A sermon preached before the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament assembled in the abbey-church at Westminster, on the thirtieth of January, 1699/700 / by the Most Reverend Father in God, John, Lord Arch-bishop of York. Sharp, John, 1645-1714. 1700 Approx. 31 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A59571 Wing S2999 ESTC R40613 19410992 ocm 19410992 108836

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A59571) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108836) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1678:6) A sermon preached before the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament assembled in the abbey-church at Westminster, on the thirtieth of January, 1699/700 / by the Most Reverend Father in God, John, Lord Arch-bishop of York. Sharp, John, 1645-1714. [2], 23 p. Printed by J. Leake, for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1700. Reproduction of original in the British Library.

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eng Church of England -- Sermons. Bible. -- N.T. -- Titus III, 1 -- Sermons. Government, Resistance to -- Great Britain. Obedience -- Religious aspects. 2003-06 Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

A SERMON Preached before the LORDS Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled, IN The Abbey-Church at Westminster, On the Thirtieth of IANUARY, 1699/1700.

By the most Reverend Father in GOD, IOHN Lord Arch-Bishop of YORK.

LONDON, Printed by I. Leake, for Walter Kettilby, at the Bishop's-Head in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1700.

TITUS iii. I. Put them in mind to be subject to Principalities and Powers, to obey Magistrates.

You all know what kind of Argument this Day calls for. For by the design of keeping it, the business that the Preacher hath to do, is to press Obedience and Subjection to the Government we live under, and to Preach against Faction and Rebellion. And accordingly it is prescribed in the Rubrick of this Day's Service, That if there be a Sermon at all, and not a Homily, it shall be upon this Argument.

It is very well that Authority hath taken care, that at some Solemn Times we should Preach upon this Subject in a more Solemn Manner. Because though it be as needful as any, yet there are some among us that think it a very improper Theme for the Pulpit. I must confess I had an eye to this Suggestion, when I pitch'd upon these words which I have now read to you: Because I think there is something to be observed in them which will effectually confute it.

St. Paul here lays his Charge upon Titus, That he should put the People that were under his Care in mind to be subject to Principalities and Powers, and to obey Magistrates.

Two things I would here consider. First, the Person that is order'd thus to put the People in mind: And Secondly, the Thing that he is to put them in mind of, which is, Subjection and Obedience to Principalities, and Powers, and Magistrates.

I begin with the First thing, the Person to whom St. Paul writes this Epistle, and to whom he gives it in Charge that he should put the people in mind to be subject.

Who was this Person? Why it was Titus, an Ecclesiastic, a Bishop, a Preacher of the Gospel; not a Lay-man, not a Magistrate, but a pure Church-man. What can be more plainly gathered from hence than this; That it is not foreign to a Clergy-man's Office to Preach Obedience and Subjection to the Government; but, on the contrary, a part of his Function, a necessary Duty incumbent upon him to do it. If any Man affirm otherwise, he must either say, that St. Paul did not rightly instruct Titus in his Office, but enjoined him to do that which he had nothing to do with: Or he must shew that the Case of Titus was different from that of the Ministers of the Gospel at this day. Neither of which things can, I believe, be easily made out.

And yet into such Times are we fallen, that it is taken ill by many, that Ministers should in their Pulpit-Discourses meddle with these Matters. I must confess I think, that of all Men it most concerns a Minister of Religion not to be a Busie-body, or a Medler in other Mens Matters. For in truth he hath work enough to do of his own; and such kind of work too, as, let him behave himself as inoffensively as he can, will create him Difficulties and Enemies enow. And therefore it would be very imprudent in him to usurp other Mens Provinces, and to burn his fingers where he needs not. Especially considering that the Success of his Labours and Endeavours among the People doth in a great measure depend upon the good liking they have of him.

But what is it that gives Offence? or what is it that renders this Argument we are speaking of so improper a Subject for a Clergy-man to treat of? Why, several things are pretended, and I shall name some of them.

First, It is said, That the work of a Clergyman is to instruct Men in Christ's Religion, to Preach against Vice and Sin, and to Preach up Holiness and good Life, and mutual Love and Charity: But what has he to do with StateAffairs, as Matters of Government are?

I Answer, He hath nothing indeed to do with them: But his only work is to make Men good Christians, by endeavouring to possess them with a hearty Belief of our Saviour's Doctrines and Promises, and persuading them to a Conformity in their Lives to his Precepts. This is our proper Work, and this is that we ought to attend to all the days of our Life; and with Government and State Affairs we ought not to meddle, in our Sermons especially.

But then, after all this, it doth not follow, but that we are all bound, as we have occasion, to Preach up Loyalty and Obedience to our Governours. For this is no State Affair, but an Affair of the Gospel. We cannot instruct Men in Christ's Religion, without instructing them in this.

If indeed it was an indifferent thing to a Man's Christianity, or to his Salvation, whether he was a good or a bad Subject; Then indeed it would be as indifferent to a Preacher, whether he insisted on these things to the People: But it is not so.

One great branch of Christian Holiness, as it is declared in the New Testament, is, That every Man demean himself quietly and peaceably and obediently to the Government he lives under, and that not only for wrath, or fear of Punishment, but also for Conscience-sake. And this is made as necessary a Condition of going to Heaven, as any other particular Vertue is. And therefore if we will instruct Men in Christ's Religion, and in the indispensable Points of Holiness required thereby, we must instruct them in this also.

One great Vice and damnable Sin, that the Religion of our Lord has caution'd against, is the Sin of Factiousness and Rebellion. And therefore, if it be our Duty to declare against the Sins and Vices that are contrary to Christianity, it is our Duty to declare and caution against this also.

Lastly, We do readily grant that a great part of our Office consists in most affectionately recommending and pressing the Necessity of mutual Love and Charity. But if this be necessary, is it not more so, to recommend and press Obedience to Authority, without which, mutual Love and Charity cannot possibly subsist? That being the common Ligament of them; and take away That, we should be no better than Bears and Tygers one to another.

But it is said, in the Second place, That Preachers ought not to meddle with these Points, because they are not competent Judges of them: They do not know the Measures and Limits of Loyalty and Disloyalty, of being a good, and a bad Subject: These depending altogether upon the Constitution of the Government we live under; and the determining of them belongs to the Civil Courts, and not to their Profession.

To this I Answer, That in all those Instances, wherein this Argument falls under the Cognizance and Determination of Parliaments, or Iudges, or Lawyers, we do not pretend to meddle with it. And if any Man do, let him answer for himself. All that we pretend to, is to press the plain, general, indispensable Duties of Obedience to Laws, and of Peaceableness, and Subjection to the Higher Powers, which Christ and his Apostles have every where taught in the Bible.

If indeed a Preacher should in the Pulpit presume to give his Judgment about the Management of Publick Affairs; or to lay down Doctrines as from Christ, about the Forms and Models of Kingdoms or Commonwealths; or to adjust the Limits of the Prerogative of the Prince, or of the Liberties of the Subject in our present Government: I say, if a Divine should meddle with such Matters as these in his Sermons, I do not know how he can be excused from the just Censure of meddling with things that nothing concern him. This is indeed a Practising in State Matters, and is usurping an Office that belongs to another Profession, and to Men of another Character. And I should account it every whit as undecent in a Clergyman to take upon him to deal in these Points; as it would be for him, to determine Titles of Land in the Pulpit, which are in Dispute in Westminster-Hall.

But what is this to the Preaching Obedience and Subjection to the Establish'd Government? Let meddling with the Politicks be as odious as you please in a Clergy-man; yet sure it must not only be allow'd to him, but be thought his Duty, to Exhort all Subjects to be faithful to their Prince, to live peaceably under his Government, and to obey all the Laws that are made by Just Authority: And even where they cannot obey them, yet to submit, and to raise no Disturbance to the Publick upon that account. And this is the great thing which we say Clergy-men have to do in this Matter.

We meddle not with the Politicks; we meddle not with Prerogative or Property; we meddle not with the Disputes and Controversies of Law that may arise about these Matters: But we Preach a company of plain Lessons of Peaceableness and Fidelity, and Submission to our Rulers; such as the Law of Nature teaches; such as both Christ and his Apostles did preach in all Places where-ever they came; and such as will at this day hold in all the Governments of the World, whether they be Kingdoms or Commonwealths.

And if at any time we make a particular Application of these General Rules to our own Established Government, it is only in such Instances as are plainly of the Essence of our National Constitution. In such Instances as are plainly contain'd in the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and those other Tests, which, for the Security of the Government, the Law hath taken care that Subjects sh ll swear to, and consequently must be thought obliged both to understand and practise them. And how can it be an Invasion of another Man's Office, to Preach and Insist upon such things as these? No, certainly; what it is the Duty of every Subject both to understand and practise in order to his Salvation, that, without doubt, it is the Duty of their Pastors to put them in mind of.

But Thirdly, It is said further, That Preachers cannot engage in these Arguments, but they will of necessity side with some Party or Faction among us: now they should have nothing to do with Parties or Factions.

To this I Answer, That to be on the Side of the Established Government, and to endeavour to maintain That, is not to be a Favourer of Parties and Factions. But They are the Factions, They are the Setters up, or Abettors of Parties, who endeavour to destroy, or unsettle, or disparage, or in the least to hurt and weaken the Government and the Laws as they are established; let the Principles upon which they go, or the Pretences they make, be what they will. So that a Minister, by Preaching Obedience and Subjection, doth not in the least make himself of any Party; but, on the contrary, he sets himself against all Parties: And so he ought to do. For his Business is, to be on the Side of the Government as it is by Law Established; and as vigorously as in him lies, in such ways as are proper for his Function, to oppose all those that would either secretly undermine it, or openly assault it: In a word, all those that would make any Change or Innovation in it (by whatever Names they are discriminated) by any other means or methods than what the Law of the Land, and the Nature of the Constitution doth allow.

And thus much of the First thing I took notice of in the Text, viz, the Person to whom the Charge is here given, that he should put the people in mind. I now come, in the Second place, to the Thing he was to put them in mind of, and that is, to be subject to Principalities and Powers, and to obey Magistrates.

And here Two things are to be enquired into; First, Who are those Principalities and Powers and Magistrates to whom we are to be subject, and whom we are to obey. And, Secondly, Wherein consists that Subjection and Obedience that we are to give to them.

As for the First of these, Who are the Principalities and Powers and Magistrates? Why, certainly by these words are meant the Supreme Civil Governours of every Nation, and under them their subordinate Officers. Let the Form of Government in any Country be what it will; in whomsoever the Sovereign Authority is lodged (whether in one, or in many) They are the Principalities and Powers to whom we are to be subject; and Those that are Commission'd and Deputed to exercise Authority under them, are the Magistrates whom we are to obey.

St. Peter, in the 2d. Chapter of his 1st. Epistle, doth thus express them, (alluding, no doubt, to the Government of the Roman State under which he lived, which was then Monarchical) Submit your selves, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to every Humane Constitution, for the Lord's sake: whether it be to the King, as Supreme; or unto the Governours, as unto them that are sent by him—for so is the will of God. Upon which words of his, the Homily of our Church, appointed to be read on this Day, doth thus gloss. St. Peter doth not say, Submit your selves unto me, as Supreme Head of the Church. Neither saith he, Submit your selves, from time to time, to my Successors in Rome. But he saith, Submit your selves unto your King, your Supreme Head, and to those that he appointeth in Authority under him. This is God's Ordinance, this is God's Holy Will, that the whole Body in every Realm, and all the Members and Parts of the same, shall be subject to their Head, their King.

As for the Subjection and Obedience that is to be paid to these Principalities and Powers, which is the other thing I am to enquire into, it consists of a great many Particulars.

It implies in it, for instance, That we should give all Honour, Respect and Reverence to their Persons, looking upon them (which really they are) as God's Vicegerents upon Earth.

That we should not rashly censure their Actions, or the Administration of their Government.

That we should at no hand despise them, or speak evil of them, remembring the Character that St. Iude gives of those that despise Dominions, and speak evil of Dignities.

That as we should make Prayers, and Supplications and Intercessions, and giving of Thanks for all Men; so more especially for Them, and Those that are put in Authority under them, as St. Paul teaches us.

That we should pay them the Tributes and Customs that are due to them, as the same Apostle expresses it; that is, the Expences we are legally Taxed at, towards the Support of their Government.

That we should, according to our Power, maintain their Iura Majestatis, the Rights and Prerogatives, belonging by the Constitution, to their Office and Dignity

That we should assist and defend them against their Enemies.

That we should behave our selves peaceably and modestly in our particular Vocations, endeavouring to make their Government as easie and as happy as we can, but at no hand to invade any Publick Office that belongs not to us.

In a word, That we should yield Obedience to all their Laws. And in case it ever happen that we cannot with a safe Conscience obey, there we are patiently to suffer the Penalties of our Disobedience: But by no means either to affront their Persons, or to disturb their Government, by raising or partaking in any Tumult, or Insurrection, or Rebellion.

All this that I have now named, is contained in that Duty of Subjection and Obedience which we are here bid to pay to Principalities and Powers, as might easily be shewn, as to every Particular: But I will not tire you, by running through all these Heads, and therefore shall only desire leave to speak a little to the two last things I have now mention'd; both because they are the most general, and do in a manner comprehend the rest; and because they seem principally intended in the Text I am now discoursing of. Put them in mind (saith St. Paul) to be subject, and put them in mind to obey. In the one Phrase seems to be intimated the Duty of Active Obedience to the Laws and Orders of our Governours: In the other Phrase, our Submission where we cannot obey.

And First of all, As for the business of Active Obedience, (for it is proper to begin with that first) all that is needful to be said for the clearing of it, may be comprized in these Four following Propositions.

1st. That the standing Laws of every Country are the Rule of the Subjects Obedience, and not merely the Will of the Prince.

Where indeed the Legislative and the Executive Power are both in one hand, (as it is in those we call Absolute Monarchies) there the Will of the Prince stands for Law. But where People are so happy as to live under a Legal Establishment, as ours is, there the Publick Laws must govern and steer their Actions, and not the Prince's private Pleasure. So that tho' the King can do no wrong, (as our Maxim is) yet the Subject is answerable for every thing he doth against Law, even when he doth it by the King's Command.

2dly. Whatever Laws are made by Just Authority, whether in Civil Matters, or in Matters relating to Religion, if they be not contrary to God's Laws, there the Subject is bound in Conscience to obey them, even tho' he apprehends they are inconvenient.

I own indeed that the Matter of some Laws may be of so small importance, that a Man shall not need much to charge his Conscience with the Observance of them: It being enough that he submit to the Penalty, in case of Transgression: And perhaps the Government never meant to extend their Obligation farther. But for all that, it is in the Power of the Legislative, when there is reason, to bind our Consciences to Obedience, as well as to award Punishments to our Disobedience. And the Reason of this is evident, because we are bound by the Laws of God, who hath the Supreme Dominion over our Consciences, to obey our Lawful Governours in Lawful things.

Nay, I say farther, (which is my 3d. Proposition,) That even where we doubt of the Lawfulness of their Commands, we are bound to obey; so long as we only doubt of their Lawfulness, but are not persuaded that they are unlawful.

For certainly the Authority of our Governours ought to over-rule any Man's private Doubts. There is all the Reason in the world that it should do so: And there is no good Reason to be urged to the contrary.

Pray, what is it we mean, when we say that a Man doubts concerning a thing, whether it be lawful or no? Is it not this? that his Judgment is kept suspended between equal Probabilities on both sides of a Question. He is enclined by some Reasons to believe that the thing is lawful, and he is enclined by other Reasons to believe that the thing is unlawful. And these Reasons do appear so equally probable to him on both sides, that he doth not know how to determine himself: He doth not know which way he should frame a Judgment about the point in question.

This is the Notion of a Doubt. Now in such a Case as this, when Authority interposeth, and declareth it self on one side; and pronounceth not only that the thing is lawful to be done, but also, that it will have it done; and accordingly lays its Commands upon the Man to do it: I say, if there be not so much weight in Authority as to turn the Scale in such a Case as this, and to oblige a Man to act in obedience to it; it is the lightest thing in the World, and signifies very little as to the influencing the Affairs of Mankind.

But, 4thly and lastly; If the Matter be out of doubt: If a Man be really convinced that the thing which Authority commands him, is not lawful in it self, but is contradictory to the Laws of God: In that case he must not do the thing commanded; on the contrary, he is bound to forbear the Practice of it.

If any Humane Law, let it be made by the best Authority upon Earth, should command us to believe any Point in Matters of Faith which we are persuaded to be contrary to the Revelation of Christ and his Apostles; or should command us to profess and declare our Belief of any Matter whatsoever, tho' never so indifferent, when yet we did not really believe it; or, lastly, should oblige us to the doing of any Action which we did in our own Conscience judge to be a Transgression of a Divine Command: I say, in none of these Cases are we to yield Obedience to the Law, by what Authority soever it was Enacted. And the Reason is plain: We must always chuse to obey God rather than Men. Where God's Law hath commanded us, there no Humane Law can absolve us from the Obligation. Where God's Law hath forbidden us, there no Humane Law can lay Obligations upon us.

And it is the same thing as to our Practice, that we believe God's Law hath ty'd us up, as if it had really done so. So that, whether we are really in the right, or in the wrong, as to our Persuasions in these Matters, we must not act against them; because we must not act against our Consciences. Only this we are to remember, That it extremely concerns us rightly to inform our Consciences in these Matters where Humane Laws have interposed their Authority. For if we make a wrong Judgment of Things, and upon that account deny our Obedience to the Laws, where we should have given it: Though we ought not to act against our Conscience, as I said, (nay, it would be a great Sin in us if we should,) yet, on the other side, we are not to be excused for disobeying the Commands of Authority, where we might lawfully have obeyed them; unless it should prove that it was through no fault of ours that our Judgments were misinformed.

And thus much concerning my First Head, that of Obedience to Laws: I now come to the other, that of Subjection; as that word implies patient Submission to our Governours, where we cannot actively comply with what they require of us.

And this is that Doctrine of Passive Obedience which of late hath had so ill a Sound among many of us: But I dare say, for no other reason but because it may have been by some misrepresented. For where-ever it is rightly understood, it can give offence to none but to such as are really disaffected to the Government, and do desire Alterations.

That there is such a Submission due from all Subjects to the Supreme Authority of the Place where they live, as shall tie up their Hands from Opposing or Resisting it by Force, is evident from the very Nature and Ends of Political Society. And I dare say, there is not that Country upon Earth, let the Form of their Government be what it will, (Absolute Monarchy, Legal Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Commonwealth) where this is not a part of the Constitution. Subjects must obey passively, where they cannot obey actively: Otherwise the Government would be precarious, and the Publick Peace at the mercy of every Malecontent, and a door would be set open to all the Insurrections, Rebellions and Treasons in the World.

Nor is this only a State Doctrine, but the Doctrine also of Iesus Christ, and that a necessary, indispensable one too; as sufficiently appears from those famous words of St. Paul, Rom. xiii. 1, 2. which are so plain, that they need no Comment: Let every soul (saith he) be subject to the Higher Powers, for there is no Power but of God; and the Powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation. So that so long as this Text stands in our Bibles, the Doctrine of Non-Resistance or Passive Obedience must be of Obligation to all Christians.

But then, after I have said this, care must be taken that this General Doctrine be not misapplied in particular Countries. Though NonResistance or Passive Obedience be a Duty to all Subjects, and under all Governments, yet it is not expressed the same way in all Places; but both the Objects and the Instances of it do vary in different Nations, according to the different Models of their Government.

To speak this as plainly as I can. As the Laws of the Land are the Measures of our Active Obedience; so are also the same Laws the Measures of our Submission. And as we are not bound to obey but where the Laws and Constitution require our Obedience; so neither are we bound to submit but as the Laws and Constitution do require our Submission.

Taking now this to be the true stating of the Doctrine of Passive Obedience, as I verily believe it is, I do not see what colour of Reason can be offered against it. Sure I am, the common Pretence, That it tends to introduce Tyranny, and Arbitrary Government, and to make People Slaves, is quite out of doors. For you see it makes no Princes Absolute, where, by the Constitution, they were not so before. Nor doth it destroy any Liberty of the Subjects that they were before in Possession of. All that it doth, is to preserve and secure the National Settlement in the same Posture, and upon the same Foot, in and upon which it is already Established. And this is so true, that there is not a Commonwealth in the World so free, but that these Doctrines of Non-Resistance and Passive Obedience must for ever be taught there, as necessary even for the Preservation of their Liberties.

As for what this Doctrine imports among us, and in our Constitution, or how far it is to be extended or limited, it belongs not to me to determine. But thus much the Occasion of this Day's Meeting will not only warrant me, but oblige me to say upon this Head, and it is all the Application I shall now make, namely,

That by all the Laws of this Land, the Person of the KING is Sacred and Inviolable; and that to attempt his Life in any way, or upon any pretence, always was and is High Treason. And if so, what are we to think of that Fact which was on this Day committed upon the Person of our late Sovereign, of Blessed Memory, King Charles I. taking it with all its Circumstances? Why certainly, how slight soever some People among us may make of it, it was a most Barbarous Murther; a Violation of the Laws of God and Man, a Scandal to the Protestant Religion, and a Reproach to the People of England; whilst the impious Rage of a Few, stands imputed by our Adversaries to the whole Nation. All this I may say of this Fact; for it is no more than is said of it by the Lords and Commons of England, in that Act of Parliament which appoints the keeping of this Day as a Perpetual Fast.

I am sensible how uneasie some are at the mentioning of this; and how gladly they would have both the Thing, and the Memorial of it, forgot among us. I must confess, I could wish so too, provided we were sure that God had forgot it; so, I mean, forgot it, as that we were no longer obnoxious to his Judgments, upon the account of that Innocent Blood: And provided likewise, in the second place, that those Factious, Republican Principles which have once over-turn'd our Government, and brought an Excellent Prince to an unhappy End, were so far forgot among us, as that there was no Danger from them, of ever having this or the like Tragedy acted again in our Nation. But so long as we have Apprehensions from either of these things, so long it will be fit for us to remember this Fact, and this Day; and both to implore the Mercy of God, that neither the Guilt of that Sacred and Innocent Blood, nor those other Sins by which God was provoked to deliver up both us and our King into the Hands of cruel and unreasonable Men, may at any time hereafter be visited upon us, or our Posterity: And likewise to suffer our selves to be put in mind of that Duty, which, by St. Paul's Authority, I have been all this while insisting on, namely, to be subject to Principalities and Powers, and to obey Magistrates: Or, if you will rather take it in the words of Solomon, Prov. xxiv. 21. to fear the Lord and the King, and not to meddle with them that are given to change.

FINIS.