A sermon preach'd before the Honourable House of Commons, at St. Margaret's Westminster, January the xxxth, 1691/2 by William Sherlock ...

A sermon preach'd before the Honourable House of Commons, at St. Margaret's Westminster, January the xxxth, 1691/2 by William Sherlock ...

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Title page

A SERMON Preach'd before the HOUSE of COMMONS, On the XXXth of January, 1691/2.

BOOKS Published by the Reverend Dr. Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, Master of the Temple, and Chaplain in Ordinany to Their Majesties.

BOOKS lately Printed for W. Rogers.

A SERMON Preach'd before the HOUSE of COMMONS, On the XXXth of January, 1691/2.

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XC. PSALM 15.

Make us glad according to the days wherein thou hast afflicted us, and the years wherein we have seen evil.

THIS Psalm, as the Title tells us, and as Learned Men generally agree, is a Prayer of Moses; penned by him, as is supposed, after God had pronounced that final Sentence against the Israelites, That none of that great Army, which came out of Egypt, from twenty [Page] years old and upwards, should enter into Canaan, but should all die in the Wilderness, excepting Caleb and Joshua. And therefore he complains, We are consumed in thy anger, and by thy wrath are we troubled; Thou hast set our iniquities before Thee, our secret sins in the light of thy countenance: For all our days are passed away in thy wrath, we spend our years as a tale that is told. Which is literally true of no other period of the Jewish Church, but this, when God in great anger had condemned them all to die in the Wilderness: They lived then to little other purpose, but to pass away the time, as men tell Stories, till forty years should put an end to them all.

But in my Text, and some Verses before, he prays for, and foretells a more happy state of the Jewish Church; when all the Troubles they had suffered for so many years in Egypt, and the Wilderness, should come to an end, and they should be setled in a quiet possession of the promised Land. Return, O Lord, how long? and let it repent thee concerning thy servants. O satisfy us early with thy mercy, that we may rejoice, and be glad all our days. Make us[Page]glad according to the days wherein thou hast afflicted us, and the years wherein we have seen evil.

So that in my Text there are three things considerable; 1. The first is implied, That sin for which God thus punished them: For that it was for their sins, not only the Justice of the Divine Providence supposes, when the Calamity is National; but the Psalmist expresly affirms, v. 8. Thou hast set our iniquities before thee, our secret sins in the light of thy countenance. Which intimates, that there were more sins than one, and some of them very secret ones too, for which God punished them: For so commonly it is, that a great many sins, such as we have forgot, or took little notice of, are brought to account, when some one great Provocation tempts God to publick Acts of Vengeance.

If we apply this to the Case I before mentioned, then it is very evident what this provoking Sin was; viz. Their murmuring against that good Land, their rebelling against God and Moses, their attempt to make them a Captain to return into Egypt, and to stone [Page] Caleb and Joshua, who encouraged them to go up, and take possession of the Land, which God had promised to their Fathers, Num. 14.

2. Their Punishment, The continuance and severity of it; They were to wander in the Wilderness Forty Years, and to die there, without entring into that good Land.

3. Moses's Prophetick Prayer, That God would return to them in Mercy, and recompence these Sufferings, by giving them a quiet possession of the Land of Promise; Make us glad according to the days wherein thou hast afflicted us, and the years wherein we have seen evil.

Our case, which is the occasion of this present Solemnity, differs somewhat from this in every particular, but yet bears such an Analogy, and proportion to it, that I shall take occasion from hence to discourse to you on these Three Heads:

1. The Sin which we this day Lament.

2. The Evils and Calamities, which we have now for more than Forty Years, in some degrees or other, and sometimes very severely suffered under, as the natural effects, or just Punishments of that Sin.

[Page] 3. What a happy Prospect we have of an end of all these Evils, if we can be contented to be Happy.

1. As for the First, The Sin we this Day lament; I shall make no scruple to call it what you have this Day in your Publick Prayers to Almighty God confessed it to be; The Barbarous Murder of an Excellent Prince: And those are guilty of base Hypocrisie, and put a great Contempt upon God, who join in the Devotions of this Day, and don't think it so.

Besides our imploring the Divine Mercy and Forgiveness, I have sometimes thought that such an Annual Solemnity as this, is due to the Memory of our murdered Prince; the least Recompence we can make to him, and yet the greatest thing we can now do for him; To celebrate his Funeral with a Religious Pomp, and to shed Penitential Tears upon his Grave; And indeed such an Honourable Presence as this, gives an illustrious Testimony to him, and vindicates his Memory from those scurrilous Reflections which are made on it by envenomed Pens.

[Page] I shall not dispute the Lawfulness of Resisting the King's Authority; whether it were Lawful for the Parliament to take Arms against the King, to Defend the Laws and Liberties of their Countrey; for whether it were or were not, all Wise and Good Men must abominate the Villany of this Day; as we know many of those did, who began the War, without being aware what the end of it would be.

For suppose (which is all that can be asked in this case), That in a Limited Monarchy the Estates of the Realm have Authority to maintain the Laws and Liberties of their Countrey, against the Illegal Encroachments and Usurpations of their King; How does this justifie the Murder of King Charles?

For 1. They could pretend to no farther Right, than to keep the King within the Boundaries of Law; and when they were secured of this, they had nothing else to do, but to lay down their Arms, and return to their Duty; for he was their King still, and they his Subjects; and if it were no Rebellion [Page] to resist his illegal Usurpations, yet it must be Rebellion to oppose him, when he was contented to Govern by the Measures of Law; if there be any such Sin, as what men use to call Rebellion.

Especially when the Subversion of the Laws and Government, and Established Religion of the Nation is made the Condition of Peace: For tho it were Lawful for Subjects to Resist their Prince for subverting Laws, surely this don't make it Lawful for them to Murder him for observing the Laws which he is sworn to observe: And therefore whether it were Rebellion or not before, one would think it should commence Rebellion, when the Scotch Covenant, the Abolishing of Episcopacy and Liturgies, that is, of the Worship and Government of the Church Established by Law, were made the necessary Articles of Peace, without which, a Prince who sued for Peace, must be denied it by his own Subjects.

And yet it is much worse still, when a Prince for the sake of Peace shall make such Concessions, (tho it may be to the diminution of [Page] his just Authority) as the Estates of the Realm shall Vote Satisfactory, and yet be Persecuted by a Prevailing Faction, who had got the Power in their hands, and did equally oppress both King and Subjects. I need not comment upon these things, you know the Truth, and the Application of them.

2 dly, And yet it is a monstrous Aggravation of this, when they had a yeilding and complying Prince in their hands, as far as with a safe Conscience he could comply, to arraign, judge, condemn, and execute him: For what Authority had they to judge and condemn their King? How came they to be his Soveraign, and He their Subject? What Law or Rule made such an Example or President as this? And if they had no Authority for it, it was Murder, and that the most execrable Murder, the Murder of their King. It was a Sarcastical Question of Pilate to the Jews, Will ye crucifie your King? This they were ashamed of, and therefore Disowned him, We have no King but Caesar: If the murder of a private man be so great a crime, because in the Image of [Page]God made he man; what is the Murder of a King, who is doubly Sacred, doubly the Image of God, both as a Man, and as a King, who is God's Minister and Vicegerent?

And yet a secret Stab or Poyson had been a civil way of Murdering Princes, in comparison with this Mock-Scene and Pageantry of Justice: For what a Tragical Sight was this! How could Humane Nature bear such an Indignity! To see a Crown'd Head, which not long since received the humblest Submissions of his Subjects, and had Life and Death at his disposal; who was the Fountain of all Authority and Justice, now Arraigned before his own Subjects, treated with Ignominy and Scorn, brought in Triumph through his own Palace, where he used to Shine with an Awful Majesty, and in the fight of the Sun, in the fight of his own Subjects, who scarce durst bestow a secret Sigh on him; bow his Royal Head to the Murdering Axe: I cannot bear telling th [...] Story, and were it upon any other occasion, [Page] I should think it very unmannerly to put you to so much pain as to hear it.

And if to this we add the Character of his Person, and those Princely Vertues which adorn'd his life; such Vertues as are rarely found in meaner Persons; nay, which would have adorned even a Hermits Cell; it still aggravates the Iniquity of it: But I shall not insist on this, for he has drawn the Picture of himself in his admirable Book, better than any one else can draw it. It is an amazing Providence, That God should expose the greatest Example of Piet yand Vertue, that had sate upon the English Throne, to such Indignities and Sufferings, as in all the Circumstances of them had no Example: What Wise Reasons God had for it, we know not; but I am sure thus much we learn, That there is a Spirit of Zeal and Faction, the Principles of which, if not restrained, will ruin the best Princes, and over-turn the best Governments in the world; for they make little difference between Princes, where they can find Pretence and Power.

[Page] This was a very great Wickedness, for which it becomes us, as we do this day, to humble our selves before God, and to implore his Mercy to Pity and Spare us. It is not enough to say, That we had no hand in it; that it was done before many of us were born, or before we could know and judge any thing about it, or that we did abhor and detest it when it was done: This will excuse us from all Personal Guilt; we shall not answer for it in another world, but we may suffer for it in this. National Sins bring down National Judgments, which all men will more or less feel, till they are removed by a National Repentance and Humiliation: And therefore tho we cannot confess this Sin, as our own Personal Guilt, we ought to express our Publick Abhorrence of it; to beg God to remove those Judgments which this Sin has both deserved, and has brought upon us; especially after so many days, wherein we have been afflicted, after so many years, wherein we have seen evil.

[Page] 2. Which brings me to the second part of my Text, Those many Evils we have seen and felt; Those Judgments with which God has afflicted us for this Sin: For so we have reason to believe, when the Punishment bears the Character of the Sin upon it, and is the natural effect and consequent of it.

I shall not give you a History of those late Tragical Times, which most of you know as well or better than I do: How much this unhappy Divided Kingdom suffered by a Bloody Unnatural War, which ruined so many Noble and Flourishing Families, made so many miserable Widows and Orphans, spent so much Christian Blood and Treasure, ruined the best Reformed Church, together with the best Prince; put the Sword into those mens hands, who knew better than to part with it, when they had it, till they had carved out their own Fortune and Greatness. I need not tell you, That the fundamental [Page] Constitution of the English Government was overturned, and exchanged for new Models, which did not last long enough to be lick'd into any shape, and at last dwindled and glimmer'd away in some short and faint Apparitions of Power. How the Subject was all this while oppressed by the worst sort of Oppressors, their Fellow-subjects; and found a vast deal of difference between the Government of their King with all his Faults, and their new Masters. These things, I say, I shall pass over, for thanks be to God, there is an end of them; and they remain only in Story, as Sea-marks to warn us, where the Rocks and Sands lie: but such violent Storms as these seldom end without leaving a rowling and troubled Sea. These terrible Convulsions of State, like a sharp fit of the Gout, when the pain is gone, leave a great weakness upon the Government, and make it very unquiet, and liable to frequent Relapses. As for Example:

This destroys all confidence between Prince and Subjects, leaves ill Resentments, [Page] Jealousies, Distrusts, which make Government uneasie and weak, when a Prince cannot trust his Subjects, nor Subjects their Prince; but they guard and fence against each other, the one to secure his Crown, the other their Liberties: An unhappy state, which must needs make all Publick Affairs move slowly, and lamely, and create many Inconveniences to a Kingdom, both at home and abroad.

This temps Princes to affect Arbitrary Power, when they feel their Crowns sit tottering upon their Heads, and see themselves check'd at every turn, and it may be finally stopt in the most generous Designs, to advance the Glory, Safety, Riches, and Power of their Nation; nay find themselves too weak to secure their Government from Foreign Powers, or from Home-bred Factions without it.

I believe, no considering man doubts, but that the late Attempts to introduce Arbitrary Power in form of Law, were principally [Page] owing to the Tragedy of this Day: And if it were possible any thing could excuse such Attempts, this would have done it. However we ought to acknowledge, that those Difficulties we so lately strugled under, and from which the good Providence of God has delivered us, were the just punishment, because the just desert, and the unavoidable effect of our Sin.

While this is the state of things, without setting up the Royal Standard, or levying Forces, Prince and Subjects (however the matter may be dissembled) are at War with each other; and how uneasy a state this is, and how much the Publick suffers by it, our late Experience will tell us, or nothing will.

Arbitrary Power and Popery were the two great Pretences to justify the War against King Charles I. Now whatever appearances there might be of the first through mistake and ill Councel, and the necessity of Affairs, which might misguide an Excellent Prince; there was little pretence for the second, besides a Fanatical Imputation of Popery to the Church [Page] of England, of which that Prince was so zealous a Patron; The Church of England, I say, the great Bulwark against Popery; whose first Reformers sealed their Testimony against Popery with their Blood; and whose many Learned Pens have defended the Protestant Cause, to the great satisfaction of all the Protestant Churches, and to the Confusion of their Popish Adversaries, and that even in the late Reign, when few other Pens durst engage in the Quarrel. But observe now, as Adonibezeck does, how God has required us.

To prevent the vain Fears of Popery, Protestants take Arms against their King, barbarously murder him, and drive their Princes to seek their Bread, and to secure their Lives in Foreign Countries. There one of them learns the Religion of those Countries, which is a very convenient Religion for a Prince, who affects to be Absolute. And this brought our Fears upon us; we saw a Zealous Popish Prince, and Popish Bishops, and such bold steps made to set up Popery, as made us all tremble. Righteous are thou, O Lord, and just are thy judgments!

[Page] On the other hand, this makes Subjects very jealous of the Power of their Prince, and ready to take all Advantages to lessen it; which in time may prove very dangerous to Government, at least will insensibly alter the Constitution: For too little Power is as fatal to Government as too much; nay, in some junctures it is the most dangerous Extream of the two for what we call too much Power may be well used, when in the Hand of a wise and good Prince; And then the more the Power is, the stronger and more flourishing must the Government and Nation be; but too little Power can never Govern well when the Government is so weak, that it can neither defend it self nor its Subjects; and therefore the just Rights and Prerogatives of the Crown, and the necessary Powers and Authority for Government, ought to be as dear to Subjects, as their own Rights and Liberties are. It is certain Power will be somewhere, if the Prince loose it, the People will get it, and when once the People gain such a Power as to top their Prince, there is an end of Monarchy. [Page] As absolute Power changes the Constitution of a Legal and Limited Monarchy into an Arbitrary Government, so a precarious depending Power, changes the Monarchy it self into a Venetian State. Both which Extreams wise Men, who love the English Government, would by all means avoid; and it is a very great mischief, when Princes or Subjects are violently Tempted to either of the Extreams: and this we owe also to the Sin of this Day.

Another very lasting and fatal Evil of such Examples, as that of this day is, that it infects Mens minds with loose Notions of Government and Obedience, which are at first invented to justifie such Actions, and which People are sooner taught then untaught: As, that all Power is radically in the People, and therefore but a trust, which a Prince must give an account of; which he may be deprived of; for the Abuse of which he may be Punished, even with Death, by his own Subjects. Nay there are some among us who charge all Men who deny this, with [Page] being Enemies to the Constitution, and with reproaching the Wisdom and Justice of the Nation in the late happy Revolution, which they think can be defended upon no other Principles. But as wise Men, and as hearty Friends to the present Government think otherwise; and I am sure it would be no Service to the Government to perswade all, who cannot own these Principles, to disown and renounce all that has been done.

But how does it appear, that the late Revolution turned upon these Principles.

The Undertaking of the Prince of Orange, now our Gracious King, needed none of these Principles to justify it: He was no Subject of England, but an Independent Prince, and so nearly related to the Crown, that he was concerned to see the Succession secured, and the Government kept upon its ancient Bottom; which was thought so just and honourable and necessary an Undertaking, [Page] that Men of all Principles seemed very well satisfied with it; even those who think the Matter carried so far that they cannot now comply with the present Government; in so much, that some, who are the greatest Sufferers at present by their Non-compliance, could not be perswaded at that time to declare their abhorrence of it.

The great Body of the Nation stood still and looked on; wished well to the Prince without wishing ill to the King's Person, or to the just Exercise of his Authority. And I am verily perswaded, there were very few even among those who were more active, who at that time while the King continued with us ever thought of more, then to obtain a free parliament, by whose mature Counsels, the Law might be restored to its due Course, and the Religion and Liberties of England secured.

But the King would not stand this Tryal, but disbands his Army, withdraws his Person, [Page] without leaving any Authority behind him to administer the Government. No body ever thought that this was a perfectly free and voluntary Act, but however gone he was, and had left no body behind him to govern by his Authority; and then the Government was either dissolved, or the Power must reside in the Estates of the Realm: for if at any time there be no Power in the Nation the Government is dissolved.

The Estates upon this great Exigency of Affairs assembled, but did not pretend the Superior Authority of the People over Kings, and their Power to judge, depose, and punish them, but they only undertook to judge, what properly falls under their Cognizance in such cases, and what now lay before them, whether the Throne were vacant, and if it were, how it must be filled: And when those, who were the sole and proper Judges of this Case had once determined it, private Subjects (according to the fundamental Reasons of all [Page] Governments) were bound to acquiesce, whatever their private Opinions were, or else such State-disputes can never be determined, but we must necessarily dissolve into Anarchy and Confusion. Where there is no determination of the Law of Nature, or of the Law of God against it (as there is none about meer legal Rights) the Resolutions of Government must determine the Consciences of private Subjects; for the Power of Judging must extend as far as the just Power of governing does.

So that (whatever dispute there may be about other Matters) the late Revolution has made no alteration at all in the Principles of Government and Obedience. It does not oblige us to own the Superior Power of the People over the King, which would be a very tottering Foundation for Monarchy, and could never support it long. Those who believed the Doctrine of Nonresistance and Passive Obedience to be a good Doctrine before may think so still, and be never the less Friends to the present [Page] Government; and I have often thought it a wonderful Providence of God, that in an Age, wherein the strictest Loyalty and Obedience had been so earnestly pressed on Men, so great a Revolution should be brought about, while the generality of Subjects were meerly passive, and surprized into a Deliverance. But it is quite otherwise in the present Case, the horrid Fact committed on this Day has poyson'd the very Springs and Fountains of Government, and so deeply tinctured Mens Minds, that I pray God, we may not still live to see and feel the miserable Effects of it. For when Men sit loose in their Obedience, without the Restraint and Ties of Conscience, nothing but Power can keep the disjoynted and incoherent Parts of such a Government together; they are a fluid Body like the Sea, which every breath of Wind puts into a new Disturbance and Commotion.

Especially when a Nation is already divided into Parties and Factions both in [Page] Church and State, which are acted with a furious and restless Zeal, and will be satisfied with nothing less than to be uppermost; which is another Mischief our late unnatural War has left behind it. Those bitter Animosities are not yet forgot, nay they daily revive again, and our old Quarrels are acted over with a new Zeal. This is not only an uneasie, but a very dangerous State for any movernment; when there are two or three or more Parties in any Nation, which contend to be uppermost, and to oppress the others, and are resolved to dislike, and to misrepresent what the others do. When a Name shall make common Friends and common Enemies, and few Men have any regard to the Publick good, if it be against the Interest of their Party. Nay, when good Success is grievous to them, if they have not been the chief Actors in it, and they are well pleased with the greatest and most irreparable Miscarriages, if they give them any advantage over their Rivals, though the Nation is in danger to be undone by them. What difficulties does this impose [Page] upon a Prince, when it is dangerous to choose any side, and yet impossible to be thought of none.

These are some of those Evils, which our own Sins, and the just Judgments of God have brought upon us. And when shall we see an end of these things! When shall Peace, and Righteousness, and Truth, take up their Habitation among us! When will God return in Mercy, Heal the Breaches of our Sion, and Build up her Walls! Now is the time if ever, heartily to endeavour, heartily to Pray for this, That God would make us glad according to the days, wherein he hath afflicted us, and the years wherein we have seen Evil.

3. Which is the third part of my Text; which I can but name. Now in order to this, God has done a great deal for us already, if we will do any thing for our selves. God hath advanced such Princes to the Throne (whom we beseech him long to continue, preserve and prosper there) [Page] as seem on purpose fitted by Nature, by Education, by Religion, by Interest, to accomplish this glorious Work. We have a King, who was always in the Interest of his Country, whose great Mind knows no greater Glory then to be a publick Benefactor, to be a Patron to the Injured and Oppressed, and to break the Chains and Fetters prepared for Europe. A King, who knows how to Govern a free People, who knows the price of Liberty, and what a value Mankind have for it. A King, who was never Personally concerned in any of our Quarrels, and therefore has no Personal Resentments; brings no Spirit of Revenge, no Spirit of a Party to the Throne with him. A King and Queen, who by Education, Principle and Interest, are professed Enemies to Popery, and the great Defence and Support of the Protestant Cause at home and abroad; who teach and encourage Piety and Vertue by Their Examples as well as Laws, and maintain and defend the Worship and Government of the Church of England, and at the same time endeavour to soften and temper [Page] Mens passions with Ease and Liberty; and God grant we may see the good effects of it; for Liberty unless wisely used, seldom proves a kindness, even to those who have it.

So that all the old Complaints are redressed, all the plausible Pretences for Faction are silenced, by the Advancement of Their Majesties to the Throne. Here is no appearing Danger of an over-growing Power, and illegal Usurpations, no oppression of the Subjects in their Just Rights, no divided Interest between Prince and People; unless People will divide from a Prince who makes their Safety, Happiness and Interest his own; nay, who purchases their Ease and Security with the endless Fatigues and Hazard of his own Sacred Person. Here are no fears of Popish designs, no pretence for former Clamours of Persecution for Conscience sake; and what have the most dissatisfied Men to complain of, but only the pressing Necessities of Affairs and such unavoidable Miscarriages, as such Necessities will always occasion [Page] under the best Government in the World.

And why then should we not all unite in such Princes, and forget all former Quarrels? why should we still divide into Parties, when the Throne is of no Party, and will admit of none? what are those grievances still to make party quarrels, unless Monarchy and the Church of England be thought the only remaining Grievances; and I pray God I may never live to see these Grievances removed; may the Throne always support the Church, and the Church the Throne, for neither of them can long subsist apart: A fondness for Parity will soon affect the State as well as the Church, for Parity is parity still, whether in Church or State, and most of the Arguments for it will do equal Execution both ways.

To conclude: If ever we desire to see a flourishing Church and Kingdom again, let us learn Wisdom from the Example of this day; for he being dead, yet speaketh, and warneth [Page] us all to have a care of a blind Zeal and Faction, not to lissen to designing and discontented Spirits, who to gratifie their own private Passions and Resentments, will Revenge themselves upon the publick Peace; not to be imposed on again by the glorious Names of Religion and the Cause of Christ, not to help such Men to begin a Quarrel who will end it without us, and which we shall then in vain repent that ever we began; but these Cautions are needless in such a Wise and Honourable Assembly. God grant we may all mind the things that make for Peace, and those things whereby we may edify one another.

To God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, be Honour, Glory, and Power, now and for ever Amen.

FINIS.

§

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The Dean of St. Pauls's SERMON Before the Honourable House of Commons, On the 30th of January, 1691/2.

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Lunae 1mo. die Februarii, 1691.

ORdered, That the Thanks of this House be given to the Dean of St. Paul's, for the Sermon Preached before this House at St. Margaret's Westminster, the 30th day of January last: And that he be desired to Print the same: And that Sir Tho. Darcy, and Mr. Biddolph do acquaint him therewith.

Paul Jodrell, Cl' Dom. Com.

[Page]A SERMON Preach'd before the HONOURABLE House of Commons, AT St. MARGARET's WESTMINSTER, January the XXXth, 1691/2.

By WILLIAM SHERLOCK, D. D. Dean of St. Paul's, Master of the Temple, and Chaplain in Ordinary to Their MAJESTIES.

LONDON: Printed for William Rogers at the Sun, overagainst St. Dunstan's Church, in Flee [...]street. 1692.

BOOKS Published by the Reverend Dr. Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, Master of the Temple, and Chaplain in Ordinany to Their Majesties.

[Page]

AN Answer to a Discourse, Entituled, Papists Protesting against Protestant Popery. Second Edition. 4o

An Answer to the Amicable Accommodation of the Differences between the Representer and the Answerer 4o

A Sermon at the Funeral of the Reverend Benjamin Calamy, D. D. 4o

A Vindication of some Protestant Principles of Church-Unity and Catholick-Communion, from the Charge of Agreement with the Church of Rome. 4o

A Preservative against Popery: Being some plain Directions to unlearned Protestants, how to Dispute with Romish Priests. First Part. Fifth Edition. 4o

A Second Part of the Preservative against Popery. Second Edition. 4o

A Vindication of both Parts of the Preservative against Popery, in Answer to the Cavils of Lew [...]s Sabran, Jesuit. 4o

A Discourse concerning the Nature, Unity, and Communion of the Catholick Church. First Part. 4o

[Page]A Sermon Preached before the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, on Sunday, Novemb. 4. 1688. 4o

A Vindication of the Doctrine of the Holy and Ever-Blessed Trinity, and the Incarnation of the Son of God: Occasioned by the Brief Notes of the Creed of St. Athanasius, and the Brief History of the Unitarians, or Socinians, and containing an Answer to both. The Second Edition. 4o

The Case of the Allegiance due to Sovereign Powers stated and resolved, according to Scripture and Reason, and the Principles of the Church of England; with a more particular Respect to the Oath lately enjoyned, of Allegiance to their present Majesties, King William and Queen Mary, Sixth Edition. 4o

A Vindication of the Case of Allegiance due to Sovereign Powers: In Reply to an Answer to a late Pamphlet, Entituled, Obedience and Submission to the present Government demonstrated from Bishop Overal's Convocation-Book; with a Postscript in Answer to Dr. Sherlock's Case of Allegiance. 4o

A Sermon Preached at White-Hall before the Queen, on the 17th of June, 1691. being the Fast-day. 4o

A Practical Discourse concerning Death. The Fifth Edition. 8o

A Practical Discourse concerning a Future Judgment. Second Edition. 8o.

Printed for W. Rogers.

BOOKS lately Printed for W. Rogers.

[Page]

A Sermon Preached at White-Hall, before the Queen, on the Monthly-Fast-Day, September 16th, 1691. 4o

A Persuasive to Freq [...]nt Communion in the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The Eighth Edition. 12o

Both by the most Reverend Father in God, John Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

A Sermon Preached on the 28th of June, at St. Andrew's Holbourn. By the Right Reverend Father in God John Lord Bishop of Norwich.

A Sermon Preached on the 28th of June, at St. Mary le Bow, on Sunday the Fifth of July, 1691. at the Consecration of the most Reverend Father in God John Lord Arch-Bishop of York; and the Right Reverend Fathers in God, John Lord Bishop of Norwich, Richard Lord Bishop of Peterborough, and Edward Lord Bishop of Gloucester. By Joshua Clark, Chaplain to the Right Reverend Father in God, the Bishop of Norwich. 4o

The Necessity of Serious Consideration, and speedy Repentance, as the only way to be safe both living and dying. 8o

The Lambs of Christ fed with the sincere Milk of the Word of God, in a short Scripture Catechism. 12o

The Folly of Atheism demonstrated to the Capacity of the most unlearned Reader. 8o

These Three by the Reverend Mr. Clement E [...]s, Rector of Kirby in Nothinghamshire.

Reflections upon two Books, one Entituled, The Case of Allegiance to a King in Possession. The other, An Answer to Dr. Sherlock's Case of Allegiance to Sovereign Powers in Possession: on those parts especially, wherein the Author endeavours to shew his Opinion to be agreeable to the Laws of this Land. In a Letter to a Friend. 4o

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A sermon preach'd before the Honourable House of Commons, at St. Margaret's Westminster, January the xxxth, 1691/2 by William Sherlock ...

Sherlock, William, 1641?-1707.

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1692

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Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A59880

ID [STC]

Wing S3350

ID [STC]

ESTC R21693

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12568020

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12568020

ID [VID]

63395

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59880)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63395)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 703:18)

Source

— A sermon preach'd before the Honourable House of Commons, at St. Margaret's Westminster, January the xxxth, 1691/2 by William Sherlock ..., Sherlock, William, 1641?-1707..

Extent

[4], 29, [3] p.

Printed for William Rogers ...,. London :: 1692.. (Advertisement: p. [1]-[3] at end.) (Half title: The dean of St. Pauls's sermon before the Honourable House of Commons, on the 30th of January, 1691/2.) (Running title: A sermon preach'd before the House of Commons.) (Reproduction of original in Duke University Library.)

Creation

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

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EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

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