The interest of Scotland in three essays ...

THE INTEREST OF SCOTLAND IN THREE ESSAYS VIZ.

I. Of the true Original and Indifferency of Church-Government. II. Of the Union of Scotland and England into one Monarchy. III. Of the preſent State of Scotland. Conamur tenues Grandia.

Printed in the Year 1700.

TO THE Nobility and Gentry OF SCOTLAND My Lords and Gentlemen,

A Man who maketh the Publick Concern his own, and an Author that Dedicats his Works to any Society of People, the one muſt reſolve to have the Senſe of his Duty for a reward: And the other, Men of all Characters for his Patrons.

But Men that live together in a regular Society, are very much deceived, when they think it ſufficient for their Happineſs to ſcrape together plentiful Eſtates: without concerning themſelves how the publick Buſineſs of their Country is managed. For, how can they be ſecure, either in their Enjoyment, if the Laws don't protect them? Or, how can they Hope for Good Laws, if they don't concern themſelves with that Aſſembly, which hath the Legiſlative power?

Rome owes not her Greatneſs to her Founders, who were a parcel of People Born and Nurs'd up in Murders and Plunderings, and trained in all ſort of Villanies; but to their Succeſſors, who became Wiſe, Frugal, Juſt, and paſſionatly ſtudious of Virtue and Glory, till at laſt, they overtop'd in power all their Neighbours. Nor could any thing have put a ſtop to their Empire, till privat Men did prefer their own gain to the Intereſt of the Publick. Then was it, that, in the time of the Emperor Tiberius, all ran headlong into Slavery; The Conſuls, the Senat, the Gentry: And the Nobler the Perſon was, the greater haſt he made to ruine his Country.

My Lords,

You are Hereditary Members of Parliament, ſo that both your Titles of Honour and your privat Intereſts oblige your Lordſhips to be the Pillars and Supporters of your Country: By managing all it's Concerns, without the leaſt byaſs, from that true Virtue which inſpired ſome of your Forefathers to appear Heroes for this Nation.

And you, Gentlemen, who are Members of Parliament, both your Duty to your Countrey, to your Friends, and to your ſelves, will ſtare you in the Face, if you do any thing againſt the Intereſt of any of them. And you that are not Members of Parliament, how neceſſary is it, for the Security of your Lives, Liberties and Properties, that good Laws be made, and every thing removed, that may endanger them? Be therefore diligent, in putting the Members of Parliament in mind of their Duty; and let the moſt ſenſible of you, who have Families and Eſtates to care for, endeavour to fill the Places of the Repreſentatives of Parliament, when any are vacant, that by your Honeſty and Wiſdom, every Misfortune may be avoided, that hath threatned this Nation from Members, that have neither Fortune nor Reputation to preſerve.

Whilſt the Parliament contains Men of Courage and Publick Spirit, who can neither be bought nor frighted, Matters cannot long proceed amiſs: And 'tis hardly conceivable, what Eſteem is payed to Men of ſteddy Principles, even by their Enemies: their very Words and Actions are admired and followed, ſo long as they live. Whereas buſy Intriguers after Places and Penſions are contemptible to the very Men, of whom they are the wretched Inſtruments to enſlave their Countrey.

Therefore, My Lords and Gentlemen, If theſe Eſſays can demonſtrat any way the Intereſt of this Nation, I will have my Deſign both in Writing and Dedicating of them to you, on whom dependeth the greateſt part of the Happineſs of your Countrey.

My Lords and Gentlemen, Yours, &c.

This Book being printed in haſte, theſe Errors have eſcaped the Correction of the Preſs, which the Reader is deſired to mend with his Pen.

Page 8. line 8. for was, read were. p. 32. l. 8. f. Pedro. r. Pietro. p. 44. l. 28. f. Unite. r. Act. p. 54. l. 17. f. have. r. hath. p. 100. l. 9. f. part. r. Party.

The Contents of the Eſſay upon the preſent State of Scotland. The Introduction. Page 65 Section. I. Of the Education of Youth. Page 67 Sect. II. Of the Commons. Page 73 Sect. III. Of the Clergy. Page 81 Sect. IV. Of the Nobility and Gentry. Page 86 Sect. V. Of the King and Parliament. Page 89 Sect. VI. That a mixt Government cannot increaſe in Wealth and Power, but by the Honeſty and Wiſdom of it's Members of Parliament. Page 95 Sect. VII. What Meaſures this preſent Parliament ought to take, for recovering the Abuſes of former Reigns, and putting this Nation into a conſtant Courſe of Thriving. Page 103

AN ESSAY CONCERNING The true Original and Indifferency OF Church Government.

ALL Chriſtians are taught by Divine Revelation, that they are the Off-ſpring of one Man and one Woman; for whoſe ſin being condemned to Ignorance, they are prone to Vice, and ſubject to unruly Paſſions, which hurries them on in the Commiſſion of Evil, and cauſes Rapine and Violence to triumph in the World.

It was only a few of the firſt Ages, that retained any knowledg of God, and of His Worſhip; all the reſt being left to the Dictats of Nature, to provide what they ſhould find convenient for themſelves: Till mutual fear of being oppreſſed one by another did oblige them to unite into Communities. Then aroſe Command and Obedience, which ever have been the ſupport of all humane Affairs, the Bond of all Society, and the Spirit of every Body Politick, which inables all it's Members to live in Unity.

So long as the World was divided into petty Governments equal in ſtrength amongſt themſelves, the greateſt Ambition of each Mortal, was the Intereſt of that Society whereof he was a Member, ſo that Self-preſervation had the ſame force to keep him to his duty, that Religion hath almoſt upon us at preſent.

But ſo ſoon as ſome of thoſe Communities did contract a Friendſhip and Aſſurance amongſt themſelves, perhaps ſome particular Member (whoſe ill Nature and Ambition over-reached the Wit of his Fellows) did engage them to league together, and to aſſault their Neighbouring Governments, compelling them one after another to ſubmit and trudge for their Maintainance, whilſt they loitered at home in eaſe and plenty: and from ſuch oppreſſive means (we may ſuppoſe) did ſpring the Aſſyrian Empire, (which is the firſt made mention of in Hiſtory) the Founder of which was Nimrod, who had the Art to cheat his Companions into a Compliance with himſelf, for oppreſſing their Neighbours, and to get himſelf choſen their Captain, that he might at laſt be able to buble them of their Liberties, and to become their abſolute Monarch. So Self-preſervation, that great Motive which kept his Fore-fathers in aw, being no longer in uſe to preſerve in order that new moudled Empire, there was a neceſſity of ſome Model of Civil Government to make all its Members live regularly, and to follow the different profeſſions aſſigned them; that Corporations, Colledges, and every Civil Community might have their uſe, and that the diſtinction of Abſolute and Subordinate Powers might come in faſhion.

Nevertheleſs, this Empire had ſplit in pieces in its very Infancy, (its People being in Eaſe and Plenty, and its Soldiers left to follow the itch of their own Inclinations) if there had not been ſome Men, by decay of Nature, perhaps incapable of the Vices then in Vogue, which had the foreſight to joyn Prieſt-Craft with their Civil Government; for Baniſhing from it (as much as poſſible) both Mental and Corporal Vices, and for bringing People's Conſciences under Subjection; that they might the more nicely obſerve a ſtrictneſs in Morals. Then it was, that the Aſſyrian Monarchy had it's Church-Government, as well, as (in ſucceeding Ages) the Perſian, Graecian, Roman, and and all other Heathen Governments had their's: which have been compoſed of Perſons of more than vulgar Gapacities, capable to continue a probable Hiſtory of a World to come, to make acquaintance with its imaginary Inhabitants, and to become Mediators betwixt them and their fellow Citizens, whom they always managed both for the Glory of their Gods, and for their own private Advantage. Then was it the Cuſtom to Sacrifice, not only Beaſts, but Men, Women, and Children, and to impoſe all the Idolatry imaginable upon the World, by their Oracles; the Cheat of which hath been often diſcovered, as particularly, by Theophilus Biſhop of Alexandria, who ſhewed the Inhabitants of that Town, the hollow Statues into which the Prieſts privately crept to give their Reſponſes.

Of all the Pagan Church-Governments, we know moſt of that of the Romans.

Romnlus and his Suceſſor Numa Pompilius being made ſenſible by their own Experience, and that of their Neighbours, how great a Ligament of Government political Religion was, took care to Inſtitute ſeveral Orders of Prieſts, to whom all their Subjects might pay Honour, and by whom they were to be inſtructed, how to pray, what Sacrifices, what Vowes, what Gifts would be acceptable to the Gods; and in a word, in all the Ceremonies made uſe of in Divine-Service.

The Pontifices of all the Prieſts, ſeems to have had the greateſt ſhare of Church-Government; for Cicero (in his Oration to them) tells them, that the Honour and Safety of the Common Wealth, the Liberty of the People, the Houſes and Fortunes of the Citizens, and the very Gods themſelves were all entruſted to their Care, and depended wholly on their Wiſdom and Management.

The Superintendent of the Pontifices, was one of the Moſt honourable Offices in the Common Wealth; upon which account all the Emperors, for their own Intereſt, and after the Example of Julius Caeſar, either took the Name of Pontiſex Maximus, or actually diſcharged the Office themſelves; and even the Chriſtian Emperors retained the Title, till Gratian refuſed it.

The Jews were the only People on Earth that had continued to them the Knowledge of the true GOD, who was pleaſed to reveal his Will from time to time to their Fore-fathers, commanding Moſes his Servant to give them his Laws, and to Model a Church-Government, to the Members of which were to be committed the Divine Oracles.

This was the State of the Jews, whilſt the wiſe Governours of all othr Nations, ſuch as Solon, Lycurgus, and Numa Pompilius, were ſenſible of the uſe of Religion; but were not able to become acquainted with the true God for want of Revelation: So that their Opinions about His Will and Nature, and thoſe of all the Ancient Philoſophers have been ſo many ridiculous Whimſies.

But no ſooner did the Son of GOD appear, (who was the Original and Model of all Perfection) than he was to be a Light to the whole World; and a great part of the Jewiſh Laws was to loſe their Authority. For he knowing the Will of God his Father, better than Moſes, was pleaſed to reveal to all Nations, that it was no longer the deſign of God to make a diſtinction betwixt Jew and Gentile, but that he would embrace every Nation, that would believe in him, and obey his Laws. At Thirty years of Age he began to eſtabliſh his moſt excellent Religion, meeting with all the Oppoſition imaginable from the Jews, as an invader of their Fundamental Laws; He was Perſecuted, and followed all his life with Aſſaults of Malice and Cruelty; His Credit was Slandered, his Doctrine ſlighted; and at laſt he was put to Death with all ſort of Torture and Diſgrace. His only Companions upon Earth was a parcel of poor People, whom he called his Diſciples, and to whom he taught a Doctrine, that called men from their Luſts and Pleaſures; that offered Violence to their Natural Inclinations; That required the greateſt ſtrictneſs of Life; That revealed Truths above the reach of Natural Comprehenſion, and that obliged Men to take up a Croſs, to follow the Example of a Crucified Saviour, in expectation of an inviſible World.

This Jeſus then is of more value to us, than e're Moſes was to the Jews; he being our Law-giver, our God and our Saviour, who hath given Laws to all thoſe, who will believe and acknowledge his Authority.

Our Saviour, when he came into the World, as he was God, ſo was he Omniſcient, knew what Oppoſition his Doctrine would meet with, and with what Misfortunes his Followers would be dogged. He came not to a particular People, as Moſes did to the Jews, of whoſe obedience he was aſſured; but he came to the People of the habitable Earth, to teach them the way to Heaven by Repentance and Faith. At his firſt Arrival he found no Church, but the Jewiſh, which was to evaniſh at his Appearance: Therefore he laid the Foundation of one himſelf, by Preaching and working Miracles, and by triumphing on the Croſs over Ignorance and Wickedneſs, which had ruled all the Heathens.

After his Aſcenſion into Heaven, on the day of Pentecoſt, he ſent down the Holy Ghoſt upon his Apoſtles and Diſciples, who were aſſembled at Jeruſalem, enduing them with the Gift of Tongues, and of working Miracles; Commiſſionating them to propagat his Church and Kingdom, thro' the whole World: Which accordingly they did, Preaching the Goſpel firſt to the Jews, and then to the Gentiles, many of them taking particular parts of the World, to make known the Joyful News of Salvation. Thus St. Andrew Preached the Goſpel in Scythia, St. Bartholomew in India, St. Matthew in Parthia, and St. John in the leſſer Aſia: They went from Town to Town, and from Village to Village, publiſhing the Bleſſed News of Immortality, and conſtituting Biſhops and Deacons, the firſt Fruits of their Miniſtry, leaving them to govern, and to enlarge the particular Churches, over which they had placed them. Tertullian ſaith (de Praeſcrip. adverſ. Haereti.) That Clemens was ordained Biſhop of Rome by St. Peter, and Polycarp Biſhop of Smirna by St. John.

Now, Let us enquire, whether our Saviour, or his Apoſtles after his Death, left any diſtinct Scheme of Government, to be followed by all particular Churches; which Scheme, if there be any, muſt be found in the Holy Scriptures, or in the Writings of the Fathers, who ſucceeded immediatly to the Apoſtles; but if no Scheme of Church Covernment is to be found in either of them, it is very ſurpriſing, that ever ſince the Reformation in this Iſland, there have been two Parties which have ſet up for different Schemes of Church-Government, the one called Presbyterian, and the other Epiſcopal, and that either of them hath been ſo zealous for eſtabliſhing its Government, that nothing will pleaſe either of them, if its Government be not of Divine Inſtitution; by which the one Party can damn the other.

But upon what grounds either of them can call it's Church Government Jure Divino, if it is not inſtitute in every point by God, as the Jewiſh Government was, I cannot comprehend.

For Firſt, That Church Government which is from God, muſt be revealed by him to his People ſome way or other; but no Scheme of Church Government hath as yet been revealed: Therefore all Church Government muſt be of Humane Inſtitution.

That no Scheme of Church Government is yet revealed, is evident; becauſe, there's none in all the New Teſtament, unleſs we are perſwaded, that when we read the words Biſhop, Deacon, Diaconeſs, we have found the very individual Scheme of Government that was in uſe amongſt the Apoſtles. For my part I underſtand no more of their Church Government by reading theſe words, than one can underſtand of the Civil Government of Scotland, if he heard only of a Preſident of Council, or of ſome Officers of State.

Secondly, If the Apoſtles had conſtitute a Church Government, after which we were obliged to model one, as if it were immediatly from God; ſurely we muſt underſtand it in all its parts, otherwiſe we cannot follow it in all its Form; but the Practice of the Apoſtles, in conſtituting their Church Government, is but little known to us, therefore it's impoſſible for us to follow their Practice, in forming a Church Government. Nor do we follow at preſent the Practice of the Apoſtles, in as far as we know it, otherwiſe there ſhould be no Biſhop by virtue of a Conge d'es lire, nor ſhould the Presbyterian Government want Diaconeſses, and other Officers, which were in Uſe in the Primitive Churches; becauſe by the ſame Authority we either add or diminiſh from the Practice of the Apoſtles in Church Government (if it be an Article of Faith) by the ſame Authority we can change their Practice altogether.

Laſtly, I cannot believe, that any particular Form of Church Government is preſcribed to all particular Churches, otherwiſe we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, that the Apoſtles, who have been at the pains to writ down all that is neceſſary to be believed, would not have omitted to leave it to Poſterity.

Seeing then that we have no Scheme of Church-Government in the Scripture, where muſt we go next to prove either the Epiſcopal or Preſbyterian Government to be of Divine Inſtitution? I ſuppoſe it muſt be from the practice of the Fathers of the firſt Centuries; but if they were Men like unto our ſelves, capable of Error and Folly, I hope their practice will be of no more Authority, than they had reaſon on their ſide.

That the Fathers of the firſt Centuries were Men fallible like unto our ſelves may be proved by theſe two conſiderations.

Firſt, They have erred in points of the greateſt Conſequence. Juſtin Mar: tyr (the moſt ancient of all the Fathers, next to Clemens Romanus) was of Opinion, that the Saints ſhould Reign a Thouſand Years in Jeruſalem, before the Reſurrection ſhould be accompliſhed: Which was the Opinion of the Chiliaſts, condemned by all the Orthodox. Ireneus mantained (Iren. contra Hoer.) that our Saviour was above Fourty Years when he ſuffered Death, contrary to what we are taught by the Evangeliſts. Clemens Alexandrinus believed (lib. 1. Strom.) that the Angels fell in Love with the firſt Women, and that this Love tranſported them ſo far, as to make them indiſcreetly to diſcover unto them many ſecrets, which they ought to have concealed. The reaſon, I ſuppoſe made honeſt Clemens entertain ſuch a Notion, was, that the Women in his days were more reſerved in diſcourſe, than they are at preſent. Tertulian; againſt all Reaſon, (lib. 1. Adver. Marc. makes God ſubject to the ſame paſſions that we are ſubject to. And Cyprian, who was Turtllian's admirer, hath mantained many of his ridiculous Opinions.

Secondly, they have been at great Variance amongſt themſelves, and mantained different Opinions of great moment- Juſtin Martyr, and Ireoeneus promiſed us the pleaſures of a new Jeruſalem upon Earth, for a Thouſand Years, whilſt Dioniſius Alexandrinus and St. Hierome laught't at them for fools.

But grant that we ſhould follow the practice of the Fathers In Church-Government, let us ſee what we can learn from their Writings.

To perſwade us that there were many Biſhops in one Church, we have both the Authority of the Holy Scriptures and of Clemens Romanus (Epiſt. 1. ad Cor.) Yet Ignatius Tertullian and Cyprian affirm, that there was and ought to be, but one Biſhop in a Church at a time. Now whether to believe theſe Fathers or the Holy Scriptures, or to reconcile them both, by telling that the words Biſhop and Preſbyter were uſed promiſcuouſly, is left to the Diſcretion of every diſputing Divine.

A whole Church did meet together to manage their own Affairs, when the Schiſm of Feliciſſimus was to be debated, it was to be done according to the Will of the People, and by the conſent of the Laity, as Cyprian witneſſeth in his 10 Epiſt. but either this was the Cuſtom of all the particular Chriſtian Churches, or only that of Carthage; if it was the Univerſal Cuſtom we don't know, and that it was the practice of the Carthaginian Church, doth not bind all other Churches to follow it.

If Presbyters had not the ſame Inhaerent Right to perform all the Eccleſiaſtical Offices, which the Biſhops had, I don't underſtand why Cyprian being Exiled Writes (Epiſt. 5.) to his Clergy, exhorting and begging of them to diſcharge their own and his Office too; that ſo nothing might be wanting either to Diſcipline or Diligence. Nevertheleſs, according to the preſent practice, where Epiſcopacy is in faſhion, no body can ordain but a Biſhop.

Preſbyters were not Eſtential to the Conſtitution of a Church, for Tertullian in his Exhort. ad Caſtitatcm, ſayeth, that where there are no Preſbyters, the Biſhop alone Adminiſters the two Sacraments, of the Lord's Supper and Baptiſm: Yet how there can be a Biſhop without Preſbyters (if the word Biſhop be taken in the ſenſe it is uſed now a dayes) muſt be the ſame thing as if a Man could be called the Father of a Familie, who had none.

When Cyprian maketh an Apology to his Preſbytery (or Commune Concilium as he termeth it) for ordaining Aurelins a Lector, without their conſent; we don't know whether it be out of Civility to them, or out of his duty, the words are, Epſt. 38. In ordinationibus clericis ſolemus vos ante conſulere, & mores ac merita ſingulorum communi conſilio ponderare, &c. where the Word ſolemus may be taken, as if in duty he ought to do ſo.

A Biſhop was Elected both by the Clergy & Laity of his Pariſh, as we learn from the Death of Biſhop Anterus in whoſe place Falianus was Elected at Rome, for, fayeth Euſebius, lib. 6. c. 28. All the People met together in the Church to chuſe a Succeſſor, propoſing ſeveral illuſtrious and eminent Perſonages as fit for Office, whilſt not one ſo much as thought on Falianus then preſent, till a Dove miraculouſly came and ſat upon his head, in the ſame manner as the Holy Ghoſt formerly deſcended on our Saviour, and then all the People guided as it were with one Divine Spirit, cryed out with one Mind and Soul, that Falianus was moſt worthy of the Biſhoprick, and ſo ſtraightways taking him, they placed him in the Epiſcopal Throne.

At preſent we know Biſhops are choſen only by the Clergy, contrary to the Practice of the Church of Rome, as we have ſeen in the Example of Falianus.

The People had power to depoſe their own Biſhops, as the People of Spain did Martiales and Baſilides, and who had their Proceedings ratified by an African Council aſſembled in the Year 258. Cyprian Epiſt. 68. But in what Caſes, People could depoſe a Biſhop, is not determined by Antiquity.

In the Primitive times, every Chriſtian was conſidered both as a Member of the Univerſal Church, and as one of that particular Church where he lived; if therefore he erred in any Article of Faith, he was judged guilty of Hereſie: And if he was at Variance with his Biſhop, he was guilty only of Schiſm, and conſequently deſerved either the Name of Heretick or Schiſmatick. Yet it's clear, that at preſent one may be at Variance with his Biſhop, without being reputed Schiſmatick: For Example, if a particular Man in the Dioceſs of Tork ſhould have a perſonal prejudice againſt his Biſhop, and would not Communicat with him; altho in the time of Cyprian, he would have been guilty of Schiſm, had he been at Variance with his Biſhop.

From this ſhort account, and what more could be collected about the Practice of the Fathers, from their Writings, in Church Government, we can learn nothing but Titles, Names, and ſome general Rules obſerved in the Exerciſe of the Governments of particular Churches, which made up the Univerſal Church; therefore it muſt be an Error, to aſſert that either the Epiſcopal Government in England, or the Presbyterian in Scotland, as they are now conſtitute, was in faſhion in the Primitive Ages.

What then in Reaſon ought to be affirmed for Truth about Church-Government, appears to be, That the Apoſtles, and thoſe they appointed to preach the Law of their Maſter, living in times when they had no Civil Government to protect them, were perſecuted and harraſſed from place to place, having moſt of the Magiſtrats and Philoſophers to be their declared Enemies; therefore it was their greateſt buſineſs only to preach a Crucified Saviour, who was riſen from Death and aſcended up into Heaven, to be Mediator betwixt his Father and all People that would follow the Laws of his Goſpel; which Laws they taught to all their Proſelyts, which made up the Catholick Church. And that the Members of it might be the better inſtructed in the Myſteries of their Religion, it was neceſſary to have them erected into particular Churches or Societies, as the Circumſtances of the Times would allow: Which accordingly they did, and regulated their outward Forms, that all things might be done in Order and Decency. Hence aroſe the neceſſity of Church-Officers to keep all things right, and to put the Divine Laws in Execution.

The Biſhop was the firſt Presbyter in Honour for his Apoſtolick Qualities amongſt other Presbyters, who were ſo many new Apoſtles to be ſent abroad to convert the Pagans, and to conſtitute new Churches, as they found Believers, after what forms were moſt convenient. And by ſuch means were Churches erected at Jeruſalem, Alexandria, Rome, Carthage, &c. Which Churches, ſo long as they wanted the Protection of Civil Magiſtrats, ſo long did they keep a good Correſpondence amongſt themſelves, having frequent Meetings to ſuppreſs all Hereſies, which Meetings were called Councils.

Now, may we be of Opinion, That our Saviour did forſee that the Chriſtian World would be divided into diſtinct ſecular Governments, and that each Government would have the order kept amongſt the Men ſet apart for Divine Service, which was agreeable to it's Conſtitution. For tho particular Churches might have different Governments; yet the Univerſal Church is no more diſmemb'red, than if a King who had different Countreys in Subjection, could be denyed to be Maſter of them all; becauſe that his Laws were put in Execution in one of them, by a Viceroy; in another, by a few Noble Men; and in the Third, by a parcel of Commons.

To ſtrengthen this Opinion, we know, That no ſooner the Roman Emperours and their Subjects become Chriſtians, but there was an Analogy betwixt their Civil and Eccleſiaſtical Governments: For the whole Empire being divided into Fourteen Dioceſſes, each of them comprehending ſeveral Provinces; and every province ſeveral Cities: Every City, as it had a temporal Magiſtrat for executing Juſtice, ſo was there alſo a Biſhop, for Spiritual Order and Government. Every Province, as it had a Proconſul, whoſe Seat was uſually at the Metropolis; So there was in the ſame City an Arch-Biſhop, or, Metropolitan. In every Dioceſs there was a Vicarius, who dwelt in the principal City of the Dioceſs, where all Imperial Edicts were publiſhed: There was alſo a Primat to equal him, and to whom the Determination of all differences of the Clergy did belong. And laſtly, as the Fourteen Dioceſſes were ruled by four Praetorian Prefects in civil Matters; ſo were they governed in Church Affairs by Patriarchs, who were ſuperiour to Primats, by reaſon of the Dignity of theſe Cities, where they had their Sees fixed, as at Rome, Conſtantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jeruſalem. But to what hight Church-men can improve their Power, may be learned from the Patriarchs of Rome, who had once almoſt enſlaved the whole Chriſtian world, by their Supremacy, Purgatory, Indulgences, and Pardons, auricular Confeſſions and Caelibacy of the Clergy.

As there is a neceſſity of ſome Church-Government to be in every Common-Wealth, that by its Diſcipline, its Members may be keep'd in duty, both to God, and to their fellow Subjects; So every Church-Government ought to ſympathize with that Civil Government it meets with, to make up one Chriſtian Society.

But to ſhew what Church and Civil Governments agree beſt together, let us take a ſhort view of all them which are in uſe at preſent in the Chriſtian world.

Tho Man hath a Natural Inclination to Society, yet that which conſtitutes a Body Politick, is Confederation and a Conſent of Governours and Governed; from which we have the different kinds of Civil Government, Monarchy, Ariſtocracy and Democracy. And paralel to theſe, are three kinds of Church-Government, Hierarchy, Superintendency and Presbytrie.

Monarchy is a Government that's veſted in one ſingle Perſon, who is abſolute, and hath a Right of conſtituting and giving Laws to all in general, and to each in particular under his Dominion: To which agrees that Church-Government Hierarchy, compoſed of Arch-Biſhops, Biſhops, &c. And of ſuch two Governments was conſtitute the Roman Empire, in the time of Conſtantine.

Ariſtocracy is the Government of a few of the greateſt power, and conform to it, is Superintendency: Which is a Church-Government, where a parcel of Members are all equal in power, and by the ſame are diſtinguiſhed from the reſt of the Clergy.

Democracy is a Government, in which the whole Body of the People hath ſome ſhare; and to this is conſonant Presbytrie: Which is a Church-Government, where all the Clergy are equally concerned.

To none of the above-mentioned kinds of Civil Government, doth the Civil Governments of Scotland and England belong; which being both of the ſame Nature, I ſhall call them by one Name, a Limited Monarchical Government: Which is a Government that's manag'd by one Man, according to the Laws of the Society where he reigns, which Laws are made by him in Conjunction with his People. So that he hath his Prerogatives, and they their Properties; and ſuch a Government hath the Advantage of all others which can degenerat into Tyrannies.

The Government of Scotland and England being a limited Monarchy, quite oppoſit to an abſolute one; It follows, that ſome other kind of Church-Government muſt be more agreeable to it than Hierarchy, which agrees only with an abſolute Monarchy. Becauſe, the People having lodged ſo many Prerogatives with their King, as the power of declaring War, of making Peace, of ſending Ambaſſadors, of making Leagues and Treaties, and of Levying of Men and Arms by Sea and Land; if this King is ill-inclined, what wants he more but Money to change the very foundamental Laws of his Government, and to make Parliaments altogether uſeleſs? which cannot be raiſed from the Subject without their conſent, or, which is all one, without the conſent of Parliament. Therefore the People ought to take particular care in chooſeing Men to be their Repreſentatives in Parliament, that they be Men of Honour and Probity, whom the Monarch can noways influence to betray the Liberties of their Countrey. And ſurely it muſt ſucceed the better with it, the fewer Members of Parliament depend upon the King.

What power the Kings of Great Britain have had to Cajol Biſhops, being conſtant Members of the Parliament, into a Complyance with their deſigns, the Hiſtory of Paſt-times muſt declare.

Conſtantine, as he was the firſt Chriſtian Emperor, ſo had he a great reſpect for the profeſſors of that Religion. We read in his life, That he would not only regal its Teachers at his own Table, but that he never went a Journey without ome of them along with him, & that, at the Council of Nice, ſo great was his Complaiſance for Church-men, that he refuſed to ſit down in their preſence. The Clergy on the other hand being ſenſible of the Emperours Kindneſs, continue with him the old Title of Pontifex Maximus, by virtue of which, he had Right of Eccleſiaſtical Function: reſerving for themſelves all the Miniſterial Offices. So Conſtantine was Rex idem hominum, Phoebique Sacer dos.

A mutual good underſtanding was ſo cultivated amongſt the ſucceeding Emperours and the Clergy, that they had ſeveral Laws made in their ſavour, (as may be ſeen in the Titles of the Codex de ſacroſanctis Eccleſ: de Epiſc: &Cler:) till the Biſhops of Rome, taking the opportunity of the Diviſion of the Roman Empire, being over-run by Barbarous Nations, and of the Ignorance of the times, did ſet up for it themſelves, under the Specious Title of Chriſts Vicar And how far they carried their Authoriy with Temporal Princes for ſome Ages, is evident by the Inſolence of Hildebrand; who rebelled againſt his lawful Emperor Henry the fourth, depriving him of all that reſpect which was due unto him from a Biſhop of Rome.

It hath been the Policy of the Papal Court, to keep the Clergy of every Common-wealth in a certain Hierarchy; That it might the more conveniently challenge a Supremacy over them; and to the end that they might depend abſolutely upon their Intereſt, for to oppoſe all Temporal Princes, who durſt do any thing in prejudice of the Holy See, by Excommunicating and depriving them of the Allegiance of their Subjects.

In ſuch a Condition was both the Clergy of England and Scotland, in the time of King Henry the Eight of England. Who, being a wiſe Prince and diſobliged by the Pope in the Marriage of Anna Bullen, took the occaſion of a Critical Minut to throw off the Popes Supremacy over his Clergy, and to aſſert it for himſelf, according to the Practice of the Kings of England. And finding that his Clergy was ſatisfied with the change, he continued the Antient Popiſh Hierarchy, making the Biſhops of his Kingdom capable of the greateſt Civil Employments in it.

If the Reformation had begun in Scotland with publick Authority, as it did in England, I doubt not but Epiſcopacy had been continued there, in place of that Church Government introduced by Knox and others, after the Geneva Model. Becauſe Supream Civil Powers know how much it is their Intereſt, to be of the Clergies ſide: And that it is eaſier to have a few Church Men to manage, than a Multitude. Of this King James is an Example, who was not only a great Favourer of the Clergy, but thought it his Intereſt, ſo ſoon as he was ſole Monarch of this whole Iſland, to eſtabliſh Epiſcopacy in Scotland, according to that Maxim, No Biſhop, No King.

Now let us ſee what great Feats Biſhops have done, in the Management of the Britiſh Affairs, and accordingly we ſhould make our Judgment concerning the Agreeableneſs of Epiſcopacy and our Government, which is a Limited Monarchy.

In the Reign of King James the Firſt of Great-Britain, there were Biſhops, no doubt, who complyed with him in every Counſel, that was for the Diſhonour of his Crowns. For we find the Biſhop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, in his Sermon at King James his Funeral (either to flatter his Succeſſor, or, to impoſe upon the World) making a paralel betwixt him and King Solomon, his Text being 1 King. 11.41, 42, 43. Now either that Biſhop was perſwaded of the Verity of what he preached, or not; If he was perſwaded, that King James was the Solomon of his Age, then ſurely, he could not refuſe to go along with him in all his Counſels: And if he preached contrary to what was his Opinion, then, he was capable at Command to be an Haickny Courtier.

In King Charles the Firſt's time, it was Biſhop Laud, and others, that occaſioned all the Misfortunes that befel that Prince, both unhappy in his Council, and in his Opiniatritie.

In King Charles the Second's Reign, we never heard of any of his Eccleſiaſtical Counſellors, that e're Diſcourted themſelves, for diſſwading him from his Effeminat Way of Living, or from following too much French Counſel. On the contrary, we know, that nothing was more preached up, than Paſſive Obedience, founded on the Prerogatives of the Kings of Iſrael, as if the Laws of Moſes had been calculat for our Kings: And, That nothing was more tickling to the Biſhops, than the Oppreſſion of their Fellow Subjects of the Presbyterian Perſwaſion.

In the time of the late King James, It is true, there were ſome Biſhops in England, who ſtood for their Religion, in Oppoſition of Popery; yet the World knows, how well natur'd the Biſhops of Scotland were upon that Point.

And in this preſent Reign, we all know, how that Biſhops of England, did concur to ratifie Proclamations iſſued out againſt the Scots in the Weſt-Indies, which were of a Nature, both below the Meekneſs of Chriſtianity, and the Generoſity of the Engliſh Nation.

Wiſe Governments have always had a very mean Opinion of Church-Mens Politicks, as particularly that of Venice; for whenever any thing occurs of great Moment there, to be debated in the Senat; before any Suffrage paſſeth, they cauſe Proclamation to be made for all Prieſts to retire.

It is likewiſe remarkable, That he who is called the Divine of the State, is choſen commonly ſuch an one, who is more Politician, than Bigot in Religion. And of ſuch a Character was Father Pedro Paulo, who wrote the Hiſtory of the Council of Trent.

Too much Learning or Wiſdom ſeldom agree together; becauſe, for the moſt part, too Learned Men are meer Schollars, (& ſuch were moſt of the Biſhops of England) which of all Men are the moſt dangerous when they eſpouſe a Party: For, both their Learning and Zeal can concur together, to make Black ſeem White, or White Black, and to impoſe what Opinions they pleaſe upon the well meaning People. Now when ſuch Men are perpetual Members of Parliament, who have Dependence upon a Limited Monarch, by virtue of a Conge d'es Lire, the Laick Subjects cannot be circumſpect enough about their Liberties.

Its known, that in the time of Popery, the Pride and Ambition of the Clergy was a Curſe to that Civil Government, where they had any medling; carrying themſelves always Arbitrarly and Tyrannically, and committing the greateſt Soleciſms in Politicks. And we may obſerve for the moſt part, that the Clergy of our Religion, who have concerned themſelves with Worldly Affairs, have been the greateſt Promoters of Civil Diſtempers, that have ſhaken the Foundations either of Church or State: And the very Trumpets which have ſounded to Popular Furies, Martial Alarms, and never better will befal Church-Men, when they act without their own Sphere.

What ſhould move the Engliſh to carreſs Church-Men for Counſellors and Members of Parliament, I cannot comprehend; for were their Biſhops educat as the Cardinals are, (who are better acquainted with this World, than that to come) we might hope for as great an Eſſay of their Wit in State-Affairs, as ever Cardinal Richelieu, or, Cardinal Mazarine did ſhew to the World. But on the contrary, they know more of the World to come, and are educat altogether according their Characters of Church-Men. Nor do I underſtand what is the Reaſon, that there's ſo juſt a Proportion, betwixt the Living of a Nobleman, and a Peaſant, among the Engliſh Laicks: And ſo great a Diſproportion betwixt a Biſhop and a Twenty Pound Curat, among their Eccleſiaſticks For ſurely it is unjuſt, that the Curat ſhould be preaching the Goſpel, and ſtarving at the ſame time: Whilſt his Biſhop is driving to Court with a Coach and ſix Horſes, to make an handſome Leg to his Temporal Lord.

I'll now proteſt, That the Liberty I take of writing after this manner, may not give Offence to the Clergy of any Church; nor that I may meet with the common Fate of Reconcilers, to have Blows for my Pains; being, I'm of no Party, but a Lover of that Church Government, which ſympathizes beſt with the Civil Government it is joyn'd with. So that, if I were Subject to an Abſolute Monarch, I ſhould eſteem Epiſcopacy as moſt agreeable to his Government; But whilſt I live in Scotland or England, I muſt love that Church Government, which is leaſt dangerous to the Peoples Liberties. I leave it therefore to the Judgment of every Unbyaſſed Laick, to determine, if Presbytrie, or Superintendency be not more convenient for the People of a Limited Monarchy, than Epiſcopacy, as it's now eſtabliſhed in England, and leſs capable to comply with an Ambitious Prince, for the undermining the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom, after the Example of the Daniſh Clergy, which were the Inſtruments of making their Kings Abſolute, to the utter Ruine of all their Ancient Nobility.

I conclude with this following Character, which I wiſh every Church-Man might merit.

One who is delivered of the Prepoſſeſſions and Prejudices of Complexion, Education and Implicit Authority, knowing that all Mankind are puzled even in the Search of the moſt obvious things. One, who can diſtinguiſh between the true Articles of Faith, and the pitiful ſenſeleſs Triffles of Swiming Brains. One who knows, That the Love of God is not Fondneſs, nor his Juſtice Cruelty; and that God acts not by meer Arbitrary Will, but by the Perfections of his own Nature. One, who not forgetting to do Good Works, endeavours to go to Heaven only by the Merits of Chriſt. One, whoſe Zeal never exceeds his Reaſon. One, who abounds with Charity, Humility and Meekneſs. One, who purges Religion from all Fantaſtick and Unintelligible Muming, and reduces it to its Native Plainneſs and Simplicity. One, who underſtands himſelf, when he Prays or Preaches. And laſtly, One, who followeth in Living, as near as poſſible, the Practice of the Apoſtles.

Moſt happy would that People be, who lived with a Church-Government, compoſed of Members of the foreſaid Character: For ſurely, Vice and Atheiſm would be baniſhed, nor could Prieſt-Craſt, or Knavery, have any place amongſt them.

AN ESSAY Concerning The VNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND Into one MONARCHY

OF Old, this Iſland of Great Brittain was divided into ſeveral diſtinct Governments, amongſt which there have been many bloody and fatal ſtruglings, in Defence of their reſpective Intereſts and Liberties. And no doubt, but, untill this Day, it had continued a Theater of Cruelty and Barbarity, if all its Inhabitants had not been United in Subjection, by the happy Succeſſion of King James the Sixth of Scotland, to the Crown of England in the year 1603.

King James, who did not always prefer the Intereſts of his Kingdoms to his own privat ends, never gave a greater Teſtimony of his Affection to them, than in the year 1604; when he propoſed to the Engliſh Parliament, an Union of the Kingdoms of Scotland and England: Which Motion was at firſt embraced with the general applauſe of both People, as the only Mean to extinguiſh the Memory of all former Animoſities.

To bring that Union to a good iſſue, the Parliaments of both Nations, at his Majeſties deſire, did nominat Commiſſioners to meet at Weſtminſter, which accordingly they did: and agreed on ſeveral Articles, to be preſented to King and Parliaments, for their Ratification. But in the year 1608, the Engliſh Parliament would approve only the Article for aboliſhing all Hoſtile Laws, that had been in uſe againſt either Nation, before King James his Arrival in England.

The Reaſon, I ſuppoſe, made England neglect that opportunity of Uniting with Scotland, was, That either it was not ſenſible of the Advantages it might gain by ſuch an Union, (tho the judicious Lord Verulam did endeavour to demonſtrat them by his Grave Speech) or, That the Parliament of England did ſuſpect their new Monarch of having ſome other deſign, than the Intereſts of his Kingdoms by that Union, of which he was the firſt propoſer.

King Charles the firſt, who was brave, Magnificent, and but too conſtant in adhering to ill Counſel, was moſt of his life ſo harraſſed by his own Subjects, that he never had time to think upon that Union, which his Father could not finiſh: And Cromwel, who, after but chering of him, uſurped his Power, never thought any further of the Intereſt of Britain, but to gratifie his own Ambition.

King Charles the Second, after his Reſtoration to his Kingdoms, had all the opportunity poſſible, that Eaſe and plenty could afford him, to promot their mutual Happineſs, did therefore propoſe an Union betwixt Scotland and England in the Year 1670; and did nominat for that end, ſeveral Commiſſioners under his great Seal, but all to no purpoſe; becauſe, ſuch an Union could not ſympathize with the Politicks of theſe days, which were to divide, after ſuch manner, the People of the whole Iſland in Religion, and Intereſt, that by continually playing one party againſt another, His Majeſty might be in a Condition to ſway the Scepter in Peace, and to introduce into his Kingdoms any Religion ſuited beſt with his Humour.

And for King James, he was ſo little inclined to promot an Union, that the thoughts of another World did wholly extinguiſh any Concern he might have had, for advancing the Intereſt of his Kingdoms in this.

His preſent Majeſty hath done many great Actions, both for the well fare of his Kingdoms, and for his own Reputation; yet, ther's nothing can contribute more to the Glory of his Family, than Uniting the Kingdoms of England and Scotland into one Monarchy: So that when he diſtributes Juſtice, (both their Intereſts being the ſame) none of them will have reaſon to complain. He hath already ſeveral times recommended an Union to the Engliſh Parliament; but it were to be wiſh'd that His Majeſty would be pleaſed to ordain effectual Means to be uſed for that end.

There's an Union already betwixt both Nations in Language, Cuſtoms, Religion, and in Subjection, which cannot laſt, unleſs both Governments be united into one Body Politick. And to Conſummat that, there muſt be a great Zeal and Frankneſs in the Members of both Parliaments, That, all triffling and amuſing preliminary Articles being forgot, Commiſſioners may be deputed from them both, Men of Honour and Probity, no Courtiers, but free of all prejudice againſt either Nation, for the better adjuſting the two following Articles.

The Firſt is, That the Parliaments in Name of both Kingdoms, may conſent to joyn together for making up one Parliament of Great Britain.

The Second is, That for the taking away all difference about Place, that may ariſe among the Nobility of both Kingdoms, let them be Marſhalled interchangeably; As for Example, Firſt, The Eldeſt Duke of England, then the Eldeſt Duke of Scotland, and ſo on, until the Nobility of the whole Iſland be marked in one Catalogue, as Peers of the Kingdom of Great Britain.

If theſe two Articles can be agreed to, all danger of Uniting the two Kingdoms will be over, and there's no doubt but that all uſeful Laws can be made afterwards without the leaſt ſtop, that are requiſit for ſupporting this new moulded Empire.

But before I proceed to ſhew, what Laws would be uſeful; I muſt remove ſome Objections, that the learned Sir George Mackenzie hath made againſt the Parliament of Scotland's having power to agree to the foreſaid two Articles, in his Obſervations upon King James his Act of Parliament concerning the Union; and the Anſwers to his Objections may prevent the like, to be made againſt the power of the Parliament of England in the ſame caſe, being both Parliaments of England and Scotland, are of of the ſame Nature.

The firſt Argument is, That the Members of the Scots Parliament for Shires and Burghs, are the ſame with us, That the Procuratores Univerſitatis are in the Civil Law; But the Procuratores Univerſitatis could not alienat the Rights of their Conſtituents, without a ſpecial Mandat for that effect (l. 63. de pro:) Neither can the Parliament of Scotland alter the Fundamentals of their Conſtitution, without the Conſent of their Conſtituents.

It's anſwered, That the Members for Shires and Burroughs are not the ſame with the Procuratores Univerſitatis; becauſe, by virtue of their Commiſſions, they have abſolute power to Vote for every point, which they think can contribute to the ſafety of the Nation: And they are bound only by Oath of Parliament, to Act as Men of Conſcience, and not as Men who have particular Inſtructions from their Conſtituents. And it was by that power they altered their Primitive Conſtitution, by Voting out a Third State of Parliament, in the beginning of his preſent Majeſtys Reign. Much rather can they, in the Name of their Conſtituents, agree with the Parliament of England, to the two foreſaid Articles, being they'l contribute ſo much for their Advantage.

The ſecond Argument is, That the Commiſſioners for Shires & Burroughs are only impowered to repreſent their Conſtituents in the Parliament of Scotland; but if the Parliament of Scotland be made a part of the Parliament of Great Britain, the Parliament of Scotland can be ſaid no longer to exiſt, and conſequently the Commiſſions of all its Members fall, till they be renewed, empowering them to ſit in the Parliament of Great Britain.

It's Anſwered, That by the Anſwer to the firſt Argument, we ſee that the Parliament of Scotland hath an abſolute power to agree to the foreſaid Articles, ſo that afterward they may ask new Commiſſions from their reſpective Conſtituents, to Unite as Members of the Parliament of Great Britain. And when both Nations are perſwaded of the Advantages of an Union, there can be no impediment to it.

The third Argument is, That the Union of Parliaments requires the full Aſſent of the Members of both Parliaments; So that, if any Member diſſent, The Union of both Parliaments muſt ſtop: Becauſe, the Power of making Laws, and the Right to retain or reſign Priviledges, are two different things. The one is a a Legiſlative Power, which is regulated by a Plurality of Voices: The other is founded upon Dominion and Property, and is not ſubject to Suffrage, no more than other Properties are.

It's Anſwered to this laſt Argument, That it's granted, the Property of any Member of a private Society cannot be taken away from him, without his Conſent: As witneſſeth the Civil Law, (l. 28. ff. Com. Divid.) The Rules are, In re pari, melior eſt Conditio prohibentis: And, In re communi, nemo Dominorum jure quicquam facere poteſt, invito altero. But here is underſtood, not a private Society, but a whole Kingdom; who being their own Maſters, can diſpoſe upon themſelves and Properties, as they find it convenient for their Intereſt: And that Power is devolved upon their Repreſentatives of Parliament.

Therefore if any ſmall Number of People, or of Members of Parliament, oppoſe ſo good a Deſign, as the Union of both Nations, either the Plurality of Voices ought to determine them, according to the Fundamental Law of all Societies, or they ſhould be obliged to ſhift for other Societies of Men.

Now, ſuppoſing that the Parliaments of both Kingdoms are joyn'd in one; and that its Members are empowered to make Laws for the Preſervation of this New Government; Amongſt many Laws that could be thought upon, theſe following ſeems neceſſary.

Firſt, That the Titles of both Kingdoms be changed into that of Great-Britain. 2ly, That there be but one Imperial Crown. 3ly, That there be but one Set of Crown-Officers. 4ly, That there be but one Great Seal. 5ly, That as both Nations are one, ſo they may have both the ſame Priviledges of Trade: And that none of them be injured by this Law, let all Goods be taxed equally over the whole Iſland. 6ly, That there be appointed, by the Parliament, a parcel of Lawyers of both Nations, for compiling a Body of Civil Law, out of the Volumes of the Municipal Laws of both Nations, and out of the Common Law, where they are deficient: Which Body of Civil Law ſhall be ratified by King and Parliament, to have the Force of all other Laws of both Nations. After which, all other Law-Books may be deſtroyed, according to the Example of the Emperor Juſtinian, when the Body of Roman Law was finiſhed. And until ſuch time that a Body of Law be compiled, each Kingdom may make uſe of its own Laws, without any hinderance to an Union. For its known, that till this day, Languedock, Provence, Britaignie and Normandy tho' they are parts of the ſame Kingdom, yet their Laws are not of the ſame Coin. 7ly, Being all Church-Government is indifferent, (as I have endeavoured to prove in the foregoing Eſſay) the King and Parliament may model one, that will be the moſt conſonant to their Civil Government: To which, if any of the Clergy refuſe to ſubmit, let Swords be put in their hands, to determine a Church-Government among themſelves; for the Laicks of this Iſland have drawn too much Blood already upon that Subject, whilſt the Clergy only have been amuſing themſelves with Diſputes. If a Church-Government cannot be modelled that will pleaſe all Parties of Laicks, there needs be no Breach in the Union of Civil Government; Becauſe, by a Liberty of Conſcience in Church-Government, Church-Affairs may be regulat without the leaſt Confuſion. 8ly, Let there be appointed by King and Parliament, a parcel of Divines and Lawyers, for collecting one Body of Canon Law out of the Canons of Councils, the Opinions of the Fathers, and from the Conſtitutions of both Churches of both Kingdoms, that were made ſince the Reformation: Which Body of Canon-Law ſhall be ratified by King and Parliament, to have Force of all other Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitutions. 9thly, That Civil and Criminal Judicatures be eſtabliſhed over the whole Iſland, in places, where the Parliament ſhall find convenient. 10thly, That there be Regiſters appointed in different places of the Iſland, for obſtructing all falſe Conveyances of Eſtates Laſtly, That the King have but one Privy Council, which for the more Diſpatch of Bufineſs, can be divided into ſeveral ſtanding Committees.

Now, before I ſhew the Advantages both Nations will gain by an Union; I will make this following Digreſſion of their preſent States.

England abounds with Grains, Tin, Copper, Lead, Iron, Timber, and all Creatures which furniſhes the Commodities of Cloath, Stuffs, Hides, Butter, Cheeſe, &c.

Scotland, being the moſt Northward part of the Iſland, cannot be expected to make ſo pleaſant a Proſpect to the Eye, as England; Yet it hath Sufficiency of Grains, Flax, Wool, and vaſt number of Cattel, &c. It hath likewiſe innumerable Mines of Lead, Iron, &c.

Although the Nobility and Gentry of both Kingdoms are the ſame in Humor, and Conduct of Living; yet there is a great Diſparity between the Common People, both as to Humor and Conſtitution of Body, by reaſon of their different way of Feeding. The Engliſh is Self-conceited, Lovers of their Belly, and daring: Whilſt the Scots are patient, ſober in Diet, and hath ſomething of a Timorous Civility.

The Nature of the Civil Governments of both Kingdoms, is almoſt the ſame; each of them having its Parliament, to protect its Liberties.

The Number of Perſons that have Suffrage in the Engliſh Parliament, beſides twenty ſix Biſhops, are either of Nobility or Commons.

The Nobility are Dukes 17 Marqueſſes 3 Earles 72 Viſcounts 8 Barons 65 Sum 165

The Commons are Commiſſioners for fourty Shires 80 For the twelve Counties of Wales 12 For twenty five Cities 54 For the eight Cinque-Ports 16 For the two Univerſities 04 For an hundred and eghty Burghs 332 And Burgeſſes for Wales 012 Sum 510

The Number of Perſons that have Suffrage in the Scots Parliament, are either Nobility or Commons.

The Nobility are Dukes 4 Marqueſſes 4 Earles 67 Viſcounts 20 Barons 45 Sum 140

The Commons are Commiſſioners for Shires 89 For Cities and for Burrows 65 Sum 154

The Nobility of Scotland, not bearing a Proportion to the Engliſh Nobility, conform to its Riches and Extent of Land, ought to be no Objection againſt an Union of Parliaments; Becauſe, the Nobility of the whole Iſland, becoming Members of the ſame Houſe, will all have the ſame Intereſt: And in a little time, by Extinction of Families, Creation of New Ones, and by Change of Eſtates from one place to another, will be ſo ſhuffled, that it will be hard to know, Which is Which.

The number of the People of England, is calculat to be 5,500,000; and that of the People of Scotland to be 800,000.

England at preſent is not above half Peopled, and, of any Countrey, it is in the leaſt danger to be overſtock't with People by reaſon of its Situation and goodneſs of Soil.

If Scotland were improved by Incloſing &c. it could entertain many more People, than it can at preſent, and in a ſhort time triple its Land-Rental.

England with Wales contains 40,000,000, of Acres. The fourth part of them are Heath, Moors, Mountains, and Barren Ground.

Scotland with its Iſlands contains 24,000,000 Acres. Two Thirds of them are Moors, Mountains, and Barren Land.

Having now done with this Digreſſion, let us next ſee, what Advantages will fall by an Union, firſt to England, ſecondly to Scotland, and thirdly, to both in Common when United.

The Advantages that England would reap by an Union, are FIrſt, An Augmentation of People; for whatever People cannot find Entertainment & Employment in Scotland, will chuſe rather to go further South, and ſerve their own Country, than to Ramble abroad for a Livelihood: So that the Number of People, which dies by Exceſs and Debauch in and about London, or the Southern Provinces would be ſupplyed. And how profitable the Multitude of People is to a Country, that have Employment, and Entertainment for them, is inexpreſsible; Becauſe, it's the People, that by their Labour and Induſtry, makes the Wealth and Power of every thriving Nation: Therefore, their increaſe ſhould be promoted by Wiſe Conduct and Good Counſel. 2ly, An Augmentation of Riches; for England being the larger and better Kingdom, Scots People would rather purchaſe Eſtates there, than in Scotland. In England would be the Metropolis of the whole Iſland, the Meeting place of Parliament, and of all the Chief Judicatures, thro' which the Treaſure of the whole Body Politick muſt Circulat, as Blood thro' the Heart of a Natural Body. 3ly, As Scotland would Increaſe in Riches, it would be the more able for Taxes, and contributing force both at Sea and Land; for the Suſtenance of the whole Body Politick: And conſequently England would pay leſs and gain more than at preſent, when it's obliged to ſupport of it ſelf, the whole Character of the King of Great-Britain. Laſtly, England would be ſecure within it ſelf, which can never happen, ſo long as the Intereſts of England and Scotland are different. Nor is it to be expected, That the Union of Crowns can always laſt in the State they are in at preſent; Becauſe, it makes too much for the Oppreſſion of Scotland. And if it falls out, that the two Kingdoms are brought into the ſame Condition, that they were in, before King James his Succeſſion to the Crown of England; what can be hop'd, but that all old Animoſities will be renewed, to the mutual ruine of both Parties? And even let us ſuppoſe, that as England is every way Superior to Scotland, ſo it were able to reduce it as a conquered Province; yet England ſhall never gain ſo much that way, as by a fair Union. For the Country would be depopulat, rendered Inhabitable, and made a Prey to every Nation, that would be at the pains to invade it. Beſides, it would coſt England a great Expenſe of Blood and Treaſure, to defeat ſo many Thouſands of brave Men, that would ſtand up for the Defence of their Country and Liberties; and the ſame Army that had conquered them, perhaps may be induced at laſt, by an Ambitious King, to turn their Swords againſt their own Country-Men: So that by the ſame Army, the whole Iſland would hazard to undergo the ſame fate. We may therefore with a Demonſtration believe that the only ſafe way, for England to conquer Scotland, is by a fair Union. The Advantages, which Scotland will reap by an Union with England, are FIRST, it's Trade will increaſe, having as free a Trade over the whole World, as England. Which would inable it, not only to Contribute the more for the Safety of the Publick; but to improve all its Barren Ground, to the great Satisfaction and profit of Land-proprietars. 2dly, Its Poor would no longer be a Charge to the Nation; Becauſe, they could be employed in Manufactories and Fiſheries. 3ly, The Highlanders could be brought to foreſake their Ancient Cuſtomes and Language, and to apply themſelves to Virtue and Induſtry. Laſtly, Courtiers would no longer be a Grievance to the Nation; The Multitude of Nobility to the Gentry: nor them all together to the poor Huſband Man. Becauſe, the Intereſt of the Engliſh Court would be that of Scotland, the Engliſh and Scots Commons could Ballance the Nobility of the whole Iſland, and the increaſe of Riches would hinder Eſtates from being often ſold, and Rentals racked: So that the poor Husbandman would be incouraged, to improve his Farm, by a long Leaſe and eaſie Duty. The Advantages that would accrew to the whole Iſland, ſuppoſing the Kingdoms United, are FIRST, It would be in a Capacity to keep the Dutch Low, by managing the Herring, and all other Fiſheries; that the Britiſh Subjects could underſel them in all Forreign Mercats, and in time bring them to the ſame Submiſsion in Fiſhing, that they were in, about the beginning of the Reign of King James the firſt, It would likewiſe be able to encourage all Linnen Manufactories at home, & put them in a Caſe of ſerving the whole Iſland: which would preſerve a great deal of Treaſure in it, that is ſpent upon that Commodity, in Holland and other Countries. Secondly, It would be in a Capacity to oppoſe it ſelf to France, in Defence either of it's own Intereſt, or of that of it's Allies; without being in danger of any Domeſtick, Convulſions. All Europe is ſenſible at preſent, how formidable France is to its Neighbours; for its extent of Country, vaſtneſs of Treaſure, number of Forces by Sea and Land, Bravery of Officers, and for the Wiſdom and ſteddy Counſel of its State-Miniſters: That if ever Providence hath ordained her the Empire of Europe, it muſt be ſhortly after the Death of this King of Spain. For, according to a private Treaty with its Neighbours, it will be put in peaceable Poſſeſſion of as many Territories of the Spaniſh Monarchy, as are able to command all the Mediterranean Trade; and no doubt, but it will be at the pains to ſeize the reſt of it, at its own Conveniency, and even Darien too, which was ſo much envyed, when in the Poſſeſſion of the Scots: The Right of which would belong to this whole Iſland, were Scotland and England United. And how much it were for the Intereſt of Great-Britain, to be Maſter of that Iſthmus, is obvious to every Coffee-houſe Politician, in ſpight of all our more refined Wits.

To oppoſe the Union of England and Scotland, there are different Nations out of different ends.

Firſt, Moſt of our Popiſh Neighbours, out of this Maxim, That when People differ in Intereſt, they will never truſt other upon point of Feligion; being obliged to tranſgreſs all its Rules by Treachery, Cruelty, and other unlawful Means, in protecting, and advancing their worldly Intereſts. Now how much the Church of Rome Glories in ſeeing the Proteſtants deſtroy one another, is beſt known to themſelves. Secondly, The Dutch will oppoſe it with all their Power and Cunning, for preventing the ſtrengthning of this whole Iſland, in Force and Riches, by the ruining their Fiſheries; which provides them with Sea-men and Money: and the undoing their Linnen Manufactories at home.

The Dutch of all People underſtands their Intereſt the beſt, and ſtumble leaſt at any thing makes for their Publick Good; otherwiſe, why would they have attempted the whole Trade of the Eaſt-Indies, by the Maſſacre of the Engliſh at Amboina? Or the Dominion of the whole Seas, after that the Troubles of England and Scotland had diſabled King Charles the Firſt from taking notice of it, and that the Engliſh Government was ſhaken in pieces, after its Alteration?

Laſtly, The French will oppoſe any Union betwixt England and Scotland, and rather than it ſhould ſucceed, will follow Cardinal Richelieu's Practice, in corrupting Leading Men in both Nations, to foment Jealouſies between them; or in hireing ſome Mercenary Engliſh Poet or Hiſtorian, to repreſent Scotland, with all the Rancour that ill Nature and Ignorance can inſpire in them.

The French for many years have baulked nothing, that could raiſe their Monarchy above the Powers of their Neighbours; and nothing hath been more formidable to their Deſigns, than the Joint Force of the Iſland of Great-Britain; when England alone had broke their Meaſures long e're now, and brought them to Reaſon, if it had not had Diverſion at Home, occaſioned ſo often by French Counſel. It's long ſince Philip de Comenes ſaid, That in his time, all the King of England's Miniſters, and great Perſons, had Penſions of France, and gave their Acquittances upon every Receipt, which were to be ſeen in the Chamber of Paris.

I ſhall now end this ſhort Eſſay, having no other Deſign by it, than the Proſperity of Great-Britain; and hopes, that ſome Judicious Unbyaſſed Perſons (as the Learned Doctor Davenam, who hath writ ſo many good Books for the Service of his Countrey) will be at the Pains, to handle this Subject in all its Particulars: That all Doubts being removed from the People of both Nations, there remain nothing to be done, but the Action of Uniting. And till they be convinced of the abſolute Neceſſity of it, my Wiſh is, That England be outwitted in its Politicks by all its Neighbours, and cheated by its States-Men, into a fond Belief of its own Abilities: And that Scotland continue an oppreſſed Nation, by Courtiers and Publicans, and never have a State-Council, but of Mock-Politicians and Enemies to their Countrey.

Vis Ʋnita Fortior.

AN ESSAY UPON THE PRESENT STATE OF SCOTLAND.

IT's obſervable, that there's a great Variety in Men, both as to their Bodies and Souls, conform to the different Situation of the Countries they inhabit; upon which account it is, that they differ ſo much in their Diſpoſitions to Courage, Juſtice, Temperance, Wit and Goodneſs. And their Souls are yet more various than their Bodies, that there appears ſometimes a greater difference betwixt ſome Men and others, than betwixt ſome Men and Beaſts. And as there's a great Variety betwixt Men of different Clim's, in reſpect of their Souls and Bodies, ſo is there a great Diſparity amongſt Apprehehenſions and Underſtandings of the People of the ſame Countrey, proportionable to their Education; which is the Reaſon, that their Thoughts of things are not all of the ſame Reach and Juſtneſs.

There's no Society without its Members, amongſt whom, as there is a Sub-Ordination of Underſtandings, ſo there's a Sub-Ordination of Power and Command, proportionable to the different Stations they hold in that Society, whereof they are Members. And hence it is, That there are in every Kingdom (as it is a Society) People of all Characters, which taken all together, make up the Body Politick. Being then I'm to writ this Eſſay of the preſent State of Scotland, I will give a ſhort View, both of its People, and of their Affairs, in the ſollowing Sections.

SECTION. I. Of the Education of Youth.

AS the ſtrongeſt Bodies owe their Vigour, in a great Meaſure, to the firſt knitting of their Joynts, and the moſt ſtately Trees are beholding to the hand that firſt planted them in an agreeable Soil; So do Men owe, whatever Eſteem they acquire in this World to their Education: The Impreſſions of which are ſtrong, grow up with them from their Cradle, and accompany them to their very Graves. Hence is it, That the moſt wiſe and underſtanding Lawgivers of different Nations thought it their nobleſt Work, to preſcribe Rules for the early Inſtitution of Youth.

The Number of Schools and Univerſities in Scotland, is enough to impoſe upon the World, that there are uſed in them all the reaſonable Means for inſtructing of young People in Languages, Arts and Sciences; But when one comes to examine the Methods and Formalities of Maſters in Teaching, he will ſoon be undeceived.

To look into a Grammar-School, one will find an Aſſembly of Boys of different Capacities ſmuttering of Latin, one who hath ſpent four Years at School, another three, and a third more or leſs; yet there ſhall not be one of fourty, who hath made the Proficiency in the Latin, that another Boy will do in any Modern Language with half a Years teaching. Surely there muſt be ſome Reaſon for this, that either proceeds from the Difficulty of that Language, or from ſome other Cauſe. But that the Latin is attainable in a ſhort time, we have the Example of many young People, and likewiſe of Accurſius, the Famous Lawyer, who was fourty Years old, when he firſt ſtudied Latin: Nevertheleſs he hath left ſome Volumes to the World in that Language.

The Cauſes therefore of Childrens ſlow Progreſs in the Latin, to me ſeem to be, Firſt, The Formality and Affectedneſs of Parents putting their Children too young to School, before they have the Senſe or Patience to apply themſelves, or, without conſidering whether they deſign them for Employments that require no Knowledge of Latin. Secondly, The wrong and pedantick Method Schoolmaſters take in teaching their Scholars; For how abſurd is it, that they ſhould teach them Latin, in the ſame Tongue they do not underſtand? and after a very tedious manner, charge their Memories with Rules and Precepts, which they no ſooner learn, than they forget.

Next, To examine the way of Teaching in our Colledges, we will find that young Students beſtow only half a year upon the Greek, (which is ſo uſeful a Language to the Learned) and allow three years to learn Errour and Nonſence. For in place of Euclid's Elements, and a good Syſtem of Experimental Philoſophy, they ſtudy large Volumes of Logicks and Metaphyficks; which are fit only to ſubtilize their Brains, being the true Cobweb-learning of this World, ſoon wrought and ſoon forgot.

Seing that the Education of Youth contributes ſo much to the making Men capable, either to ſerve themſelves, or their Country; The Commiſſioners, appointed to viſit Schools & Colledges, ought to take ſpecial Care both to oblige Maſters to practiſe good Methods in Teaching, and to encourage moſt the learning of Mathematicks, and parts of Experimental Philoſophy: Becauſe its from them we have our Learned Phyſitians, Mechanicks, Sea-men & Engineers, which are of more value to the Publick, than thinking Men that are Learned only in Triffles, and who chuſe the ſtudy of General Phyſicks and Metaphyſicks for Diſput's ſake.

It were for the Advantage of this Nation, That no Boys be put to learn Latin, that are deſigned by their Parents or Friends, to be Merchants, Mechanicks, or Husband-men; For how ridiculous is it, that they ſhould conſume ſo many years in learning a Language (which is forgot in one year, if not practiſed) and neglect the ſtudy of their own Language, and other Modern Languages, Cyphering, and a fair hand of Writ? which are uſeful to all Men according to their reſpective Employments: And it's the great Happineſs of every Society, that each Member be dexterous in his own buſineſs and mind it only.

Cardinal du Peron was for ſuppreſſing in France many of its Univerſities; becauſe they gave too much Occaſion and Temptation to all ſorts of People to become Smatterers of Learning. For tho' the knowledge of Letters is abſolutely neceſſary in a Common-Wealth, yet they ought not to be proſtitute to every Body without Diſtinction; For, if all the Inhabitants of a State were Learned, Trade would decay, Husbandry would no more be in faſhion: And in their places would ſucceed, Diſobedience, much Pride and Preſumption.

When we have ſo great a love here to the Civil Law, that every Gentleman that hath two Sons, is ſure to deſign one to be a Lawyer from his very Cradle; I wiſh therefore, That means were fall'n on, to Erect Profeſſions of it in all our Univerſities: And that Encouragements were given to Learned Civilians, to ſet up amongſt us, which would keep in the Nation much Money. And Students, that have no Inclination to Travel, may profit here as well as in Holland or France, and preſerve a third part, or half of their Patrimonies, they would have ſpent abroad. Nor is there any hazard that ſuch Profeſſions, will over-charge the Honourable Faculty of Lawyers, with too many Members; being that humour of following the Law will grow, only as People find, that there's more Buſineſs than Advoeats: Which, at preſent, is not the Misfortune of Scotland.

The moſt reaſonable way to provide a Fund for the Profeſſors of Law, is out of the Biſhops Rents; ſo as there are four Univerſities in this Kingdom, there may be a Profeſſion of Civil Law at every one of them: Who ought to have a Salary not under 200 lib Sterl: per annum, to make up their ſmall Number of Scholars, and to inable them to make their ſtudy their whole buſineſs. Were it not then more for the Honour and Advantage of this Nation, that Biſhops cents be ſo applyed, rather than in Penſions, and other unlawful ways? I refer it to the wiſdom of this Nation.

SECTION II. Of the Commons.

THe Commons of Scotland beat the greateſt Bulk of the Body Politick, and it's according to their Richneſs and Eaſe, that this Kingdom can either be called Rich, Powerful, or Happy. To conſider them, therefore, particularly, I will divide them into Merchants, Mechanicks, and Husbandmen.

Merchants, for the moſt part, apply themſelves to their Buſineſs, in proportion to the little Trade of this Country; but where there's one makes a Fortune that way, there are three turn Bankrupts. The Reaſons of which are,

Firſt, Ever ſince we began to Traffick, few have applyed themſelves to Trade, that are Men of Families and Fortunes. For if any Gentleman applies himſelf, its ſome younger Brother, that hath a Stock of 300, or 400, lib. ſterl: which he Employeth in bringing home Wines and other ſuperfluous Commodities, that exhauſt the ready Money thats brought into the Kingdom by its Linnen, Wool, Lead, Fiſh, &c. Which Commodities, when ſold, truſt muſt given to the buyer of them; and in ſtead of a ready Return to the Merchant of his ſtock and profit, for buying new Commodities, he muſt confume them both in Expectation, by Eating and Drinking. It were then advantageous for young Merchants, that they would employ moſt of their Stocks in home-Manufactories and Fiſheries, and in every Commodity that can make the Export of this Kingdom conſiderable; So that Money being kept at home, the return for their Effects will be more frequent. For in every trading Nation, a Merchant of a ſmall Stock grow's Rich, by frequent buying of Goods, and receiving a quick return for them, when ſold, either in Credit, Goods, or ready Money.

Secondly, So ſoon as a Merchant hath Scrap'd together a piece of Money, perhaps to the value of 4000, or 5000 lib. Sterl: Inſtead of employing it for promoting Trade, or by projecting any new thing, that may be ſerviceable to his Country, and to the augmenting of his Stock, nothing will ſatisfie him, but the laying of it out upon a Land Eſtate, for having the Honour to make his Son a Laird, that is, an Idle Perſon, who can find out as many Methods in ſpending his Fathers Money, as he had of gaining it.

Laſtly, Our Gentlemens Sons, who are bred Merchants, do not live frugally and proportionably to their gain, after the example of the Dutch, to whom one Pence ſaved is ſo much profit.

So many are the Abuſes and Blunders that are committed in the Trade of this Nation, by particular Men's prefering their Intereſts and Humours to the Publick Good; That to retrive them from that Vice, and to bring the Trade of the Nation to any Proportion with that of our Neighbours, there remains but one Expedient: That is, The erecting a Council of Trade, which may be of ſuch a Conſtitution, that by it's means, Manufactories and Fiſheries may be encouraged, our poor employed, The Exportation of Wool ſtoo'd, Lawſuits decided ſummarly amongſt Merchants, Intereſt of Money lowered, and the price of Grains ſo regular, that the Poor be not ſenſible of their Dearneſs in bad years, nor the Rich of their Cheapneſs in good ones. Therefore, it's inexpreſſible, how much this Nation would be obliged to any perſon would contrive a good and rational Schem of Conſtitution for ſuch a Council; and to that Parliament that would give it a Beeing.

But becauſe ſuch a Council cannot be eſtabliſhed of a ſudden, let all the Nobility and Gentry of this Nation, in the mean time encourage Manufactories and Trade by their Frugality and Induſtry, according to a Reſolve, which was lately invented by a parcel of good Country-men; Becauſe, People are more Zealous in obſerving any thing, to which they perſonally Promiſe, and of whoſe Reaſonableneſs they are perſwaded: Than they are of Sumptuary Laws, which either they never hear of, or are ſuffered to forget, for fault of due Execution.

Scotland, at preſent, ought to be conſidered as a Man that hath ſpent moſt of his Eſtate in Triffles and Idleneſs, and that hath no other Means left him, but Pinch and good Conduct, for the future.

The ſecond kind of Commons to be conſidered are the Mechanicks, which are Men both capable of Invention and Application; therefore no doubt, did Trade flouriſh, there would be no neceſſity of bringing home ſo many manufactured things, as at preſent: And that every Scots-man might be furniſhed at home with all ſort of Houſhold Furniture, all kind of Arms, and with every thing Humane Eaſe or Fancy requires.

The third kind of Commons are the Husband-men, which in my Opinion are the moſt miſerable of all our Commons; and I believe, we have learned that Method of oppreſſing our Peſants, from the French, amongſt many other of their good Cuſtoms.

The reaſon of this Oppreſſion proceeds from ſmall Farms and high-valued Duties. For the Poverty of this Nation, and the ſmalneſs of Trade doth occaſion, That Land-Eſtates are frequently ſhifted from hand to hand, the preſent Maſters making all they can, ſo long as they keep Poſſeſſion of them: And are ſure to rack every Tenent in his Duty, when they are diſpoſed to ſell them, for drawing the greater Price from the Buyers. Who ſo ſoon as they are Maſters of their new Purchaſes, are not at the Pains to conſider the Nature of their Soils, whether they are capable to produce both their Duties and a Livelyhood to the Husband-men; but go on after ſuch a manner, that in few Years, nothing will anſwer their Tenents Arrears, but the ſeizing of all they have, and turning them a begging with a numerous Family. Which is an Injury not only done to the poor Tenents, but to the People, who muſt provide for their Suſtenance by Charity.

As Husbandry is the greateſt Riches of this State, ſo it ought to contribute with all its power to maintain it, and provide, that all Laws made for it's improvement, be put to due Execution.

It is therefore requiſit, that there were appointed, by Act of Parliament, ſome Judicious Gentlemen of every County, to be choſen annually by Land-Proprietars of 40 Pounds Sterlin a Year, and above; who ſhould have power to decide all Controverſies ariſing betwixt Maſter and Tenent, (for it is not juſt, that the Maſter ſhould be both Judge and Party, as it often happens in Baron-Courts) and to inquire into the Rental of every Heritor: That ſo they may provide, that no Farms be over-valued, according to the Caprice of the Maſter, when he gives new Leaſes. And ſuch an Inquiſition would be no Impoſition on Gentlemen; becauſe, they would be only hindered from abuſing their own, to the prejudice of the Publick: According to that Maxim of Law, Reipublicoe intereſt, ne quis re ſua male utatur.

And it would be the Advantage of the Maſter, not only to ſet reaſonable Duties on his Farms, whereby the Husbandman may be both able and encouraged to improve his Eſtate, by all kinds of Incloſure; but likewiſe, to parcel out his Eſtate into as few Farms, as he can conveniently: For, if a Farm, that pays 20 Pounds Sterlin a Year, hath as great a Family to entertain, as a Farm that pays 40 Pounds Sterlin, ſurely, he that payeth the 20 Pounds can never be in ſo good a Caſe, either to pay his Maſter, or to cultivar his Farm, as he that payeth the 40 Pounds, who hath not only double his Profit, but likewiſe, as ſmall a Family to entertain.

A Gentleman then, that would take reaſonable Methods to improve his Land-Eſtate, ought never to heighten his Tenents, but proportionably to the mprovement of their Farms: Which, in a few Years, could be ſo improv'd, that the Rental of his Eſtate can be doubled, without Hazard of making any Beggers.

SECTION. III. Of the Clergy.

THe firſt Foundation of the Happineſs of a State, is the Eſtabliſhment of the Reign of God, to whoſe immediat Servants (who are the Clegy) we owe all the Honour and Reſpect, the Love of Religion can inſpire into us; provided, they are diſtinguiſhable from other People, by the Character of their Office, which is compoſed of Chriſtian Virtues: Such as Innocence of Life, Soundneſs of Doctrine in things eſſential to Salvation, and Love and Charity to all Men. And by theſe Virtues it was, that the firſt Preachers of the Goſpel did gain Credit to the Chriſtian Religion, from the moſt obſtinat Heathen Philoſophers.

The moſt of the Clergy of Scotland are Men of mean Extraction, and owe to their Education, their Opiniatritie in things indifferent. For what muſt be expected from Men, that never read any Authors, but thoſe that make for that Party, their Fathers or Friends have deſign'd them to follow, but that they will Diſpute for it, ſo long as conveniently they can? And when ever Reaſon fails them, they'll protect it with all the Paſſions and Impertinencies imaginable. And hence is the Reaſon, that moſt part of the Divines, that are educat in the Northern Univerſities, amongſt the Northern Gentry, are inclined to the Epiſcopal Government: Whilſt, many of thoſe, that are educat in the Southern Univerſities, are inclined to the Presbyterian.

It's ſtrange that Men have been ſo extravagant, and made ſuch Stirs in this World, about the things of another, that inſtead of making us happy here, as well as hereafter; by following the Fundamental Rule of Chriſtian Religion, to Love the Lord our God with all our Hearts, and our Neighbours as our Selves: We have only practiſed a Rule much contrary, to hate and deſtroy our Neighbour, for Zeal to God's Worſhip. Which no doubt hath given Occaſion to Unthinking Men, frequently to let paſs for good Coin, this Saying; Fallere vis Plebem, Finge Deum.

Was it not ſufficient, That, by the Reformation, moſt of the People of this Kingdom have ben brought to the true Knowledge of the Chriſtian Religion? What then hath occaſioned the one half of the Reformed ſo to ſeparat from the other, in the mutual Duty of Love and Charity, which both the ſame Countrey and Religion obliged them to obſerve? Or, why hath this Diſeaſe of Church-Government ſo affected this Kingdom, as to deſtroy its natural Force, to ruine all Proſpect of Trade, to give ſo often Temptation to our Kings to enchroach upon our Liberties, and to fill the Learned World, with many uſeleſs Volumes and hundreds of ridiculous Pamphlets.

In Scotland, the Religion, before the Reformation, was that of Rome; the Care and Pains of whoſe Prieſts were ſpent in inlarging their Wealth and Authority, and not in informing the Minds of the People in Piety and Honeſty.

That Religion was ſo adorned with Gaudy Ceremonies, that the Splendor and Pomp of them ſerved only to amuſe the Minds of the Common People, who, like Men in an Amazement or Wonder, could never recollect themſelves, for examining which was the true Religion.

Its Prieſts did challenge the Remiſſion of Sins; and took the Liberty both to number and to tax them; ſo that, if the Party Confeſſing was Rich, Paradiſe did go at a great rate: And if the Party was Poor, the Prieſts did exerciſe their Authority, with the greater Severity. It hath been a great Advantage to the Romiſh Clergy, that they had the Wit to invent the Maſs; for, who can forbear the paying a profound reſpect to them, that by a Whiſper can produce ſo Venerable a Victime? The number of the Sacraments was invented for Prieſts, to ſqueeze the Pockets of the Laicks, and Good Works to be a Spur, to excite their Ambitious Piety to enrich the Church. Purgatory was invented to make ſeparat Souls a Merchandable Commoditie, and the Invocation of Saints, to increaſe the Authority of the Clergy, who, by their Suffrage, could advance any Body they pleaſed, to the Court of Heaven.

But, at preſent, to give the Romiſh Hierarchy its due, ſince the Heat and Defection of the firſt Reformers was over, it hath ſo recollected the Remains of its broken Forces, with Care and Induſtry, and managed its Affairs with ſo much Subtility; that if the Reformed do not lay aſide all their Trifling Diſputes about Church-Government, &c. It may happen, that ſometime or other, (without a Miracle) they may loſe their Ground, which they have maintained ſo long with Expence of much Blood.

That the Kingdom may be the better ſerved with Judicious and Learned Miniſters, it's neceſſary that, all ſmall Salaries be Augmented, to preſerve them from the Tentation of Poverty; and that there may be Inſpectors appointed for all the Univerſities of this Nation, who ſhall have power to Nominat Students to ſtudy Theology: And that none be admitted to follow the Miniſtry, but thoſe that are appointed by them. And by ſuch a Method, this Church will not have the Misfortune to be peſtered with Blockheads, nor the Civil Government to be deprived of good Men, whom Nature hath ordained to be Mechanicks, or Husbandmen.

SECTION. IV. Of the Nobility and Gentry.

THe Nobility and Gentry are the beſt Blood and Spirits of any body Politick, and ought to be reſpected as the preſervers of its Life and Vigor. For, its their duty to maintain Piety and Juſtice, to ſupport their Country with their Wealth and Sword, to protect the poor from the Inſolence of Oppreſſors, and to follow Virtue and Honour, as the only Badge capable to diſtinguiſh them from the reſt of their fellow Subjects.

The Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, have always had the Reputation of brave Men, and good Scholars, nor ought it to be otherwiſe; ſeeing they have all the Education this Country can afford, and the moſt of them have likewiſe the advantage of Travelling abroad, to learn any thing that is capable to improve their Knowledge in Men or Things. But now a days, for want of Buſineſs to apply themſelves, they either loſe the fruits of their Education, by Law-ſuits, or by reading a Horace or Juvenal, or, by ſmothering them altogether in a Bottle.

But how great an Obligation lies upon them to apply themſelves, at preſent, to ſupport their poor Country, and to ſacrifice to the Publick Good all Miſunderſtandings occaſioned amongſt them, either by Religion or Ambition, appears from theſe following Conſiderations.

Firſt, they ought to meddle with Church-Government, no further than it affects the Civil Government, or tends to give the Supream Power an Opportunity to encroach upon their Liberties: Therefore, they ought all to protect that Church Government, which makes moſt for their ſecular Advantages, and encourages leaſt the Clergy in Luxurie or Ambition. And of ſuch Qualities is the Presbyterian Church-Government here eſtabliſhed by Law. Secondly, The Nobility and Gentry are the Springs and Wheels by which all the Affairs of this Nation move, and without their Concurrence, no good or bad Law can be made, no King can encroach upon the Priviledges of the Subject; Nor no Revolution of Government can happen to the Kingdom; Therefore they ought to let paſs no Law in Parliament, which is not for the Intereſt of their Country, nor quit any Priviledge that may give occaſion to their Succeſſors to Complain of their Folly, or Injuſtice; Nor ought they to endeavour any Revolution of Government, which is not with a Demonſtration for their Countries benefit. Thirdly, They have moſt of all the Treaſure of this Kingdom amongſt them; Therefore, it's their Duty to improve their Eſtates by all the means, that Art or Induſtry can ſuggeſt unto them. And to promot Trade, by encouraging Manufactories and Fiſheries with their Money. For, ſuppoſe a Gentleman hath Five Hundred Pound Sterline free Rent per annum; what is it, for him to imploy a 1000 l. ſterl: for a Stock in Trade? And ſo proportionably to their Eſtates, may all Gentlemen imploy Sums of Money. Laſtly, It's their Motion and Example that influence all other People of a meaner Character; So that it may be juſtly ſaid, that all the Advantages, or Misfortunes which have befall'n this Kingdom, are to be Attribute to the Conduct of its Nobility and Gentry. For had they always been of the ſame honeſt principles, deſigning nothing but the publick Good, how happy had this Nation been long e're now? And how much regarded by all Europe?

SECTION. V. Of the King and Parliament.

AS every Natural Body is capable of certain intervals of Health and Sickneſs, ſo every Body Politick, and each of them requires it's Phyſitian to remove every thing that's a let to the Operation of its Nature; with this Difference, that a Natural Phyſitian works both for a Livelyhood to himſelf, and for bringing his patient to the beſt habite of Body his Art is Capable whileſt a State Phyſitian, in place of curing the Body politick, (of which he hath the Inſpection and Management) forgets to keep to its Fundamental Laws, which are the true Rules of Politicks, and follows his own Ambition and Fancies: Which either deſtroy it altogether by inward Convulſions, or change it's Nature ſo far, that its hardly to be known for the ſame Body.

Every Body Politick hath its different Phyſitian, conform to the Nature of its Conſtitution. An abſolute Monarchy hath its King, who is ſo much Maſter of his Patient, that he can breath a Vein, when he finds it ſuits beſt with his Inclinations. A limited Monarchy hath its Parliament for Phyſitian, whoſe chief buſineſs is to preſerve a Symmetrie betwixt the Body and Head, that neither of them exceed its due bounds.

The Government of Scotland is a limited Monarchy, by the Conduct of whoſe Parliament both King and Country can be happy. But, alas! how ſeldom does it happen, that the Members of that Auguſt Aſſembly, who are Men of different Educations, Tempers, Underſtandings, Offices, Employments, have all the ſame end in their View? which ought to be the Common Good and Honour of this Nation.

In one Kings Reign we find the Parliament encroaching upon his prerogative, and in the Reign of another, we ſee it ſo abject as to ſacrifice to him their Priviledges: Examples of both are the Reigns of Charles the firſt and ſecond. For, what neceſſity was there, to drive ſo hard after the year 1638, that their poor King became a Victime to his Enemies? Or to ſink ſo far into Fondneſs, that King Charles the ſecond had in his power to encroach upon the Liberties of this Nation to that •• ght, that Oppreſſion it ſelf might have been palliat with the jus Regium?

The unſteddy proceedings of Parliaments have given occaſion to the greateſt Wits, to condemn every thing of mixt Governments, and to lay down rules for bringing them under the abſolute power of their Monarchs: which hath been practiſed by moſt of the Princes of Europe, according to the different Circumſtances and Humours of their Subjects.

The Kings of France Lewis 13th. and 14th. after the Advice of Cardinal Richelieu, did ruine firſt their Nobility and Gentry, by wheedling them into poſts of the Army, where they could ſquander away their Eſtates, to the end that they might depend upon the Court for a Livelyhood; and did ſo much harraſs the whole body of their People with Perſecutions and Taxes, to make it for ever uncapable to ſtrugle for Liberty.

The Kings of Sweden and Denmark ſecured firſt their Clergy, next the Conſciences of the Common People, and laſtly did deſtroy moſt of the Ancient Families of their Nobility and Gentry.

The many Popular Furies which have raged in this Iſland, have no doubt been great Motives to our Kings, to approach as near our Priviledges, as conveniently they could. King James the Firſt of Great-Britain endeavoured to ſcrew his Prerogative, as far as the People would ſuffer him; for he thought nothing of Impriſoning Members of the Engliſh Parliament, or to iſſue out Proclamations, prohibiting his Subjects to talk of State Affairs: Tho' in the mean time, he was acting againſt the Intereſt of his Kingdoms. And the late King James ſeems to have had a great Itch after an abſolute Power, when his introducing Popery was the principal Step could have been made for that end; becauſe of the Multitude of Church-Men, and the Decay of Trade, which for the moſt part are unſeparable from that Religion. But it would appear, that the Reaſon our Kings have ſo often been baulked of their Deſigns to teach their Subjects the Practical Rules of Paſſive Obedience, hath been the want of Money, and a powerful ſtanding Army: Nevertheleſs they have attacqued us on our blind ſide, which was to divide the People of this Kingdom amongſt themſelves, and then to eſpouſe a Party, which was ſufficient to plunge any Countrey into the greateſt Miſery, by leaving the Publick Good neglected, and nothing to be ſought after, but Revenge and Intereſt.

King William came to this Iſland, when both its Affairs, and thoſe of other Princes of Europe did require him; then was it, that an Occaſion offered it ſelf to the Scots, for putting their Countrey in a State of Thriving, and for curing all the Defects of its Government; But Providence ſo ordered it, that they were divided amongſt themſelves, and rendered uncapable to unite in Counſel for promoting the Publick Good. They were therefore lyable to be led away, whether the greateſt Faction pleaſed; which Faction divided in Imagination the Spoil of their Countrey, and ſhared all Places of Publick Truſt amongſt one another, before ever they were determined to offer the Crown to his preſent Majeſty: Who is a Prince of an Illuſtrious Family, and merits to be ranked among the greateſt Men of his time. I hope therefore, whatever Hiſtorian takes upon him, to celebrat and perpetuat to Poſterity his Heroick Actions, will do him Juſtice, by giving a true and genuine Account to the World, both of his Virtues and Vices: That the one may ſerve to ſet off the other, as dark Shadows do the beſt Pictures.

SECTION. VI. That a mixt Government cannot increaſe in Wealth and Power, but by the Honeſty and Wiſdom of its Members of Parliament.

IF one were to play the Philoſopher, he might, for Diſput's ſake, tell us, That the Subjects of all Governments are equally happy, provided they be not ſenſible of their preſent Miſery; As for Example, that a French-Peaſant, who hath coarſe Bread to fill his Belly, and Canvas-Cloaths, and Wooden-Shoes to protect him from bad Weather, is as much obliged to Fortune, as an Engliſh Farmer, who can ſmoke his Pipe, and talk of Liberty and Property at random.

Yet if we lay aſide the Theory, and conſider the Practice of People, we will read in all Hiſtories, that every Nation of Europe, which at this day hath no Veſtiges of its ancient Government, has ſtrugled with its Kings for Liberty, to the laſt Breath: An Inſtance of this are the French, who, ever ſince the Reign of Lewis the 11th, have been attacqued in their Liberties, by ſucceeding Kings, and could never be forced to ſucceumb, till the Reign of this preſent King: Who hath taken all Opportunities to execute Cardinal Richelieu's Political Teſtament, by arming his Popiſh Subjects againſt thoſe of the Reform'd Religion, by accuſtoming his Peaſants to exorbitant Taxes and Poverty, and by bringing the greateſt of his Subjects to depend upon his Pleaſure for a Livelyhood.

Is there any Man, that hath the good luck to be born a Subject to a Limited Monarch, who compares the Circumſtances of one that liveth under a Tyrant with his own, but will bleſs his Stars, and acknowledge himſelf much happier in his Practice of Liberty, than any Slave can can be in its Shadow or Theory?

All Governments, by the Corruption of their Parts, are lyable to many Convulſions, and even to be changed at laſt into Tyrannies, if the Nature of their Conſtitutions do not guard againſt them.

We therefore, in Scotland, are obliged to our Fore-Fathers, that have left us a Government which is Limited Monarchy; and in which, the Prerogative of the Prince, and the Liberty of the People are ſo well regulat, that there ſeems nothing wanting, that may tend to the Happineſs of either, but Honeſty and Wiſdom in the Members of Parliament. For Rome was never enſlaved by its Princes, till the Senat delivered up its Priviledges to Julius Caeſar: Who was then put in a Condition, to curb the Liberties of all the Unthinking People of the Roman Empire, with Forms and Names in place of wholeſome Laws.

I may ſay, with Regret, that it hath been our Unhappineſs, ever ſince the Reſtauration of King Charles the Second, that our Liberties have been expoſed, by the Unlucky Diviſion of our Parliaments into two Factions: Whereof the one was called the Court-Faction, and the other, that of the Countrey.

The Court-Faction was a Party of Men, who, under Protence of Zeal to the Service of their King, deſtroy'd their Countrey; by corrupting Members of Parliament, by dividing the Spoils of the Publick Treaſury amongſt themſelves and Minions; and neglecting every thing that could promote the Trade of this Nation, or provide a Livelyhood to its Poor.

That Faction was compoſed of Men, who had different Motives to comply with Diſhoneſt Practices: One out of Simplicity and good Nature, hoping, that by laying Taxes on his Countrey, he did his Majeſty good Service. Another, out of an Inclination he had to be a Knave: And a third, out of a Deſire to gain Pelf, thinking it time enough to ſerve the Publick, when once he had ſerved himſelf.

The Countrey-Faction was a parcel of Members of Parliament, who thought it their Duty to keep the Legiſlative Power untainted, to be Jealous of the Peoples Liberties and Rights, and to be careful for the Publick Safety; by watching over the Miniſters of State, that they ſhould not embezle the Publick Money, by imploying it to corrupt Members of Parliament, or to maintain a ſtanding Army, to bully the People out of their Senſes.

Theſe Members, that made up that Party, have moved according to different Principles; for one hath acted out of pure and ſincere Love to his Countrey, another out of Hatred and Malice to Stateſmen, and a third out of Deſign to ruine the Government, in which he was not employed: Of what a Medley of Men then, hath that Countrey-Faction been compoſed? Nevertheleſs, People ought to make no Diſtinction amongſt them, ſo long as they all promote the Publick Intereſt; becauſe they will have time enough to diſcern the Dregs of a Faction, ſo ſoon as they ſeparat from the pure Body.

Now after the Deſcription of the foreſaid Factions, Methinks, that 'tis the Countrey-Faction, which ought to be carreſſed and eſteemed by all their Conſtituents, as Men that act both out of Conſcience and Honour, knowing that the Freedom and Wealth of every State go hand in hand together. And it hath been often ſeen amongſt our Fore-Fathers, that this Faction hath maintained both the Prerogative of their Kings, and the Liberties of their Countrey: Whilſt the Court part hath found it convenient, to retire into the Shadows of Oblivion.

'Tis ſtrange, that moſt of our Courtiers, for near theſe hundred Years, have been ſo much in Love with their privat Intereſt, and valued ſo little that of the Publick, that long ago, it hath been a Problem in Scotland, whether Parliaments were uſeful or not; becauſe, the firſt thing propoſed there, hath been always (next to Religion) a Subſidy for his Majeſty: And which was both propoſed and granted in one day without the Members of Parliament taking the Pains to examine, to what uſe it ſhould be employed, or to calculat a juſt Sum for the ſame uſe. And hence is the Reaſon, that Money given by Parliaments to their Kings, hath ſerved only to be a Bait and Reward for Covetous Courtiers to betray their Countrey, and for the Inſolent Tackſmen, to oppreſs the Poor People.

At this rate, I confeſs, Parliaments are meer empty ſhadows of Liberty. When a Commiſſioner and Secretary could have asked His Majeſty his Commands for Scotland, and at the ſame time engaged ſo to ſecure the Major party of Parliament with Places and Promiſes, that it would be always in a readineſs to Vote what ever way the Court pleaſed.

A mixt Government hath the Advantage of all other Governments; For, if Members of Parliament do but their Duty, it's impoſſible that ever it can hazard to be brought under the Tyrannie of its Monarch. But if the Members be debauch'd with Principles of Self-intereſt, and ſuffer the Nations Treaſure to be waſted, Secretaries of State to undermine our Priviledges, and Trade to be neglected; I ſay, That ſuch a mixt Government is a Tyrannie eſtabliſhed by our ſelves: And that no King ought to be blamed for drawing us after him, with our own Fetters of Slavery.

'Tis therefore, that the principal points of the Duty of Members of Parliament are,

Firſt, That they be Men unbyaſſed, and uncorrupt, preſering the Safety and Intereſt of the Country to any Self-love.

Secondly, That they endeavour to make good Laws that may both ſecure the Subjects Property, and promot the publick Good.

Thirdly, That they never grant a Subſidy, without knowing the Reaſon why, and how it is to be applyed for the Nations benefit.

Fourthly, That the ſucceeding Seſſion of Parliament call to an exact account the Managers of the Subſidies granted by the preceeding Seſſion; So that Courtiers may be prevented from diſpoſing upon Penſions at pleaſure, and the Publicans from impoſing upon the Courtiers, by pretending that they are loſers in collecting of Taxes.

Fifthly, That they impeach every great Man, who dare purſue deſtructive Meaſures, either againſt the Kings Honour, or the Countries Intereſt.

If theſe Maxims be ſteddily followed by our Parliaments, then will Scotland be ſenſible, how neceſſary they are to promot every thing that tends to its Safety, Honour, and encreaſe of Wealth; and how many Advantages a mixt Government hath above that of an Abſolute.

SECTION. VII. What Meaſures this preſent Parliament ought to take, for recovering the Abuſes of former Reigns, and puting this Nation into a constant Courſe of Thriving.

WEre I skilful in making Panegyricks, I don't ſee how I could employ my Wit and Talent better, than in praiſing thoſe Members who in the laſt Seſſion of Parliament did begin to put a Stop to that Imprudent Method, we have always had, of raiſing Taxes from the People; without conſidering the State of the Nation, and whether or not it was in a Condition, by its Trade, to mantain as many Penſioners and Forces, as it had done during the late War with France. I wiſh therefore that all the Honourable Members may continue in the ſame good Sentiments this enſueing Seſſion, minding only their Countries Buſineſs, and believing that to be the beſt way both to ſerve His Majeſty and themſelves.

'Tis an hard Task for any knowing Phyſician to give a juſt Advice for recovering any Patient that hath been long Hectick; much more is it for any privat Man, to lay down an exact Method to a Parliament (whoſe Conſtitution hath been almoſt changed by the ſupine negligence of its Members) for puting it ſelf & ſucceeding Parliaments upon ſo good a Foot, that neither the too much Complaiſance for their Kings, nor the Treachery of any that is entruſted with publick Employments can be able to ſhake them.

However, being that every one is obliged in duty to contribute both in Advice, and any other thing, to the ſupport of that Society, whereof he is a Member: My Advice then to the enſueing Seſſion of Parliament is as followeth.

Firſt, That there be an Act for a Biennial Parliament, that may ſit two Months once in the two years, (without the Kings having power to Adjourn it for the ſaid two Months) and which in the beginning of the third year, ſhall be diſſolved: His Majeſty at the ſame time, empowering all Counties and Burroughs, to chooſe new Commiſsioners for the following Biennial Parliament. By ſuch an Act, Grievances will be redreſſed, and the Buſineſs of the Nation taken care of; Becauſe, every ſucceeding Parliament will cauſe the Acts of former Parliaments to be put in Execution: Nor will it be worth the pains of States-men and Courtiers to corrupt Members of Parliament, their power being but of a ſmall continuance, and Parliaments will alſo have the liberty to ſit and do Buſineſs, without the trouble of Being Adjourned from day to day. For in my humble Opinion, if Parliaments cannot ſit and do Buſineſs, I don't know for what uſe they ſerve. Secondly, That there be an Act for a Habeas Corpus, conceived much after the Tenour of that of the Engliſh. Which Act will firſt encourage Men both to ſpeak and Writ their Sentiments concerning the Intereſt of the publick, without being afraid of the Cenſure or Diſpleaſure of Men in power, for every body knows how much the Liberty of the Preſs doth Contribute for expoſing the Truth, and giving political Spectacles to every Honeſt Man, by which he can ſee the Corruptions of Stateſmen and guard againſt their ſuppriſes. And I may ſay that our Neighbour Nation owes the Preſervation of its priviledges to the Liberty of the preſs; for how often had their unthinking Members of Parliament been wheedled into a Complyance with their former Kings, to deſtroy their Conſtituents Liberties, if they had not had the true Repreſentation of the Affairs of the Nation laid down before them by ſome honeſt ſenſible Men? Which did ſerve as a Poleſtare to ſteer their Courſe by, and to excite them to Diligence in their Duty. Secondly, A Habeas Corpus will prevent Poples being puniſhed above the Merit of their Crimes, and of this Injuſtice the Emperors, Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodoſius, were ſenſible; when in their Conſtitutions (l. 5. Cod. de Cuſtod: Rerum) it is ordained, that thoſe who were ſhut up in Priſon be either convicted and puniſhed in due time, if Guilty, or Abſolved, if Innocent. The Words of the Text are, De his quos tenet carcer incluſos, id aperta definitione ſanximus, ut aut convictos velox paena ſubdueat, aut liberandos Cuſtodia diuturna non maceret. Thirdly, That there be an Act eſtabliſhing a Council of Trade, the Nature of which I have touched a little in the Section of the Commons; For, Trade is of ſo great Moment to any Nation, which wiſhes to make a Figure amongſt its Neighbours, That, in a word, either it muſt underſtand it in all its Mazes, or muſt reſolve to follow the Old Patriarchs way of living, which is, to confine it ſelf only to what Nature requires. For which reaſon it is requiſit, that there be a Council of Trade, whoſe Buſineſs it ſhould be to lay down good and rational Meaſures for managing it, and for Curbing all the little tricks which diſcourage People to Traffick. Fourthly, That the Army be reduced to as few as are only neceſſary for puting the Laws in Execution, and for preſerving Peace at home; Becauſe, every wiſe Nation, that hath its freedom and a power to obſerve the fundamental Laws of its Conſtitution, never keeps more Soldiers in time of Peace than are ſufficient to protect the Execution of of Juſtice. I am ſorry therefore, That we have neither Money to mantain ſo many brave Men that are in our Troops, nor at preſent any advantageous ſervice to employ them in; which might make them uſeful to this Kingdom: Unleſs we had got a Right to part of of the King of Spains Teſtament, which was lately made by the care of his Neighbours. Fifthly, That a good Method be fall'n on for regulating our Militia, and a Fund provided for mantaining broken Officers, who may be uſeful to Overſee them. For it were hard, that Gentlemen, who ſome time or other may be capable to ſerve their Country, ſhould be expoſed to the Inconveniencies of Poverty. Sixthly, That all good Laws be made for encouraging Shipping, which is, and ought to be both the Offenſive and Defenſive force of this Kingdom. Seventhly, That there be an Act declaring, That no Penſioner ſhall be capable to Vote in Parliament, or any body that hath his immediat Livelihood from His Majeſty; Becauſe, it is to be ſuppoſed, that all Penſioners will prefer the Humor of their Benefactor, to the Intereſt of their Country. Eightly, That a new Committee of Parliament be appointed every half year, to ſupply the places of Privy Counſellors to his Majeſty. And the Advantages of ſuch an Act are evident to every Body, that knows the Practices of a Privy Council compoſed of Courtiers.

By theſe and ſuch Acts, the Affairs of this Kingdom can be brought to ſo good a State, that not only it may provide for it's own Safety and Treaſure, but likewiſe be in a Condition, either to ſeparat from England, or to unite with it: As the Wiſdom of this Nation ſhall find it convenient.

That there is a Neceſſity for Scotland, either to unite with England, or ſeparat from it, is evident by the Experience of 97 years. In which time, this looſe and irregular Tye of the Crowns, in place of an Union of Hearts, Hands and Civil Intereſt, hath only given Occaſion to ill diſpoſed Perſons in both Kingdoms, to foment continual Jealouſies and Animoſities betwixt them: And to the Engliſh, an Opportunity of cruſhing every thing, that can make for the Intereſt of Scotland. Inſtances of which are innumerable, and ſome of them are but too freſh in our Memories.

I have already ſhewed the Advantages of an Union to both Kingdoms, in the preceeding Eſſay, and there is no Perſon more capable to bring that noble Work to a happy iſſue, than his preſent Majeſty; who, therefore, ought to be Addreſſed for that end, by the Parliaments of both Nations, that they may have the Liberty to ſit at the ſame time, for adjuſting all Matters that relate to that important Affair.

But if the Engliſh continue to neglect, and delay to unite with Scotland upon reaſonable Terms, the Scots only Intereſt will be, to mind their own Buſineſs for the future; ſo that whatever War may happen to England, let them ly aſide, preſerving Peace both at Home and Abroad; and making the beſt Advantage they can, either of their Neighbours Circumſtances, or their own: Knowing, that tho' his Britannick Majeſty can declare War againſt any of his Neighbouring Princes, by virtue of his Prerogative, yet he cannot oblige his Scots Subjects to furniſh Money for carrying it on, unleſs they pleaſe, and find it for their Intereſt. Which is impoſſible, ſo long as there is no greater Union betwixt England and Scotland, than at preſent. For ever ſince our Kings Acceſſion to the Crown of England, the Engliſh have always uſed the Scots, as the Ape did the Cat's Clutch, to pull the Cheſnut out of the Fire.

Let us therefore apply our ſelves to Frugality and Honeſty, and to every thing that can put this Nation above the Contempt of its Neighbours. Let us acknowledge King William for our Monarch; ſo long as he liveth, and till the Hour of his Death, let us never ſo much as talk of a Succeſſor to him, nor Cabal either for the Prince of Wales or Hannover. But may we for once mind our ſelves, having already been too fond of procuring Kings to the Engliſh Throne, who have only made uſe of us to ſerve their own ends.

At his preſent Majeſties Death, if there be no Succeſſor, which is already provided by Law, and if this Kingdom be not united with England; Experience will teach us, how to diſpoſe of our Government. And no doubt, but Scotland is as able to ſubſiſt of it ſelf, by the Induſtry and Wiſdom of its People, as well as many petty Governments in Europe.

I will now end, putting the preſent Members of Parliament in Mind, That ſeing, in all probability, his Majeſty will not ratifie that Reſolve of Parliament concerning Darien; without which, (according to my Opinion) there's none of his Scots Subjects, that did contribute for that Expedition, but by Law may be purſued as Pirats, or their Abettors: Or muſt accept of a Diſhonourable Remiſſion. I ſay then, in the mean time, let the Members accept of all other good Laws, his Majeſty will be pleaſed to grant, and eſpecially, the Act for a Biennial Parliament; without which, I would not give a Farthing for a thouſand good Laws, becauſe they will all be broke, for want of Execution. But never let them give more Taxes, during his Majeſties Life, which are not for advancing ſome Publick Benefit to the Kingdom.

And by ſo doing, we will teſtify to all the World, that the Scots are not to blame, for being branded with the Ignominious Crime of Piracy: Having had all the Right, that the Law of Nations could give them, for taking Poſſeſſion of ſuch a Place.

Being then, the Honour and Safety of this Ancient Kingdom, the Advantages that may accreſce to it for the future, and it's own preſent Happineſs, do, in a word, depend abſolutely upon the ſteddy and honeſt Conduct of the Members of this Parliament; Let, therefore every Member, who ſhall prefer his privat Intereſt to that of the Publick, be an Abomination to all Honeſt Scotſmen: Who, I hope, ſhall have no more reaſon to complain to Providence in the Words of Lucan, Faelix Roma quidem, Civeſque habitura ſuperbos: Si Libertatis Superis tam Cura placeret, Quam Vindicta placet —

FINIS.