 28. but not among Teach­ers some above others, in a power of order & Jurisdiction. Hence, an Officer over officers of the same kind is not an Officer of Christs institution, And consequently any power conveyed from his is null: But a Prelat pretends to be an officer over Officers of the same kind: Ergo—4. Because every officer in the Church hath equally, and in perfect parity, equall power & Authority allowed them of God in the exercise of both the keyes, both of order & Jurisdiction: All ruling Elders may rule alike, and deserve equal honour: And all Preaching Elders have the like Au­thority, [Page 242] and the like honour conferred upon them 1 Tim. 6. 17. The scripture attributes both power of Order & Juris­diction to all Preaching Presbyters equally. They must oversee the flock (or as the word is, do the part of a Bishop over them) Act. 20. 28. and they must also feed the flock 1 Pet. 5. 2. Subjection & obedience is one, to them all alike: All that are over us and admonish us, we must esteem highly for their works sake 1 Thess. 5. 12. and obey & submit our selves to them that watch for our souls Heb. 13. 17. we find also excommunication belongs to all alike 2 Cor. 2. 6. and ordination 1 Tim. 4. 14. But the Diocesan Prelat takes from Presby­ters to himself power of ordination, assuming only his Cu­rats for fashions sake, and the sole decisive power in Church Judicatories, wherein he hath a Negative voice; like a Diotrephes, the first Prelat who loved to have the preeminence 3 Iohn. 9. the only precedent for Prelacy in the Scripture. Hence, he that would take all power to him­self, which is undivided & equall to all officers by Christs appointment, hath none by Christs allowance, but is to be reckoned an usurping Diotrephes: But the Diocesan Prelat would take all the power to himself, which is un­divided & equall to all. By all which it appears, the pre­late being no Authorized Church Officer of Christs, no Authority can be derived from him; And so that such as betake themselves to this pretended power for warranting them in the function, can warrantably claim no deference thereupon, nor can be ouned as Ministers whatever they were before. ‘For this were an acknowledging of the power & Authority of Prelats (especially when the Law com­mands our hearing as a submitting to them.) The reason is because these men came forth from the Prelat, having no other call or warrant but what the Prelat giveth. And so a receiving of them will be a receiving of the Prelate, as a refusing of them will be accounted a slighting of the Pre­lat & his power. Apol. Relat. 15. pag. 272.’

III. It is necessare also, that all with whom we oune Communion as Ministers, should be Christs Ambassa­dours, having then when we hear them, and holding still their Commission from Christ as King, and only Head of [Page 243] His Church; conveyed not only from Church officers, in a way that He hath revealed as the Prophet of His Church, but in a way of Dependence upon & subordination to Christ as King, who ascending far above Principalities & Powers, appointed & gave the Gifts of the Ministry Eph. 4. 8. 11. and set them in the Church 1. Cor. 12. 28. and gave them com­mission to go & teach the Nations, by virtue of that all Power that was given to Him in Heaven & Earth Math. 28. 18, 19. If then they take a new holding & close with a new Conveyance of the Ministrie, and of the Power to exer­cise the same, from a new Architectonick usurped Power in the Church, encroaching on Christs Royal prerogative, we dare not Homologat such an affront to Christ, as to give them the respect of His Ambassadours, when they become the servants of men, and subject even in Mini­sterial functions to another Head then Christ; for then they are the Ministers of men, & by men, and not by Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised Him from the dead, because they do not hold the Head, Col. 2. 19. Hence those that receive & derive their Church-Power from, and are subordinate in its exercise to, another Head then Christ Jesus, should not be received and subjected to as the Mi­nisters of Christ in His Church: But the Prelats & their curats do receive & derive their Church Power from, & are subordinate in its exercise to, another Head then Christ: Therefore they should not be received &c. The first Pro­position cannot be denyed. The Second is proved thus: Those officers in the Church, Professing themselves such, that derive their Church-Power from, & are subordinate in its exercise to, a Power truly Architectonick & Supreme in the Church (to wit the Magistrate) beside Christ; Do derive their Power from & are subordinate in its exercise to another Head than Christ Jesus: But so it is that Prelats & their Curats do derive &c. Ergo—The Major is evident: for whosoever hath a Supreme Architectonick Power in & over the Church, must be a Head to the same, and the fountain of all Church Power. The Minor is also clear, from the foregoing Historical Deduction, manifest­ing the Present Prelacy to be Gross Erastianisme: for the [Page 244] disposal of the Government of the Church is declared by Law to be the Croun right and an inherent perpetual Prero­gative, and thereupon the Bishops are restored to the Epis­copal function; And it is expressly Declared, that there is no Church Power in the Church-office bearers, but what depends upon & is subordinate unto the Supremacy, and authorized by the Bishops, who are declared accountable to the King for the Administration. By virtue of which Ecclesiastick Supremacy, He put excomunication & spiritual Censures, & consequently the Power of the Keyes, into the hands of Persons meerly Civil, in the Act for the High Commission. Hence it is clear, that as the fountain of all Church Government, he imparts his Authority to such as he pleases, and the Bishops are nothing else but his Com­missioners in the exercise of that Ecclesiastick power, which is originally in Himself, and that the Curats are only His under Clerks. All the stress will lie in proving, that this Monster of a Supremacy, from which the Prelats & their Curats have all their Authority, is a Great Encroachment on the Glory of Christ as King: which will appear if we briefly consider these Particulars. 1. It usurps upon Christs Prerogative, who only hath all undoubted right to this Architectonick & Magisterial Dominion over the Church, His oun Mediatory Kingdom: not only an Essential right by His Eternal Godhead, being the Everlasting Father, whose goings forth hath been of old from Everlasting Isa. 9. 6. Mic. 5. 2. in recognizance of which, we oune but one God the Father, and one Lord, by whom are all things & we by Him 1. Cor. 8. 6. But also a Covenant-right, by Com­pact with the Father, to bear the Glory & rule upon His Throne, by virtue of the Counsel of Peace between them both Zech. 6. 13. A Donative right by the Fathers Delega­tion, by which He hath all power given in Heaven & in Earth, Math. 28. 18. and all things given unto His hand Iohn. 3. 35. and all judgment & Authority to execute it, even because He is the Son of man, Iohn. 5. 22, 27. and to be Head over all things to the Church Eph. 1. 22. An Institute right, by the Fathers inaugaration, who hath set Him as King in Zion, Psal. 2. 6. and appointed Him Governour, [Page 245] that shall rule His people Israel Math. 2. 6. An Acquisite right, by His oun purchase, by which He hath merited & obtained, not only subjects to Govern, but the Glory of the Sole Soveraignty over them in that relation, A name above every name Phil. 2. 9. which is, that He is the Head of the Church, which is as much His Peculiar Prerogative, as to be Saviour of the body Eph. 5. 23. A Bellical right by Con­quest, making the people fall under Him, Psal. 45. 4. and be willing in the Day of His power, Psal. 110. 3. and over­coming those that make war with Him, Rev. 17. 14. An Hereditary right by Proximity of blood & Primogeniture, being the first born higher then the Kings of the Earth, Psal. 89. 27. and the first born from the dead, that in all things He might have the preeminence, Col. 1. 18. An Elective right, by His peoples choise & surrender, having a Croun where­with His Mother Crouned Him, in the day of His Espousals Cant, 3. ult. By all which undoubted Titles, It is His Sole incommunicable Prerogative, without a Copartner or Competitor, Coordinate or subordinate, to be Iudge, & only Lawgiver & King in Spirituals, Isa. 33. 22. to be that one Lawgiver, Iam. 4. 12. who only can give the power of the keyes to His officers, (which Comprehends all the power they have) Math. 16. 19. to be that one Master over all Church officers, who are but brethren, Math. 23. 8, 10. in whose Name only they must perform all Church Acts, and all Parts of their Ministry, and not in the Name of any Mortal, Math. 28. 18. 19. Math. 18. 20. from whom only they receive what ever they have to deliver to the Church 1. Cor. 11. 23. To be the only Instituter of His Officers, who hath set them in the Church 1. Cor. 12. 28. and gave them to the Church Eph. 4. 11. whose Ambassadours only they are 2. Cor. 5. 20. from whom they have authority for edification of the Church 2 Cor. 10. 8. 2 Cor. 13. 10. in whose Name only they are to assemble, and keep & fence their Courts, both the least, Math. 18. 20. and the Greatest Act. 15. But now all this is usurped by one who is not so much as a Church member, let be a Church Officer, as such: for the Magistrate is neither, as he is a Magistrate, otherwise all Magistrats would be Church members. [Page 246] Hence they that have all their power from a meer usurper on Christs Prerogative, who is neither member nor officer of the Church, have none at all to be ouned or received as His Lawful Ambassadours: But the Prelats & their Curats have all their power from a meer usurper on Christs Pre­rogative, who is neither Member nor officer of the Church: Ergo—2. It confounds the Mediatory Kingdom of Christ with, & subjects it to, the Kingly Government of the world, removes the Seripture Land Marks & Limits between civil & Ecclesiastick Powers; in making the Go­vernours of the State to be Governours of the Church, and denying all Church Government in the hands of Church officers, Distinct from & independent upon the civil Ma­gistrat: which clearly derogats from the Glory of Christs Mediatory Kingdom, which is altogether distinct from & not subordinate to the Government of the world, both in the Old Testament & in the New. For, they have distinct fountains whence they flow: civil Government flowes from God Creator, Church Government from Christ the Lord Redeemer, Head & King of His Church, whose Kingdom is not of this world, Iohn. 18. 36. though for this end He came into the world, that He should have a King­dom there, vers. 37. They have distinct Objects: civil Government hath a civil object, the out ward man; Church Government a Spiritual object, men considered as Christians: In the Old Testament, the matters of the Lord are clearly distinguished from the matters of the King 2 Chron. 19. ult. In the new Testament, there are matters of Church Cognizance which do not at all belong to the civil Magi­strate; as in the case of offence, they must tell the Church, not the civil Magistrate Math. 18. 15. 20. In the case of Excommunication, the Church is to act by virtue of the power of our Lord Jesus Christ 1 Cor. 5. 4, 5. not by the Magistrats power; In the case of Absolution, the Church is to Iudge what Punishment is sufficient, and what evidence of re­pentance is sufficient to remove it, 2 Cor. 2. 6. 7. So in the case of Tryal & ordination of Ministers &c. None of these belong to the Magistrate. They have distinct Natures: The civil is a Magisterial, the Ecclesiastick is a Minsterial Go­vernment; [Page 247] the one is the power of the sword, the other of the Keyes; The one put forth in Political Punishments, the other in Ecclesiastick Censures: In the Old Testa­ment, the Magistrats power was Coactive, by death, banishment, Confiscation &c. Ezra. 7. 26. The Church, by puting out of the Synagogue, interdiction from Sacred things &c. In the New Testament, The Magistrats power is described Rom. 13. to be that of the sword by punishment; the power of the Church only in binding & Loosing, Math. 16. 19. They have distinct Ends: the end of the one being the good of the Common wealth, the other the Churches Edification: In the Old Testament, the end of the civil Government was one thing, and of the Church another, to wit, to warn not to trespass against the Lord, in that forecited 2. Chron. 19. 10. In the New Testament, the end of Magistratical power is to be a terror to evil works, & a praise te the good, Rom. 13. 3. but the end of Church power is Edification 1 Cor. 5. 5. 2 Cor. 10. 8. 2. Cor. 13. 10. They have distinct Courts of officers: In the Old Testament, the distinction of the civil & Ecclesiastick Sanhedrin is known, where there were distinct causes, & Persons set over them to judge them respectively 2. Chron. 19. ult. In the New Testament, we find officers given unto the Church 1 Cor. 12. 28. with no mention of the civil Magistrate at all, And Church-Assemblies distinct from Parliaments or senats (yea when the Magistrate was an Enemy) determining que­stions that did not belong to the Magistrate at all Act. 15. we have Rulers distinct from the Rulers of the Common wealth 1 Thess. 5. 12. whom we are to obey and submit our selves as those who are accountable to Christ only, for to whom else can they give account of souls? Heb. 13. 17. we have Rulers inferiour to Labourers in word & doctrine, not to be honoured so much as they: Sure these cannot be civil Rulers 1 Tim. 5. 17. we have Rulers commended for trying Impostors, which were not Magistrats, Rev. 2. 2. And others who are rebuked for suffering Hereticks ibid. vers. 14, 15, 20. which supposes they had Authority to do it; yet distinct from & not depending on the Magistrate. Besides from this confusion of the two Governments to­gether, [Page 248] and making the Supreme Magistrate to be Supre­me Governour of the Church, would follow many ab­surdities; as that They who are not Church members should be Church officers, even Heathen Magistrats; yea women should be Church officers; and none should be chosen for Magistrats, but such as have the qualifications of Church officers. Sic Apol. Relat. Sect. 12. pag. 190. Rectius Instruen. Confut. 1 Dial. chap. 6. pag. 50. Hence, they that in deriving their Authority do confound the tuo Govern­ments, civil & Ecclesiastick, and take it all from a meer civil power, cannot be ouned as having any Authority of Christs Institution: But the Prelats & their Curats, in deriving their Authority, do confound the tuo Govern­ments civil & Ecclesiastick and take it all from a meer civil power. This same Argument equally militates against hearing the Indulged Ministers who have taken a Licence & warrand from the Usurper of this Supremacy: because it is highly injurious to Christs Headship; very contrary to to Presbyterian Principles; clearly Homologatorie of the Supremacy; plainly Prejudicial to the power of the people; very much establishing Erastianisme; Sadly ob­structive & destructive to the good of the Church; wrong­ing our cause & ground of suffering; Strengthening the Prelats hands; contradictory to our Covenants▪ Prejudging the Meetings of Gods people; and heinously Scandalous & offensive: As is clear by, & unanswerably poven in the History of the Indulgence.

IV. There is a necessity that any man whom we may Joine with as a Minister, must not only be a minister, and a Minister cloathed with Christs commission then when we Joins with Him, but He must also have a right to ad­minister there where we Ioin with Him. Else we can look upon him no otherwise than a thief & a robber. whom Christs sheep should not hear Io. 10. 1-5. Now the Pre­lats & Curats, though they should he accounted & ac­knowledged Ministers, yet they have not a right to officiate where they have intruded themselves. Hence we have several Arguments, as. 1. They who have no just Autho­rity, nor right to officiate fixedly in this Church as the [Page 249] proper Pastors of it, ought not to be Received but with­drawen from: But the Prelats & their Curats have no just Authority, or right to officiate in this Church as her proper Pastors: Therefore they ought not to be received, but withdrawen from. All the debate is about the Minor, which may thus be made good. They who have entered into & do officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Authority & Consent, have no right so to do: But the Prelats & their Curats have entered into & officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Authority & Consent: Ergo— The Major is manifest: for if this Church have a just right & power of Electing & Calling of Ministers, then they who enter into & officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Authority & Consent, have no just Authority or right so to do: But this Church hath a just right & power of Electing & Calling of Ministers, as all true Churches have And, if it were not evident from what is said above, might be easily demonstrated from Scripture. The minor, to wit, that the Prelats & their Curats have entered into & officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Authority & consent, is evident, from matter of fact: for there was no Church Judicatory called or convocated, for bringing of Prelats in to this Church; but on the contrary her Judicatories were all cashiered & discharged, and all her officers turned out to let them in; And all was done immediatly by the King & Acts of Parliament without the Church; A practice wanting a Precedent in this and (for any thing we know) in all other Churches: All that the Curats can say is, that they came in by the Bishop & Patron, who are not the Church, nor have any power from her for what they do; all their right & power is founded upon & derived from the Supremacy, whereby the Diocesan Erastian Prelat is made the Kings Delegate & substitute, only impowered thereto by his Law. This is Mr Smiths 1st & 6 Argum. ‘If we suppose a particular Congregation acknowledging their oun Lawful Pastor, and a few violent Persons arise and bring in a Minister by plain force, and cast out their Lawful Pastor; Are not the faithful in that Church obli­ged to relinquish the Intruder, and not only Discounte­nance [Page 250] him, but endeavour his ejection? This is our case Napth. Pag. 106. § 5. Prior Edit. 2.’ If we cannot sub­mit to these Curats, without consenting to the great En­croachments made upon the Priviledges of this Church, then we cannot submit to them without sin: But we can­not submit to them without consenting to the great En­croachments made upon the Priviledges of this Church: Therefore we cannot submit to them without sin. The Minor is all the question: but instances will make it out. As first, The robbing of the Church of the Priviledge of Election of her Pastors, and substituting the bondage of Patrons presentations, is a great Encroachment upon the Priviledge of this Church: But accepting of Curats as Mi­nisters Lawfully called, notwithstanding that they want the Election of the people, and have nothing for their warrant but a presentation from the Patron, were a Con­senting to that Robberie and wicked Substitution. It will be of no force to say, our forefathers did submit to this, and to a Ministry who had no other Call. This is answered above in the Narrative: Its a poor Consequence to say, the posterity may return backward, because their forefathers could not advance further forward. Secondly, the thrust­ing out of Lawfull Ministers without any Cause but their adhering to the Covenanted work of Reformation, and the thrusting in others in their rooms who denyed the same, is a great Encroachment on the Churches Priviledges; But embracing & encouraging Curats by countenancing their pretended Ministry were a consenting to this violent ex­trusion & intrusion. The minor is proven thus. They who leave the extruded & countenance the Intruded, they con­sent to the extrusion & intrusion, and declare they confess the Intruded his right is better than his who is extruded; But they who embrace & encourage Curats by counte­nancing their pretended Ministry, do leave the extruded, to wit, their old Ministers, and countenance the intruded: Ergo—To say, that people in this case should protest against these Encroachments, is frivolous; for withdraw­ing is the best protestation: And if after their protestation they still countenance the Encroachment, they should [Page 251] undo their oun protestation. The same Argument will militate against countenancing the Indulged, or any that obtained Authority to Preach in any place by a power en­croaching on the Churches Liberties. There is an objection to be removed here, from Math. 23. 2, 3. The Scribes & Pharisees sit in Moses Chair, therefore whatever they bid yow observe, that observe & do; therefore they who without a title usurpe the office may be heard. Ans. 1. The case is no wayes alike; for then the Lord had no other Church in the world but that, which was confined in its Solemnities of worship to that place, where they intruded themselves: He had not yet instituted the New Testament forme of Ad­ministration, in its ordinances & Officers. Therefore the Head of the Church being present might give a Toleration, Durante beneplacito: But it is not so now. But 2. Our Lords words bears no command for the people to hear them at all, but only not to reject sound Doctrine, because it came from them: Surely he would not bid them hear such, as He calls Plants that His Father had never planted, whom He bids let alone, Math. 15. 13, 14. and who were Thieves & Robbers whom His Sheep should not hear.

V. They must not only be Ministers, & acknowledged as such then and there, when & where we joine with them; but they must be such as we can oune Church Communion with in the Ordinances administrated by them, as to the matter of them. Otherwise if they pervert & corrupt their Ministrie, by preaching & maintaining errors, either in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, or Government, con­trare to the Scriptures, our Confessions, & principles of our Covenanted Reformation, and contradictory to our Testimony founded thereupon & aggreable thereunto, maintaining errors condemned thereby, or condemning Truths maintained thereby, we must withdraw from them. For if any seek to turn us away from the Lord our God, we most put away that evil & not consent nor hearken to them, Deut. 13. 5, 8. We must cease to hear the instruction that causeth to erre from the words of knowledge, Prov. 19. 27. we must have a care of these Leaders that will cause us to erre lest we be destroyed with them Isa. 9. 16. we must mark [Page 252] these who contradict the Doctrine that we have Learned, & avoid them Rom. 16. 17. If any man teach otherwise we must withdraw our selves from such 1 Tim. 6. 3, 5. If there come any & bring not this Doctrine, we must not receive him, nor bid him God speed, in that work of his preaching or practising against any of the Truths, we have received from the word 2 Iohn 10, 11. Hence we most not hear false Teachers, who in preaching & prayer bring forth false Doctrine contrary to the principles of our Reforma­tion: But the Curats are false Teachers, who in preaching & prayer bring forth salse Doctrine &c. Therefore we must not hear them. The Minor is certain, in that not only many of them are tainted with points of Poperie & Ar [...]inianisme; but all of them do teach false Doctrine tending to seduce the hearers; when in their preaching they cry up the Law­fullnesse of Prelacy, and vent bitter invectives against Pres­byterian Government, condemn the work of Reformation, and enveigh against the Covenant, and so teach & encou­rage people to follow them in open perjurie, and con­demning all our Testimony, as nothing but Treason & Se­dition; which we are perswaded is Truth, and that there­fore they are Blasphemers: And in their prayers, stuffed with error & larded with Blasphemy, they reproach the work of Reformation, & the power of Godlyness, and pray for a blessing on the Prelats, and on their courses which are cursed; besides their parasitick prayers for the King, to be blessed in his Government when stated in op­position to Christ, and severall other things that tender consciences cannot go along with them therein. And yet if they hear them they must go along and actively concur with them, as their mouth to God. If it be obj [...]cted here: That this doth not strike against all, nor against any at all times, because some Preaches always sound Doctrine, and all preach sometime sound Doctrine; and the like may be said of their prayers: Therefore sometimes at least they may be heard. I ans. 1. This may be alledged for all Here­ticks, who do all at sometimes preach sound Doctrine, and yet these Scriptures are stringent against them at all times, which I have adduced: for by these fr [...]its which [Page 253] they bring forth at sometimes, they shew themselves to be such as we must beware of at all times. 2. We cannot know when they will Preach sound Doctrine, seeing by their subjection to that Government, they are obliged to maintain Prelacy, and impugne our Covenanted con­stitution.

VI. They must not only be such as we can Joine with in the Ordinances as to the Matter of them, but in the manner also they must be such Administrators, as we are obliged in charity to think the Lord will approve of them, & their Ad­ministrations, & of us in our Communion with them; Or at least that in their manner of Dispensing ordinances, they be not such as we find are under a recorded sentance of dreadful punishment, both against them & their partakers: for if it be so, it is as sufficient a ground to withdraw from them, as for men to withdraw from a Company staying in a house, that they see will fall & smother them in its ruin; yea it is as warrantable to separate from them, as for Israel to separate themselves from the Congregation of the Rebells who were to be consumed in a moment, Numb. 16. 21. or for the Lords people to come out of Babylon, that they receive not of her plagues Rev. 18. 4. Now we find that not only the Prophets of Baal, and Inticers to Idolatrie, and Leaders to error upon the matter are threatened, and the people for adhering to them but we find also (as is observed by Rect. Instruend. confut. dial. chap. 1. pag. 21.) many terrible charges & Adjurations laid upon Ministers, in reference to a faithful Diligence in their Ministerial fun­ction, and a suitable Testimony concerning the sin & duty of the time, that they are commanded to cry aloud and shew the people their sin, Isa. 58. 1. and as they would not have the blood of souls upon them, to give faithful warning touching the peoples case & hazard, sin, & duty, especially in times of great sin & judgment, when God is terribly pleading His Controversie with them, Ezek. 3. 17. there­fore they must be instant in season & out of season 2 Tim. 4. 2. And for their negligence & unfaithfulness herein, we find many Scripture woes & threatenings thundered against them. When in the deceit of their oun heart they pro­mise [Page 254] assured Peace, when the Lord is pleading against a Generation, they are threatened to be consumed with sword & famine, and the people to whom they Prophecie shall be cast out in the Streets, Ier. 14. 13. 15. 16. therefore we dare not ad­mit them to Prophecie to us. When they strengthen the hands & harden the hearts of evil-doers, that none doeth return from his wickedness, the Lord threatens to feed them with wormwood, & commands not to hearken to them, Ier. 23. 14-16. their blood shall be required at their hands Ezek. 3. 18. one builds a wall, and another daubs it with untempered morter, then ye o great hailstones shall fall, and they shall be consumed in the midst thereof Ezek. 13. 10, 11, 14, 18, 22. we dare not joine with either builders or dau­bers of such a work, as is carried on to the dishonour of Christ & ruining of Reformation, nor by our countenance & concurrence strengthen either builders or daubers. lest we also be consumed in the midst thereof. When there is a Conspiracy of the Prophets, and the Priests violate the Law, and profane holy things, and shew no difference between the unclean & the clean then the Lord will pour out His Indignation upon all, Ezek. 22. 25—ad [...]fin. We would endeavour to keep our selves free of having any hand in that Conspiracy. These Scriptures do give the perfect pourtracture of our Curats, in the conviction of all that know them. Hence we draw a complexe Argument: Such Ministers as can do no good by their Ministrie, but a great deal of hurt to their hearers, and expose themselves & them both to the Indignation of a jealous God, are not to be heard: But the Curats are such as can do no good by their Ministrie, but a great deal of hurt to their hearers, and expose themselves and them both to the Indignation of the jealous Lord: Therefore they are not to be heard. The connexion of the Major is clear from what is said above. The Minor is also evident from the application of these Scriptures, thus: They that in the deceit of their oun heart promise Peace to, and strengthen the hands of evil doers, and give them not warning, but seduce them by daubing their wickedness, and shew no difference be­tween the unclean & the clean &c. are such as can do no [Page 255] good by their Ministrie, but a great deal of hurt to hearers, and expose themselves and them both to the Indignation of God: But the Curats are such: and all others who are so unfaithful as give no warning against but Justifie the sins of the times. To be short, the Minor of both these fore­going Arguments is evident from the experience of all that go to the Curats, who wrong thereby their oun souls, mar their edification, & run to Cisterns without water. What blessing can be expected upon the labours of such, who having perjured themselves in taking on with the Prelats, are prosecuting that Course of defection, and making themselves Captains to lead the people back to Egypt, en­couraging profanity & wickedness, being themselves Pat­terns & Patrons of the times corruptions? And seeing a blessing cannot be expected upon their labours, but rather a curse, as daylie experience maketh good, when instead of any work of conversion or conviction among people, there is nothing seen but a fearful hardening in profanity ignorance & Atheisme; so that many that seemed to have somewhat like Religion before, through hearing of them, are turned loose & laxe in all Duties: yea never can it be instanced these 27 years, that they have brought one soul to Christ, from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God; but many instances might be given of their mur­dering souls, as indeed they can not be free of it, who can­not warn nor declare the whole Counsel of God. Hence these who cannot but be soul-Murderers, may not be heard nor intertained as Soul-Phisicians: But the Curats cannot but be soul-Murderers: Again we can expect no good from them, but a great deal of hurt: Seeing their Mini­strie is not the Lords Ordrnance, which He will approve, and no performances can be acceptable unto the Lord which are not, in manner as well as in matter aggreeable to His will: hence the wickedness even of the Lords Law­ful Priests, not only caused the people to abhor the offerings of the Lord, but even the Lord Himself to abhor His San­ctuary, and to account their incense an abomination, so that He could not away with the Calling of their Assemb­lies, which yet upon the matter were duties. Should [Page 256] not we then hate that which the Lord hates, and with­draw from that which He hath forsaken? But the Meet­ings of the Curats for Administration of Ordinances in their way, the Lord hates, and hath signally forsaken: There­fore we should hate & forsake them. This is confirmed by what Mr Durham sayes in that digression about hearing ‘Revel. 1. pag. 55. in 4to. seeing edification is Gods gift, can it be expected but in his way, Or can that be accounted His way which He hath not warranted.’

VII. As we would not partake of their Judgment in countenancing of their Administration of Ordinances, so we would keep our selves free from all participation of their sin. For we must not be partakers with any in sin, nor have fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, that we must reprove, and that we find the Lord reproves & condemns, Eph. 5. 7, 11. And not only Ministers in or­daining, but people in hearing, may be in hazard of par­taking of some mens sins who enter into the Ministry 1 Tim. 5. 22. we must keep at the greatest distance from sin. Hence if we cannot hear the Curats without partaking of their sin, then we must not hear them: But we cannot hear the Cu­rats without partaking of their sin. Therefore we must not hear them. The Minor I prove. If hearing of them be a Tessera of our Incorporation with them, [...] Test of our Submission to them, a badge of our comp [...]yance with them, and sign of our Approbation of them, then we can­not hear them without partaking of their sin: But hearing of them is such: The Major cannot be denyed, if Prelacy & conformity therewith be sin, as is in part proven above: for if these be sins, then we must not incorporate with, nor submit to them, nor comply with them, nor ap­prove them. The Minor I prove by Parts. 1. Hearing of Curats is a Tessera of our Incorporation with them. For Communion in Sacred things doth infer an incorporation of the Communicants or Joiners in all cases, both in Law­ful & unlawful Communions 1 Cor. 10. 17-20. All partakers of the bread are one body, and they which eat of the Sacrificies are partakers of the Altar; And also they that partake of the Sacrifice offered to Devils, though they do [Page 257] not offer it so themselves, yet they are incorporate and have fellowship with Devils. And 2 Cor. 6. 14-17. where they that do not come out, and are separate from un­lawful Communions, are expostulated with as making an unequally yoked fellowship, between righteousness & un­righteousness, light & darkness; Christ & Belial, the Tem­ple of God & Idols. Hence then, if we cannot partake of their Sacred things without partaking of their Altar, and becoming one body with them; and making such an unequally yoked Mixture with them, then we must be se­parate: But the first is true from these places. This Ar­gument concludes with equal force, against joyning with any deeply engaged in the gross defections of the time. 2. Hearing of Curats is a Test of our Submission to them, & Complyance with them: for so it is required by Law, as the Acts themselves say, ‘that a chearful concurrence, countenance, & assistence given to such Ministers, and attending all the ordinary Meetings for divine worship, is an evidence of a due ackowledgment of & hearty com­plyance with his Maj. Government Ecclesiastical & civil, as now established by Law within this Kingdom, Act of Parl. Iul. 10. 1663.’ And themselves look on all such as obey this Act, as their friends, Hence if this be sinful to submit to them, and comply with their establishment, in obedience to a sinful Act of Parliament, then it is sin­ful to hear them: But the former is true, as hath been shown. Ergo—3. Hence it followes by native con­sequence, that hearing of Curats is a sign of our Approba­tion of them: for he that gives that which is required, & ac­cepted, & Interpreted as an evidence of a due acknowledg­ment, & of complyance with the Government Ecclesiasti­cal, gives the sign of his Approbation of it: But the hearer of Curats does that in obedience to the Act, requiring, accepting, & expressly interpreting it so: Therefore &c.

VIII. As we would be free of their sin, in approving of, & complying with their course; so we must endeavour to stand at the greatest Distance from all appearance of sin in our selves, either by commission or omission, in which our Joining with them in these circumstances would involve [Page 258] us. For we must astain from all appearance of evil 1 Thess. 5. 22. and from every thing that circumstances may make sinful: for otherways suppose a thing might be materially Lawful & not simply sinful, yet circumstances may make it sinful, and a countenancing it so circumstantiated, doth infer a Communion in these Circumstances that make it sinful. They that eat of the sacrifice are Partakers of the Altar, and if the Altar be not of Gods Approbation, the thing offered though otherwise Lawful to be eaten, can­not justify the eaters, so circumstantiated. An Idol is nothing, and that which is offered in Sacrifices to Idols is nothing, yet they who eat of it, when they know it is so circumstantiated, have fellowship with Devils 1 Cor. 10. 18, 19, 20, 21. And it is called Idolatry comp. vers. 14. which provokes the Lord to jealousie vers. 22. Especially when an action is so circumstantiated, that it would infer an omission of our Duty, and a declining from or denying of our Testimony, then it is clearly sinful. For whosoever shall deny the Lord before men, him will He deny before His Father, Math. 10. 33. And we must hold fas [...] the Profes­sion of our faith without wavering, Heb. 10. 23. and keep the word of His patience, if we would be kept in the hour of tentation, and hold it fast that no man take our Croun Rev. 3. 10, 11. ‘All Truth must be avowed, & practically avowed, on the greatest hazard: And as this Testimony must be full, so must it be also constant. It was Demass shame, that the afflictions of the Gospel made him for­sake the Apostle, after great appearances for Christ: And therefore whatever Truth or Duty is opposed, that becomes the special object of this Testimony. Rectius In­struend. Consut. 3. Dial. chap. 1. pag. 18. 19.’ Hence, if Hearing of the Curats would infer & involve us under the guilt both of commission of sin, and omission os Duty, then we cannot hear them without sin: But the former is true: Therefore also the Latter. I prove the Minor by Parts. First, that it would infer & involve us under the guilt of Commis­ssion of sin, All that is said above doth evince it: And besides, palpable breach of Covenant, hereafter to be charged & cleared: And, Idolatrie is a great sin of that na [...]ur: but the [Page 259] hearing of the Curats doth infer this. Which may be made out, thus: The breach of the sceond Commandment is Ido­latrie (for to make the sins against that Command odious, they are all commprehended under that odious name of worshipping Images; as the sins against the seventh are called Adultrie, comprehending all unchast thoughts, words, & actions) Hearing of Curats is a breach of the second Command: Ergo—The Minor I prove thus: Every worship not according to Christs appointment, is a breach of the second Commandment: But hearing of Curats is a worship not according to Christs appointment. Which I prove thus: A worship enjoined by and performed in obedience to a Law, establishing a humane Ordinance in the Church, besides and against the Institution of Christ, is a worship not according to Christs appointment: But the hearing of Curats is a worship enjoined by and per­formed in obedience to a Law establishing a humane Or­dinance, to wit, Diocesan Erastian Prelacy, with the Cu­rats their substitutes. Hence also the second doth follow by necessary consequence, that it would infer & involve us under the guilt of Omission of Duty. For first, if reduct­ively it may involve us under the guilt of Idolatrie & breach of the second Commandment, then it will infer the guilt of omission of these necessary Duties incumbent to the Lords people with a reference to Idolatry; to make no Covenant with them nor with their Gods, nor let them dwell in the Land lest they make us sin, Exod. 23. 32, 33 Exod. 34. 14, 15. to overthrow their Altars, & break their Pillars, and destroy the names of them out of the place Deut. 12. 3. Iudg▪ 2. 2. I do not adduce these precepts, to stretch them to the full measure of the demerit of the grossest of Idola­ters: for as there are degrees of breaches or the Command­ment, some grosser some smaller, so there are also de­grees of punishment, and as to the manner of destroying & extirpating all pieces of Idolatry: But that the Com­mands being founded upon a Moral ground, lest they [...] & snares unto us, do oblige us to some endeavour [...], extirpating & overthrowing all Pieces or [...] according to the word and our Covenants; And [...] [Page 260] ‘true & right Zeal of God, should and would not only inspire all with an unanimous aversion against the pro­fane intruding Curats, but animate us as one man to drive away these wolves & theives, and to eradicate these plants which our heavenly Father never planted, Napht. Prior edit. pag. 108.’ The least Duty that can be in­ferred is that of the Apostles, flee from Idolatry 1 Co,. 10. 14. which Idolatry there mentioned to be avoided, is to eat of the sacrifices offered to Idols: whence we infer that if to eat of things consecrated to Idols be Idolatrie, then also to partake of Sacred things consecrated by Idols must be Idolatry; as the Curats dispensing of Ordinances is con­secrated by, & hath all its Sanction from, an I [...]ol of Dio­cesan Erastian Prelacy: But we see the Apostle expresses the former: Therefore we may infer the Latter. Further it will also infer a declining from & denying a Necessary Testimony, in the case circumstantiated. Even the smallest matter is great, when a Testimony is concerned in it, were it but the circumstance of an open window; Daniel durst not omitt it upon the greatest hazard. And now this is clearly come to a case of confession, ‘when there is no other way to exoner our consciences befor God & the world, and declare our Non-conformity to this course of backsliding, no getting of wrongs redrest or corruptions in the Mini­stry removed but by this practice: And certainly some way we must give publick Testimony against these cours­es, and there is no otherway so harmless & innocent as this, though suffering follow upon it Apol. Relat. Sect. 14. 272. 273.’ And now there is no other way apparent, whereby the difference shall be kept up betuixt such as ho­nestly mind the Covenanted work of Reformation, and the corrupt Prelatical & Malignant Enemies. but this Argument also will infer the expediency of withdrawing, from all Ministers with whom our circumstantiat Joyning would involve us in a participation with their defections.

IX. As we would endeavour to avoid Sin in our selves; So we must have a care to give no occasion of others sinning, by our taking Liberty in a promiscuous Joining in Church Communion, whereby we may offend & stumble the con­sciences [Page 261] of others: for to that, in this as well as in other things, we must have a special respect, and forbear things not only for our oun unclearness, but for the sake of others also. If therefore the Hearing of Curats be a Scandal, we must refuse it, be the hazard what will. For who so shall offend one of Christs little ones, it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck Math. 18. 6. No man must put a stumbling block or an occasion to fall in his brothers way, Rom. 14. 13. They that sin so against the brethren, and wound their weak Conscience, they sin against Christ 1 Cor. 8. 12. we must forbear somthings for conscience sake, conscience, I say, not our oun but of others, giving none offence neither to the Iewes, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God, 1. Cor. 10. 28, 29, 32. and so cut off all occasion from them that desire occa­sion 2 Cor. 11. 12. ‘These Commands discharge whatever Practice give occasion of our brothers sinning, of calling Truth in question, of acting with a doubting conscience, or which weakens his Plerophory or assurance; And neither the Lawfulness nor indifferency of the thing it self, nor mens Authority commanding it, nor the weak­ness yea or wickedness of those in hazard to be stum­bled, will warrand the doing of that out of which offence arises, Rectius Instruend. Confut. 3. Dial. chap. 1. pag. 19.’ Mr Durham in that forecited place saith, ‘It carries offence along with it; in reference to the partie who runs unsent, it proves a strengthening & confirming of him, and so a partaking of his sin; in reference to others, either strengthens them by that example to cast themselves in that snare, which possibly may be their ruine, or it grieves them and makes them sad who are tender of such things, or gives occation to make all difference of that kind to be thought light of.’ Hence, If Hearing of the Curats be an offence or Scandal, both in reference to Malignants, and in reference to the Godly, and in reference to the Poste­rity, Then it must be avoided: But the former is true: which is evidenced by parts. First, in reference to Malignants, it hardens & encourages them in their opposition to the work of God, and all backsliders & Complyers with them [Page 262] in their Apostasie; This strengthens their hands in their wicked courses, when they see how they are countenanced by all, and that there is no disrespect put upon them, nor dissatisfaction evinced against their courses, then they con­clude that they are approven of all: And this hardeneth them, so that they never once think of the evil of their wayes. Next in reference to the Godly, it stumbles the truly tender, by encouraging them to do contrare to their light & conscience, even when they are not clear to hear them, then they are emboldened thereunto when they see others doing so; and so it tends to the wounding of their Peace, and makes them halt in the wayes of the Lord. Lastly with a re [...]erence to Posterity, it would prejudge them very much: Though now the honest party be not in a capacity to trans­mit the work of Reformation unto their Posterity, in such a manner as were to be wished; Yet they should do some­thing for keeping fresh the memory of the good old cause, by keeping up some footsteps of a standing Controversy for Zions Interest against the common enemy: But now let all Joine with, & oune the Curats, what appearance of this shall the Posterity see? shall not they conclude that the day is lost, & the cause is gone, when they see that this genera­tion hath fled the fields, or rather sold & betrayed the cause, by ouning, countenancing, & complying with the enemy, and no standing Testimony against these corruptions? whereas if there were but this much of a standing diffe­rence, betwixt the People of God & the common Enemies of God, to be seen; Posterity shall in some measure be kept from being deceived, and shall see the Interest of Christ not killed nor buried quick, but living though in a bleeding condition, and this will occasion their engaging for Christ, and interesting themselves in the quarrel; and it is far better to see the cause of Christ ouned though, by suffering & blood, then sold & betrayed by base flenching & complying with Persecuters. This Argument may also found & i [...]ter a withdrawing from the Addressing Mini­sters who to the Great Scandal of Presbyterians give forth their Addresses in the name of all of that perswasion.

X. Our duty to themselves, yea our greatest office of [Page 263] Love we owe to them in order to their conviction, does oblige us to withdraw from them. This may seem a Para­dox, yet it will be apparent; if we search the Scriptures, to see what we owe to Scandalous Brethren. There we find, it is a duty to endeavour by all Lawful means to shame them out of their sin: And it is an argument of hatred, when we do not rebuke our Neighbour or when we suffer sin upon him, Lev. 19. 17. If we consider them then as neighbours & friends, we must use endeavours to take away their sin from them; if we consider them not as such but as enemies, then we must avoid them, and not be mingled with them, as I could adduce many Scriptures for that. But I suppose all that will oppose my Thesis, would have them considered as friends. Well then, if they be scandalous Brethren, this is the way prescribed by the Apostle to deal with them, in order not to suffer sin upon them, that we should withdraw from them our Company: and if we must withdraw our Company, then also a fortiore, we must deny them our Re­ligious Communion; for that must either be included there, or necessarly inferred. He writes, not to keep Company if any man that is called a Brother (mark that speciality) be a fornicator, or covetous, or an Idolater, or a railer, or an extortioner, with such an one no not to eat 1 Cor. 5. 11. And I presume they that know them best, will grant, that it would not be hard to prove that all the Curats in Scotland were chargable with some of these, or at least Partakers with them. And that if they were all impartially impannelled, they would be rare ones whom an honest Jury would not bring in guilty of this lybel. Then we are expressly Commanded, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to withdraw our selves from every brother that walk­eth disorderly, and not after the received Tradiction; and if any man obey not the word, to note him and have no Com­pany with him, that he may be ashamed 2 Thess. 3. 6. 14. Sure neither their office nor their innocency, can exempt them from these rules. For either they must be considered as our brethren, or not: If not, then we oune no Church Communion with them, for that is only among brethren that are so in Sympathie, & affection, & affinity, having [Page 264] one father, and one mother: If they be brethren, Then all Scandalous brethren are to be withdrawn from; But they are Scandalous brethren: Therefore they are to be withdrawn from. The Minor will not be doubted by any but such as are strangers to them, who both in their Mini­sterial & Personal Capacity are so scandalous to the Con­viction of all, that Profanness hath gone forth from them unto all the Land, and they as much as ever the Profane Sons of Eli, have made men to abhor the offering of the Lord 1 Sam. 2. 17. But even strangers that are unacquaint with their Personal Profligatness & ignorance &c. cannot be altogither ignorant of the Scandal of Prelacy & E [...]astianisme, in which they are all involved, of the Scandal of Aposta­sie, Perjurie, & breach of Covenant, which is their brand, and the Nations bane, that hath countenanced them. And none can doubt, but if our Church were dwely constitute and invested with the orderly power of Christ, and in capacity to exerce & improve it, they would soon be censured every Soul of them as Scandalous, as they have been also Previously sentanced as such, by the Acts of our General Abssemblies. This Argument levells also against all Complying, Indulged, Addressing Ministers, who by these Courses have incurred the Character of disorderly Bre­thren.

XI. Our faithfulness to God, and to one another inga­ged in our Covenants, doth oblige us to turn away from them who have broken it, and so classed themselves among these Truce-breaking Traitors, who make our times Perillous, from whom we must turn away 2 Tim. 3. 1-5. It appears from the foregoing deduction, how solemnly these Nations were engaged both to keep out & put out this Generation of Prelatists, now prevailing; The obligation of which yet lyes upon all the Inhabitants of the Land, with a binding force, both in regard of their forme, and object, and end. Hence if the Curats be Covenant break­ers, and we also in ouning them, then we cannot oune them without sin; But the Curats are Covenant breakers, and we also in ouning them. Ergo—The Minor may be manifest by an indiction of all the Articles of the Solomn [Page 265] League & Covenant, broken by them, and all that oune them 1. That Doctrine, worship, discipline, & Government in the 1. Ar:. sworn to be preserved & propagated, was the Presbyterian then established, which our Church was in possession of, which they have opposed, & their ouners resiled from, and have not maintained. 2. We are en­gaged in 2. Art. to endeavour the extirpation of Prelacy, and its dependents; which is diametrically opposite to ouning of Curats: can we oune them whom we are bound to abhor? and submit to them whom we are bound to extirpate? Surely this were to rebuild what we have destroyed see Napht. p. 104. And since in relation to Poperie, Heresie, & Schisme, this Article obliges us to disoune, & not to hear Papists & Schismaticks, why not also in relation to Prelatists, who are the greatest Schismaticks? 3. They have established & homologated an Erastian Supremacy, to the Prejudice of true Religion and the Liberties of the Church & Kingdom, and their ouners have abetted & contenanced the same, and not preserved either the Liber­ties of Church or Kingdom, contrary to the 3. Art. 4. They have not only concealed & Countenanced Malignant Ene­mies to this Church & Kingdom, but have themselves been reall Incendiaries hindering the Reformation of Religion, making factions & Parties amongst the People, contrary to this League & Covenant, And their hearers are so far from bringing them to Condign Punishment. that they have strengthened their hands in their avowed opposition to the Covenants, contrary to the 4 Art. 5. They have broken our Conjunction in firme peace & union; and yet their hearers have not marked & avoided these Causers of Divisions, contrary to Scripture, and the 5 Art. 6. Instead of assisting & defending all these that entered into this League & Cove­nant &c. they have been the greatest Persecuters of all them that adhered to it; And their ouners have suffered them­selves, by combination or perswasion or terror, to be di­vided & withdrawn from their suffering Brethren, and have made defection to the contrary part, and given them­selves to a detestable indifferency in this cause, contrary to the 6. Art. 7. Instead of humbling themselves for their [Page 266] sins, and going before others in the example of a real Re­formation, they have obstinately defended their breach of Covenant, and have been Patrons & Patterns of all defor­mations; And their ouners & hearers have not repented of that neither, when they countenance such Covenant-breakers & profane persons, nor of their not labouring for the purity & power of the Gospel, when they seek it from such impure hands: Neither do they go before others in Reformation, when they are such bad examples of de­fection, contrary to the conclusion of the Covenant. This Argument will also strike against hearing of such Ministers that have made themselves guiltie of the same, or equi­valent breaches of Covenant.

XII. Finally, for Unions sake, and to avoid Schisme in the body, we must withdraw from them. This may seem another Paradox: but it is apparent, if we consider, that there should be no Schisme in the body, but that the members should have the same care one for another, 1 Cor. 12. 25. And that for to prevent & remede this, the Apostle beseeches us to mark them which Cause Divisions, & offences contrary to the Doctrine which we have learned, & avoid them, Rom. 16. 17. Now then, if the Prelats and their Curats be Schismaticks, & Separatists, and dividers, then we must avoid & withdraw from them: But so it is that the Prelats & their Curats are Schismaticks, & Separatists, and divi­ders: Therefore we must avoid & withdraw from them. The Minor I prove from all the Constituents of a formed Schisme, Separation, & sinful division. 1. They that start out from under due relations to a Church, and from her Mini­stry, are Schismaticks, Separatists, & dividers, But the Pre­lats and their Curats have started out from under due re­lations to the Covenanted Church of Scotland, & from her Ministry, in being so unnatural rebellious Children, as have broken their Mothers beauty & bands, order & Union, & razed her Covenanted Reformation, in do­ctrine, worship, Discipline, & Government: 2. These who withdraw from the Communion of a true Church, and therefore are Censureable by all her standing acts, are Schismatical Separatists: But the Prelats and their Curats [Page 267] have withdrawn from the Communion of the true Church of Scotland, and therefore are censureable by all her standing acts, in that they have made a faction & Com­bination repugnant to the Communion of this Church, and all her established order: 3. Those who Separate from a Church, whose Principles & Practices are subser­vient to that Churches true Union & Communion and right establishment, are properly Schismaticks: But the Prelats and their Curats have Separated from this Church, whose Principles & practices are subservient to its true Union & Communion and right establishment; for they could never yet impeach or challenge any Principle or practice, contrary to the word of God, or not subser­vient to true Union & order, but their Principles & practices are stated in opposition to her purity & Reformation. 4 Those who innovate the worship & Government, ouned & established in a true Church, are Schismaticks: But the Prelats and their Curats have innovated the wor­ship & Government of the true Church of Scotland, in bringing a Doctrine new & odd, and not the voice of this Church; and their worship, over and above the cor­ruption adhering to it, is the worshiping of an innovating party, contrary to our Churches established order: 5. They that make a rent in the bowels of the true & genuine Church, are the Schismaticks: But the Prelats and their Curats have made a rent in the bowels of this Church, and have caused all the divisions in this Church. 6. Those that divide themselves from the fellowship of a pure Church, either in her Ministry, Lawful Courts, & Ordinances, are the Schismaticks: But the Prelats and their Curats have divided themselves from the fellowship of this pure Church, in her Ministry, Lawful Courts & Ordinances, in that they have caused the ejection of her Ministry, dissi­pation of her Assemblies, and subversion of her pure Or­dinances. 7. Those that break union with such, to whom they were under obligations to adhere, are Schismatical dividers: But the Prelats and their Curats have broken Union with such to whom they were under obligations to adhere, both from the antecedent morally obliging duty, [Page 268] and from the superadded obligation of the Covenants, neither could they ever pretend any thing that might loose the obligation: 8. That party in a Reformed Church, which having overturned her Reformation, hath shut out, laid aside, & persecute away sound adherers thereunto, both Ministers & Professors, & will not admit Ministers to officiate but upon the sinful termes of complyance with their way, are Schismaticks: But the Prelats and their Curats are that party in this Reformed Church, which having overturned her Reformation, hath shut out, laid aside, and Persecute away sound adherers thereunto &c. Therefore they are the Schismaticks to be withdrawn from, and their way is the Schisme, which we are bound to extirpate in the Covenant.

HEAD. II. The Sufferings of many for Refusing to oune the Tyrants Authority vindicated.

THe other Grand Ordinance of God, Magistracy, which He hath in His Soveraign Wisdom, Justice, & Goodness, appointed, ordained, & consecrated, for the demonstration, illustration, & vindication of His oun Glory, and the Communication, Conservation, and Reparation of the Peace, safety, order, Liberty, and universal good of mankind, is next to that of the Ministry of Greatest Concern: wherein not only the Prudence, Policie, Propertie, & Libertie of men, but also the con­science, Duty, & Religion of Christians, have a special Interest. And therefore it is no less important, pertinent, profitable, & necessary for every one that hath any of these to care & contend for, keep or recover, to inquire into and understand somthing of the institution, constitution, nature, & boundaries of the Sacred ordinance of Magistracy, [Page 269] than into the holy ordinance of the Ministry; So far at least as may consist with the sphere of every ones Capacity & Station, and may conduce to the satisfaction of every ones conscience, in the discharge of the duties of their relations. Every private man indeed hath neither capacity, concern, nor necessity, to study the Politicks, or search into the se­crets, or Intrigues of Government, no more then he is to be versed in all the Administrations of Ecclesiastical Policy, and Interests of the Ministry: yet every mans Conscience is no less concerned, in distinguishing the Character of Gods Ministers of Justice, the Magistrats, to whom he owes & ounes allegiance, that they be not usurping Tyrants, evert­ing the Ordinance of the Magistracy; than in acknowledging the Character of Christs Ministers of the Gospel, to whom he owes & ounes obedience, that they be not usurping Prelats or Impostors, perverting the Ordinance of the Mi­nistry. The Glory of God is much concerned, in our ouning & keeping pure & intire, according to His will & word, both these Ordinances. And our Conscience as well as Interest is concerned in the advantage or hurt, profit or prejudice, of the right or wrong, observation or prevarication, of both these ordinances; being interested in the advantage of Magistracy, and hurt of Tyrannie in the State, as well as in the advantage of the Ministry, and hurt of Diocesan or Erastian Supremacy in the Church; in the advantage of Lt­berty, and hurt of slavery in the State, as well as in the ad­vantage of Religion and hurt of Profaneness in the Church; in the profit of Lawes and prejudice of Prerogative in the State, as well as in the profit of Truth and prejudice of Error in the Church; in the profit of Peace and true Loyalty, and prejudice of oppression and Rebellion in the State, as well as in the profit of Purity & Unity, and prejudice of Defection & Division or Schisme, in the Church. So that in Conscience, we are no more free to Prostitute our Loyalty & Liberty absolutely, in ouning every Possessor of the Magistracy; than we are free to Prosti­tute our Religion & faith implicitely, in ouning every Pre­tender to the Ministry. This may seem very Paradoxical to some, because so dissonant & dissentient from the vul­gar, [Page 270] yea almost Universal and invetrate opinion & Practice of the world, that hitherto hath not been so precise in the matter of Magistracy. And it may seem yet more strange, that not only some should be found to assert this; but that any should be found so strict and strait-laced, as to adven­ture upon suffering, and even to Death, for that which hath hitherto been seldom scrupled, by any that were forc­ed to subjection under a yoke, which they had no force to shake off, and wherein Religion seems litle or nothing concerned; for not ouning the authority of the present Possessors of the place of Government: which seems to be a Question not only excentrick & extrinsick to Religion, but such a State question, as for its thorny Intricacies & difficulties, is more proper for Politicians & Lawyers to dispute about (as indeed their debates about this head of Authority, have been as manifold & multiplied as about any one thing) than for Private Christians to search into, and suffer for, as a Part of their Testimony. But if we will cast off Prejudices, and the Tyrannie of Custom, and the bondage of being bound to the worlds Mind in our inqui­ries about Tyrannie, and suffer our selves to Ponder impar­tially the importance of this matter; And then to state the question right; We shall find Religion & Conscience hath no small interest in this business. They must have no snall Interest in it, if we consider the importance of this matter, either extensively, or objectively, or Subjectively. Exten­sively considered, it is the Interest of all mankind to know and be resolved in Conscience, whether the Government they are under be of Gods Ordination or of the Devils ad­ministration; whether it be Magistracy or Tyrannie; whe­ther it gives security for Religion & Liberty, to them­selves and their posterity, or whether it induces upon them­selves, and entails upon the posterity, slavery as to both these invaluable Interests; whether they have matter of praise to God for the blessings & mercies of Magistracy, or matter of Mourning for the plagues & miseries of Tyrannie, to the end they may know both the sins & snares, Duties & dangers, Case & Crisis, of the times they [...]ive in. All men that ever enjoyed the mercy of a right Constitute Ma­gistracy, [Page 271] have experienced, and were bound to bless God for the blessed fruits of it: And on the other hand, the world is full of the Tragical Monuments of Tyrannie, for which men were bound bath to search into the Causes, and see the effects of such plagues from the Lord, to the end they might mourn over both. And from the begining it hath been observed, that as Peoples sins have alwayes procured the Scourge of Tyrannie; So all their miseries might be refounded upon Tyrants encroachments, Usurping upon or betraying their Trust, and overturning Religion, Lawes, & Liberties. Certainly Mankind is concerned in point of Interest & Conscience, to inquire into the cause & Cure of this Epidemick distemper, that hath so long held the world in miserie, and so habitually, that now it is be­come as it were Natural to lye stupidly under it; that is, that old Ingrained Gangrene of the Kings Evil, or Com­plyance with Tyrannie; that hath long afflicted the King­doms of the world, and affected not only their backs in bearing the burden thereof; but thir hearts into a Lethargick stupor of insensibleness; and their heads in infatuating & intoxicating them with Notions of the Sacredness & incon­troulablness of Tyrannie; and their hands in infeebling and fettering them from all attempts to work a Cure: Or else it hath had another effect on many that have been sensible of a touch of it; even equivalent to that, which an ingenious Author Mr Gee in his Preface to the Divine right & Original of the Civil Magistrate (to which Mr Durham is not absonant) expounds to be the effect of the fourth vial, Rev. 16. 8, 9. when in these Dog-dayes of the world, power is given to the Sun of Imperial, especially Popish, Tyan­nie, by their exorbitant streaches of absolute Prerogative, to scorch men with fire of furious oppressions, they then blaspheme the Name of God which hath power over these Plagues, in their Mal-content Complaints, grumblings, grudgings, and Murmurings under the miserie, but they do not repent nor give Him Glory, in mourning over the causes pro­meriting such a Plague, and their oun accession in exposing themselves to such a scorching sun, nakedly without a Sconce. Certainly this would be the remedy that Con­science [Page 272] would suggest, and Interest would incite to, an endeavour either of allaying the heat, or of subtracting from it under a shelter, by declining the oblique Malignity of its Scorching rayes. But will the world never be a wake­ned out of this Dream & dotage, of Dull & stupid sub­jection to every Monster that can Mount a Throne? Sure at length it may be expected, either Conscience from with­in as Gods deputy, challenging for the palpable perver­sion of this His excellent Ordinance, Or Iudgments from without, making sensible of the effects of it, will convince & confute these old inveterate Prejudices. And then these Martyrs for that universal Interest of mankind, who got the fore-start and the first sight of this, will not be so flouted as fools, as now they are. And who knoweth, what Pre­lude or Preparative, fore-boding & presaging the doun fal of Tyranny, may be in its aspirings to this hight of arbitrary absoluteness, and in the many questions raised about it, and by them imposed upon Consciences to be resolved. If we consider the object of this question; as Conscience can only clear it, so in nothing can it be more concerned. It is that Great Ordinance of God, most signally impressed by a very Sacred & illustrious Character of the Glorious Majestie of the Most High, who hath appointed Magistracy; in which, considering either its fountain, or Dignity, ends, or effects, Conscience must have a very great Concern. The fountain or efficient cause of Magistracy, is high & sublime. The powers that are be of God, not only by the all disposing hand of God in His Providence, as Tyranny is, nor only by way of naked approbation, but by Divine institution; And that not only in the general, by at least a Secondary Law of Nature, but also the special investiture of it, in Insti­tution & Constitution, is from God; and therefore they are said to be ordained of God, to which Ordinance we must be subject, not only for wrath but also for Conscience sake; which is the Great Duty required in the fifth Command, the first Commandment with Promise; that hath the Priority of Place befor all the Second table, because the other Com­mandments respect each some one Interest, this hath a su­pereminent influence upon all. But Tyrannical powers are [Page 273] not of God in this sense. And it were Blasphemie to assert they were of the Lords Authorization, Conscience can­not bind to a subjection to this. Again the Dignity of Ma­gistracy, ordained for the maintenance of Truth & righ­teousness, the only foundations of peoples felicity, whe­ther temporal or eternal, including the bonds & bounda­ries of all obedience & subjection, for which they are in­tended & to which they refer, is supereminent; as that Epithet of higher added to the powers that are of God, may be ren­dered; making them high & sublime in Glory, whose highest prerogative is, that being Gods Ministers, they sit in the Throne of God, anointed of the Lord, judging not for man but for the Lord, as the Scripture speaks. To this Conscience is concerned in duty to render honour as due, by the Prescript of the fifth Commandment: but for Ty­ranny, Conscience is bound to deny it, because not due; no more than obedience, which Conscience dare not pay to a Throne of Iniqulty, and a Throne of the Devil, as Tyranny may be called as really as Magistracy is called the Throne of God. Next Conscience is much concerned in the ends of Magistracy, which are the Greatest, the Glory of God and the good of Mankind. And in the effects of it, the maintenance of Truth, Righteousness, Religion, Liberty, Peace, & Safety, and all choicest external bles­sings: But the ends & effects of Tyranny are quite Con­trary, Domineering for pleasure, and destroying for pro­fit. Can we think that Conscience is nothing Concerned here, that these great ends shall be subverted, and the effects precluded; and to that effect, that Tyrannie not only be shrouded under a Priviledge of impunity, but by our subjection & acknowledment of it, as a Lawful power, encouraged into all enormities, and Licensed to usurpe, not only our Liberties, but Gods Throne by an uncontroul­able Soveraignty? But if we Consider the subjective Con­cern of Conscience, it must be very great: when it is the only thing that prompts to subjection, that regulats sub­jection, and is a bottom for subjection to lawful powers. If it were not out of Conscience, men that are free born are naturally such Lovers of Liberty, and under Corruption [Page 274] such lusters after Licenciousness, that they would never come under the Order of this Ordinance, except constrain­ed for wraths sake: but now, understanding that they that resist the power resist the Ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to themselves Damnation, they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for Con­science sake. If Conscience were not exercised in regulating our duty to Magistrats, we would either obey none, or else would observe all their Commands promiscously, Lawful or unlawful, and would make no difference either of the matter commanded, or the power comman­ding: but now, understanding that we must obey God rather then man, and that we must render to all their dues, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour, Conscience regulats us what & whom to obey. And with­out conscience there is litle hope for Government to prove either beneficial or permanent: litle likelyhood of either a reall, regular, or durable subjection to it. The discern­ible standing of Government upon conscientious grounds, is the only thing that can bring in conscience, & a con­scientious submission to it; it being the highest & most kindly principle of, and the strongest & most lasting obli­gation to, any relative duty. It will not be Liberty of Con­science (as sayeth the late Declaration for it) but reality of con­science, and Government founded upon a bottom of con­science, that will Unite the Governed to the Governours by incli­nation as well as duty. And if that be, then there is needful a rule of Gods revealed preceptive will (the only Cynosure & Empress of conscience) touching the founding & erecting of Government, that it have the stamp of Gods Authority. It must needs then follow that conscience hath a very great concernment in this question in the General, and that before it be forced to an abandoning of its light in a matter of such moments, it will rather oblige people that are conscientious to suffer the worst that Tyrants can do; especially when it is imposed & obtruded upon con­scince, to give its suffrage & express acknowledment that the present Tyranny is the Authority of God, which is so visible in the view of all that have their eyes open, that the [Page 275] meanest capacity that was never conversant in Lawes & Politicks can give this verdict that the Constitution & admi­nistration of the Government of the tuo Royal Brothers, un­der whose burthen the earth and we have been groaning these 27 years past, hath been a compleat & Habitual Ty­ranny, and can no more be ouned to be Magistracy the [...] Robbery can be acknowledged to be a rightful possession. It is so plain, that I need not the help of Lawyers & Poli­ticians to demonstrate it, nor lanch into the Ocean of their endless debates in handling the head of Magistracy & Ty­rannie: yet I shall improve what help I find in our most approved Authors who have enlarged upon this Question (though not as I must state it) to dilucidate the matter in Thesi, and refer to the foregoing Deduction of the succes­sion of Testimonies against Tyranny, to clear it in Hypothesi. Whence we may see the occasion, and clearly gather the solution of the Question, which is this.

Whether a people, long oppressed with the encroachments of Ty­rants & Usurpers, may disoune their pretended Authority; & when imposed upon to acknowledge it; may rather chiefe to suffer than to oune it?

To clear this question: I shall first premit some conces­sions, and then come more formally to resolve it.

I. It must be granted the Question is extraordinary, and never so stated by any writer on this head; which makes it the more difficult, and odious, because odd & singular, in the esteem of those who take up opinions rather from the number of votes than from the weight of the reasons of the asserters of them. It will also be yeelded, that this was never a case of confession for Christians to suffer upon. And the reason of both is, because, before these seven years past, this was never imposed upon private & common subjects to give an account of their thoughts & conscience about the Lawfulness of the Government they lived under. Conquerers & Usurpers sometimes have demanded an acknowledgment of their Authority; from men of greatest note & stroke in the Countries they have seised: but they never since the Creation urged it upon common people, as a Test of Loyalty; but thought alwayes their Lawes, [Page 276] & power to execute them on offenders, did secure their subjection. Or otherwise to what purpose are Lawes made, and the execution of them committed to men in power, if they be not thought a sufficient fence for the Authority that makes them; except it also have the actual acknowledgment of the subjects to ratify it? Men that are really invested with Authority, would think it both a dis­paragment to their Authority, and would disdain such a suspicion of the questionableness of it, as to put it as a queston to the subjects, whether they ouned it or not. But the Gentlemen that rule us, have fallen upon a piece of un­precedented Policy: wherein they think both to involve the Nation in the guilt of their unparalelled Rebellion against the Lord, by ouning that Authority that promotes it, and so secure their Usurpations, either by the suffrage of all that oune them, or by the exstirpation of the Conscien­cious that dare not, with the odium & obli [...]uie of being enemies to Authority; by which Trick they think to bury the honour of their Testimony. Yet in sobriety without Prophecying it may be presumed, at the long run this pro­ject will prove very prejudicial to their Interest: and herein they may verify that Scots Proverb, ov'r fast ov'r loose, and accomplish these Divine sayings He disappointeth the devices of the Crafty, He taketh the wise in their oun Craftiness, and the Counsel of the froward is carried head long. For as they have put people upon this question, who would not other­wise have made such inquiries into it; and now finding they must be resolved in conscience to answer it, when ever they shall be brought before them; upon a very overly search, they see terrible Tyranny witten in legible bloody Characters almost on all administrations of the Govern­ment, and so come to be fixed in the verdict that their con­science & the word of God gives of it: So it may be thought, this question now started, for as despicable beginings it hath, yet ere it come to a ful & final Decision, will be more in­quired into through the world, and at length prove as fatal to Tyranny, as ever any thing could be, and then they may know whom to thank. But however though the question be extraordinary, and the sufferings thereupon be [Page 277] unprecedented; And therefore among other contradi­ctions, that may be objected, that neither in History nor Scripture we can find instances of private people their re­fusing to oune the Authority they were under, nor of their suffering for that refusal: yet nevertheless it may be duty without example. Many things may be done; though not against the Law of God, yet without a precedent of the prac­tice of the people of God. Though we could not adduce an example for it, yet we can gather it from the Law of God, that Tyranny must not be ouned, this will be equi­valent to a thousand examples. Every age in somethings must be a precedent to the following, and I think never did any age produce a more honourable precedent, than this begining to decline a yoke under which all ages have groaned.

2. It will be also granted, It is not always indispensablie necessarie, at all times. for a people to declare their dis­claim of the Tyranny they are under, when they cannot shake it off; nor, when they are staged for their duty be­fore wicked & Tyrannical Judges, is it always necessarie to disoune their pretended Authority positively; when either they are not urged with questions about it, then they may be silent in reference to that; or when they are imposed upon to give their judgment of it, they are not alwayes obliged, as in a case of confession, to declare all their mind, especially when such Questions are put to them with a manifest design to entrap their lives, or intangle their Conscience. All Truth is not to be told at all times; neither are all questions to be answered when impertinently interrogate, but may be both Cautiously & Conscienciously waved. We have Christs oun practice, & his faithful servant Pauls example, for a Pattern of such prudence & Chri­stian caution. But yet it were cruel & unchristian rigour, to censure such as out of a pious principle of zeal to God & conscience of duty, do freely & positively declare their judgment, in an absolute disouning of their pretended Au­thority, when posed with such Questions, though to the manifest detriment of their lives, they Conscienciously [Page 278] looking upon it as a case of confession. For where the Lord hath not peremptorily astricted His Confessors to such rules of prudence, but hath both promised and usually gives His Spirits Conduct, encouraging & animating them to boldness, so as before hand they should not take thought how or what they shall speak, and in that same hour they find it given them, it were presumption for us to stint them to our rules of prudence. We may indeed find rules to know, what is a case of confession; but hardly can it be determined, what Truth or duty we are questioned about is not, or may not be, a case of confession. And who can deny, but this may be in some circumstances a case of confession, even Positively to disoune the pretended Au­thority of a bloody Court or Council? when either they go out of their Sphere, taking upon them Christs Supre­macy, and the Cognizance of the concerns of His Croun, whereof they are Judges no ways Competent; then they must freely & faithfully be declined. Or when, to the dishonour of Christ, they blaspheme His Authority, and the Sacred boundaries▪ He hath prescribed to all humane Authority, and will assert an illimited absolute Authority, refusing & discharging all offered Legal & Scriptural re­strictions to be put thereupon (as hath been the case of the most part of these worthy though poor Martyrs, who have died upon this head) then they must think themselves bound to disoune it. Or when they have done some cruel indignity & despight to the Spirit of God, and to Christ His prerogative & Glory, and work of Reformation, and people, in murdering them without Mercy, and imposing this ouning of their King, by whose Authority all is acted, as a condemnation of these witnesses of Christ their Testi­mony, and a justification of their bloody cruelties against them, which hath frequently been the case of these poor people that have been staged upon this account: In this case, and several others of this sort that might be mention­ed, then they may be free & Positive in disouning this Test of wicked Loyaltie, as the mark of the Dragon of the secu­lar beast of Tyranny. And in many such cases, when the Lord gives the Spirit, I see no reason but that Christs wit­nesses [Page 279] must follow His Pattern of zeal in the case of confes­sion, which He witnessed before Pontius Pilate in asserting His oun Kingship, as they may in other cases follow His Pattern of Prudence. And why may we not imitate the zeal of Stephen, who called the Council before whom he was staged stiff necked resisters of the Holy Ghost, Persecuters of the Prophets, and betrayers & Murderers of Christ the Just one, as well as the Prudence of Paul? But however it be, the present Testimony against this pretended Autho­rity Lies in the Negative, which obliges alwayes, semper & ad semper; that is to say, we plead, that it must never be Ouned. There is a great difference between a Positive dis­ouning, and a not Ouning: though the first be not alwayes necessary, the Latter is the Testimony of the day, and a negative case of confession, which is allwise clearer than the Positive. Though we must not allwise confess every Truth, yet we must never deny any.

3. It is confessed, we are under this sad disadvantage besides others, that not only all our Brethren, groaning under the same yoke with us, will not take the same way of declining this pretended Authority, nor adventure when called to declare their judgment about it (which we do not condemn, as is said, and would expect from the rules of equity & charity, they will not condemn us, when we find our selves in conscience bound to use greater free­dom) But also some when they do declare their judgment, give it in termes condemnatory of, & contradictory unto our Testimony, in that they have freedom positively to oune this Tyranny, as Authority, and the Tyrant as their Lawful Soveraign. And many of our Ministers also are of the same mind. And further as we have few expressly asserting our part of the debate, as it is now stated: so we have many famous & learned divines expressly against, us in this point, as especially we find in their Comments upon Rom. 13. among whom I cannot dissemble my sorrow to find the great Calvin, saying, ‘saepe solent inquirere &c. men often inquire, by what right they have obtained their power who have the rule! It should be enough to us that they do govern, for they have not ascended to this [Page 280] eminency by their oun power, but are imposed by the hand of the Lord.’ As also Pareus saying too much against us. For answer to this I refer to Mr Knox his reply to Lithingtoun, producing several Testimonies of Divines against him upon this very same head; wherein he shewes, that the occasions of their Discourses & Circumstances wherein they were stated were very far different, from those that have to do with Tyrants & Usurpers, as indeed they that are most concerned and smart most under their scourge are in best case to speak to the purpose. I shall only say, Mens averment in a Case of Conscience is not an oracle, when we look upon it with an impartial eye, in the case wherein we are not prepossessed [...] it will bear no other value, than what is allayed with the imperfections of fallibility; and moreover is contradicted by some others, whose Testimony will help us as much to confirm our persuasion, as others will hurt us to infirm it.

4. But now when Tyrants go for Magistrats; lest my plea against ouning Tyranny, should be mistaken as if it were a pleading for Anarchy: I must assert, that I and all those I am vindicating are for Magistracy, as being of di­vine Original, institute for the common good of humane & Christian Societies, whereunto every soul must be subject, of whatsoever quality or Character, and not only for wrath but also for conscience sake (though as to our soul & conscience, we are not subject) which whosoever resisteth resisteth the ordinance of God, and against which Rebel­lion is a damnable sin, Whereunto (according to the fifth Commandment, and the many reiterated exhortations of the Apostles) we must be subject, and obey Magistrates, and submit ourselves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be unto the King as Supreme &c. And we account it a hateful brand of them that walk after the flesh, to despise Government, to be presumptuous, self willed, and not afrayed to speakevil of dignities and that they are filthy dreamers who despise Dominion & speakevil of dignities, and of those things which they know not. We allow the Magistrate, in whatsoever form of Govern­ment all the power the Scripture, Lawes of Nature or [Page 281] Nations, or Municipal do allow him: Asserting that he is the keeper & avenger of both the Tables of the Law, hav­ing a power over the Church as well as the state suited to his Capacity, that is; not formally Ecclesiastical but objecti­vely for the Churches good; an external power, of Providing for the Church, & Protecting her from outward violence, or in ward disorder; an imperate power, of commanding all to do their respective duties; a Civil power of Punishing all, even Church officers, for Crimes; a Secundary power of Judicial approbation or condemnation, or discretive, in order to give his Sanction to Synodical results; a Cumu­lative power, assisting & strengthening the Church in all her Priviledges, subservient though not servill, Coordinate with Church power not Subordinate (though as a Christian he is subject) in his oun affairs, to wit Civil, not to be declined as Judge, but to be obeyed in all things Lawful, and honoured & strengthened with all his dwes. We would give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars, and to God the things that are Gods But to Tyrants, that usurpe & pervert both the things of God & of Cesar, and of the peoples Li­berties, we can render none of them, neither Gods, nor Cesars, nor our oun; Nor can we from conscience give him any other deference, but as an enemy to all, even to God, to Cesar, & the people. And in this, though it doth not sound now with Court parasites, nor with others that are infected with Royal Indulgences & Indemnities, we bring forth but the transumpt of old Principles, according to which our fathers walked when they still contended for Religion & Liberty, against the attemptings & aggressions of Tyranny against both.

5. It must be conceded, it is not an easie thing to make a man in the place of Magistracy a Tyrant. For as every escape, error, or act of unfaithfulness, even known & continued in, whether in a Ministers entry to the Mini­stry, or in his Doctrine, doth not unminister him, nor give sufficient ground to withdraw from him, or reject him as a Minister of Christ: So neither does every enor­mity, misdemeanure, or act of Tyranny, Injustice, per­fidie, or profanity in the Civil Magistrate, whether as to [Page 282] his way of entry to that office, or in the execution of it, or in his private or personal behaviour, denominate him a Tyrant or usurper, or give sufficient ground to divest him of Magistratical power, and reject him as the Lawful Ma­gistrate. It is not any one or tuo Acts contrary to the Royal Covenant or office, that doth denude a man of the Royal dignity, that God & the people gave him: David commit­ted tuo acts of Tyranny, Murder & Adultery; yet the people were to acknowledge him as their King (and so it may be said of some others, ouned still as Kings in Scrip­ture) the reason is, because though he sinned against a man or some particular persons, yet he did not sin against the State, and the Catholick good of the Kingdom, subver­ting Law; for then he would have turned Tyrant, and ceased to have been Lawful King. There is a great diffe­rence between a Tyrant in act, and a Tyrant in habit, the first does not cease to be a King. But on the other hand, as every thing will not make a Magistrate to be a Tyrant: So nothing will make a Tyrant habitu, a Magistrate. And as every fault will not unminister a Minister; So some will oblige the people to reject his Ministry, as if he turn He­retical, & Preach Atheisme, Mahumetanisme, or the like, the people, though they could not formally depose him, or through the corruption of the times could not get him deposed; yet they might reject & disoune his Ministry: So it will be granted, that a people have more power in crea­ting a Magistrate than in making a Minister, and Conse­quently they have more right and may have more light in disouning a King, as being unkinged; than in disouning a Minister, as being un-ministerd. It will be necessary there­fore, for clearing our way, to fix upon some ordinary Characters of a Tyrant, which may discriminate him from a Magistrate, and be ground of disouning him as such. I shall rehearse some, from very much approved Authors; the application of which will be as apposite to the tuo Brothers, that we have been burthened with, as if they had intended a particular & exact description of them. ‘Buchanan de jure regni apud Scotos Shewes that the word Tyran [...] was at first [Page 283] honourable, being attributed to them that had the full power in their hands, which power was not astricted by any bonds of Lawes, nor obnoxious to the Cognition of Judges, and that it was the usual denomination of Heroes, and thought at first so honourable that it was attri­bute to the Gods: But as Nero & Iudas were sometimes among the Romans & Iewes names of greatest account, but afterwards by the faults of tuo men of these names, it came to pass that the most flagitious would not have these names given to their Children; So in process of time, Rulers made this name so infamous by their wicked deeds, that all men abhorred it as contagious & Pesti­lentious, and thought it a more light reproach to be called a hangman then a Tyrant. Thereafter he Condiscends upon several Characters of a Tyrant. 1. He that doth not receive a Government by the will of the people, but by force invadeth it, or intercepteth it by fraud, is a Tyrant; and who domineers even over the unwilling (for Rex vo­lentibus Tyrannus invitis imperat) and procures the Supreme rule without the peoples Consent, even though for seve­ral years they may so govern, that the people shall not think it irksome.’ Which very well aggrees with the pre­sent Gentleman that rules over us, who, after he was by publick vote in Parliament secluded from the Govern­ment, of which the standing Lawes of both Kingdoms made him incapable for his Murthers, Adulteries, & Ido­latries, by force & fraud did intercept first an Act for His Succession in Scotland, and then the actual Succession in England, by blood & treacherie usurping & intruding him­self into the Government, without any Compact with, or Consent of the people; though now he studies to make himself like another Syracusan Hiero, or the Florentine Cosino­do Medices, in a mild Moderation of his usurped power, but the West of England, and the West of Scotland both, have felt the force of it. 2. ‘Tyrannus non civibus sed sibi gerit im­perium, neque publicae utilitatis sed suae voluptatis rationem ha­bet &c. He does not govern for the subjects well-fare or publick ultility but for himself, having no regard to that but to his oun lust; Acting in this like robbers, who cun­ningly [Page 284] disposing of what wickedly they have acquired, do seek the praise of Justice by injury, & of Liberality by robbery; So he can make some shew of a Civil mind, but so much the less assurance gives he of it, that it is manifest he intends not thereby the subjects good, but the greater security of his oun lusts, and stability of empire over po­sterity, having some what Mitigated the peoples hatred, which when he hath done he will turn back again to his old manners, for the fruit which is to follow may easily be known both by the seed and by the sower there­of.’ An exact Copy of this we have seen within these tuo years, as oft before in the rule of the other Brother. After God hath been robbed of His prerogatives, the Church of her Priviledges, the State of its Lawes, the Sub­jects of their Libertie & property, he is now affecting the praise & captating the Applause of tenderness to con­science, and Love of Peace, by offering now Liberty after all his Cruelties; wherein all the thinking part of men do dis­cern he is prosecuting that hellish Project, introducing Popery & slaverie; and overturning Religion, Law, & Liberty. 3. ‘Regium imperium secundum Naturam est, Ty­rannicum contra, Regium Liberi inter Liberos est Principatus, Tyrannus domini in servas &c. Tyranny is against Nature, and a Masterly Principality over slaves. Can he be called a father, who accounts his subjects slaves? or a Shepherd, who does not feed but devours his flock? or a Pilot, who doth allwise study to make shipwrack of the goods, and strikes a leak in the very ship where he sails? what is he then that bears Command, not for the peoples advan­tage, but studies only himself, who leadeth his subjects into manifest snares? he shall not verily be accounted by me either Commander.’ Emperour, or Governour? King Iames the 6th also, in a speech to the Parliament anno 1609. makes this one Character of a Tyrant, when he be­gins to invade his subjects rights & Liberties. And if this be true, then we have not had a King these many years: the fore­going deduction will demonstrate, what a slavery we have been under. 4. Quid qui non de virtute certet c [...]m bonis &c. ‘What is he then, who doth not contend for vertue with [Page 285] the good, but to exceed the most flagitious in vices? If yow see then any usurping the Royal name, and not ex­celling in any virtue, but striving to exceed all in base­ness, not tendering his subjects good with native affect­ion, but pressing them with proud domination, esteem­ing the people committed to his trust not for their safegaurd but for his oun gain; will yow imagine this man is truly a King, albeit he vapours with a numerous Lieveguard, and makes an ostentation of gorgeous Pomp?’ The learned Althusius likewise in his Politicks cap. 38. Num. 15. (as He is cited by Ius Populi chap. 16. Pag. 347.) makes this one Character of a Tyrant, that ‘liveing in Luxury, whoredome, greed, & idleness, he neglecteth or is un­fit for his office.’ How these suite our times we need not ex­press; what effrontry of impudence is it, for such monsters to pretend to rule by virtue of any Authority derived from God, who pollute the world with their Adulteries & In­cests, and Live in open defyance of all the Lawes of the universal King; with whom to exceed in all villanies is the way to purchase the Countenance of the Court, and to aspire to preferment? No Heliogabulus &c. could ever come up the length in wickedness, that our Rulers have pro­fessed. 5. Omnium vim Legum in se transferre &c. ‘He can transfer unto himself the strength of all Lawes, and abrogate them when he pleases.’ King Iames the 6. in that fore-cited speech saith, a King degenerateth into a Tyrant when he leaveth to rule by Law. Althusius also loc. cit. saith, ‘there is one kind of Tyranny which consisteth in violating, changing, or removing of fundamental Lawes, specially such as concern Religion; such, saith he, Philip the King of Spain, who, contrare to the fundamental Belgick Lawes, did erect an administration of Justice by force of armes; and such was Charles the 9th of France, that thought to overturn the Salicque Law.’ All that knoweth what hath been done in Britain these 27 years, can attest our Lawes have been subverted, the Reformation of Religion over­turned, and all our best Lawes rescinded; and now the Penal Statuts against Papists disabled & stopped, without & against Law. 6. Ad suum eum unius nutum omnia &c. [Page 286] ‘He can revoke all things to his nod at his pleasure.’ This is also one part of King Iames the 6 his Character of a Ty­rant, when he sets upon arbitrary power. And of ‘Althusius loc. cit. when he makes use of an absolute Power, and so breaks all bonds for the good of humane Society.’ We allow a King an absolute power taken in a good sense, that is, he is not subaltern nor subordinate to any other Prince; but supreme in his oun dominions: or if by absolute be meant Perfect, he is most absolute that governs best according to the word of God. But if it be to be Legibus solutus, loosed from all Lawes, we thinke it blasphemy to ascribe it to any Creature. Where was there ever such an arbitrary & abso­lute power arrogated by any Mortal, as hath been claimed by our Rulers these years past? especially by the present Usurper, who, in this Liberty of conscience now granted to Scotland, assumes to himself an absolute power which all are to obey without reserve, which carries the subjects slavery many stages beyond what ever the Grand Seigneur did at­tempt. ‘7. Tyranno—ad cives opprumendos &c. For by a Tyrant strangers are imployed to oppress the subjects; They place the establishment of ther Authority in the peoples weakness, and think that a Kingdom is not a Procuration concredited to them by God, but rather a prey fallen into their hands; Such are not joined to us by any Civil bond, or any bond of humanity, but should be accounted the most Capital enemies of God and of all men.’ King Iames ub, supra sayes, he is a Tyrant that imposes un Lawful Taxes, raises forces, makes war upon his subjects, to Pil­lage, Plnnder, wast, & spoil his Kingdoms. Althusins ubi supra ‘makes a Tyrant, who by immoderate exactions, and the like, exhausts the subjects, and cites Scripture Ier. 22. 13. 14. Ezek. 34. 1 King. 12. 19. Psal. 14. 4.’ It is a famous saying of Bracton, He is no longer King; then dum bene regit, while he rules well, but a Tyrant when-soever he oppresseth the people that are trusted to his Care & Government. And Cicero sayes, amittitis omne exceritus & imperit jiu, qui eo imperio & exercit [...] Rempublicans oppugnat. He loseth all legal power in & over an Army or Empire, who by that Government & army does obstruct the wel-fare of that republick. What oppressions & ex­actions [Page 287] by armed force our Nation hath been wasted with, in part is discovered above. 8. Althusius in the place above quoted, makes this an other mark, when he ‘keepeth not his faith & promise, but despiseth his very oath made unto the people.’ What shall we say of him then, who not only brake but burnt, and made it Criminal to assert the obligation of the most solemnly transacted Covenant with God and with the people, that ever was entered into, who yet upon these termes of keeping that Covenant only was admitted to the Government? And what shall we say of his Brother succeeding, who disdains all bonds, whose professed principle is, as a Papist to keep no faith to Here­ticks? 9. In the same place he makes this on Character: ‘a Tyrants is he, who takes away from one or moe mem­bers of the common wealth the free exercise of the Or­thodox Religion,’ And the Grave Author of the ‘Impar­tial inquiry into the administration of affairs in England, doeth as­sert pag. 3, 4. whensoever a Prince becomes depraved to that degree of wickedness, as to apply & employ his power & Interest, to debauch & withdraw his subjects from their fealty & obedience to God, or sets himself to extirpate that Religion which the Lord hath revealed & appointed to be the rule of our living & the means of our happiness, he doth ipso facto depose himself, and instead of being ouned any longer for a King, ought to be treated as a Rebel & Traiter against the Supreme & Universal So­veraign.’ This is the perfect Protracture of our Princes; the former of which, declared an open war against Religion & all that professed it; and the Latter did begin to prosecute it with the same cruelty of persecution, and yet continues without relenting against us; though to others he tole­rates it under the Notion of a Crime, to be for the present dispensed with, until he accomplish his design. 10. Ibid. he tells us, that for corrupting of youth ‘he erecteth stage plages, Whore-houses, & other Play-houses, and suf­fers the Colledges & other Seminaries of Learning to be corrupted.’ There was never more of this in any age, than in the conduct of our Court, which like another Sodom profess it to be their design to debauch mankind in to all [Page 288] villanies, and to poison the fountains of all learning & vir­tue, by intruding the basest of men into the place of teach­ers, both in Church & University, and precluding all ac­cess to honest men. 11. Further he sayes, ‘he is a Ty­rant who doth not defend his subjects from injuries when he may, but suffereth them to be oppressed’ (and what if he oppress them himself?) It was one of the Lawes of Edward the Confessor, Quod si Rex desit officio, nomen Regis in eo non constabit. If the King fail in the discharge of his Trust & office, he no longer deserves nor ought to enjoy that name. What name do they deserve then, who not only fail in the duty of defending their subjects, but send out their Lictors & bloody Executioners to oppress them, nei­ther will suffer them to defend themselves! But Althusius makes a distinct Character of this. 12. Then in fine, he must certainly be a Tyrant, who will not suffer the people, by themselves nor by their Representatives, to maintain their oun rights, neither by Law nor force: for, sayeth my Author Forecited, ‘he is a Tyrant who hindereth the free suffrages of members of Parliament, so that they dare not speak what they would; And chiefly he who takes away from the people all power to resist his Tyranny, as Armes, strengths, & chief men, whom therefore though innocent he hateth, afflicteth, & perse­cuteth, exhausts their goods & livelyhoods, without right or reason.’ All know that our blades have been all alongs enemies to Parliaments; and when their Interest forced to call them, what means were used always to pacque & pre­limit them and over-aw them, and how men who have faithfully discharged their trust in them have been prose­cuted with the hight of envy & fury, and many murthered thereupon; And how all the armed force of the Kingdoms have been inhanced into their hand, and the people kept so under foot, that they have been rendered incapable either to defend their oun from intestine Usurpers, or for­reign Invaders. All that is said amounts to this, that when ever men in power do evert & subvert all the ends of Go­vernment, and intrude themselves upon it, and abuse it, to the hurt of the Common wealth, and the destruction of [Page 289] that for which Government was appointed; They are then Tyrants, and cease to be Magistrates. To this purpose I shall here append the words of that forecited Ingenious Author of the ‘Impartial Enquirie Pap. 13. 14. There can be nothing more evident from the light of reason as well as Scripture, than that all Magistracy is appointed for the benefite of mankind and the common good of Societies: God never gave any one power to reign over others for their destruction (unless by His providence where He had de­voted a people for their sins to ruine) but on whomsoever He confers Authority over Cities or Nations, it is with this Conditional Proviso & Limitation, that they are to Promote their Prosperity & good, and to study their de­fence & Protection: All Princes are thus far Pactional—And whosoever refuseth to perform this fundamen­tal condition, he degrades & deposes himself, nor is it rebellion in any to resist him; whensoever Princes ceases to be for the common good, they answer not the end they were instituted unto, and cease to be what they were chosen for.’

6. It will not be denyed but when the Case is so circum­stantiate, that it would require the arbitration of judgment to determine whether the King be a Tyrant or not, that then people are not to disoune him: for if it be a question, whe­ther the people be really robbed of their rights & Liberties, and that the King might pretend as much reason to com­plain of the people their doing indignity to his Soveraignty, as they might of his Tyranny; Then it were hard for them to assume so for the umpirage of their oun Cause, as to make themselves absolute judges of it, and forth with to reject his Authority upon these debateable grounds. But the Case is not so with us: no Place being left for doubt or debate, but that our fundamental rights & Liberties Civil & Religious are overturned, and an absolute Tyranny exactly Characterized as above is established on the ruines thereof. Hence we have not disouned the pretended Authority, because we judged it was Tyrannical, but because it was really so. Our discretive judgment in the case was not our rule, but it was our understanding of the rule, by which [Page 290] only we could be regulated and not by the understanding of another, which cannot be better nor so good of our grie­vances, which certainly we may be supposed to understand best our selves, and yet they are such as are understood every where. To the question then, who shall be Judge between these Usurping & Tyrannizing Rulers & us? we answer briefly & plainly, We do not usu [...]p a judgment in the case, pretending no more Authority over them in our private Capacity than we allow them to have over us, that is none at all? Nor can we admit that they should be both Judges & party; for then they might challenge that prero­gative in every case, and strengthen themselves in an in­controllable immunity & impunity to do what they plea­sed. But we appeal to the fundamental Lawes of the King­dom, aggreeable to the word of God, to Judge, and to the whole world of impartial Spectators to read & pro­nounce the judgment. ‘L [...]x Rex Quest. 24. Pag. 213. sayeth in answer to this: There is a Court of Necessity no less than a Court of Justice; And the fundamental Lawes must then speak, and it is with the people in this extremity as if they had no ruler. And as to the doubtsomness of these Lawes he sayeth (1) As the Scriptures in all fundamentals are clear▪ & expone themselves, & actu primo condemn Heresies: So all Lawes of men in their fundamentals, which are the Law of Nature & Nations, are clear (2) Tyranny is more visible & intelligible than Heresie, and its soon discerned—The people have a Natural Throne of Policy in their conscience, to give warning, & ma­terially sentence against the King as a Tyrant—where Tyranny is more obscure; and the thread smal that it escape the eye of man, the King keepeth Possession, but I deny that Tyranny can be obscure long.’

7. I shall grant that many things are yeeldable even to a Grassant Dominator, & Tyrannical Occupant of the place of Magistracy, as 1. There may be some cases, wherein its Lawful for a people to yeeld subjection to a Law­less Tyrant, when groaning under his overpouring yoke, under which they must patiently bear the in [...]nation of the Lord, because they have sinned against Him, until He [Page 291] arise & plead His oun Cause & execute judgment in the earth (Mic. 7. 9.) until which time they must kiss the rod as in the hand of God, and oune & adore the holyness & Soveraignty of that Providence that hath subjected them under such a slavery; and are not to attempt a violent ejection or excussion, when either the thing attempted is altogether impracticable, or the means & manner of ef­fectuating it dubious & unwarrantable, or the necessary Concomitants & consequents of the cure more hurtful or dangerous than the disease, or the like. As in many cases also a man may be subject to a robber prevailing against him: So we find the people of Israel in Egyt & Babylon &c. yeelded subjection to Tyrants. But in this case we deny two things to them (1) Allegiance or active & voluntary sub­jection, so as to oune them for Magistrats (2) Stupid Passive obedience, or suffering without resistence. For the first, we owe it only to Magistrats, by virtue of the Law either Ordinative of God, or Constitutive of man. And it is no Argument to infer; as a mans subjecting himself to a Robber assaulting him, is no soild proof of his approving or acknowledging the injury & violence committed by the robber, therefore a Persons yeelding subjection to a Ty­rant a Publick robber does not argue his acknowledging or approving his Tyranny & oppression. For, the subjection that a Tyrant requires, and which a Robber requires, is not of the same nature: the one is Legal of subjects, which we cannot oune to a Tyrant; the other is forced of the sub­dued, which we must acknowledge to a Robber. But to make the Paralell; If the Robber should demand, in our subjecting our selves to him, an ouning of him to be no robber but an honest man, as the Tyrant demands in our subjecting our selves to him in ouning him to be no Tyrant but a Magistrate, then we ought not to yeeld it to the one no more than to the other. For the Second, to allow them Passive obedience is in-intelligible Non-sense, & a meer Con­tradiction: for nothing thats meerly passive can be obedien­ce as relative to a Law, nor can any obedience be meer­ly passive, for obedience is always active. But not only is the inaccuracy of the Phrase excepted against, but also that [Page 292] position maintained by many, that in reference to a yoke of Tyranny there is a time which may be called the proper season of suffering, that is, when suffering (in opposition to acting or resisting) is a necessary & indispensible duty, and resisting is a sin: For if the one be an indispensible duty, the other must be a sin at the same time: But this cannot be admitted. For, though certainly there is such a season of suffering, wherein suffering is Lawful, laudable & ne­cessary, and all must lay their account with suffering, and litle else can be attempted but which will encrease suffe­rings; yet even then we may resist as well as we can: and these two, Resistence & Suffering at the same time, are not incompatible: David did bear most patiently the in­jury of his Sons usurpation, when he said, let the Lord do to me as seemeth Him good 2 Sam. 15. 26. ch. 10. 12. and be­taketh himself to fervent prayers Psal. 3. and yet these were not all the weapons he used against him, Neither did he ever oune him as a Magistrate. We are to suffer all things patiently as the Servants of the Lord, and look to Him for Mercy & relief (Psal. 123. 2.) but we are not obliged to suffer even in that season, as the slaves of men. Again, suffering in opposition to resistence, does never fall under any moral Law of God, execept in the absolutely extra­ordinary Case of Christs passive obedience, which cannot fall under our deliberation or imitation; Or in the case of a positive Law, as was given to the Iewes to submit to Ne­buchadnezzar, which was express & peculiar to them, as shall be cleared. That can never be commanded as in­dispensible duty, which does not fall under our free will or deliberation, but the enemies will as the Lord permits them, as the Case of suffering is. That can never be indis­pensible duty which we may decline without sin, as we may do suffering if we have not a call to it; yea in that case it were sin to suffer, therefore in no case it can be formally indispensibly commanded, so as we may not shift it if we can without sin. Suffering simply the evil of punishment, just or unjust, can never be a conformity to Gods pre­ceptive Will but only to His Providential disposal, it hath not voluntas signi for its rule, but only voluntas beneplaciti. [Page 293] All the Commands that we have for suffering, are either to direct the manner of it, that it be Patiently & Chearfully, when forced to it wrongfully 1 Pet. 2. 19, 20. or Compa­ratively to determine our choise in an unavoidable alternati­ve, either to suffer or sin: and so we are commanded rather to suffer than to deny Christ, Math. 13. 33. and we are commanded upon these termes to follow Christ to take up His Cross, when He layes it on in His Providence Math. 16. 24. See at length this cleared Lex rex Q. 30. Pag. 317-320. otherwise in no case subjection even Passive can be a duty; for it is allwise to be considered under the notion of a plague, Judgment, & Curse to be complained of as a burden, never to be ouned as a duty to Magistrats. As we find the Lords, people resenting it as a servitude, under which they were servants even in their oun Land, which did yeeld increase unto the Kings whom the Lord had set over them because of their sins, Neh. 9. 36. 37. 2. In diverse cases there may be some Complyance with a meer occupant, that hath no right to reign; as upon this account the Noble Marquis of Argyle and Lord waristoun suffered for their Complyance with the Usurper Cromuel. Such may be the warrantableness, or goodness, or necessity, or profitableness of a Complyance, when people are by Pro­vidence brought under a yoke which they cannot shake off, that they may part with some of their Priviledges for the avoidance of the loss of the rest, and for the conveniency & profit, peace & safety of themselves and their Countrey, which would be in hazard if they did not comply; they may do whatsoever is due from them to the Publick weal, what soever is an office of their station or place, or which they have any other way a call unto, whatsoever may make for their oun honest interest, without wronging others or the Countries Liberties in their transactions with these Powers, even though such a Complyance may be occa­sionally to the advantage of the Usurpers: Seeing good & necessary actions are not to be declined for the ill effects that are accidental to them, and arise from the use which others make of them. But though this may be yeelded in some cases to such Usurpers, especially Conquerers, that [Page 294] have no right of occupying the empire, but are Capable of it by derivation from the peoples consent: yet it must not be extended to such Usurpers as are also Tyrants, that have no right of their oun, nor are capable of any, and that overturn all rights of subjects. To such we can yeeld no Complyance, as may infer either transacting with them, or ouning them as Magistrates. We find indeed the Saints enjoyed Places under these, who were not their Magi­strates; as Nehemiah, & Mordecai, and Esther was Queen to Ahaswerus. But here was no Complyance with Tyrants (for these Heathens were not such) only some of them were extraordinary Persons, raised up by an extraordinary spirit, for extraordinary ends, in extraordinary times, that can­not be brought to an ordinary rule, as Esthers Mariage; and all of them in their places kept the Law of their God, serv­ed the work of their generation, defiled not themselves with their Customes, acted against no good, and engaged to no evil, but by their Complyance promoted the well­fare of their Countrey, as Argyle & waristoun did under Cromuel. Again, we find they payed Custom to them, as Neh. 9. 36. 37. and we read of Augustus his taxation uni­versally complyed with Luk. 2. 1-5. and Christ payd it. This shall be more fully answered afterwards. Here I shall only say (1) It can never be proven that these were Tyrants. (2) Christ Paid it with such a Caution, as Leaves the title unstated; not for conscience (as tribute must be paid to Magistrats Rom. 13. 5, 6.) but only that he might not offend them (3) Any other instances of the Saints taxations are to be judged forced acts, badges of their bondage, which if they had been exacted as tests of their allegiance, they would not have yeelded. Strangers also, that are not sub­jects, use to pay Custom in their trafficquing, but not as tests of their allegiance. 3. There may be also in some cases obe­dience allowed to their Lawful Commands, because of the Lawfulness of the thing commanded, or the coincidency of another Just & obliging Authority commanding the same. We may do many things Tyranno Iubente which he com­mands, and Tyranno premente which he enforces, and many things also ipso sou volente seu nolente whether he will or not [Page 295] But we must do nothing Tyranni jussu upon the considera­tion of his Command, in the acknowledgment of obe­dience due by virtue of Allegiance, which we oune of Conscience to a Lawful Magistrate. We must do nothing which may seem to have an accessoriness to the Tyrants unlawful occupancy, or which depends only on the war­rant of his Authority to do it, or may entrench on the Di­vine Institution of Magistracy, or bring us into a Participa­tion of the Usurpers sin. In these cases we can neither yeeld obedience in Lawful things, nor in unlawful: ‘Nor can we oune absolute subjection, no more then we can oune absolute obedience; for all subjection is enjoined in order to obedience: And to plead for a Priviledge in point of obedience, and to disclaim it in point of subjection, is only the flattery of such, as having renounced with con­science all distinction of obedience, would divest others of all priviledges, that they may exercise their Tyranny without Controll. Napthali pag. 28. prior edit. 4.’ There may be Addresses made, to such as are not rightful Pos­sessors of the Government, for justice, or mercy, or re­dress of some intollerable grievances, without scruple of accepting that which is materially justice or mercy, or seeking them at the hand of any who may reach them out to us, though he that conveyes them to us be not interested in the umpirage of them. Thus we find Ieremiah supplicated Zedekiah for mercy, not to return to prison: and Paul ap­pealed to Cesar for justice. But in these Addresses, we may not acknowledge the wicked Lawes that brought on these grivances, nor conceal the wickedness no more than the miserie of them which we have endured, nor may we oune the Legal power of them that we address to take them off, nor signify any thing, in the matter or manner of our Re­presentations, that may either import a declining our Testimony for which we have suffered these grievances, or a contradiction to our declinature of their pretended Authority: Only we may remonstrate what cruelties we have endured, and how terrible it will be to them to be guilty of, or accessory to our blood in not pitying us; which was all that Ieremiah did. And as for Pauls appeal, we find [Page 296] he was threatened to be murdered by his Countrey-men Act. 23. 14. from whose hands he was rescued, & brought before the judicatory of Festus the Roman deputy, not vo­luntarely; thence also they sought to remand him to Ieru­salem, that they might kill him Act. 25. 3. whereupon he demands in justice that he might not be delivered to his accusers & Murderers, but claims the benefite of the Heathens oun Law, by that appeal to Cesar. which was the only constrained expedient of saving his oun life Act. 28. 19. by which also he got an opportunity to witness for Christ at Rome. But as shall be cleared further afterwards; Cesar was not an Usurper over Iudea: which not obscurely is insinuated by Paul himself, who asserts, that both his person, & his Cause Criminal of which he was accused (it was not an Ecclesiastical Cause, & so no advantage hence for the Supremacy) appertained to Cesars Tribunal, and that not only in fact but of right Act. 25. 10. I stand at Cesars judgment seat where I ought to be judged. We cannot say this of any tribunal, senced in the name of them that Tyrannize over us. 5. I will not stand neither upon the Names & Titles of Kings &c. to be given to Tyrants & Usurpers, in speaking to them or of them, by way of appellation or compellation: for we find even Tyrants are called by these names in Scripture, being Kings de fact [...] though not dejure, and indeed not impertinently Kings & Tyrants for the most part are reciprocal termes. But in no case can we give them any Names or Titles, which may signify our love to them whom the Lord hates or [...] hate the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 2. or which may flatter them, which Elihu durst not give, for fear his Maker should take him away Iob. 32. 22. or which may be taken for honouring of them, for that is not due to the vile [...] of men when exalted never so high Psal. 12. ult: a vile person must be contemned in our eyes Psal. 15. 4. Nor which may any way import or infer an ouning of a Magistratical relation between them & us, or any Covenant transaction or Confederacy with them, which in no termes with them as such we will say or oune Isa. 8. 12. Hence many sufferers upon this head so bear to give them their Titles.

[Page 297] 8. It will be yeelded very readily by us, that a Magi­strate is not to be disouned meerly for his differing in Religion from us, yea though he were a Heathen. We do not dis­oune our pretended Rulers meerly upon that account, but chearfully do grant & subscribe to that Truth, in our Con­fession of faith chap. 23. § 4. That Infidelity or difference in Re­ligion, doth not make void the Magistrates just & Legal Autho­rity, nor free the people from their due obedience to him: On which our Adversaries have insulted, as if our Principles & Prac­tices were therby disproved. But it is easy to answer 1. let the words be considered; and we are confident, that ‘no sober man will think, the acknowledgment of just & legal Authority & due obedience, a rational ground to infer, that Tyranny is thereby either allowed or privi­ledged, Napth. Pag. 60. Prior Edition. 2.’ Though In­fidelity or difference of Religion does not make void Authority where it is Lawfully invested; yet it may inca­pacitate a person, and Lawfully seclude him from Autho­rity, both by the word of God, which expressly forbids to set a Stranger over us who is not our brother Deut. 17. 15. Which includes as well a stranger of a strange Religion as one of a strange Countrey, and by the Lawes of the Land, which do incapitate a Papist of all Authority, Supreme or subordinate. And so if this Iames the 7/2 had been King be­fore he was a Roman Catholick, if we had no more to object, we should not have quarrelled his succession. 3. We both give & grant all that is in the Confession, viz. Dominium non fundari in gratia, that Dominion is not founded on Grace. Yet this remains evident, that a Prince who not only is of another religion, but an avowed enemy to & overturner of the Religion established by Law, and intending & endea­vouring to introduce a false, heretical, blasphemous, & Ido­latrous religion, can claim no just & legal Authority, but in this case the people may very Lawfully decline his pre­tended Authority; Nay they are betrayers of their Countrey & Posterity, if they give not a timeous & effectual Check to his Usurpings, and make him sensible that he hath no such Authority. Can we imagine, that men in the whole of that blessed work so remarkably led of God, being convocate [Page 298] by a Parliament of the wisest & worthyest men that ever was in England, whom they did encourage, by writing, & preaching, & every way to stand fast in their opposi­tion to the then King displaying a banner for his preroga­tive (a court dream) against Religion & Liberty; should be so far left, as to drop that as a principle & part of our Re­ligion, which would sacrifice Religion it self to the lust of a raging Tyrant? Must we beleeve, that a Religion-destroying Tyrant is a righteous Ruler? And must we onne him to be a Nursing father to the Church? Shall we con­clude that the common bounds & Limits, whereby the Almighty hath bounded & Limited Mankind, are re­moved by an Article of our confession of faith, which here­by is turned into a Court creed? Then welcome Hobs de Cive, with all the rest of Pluto's train, who would bable us into a belief, that the world is to be governed according to the pleasure of wicked Tyrants. I would fain hope at length the world would be awakened out of such ridicu­lous dreams, & be ashamed any more to oune such fooleries. And it may be, our two Royal Brothers have contributed more to cure men of this Moral madness, than any who went before them. And this is the only advantage, I know, that the Nations hath reaped by their reign.

9. Though we deny that Conquest can give a just Title to a Croun; yet we grant in some cases, though in the be­gining it was unjust yet by the peoples after consent it may be turned into a just Title. It is undenyable, when there is just ground of the war; if a Prince subdue a whole Land, who have justly forfeited their Liberties, when by his grace he preserves them, he may make use of their right now forefeited, and they may resign their Liberty to the Conque­ror, and consent that he be their King upon fair & Legal & not Tyrannical conditions. And even when the war is not just, but successful on the invading Conquerours side, this may be an inducement to the Conquered, if they be indeed free and uningaged to any other, to a submission, dedition, & delivery up of themselves to be the subjects of the victor, and to take him for their Soveraign: as it is like the case was with the Jewes in Cesars time, whose Go­vernment [Page 299] was translated by dedition to the Roman power; in the translation when a doing there was a fault, but after it was done it ceased; though the begining was wrong, there was a post-fact which made it right, and could not be dissolved without an unjust disturbance of publick order. Whence, besides what is said above, in answer to that much insisted Instance of Christs paying tribute, and Com­manding it to be paid to Cesar, the difficulty of that instance may be clearly solved. That Tribute which he paid, Math. 17. 24. &c. and that about the payment whereof He was questioned Math. 22. 21. seem to be two different Tributes. Many think very probably they were not one & the same Tribute. Its a question, for whom & by whom that of Math. 17. was gathered; its most likely it was gathered by the officers of the Temple for its service: however the pay­ment was made with such caution (tacitely declining the strict right to exact it from him, but to avoid offence, in an act in it self unobliging) that their claim is left as much in the dark, as if the question had never been moved. The other Math. 22. was exacted for Cesar: but to that captious question our Lord returns such an Answer, as might both solve it, and evade the snare of the proponders, giving a general Rule of giving to God & to Cesar each their oun, without defining which of them had the right to the pay­ment in question; whether Cesar should have it, or whe­ther it should be payed only for the Temples use: Upon which they marvelled; which they needed not do, if they had understood in His words an express & positive declara­tion of an obligation to make that payment to Cesar; for then they would have obtained one of their ends, in mak­ing Him odious to the people, who were not satisfied with the payment of it. But however, the knot is loosed by considering, that they were now Lawfully subject to the Roman Emperours as their Governours, to whom they were obliged (I do not say Christ was) to pay tribute. For they had yeelded themselves unto & ouned the Roman Dominion, in Pompey, Cesar Augustus, & Tiberius, ere this question about Tribute paying was proposed to our Saviour, and therfore they who stuck at the payment of [Page 300] it were a seditious party dissenting from the body of the Nation: Else it is not supposable readily, that their Do­minion in Iudea could have been exercised long without some consent, sufficient to legitimate it to the present Ru­lers, And this is the more likely, if we consider the con­fession of the Iewes themselves, disavowing the power of Capital punishment; It is not Lawful for us to put any man to death, And ouning Cesar as their King, with an exclusive a brenounciation of all other, we have no King but Cesar: As Paul also acknowleeges he ought to be judged at Cesars bar, in his appeal to Cesar. It is also acknowledged by very good Authors, that this was the tribute which Iudas the Galilean stood up to free the people from, and that the se­dition of those Iewes that folowed him mentioned Act. 5. 37. who mutinied upon this occasion, was according to Gamaliels speech disallowed by that Sanhedrin or Council of the Iewes. And it may be gathered out of Iosephus, that the Iewes of Hircanus his party came under the Roman power by consent & dedition; while they of Aristobalus his party looked upon the Romans as Usurpers. Which difference continued till our Saviours time, when some part of them acknowledged the Cesarean Authority, some part looked upon it as an Usurpation, and of this generally were the Pharisees. To confirm this, Calvins Testimony may be adduced, upon Math. 22. who sayeth, ‘the Authority of the Roman Emperours was by common use approved and re­ceived among the Iewes, whence it was manifest that the Iewes had now of their oun accord imposed on them­selves a Law of paying the tribute, because they had passed over to the Romans the power of the sword.’And ‘Chamiers Panstrat Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap. 16. pag. 635. what then? if Cesars Authority were from bad beginings, did therefore Christ untruly say it was from above? Can no power at first unjust, afterward become just? if that were so, then either none, or very few King [...]oms would be just.’

10. As Tyranny is a destructive plague to all the Inte­rests of men & Christians; So Anarchy, the usual product of it, is no less pernicious, bringing a Community into a [Page 301] Paroxysme as deadly & dangerous. We must oune Go­vernment to be absolutely necessary, for the constitution & conservation of all Societies. I shall not enter into a disquisition, let be determination, of the Species or Kind of Magistracy, whether Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Demo­cracy, be preferable. My dispute at present is not levelled against Monarchy, but the present Monarch: Not against the Institution of the Species (though I beleeve, except we betake our selves to the Divine allowance & permission; we shal be as pusled to find out the Divine Original of it, as Cosmographers are in their search of the Spring of Nilus or Theologues of the Father of Melchizedeck) but the con­stitution of this Individual Monarchy established among us; which in its root & branch, Spring & streams, in its Original, Nature, ends, & effects, is Diametrically op­posite to Religion & Liberty; And because its Contagion, universally perverting & corrupting all the ends & Orders of Magistracy, doth affect & infect all the subordinate offi­cers, deriving their power from such a filthy fountain; we must also substract & deny their demanded ackowledg­ments, as any way due, so long as they serve the pride & projects of such a wicked power: And do not reckon our selves obliged by Covenant, or any otherways (though in the third Article of the Solemn League, we are bound to preserve the rights & priviledges of our Parliaments, & consequently the honour & deference thats due to our Peers, or other Parliament men, acting according to the trust committed to them, but not when they turn Traitors ingaged in a Conspiracy with the Tyrant) to oune or de­fend a Soul-less shadow of a Court Cabal, made up of persons who have sold themselves to work wickedness, in conspiring with this throne of iniquity against the Lord, which is all we have for a Parliament, whom we can in no ways oune as our Representatives, but must look upon them as perjured & perfidious Traitors to God & their Countrey, which they have betrayed into the hands of a Tyrant; And therefore divested of that power & Autho­rity, which they had of the people as their Representatives, which now is returned to the fountain. And therefore [Page 302] we must act as we can against them, and also what is ne­cessary for securing of our selves, Religion & Liberty, without them. We would think Nobles, ennobled with virtue, a great Mercy & encouragment. And if they would concur in the Testimony for Religion & Liberty, we would be glad that they should lead the van and prove themselves to be powers appointed by God, in acting for Him & His Interest. But for the want of their Conduct, we must not surcease from that duty that they abandon, nor think that the Concurrence of Peers is so necessary to legitimate our actions, as that without that formality our resolutions to maintain the Truth of God on all hazards, in a private Capacity, were unlawful in the Court of God & Nature: But on the contrare must judge, that their re­linquishing or opposing their duty, which before God they are obliged to maintain, preserve, & promove, is so far from loosing our obligation, or eximing us from our duty, that is should rather press us to prosecute it with the more vigour, without suspending it upon their precedency. For now they can pretend to no precedency, when they do not answer the end of their erection, and do not seek the pu­blick good but their oun private advantage, they cease to be the Ministers of God & of the people, and become pri­vate persons. And reason will conclude, that ‘when the Ephori or Trustees betray their Trust, and sell or basely give away the Liberties & Priviledges of the people, which they were entrusted with, the people cannot be brought into a remediless condition; if a Tutor waste & destroy the pupills estate,the Law provides a remedy for the pupil’ Ius popu. vind. cap. 15. pag. 335. 336. ‘The remedy in this case can only be, as every one must move in his oun sphere, while all concur in the same duty; So if any in higher place become not only remiss, but according to the influence of their power would seduce others into their Apostasie, it is their duty to resist & endeavour their Reformation or removal: And if these more eminently entrusted shall turn directly Apo­states, & obstructive & destructive to common Inte­ [...], the people of an inferior degree may step forward [Page 303] to occupy the places, & assert the Interests, which they forefault & desert. Neither is this a breach of good order; for Ordor is only a mean subordinate to, & intended for the Glory of God & the peoples good, and the regulation thereof must only be admitted as it is conducible & not repugnant to these ends. A Generals command to his souldiers in battel, does not impede the necessity of succession, in case of vacancy of any charge, either through death or desertion, even of such as in quality may be far inferior to those whose places they step into,’ Naph. Pag. 151. Prior Edition. I do not assert this for private peoples aspiring into the Capacity of Primores or Peers; but that they may do that which the Peers desert, and dare not or will not do, if the Lord put them in a Capacity to do it. And more plainly I assert, that if the Peers of the Land, whose duty it is principally to restrain & repress Tyranny, either connive at it or concur with it, and so abandon or betray their Trust, then the Common people may do it; at least are obliged to renounce, reject, & disoune allegiance to the Tyrant, without the peers. For which I offer these reasons 1. Because all men have as much freedom & Liberty by nature as Peers have, being no more slaves than they; because slavery is a penal evil contrare to nature, and a miserie consequent of sin, and every man created according to Gods image is res Sacr [...] a Sacred thing; And also no more subjects to Kings &c. than they; freedom being natural to all, (except freedom from subjection to Parents, which is a Moral duty & most kindly & natural, and subjection of the wife to the husband &c.) but other­wise as to Civil & Politick subjection, man by nature is born as free as beasts; No Lyon is born King of Lyons, nor no man born King of men, nor Lord of men, nor Repre­sentative of men, nor Rulers of men, either supreme or subordinate; because none by nature can have those things that essentially constitute Rulers, the calling of God, nor gifts and qualifications for it, nor the election of the People. 2. The original of all that power, that the [...] or Representatives can claim, is from the people, not from themselves; from whence derived [Page 300] [...] [Page 301] [...] [Page 302] [...] [Page 303] [...] [Page 304] they their being Representatives, but from the peoples Commission or Compact? when at the first constit [...]tion of Parliaments or publick Conventions for affairs of State, necessity put the people, who could not so conveniently meet all, to confer that honour & burden upon the best qualified, & who had chief Interest, by Delegation. Hence if the people give such a power, they may wave it when perverted, and act without their oun impowered Ser­vants. 3. The peoples power, is greater than the power of any delegated or constituted by them; the Cause is more than the effect; Parliament-men do represent the people, the people do no not represent the Parliament: They are as Tutors & Curators unto the people, and in effect their servants deputed to oversee their publick affairs, therefore if their power be less the people can act without them. 4. It were irrational to imagine, the people committing the administration of their weighty affairs unto them, did de­nude themselves of all their radical power; or that they can devolve upon them, or they obtain, any other power but what is for the good & advantage of the people; therefore they have power to act without them, in things which they never resigned to them: for they cannot be deprived of that natural aptitude, & natures birth right, given to them by God & Nature, to provide the most efficacious & prevalent means for the preservation of their Rights & Liberties. 5. As the people have had power before they made Peers, and have done much without them; So these Primores could never do without them, therefore in acts of com­mon Interest, the Peers depend more upon the people than the people does upon them. 6. All these primeve rights, that gave rise to Societies, are equal to both People & Peers, whereof the Liberty to repress & reject Tyranny is a chief one. The People as well as Peers have a hard in making the King, and other Judges also, as is clear from Deut. 17. 14. Iudg. 9. 6. 1 Sam. 11. 15. 2 King. 14. 21. therefore they may unmake them as well as they. To seek to preserve the ends of Government, when they are over-turned, is essentially requisite to all Societies, and there­fore common & competent to all Constituents of these [Page 305] Societies, Superiours or inferiours. The Glory of God & Security of Religion, the end of all Christian Govern­ment, doth concern all equally. As every one equally is bound to obey God rather than man, so violence in this case, destroyes both the Commonwealth, & maketh the end & the means of Government, and the injured persons obligation thereto to cease, and this equally to every man of Private or publick Capacity. In the Concern of Religion at least, We must not think, because we are not Nobles or in Authority, that the care of it or Reformation thereof does nothing pertain to us; Nay in that, and carrying on the work thereof, there is an equality; As in the erection of the Old Testament Tabernacle, all the people were to contribute a like, half a shekel Exod. 30. that it might be for a rememberance before the Lord. Hence it followes, if we disoune the Supreme Ruler, and the inferior confede­rate with him, and cannot have the Concurrence of others; ‘Now through the manifest & notorious Perversion of the great ends of Societie & Government, the bond thereof being dissolved, we Liberated there-from, do relapse into our Primeve Liberty & Priviledge, and accordingly as the similitude of our Case & exigence of our Cause doth require, may upon the very same Principles again joine & associate, for our better defence & Preservation, as we did at first enter into Societies Naph. P. 150.’ yet, whatever we may do in this case; We are not for pre­sumptuous Assumptions of Authority, which maleversers have forefaulted: Neither are we for new erections of Go­vernment, but are for keeping the Societie of which we are members intire, in an endeavour to have all our fellow members united unto God & to one another, in Religion & Liberty, according to the bond of the Solemn League & Covenant. Certain it is that Greater Societies under one Government, may in some cases make a Secession, & divide into Lesser without sedition: or else, how would there be now so many distinct Common-wealths in the world? seeing at first all was under one head: and how comes it to pass, that there are so many Kingdoms in Eu­rope, when it can be instanced when all, or the most part, [Page 306] were under on Roman Emperour? But this in our Circum­stance is no way expedient, neither was it ever in Pro­jection. But our aim is to abstract our selves inoffensively, and maintain our rights that remain unrobbed, and to ad­here clossly to the fundamental Constitutions, Lawes, & Laudable Practices of our native Kingdome.

11. We oune the obligation of our Sacred Covenants, unrepealably & indispensibly binding to all the duties of Christian subjection to Magistrates. But we deny, that hereby we are bound either to maintain Monarchy, especially thus perverted; nor to oune the Authority of either of the two Monarchs that have Monarchized or Tyrannized over us these 27 years past. For as to the first we assert, that that which is in its oun nature Mutable, cannot be simply sworn unto to be maintained & preserved, but Hypothetically it most, else it were simply sinful; since it were to make things, in their oun nature and in the Providence of God changable, unchangable; yea it were a doun right swear­ing not to comply with, but to spurn against, the various vicisitudes of Divine Providence, the great Rector of the Universe. And it is unquestionable, that when things al­terable & unalterable are put in the same Oath, to make the Engagment Lawful the things must be understood, as they are in their oun nature and no otherwise: else both the Imposer & the Taker grievously transgress; the former, in taking upon him what is in the power of no Morta, and a Contradicton to the Prerogative of the Immorta God; and the other, in ouning that power as just. Hence when these two fall to be in the same Oath, they must be so understood as it may not be made a snare to the conscience of the Sweaer. For it may fall so out in the Providence of God, that the Preservation of both is in all respects made imposs­ible: And an adhesion to the one, may so far interfere with the Preservation of the other, as if the Mutable and that which hath no objective obligation be stuck to, the other, which with the loss of all Interests we are to main­tain, must be abandoned; yea, that which was sworn to be maintained as a mean only, & a mutable one too, may not only cease to be a mean, but may actually destroy the [Page 307] main end, and then it is to be laid aside, because then it inverts the order of things. Hence also it may be question­ed, if it were not more convenient, to leave out those things that are alterable in themselves, out of the same Oath with things unalterable, and put them in a distinct Oaths or Covenant by themselves; as we see Iehojadah did 2 King. 11. 17. He made a Covenant between the Lord and the King & the people, that they should be the Lords people; between the King also & the People. Here are two distinct Covenants; the one made with God, about things eternally obliga­tory, wherein King & people engage themselves upon level ground, to serve the Lord, and Joash the King his treacherous dealing with God in that matter brought the Curse of that Covenant upon him: The other Covenant was Civil, about things alterable, relating to Points of Government & Subjection. And as he, by virtue of that prior Covenant, had obliged himself, under the pain of the Curse thereof, to carry as one Covenanted to God with the people, and so not to Tyrannize over his brethren: So the people, by virtue of that same Covenant, were to yeeld obedience, but in nothing to acknowledge him as having power or Authority to countermand Gods Com­mand; Neither had it been an act of disloyaltie, to have broken doun his Groves, which he had with the addition of the guilt of Perjurie set up, and to have bound his un­grateful hands from the blood of the Gracious Zechariah: A perfect parallel to our Case under the former domina­tor, save that it was out-done as to all dimensions of wick­edness by him. To speak more plainly, the Religious part of our Covenant is of an Eternal obligation: but as to the Civil part, it is impossible it can ever be so, unless it be well & Cautiously understood, that is, unless instead of any species of Government, as Monarchy, &c. we put in Magistracy it self. For this is that power which is of God: but Monarchy &c. is only a humane Creature, about the creation whereof men take a Liberty, according to what suits them best in their present Circumstances. And as to this Species of Monarchy; men are never left at Liberty▪ to cloath therewith any inept or impious Person. And [Page 308] they are perfectly loosed from it. 1. when that Species of Government becomes opposite to the ends of Govern­ment, and is turned Tyranny, especially when a legal establishment is pretended; then it affects with its contagi­on the very species it self: The house is to be pulled doun, when the Leprosie is got into the walls & foundation. 2. when as it is exercised, it is turned inept for answering the end of its erection, and prejudicial to the main thing for which Government is given, to wit, the Gospel and the coming of Christs Kingdom: hence it is promised to the Church, Isai. 49. 23. Kings shall be nursing fathers to the Church—And Isai. 52. 15. It is promised to the Me [...]iator, that Kings shall shute their mouths—I. e. never a word in their head, but out of reverence & respect to His absolute Soveraignty, they shall take the Law from Him, without daring to contradict, far less to take upon them to prescribe in the House of God, as they in their wisdom think fit. 3. when Providence, without any sinful hand, makes that species impossible to be kept up, without the ruine of that for which it was erected: when things come to this push & pinch, whosoever are cloathed with the power are then under an obligation to comply with that alteration of pro­vidence, for the safety of the people; else they declare themselves unworthy of rule, and such who would sacri­fice the interest of the people to their particular interest; in which case the people may make their Publick servant sens­ible, he is at his highest elevation but a Servant. Hence, now when this species named in the Covenant, viz, Monarchy, is by Law so vitiate, as it is become the mean & instrument of the destruction of all the ends of that Covenant, and now by Law transmitted to all successors as a hereditary, pure, perfect, & perpetual opposition to the coming of Christs kingdom; So that as long as there is one to wear that Croun (but Iehavah will in righteousness execute Coniahs doom upon the race Ier. 22. ult. write this man childless—) and enter heir to the Government as now established, he must be an enemy to Christ; there is no other way left, but to think on a new Modell moulded according the true Pattern. As to the Second, we are far less obliged to oune [Page 309] & acknowledge the interest of any of the two Monarchs, that we have been Mourning under these many years, from these Sacred Covenants. For as to the first of them, Charles the 2. Those Considerations did cassate his Interest, as to any Covenant obligation to oune him. 1. In these Covenants we are not sworn absolutely to maintain the Kings Person & Authority, but only Conditionally, in the Preser­vation & defence of Religion & Liberties. Now when this Con­dition was not performed, but on the contrare professedly resolved never to be fulfilled; And when he laid out him­self to the full of his power & Authority, for the destuction of that Reformed Religion & Liberties of the Kingdom; which he solemnly swore to defend when he received the Croun, only in the termes that he should be a Loyal subject to Christ, and a true & faithful Servant to the people, in order to which a Magistrate is chosen, and all his worth, excellency, & valuableness consists in his answering that purpose; for the excellency of a mean, as such, is to be measured from the end, and its answerableness thereun­to: We were not then obliged, to maintain such an ene­my to these precious Interests. 2. Because, as the people were bound to him, so he was bound to them by the same Covenant, being only on these termes entrusted with the Government: All which Conditions he perfidiously broke, whereupon only, his Authority & our Allegiance were founded; And thereby we were loosed, from all recipro­cal obligation to him by virtue of that Covenant. 3. Though he and we stood equally engaged to the duties of that Cove­nant, only with this difference, that the Kings Capacity being greater, he was the more obliged to have laid out that power, in causing all to stand to their Covenant En­gagments, as Iosiah did 2 Chron. 34. 31, 32, 33. (But alas there was never a Iosiah in the race) yet he rose up to the hight of rebellion against God and the people, in heaven-daring insolency, and not only brake but burnt that Cove­nant, and made Lawes to case & rescind it, and made a not-concurring in this Conspiracy a note of incapacity for any Trust, in Church or State. Therefore to plead for an ouning of him in this case, were only concludent of this, [Page 310] that the Generation had dreamed themselves into such a distraction, as may be feared will be pursued with de­struction, and make such dreamers the detestation of posterity, and cause all men Proclaim the righteousness of God, in bringing ruine upon them by that very power & Authority they ouned in such circumstances. 4. It is a known maxime, Qui non implet conditionem a se promissam cadit beneficio; & qui remittit obligationem non potest exigere. He that does not fulfill the conditions falls from the benefit of it, and whoso remitts the obligation of the party obliged upon condition, cannot exact it afterwards. So then it is evident that the subjects of Scotland, were by King Charles the 2de his consent, yea express command, disengaged from so much of that Covenant as could be alledged in favors of himself: So that all that he did, by burning & rescinding these Co­venants, and pursuing all who endeavoured to ad [...]ere to them, was a most explicite Liberating his subjects from, & remission of their Allegiance to him (and in this we had been fools, if we had not taken him at his word) yea he rescinded his very Coronation, by an act of his first Parliament after his return, which did declare null & void all Acts, Constitutions, & establishments, from the year 1633 to that present session, not excepting those for his oun Coro­nation, after which he was never recrouned, And there­fore we could not oune that right, which himself did annul. But as for his Royal Brother, Iames the 7/2 we cannot indeed make use of the same reasons & arguments, to disoune him, as we have now adduced▪ yet, as we shall prove afterwards, this Covenant does oblige to renounce him. So it is so clear, that it needs no Illustration, that there lies no obligation from the Covenant to oune him: And also that for this cause we are obliged not to oune him. 1. Because as he is an enemy to the whole of our Co­venant, and especially to these terms upon which Au­thority is to be ouned therein: So he will not come under the bond of this Covenant, nor any other compact with the people, but intrude himself upon the Throne, [...]n such a way as overturns the Basis of our Government, and destroyes all the Liberties of a free people, which by Co­venant [Page 311] we are bound to preserve, and consequently as inconsistent therewith, to renounce his Usurpation. For, a Prince that will set himself up without any trans­actions with the people, or conditions giving Security for Religion & Liberty, is an Usurping Tyrant, not bounded by any Law but his oun lusts. And to say to such an one, Reign thow over us, is all one as to say, come thow and play the Tyrant over us, and let thy lust & will be a Law to us: which is both against Scripture & Natural-sense. If he be not a King upon Covenant termes, either expressly or tacitely, or general stipulations according to the word of God & Lawes of the Land, he cannot be ouned as a father, Protector, or Tutor, having any fiduciary power entrusted to him over the Commonwealth, but as a Law­less & absolute Dominator, assuming to himself a power to rule or rage as he lists: whom to oune were against our Covenants; for there we are sworn to Maintain his Maj. just & Lawful Authority, and by consequence not to oune Usurpation & Tyranny, stated in opposition to Religion & Liberty, which there also we are engaged to maintain. Sure, this cannot be Lawful Authority which is of God, for God giveth no power against Himself; Nor can it be of the people, who had never power granted them of God to create one over them, with a Liberty to destroy them, their Religion & Liberty, at his pleasure. 2. As he is not nor will not be our Covenanted & sworn King (and therefore we cannot be his Covenanted & sworn subjects) So he is not nor can not be our Crouned King, and therefore we must not be his Liege subjects, ouning fealty & obedience to him. For according to the National Covenant; as ‘all Lieges are to maintain the Kings Authority, consistent with the subjects Liberties; which if they be innovated or prejudged, such Confusion would ensue, as this realme could be no more a free Monarchy—So for the Preservation of true Religion, Lawes, & Liberties of this Kingdom, it is statute by the 8 Act. Parl. 1, repeated in the 99 Act. Parl. 7. ratified in the 23. Act. Parl. 11. and 114 Act. Parl. 12. of King Iames 6. and 4 Act of K. Charles 1. that all Kings & Princes [...] at their coronation & [Page 312] reception of their Princely, Authority, shall make their faithful Promise by their solemn Oath, in the presence of the Eternal God; That enduring the whole time of their lives, they shall serve the same Eternal God, to the utter-most of their power, according as He hath required in His most holy Word, contained in the Old & new Testaments, and according to the same Word, shall maintain the true Religion of Christ Jesus, the preaching of His holy Word, the due & right Ministration of the Sacraments, now received & Preached within this realme (according to the Confession of faith immediatly preced­ing) and shall abolish & gainstand all false religion, con­trary to the same; And shall rule the people committed to their charge, according to the will & Command of God, revealed in His fore-said Word, and according to the Laudable Lawes & Constitutions received in this realme, no wayes repugnant to the said Will of the Eter­nal God; And shal procure, to the uttermost of their power, to the Kirk of God & whole Christian people, true & perfect peace in all time coming; And that they shall be careful to root out of their Empire all Hereticks & Enemies to the true Worship of God, who shall be convicted by the true Kirk of God of the foresaid Crimes.’ Now this Coronation Oath he hath not taken, he will not, he cannot take; and therefore cannot be our Crouned King according to Law. As there be also many other Lawes incapacitating his admission to the Croun, being a Professed Papist, and no Law for it at all, but one of his oun making by a Pacqued Cabal of his oun Complices, a Parliament, wherein himself presided as Commissioner, enacting mat­terially his succession, and rescinding all these Ancient Lawes: which Act of Succession (which is all the legal right he can pretend to in Scotland) because it cannot be justified, therefore his right cannot be ouned, which is founded upon the subversion of our Ancient Lawes. But as he cannot be our Legally Crouned King, so he is not so much as for­mally Crouned. And therfore before his Inauguration, whatever right to be King (whom the Representatives may admit to the Government) he may pretend to, by here­ditary [Page 313] Succession; yet he cannot formally bemade King, till the people make a Compact with him, upon termes for the safety of their dearest & nearst Liberties, even though he were not disabled by Law. He might, as they say, pretend to some jus ad rem, but he could have no jus in re. The Kings of Scotland, while uncrouned, can exerce no Royal Go­vernment; for the Coronation in Concret, according to the substance of the Act, is no Ceremonie (as they, who make Conscience it self but a Ceremony, call it) nor an accidental ingredient in the Constitution of a King, but as it is distinctive, so it is Constitutive: it distinguished Saul from all Israel, and made him from no King to be a King, it is dative & not only Declarative; it puts some honour upon him that he had not before. 3. Though the Lawes should not strike against his Coronation, And though the Repre­sentatives Legally should take the same measures with him that they took with his brother, and admit him upon the termes of the Covenant; yet after such doleful experien­ces of such transactions with these Sons of Belial, who must not be taken with hands, nor by the hand, it were hard to trust, or entrust them with the Government, even though they should make the fairest Professions: Since they whose Principle is to keep no faith to Hereticks (as they call us) and who will be as absolute in their promises as they are in their power, have deservedly forefeited all Credit & Trust with honest men; so that none could rationally refer the determination of a half Croun reckoning to any of them, far less oune them & their Government in the Managment of the weightiest affairs of State, since their Male-versations are written in such bloody Characters, as he that runs may read them. At least it were wisdom, & is our duty, to take our Measures from the General Assemblies Proce­dure with the other Brother, before his admission to the Government, to suspend our Allegiance to him until Authority be Legally devolved upon him, and founded upon & bounded by termes giving all security for Religion & Liberty.

12. As I said before; wary Prudence, in waving such an impertinent & Ticklish Question, cannot be condemned: [Page 314] since what ever he may be in conscience, no man in Law can be obliged, so far to surrender the common Priviledge of all Mankind, to give an account of all his inward thoughts, which are alwise said to be free. And as in no­thing they are more various, so in nothing they can be more violented, than to have our opinion & sentiments of the current Government extorted from us; a declining of which Declaration of thoughts, where no overt Act in project or practice can be proven against it, cannot be Trea­son in any Law in the world: So a Cautelous Answer, in such a ticklish & entrapping imposition, cannot be censured in point of Lawfullnesse of expediency, even though much be concedded, to stop the Mouths of these bloody Butchers, gaping greedily after the blood of the Answerer; if he do not really oune, but give them to understand he can­not approve of, this Tyranny. But as these poor faithful Witnesses, who were helped to be most free, have alwise been honoured with the most signal Countenance of the Lord in a happy issue of their Testimony: So those that used their Prudentials most, in seeking shifts to sh [...]n seve­rity, and studying to satisfie these Inquisitors with their stretched Concessions, were ordinarly more exposed to snares, and found less satisfaction in their Sufferings, even though they could say much to justify, or at least extenuate their Shiftings. I knew one, who had proof of this, who afterwards was ashamed of this kind of Prudence. A short account of whose managing of Answers to this Question, because it may conduce somewhat to the explication of it, may here be hinted. The question moved after the usual forme, was, Do ye onne the Authority of King Iames the 7? In answer to which, he pleaded first, for the immunity of his thoughts, which he said were not subject to theirs or any Tribunal. When this could not be an evasion from their extortions, he objected the ambiguity of the termes in which the Question was conceived, being capable of di­verse senses: And inquired, what they meant by Autho­rity? what by ouning Authority? By Authority, whether did they mean the Administration of it, as now improved? if so, then he was not satisfied with it: or the right as now [Page 315] established? if so, then he was not clear to give his opinion of it; as being neither significant nor necessary, and that it was fitter for Lawyers, and those that were better acquaint with the Arcana Imperii, than for him to dispute it. Again he asked, what they meant by ouning? either it is Passive subjection; that he did not decline: or Active acknowledgment of it; and that he said he looked upon as all the suffrage he could give to its establishment in his station, which he must demur upon some scruple. The replies he received were very various, and some of them very rare, either for igno­rance or imposture. Sometimes it was answered: To oune the Kings Authority, is to take the Oath of Allegiance; this he refused. Some answered, it is to engage never to rise in Armes against the King upon any pretence whatsoever; this he refused likewise. Others explained it to be, to ac­knowledge his right to be King: To this he answered, when the Authority is Legally devolved upon him by the Representatives of both Kingdoms, it was time enough for him to give account of his sentiments. Others defined it, to oune him to be Lawful King by succession: To this he Answered, he did not understand succession could make a man formally King, if there were not some other way of Conveyance of it; it might put him in the nearest Capacity to be King, but could not make him King. Some did thus Paraphrase upon it, that he must oune him to be his Sove­raign Lord under God, and Gods vicegerent, to be obeyed in all things Lawful: To this he answered, whom God appoints, and the People choose according to Law, he would oune. When those shifts would not do, but from time to time being urged to a Categorical Answer; he told them, he was content to live in subjection to any Government Providence set up, but for ouning the present Constitution as of God and according to Law, he durst not acknowledge it, nor oune any Mor­tal as his Lawful Soveraign, but in termes consistent with the Covenant securing Religion and Liberty. This not satisfying, when he came to a more pinching Trial; he declared, he ouned all Lawful Authority ac­cording to the Word of God, and all Authority that was [Page 316] the Ordinance of God by His Preceptive Will, and he could be subject to any; but further to acknowledge it, he behooved to have more clearness, for sometimes a Nation might be charged with that, ye have set up Kings and not by me &c Further he conceded, he ouned his provi­dential Advancement to the Throne; he ouned as much as he thought did oblige him to subject himself with pa­tience; he ouned him to be as Lawful as providence pos­sessing him of the Throne of his Ancestors, and Lineal succession, as presumed next in blood & line, could make him: But still he declined to oune him as Lawful King, and alledged that was all one, whether he was Lawful or not, he refused not subjection, distinguishing it always from Al­legiance. But all these concessions did not satisfie them, & they alledged he might say all this of a Tyrant: & there­fore commanded him to give it under his hand, to oune not only the Lineal but the Legal succession of King Iames the 7. to the Croun of Scotland: which he did, upon a fancy that Legal did not import Lawful, but only the for­mality of their Law; withal protesting, he might not be interpreted to approve of his succession. But this was a vain Protestatio contra factum. However by this we see, what is ouning this Authority, in the sense of the Inquisitors. The result of all is, to acknowledge Allegiance to the present possessor, and to approve his pretended Authority as Law­ful, Rightful, & Righteous: which indeed is the true sense of the Words, and any other that men can forge or find out is strained. For, to speak properly, if we oune his Authority in any respect, we oune it to be Lawful: for eyery Authority, that is ouned to be Authority indeed, is Lawful; Authority alwayes importing Authorization, and consisting in a Right or Call to rule, and is formally & essentially contradistinct to Usurpation: wherever the place of power is meerly usurped, there is no Authority but verbo tenu [...]; A Style without truth, a barely pretended no­minal equivocal Authority, no real denomination: if we then oune this Mans Authority, we oune it to be Lawful Authority: And if we cannot oune it so, we cannot oune it at all. For it is most suitable, either to manly ingenuity, [Page 317] or Christian simplicity, to speak properly, and to take words always in the sense that they to whom they are speak­ing will understand them, without equivacating.

These Preliminaries being thus put by, which do con­tribute to clear somewhat in this Controversie, and both furnish us with some Arguments for, and solutions in most of the objections against, my Thesis in answer to the Question above stated. I set it doun thus. A people long oppressed with the Encroachments of Tyrants & Usurpers, may disoune all Allegiance to their pretended Authority, and when imposed upon to acknowledge it, may & must ratber chuse to suffer, than to oune it. And consequently we cannot as matters now stand oune, acknowledge, or approve the pretended Authority of King Iames the 7. as Lawful King of Scotland; as we could not as matters then stood oune the Authority of Charles the 2. This consequence is abundantly clear from the foregoing deduction, demonstrating their Tyranny & usurpation. In prosecuting of this General Thesis, which will evince the particular Hypothesis: I shall. 1. Adduce some Historical Instances, whence it may be gathered, that this is not altogether without a precedent, but that people have disouned Allegiance to Tyrants & Usurpers, before now. 2. Deduce it from the Dictates of reason. 3. Confirme it by Scripture Arguments.

I. Albeit, as was shewed before, this Question as now stated, is in many respects unprecedented; yet the prac­tice, which in our day hath been the result of it, to wit, to disoune or not to oune Prevailing Dominators Usurping the Government or abusing it, is not so alien from the examples of History, but that by Equivalency or conse­quence it may be collected from, & confirmed by in­stances.

1. To begin at home, besides many Passages related al­ready for confirmation, we may adde (1) That for about 1025. years, the people had in their choise whom to oune ar admit to succeed in the Government, even though‘the Kingdom was hereditary; and used to elect, not such who were nearest in blood & line, but these that were judged most fit for Government, being of the same pro­geny [Page 318] of Fergus, Buchan. Rer. Scot. lib. 6. pag. 195. in vita Ken­nethi. 3.’ This continued until the dayes of Kenneth the 3. who to cover his villanous Murder of his Brothers Son Malcolm, and prevent his and secure his oun sons succes­sion, procured this Charter for Tyranny, the settlement of the succession of the next in line from the Parliament: which, as it pretended the prevention of many inconve­niences, arising from Contentions & Competions about the succession; So it was limited by Lawes, Precluding the succession of Fools or Monsters, and preserving the peoples liberty to shake off the yoke, when Tyranny should thereby be introduced: Otherwise it would have been not only an irrational surrender of all their oune Rights, & enslaving the posterity, but an irreligious con­tempt of Providence, refusing & anticipating its Deter­mination in such a case. However it is clear, before this time, that as none but the fittest were admitted to the Go­vernment; So if any did usurpe upon it, or afterwards did degenerate into Tyranny, they took such order with him, as if he had not been admitted at all; as is clear in the instances of the first Period, and would never oune every pretender to hereditary succession. (2) As before Ken­neths dayes, it is hard to reckon the numerous Instances of Kings that were dethroned, or imprisoned, or slain, upon no other account than that of their oppression & Tyranny: So afterwards, they maintained the same power & privi­ledge of repressing them, when ever they began to encroach. And although no Nation hath been more patient towards bad Kings, as well as Loyal towards good ones; yet in all former times, they understood so well their Right they had, and the duty they owed to their oun preservation, as that they seldom failed of calling the exorbitantly flagitious to an account. And albeit, in stead of condoling or avenging the death of the Tyrannous, they have often both excused & justified it, yet no Kingdom hath inflicted se­verer Punishments upon the Murderers of just & righteous Princes: And therefore, though they did neither enquire after, nor animadvert upon those that slew Iames the 3. a flagitious Tyrant, yet they did by most exquisite Torments [Page 319] put them to death who slew Iames the 1. a vertuous Mo­narch. Hence, because these & other instances I mind to adduce of deposing Tyrants, may be excepted against, as not pertinent to my purpose, who am not pleading for ex­auctoration & deposition of Tyrants, being impracticable in our case: I shall once for all remove that, and desire it may be considered. [1] That though we cannot for­mally exauctorate a Tyrant; yet he may ipso jure fall from his right, and may exauctorate himself, by His Law by whom Kings reign; and this is all we plead for as a foun­dation of not ouning him. [2] Though we have not the same power, yet we have the same grounds, and as great & good if not greater & better reasons to reject & disoune our Tyrant, as they whose example is here adduced had to depose some of their Tyrannizing Princes. [3] If they had power & ground to depose them, then a fortiori they had power & ground to disoune them; for that is less & in­culded in the other, and this we have. [4] Though it should be granted, that they did not disoune them before they were deposed; yet it cannot be said that they did dis­oune them only because they were deposed: for it is not de­position that makes a Tyrant; it only declares him to be justly punished, for what he was before. As the sentance of a Judge does not make a man a murderer or Thief, only declares him convict of these Crimes, & punishable for them; its his oun committing them that makes him Cri­minal: And as before the sentance, having certain know­ledge of the fact, we might disoune the Mans innocency or honesty; So a Rulers Acts of Tyranny & Usurpation make him a Tyrant & Usurper, and give ground to dis­oune his just & legal Authority; which he can have no more than a Murtherer or Thief can have innocency or honesty. (3) We find also examples of their disouning Kings undeposed; as King Baliol was disouned with his whole race, for attempting to enslave the Kingdoms Liberties to forreign power. And if this may be done for such an at­tempt, as the greatest Court parasites & Sycophants con­sent; what then shall be done for such as attempt to subject the people to Domestick or Intestine Slaverie? Shall we [Page 320] refuse to be slaves to one without, and be, & oune our selves contented Slaves to one with in the Kingdom? It is known also that King Iames the 1. his Authority was re­fused by his subjects in France, so long as he was a Prisoner to the English there, though he charged them upon their Allegiance, not to fight against the party who had his per­son Prisoner: They answered, they ouned no Prisoner for their King, nor owed no Allegiance to a Prisoner. Hence Princes may learn, though people submit to their Government; yet their resignation of themselves to their obedience is not so full, as that they are obliged to oune Allegiance to them, when either Morally or Physically they are incapacitate to exerce Authority over them. They that cannot rule themselves, cannot be ouned as Rulers over a people.

2. Neither hath there been any Nation, but what at one time or other hath furnished examples of this Na­ture. The English History gives account, how some of their Kings have been dealt with by their Subjects, for impieties against the Law & Light of Nature, and en­croachments upon the Lawes of the Land. Vortigernu [...] was dethroned for incestously marying his oun Sister. Nei­ther did ever Blasphemies, Adulteries, Murders, Plot­ting against the lives of Innocents, and taking them away by Poison or Razor, use to escape the animadversion of men, before they were Priest-ridden unto a belief that Princes persons were sacred. And if men had that gene­rosity now, this man that now reigns might expect some such animadversion. And we find also King Edward, & Richard the 2. were deposed, for Usurpation upon Lawes & Liberties, in doing whereof the people avowed. They would not suffer the Lawes of England to be changed. Surely the people of England must now be far degenerate, who having such Lawes transmitted to them from their worthy Ancestors, and they themselves being born to the posses­sion of them without a Change, do now suffer them to be so encroached upon, and mancipate themselves, & leave their Children vassals to Poperie, & slaves to Tyranny.

3. The Dutch also, who have the best way of guiding [Page 321] of Kings of any that ever had to do with them (witness their having so many of them in Chains, now in Batavia in the East Indies) are not wanting for their part to furnish us with examples. When the King of Spain would not condescend to govern them according to their Ancient Lawes, and rule for the good of the people, they declar­ed him to be fallen from the Seigniorie of the Netherlands, and so erected themselves into a flourishing Common-wealth. It will not be amiss to transcribe some of the words of the Edict of the Estates General to this purpose. ‘It is well known, (say they) that a Prince & Lord of a Countrey is Ordained by God to be Soveraign & Head over his subjects, to pre­serve & defend them from all injuries, force, & vio­lence, and that if the Prince therefore faileth therein, and in stead of preserving his subjects, doth outrage & oppress them, depriveth them of their Priviledges & An­cient Customs, commandeth them and will be served of them as slaves; they are no longer bound to respect him as their Soveraign Lord, but to esteem of him as a Tyrant, neither are they bound to acknowledge him as their Prince, but may abandon him &c.’ And with this aggrees the answer of William Prince of Orange to the Edict of Proscription, published against him by Philip. the II. ‘There is, sayes he, a Reciprocal Bond betwixt the Lord & his vassal; so that if the Lord break the Oath, which he hath made unto his vassal, the vassal is discharged of the Oath made unto his Lord.’ This was the very Argument of the poor suffering people of Scotland, whereupon they disouned the Authority of Charles the Second.

4. The Monarchy of France is very absolute; yet there also the State hath taken order with their Tyrants; not only have we many instances of resistances made against them, but also of disouning, disabling, & invalidating their pretended Authority & repressing their Tyranny. So was the two Childerici served: So also Sigebertus, Dagaber­tus, and Lodowick the II. Kings of France.

5. The great body of Germany moves very slowly, and is inured to bear great burdens: yet there also we find Ioan­ [...]a of Austria Mother of Charles the 5. was put to perpetual [Page 318] [...] [Page 319] [...] [Page 320] [...] [Page 321] [...] [Page 322] sonment: which example is adduced by the Earle of Mor­toun, in his discourse to the Queen of England (whereof I rehearsed a part before) vindicating the deposing & dis­ouning Queen Mary of Scotland. ‘If, saith he, we com­pare her with Ioanna of Austria—what did that poor wretch commit, but that she could not want a litle lust­ful pleasure, as a remedy necessary for her age? And yet poor Creature, she suffered that punishment, of which our Dame convicted of most grievous Crimes now complains—Buchan. Rer. Scotic. l. b. 20. pag. 748.’ The Duke of Saxon, the Landgrave of Hesse and the Ma­gistrats of Magdeburgh, joined in a war against her Son Charles the 5. and drew up a conclusion by resolution of Lawyers, wherein are these words—‘Neither are we bound to him by any other reason, than if he keep the conditions on which he was created Emperour. By the Laws themselves it is provided, that the Superior Ma­gistrate shall not infringe the right of the inferior, & if the Superior Magistrate exceed the Limits of his power, and command that which is wicked, not only we need not obey him, but if he offer force we may resist him.’ Which Opinion is confirmed by some of the greatest Lawyers, and even some who are Patrons of Tyranny, Grotius none of the greatest enemies of Tyrants, de jure belli lib. 1. cap. 4. n: 11. sayth out of Barclaius, & with him, that the King doth loss his power when he seeketh the destruction of his subjects. It was upon the account of the Tyranny of that bloody house of Austria over the Helvetians, that they shook off the rule & Government of that family, and established themselves into a Republick. And at this present time, upon the same accounts, the Tyranny & Treachery of this Imperial Majestie, the Hungarians have essayed to main­tain & justify a revolt in disouning the Emperour, now for several years.

6. Polland is an Elective Kingdom, and so cannot but be fertile of many instances of casting off Tyrants. Henricus Valesius, disouned for fleeing, and Sigismuadus for violat­ing his faith to the States, may suffice. Lex Rex Q. 24. Pag. 217.

[Page 323] 7. In Denmark, we find Christiernus their King, was for his intollerable Cruelty put from the Kingdom, he and all his Posterity, and after twenty years did end his life in Prison.

8. In Swedland, within the Compass of one Century, the people deposed & banished the two Christierns, and dethroned & imprisoned Ericus, for their oppressions & Tyranny, and for pursuing the destruction of their Sub­jects.

9. The Portugieses, not many years ago, laid aside and confined Alphonsus their King, for his rapines & Murders.

10. Some Dukes of Venice have been so disouned by these Common-wealths men, that laying aside their Royal ho­nours as private men, they have spent their dayes in Mo­nasteries. Buchan. de jure regni apud Scotos.

11. If we will revolve the old Roman Histories, we shall find no small store of such examples, both in the time of their Kings, Consuls, & Emperours. Their seventh King Tarquinius Superbus, was removed by the people, for his evident Usurpation: Neque enim ad jus regni quicquam praeter vim habebat, ut qui neque populi jussu, neque Patribus Authoribus, regnavit, sayth Livius i.e. for he had nothing for a right to the Government, but meer force, and got the rule neither by the peoples consent & choise, nor by the Authority of the Senators. So afterwards the Empire was taken from Vitellius, Heliogabulus, Maximinus, Didius Iulianus, Lex Rex, ub, supra.

12. But it will be said. Can there be any Instances of the Primitive Christians adduced? Did ever they, while groaning under the most insupportable Tyranny of their Persecuting Emperours, disoune their Authority, or suf­fer for not ouning it? To this I answer. 1. What they did or did not of this Kind, is not of moment to inquire: seeing their practice & Example, under such disavantages, can neither be known exactly, nor what is known of it be accommodated to our case: for (1) they were never forced to give their judgement, neither was the question ever put to them, whether they ouned their Authority or [Page 324] not: if they transgressed the Lawes, they were lyable to the punishment, they craved no more of them. (2) They confess themselves to be strangers, that had no establish­ments by Law, and therefore they behoved to be passively subject, when in no capacity to resist; there was no more required of them. Yet Lex Rex Quest. 35. pag. 371. cites Theodoret affirming, Th [...]n evil men reigned through the unman­lyness of the sub [...]ects. (3) Their examples are not imitable in all things: They were against resistence, which we doubt not to prove is Lawful against Tyrannical vio [...]ence: Many of them refused to flee from the fury of Persecuters: They ran to Martyrdom, when neither cited nor accused; And to obtain the Croun thereof they willingly yeelded up their lives & Liberties also to the rage or Tyrants. We cannot be obliged to all these. 2 Yet we find some examples not altogether unapplicable to this purpose. When Baroch­bach, the pretended King of the Iewes, after the destruction of Ierusalem, set himself up as King in Bitter a City in Ara­bia; the Christians that were in his precincts, refused to oune him as King; which was one great cause of his perse­cuting them. Its true he persecuted them also for other things, as for their not denying Christ; So are we perse­cuted for many other things, than for our simple disouning of the King: yet this is reckoned as a distinct cause of their suffering, by Mr Mede on the Revel. Part. 1. Pag. 43. Gees Magist. Origin. ch. 10. Sect. 7. Pag. 361. The same last cited Author shewes, that when Albinus, Niger; & Cassius, successively usurped the Empire, having none of them any Legal investure, the Christians declined the recognition of their Claim, and would not oune them; and that upon this Tertulian sayes, Nunquam Albiniani, nec Nigriani, vel Cassiani, inveniri potuerunt Christiani, that is, the Christians could never be found to be Albinians, or Nigrians, or Cas­sians, meaning they were never ouners of these men for Magistrats. And so may we say, Pudet inveniri inter Caro­linianos & Iacobinianos hujus temporis. Not unlike is the pas­sage of Ambrose, who in favors of Valentinia [...] the rightful Governour, contested against Maximus the Tyrant, and not only disouned him but excommunicated him, for which [Page 325] he was threatened with death. And yet it is observable, that when Maximus offered to interpose his power in de­fence of Ambrose, that he might not be banished by Iustina the Empress, he would not accept of the help of Maximus, whose power he disallowed & disouned. Whence I ob­serve, that it is not without a Precedent for a Minister to disoune a Tyrant, to refuse favour from him, yea and to excommunicate him, yea even without the concurrence of his fainting brethren; for all which some of our faithful Ministers have been much condemned in our day, espe­cially Mr Donald Cargil for excommunicating Charles the Second & Iames Duke of York, as if such a thing had never been done before: Whereas we see what Ambrose did to Maxi­mus. And this same faithful Minister Ambrosius Minister at Millain, in Italy, did also hold out of the Assembly of the Christians Theodosius the Emperour though a most vertuous Prince, for that grievous Scandal committed by him, against the innocent people at Thessalonica, in killing so many of them in a Passionate transport. But 3. since this objection of the Primitive Christians is much insisted on, both against this and the head of defensive Armes: I shall further take notice of several distinctions, that do make the difference between their case & Ours very vast. (1) There is a great difference betuixt a Prince of the com­mon Religion of his Subjects, but distinct from some of them, whom yet he does not seek to entice to his Reli­gion, but gives them liberty & the benefite of the Law as other Subjects: (which was the case of many in these pri­mitive times sometimes.) And a Prince by all means, both foul & fair, pressing to a revolt from the true and to em­brace a false Religion. In this case (which is ours with a witness) it must be granted we should be wary, that we neither engage with him, nor oune Allegiance to him, when he would withdraw us from our Allegiance to God. (2) There is a great difference betuixt a Prince, persecuting the true Religion, which only a few of his subjects here & there did profess, who in regard of their Paucity were never in capacity to be looked upon as the body of the people, impowering him as their publick Servant: (which [Page 326] was their case) And a Prince persecuting that Religion [...] which was professed by the body of the Nation, when they sett him up. In this Latter case, men of great sense have de­nyed he should be ouned for a Prince, because then he is stated against the Common good. This was our case under the former King, and yet under this, though all Professors be not now persecuted, the publick Religion & Ancient Re­formation is persecuted in a few, whom he intends to de­stroy, and in their destruction to bury it. (3) There is a diffe­rence, betwixt a Prince Persecuting Religion publickly oun­ed & received of his subjects, yet never approved nor con­firmed by Law (as it was not in the primitive times) And a Prince persecuting Religion ratified & established by the Laws of the Land, which is our case. It will seem clear to every soul, not benighted with Court darkness, that he then de [...]acto and ipso jure falleth from his right in this case, because now he is not only stated against the common good, but against the very Laws by which the Subjects must be ruled. Then he ruleth not as a Prince▪ to whom the Law giveth his Measures & Bounds, but rageth as a Tiger & Tyrant, and ought to be carried towards as such. (4) There is a difference, betwixt a Prince suppressing that Religion established by Law, which he never professed, nor never gave his consent to these Laws (as might be the case of some of the Arian Emperours) though it be unlawful for any people to set up any Mortal over them, who is not in this case bound to the good behaviour; And a Prince, opposing, & oppressing that Religion, which himself hath professed and is ratified by Laws with his oun consent: which was our case under the former King, who did give the most solemn Ratification of them that ever was given, but afterwards most perfidiously retracted it. As also this Apostate Papist, did somtime profess himself Protestant, and consented to the Laws establishing it, and the Penal Statutes against Papists, though now he is going about to raze all, and ruine that alone valuable Treasure of our Nation, Religion. (5) There is a dif­ference, betwixt a Prince consenting to Laws establish­ing Religion which he now persecuteth (which might have [Page 327] been the case of Iulian the Apostate) And a Prince who not only consented to these Laws, but who did upon these very terms & no other get & receive his Croun & Scepter, that he should preserve the Religion as Reform­ed, and protect as a Father the Professors thereof, and maintain the Laws establishing it, which yet he perfi­diously & perniciously, being once settled in the Govern­ment, Breaks, Casts, Cassats, & Overturns (which was done by Charles) Or, And a Prince who will neither be bounded by the Laws he consented to, nor be bound to the Observation of any Laws whatsoever; but chal­lenges it as his prerogative Royal, to be absolute above all Laws, and denying all Security upon terms, is free to destroy Religion & Liberty, and all the valuable Interests of the Nation, when he pleases. This is Iames his Character (6) There is a difference, betwixt a Prince breaking the main & only Article of his Covenant, in a fit of fury & rage, being transported upon some Mistakes (which was the case of Theodosius the Emperour) And a Prince not only violating this upon deliberation, but plainly Declar­ing, that neither Oath nor Declaration can or will bind him, but these being made void, he will destroy without restraint all these Covenanted priviledges (This was the case of Charles) Or, And a Prince, who, as he never will come under the bond of a Covenant with his people, So thô he make never so many fair promises with the great­est Solemnities, maintains a principle that he will keep no promises, but when & with whom he pleases, and can get a Dispensation to break all when he likes. (This is Iames his Ingenuity.) Sure in this case, Such as are so Character­ized Declare themselves so far from being Princes, that they profess befor the world, they are no more men to be conversed with: for if neither their words, Writs, vowes, promises, Oaths, Declarations, nor Protestations, can bind them; what Society can be had with them? Are they not to be looked upon & carried towards as Common Enemies of Morality, Religion, Righteousness, Liberty, Humanity, yea even of Mankind it self? Now then, let the world be Judge, if the people of Scotland can be judged [Page 328] in Conscience, Reason, Prudence, Policie, or any ima­ginable way, bound to oune their Authority, being so Stated, and by the Act Rescissory all humane ground re­scinded, that ever it shall be otherwise. let them go seek other slaves where they can find them, for we will not sell our selves & posteritie to Tyrants as slaves, nor give up our Religion and the exercise of it to the Mouldings of the Court.

II. In the Second place: It being clear from these fore­mentioned Instances, that Tyrants & Uusurpers have been disouned; And it being also as clear as light can make any thing, from the foregoing Account of their Government, and all the Characters of Truculency Treachery, & Ty­ranny conspicuously relucent therein, that these two Gen­tlemen whose Authority we are pressed to oune, were Ty­rants & Usurpers: It remains therefore to prove from all dictates of Reason about Government, that their pre­tended Authority could not nor cannot be ouned. For the Argument runs thus; The Authority of Tyrants & Uusurpers cannot be ouned: But the Authority of Charles & Iames was & is the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers: Ergo their Authority cannot be ouned. Now its the Major of this Syllogisim that I under take to prove. The Minor being so clear from their History, that to prove it by witnesses were actum agere.

1. All Authority to be ouned of men must be of God, and ordained of God: for so the Apostle teacheth Expressly Rom. 13. 1. &c. Which is the alone formal reason of our Subjection to them, and that which makes it a damnable sin to resist them, because it is a resisting the Ordin [...]nce of God. The Lord ounes Himself to be the Author of Magi­strats, Prov. 8. 15. By me Kings reign and Princes decree Iustice. As He is the Author of man and hath made him a sociable Creature so He is the Author of the Order of humane Society which is necessare for the Preservation of Mankind He being the God of Order & not of Confusion. And this must hold not only of the Supreme Authority, but of subordinate Magistrates also; for they must be included in the higher Powers to whom we must be subject Rom. 13. [Page 329] And they that resist them resist Gods Ordinance too. Their judgment is Gods, as well as the judgment of the Supreme Magistrate Deut. 1. 17. 2 Chron. 19. 6, 8. They are called Gods among whom the Lord judgeth, Psal. 82. 1. He speaketh not there of a Congregation of Kings. We are to be subject to them for the Lords sake, as well as to the Supreme Magistrat 1. Pet. 2. 13. Therefore all Magistrats superior & Inferior are ordained of God in the respective Places. Its true, Peter calls every degree of Magistracy, an Ordinance of man, not that he denies it to be an Ordinance of God (for so he would cantradict Paul Rom. 13.) but termes it so Emphatically, to commend the worth of obedience to Magistrats though but men, when we do it for the Lords sake: Not effectively as an invention of men, but subjectively because exercised by men, & created & in­vested by humane suffrages considered as men in Societie, and objectively for the good of man, and for the external Peace & safety of man thereby differenced from the Mi­nistry, an Ordinance of Christ, for the spiritual good of mens souls. Hence, Those Rulers that are not of God nor ordained of God, cannot be ouned without sin: But Tyrants & Usurpers are the Rulers, that are not of God nor ordained of God, but are set up and not by Him &c. Hos. 8. 1-4. Therefore they cannot be ouned without sin. I refer it to any man of conscience & Reason to judge, if these Scriptures proving Magistracy to be the Ordinance of God, for which alone it is to be ouned, can be applyed to Tyrants & Usurpers: How will that Rom, 13. read of Tyrants? let every soul be subject to Tyrants, for they are ordai­ned of God as His Ministers of Iustice &c. and are a terror to evil works and a praise to the good, would not every man nauseate that as not the Doctrine of God? Again, how would that sound Prov. 8. By me Tyrants reign & Usurpers decree injustice? harsh to Christian ears. Can they be said to be Gods among whom the Lord judgeth? If they be, they must be such as the witch of Endor saw, Gods coming out of the earth, when she raised the Devil; in a very Cati­chrestical meaning, as the Devil is called the God of this world. And indeed they have no more power, nor other­wise [Page 330] to be ouned, than he hath: for this is a Truth, Ty­ranny is a work of Satan & not from God; because sin either habitual or actual is not from God; Tyranny is sin in habit & act: Ergo—The Magistrate as Magistrate is good in nature & end, being the Minister of God for good, A Tyrant as a Tyrant is quite contrary. Lex Rex saith well ‘A power Ethical, Politick, or Moral, to oppress, is not from God, and is not a power but a Licentious de­viation of a power, and no more from God but from sinful Nature & the old Serpent, than a licence to sin, Quest. 9. Pag. 59.’ Hence sin, a Licence to sin, a Licen­cious sinning, cannot be from God: But Tyranny, Usur­pation, absolute power encroaching upon all Liberties, Laws, Divine & humane, is sin, a Licence to sin, a Licencious sinning. Ergo—But to make this clear, and to obviate what may be said against this: let it be Considered how the powers that be are of God & ordained of God. Things are said to be of God and ordained of God two wayes; by His purpose & providence, and by His Word & Warrant. Things may be of God, either of His Hand working or bringing them about ordaining & ordering them to be to His Glory; either by a holy overruling Providence, as Samsons desire of a wife was of God Iudg. 14. 4. and Amaziahs insolent & foolish rejection of Ioash his Peaceable overture 2 Chron. 25. 20. Or by a powerful effective providence, So Rom. 11. 36. Of Him & through Him are all things 1 Cor. 8. 6. One God of whom are all things. Or things be of God of His Word war­ranting & Authorizing. So we are commanded to try the spirits whether they be of God (1 Iohn. 4. 1.) So in this sense, sin, tentation, lust, Corruptions of the world are not of God Iam. 1. 13. 1 Iohn. 2. 16. Again, things are ordained of God, either by the order of His Counsel or Providential will, either effectively by way of Production or Direction, or Permissively by way of non-impedition: Or they are ordained by the order of His Word & Preceptive will▪ The former is Gods Rule, the latter is ours: The former is alwise accomplished, the latter is often contradicted: The former orders all actions even sinful, the latter only that which is good & acceptable in the sight of God▪ By the for­mer [Page 331] Israel rejected Samuel, by the latter they should have continued Samuels Government, and not sought a King: By the former, Athaliah usurped the Government, by the latter, she should have yeelded obedience & resigned the Government to the posterity of Ahaziah: By the former all have a physical subordination to God as Creatures, sub­ject to His All-disposing will; by the latter, Those whom He approves have a moral subordination to God, as obedient subjects to His Commanding will. Now Magi­strats are of God and ordained by Him both these wayes, Tyrants but one of them. I say, Magistrats, the higher Powers, to whom we owe & must oune subjection are of God both these wayes, both by His purpose & Providence, and that not meerly eventual but effective & executive of His Word, disposing both of the Title & Right, & Possessi­on of the power, to them whom He approves, and bring­ing the People under a consciencious subjection, And by His Word & warrant. So Adonijah the Usurper (though he had the pretence of Hereditary right, and also possession by Providence) was forced to oune King Solomon in these termes upon which only a Magistrate may be ouned: The Kingdome, sayes he, was mine, and all Israel set their faces on me that I should reign, howbeit the Kingdom is turned about and become my brothers for it was his from the Lord, 1 King. 2. 15. He had both Providence turning about the Kingdom to him, and also the Warrant of the Lords Approbative & preceptive will. But Tyrants & Usurpers are only of God and ordained of God, by His overruling purpose & per­missive Providence, either for performing His holy purpose towards themselves; as Rehoboams professing he would be a Tyrant, and refusing the Lawful desires of the people was of God 2 Chron. 10. 15. Or for a judgment & ven­geance upon them that are subject to them, Zech. 11: 6: whereby they get a power in their hand, which is the Rod of the Lords Indignation, and a Charge & Commission against a Hypocritical Nation Isa. 10. 5. 6. This is all the power they have from God, who gives Iacob to the spoil & Israel to the Robbers, when they sin against Him Isa. 42. 24. This doth not give these Robbers any right, no more than [Page 332] they whose Tabernacle prosper, into whose hand God bringeth abundantly Iob. 12. 6. Thus all Robbers, and the great Legal Robbers, Tyrants, and their Authorized Murderers, may be of God, to wit, by His Providence. Hence those that are not ordained of Gods preceptive will, but meerly by His Providential will, their Authority is not to be ouned: But Tyrants & Usurpers are not ordained of Gods Preceptive, but meerly by His Providential will. The Minor needs no proof: yet will be cleared by many folowing Arguments. The Major will be afterwards more demonstrated. Here I shall only say, They that have no other ordination of God impowering them to be Rulers, than the devil hath, must not be ouned: But they that have no other than the ordination of Providence, have no other ordination of God impowering them to be Rulers than the devil hath: Ergo they that have no other than the ordina­tion of Providence must not be ouned.

2. But let us next consider, what is comprehended in the Ordination of that Authority which is to be ouned as of God: And it may be demonstrated there are two things in it, without which no Authority can be ouned as of God, viz. Institution & Constitution: So as to give him, whom we must oune as Gods Minister, Authority both in the Abstract & Concrete, that is, that he should have Magistracy by Gods Ordination, and be a Magistrate by & according to the will of God. All acknowledge that Magistracy hath Gods Institution, for the Powers that be are ordained of God: which contains not only the Appointment of it, but the qualification & forme of it. That Government is appointed by Divine Precept all agree, but whether the Precept be Moral Natural, or Moral Positive, Whether it was ap­pointed in the State of Innocency, or since disorder came in the world, Whether it be Primario or Secundario, from the Law of nature is not agreed upon, It may possibly be all these wayes; Government in the General may be from the Law and light of Nature appointed in Innocency, because all its relative duties are enjoined in the fifth Command, and all Nations Naturally have an esteem of it, Without which ther could be no order, distinction, or Communion [Page 333] in humane Societies, But the Specification or Individuation may be by a Postnate Positive & Secundary Law, yet Natural too, for though ther be no reason in Nature why any man should be King & Lord over another, being in some sense all Naturally free but as they yeeld themselves under Juris­diction: The exalting of David over Israel is not ascribed to Nature, but to an act of divine bounty which took him from following the Ewes and made him feeder of the People of Israel, Psal. 78. 70, 71: yet Nature teacheth that Israel and other People should have a Government, and that this should be subjected to. Next, not only is it appointed to be, but qualified by Institution, and the Office is defined, the End prescribed, and the measures & Bound­aries thereof are limited, as we shall hear. Again the formes of it, though Politically they are not stinted, that People should have such a forme & not another: yet Morally, at least Negatively, whatever be the forme, it is limited to the Rules of equity & justice, and must be none other than what hath the Lords Mould & Sanction. But there is no Institution any of these wayes for Tyranny. Hence, that Power that hath no Institution from God, cannot be ouned as His ordinance: But the Power of Tyrants is that Power, being contrary in every respect to Gods Institution, and a meer deviation from it, & eversion of it. Ergo—To the Minor it may be replyed; Though the Power which Ty­rants may exerce & Usurpers assume, may be in Concret [...] contrary to Gods Institution, and so not to be ouned: yet in abstracto, it may be acknowledged of God. Its but the abuse of the Power, and that does not take away the use. We may oune the Power, though we do not oune the abuse of it. I ans. 1. I acknowledge the distinction as to Magistrats is very pertinent: for it is well said by the Congregation in a Letter to the Nobility, Knox Hist. of Scot. lib. 2. That ‘there is a great difference betwixt the Authority which is Gods ordinance, and the persons of these who are placed in Authority; the Authority & ordinance of God can never do wrong, for it commandeth that vice be punished & virtue maintained;’ But the Corrupt Person placed in this Authority may offend—Its certain higher Powers are [Page 334] not to be resisted but some persons in Power may be resist­ed. The Powers are ordained of God, but Kings com­manding unjust things are not ordained of God to do such things. But to apply this to Ty [...]ants, I do not understand: Magistrats in some Acts may be guilty of Tyranny, and yet retain the Power of Magistracy; but Tyrants cannot be capable of Magistracy, nor any one of the Scripture Cha­racters of Righteous Rulers. They cannot retain that which they have forefeited, and which they have over­turned; And Usurpers cannot retain that which they never had. They may act & enact some things materially just, but they are not formally such as can make them Magi­strats, no more then some unjust actions can make a Ma­gistrate a Tyrant. A Murderer, saying the [...]ife of one & killing another, does not make him no Murderer: Once a Murderer ay a Murderer, once a Robber ay a Robber, till he restore what he hath robbed: So once a Tyrant ay a Tyrant, till he make amends for his Tyranny, and that will be hard to do. 2. The Concrete does specificate the Abstract in actuating it, as a Magistrate, in his exercising Government makes his Power to be Magistracy; a Robber in his robbing, makes his Power to be Roberie; an Usurper in his usurping makes his Power to be Usurpation; So a Tyrant in his Tyrannizing can have no Power but Ty­ranny. As the Abstract of a Magistrate is nothing but Ma­gistracy, So the Abstract of a Tyrant is nothing but Ty­ranny. Its frivolous then to distinguish between a Tyran­nical power in the Concrete, & Tyranny in the Abstract; the power & the abuse of the power: for he hath no power as a Tyrant, but what is abused. 3. They that objects thus, must either mean, that power in its general Notion is or­dained of God, but this particular Power ab [...]sed by Ty­rants, and assumed by Usurpers, is not ordained: Or they must mean, that the very Power of Tyrants & Usurp­ers is ordained of God, but the way of holding & using it is not of God. If the first be said, they grant all I plead for: for thô the Power in general be ordained, yet what is this to Tyrants & Usurpers? would not this Claim be ridi­culous for any man to say, God hath ordained Govern­ments [Page 335] to be, therefore I will challenge it? God hath or­dained Marriage, therefore any may cohabit together as man & wife, without formal Matrimony? If the Second be alledged, that the Power of these prevailing Domina­tors is ordained, but not their holding & using of it: This is Non-sense, for how can a Power be ordained and the use of it be unlawful? For, the abuse & use of Tyrannical Power is all one and reciprocal: an Usurper cannot use his Power but by Usurpation. Again is it not plain, that the Abstract & the Concrete, the act or habit, and the subject wherein it is, cannot have a contrary Denomination? if Drunkenness and Thieft, Lying or Murder, be of the Devil; then the Drunkard, the Thief, the Lyar, & the Murderer, are of the Devil too: So if Tyranny and Usurpation, or the use or abuse of Tyrants & Usurpers, be of the Devil; Then must the Tyrants & Usurpers also be of him: None can say, the one is of the Devil, and the other of God. Wherefore it is altogether impertinent to use such a Distinction, with application to Tyrants or Usurpers, as many do in their pleading for the ouning of our Oppressors: for they have no power, but what is the abuse of power.

3. As that Authority which is Gods Ordinance must have His Institution: So it must have His divine Constitution from Himself and by the people. Wherever then there is Authority to be ouned of men, there must be these tuo, Constitution from God and Constitution from the people. For the first, God hath a special Interest in the Constitution of Authority, both Immediatly & Mediatly. Immediatly, He declares such & such formes of Government to be Lawful & Eligible, and does order whom & who and how people shall erect Governours. And so, He confers Royal Graces & Enduements & Gifts for Government on them, as on Ioshua & Saul: So they become the Lords Anointed, placed & set on the Throne of the Lord, 1 Chron. 29. 23. and honoured with Majestie as His deputies & vicegerents, having their Croun set on by God Psal. 21. 3. But in regard now He doth not by any special Revelation determine, who shall be the Governours in this or that place; There­fore [Page 336] He makes this Constitution by mediation of men; giving them Rules how they shall proceed in setting them up. And seeing by the Law of Nature He hath enjoined Government to be, but hath ordered no particular in it with application to singulars, He hath committed it to the positive transaction of men, to be disposed according to certain General Rules of Justice. And it must needs be so, for 1. without this Constitution, either all or none would be Magistrats: if He hath ordained Civil Power to be, and taken no order in whom it shall be, or how it shall be con­veyed, any might pretend to it; and yet none would have a right to it, more than another. If then He [...]ath affixed it to a peculiar having & holding, by virtue whereof this man is enstated & entitled to the office, and not that man, there must be a Law for Constituting him in Authority, which will discover in whom it is. 2. If it were not so, then a re­sisting of a particular Magistrate would not be a resisting of the ordinance of God, if a particular Magistrate were not Constitute of God, as well as Magistracy is Institute of God: for still it would be undetermined, who were the Power; and so it would be left as free & Lawful for the resister to take the place, as for the resisted to hold it; the institution would be satisfied if any possessed i [...]: therefore there must be Constitution to determine it. 3. No Common Law of Nature can be put into practice, without particular Constitution regulating it. That Wives & Children oune their superior relations, is the Law of Nature; but there must be such a relation first fixed by humane transaction, before they can oune them; there must be Marriage Au­thorized of God, there must be Children begotten, and then the Divine Ordination of these relative duties take place. So the Judges of Israel for 450 years were given of God, Act. 13. 20. not all by an immediate express de­signation, but a mediate Call from God by men, as Ieph­thah Iudg. 11. 6. 11. Inferior judges also are Magistrats ap­pointed by God, yet they have their Deputation from men. Our Saviour speaks of all Magistrats, when he applies that of the 82. Psalm to them, I said ye are Gods; and shewes how they were Gods, because unto them the Word of God [Page 337] came, Iohn. 10. 35. that is, by His Word & Warrant He Authorized them, not by immediate designation in refe­rence to the most of them, but the Word of God comes to them, or His Constitution is past upon them, who are advanced by men according to His Word. When men therefore do act according to the Divine Rule, in the Moulding & Erecting of Government & Governours, there the Constitution is of God, though it be not imme­diate. And where this is not observed, whatever power (so named or pretended) there may be, or what-soever persons there be that take upon them to be the power, and are not thereto appointed or therein instated, and do ex­erce such a power as God hath not legitmated, they are not a power ordained of God. Hence, whatsoever power hath no Constitution from God, eather Immediate or Me­diate, cannot be ouned: But the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers, is a power that hath no Constitution from God, either Immediate or Mediate: Ergo it cannot be ouned. The Major is cleared above. The Minor is also unde­nyable: For, either they must pretend to an Immediate Constitution by revelation, that Iames Duke of York, a vas­sal of Antichrist, had by all his plots & pranks Merited the Crown of Britain, and therefore must be Constitute King: And this I hope they will not pretend to, except the Pope hath gotten such a Revelation from Pluto's Oracle: Or they must have recourse to the Mediate Constitution by men: And if so; Then, either this Mediate Constitution of God is left undetermined, indefinitely & absolutely giving way to any that will assume what power they please & can: And then, I confess, Tyrants may have a Con­stitution; but this confusion cannot be of God: Or else, it is fixed by a Rule, regulating the succession or Constitu­tion of the Governours, and obliging the people to oune the Government so constituted, with exclusion & disal­lowance of any other. And so, if in that Constitution there be a Substantial Deviation from the Rule, as when incompetent or unallowed persons be the advancers of themselves, or others, into that place by illegal & sinis­trous means, in as much as in that case there is the Divine [Page 338] disapprobation, it may be said there is no Ordinance of God, but a Contradiction & Contraordination to Gods Order. Gee's Magist. Origin. chap. 5. Sect. 4. subject 3. pag. 135. This will shake off this of ours, and all other Tyrants & Usurpers, that come into the Government, & hold it not according to Gods Rule.

4. It is clear also in the second place, that the Authority which we can oune out of conscience, must have Consti­tution by the people. The special way by which men should be called into the place of Soveraign power, may perhaps not be found so expressly defined in Scripture, as mens Call to the other Ordinance of the Ministrie is; yet in this two things are essentially necessary to the Constitution of a Magistrate, The peoples consent & compact either formal or virtual. And without these we can oune consciencious subjection & Allegiance to no man living. That the first is necessary will be evident, from the Law of Nature & Nations, and from Scripture. First the light & Law of Nature dictates, that the Right & Interest of Constitu­ting Magistrats is in the Elective vote or suffrage of the people. This will Appear. 1. If we consider, The Original of Government among men, especially after they were so multiplied, that there was a necessity of a reduction into diverse Communities; which, whatever was before the flood, yet after it, behoved to be by a Coalition with consent under an Elective Government. The Scripture makes it more than probable, that the first partition of Common-wealths was in Pelegs dayes, in whose time the earth was Divided Gen. 10. 25. occasioned by the Confusion of Languages at Babel which did dissolve their union and scatter them abroad upon the face of all the eath Gen. 11. 9. Then was it that we may conceive, as ‘Buchanan sayes de Iure Regni apud Scot. the time was, when men dwelt in cottages & caves, and as strangers did wander to & fro without Laws, and such as could converse together of the same language assembled together as their humors did lead them, or as some common Utilitie did allure them▪ A certain instinct of Nature did oblige them to desire Converse & Societie.’ But this confusion of Languages, [Page 339] and Communion of Language, in several divided Parcels, could not incorporate these several Parties into Commu­nities; that behoved to be the effect of some other cause: & what should that be, but the joint will, consent & aggree­ment of the severally Languaged? It could not be by Con­sanguinity; for there is no direction from Nature for a con­finement of that into such & such degrees, to make out the bounds of a Common-wealth, or Possibility of know­ing all with in such degrees; besides all within these de­grees might not be of the same Language. Now the Scrip­ture sayes, they were divided every one after his tongue, after their families, in their Nations Gen. 10. 5. Next it could not be by Cohabitation: for how that must go to be the boundaries of a Common-wealth, inclusively or ex­clusively, is not defined by nature, nor can it be other­wise determined than by humane choise. Then, it could not be by mens belonging to such a Soveraign: for after that Division & Confusion, they could not all be under one Soveraign, nor under the same that they were subject to be­fore; and a Soveraign cannot be before the aggregation of the Subjects whereof he is head, they must first be a Com­mon-wealth before they can belong to it. Again it cannot be founded upon the Right of fatherhood: for in that scat­tering, such a Right could not be uninterruptedly preserv­ed: And then Noah should also have been the Univer­sal Magistrate, which he could not be in these multiplied secessions. And further if it be refounded on the Right of fatherhood; either every Company had one Common Father over all, or every Father made a Common-wealth of his oun Children: The Latter cannot be said, for that would multiply Common-wealts in infinitum: Neither can the first be said, for if they had one Common Father, either this behoved to be the Natural Father of all the Company, which none can think was so happily ordered by Babels confusion: Or else the eldest in age, and so he might be incapable for Government, and the Law of Na­ture does not direct that the Government should alwise be astricted to the eldest of the Community: Or else finally he behoved to be their Political Father, by consent. For be­fore [Page 340] this consent, they were uningaged as to common or­der of Government; none of the Community having any legal Claim to Soveraignity more than the rest. When therfore they were forced to conclude upon Association for their Mutual Preservation, they must be thought to act rationally, and not to make their condition worse but rather better by that conclusion, and, if they found it worse, to resume their radical Right which they had conferred upon men, subject to Law not to Tyrannize over them: And in this case, certainly they had the power of choosing what Kind of Government suited most to their advantage, and would best preserve their Liberties, and how far this should be extended, and who should be assumed into this Combination; still with a reservation of the Priviledge to their oun safety, if their Associates should not do their duty: And so they might also reserve to themselves a Li­berty, to alter the forme when they found it productive of more prejudice than advantage, and never to leave their condition remedieless; And to pitch upon this way of suc­cession and not another, the way of free election of every successor, or of definite election limited to one line, or to the nearest in line, And e contra with a reserve still of their primeve Priviledges, to secure themselves from the inconveniences of that determination, or to change it; And to make choise of such a family & line and not ano­ther, and whether the eldest alwise of that family or the fittest is to be chosen: And however it be, yet still by the peoples consent: And in all this to have respect to some good, great, & Necessary Ends, which if they should be disappointed of, and find these means useless or de­structive to, they were to be loosed from their obligation to use or to oune them. See Ius populi vindicat. ch. 5. pag. 80. &c. 2. If we consider how Nature determines the peoples Interest in the constitution of Governours: whence comes it that this man and not that man, this race & fa­mily and not that, is invested with that Title? It will be found there is no Title on earth now to the Crowns to fa­milies, to persons, but the peoples suffrage: for the In­stitution of Magistracy in general does, not make Iames [Page 341] Stewart a King, no more than Iohn Chamberlain: Neither do qualifications make one, otherwise there might be many better than is this day extant, for there are many men bet­ter qualified: And there is no Prophetical or immediate Callings to Kingdoms now: And as for Conquest without consent, and having no more for a Title, it is no better than Royal Latrocinie. It is certain God would not Com­mand us to obey Kings, and leave us in the Dark that we should not know him that hath a reall call to [...]: And if he have not the peoples Call, where shall we find another? It remains therefore they must have it from the people, who have it to give Radically & virtually; having a power to preserve themselves, and to put it in the hands of one or more Rulers, that they may preserve themselves by them. All men are born alike as to Civil power (no man being born with a Croun on his head) and yet men united in So­ciety may give it to this man & not to that man, therefore they must have it virtually; for they can not give what they have not. And as Cities have power to choose their Magistrats, so many Cities have power to creat an Uni­versal Ruler over them all. The people also have power to Limit the Magistrats power, with conditions; so that the present Ruler shall not have so much prerogative as his predecessor, as Royalists cannot deny, therefore they must have given that power which they can Limit See Lex Rex Quest. 4. pag. 10. &c. Secondly the Scripture also gives Light in this particular. 1. In giving directions & Rules about their Orderly calling their Governours; Impower­ing them, to take wise men, & understanding, & known among their tribes, to be made Rulers D [...]ut. 1. 13. To make Judges & Officers in all their gates Deut. 16. 18. To set one among their brethren King over them and not a stranger Deut. 17. 15. To what purpose are these Rules given them, if they had no interest to choose their Magi­strats? Would God command them to set a King over them, if they had not power to do it? And to set such a man over them and not such an one, if they had no in­fluence in making one at all? And accordingly that wise Statist sayes very well 2 Sam. 16. 18. Hushai to A [...]salem, [Page 342] Nay, but whom the Lard & this people and all the men of Israel choose, his will I be, and with him will I abide. Which will also hold in the Negative, whom the Lord & the people and all the men of the Kingdom do not choose, his we will not be, nor with him will we abide. 2. The Scripture expressly attributeth the making of Kings to the people. All the people of Iuda took Azariah and made him King, in­stead of his Father Amaziah, whom they had executed 2 King. 14. 21. They came with a perfect heart to make David King in Hebron 1 Chron. 12. 38. So they made Ioash King 2 Chron. 23. 11. 3. Even these that were particu­larly designed of God & chosen to be Rulers, yet were not formally invested with power, before the people confer­red it upon them. Gideon was called of God to it, but was not Judge till the people said, Rule thow over us, both thow & thy Son, giving him an hereditary right for his Children, Iudg. 8. 12. Saal was appointed to be King, and there­fore Samuel honoured him, because he was marked out of God to be King, 1 Sam. 9. 24. and anointed him with oyl 1 Sam. 10. 1. after which he was gifted & qualified for Government, God gave him another heart vers. 9. yet all this did not make him King, till the people met for his in­auguration vers. 17. &c. and Crowned him & made him King in Gilgal 1 Sam. 11. ult. David was anointed by Samuel, and yet was a persecuted fugitive for several years, and never acknowledged formally King, till the men of Iudah came & anointed him 2 Sam. 2. 4. for if he had been King before, then there were two Kings in Israel at one time, and David failed of his Royal duty in not punishing the Murderer Saul; whereas himself sayes, he would not touch the Lords [...]. Therefore the people made all these Kings, and that by choise & consent, without which they were no Kings. Hence I argue, If the consent & choise of the people be so essentially necessary to the making of Kings; then they who set up themselves against the con­sent of the body of the Land, and without the choise of any, must be Usurpers, not to be acknowledged for Law­ful Kings: But the former is true as is proven above: Ergo—Now Plain it is that this Duke set up himself [Page 343] against the consent of the body, being excluded from the Government by the Representatives of England, and ge­nerally hated of all; who disdaining to wait upon the for­mall choise of any, but after he had paved his passage to the Throne upon his Brothers blood, did usurpe the Title without all Law.

5. The second thing necessary for the Legal Constitu­tion of a King by the people, is their Compact with him: which must either be Express or Tacite, Explicite or Im­plicite. Two things are here to be proven, that will furnish an Argument for disouning both the Brothers. First, That there must be a Conditionall reciprocally obliging Covenant between the Soveraign and the Subjects, with­out which there is no such relation to be ouned. Secondly That when this compact is broken in all or its chiefest con­ditions by the Soveraign, the peoples obligation ceases. The first. I shall set doun, in the words of a famous Au­thor, our Renouned Country man Buchanan in his Dialo­gue de Iure Regni apud Scotos. Mutua igitur Regi cum Civi­bus est pactio &c. There is then (or there ought to be) a Mutual compact between the King and his subjects &c. That this is indispensibly necessary & essential to make up the Relation of Soveraign & Subjects, may be proved both from the Light of Nature, & Revelation. First it may appear from the Light of Natural reason. 1. From the Rise of Government, and the Interest people have in erecting it by consent & choise (at is shewed above) If a King cannot be with out the peoples making, then all the power he hath must either be by compact or gift: If by com­pact, then we have what we proposed: And if by gift, then if abused they may recall it or if they cannot recover it, yet they may & ought to hold their hand, and give him no more that they may retain, that is no more honour or respect, which is in the honourer before the honoured get it. Can it be imagined, that a people acting rationally would give a power absolutely without restrictions to de­stroy all their oun rights? Could they suppose this bound­less & Lawless Creature, left at Liberty to Tyrannize, would be a fit mean to procure the the ends of Govern­ment? [Page 344] for this were to set up a rampant Tyrant to rule as he listeth, which would make their condition a great deal worse then if they had no Ruler at all, for then they might have more Liberty to see to their safety. See Ius populi ch. 6. pag. 96. 97. 2. This will be clear from the nature of that Authority, which only a Soveraign can have over his Subjects; which whatever be the Nature of it, it cannot be absolute, that is against Scripture, Nature, & Common sense, as shall be proven at more length. That is to set up a Tyrant, one who is free from all conditions, a roaring Lyon & a ranging Bear to destroy all if he pleases. It must be granted by all, that the Soveraign Authority is only fiduciarie, entrusted by God & the people with a great Charge: A great Pledge is impauned & committed to the Care & Custody of the Magistrate, which he must take special care of, and not abuse; or waste, or alienate or sell (for in that case Royalists themselves grant he may be deposed) He is by Office a Patron of the Subjects Liber­ties, and Keeper of the Law both of God & Man, the Keeper of both Tables. Sure he hath no power over the Lawes of God but a Ministerial power, he may not stop & disable them as he pleases; Of the same nature is it, over all other Parts of his Charge. He is rather a Tutor, than an Inheritor & proprietor of the Common-wealth, and may not do with his pupils interest what he pleases. In a word the Nature & whole significancy of his power lyes in this, that he is the Nations publick Servant, both Objectively in that he is only for the good of the people, and Representative­ly in that the people hath impauned in his hand all their power to do Royal Service. The Scripture eaches this, in giving him the Titles of Service, as Watchman &c. al­lowing him Royal wages for his Royal work Rom. 13. he is Gods Minister attending continually on this thing, There is his work, for this cause pay yow tribute also, There is his wages & maintinance. He is called so in that transaction with Rehoboam; The old men advised him to be a Servant unto the People, then they should be his Servants 1 King. 12. 7. There was a conditional bargain proposed: As to be a Servant, or Tutor, or Guardian upon Trust, always [Page 345] implies Conditions & Acconntableness to them that en­trust them. 3. It must needs be so otherwise great absur­dities would follow. Here would be a voluntary con­tracted Relation, obliging as to relative duties, to a man that ouwed none correlative to us, and yet one whom we set over us. It were strange, if there were no Condition here; and no other voluntarly suscepted Relations can be without this, as between Man & Wife, Master & Ser­vant &c. This would give him the disposal of us & Ours, as if both we and what we have were his oun, as a mans goods are, against which he does not sin whatever he do with them. So this would make a King that could not sin against us; being no ways obliged to us, for he can no otherwise be obliged to us but upon Covenant conditions; he may be obliged & bound in duty to God otherwise, but he cannot be bound to us otherwise: And if he be not bound then he may do what he will, he can do no wrong to us to whom he is no wayes bound. This also is point blank against the Law of God, which is the Second way to prove it, by the Light of Revelation or Scripture. 1. In thevery directions about making & seting up of Kings, the Lord shewes what conditions shall be required of them Deut. 17. 15. &c. and in all directions for obeying them, the qualifications they should have are rehearsed as Rom. 13. 3, 4. Therefore none are to be set up but on these conditions, and none are to be obeyed but such as have these qualifications. 2. In His promises of the succession of Kings, He secures their continuation only Conditionally, to establish the Kingdom if they be constant to do His Com­mandments & Judgements 1 Chron. 28. 7. There shall not fail a man to sit upon the Trone yet so that they take heed to their way to walk in Gods Law, as David did 2 Chron. 6. 16. Now He was not otherwise to perform these pro­mises, but by the action & suffrage of the people seting him up, (which He had appointed to be the way of calling Kings to Thrones) if therefore the Lords promise be con­ditional, the peoples actions also behoved to be suspended upon the same conditions. 3. We have many express Covenants, between Rulers & Subjects in Scripture. Ieph­thah [Page 346] was fetcht from the Land of Tob, and made the head of the Gileadites by an explicite mutual stipulation, where­in the Lord was invocated as a Witness, Iudg. 11. 6, 8, 9, 10, 11. So all the Elders of Israel came to make David King, and King David made a League with them in Hebron before the Lord, and then they anointed him over Israel 2 Sam. 5. 3. he made there a Covenant with them before the Lord 1 Chron. 11, 3. He was no King before this Co­venant, and so it was a Pactional Oath between him & the Kingdom, upon termes according to the Law Deut. 17. he was only a King in fieri; one who was to be King, but now actually inaugurate a Covenanted King upon termes that satisfied them. Its true they came to recognosce his Right from the Lord; But so did they recognosce Reho­boams Right, and came to Shechem to make him King 1 King. 12. 1. and yet when he would not enter in Covenant terms with them, to satisfie their just demands, the people answered the King, saying, what portion have we in David, neither have we inheritance in the Son of Iesse, to your tents O Israel vers. 16. They refused to acknowledge such an Usurper, and we find no Prophets ever condemning them for it. So when Iehoash or Ioash was Crowned, Iehojada made a Covenant between the Lord and the King & the people, that they should be the Lords people, between the King also and the people 2 King. 11. 17. 2 Chron. 23. 11, 16. From all these Reasons & Scriptures, It is clear there must be a Mutual Compact. between the Subjects and every Soveraign they oune subjection to, which if he re­fuse, and usurp the Sword, they are under an Anterior obligation to substract their Allegiance, and to make use of their Sword, if they be in capacity, to pull it out of his hands and use it against him. And of this we are put in mind by the Motto of our old Coronation pieces, which have these Words about the Sword. pro me, si mereor in me, that is, for me but if I deserve against me: And surely to him that hath it now in his hands, it may be said, tu meruisti & adhuc meres. We see then, the Allegiance that this Usurper alledges is his due, wants a bottom, to wit a compact with the people. Whence I argue, If there must of necessity be a compact [Page 347] between the King & the people when, he is advanced to the Government; then he that advances himself, without & against this compact, is an Usurper not to be ouned: But the former is true: Ergo he that advances himself with­out & against this compact, is an Usurper not to be ouned. And who more Notoriously deserving such a signature, than Iames the 7/2 who hath made horns of his oun strength, or the Popes Biills, to push his Brother out and himself in to the Throne, upon no termes at all, or any security for Religion & Liberty. One Objection is to be removed here: Can the Customs of the Iewes be binding to all Nations? The Kings of Iudah made such Covenants, shall therefore all Kings do so? Ans. why not this Custom, as well as Crowing, which they used likewise? These Rules are not Typical or Cermonial, nor only so Iudicial as to be pecu­liarly Iudaical, but are matters of moral equity, bearing a standing reason founded upon that Law Deut. 17. 15. &c. Limiting the Prince to stand to conditions. If we cast at Divine Laws for Rules of Government, where wil we find better Laws? It is recorded of the first of the British Kings who was Christian, that writing to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome (before Antichrist took that seat) for the Roman Laws, he received this Answer; ‘By Divine Clemency ye have received the Law & faith of Christ, yow have the Old & New Testaments, out of them in Gods Name by Counsel of your State take Laws, & Govern your King­dom.’ And of another, that he began his Laws thus, God speake all these words &c. And so repeated the Laws of God. The Second thing I undertook to prove, is that Assertion of ‘Buchanan ubi supra, de Iure Regni. Qui prior a Conventis recidit &c. There being a paction between the King & Subjects, he who first recedes from what is Covenanted, and doth Counteract what he hath Covenanted, he looses the contract; and the bond being loosed which did hold fast the King with the people, whatever right did belong to him by virtue of that compact, he looses it, and the people are as free as before the stipulation.’ Which is also asserted by the Author of ‘Ius populi ch. 6. pag. 112. It is no less clear, that when the Soveraign doth [Page 348] not performe the principal main & most necessary con­ditions, condescended & aggreed upon, de jure he fal­leth from his Soveraignity: and pag. 117. when the Prince doth violate his compact, as to all its conditions, or as to its chief main & most necessary condition, the sub­jects are de jure free from subjection to him, and at Liberty to make choise of another.’ This is so clear that it needs no labour to prove it, that upon this head we were loosed from all Allegiance ro the former Tyrant, who was ad­mitted upon terms of an explicite Covenant, the con­ditions whereof he did as explicitely break. There are two cases wherein Subjects are loosed from Covenanted Allegiance to their Princes. 1. When the Prince remitts the obligation of the Subjects, and refuses Allegiance upon that basis; then he can no more demand it by virtue of that compact. He that remitts & will not have that Allegiance, that the Subjects Covenanted upon such & such conditions to him, these Subjects should not give it that they so Co­venanted, for they should not prostitute it to a Refuser & Remitter: But Charles the Second remitted and would not have that Allegiance, which we Covenanted upon such & such conditions viz. upon the terms of the Cove­nant, which he cassed, & annulled, and made Criminal to oune: Ergo to him we should not have given it, which we so Covenanted. 2. When the Prince did enter into a Mutual Covenant with the people upon Mutual condi­tions, and does not only cease to performe the conditions, but simply denies all obligation to do it, and makes it a quarrel to insinuate so much, yea persecutes all who dare assert the obligation of that Covenant; and yet demands Allegiance, not upon the obligation of that Covenant which he hath remitted, but absolutely upon the grounds of his prerogative. In this case it will be evident also, the subjects are not bound either to oune their formerly Cove­nanted Allegiance to him, Or that which he demands on other grounds. Grotius de Iure belli is clear as to this Lib. 1. Cap. 4. Num. 12. Si ex Clausula posita in ipsa delatione Im­perii, ut si Rex hoc aut hoc faciet subditi omni obedientiae vinculo solvuntur, tunc quoque Rex in privatam personam recidit. If [Page 349] there be such a Clause or condition in the very devolution of the Government upon a Prince, as if he do so & so the subjects shall be loosed from all bonds of obedience, then when he does so he becomes a meer private person. Grotius there supposes the power is transferred upon a resolutive con­dition, that is if he transgress the condition the power shall be resolved into its first fountain: much more if it be trans­ferred expressly also upon a suspensive condition, that he shall continue to maintain the ends of the Covenant, defend Religion & the Liberties of the Subjects, in the defence whereof we shall oune Allegiance to him, otherwise not in that case if he do not maintain these ends, plain it is our obligation ceases; for how can it stand upon a conditional obligation, when his performance of the condition sists? But whatever be the conditions Mutual, it flowes Nati­vely from the Nature of a Mutual compact, that qui non praestat officium promissum cadit beneficio hac lege dato, he who doth not perform the conditions aggreed upon hath no right to the benefite granted upon condition of perfor­mance of these conditions; especially if he performe not, or violate these conditions upon supposition whereof he would not have gotten the benefite: It were very absurd to say, in a Mutual conditional compact one party shall still be bound to perform his conditions, though the other perform none but break all. Were it the act of rational Creatures to set up a Soveraign, upon conditions he shall not play the Tyrant, and yet be bound to him thô he Ty­rannize never so much? We have the Nature of Mutual compacts in the Spies Covenant with Rahab Iosh. 2. 20. If thow utter this our business, then we will be quite of thine Oath, which thow hast made us to swear: if she should break condi­tion, then the obligation of the Oath on their part should cease. But next all the stress will ly in proving that the Co­venant, on such & such conditions between a Prince & Subjects, doth equally & mutually oblige both to each other: for if it equally oblige both, then both are equally disen­gaged from other by the breach on either side, and either of them may have a just claim in Law against the other for breach of the conditions. But Royalists & Court-slaves [Page 350] alledge, that such a Covenant obliges the King to God; but not to the people at all; so that he is no more account­able to them, than if he had made none at all. But the contrare is evident: For [1] If the compact be Mutual, and if it be infringed on one side, it must be so in the other also; for in contracts, the parties are considered as equalls, whatever inequality there may be betwixt them otherwise: I speak of contracts among men. [2] If it be not so, there is no Covenant made with the people at all: And so David did no more Covenant with Israel. than with the Chal­deans: for to all with whom the Covenant is made it obliges to them. Otherwise it must be said, he only made the Covenant with God, contrary to the Text; for he made it only before the Lord as a Witness, not with Him as a party. Ioashs Covenant with the Lord is expresly distinguished from that with the people. [3] If it be not so, it were altogether non-sense to say, there were any Covenant made with the King, on the other hand: for he is supposed to be made King on such & such terms, and yet by this after he is made King he is no more obliged unto them, than if there had been no compact with him at all. [4] If he be bound as King, and not only as a man or Christian, then he is bound with respect to the people; for with respect to them he is only King: But he is bound as King, and not only as a man or Christian, be­cause it is only with him as King that the people Covenant, and he must transact with them under the same considera­tion. Next, that which he is obliged to, is the specifi­cal act of a King, to defend Religion & Liberty, & Rule in Righteousness; And therefore his Covenant binds him as King. Again, if he be not bound as King, then as a King he is under no obligation of Law or Oath, which is to make him a Lawless Tyrant, yea none of Gods subjects. It would also suppose that the King as King could not sin against the people at all, but only against God: for as King he could be under no obligation of duty to the people, and where there is no obligation there is no sin; by this he would be set above all obligations to love his neighbour as himself, for he is above all his neighbours, and all man­kind, [Page 351] and only less than God; and so by this doctrine he is loosed from all duties of the Second Table, or at least he is not so much obliged to them as others. But against this it is Objected: both Prince & people are obliged to per­forme their part to each other, and both are obliged to God, but both are not accountable to each other; there is not mutual power in the parties to compell one another to performe the promised duty; the King hath it indeed over the people, but not the people over the King, and there is no indifferent Judge Superior to both to compell both, but God. Ans. 1. What if all this should be grant­ed? yet it doth not infringe the proposition: what if the people have not power to compell him? yet Iure he may fall from his Soveraignity, though de facto he is not de­posed: he loses his right to our part, when he breaks his part. 2. There is no need of a Superior Arbiter: for as in contracting they are considered as equal, so the party keeping the contract is Superior to the other breaking it: 3. There may be Mutual Coactive Power, where there is no Mutual relation of Superiority & Inferiority: yea in some cases Inferiours may have a Coactive Power by Law, to compell their Superiours failing in their duty to them; As a Son wronged by his Father may compel him to repa­ration by Law; And independent Kingdoms, nothing in­ferior to each other, being in Covenant together, the wronged may have a Coactive power to force the other to duty, without any Superior Arbiter. 4. The bond of suretyship brings a man under the obligation to be account­able to the Creditor, though the surety were never so high and the Creditor never so low: Solomon sayes in General without exception of Kings, yea including them because he was a King that spake it Prov. 6. 1, 2. My son if thow be Surety for thy friend—thow art snared with the words of thy Mouth. Now a Kings power is but fiduciary; And there­fore he cannot be unaccountable for the power concredited to him. And if the Generation had minded this, our Stewarts should have been called to an account for their Stewardship ere now. Hence I argue, If a Covenanted Prince, breaking all the Conditions of his compact, doth [Page 352] forfeit his right to the Subjects Allegiance, then they are no more to oune him as their Soveraign: But the former is proved, that a Covenanted Prince breaking all the con­ditions of his compact doth forfeit his right to the Subjects Allegiance: Ergo—And Consequently when Charles the Second, expressly bound by Covenant to defend & promote the Convenanted Reformation & Liberties of the Kingdom, to whom only we were bound in the terms of his defending & promoting the same, did violently & villainously violate & vilify these conditions, we were no more bound to them. Somewhat possibly may be Objected here. 1. If this be the sense of the Covenant, then it would seem that we were not bound to oune the King, but only when & while he were actually promoving & car­rying on the ends of the Covenant. Ans. It does not follow, but that we are obliged to preserve his Person & Authority in these necessary intervalls, when he is called to see to himself as a man; for we must preserve him as a mean, because of his aptitude & designation for such an End, albeit not alwayes formally prosecuting it: we do not say, that we are never to oune him, but when actual­ly exercised in prosecuting these ends: but we say, we are never to oune him, when he is Tyrannically & Treacher­ously abusing his Authority for destroying & overturning these ends, and violating all the conditions of his compact. It may be Obj. 2. Saul was a Tyrant, and a breaker of his Royal Covenant, and persecuter of the Godly, and Mur­derer of the Priests of the Lord, usurper upon the Priests Office, and many other wayes guilty of breaking all con­ditions: And yet David and all Israel ouned him as the Anointed of the Lord. Ans. 1. Saul was indeed a Tyrant, rejected of God, and to be ejected out of his Kingdom in His oun time & way, which David a Prophet knowing would not anticipate. But he was far short, and a meer Bungler in acts of Tyranny in comparison of our Grassators: he broke his Royal Covenant in very gross particular acts, but did not cass & rescind the whole of it, did not burn it, did not make it Criminal to oune its obligation, nor did he so much as profess a breach of it, nor arrogate an Ab­solute [Page 353] prerogative, nor attempt arbitrary Government, nor to evert the fundamental Laws and overturn the Re­ligion of Israel, & bring in Idolatry, as Ours have done: He was a Persecuter of David upon some private quarrels, not of all the Godly upon the account of their Covenanted Religion: He Murdered 85 Priests of the Lord, in a trans­port of fury, because of their kindness to David; but he did not make Laws adjudging all the Ministers of the Lord to death, who should be found most faithful in their duty to God & His Church, as Ours have done against all Field Preachers: He Usurped upon the Priests Office, in one elicit act of Sacrificing; but he did not usurp a Supre­macy over them, and annex it as an inherent right of his Crown. 2. He was indeed such a Tyrant, as deserved to have been dethroned & brought to condign punishment, upon the same accounts that Amaziah & Uzziah were de­posed for afterwards: And in this the people failed in their duty, and for it they were plagued remarkably; shall their Omission be an Argument to us? 3. As the question was never put to the people, whether they ouned his Authority as Lawful or not? So we do not read, either of their Uni­versal ouning him, or their positive disouning him: How­ever, Thats no good Argument, which is drawen a non facto ad faciendum; because they did it not, therefore it must not be done. 4. They ouned him; but how? as the Minister of God, not to be resisted or revolted from under pain of damnation? (as all Lawful Magistrats ought to be ouned Rom. 13. 2, 4.) This I deny: for David & his six hundred men resisted him resolutely; And though the body of the Nation did long Lazily lye & couch as Asses under his bur­den, yet at length, weary of his Tyranny, many revolted from under him, and adjoined themselves to David at Zik­lag, while he kept himself close because of Saul the Son of Kish 1 Chron. 12. 1. who are commended by the Spirit of God for their valour vers. 2. &c. and many out of Manasseh fell to him, when he came with the Philistims against Saul to battel vers. 19. This was a practical disouning of the Tyrant, before the Lord deposed him. 5. David did in­deed pay him & his Character some deference, as having [Page 354] been the Anointed of the Lord; yet perhaps his honour­ing him with that title, the Lords anointed 1 Sam. 24. 1 Sam. 26. and calling him so often his Lord the King cannot be altogether Justified, no more than his using that same language to Achish King of Gath. 1 Sam. 29. 8. I shew before how titles might be allowed: but this so circum­stantiate, does not seem so consistent with his im­precatory prayer, for the Lords avenging him on him. 1 Sam. 24. 12. and many other imprecations against him in his Psalms; in some of which he calls the same man, whom here he stiles the Lords anointed, a Dog; as Saul & his Complices are called Psal. 95. 6, 14. and the evil violent & wicked man Psal 140. 1, 4. and the vilest of men Psal. 12. ult. However it be, there can be no Argument from hence, to oune the Authority of Tyrants & Usurpers.

6. Though this Necessary conditional compact, which must alwayes be in the constitution of Lawfu [...] Rulers, be not alwayes express & explicite, so that a written Authen­tick Copy of it cannot be always produced; yet it is alwise to be understood implicitely at least transacted, in the Rulers admission to the Government, wherein the Law of God must regulate both parties; and when he is made Ruler, it must natively be understood that it is upon terms to be a Father, feeder, & Protector, and not a Tyrant, Mur­derer, & Destroyer. All Princes are so far pactional, that they are obliged, by the high & absolute Soveraign from whom they derive their Authority, to reign for the Peace & profit of the people: this is fixed unalterably by the Laws of the Supreme Legislator, and solemnly en­gaged unto at the Coronation: and whosoever declines or destroyes this fundamental condition, he degrades & de­poses himself. It is also not only the Universal practice, but necessary for the Constitution & Conservation of all Common-wealths, to have fundamental Laws & Provi­sions about Government, both for the upholding & trans­mitting & transfering it as occasion calls, and preventing & punishing violations thereof, that there be no invasion or intrusion upon the Government, and if there be any entrance upon it not according to the Constitution, that [Page 355] it be illegitimated, and the Nations Liberties always se­cured. This doeth infer & regulate a conditional compact with all that are advanced to the Government, albeit it should not be expressed. For it is undenyable that in the erection of all Governours, the grand Interests of the Com­munity must be seen to by Legal Securities for Religion & Liberty, which is the end & use of fundamental Laws. Now how these have been unhinged & infringed, by the introduction & present establishment by Law of that Mon­ster of the prerogative, enacted in Parliament Anno 1661. the Apologetick Relation doth abundantly demonstrate, Sect. 10. Concerning the Kings Civil Supremacy, enhancing all the Absoluteness that ever the Great Turk could arrogate, and yet far short of what hath been Usurped since, and im­pudently proclaimed to the world, especially by him who now domineers, in his Challenges of Soveraign Authority, prerogative Royal, & Absolute Power, which all are to obey with­out reserve, whereby the whole basis of our Constitution, and Bulwark of our Religion, Laws, & Liberties, is enervated, and we have security of no Law but the Kings lust. Hence I argue, Those Princes, that, contrary to their virtual compact (at least) at their coming to the Crown, have overturned all fundamental Laws, cannot be ouned: But our Princes have contrary to their virtual compact (at least) at their coming to the Crown over­turned all fundamental Laws: Ergo they cannot be ouned. ‘The Major is plain: for they that overturn fundamental Laws are no Magistrats; thereby all the ends of Govern­ment being subverted, and the subverter cannot be ouned as a Father or friend, but an open enemy to the Com­mon-wealth, nor looked upon as Magistrats doing their duty, but as Tyrants seeking themselves with the de­struction of the Common-wealth.: And in this case the compact, the ground of the Constitution, being violat­ed, they fall from their right, and the people are Libe­rated from their obligation, and they being no Magistrats the people are no subjects, for the relation is mutual, and so is the obligation Ius populi chap. 9. pag. 183.’ The Minor is manifest, both from the matter of fact, and the [Page 356] Mischiefs framed into Laws, by the Soveraign Authority, Prerogative Royal, & Absolute Power foresaid: whereby what remains of our fundamental Constitutions, either in Religious or Civil Settlements, unsubverted as yet, may be subverted when this Absolute Monarch pleases. Which Absolute Authority we cannot in conscience oune, for these Reasons, taken both from Reason & Scripture. First its against Reason. 1. A power contrare to Nature can­not be ouned: Absolute power is such: for that which takes away, and makes the people to give away, their Na­tural power of preserving their lives & Liberties, and sets a man above all rule & Law, is contrare to Nature; such is Absolute power, making people resign that which is not in their power to resign, an absolute power to destroy & Tyrannize. 2. A power contrare to the first rise of its Constitution cannot be ouned: Absolute power is such: for, The first rise of the Constitution is a peoples seting a Soveraign over them, giving him Authority to ad­minister justice over them; But it were against this, to set one over them with a power to rage at randome, and rule as he lists: Its proven before, a King hath no power but what the people gave him, but they never gave, never could give an absolute power to destroy themselves. 3. That power which is against the ends of Government can­not be ouned: Absolute power is such: for, that which will make a peoples condition worse then before the Con­stitution, and that mean which they intended for a bless­ing to turn a plague & scourage to them, and all the subjects to be formal slaves at the Princes devotion, must needs be contrare to the ends of Government: But Absolute power is such: for, against the exorbitance thereof no means would be left to prevent its obstructing all the fountains of Justice, and commanding Laws & Lawyers to speak, not justice righteousness & reason, but the lust & pleasure of one man, and turning all into Anarchy & confusion: Certainly it could never be the intention either of the work or workers, at the Constitution of Government, to set up a power to enslave the people, to be a Curse to them; but their ends was to get comfort, safety, & Liberty, under the shadow [Page 357] of Government. 4. That power which invalidates, and is inconsistent with the Kings compact with the people, cannot be ouned: Absolute Power is such: for, the te­nor of that is alwise to secure Laws & Liberties, to rule according to Law; but to be Absolute invalidates & is in­consistent with that: That which were an engagment into Contradictories cannot consist with that compact; but to engage to be absolute, and yet to rule by Law, is an en­gagment into Contradictories, which no people could ad­mit for a security: Its inconsistent with this compact, to give the King Absolute Power to overturn Religion & Li­berty, and to assume it which was never given, were to invalidate this compact, and to make himself no King; but to restore unto the people the power they conferred upon him, for the defence of Religion & Liberty. 5▪ That power which is not from God, nor of God, cannot be ouned: But Absolute Power is not of God; because it is a power to Tyrannize & Sin, which if it were of God He should be the Author of Sin; for if the Moral Power be of God, so must the acts be; but the acts of Absolute Power, being Lawless, cannot be from God: Ergo neither the Moral Power to commit these acts. 6. That Ruler who cannot be Gods Minister for the peoples good cannot be oun­ed: (for that is the formal reason of our consfiencious sub­jection to Rulers Rom. 13. 4, 5.) But Absolute Soveraigns are such as cannot be Gods Ministers for the peoples good; for if they be Gods Ministers for good, they must admini­ster justice, preserve peace, rule by Law, take directions from their Master; and if so, they cannot be absolute. 7. A Tyrant in actu signato & exercito cannot be ouned: But an Absolute Prince is such; being a power that may play the Tyrant if he pleases, and jure as King: And so if Kings be actu primo Tyrants, then people are actu primo Slaves; and so Royal Power cannot be a blessing to them: yea a Law­less breaker of all bonds, promises, & Oaths, cannot be ouned as Lawful Power: But Absolute Power is such: for, it cannot be limited by these Obligations, at least people cannot have any seurity by them. 8. A Lawless Power is not to be ouned: An Absolute Power is a Law­less [Page 358] power: Ergo not to be ouned. The Major is plain. Cicero sayes Lib. 2. de officio Eadem constituendarum Legum cau­sa fuit, quae Regum The reason of making Lawes was the same, as of the creation of Kings. And Buchanan de jure Regni very excellently; ‘when the lust of Kings was in stead of Laws, and being vested with an infinite & im­moderate power, they did not contain themselves within bounds—the insolency of Kings made Laws to be desired; for this cause Laws were made by the people, and Kings constrained to make use, not of their Li­cencious wills in judgment, but of that right & priviledge which the people had conferred upon them, being taught by many experiences, that it was better that their Liberty should be concredited to Laws, than to Kings; better to have the Law which is a dumb King, than a King who is not a speaking Law.’ If then Laws be necessary for the making of Kings, and more necessary than Kings, And the same cause requirs both, then a King without Laws is not to be ouned. Rex must be Lex loquens; a King must be a speaking & living Law, reducing the Law to practice: So much then as a King hath of Law, so much he hath of a King; and he who hath nothing of the Law, hath nothing of a King. Magna Charta of England saith, the King can do nothing but by Law, and no obedience is due to him but by Law. Buchanan rehearses the words of the most famous Empe­rours, Theodosius & Valentinianus to this effect, Digna vox Majestate regnantis, legibus se alligatum Principem fateri; & re­vero Imperio majus ost, submittere legibus Principatum. It is, say they, a word worthy of the Majestie of a King, to con­fess he is a tyed Prince to the Laws, and indeed it is more to submit a Principality to the Laws, than to enjoy an Em­pire. But now that an absolute power must be a Lawless power, is also evident; for thats a Lawless power that makes all Laws void, needless & useless: but such is absolute power: for, it cannot be confined to the observ­ance of Laws. 9. That power which is destructive to the peoples Liberties cannot be ouned: Absolute power is such: for, such a Licencious freedom as is absolute, can­not consist with the peoples Liberties; for these he may in­fringe [Page 359] when he pleases: Now these, in their oun Nature, and in all respects, being preferable to the Kings preroga­tive, And it being no prerogative which is not consistent with, yea in its oun nature adapted to, the precious Inte­rests of Religion & Liberty, when the Kings Absolute Au­thority is stated in contradictory terms to these, we can­not oune that Authority: for now he hath another Autho­rity than could be given him for the preservation of these Interests, in the preservation whereof he can only have an Authority to be ouned, seeing he claimes a power to de­stroy them if he please. 10. If we should oune Absolute Authority; then we should oune a Royal prerogative in the King to make & dispense with Laws: Now that cannot be ouned: for, it would infer that the King had a Masterly Dominion over his subjects, to make Lawes, & inflict Penalties without their consent. And plain it is, they that make Kings must have a Coordinate power to make Laws also; but the people in their Representatives make Kings, as is proven. Next a prerogative to dispense with Laws, except such Laws as are in their oun nature dispensable, without prejudice to any Law of God or Liberties of men, cannot be ouned: for any power to dispense with Reason & Law, not grounded on any other reason but meer will & absolute pleasure, is a brutish power. It cannot be jus Coronae, a right annexed to the Crown, to do so: for a King as a King illud tantum potest quod jure potest can do noth­ing but what he may do by Law. Nay this is not only a Brutish power, but a Blasphemous power, making him a Kind of God on earth illimited, that can do what he pleases: And to dispute it further, were to dispute whe­ther God hath made all under him slaves by their oun con­sent; Or whether he may encroach on the prerogative of God, or not. By this prerogative, he arrogates a power to dispense with the Laws of God also, in pardoning Mur­therers &c. which no man hath power to do: the Law of God being so peremptorly indispensable Gen. 9. 6. whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed. Numb. 35. 30. 31. Who so killeth any person, the murderer shall he put to death—more over ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, [Page 360] but he shall be surely put to death. These pardons are acts of blood to the Community. If the Judgment be Gods, as it is Deut. 1. 17. and not for man but for the Lord 2 Chron. 19. 6. then no King can arrogate a power to dispense with it, no more then an inferior Judge can dispense with the Kings Laws: for the King is but a Minister, bearing the Sword not in vain, but as a revenger to execute wrath upon them that do evil Rom. 13. 4. They are but bastard Kings who give out sentances out of their oun mouth, contrary to Gods mind. And if he may do acts of grace by Prerogative above Law, then may he also do acts of Justice (so pretend­ed) by the same Prerogative; and so may murder Inno­cents, as well as pardon Murderers, he may condemn the just as well as justify the wicked, both which are alike abomination to the Lord Pro. 17. 15. This power cannot be ouned in any man. 11. To oune Absolu­te power, were to recognosce the King as the proper & sole Interpreter of the Law. This Buchanan shews to be very absurd: ‘Cum regi Legum interpretationem &c.when yow grant the interpretation of Laws to a King; yow give him such a Licence, that the Law should not speak what the Lawgiver meaneth but what is for the Interpreters Interest; so that he may turn it to all actions, as a Lesbian rule, for his oun advantage; And so what he pleases the Laws shall speak, and what he will not it shall not speak.’ Now the Kings absolute pleasure, can no more be the sense of the Law, than it can be the Law it self: He is King by Law, but he is not King of Law: No mortal can make a sense to a Law, contrare to the Law; for it involves a Contradiction; the true meaning is only the Law. This also would take away the use of all Laws; for they could not declare what were just & unjust, but as the King pleased; their genuine sense could not be the rule. 12. If we oune the Law to be above the King, then we cannot oune the King to be absolute: But the former is true: For, he must be under it several wayes: (1) under its Directive power; that will not be denyed. (2) under its Constitutive power: he is not a King by Nature, but by Constitution & Law: therefore the Law is above the King; [Page 361] because its only from the Law that there is a King, and that such a man and not another is King, and that the King must be so & so qualified, and they that made him a King may also unmake him by the same Law. (3) under its Limi­ting & Restrictive power, as a man he cannot be absolute, nor as a King by Law. (4) under its Coactive power. A Law maker, said King Iames the 6. should not be a Law breaker: but if he turn an overturner of the fundamental Laws, that Law or Covenant that made him King, doth oblige to unmake him. Whatever power he hath it is only a bor­rowed, fiduciary power, as the Nations Publick servant: and that which was lent him in Pledge or paun, may be reclaimed, when abused by him. Especially if he turn par­ricide, Kill his brother, murder his nobles, burn Cities, then he may & ought to be punished by Law. Otherwise, God should have provided better for the safety of the part, than of the whole, though that part be but a mean for the safety of the whole: for if he turn Tyrant in his absolute­ness, the people must be destroyed, if they may not repress him; thus he is secured, and the whole exposed to ruine. Yea, if he be a man as well as a King, he must be under rule of Law; and when he transgresses, either his trans­gressions are punishable by men, or they are not transgres­sions with men, See many Arguments to this purpose in Lex Rex Quest. 14. 19. 22. 23. 24. 26. 27. But Secondly I prove it by Scripture 1. Even as King he is regulated by Law, not to multiply horses, nor wives, nor money, but to keep the words of the Law, and not lift up himself above his brethren, Deut. 17. 16, 17, 19, 20. he must observe to do according to the Law, and not turn from it to the right hand or to the left Iosh. 1. 7. Ergo he must not be absolute. 2. He is certainly under that Law, Math. 7. 12. what so ever ye would that men should do to yow do ye even so to them: which is the universal fundamental Law. If then he would have us keeping in our line of subordination to him, he must keep his line, and so cannot be absolute. 3. What is Gods dwe & peculiar Prerogative, can be ouned in no Mortal: But Absolute power is Gods due & peculiar Prerogative. He alone does whatsoever pleaseth Him Psal. 115. 3. He alone [Page 362] worketh alle things after the Counsel of His oun will Eph. 1. 11. Acts or Commands founded upon the sole pleasure of the Agent, are proper to God. Its Gods will and not the Creatures, that can make things good or just. Its Blasphemy therefore to ascribe absolute power to any Creature. 4. That which the spirit of God condemned as a point of Tyranny in Nebuchadnezzar, that is no prerogative to be ouned: but the Spirit of God condemned this in him, pro­ceeding from absolute power, that whom he would he slew, and whom he would he kept alive, whom he would he set up, and whom he would he put doun, And his heart was lifted up Dan. 5. 19. 20. 5. That which God condemns & threatens in Tyrants in the Word in General, cannot be ouned: but Absolute power, God condemns & thereatens in the word in general; that they turned Iudgement into Gall, and said, have we not taken to us horns by our oun strength? Amos. 6. 12. 13. 6. The Word of God speaks nothing of the Kings Absolute prerogative, to make Laws as he will. It is plain the Kings of Iudah had it not; but the Sanhedrin had a great part of the Nomothetick power, and of the punitive power in a special manner: the Princes & people had it by Ieremahs acknowledgment Ier. 26. 14. And Zedekiah confesses to them; the King is not he that can do any thing against yow Ier. 38. 5. 7. we find the King in Scripture had not an absolute power, to expone or execute the Law as he would: Saul made a Law 1 Sam. 14. 2 [...]. Cursed be the man that eats any food until evening. But expening it, & thinking to execute it after a Tyrannical manner, he was justly resisted by the people, who would not let him kill innocent Ionathan. 8. Nor had he the sole power of Inter­preting it: for inferior Judges were Interpreters, who are no less essential Judges than the King, who are set to Judge for the Lord, and not for the King 2 Cron. 19. 6. and there­fore they were to expone it according to their oun con­science, and not the Kings. They were to speak righteous­ness & Iudge uprightly Psal. 58. 1. hence called Gods, as well as Kings Psal. 82. 1. There was no essential Diffe­rence between a King of Gods approving and a Judge; there being but one Law to both Deut. 17. 9. he was sub­ject [Page 363] to judgment as well as others: for being but a brother, even while on the throne, who was not to lift up his heart above his brethren, Deut. 17. ult. When his Cause was to be judged, his person though never so great was not to be respected; nor were they to be afrayed of the face of man, for the judgment was Gods Deut. 1. 17. therefore the Judges were to give out sentence in judgment, as if the Lord were to give it out: There was no exception of Kings there. Yea, we find according to common Law, they judged & punished offending Kings, as shall be made appear. 10. If they were under Church Censures, then they were not abso­lute: but we find Kings were under Church Censures; not only rebuked sharply to their face, of which we have many instances; but also subjected to Church discipline, as Uzziah shut up for his Leprosie. And certainly at all times this must be extended to all: for the King is either a brother, or not: If not, then he should not be King, according to the Scripture Deut. 17. 15. then also he is not a Christian, nor can he say the Lords Prayer: If he be, then if a brother offend, he is subject to the Church Math. 18. there is no ex­ceptions of Kings there. The Objection from Eccles, 8. 3. 4. —he doth whatsoever pleaseth him where the word of a King is there is power, and who may say unto him, what doest thow? is of no significancy here. For. 1. This Argument will en­force absolute obedience, if the power be to be taken ab­solutely▪ for it is obedience that is there commanded: and so we must not only oune the absolute Authority, but obey it without reserve, which never any yet had the impudence to plead for, until Iames the unjust claimed it in a Scots Proclaimation: but we answer, It is better to obey God than man, 2. If he may do whatsoever pleases him, then he may turn Priest, then he may kill whom he pleases, & take possession; and yet for Saules Usurpation Samuel could say more than what doest thow? even to tell him, he had done foolishly, and his Kingdom should not continue 1 Sam. 13. 13. 14. And for Ahabs Tyranny, El [...]ah could tell him, the dogs shall lick thy blood even thine 1 King. 21. 19. And Eze­kiel, thow profane wicked-Prince of Israel Ezek. 21. 25. 3. The meaning is then only this; that a righteous King, his just [Page 364] power may not be controlled; he is armed with power that may not be resisted, for he beareth not the Sword in vain, and therefore we must not stand in an evil matter against them I conlude then this Argument, with the words of an Ingenious Author, upon this same subject, both in Thesi & Hypothesi: ‘whosoever shall offer to rule Arbitrarly, does immediatly cease to be King de jure. seeing by the fundamental, Common & Statute-Laws of the Realme, we know none for Supreme Magistrate & Governour but a limited Prince, and one who stands circumscribed & bounded in his power & Prerogative. Ill effects of animo­sities. Pag. 17.’

7. From what is said this is the result, that it is essentially necessary to a Moral power & Authority, to have a right & title, without which we can oune none, but as a Tyrant sine Titulo. For what is Authority, but a right to rule? if then it have not a right, it is not Authority. This will be undeniable, if we consider, that as Private dominon, or Property, consists in a right to enjoy; So Publick domi­nion, in a right to rule. Some things indeed are exposed to the common & arbitrary use of every man, and also at the begining, by reason of the fewness of mankind, Do­minion was not reduced to distinct Property; yet now, upon the Multiplication of Occupants, of necessity it must be stated by peculiar appropriation, from the Law of Na­ture, and by the Grant of the Supreme King, who hath given the earth to the Children of men Psal. 115. 16, not to be catched up as the food of beasts, which the stronger seise, and the weaker get only what the other leave them, but divided by right as an Inheritance, by Him who separated the Sons of Adam and set the bounds of the People Deut. 32. 8. Especially Publick Dominion cannot be without a foun­dation for its relation to the subjected, and must be so tied up, that it may be said, this man is to command and these are to obey. I shew that Authority is from God both by In­stitution & Constitution; so that the Subjects are given to understand, such an one is singled out by God to sustain this Authority, by prescribing a rule for mens entry into the Authoritative relation, whereby He communicates that [Page 365] power to them which is not in others, and which other­wise would not be in them. Hence it is that Orderly ad­mittance that must give the right, and upon mens having or not having such an entrance to it depends the reality or nullity of the power they challenge. Where therefore there is no Lawful Investure, there is no Moral power to be ouned; otherwise Iohn of Leyden his Authority might have been ouned: the unlawfulness of such a power consists in the very tenore it self, and if we take away the use or holding of it, we take away the very being of it: it is not then the abuse of a power Lawfully to be used, but the very use of it is unlawful. But in the Usurpation of this Man, or Monster rather that is now mounted the Throne, there is no Lawful investure in the way God hath appointed, as is shewed above. Ergo there is no Moral power to be ouned. To clear this alitle further, it will be necessary to remove the ordinary Prentences, pleaded for a Title to warrant the ouning of such as are in power. Which are three chiefly viz. Possession, Conquest, and Hereditary Suc­cession. The first must be touched more particularly, be­cause it hath been the originate error, & spring of all the stupid mistakes about Government, and is the pitiful plea of many even Malecontents, why this Mans Authority is to be ouned, asserting that a person attaining & occupying the place of power (by whatsoever means) is to be ouned as the Magistrate. But this can give no right: for. 1. If Pro­vidence cannot signify Gods approbative ordination, it can give no right; for without that there can be no right: But Providence cannot signify His approbative Ordination: because that, without the warrant of His Word, cannot signify either allowance or dissallowance, it is so various, being often the same to Courses directly contrary, and oftentimes contrary to the same Course: sometimes fa­vouring it, sometimes crossing it, whether it be good or bad: And the same Common Providence may proceed from far different Purposes, to one in Mercy, to another in Judgment; And most frequently very disproportionable to mens wayes: Providence places sometimes wickedness in the place of Iudgment, and iniquity in the place of righteousness [Page 366] Eccless. 3. 16. that is not by allowance. By Providence it happens to the just according to the work of the wicked, and to the wicked according to the work of the righteous Ec­cless. 8. 14. No man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is be­fore them, all things come alike to all, there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked Eccel. 9. 1. It were a great debasing of the Lords anointed to give him no other warrant then sin hath in the world, or the falling of a Sparrow. 2. Either every Providential Possession, in every ease, gives a title: Or God hath Declared it as a Law, that it shall be so in this particular matter of Authority only. The first cannot be said: for, that would justify all robbery: Nor the second, for where is that Law found? Nay it were impious to alledge it; for it would say, there is no unjust Possessor or Disorderly occupant, but if he were once in the Possession, he were right enough: And then Usurpation would be no sin. 3. If none of the Causes of Magistracy be required to the producing of this Possesso­ry power, then it cannot give or have any right; for without the true Causes it cannot be the true effect, and so can have no true right to be ouned: But none of the Causes of Magistracy are required to the production of this; neither the Institution of God, for this might have been if Magi­stracy had never been instituted; Nor the Constitution of men, for this may usurp without that. 4. That which must follow upon the right, and be Legitimated by it, cannot be ouned as the right, nor can it give the title: But the Possession of the power, or the Possessory exercise thereof, must follow upon its right, and be legitimated by it. Ergo—A man must first be in the relation of a Ruler, before he can rule; and men must first be in the relation of subjects, before they obey. The Commands of Publick Justice, to whom are they given but to Magistrats? They must then be Magistrats, before they can be ouned as the Ministers of Justice: he must be a Magistrate before he can have the power of the Sword, he cannot by the power of the Sword make himself Magistrate. 5. That which would make every one in the Possession of the Magistracy, a Tyrant, can not be ouned: But a Possessory occupation [Page 367] giving right, would make every one in Possession of the Magistracy a Tyrant, can not be ouned: But a Posses­sory occupation giving right, would make every one in Possession a Tyrant; for, that which enervats & takes away that necessary Distinction between the Kings personal Ca­pacity & his Legal Capacity, his natural & his moral power, will make every King a Tyrant (seeing it makes every thing that he can do as a man, to be Legally done as a King) But a Possessory occupation giving right, would enervate & take away that distinction: for how can these be distinguished in a meer Possessory power? the mans Pos­session is all his legal power; and if Possession give a right, his power will give legality. 6. What sort or size of Pos­session can be ouned to give a right? Either it must be partial or plenary possession: Not partial, for then others may be equally entitled to the Government, in competition with that partial possessor, having also a part of it: Not plenary, for them every interruption or Usurpation on a part, would make a dissolution of the Government. 7. Hence would follow infinite absurdities: this would give equal warrant in case of vacancy to all men to step to, & stickle for the throne, and expose the Common wealth as a booty to all aspiring spirits; for they needed no more to make them Soveraigns, and lay a tye of subjection upon the consciences of people, but to get into possession: And in case of Competition, it would leave people still in sus­pense & uncertainties whom to oune, for they behoved to be subject only to the Uppermost, which could not be known until the Controversy be decided: It would cassate & make void all preobligations, Cautions, & restrictions from God about the Government: it would Cancel and make vain all other titles of any, or Constitutions, or provisions, or Oaths of Allegiance: yea to what purpose were Laws, or pactions made about ordering the Govern­ment, if possession gave right, & laid an obligation on all to oune it? yea then it were sinful to make any such pro­visions, to fence in & limit the determination of provi­dence, if providential possession may authorize every in­truesive acquisition to be ouned: Then also in case of com­petition [Page 368] of two equal pretenders to the Government, there would be no place left for arbitrations: If this were true, that he is the power that is in possession, the difference were at an end; no man could plead for his oun right then: In this also it is inconsistent with it self, condemning all resistence against the present occupant, yet justifying every resistence that is but successful to give possession. 8. That which would oblige us to oune the Devil & the Pope, can­not be a ground to oune any man: But if this were true, that possession gave right, it would oblige us to oune the Devil & the pope. Satan we find claiming to himself the possession of the worlds Kingdoms Luk. 4. 6. which as to many of them is in some respect true, for he is called the God of this world, and the Prince of this world Iohn. 14. 30. 2 Cor. 4. 4. Are men therefore obliged to oune his autho­rity? or shall they deny his, and acknowledge his lievte­nant, who bears his name, and by whom all his orders are execute, I mean the man that Tyranizes over the people of God? for he is the Devil that casts some into prison Revel. 2. 10. Again the Pope, his Captain-General, layes claim to a Temporal power & Ecclesiastick both, over all the Na­tions, and possesses it over many; and again, under the Conduct of his vassal the Duke of York, is attempting to re­cover the possession of Britain: Shall he therefore be ouned? This Cursed Principle disposes men for Poperie, and con­tributes to strengthen Poperie & Tyrannie both on the stage, to the vacating of all the promises of their dispossess­ion. 9. That which would justify a Damnable sin, and make it a ground of a duty, cannot be ouned: But this fancy of ouning every power in possession would justify a damna­ble sin, and make it the ground of a duty: for, Resistence to the powers ordained of God is a damnable sin Rom, 13. 2. but the Resisters having success in providence may come to the possession of the power, by expelling the just occupant; and by this opinion that possession would be ground for the duty of subjection for Conscience sake. 10. If a self-created dignity be null and not to be ouned, then a meer possessory is not to be ouned: But the former is ttue: as Christ saith, Iohn. S. 54. If I honour myself my honor is nothing. 11. That [Page 369] which God hath disallowed cannot be ouned: But God hath expresly disallowed possession without right Ezek. 21. 27. I will overturn, overturn, overturn it until He come whose right it is, Hos. 8. 4. They have set up Kings & not by me. Math. 26. 52. All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword; by this the Usurper of the Sword is differenced from the true ouner. 12. Many Scripture examples confut this; shew­ing that the possession may be in one, and the power with right in another. David was the Magistrate, and yet Ab­salom possessed the place 2 Sam. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. chap. Shebah also made a revolt and Usurped the possession in a great part, and yet David was King 2 Sam. 20. 2. Adonijah got the start in respect of possession, exalting himself, saying, I will be King: yet the Kingdom was Solomons from the Lord. 1 King. 1. ch. The house of Ahaziah had not power to keep still the Kingdom 2 Chron. 22. 9. and Athaliah took the pos­session of it, yet the people set up Ioash 23. 3. Next we have many examples of such who have invaded the possessor, Witness Iehoram & Iehoshaphat their expedition against Mesba King of Moah, Elisha being in the expedition 2 King. 3. 4, 5. Hence we see the first pretence removed. The Second is no better; which Augustine calls Magnum Latro­cinium a Great Robberie; I mean conquest; or a power of the Sword gotten by the Sword: which that it can give no right to be ouned, I prove. 1. That which can give no signi­fication of Gods approving will, cannot give a Title to be ouned: But meer conquest can give no signification of Gods approving will, as is just now proven about posses­sion: for then the Lord should have approven all the unjust conquests that have been in the world. 2. Either conquest as conquest must be ouned, as a just Title to the Crown; and so the Ammonites, Moabites, Philistims &c. prevailing over Gods people for a time; must have reigned by right: or as a just conquest, in this case conquest is only a mean to the conquerours seising & holding that power, which the State of the war entitled him unto, And this ingress into Au­thority over the conquered is not grounded on conquest but on justice, and not at all privative but Inclusive of the con­sent of the people; and then it may be ouned; but without a [Page 370] compact, upon conditions of securing Religion & Liberty, the posterity cannot be subjected without their consent: for, what ever just quarrel the conquerour had with the present Generation, he could haue none with the Poste­rity, the Father can have no power to resign the Liberty of the Children. 3. A King as King, and by virtue of his Royal Office, must be ouned to be a Father, Tutor, Pro­tector, Shepherd, & Patron of the people: But a mere conquerour without consent cannot be ouned as such. Can he be a Father & Patron to us against our will, by the sole power of the sword? a Father to these that are unwilling to be Sons? an head over such as will not be members? and a defender through violence? 4. A King as such is a spe­cial gift of God, and blessing not a judgement: But a con­querour as such is not a blessing but a judgement, his native end being not Peace but fire & sword. 5. That which hath nothing of a King in it, can not be ouned to make a King: But conquest hath nothing of a King in it; for it hath nothing but violence & force, nothing out what the bloodyest villain that was never a King may have, nothing of Gods approving & regulating Will, nothing of Institu­tion or constitution; and a plain repugnancy to the Ordi­nation of God, for God hath said, thow shalt not kill; con­quest sayes, I will kill, and Prosper, & reign. 6. A Law­ful Call to a Lawful Office may not be resisted: But a Call to conquest, which is nothing but ambition or revenge, ought to be resisted; because not of Gods preceptive will, otherwise He should be the Author of sin. 7. That power which we must oune to be the Ordinance o [...] God, must not be resisted Rom. 13. 2. But conquest may be resisted in defence of our King & Country: Therefore it must no be ouned to be the Ordinance of God. 8. That which God condemns in His Word cannot be ouned: But Dominion by the sword God condemns in His Word Ezek. 33. 26. ye stand upon your sword—and shall possess the Land, Amos 6. 13. ye rejoice in a thing of naught which say, have we not taken horns to us by our oun strength. Habhak. 2. 5, 6—Wo to him that encreaseth that which is not his, how long &c. 9. We have many examples of invading Conquerours: as Abraham [Page 371] for the rescue of Lot pursued the Conquering Kings unto Dan. Gen. 14. 14. Ionathan smote a Garison of the Con­queering Philistims 1 Sam. 13. 3. The Lord ouning & au­thorizing them so to do. The people did often shake off the yoke of their Conquerours in the history of the Judges: But this they might not do to their Lawful Rulers. What is objected from the Lords people Conquering Canaan &c. is no Argument for conquest: for He, to whom belongs the earth and its fullness, disponed to Israel the Land of Canaan for their Inheritance, and ordained that they should get the possession thereof by conquest: It followeth not, therefore that Kings now, wanting any word of promise or divine Grant to any Lands, may ascend to the Thrones of other Kingdoms than their oun, by no better title than the bloody sword. See Lex Rex Quest 12. The Third pre­tence, of Hereditary Succession remaines to be removed: which may be thus disproven. 1. This clashes with the former, though commonly asserted by Royalists. For either Conquest gives a right, or it does not: If it does, then it looses all allegiance to the heirs of the Crown disposses­sed thereby: If it does not give a right, then no Hereditary Succession founded upon conquest can have any right, being founded upon that which hath no right: And this will shake the most part of Hereditary Successions that are now in the world. 2. If Hereditary Succession have no right, but the peoples consent; then of it self it can give none to a man that hath not that consent: But the former is true. For, it is demanded, how doth the Son or Brother suc­ceed? by what right? It must either be by divine promise; Or by the Fathers will; Or it must come by propogation from the first Ruler, by a right of the Primogeniture: But none of these can be. For the first, we have no imme­diate Divine Constitution tying the Crown to such a race, as in Davids Covenant: It will be easily granted, they fetch­ed not their Charter from Heaven immediatly, as David had it, a man of many peculiar prerogatives, to whose line the promise was astricted of the Coming of Messias, and Iacobs Prophesie that the Scepter should not depart from Iudah until His coming Gen. 49. 10. was restricted to his [Page 372] family afterwards: Wherefore he could say, The Lord God of Israel chose me befor all the house of my father to be King over Israel for ever, for He hath chosen Iudah to be the Ruler, and of the house of Iudah the house of my father, and among the sons of my father He liked me to make me▪ King over Israel, and of all my Sons He hath chosen Solomon 1 Chron. 28. 4. 5. All Kings cannot say this; neither could Saul say it, though immediatly called of God as well as David: yet this same Promise to David was Conditional, if His Children should keep the Lords wayes 2 Chron. 6. 16. Next it cannot be said this comes from the will of the father; for according to the Scripture, no King can make a King, though a King may appoint & design his son for succession, as David did Solomon, but the people make him. The father is some way a Cause why his son succeedeth, but he is not the Cause of the Ro­yaltie conferred upon him by line: for the question will re­cur, who made him a King? and his father? & grand father? till we come up to the first father. Then, who made him a King? not himself: therefore it must be refounded upon the peoples choise & constitution: And who appointed the lineal succession, and tyed the Crown to the line, but they? It is then at the best, the Patrimony of the people, by the fundamental Law of the Kingdom, conferred upon the successor by consent. And generally it is granted, even where the succession is lineal, he that comes to inherit, Doth it not jure hereditario but vi legis, he does not succeed by heritage but by the force of Law; the Son then hath not his Kingdom from his father but by Law, which the people made & stand to, as long as it may consist with the reasons of publick advantage, upon which they condiscended to establish such a family over them. Neither can it be said, It is by a right of Primogeniture propogated from the first Ruler; for this must either be Adam the first of the world; or Fergus v. G. the first of this Kingdom. It could not come from Adam as a Monarch & father of all: For that behoved to be, either by order of Nature, or his volun [...]ary assign­ment: It could not be transferred by order of Nature; for besides the difficulty to find out Adams successor, in the universal Monarchy, and the absurdity of fixing it on Cain [Page 373] (who was a Cursed vagabond, afraied of every man, and could not be an universal Monarch yet Adams first born) It will be asked, how this passed from him unto others? whether it went by father-hood to all the Sons, fathers to their Posterity? which would multiply as many Common wealths, as there have been fathers since: Or if it went by Primogeniture only to the first born, that he alone could claim the power which would infer the necessity of an universal Monarchy, without multiplication of Common-wealths. If it was by his voluntary assignment, to whom & in what proportion he pleased; then the universal Mo­narchy died with himself, and so could not be conveyed at all: for, either he behoved to give each son a share, to be conveyed dounwards to their children in that proportion; or whole & solide to one: So also the former dilemma recurs, for if the first be said, it will make as many litle Kingdoms as there have been sons of Adam; if the second, the world should be but still one Kingdom. But however it be, this could never be the way that God appointed, either for raising a Magistratical power where it is wanting, or deriving a right to any in being; Considering the multipli­cation, division, confusion, & Extinction of families that have been. If it be from Fergus the first of this line; then either it comes from him as a King, or as a Father: not the first, for the reason above hinted: nor as a father; for a father may defraud his son of the heritage, a King cannot deprive his son of the Crown; a father may divide his heri­tage, a King cannot divide the Kingdom among his sons; It must then be at length refounded on the peoples Consent 3. If even where lineal succession is Constituted by Law, for eviting the inconveniences of frequent elections, people are not tied to admit every first born of that line; then that birth righr, where there is no more, cannot make a King: But the former is true; for they are tied only conditionally, so he be qualified, and have a head to sit at the helme, and not a fool or monster, neither are they free to admit Mur­derers or Idolaters by the Laws of God and of the Land: It is not birth then, but their admission being so qualified, that makes Kings. Hence. 4. That which takes away [Page 374] the peoples birth-right, given them of God to provide for their liberties in the fitest Government, that is not to be ouned: But to make birth alone a tile to the Crown, takes away the peoples birth-right given them of God of provi­ding for their liberties in the fitest Government, and fetters their choise to one destructive to these. Certainly where God hath not bound the conscience, men may not bind themselves nor their posterity: But God hath never fet­tered men to a choise of a Government or Governing line, which contrary to the intention of the Oath may prove destructive to the ends thereof. Nor can the fathers leave in legacy by Oath, any chains to fetter the after wits of posterity to a choise destructive to Religion & liberty. Israel was bound by Covenant not to destroy the Gibeonites; but if they had risen to cut off Isael, who can doubt but they were loosed from that obligation? for to preserve Cut-throats was contrary to the intention of the Oath: so when either Monarchy, or the succeeding Monarch, proves destructive to the ends of Government, the Choice, Law, or Oath of our fathers, cannot bind us. 5. If we are tied to the hereditary succession, not for the right the successor hath by birth, but for our Covenanted allegiance to them whose successor he is; then cannot his birth-right be the ground of our Allegiance, And consequently hereditary succession cannot make a King: But the former is true; for in hereditary Crowns, the first family being chosen by the suffrages of the people, for that Cause the hereditary Prince comes to the Throne, becanse his first father, and in him the whole line, was chosen: The hereditary suc­cessor hath no priviledge or prerogative, but from him who was chosen King. Therefore the obligation to the son, being no greater than the obligation to the father, which is the ground of that, if the father then was ouned only because he was chosen & qualified for Government, the Son cannot be ouned for any other Cause, but as cho­sen in him, and also qualified and admitted with Consent. We cannot choose the father as qualified, and tye our selves to the Successors, be what they will. 6. If a King be not born heir of a Kingdom, then is he not King by birth; [Page 375] But he is not born heir of a Kindom: for, a mean cannot be born to inherit the end, the King is but a mean for the Kingdoms preservation. If the Kingdom be his by birth as an inheritance, why may he not upon necessary occasions sell his inheritance? but if he sell it, then all confess he is no more King. 7. If that which makes a King cannot be transmitted from father to son; then succession by birth cannot make a King: But the former is true. The Royal faculty of Governing cannot be transmitted: Solomon asked it from God, he had it not from his father: nor can he be born to the honour of a King, because not born with either the gift or honour to be a Iudge. God maketh high & low, not birth. Nor can the Call & Constitution of a King according to the will of God be transferred from father to son, for that cannot be in Gods way without the interve­ning Consent of the people, that cannot make him a born King. 8. If no Dominion can come by Nature, as is proven before, then can no man be a born King: Nature & birth cannot give them a Scepter in their hand; nor Kingly Majestie they must have that alone from God & the people, and may only expect honour from their oun good Government: Kings (as Plutarch sayes) must be like dogs that are best hunters, not these who are born of best dogs. 9. The peculiar Prerogative of Iesus Christ must not be ascribed to any other: But this is His peculiar Preroga­tive, to be a born King of whom it might be truely faid, Where is He that is born King of the Iewes? And for this end was He born, who came out of the womb with a Crown on His Head, which no Creature can bear. 10. In Scrip­ture we find that a King was to be so & so qualified, not a stranger, but a reader of Gods Word &c. Deut. 17. 15. &c. he was not qualified by naked birth. Hence, if all the qualifications requisite in an heir cannot make a King qua­lified according to the Institution of God, then his being heir cannot make him King: But the first is true; an heir may be an heir without these qualifications. 11. We find in the Scripture, the people were to make the Kings by that Law Deut. 17. thow shalt choose him whom the Lord chooseth: yea neither Saul nor David were Kings, till the [Page 376] people met to make them: Therefore birth never made them Kings, even though the Kingdom was tied to Davids line. That was only a Typical designment by special Pro­mise, because Christ was to come of that line; it was there­fore established in Davids family for Typical reasons, that cannot be now alledged. 12. We find in the disposal of Government among brethren, this birth-order was not seldom inverted; as when Iacoh was preferred before Esaw, Iudah before all the elder sons of Iacob. Ephraim before Manasseh, Solomon before Adonijah. Hence if this Gentleman now regnant, have no better pretences than these now confuted, we cannot recognosce his right to reign: yea though this last were valid, yet he cannot plead it, it being expressly provided in our Laws against the succession of a Papist. But there is one Grand Objection against all this. The Jewes and other Nations are com­manded to bring their necks under the yoke of the King of Babilon and to serve him, and yet he had no other right to these Kingdom, then the Lords Providential disposal, because the Lord had given all these Lands into his hand, Ier. 27. 6, 7, 12. Ans. 1. He was indeed an unjust Usurp­er, and had no right but the Lord providential gif [...]; which sometimes makes the tabernacles of Robbers prosper into whose hand God bringeth abundantly Iob. 12. 6. and gives Iacoh sometimes for a spoil and Israel to the Robbers Isai. 42. 24. and giveth power to the Beast to continue forty & two Moneths, and to have power over all kindreds & tongues & Nations Revel. 13. 5, 7. His Tyranny also was very great extensively, in respect of his oppressions & usurpations by Conquest: but it was not so great intensively, as our Rob­bers & Spoilers may be charged with; he was never such a Perverter of all the ends of Government, nor a treachrous overturner of all Conditions, he was never a Persecuter of the Iewish Religion, he never oppressed them upon that account, nor endeavoured its extirpation, he never enacted such mischiefs by Law. The Lord only made use of him to bring about the holy ends of the Glory of His Justice & Wisdom, in which respect alone he is called His Servant, as else where His [...]od & hammer, having given [Page 377] him a charge against an Hypocritical Nation to trample them doun in His holy Providence, and accordingly there was no resistence could prevail, they must be trampled upon, no help for it; but no subjection was required, acknowledging his Magistratical right by divine Ordinance, but only a submissive stooping to the holy disposal of divine Providence; no ouning was exacted either of the equity of that power, or of fealtie to the administrator. 2. This behoved to be a particular Command, by Positive Revela­tion given at that time, not binding to others in the like Condition; which I refer to the judgment of the objectors: put the case, and make it run paralel, If the King of En­gland were in league with the King of France, and breaking that league should provoke that aspiring Prince, growing potent by many Conquests, to discover his designs, make preparations, and give out threatenings for the Conquest of England & all Brittain; were the people of England bound to surrender themselves as Servants & tributaries to him, for 70 years or for ever, under pain of destruction, if they should not? This were one of the most ridiculous inferences, that ever was pleaded: nay it would make all refusal of subjection to invaders unlawful. 3. I will draw an Argument from this to confirm my Plea: for these Commands of subjection to Babilon, were not delivered until after the King of Iudah had surrendered to Nebuchad­nezzar, and entered into Covenant with him to be subject to him 2. King. 24. chap. in keeping which Covenant the Kingdom might have stood, and after he had Rebelled against him and broken that Covenant, when lo he had given his hand; after which he could not prosper, or escape, or be delivered, Ezek. 17. 14, 15, 18, 2 Chron. 36. 13. Then the Commandment came, that they should disoune their oune King Zedekiah, now forefeiting his right by breach of Covenant, and be subject to Nebuchadnezzar. Whence I argue, If people are commanded to disoune their Cove­nant-breaking Rulers, and subject themselves to Conquer­ours; then I have all I plead for: But the former is true, by the truth of this objection: Ergo also the Latter. There is a 2 Obj. from Rom. 13. 1. let every soul be subject to the higher [Page 378] powers, the powers that be are ordained of God: yet the Roman Emperour, to which they were to be subject, was an usurper. Ans. 1. It cannot be proven that the Apostle in­tendeth here the Roman Emperour as the higher power: There were at this time several Competitions for the Empire, about which Christians might have their oun scruples whom to oune; the Apostle does not determine their litigations, nor interest himself in parties, but gives the General Standart of Gods Ordinance they had to go by. And the best Expositors of the place do alle [...]ge, the question & doubt of Christians then, was not so much in whom the Supremacy was? as whether Christians were at all bound to obey Civil power, especially Pagan? which the Apostle resolves, in giving general directions to Chri­stians, to obey the ordinance of Magistracy, conforme to its original, and as it respects the end for which he had & would set it up, but no respect is there had to Tyrants. 2. It cannot be proven that the Supreme power then in being was usurpative: there being then a Supreme Senate, which was a Lawful power; nor that Nero was then an usurper, who came in by choise & consent, and with the good liking of the people. 3. The Text means of Lawful powers, not unlawful force, that are ordained of God by His Preceptive will not meerly by His Providential disposal, and of consciencious subjection to Magistracy, not to Tyranny, describing & characterizing the powers there, by such qualifications as Tyrants & Usurpers are not capable of. But I mind to improve this Text more fully hereafter, to prove the quite contrary to what is here ob­jected.

8. From the Right of Magistracy, flowes the Magistra­tical Relation; which is necessary to have a bottom, before we can build the relative duties thereof. This brings it under the fifth Commandment, which is the Rule of all rela­tive duties between Inferiours & Superiours, requiring ho­nour to be given to Fathers, Masters, Husbands &c. and to rightful Magistrates, who are under such political rela­tions, as do infer the same duties; and prohibiting not only the omission of these duties, but also the committing of [Page 379] contrary sins; which may be done, not only by contrary acts, as dishonouring & rebelling against Fathers, Magistrats &c. but also by performing them to contrary objects, as by giving the Fathers due to the Fathers opposite, and the Magistrats due to Tyrants who are their opposites. Certainly this Command prescribing honour, doth regulate to whom it should be given; And must be understood in a consistency with that duty, and Character of one that hath a mind to be an inhabitant of the Lords holy Hill Psal. 15. 4. in whose eyes a vile person is contemned but he honoureth them that fear the Lord. So that we sin against the fifth Command, when we honour them that we are obliged to contemn by another Command. Hence I argue, If ouning or honouring of Tyrants be a breach of the fifth Command; then we cannot oune their Authority: But the former is true: Ergo the latter. I prove the Assumption. A honouring the vile to whom no honour is due, and who stand under no relation of Fathers as Fathers, is a breach of the fifth Command: But the ouning of Tyrants Authority is a honouring the vile to whom no honour is due, and who stand under no relation of Fathers, and is yet a honouring them as Fathers: Ergo the ouning of Tyrants Authority is a breach of the fifth Command. The Major is clear: for if the honouring of these to whom no honour is due, were not a breach of the fifth Command; that precept conld neither be kept at all, nor broken at all. It could not be kept at all: for, either it must oblige us to honour all indefinitely, as Fathers, and other relations, which cannot be: or else it must leave us still in suspence & ignorance, who shall be the object of our honour; and then it can never be kept: or finally it must astrict our honouring to such definite relations, to whom it is due; & then our transgression of that restriction, shall be a breach of it. Next if it were not so, it could not be broken at all: for if prostituting & abusing honour be not a sin, we cannot sin in the matter of honour at all; for if the abuse of honour be not a sin, then dishonour also is not a sin, for that is but an abuse of the duty, which is a sin as well as the omission of it. And what should make the taking away of honour from the proper object to be sin, [Page 380] and the giving it to a wrong object to be no sin? Moreover if this Command do not restrict honour to the proper ob­ject; we shall never know who is the object: how shall we know who is our Father, or what we owe to him, if we may give another his due? The Minor also is manifest: for if Tyrants be vile, then no honour is due to them, ac­cording to that Psal. 15. 4. And yet it is a honouring them as Fathers if they be ouned as Magistrats; for Magistrats are in a politick sense Fathers: But certain it is that Tyrants are vile, as the Epithets & Characters they get in Scripture prove. But because, in contradiction to this, it may be said; though Fathers be never so wicked, yet they are to be honoured because they are still Fathers, And though Masters be never so vile and froward, yet they are to be subjected unto 1 Pet. 2. 18-20. and so of other relations, to whom honour is due by this Command, therefore though Tyrants be never so vile they are to be ouned under these relations, because they are the higher Powers in place of Eminency, to whom the Apostle Paul commands to yeeld subjection Rom. 13. and Peter to give submission & ho­nour 1 Pet. 2. 13, 17. Therefore it must be considered, that as the relative duty of honouring the relations to whom it is due, must not interfere with the moral duty of contemning the vile, who are not under these relations; So this gene­ral Moral of contemning the vile, must not ca [...]sate the obligation of relative duties, but must be understood with a Consistency therewith, without any prejudice to the duty it self. We must contemn all the vile that are not under a relation to be honoured, and these also that are in that rela­tion in so far as they are vile. But now Tyrants do not come under these Relations at all that are to be honoured by this Command. As for the higher Powers that Paul speaks of Rom. 13. they are not those which are higher in fo [...]ce, but higher in Power, not in potentia but in potestate, not in a Celsitude of prevalency but in a precellency of dignity, not in the pomp & pride of their prosperity & possession of the place, but by the virtue & value of their office, being ordain­ed of God not to be resisted, the Ministers of God for good, terrors to evil doers, to whom honour is due, those are [Page 381] not Tyrants but Magistrats. Hence it is a word of the same root which is rendered Authority, or an Authorized Power 1 Tim. 2. 2. And from the same word also comes that su­preme to whom Peter commands subjection & honour 1 Pet. 2. 13. Now these he speaks of have the Legal Constitution of the people, being the ordinance of man to be subjected to for the Lords sake. and who sends other inferior Magistrats for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well, who are to be honoured as Kings or Lawful Magistrats: this cannot be said of Tyrants. But more parti­cularly, to evince that Tyrants & Usurpers are not to be honoured according to this Command, and that it is a breach of it so to do; let us go through all these Relations of Superiority that come under the obligation of this Command, and we shall find Tyrants & Usurpers ex­cluded out of all. First, they cannot come under the Parental relation: We are indeed to esteem Kings as Fathers, though not properly but by way of some Analogy, because it is their office to care for the people, and to be their Counsellers, and to defend them, as Fathers do for Children: but Roaring Lyons & Ranging Bears, as wicked Rulers are, Prov. 28. 15. cannot be Fathers. But Kings cannot properly be ouned under this Relation, far less Tyrants (with whom the Analogy of Fathers cannot consist) there being so ma­ny notable disparities betwixt Kings & Fathers. 1. A Fa­ther may be a Father to one Child; but a King cannot be a King or Politick Father to one only, but his Correlate must be a Community; a Tyrant can be a Father to none at all in a Politick sense. 2. A Father is a Father by Gene­ration to all coming out of his loyns; a King not so, he doth not beget them, nor doth their relation flow from that; a Tyrant is a destroyer not a Procreator of people. 3. A Father is the cause of the Natural being of his Children; A King only of the Politick well being of his subjects; but Tyrants are he cause of the ill being of both. 4. A Father once a Father, as long as his Children live, retains still the relation, thô he turn mad and never so wicked; A King turning mad may be served as Nebuchadnezzar was, at least [Page 382] all will grant in some cases the subjects may shake off th [...] King; and if in any case, it is when he turns Tyrant. 5. A Fathers relation never ceases, whither soeuer his Chil­dren go; but subjects may change their relation to a King, by coming under another King in another Kingdom; a Ty­rant will force all lovers of freedom to leave the Kingdom where he Domineers. 6. A Fathers relation never changes, he can neither change his children nor they change their Fa­ther; but a King may naturalize new subjects, and subjects may also change their Soveraign, Royalists will grant a State or Common-wealth way make a King, and there is great reason sometimes that a Monarchy be turned into a Common-wealth; but a Tyrant changes those that are un­der him, expells the natives, brings in forreigners, and all good Patriots do pant for a Change of him every day. 7. A Father hath no power of life & death over his Chil­dren; a King hath it over his subjects according to Law; a Tyrant Usurps it over th