ALL Christians are taught by Divine Revelation, that they are the Off-spring of one Man and one Woman; for whose sin being condemned to Ignorance, they are prone to Vice, and subject to unruly Passions, which hurries them on in the Com­mission of Evil, and causes Rapine and Violence to triumph in the World.

It was only a few of the first Ages, that retained any knowledg of God, and of His Worship; all the rest being left to the Dictats of Nature, to provide what they should find convenient for themselves: Till mutual fear of being op­pressed one by another did oblige them to unite into Communities. Then arose Command and Obedience, which ever have been the support of all humane Affairs, the Bond of all Society, and the Spirit of every Body Politick, which inables all it's Members to live in Unity.

So long as the World was divided in­to petty Governments equal in strength amongst themselves, the greatest Am­bition of each Mortal, was the Interest of that Society whereof he was a Mem­ber, so that Self-preservation had the same force to keep him to his duty, that Religion hath almost upon us at present.

But so soon as some of those Communi­ties did contract a Friendship and Assu­rance amongst themselves, perhaps some particular Member (whose ill Nature and Ambition over-reached the Wit of his Fellows) did engage them to league [Page 3]together, and to assault their Neigh­bouring Governments, compelling them one after another to submit and trudge for their Maintainance, whilst they loitered at home in ease and plenty: and from such oppressive means (we may suppose) did spring the Assyrian Empire, (which is the first made men­tion of in History) the Founder of which was Nimrod, who had the Art to cheat his Companions into a Com­pliance with himself, for oppressing their Neighbours, and to get himself chosen their Captain, that he might at last be able to buble them of their Liber­ties, and to become their absolute Mo­narch. So Self-preservation, that great Motive which kept his Fore-fathers in aw, being no longer in use to preserve in order that new moudled Empire, there was a necessity of some Model of Civil Government to make all its Members live regularly, and to follow the different professions assigned them; that Corporations, Colledges, and every Civil Community might have their use, and that the distinction of Absolute and [Page 4] Subordinate Powers might come in fashion.

Nevertheless, this Empire had split in pieces in its very Infancy, (its Peo­ple being in Ease and Plenty, and its Soldiers left to follow the itch of their own Inclinations) if there had not been some Men, by decay of Nature, per­haps incapable of the Vices then in Vogue, which had the foresight to joyn Priest-Craft with their Civil Govern­ment; for Banishing from it (as much as possible) both Mental and Corporal Vices, and for bringing People's Con­sciences under Subjection; that they might the more nicely observe a strict­ness in Morals. Then it was, that the Assyrian Monarchy had it's Church-Go­vernment, as well, as (in succeeding Ages) the Persian, Graecian, Roman, and and all other Heathen Governments had their's: which have been composed of Persons of more than vulgar Gapaci­ties, capable to continue a probable History of a World to come, to make acquaintance with its imaginary Inhabi­tants, and to become Mediators betwixt them and their fellow Citizens, whom [Page 5]they always managed both for the Glory of their Gods, and for their own private Advantage. Then was it the Custom to Sacrifice, not only Beasts, but Men, Women, and Children, and to impose all the Idolatry imaginable upon the World, by their Oracles; the Cheat of which hath been often discovered, as particularly, by Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, who shewed the Inhabitants of that Town, the hollow Statues into which the Priests privately crept to give their Responses.

Of all the Pagan Church-Govern­ments, we know most of that of the Romans.

Romnlus and his Sucessor Numa Pom­pilius being made sensible by their own Experience, and that of their Neigh­bours, how great a Ligament of Go­vernment political Religion was, took care to Institute several Orders of Priests, to whom all their Subjects might pay Honour, and by whom they were to be instructed, how to pray, what Sacrifices, what Vowes, what Gifts would be acceptable to the Gods; and in a word, in all the Cere­monies [Page 6]made use of in Divine-Service.

The Pontifices of all the Priests, seems to have had the greatest share of Church-Government; for Cicero (in his Ora­tion to them) tells them, that the Ho­nour and Safety of the Common Wealth, the Liberty of the People, the Houses and Fortunes of the Citizens, and the very Gods themselves were all entrust­ed to their Care, and depended whol­ly on their Wisdom and Management.

The Superintendent of the Pontifices, was one of the Most honourable Offices in the Common Wealth; upon which account all the Emperors, for their own Interest, and after the Example of Julius Caesar, either took the Name of Ponti­sex Maximus, or actually discharged the Office themselves; and even the Chri­stian Emperors retained the Title, till Gratian refused it.

The Jews were the only People on Earth that had continued to them the Knowledge of the true GOD, who was pleased to reveal his Will from time to time to their Fore-fathers, command­ing Moses his Servant to give them his Laws, and to Model a Church-Govern­ment, [Page 7]to the Members of which were to be committed the Divine Oracles.

This was the State of the Jews, whilst the wise Governours of all othr Na­tions, such as Solon, Lycurgus, and Numa Pompilius, were sensible of the use of Re­ligion; but were not able to become acquainted with the true God for want of Revelation: So that their Opinions about His Will and Nature, and those of all the Ancient Philosophers have been so many ridiculous Whimsies.

But no sooner did the Son of GOD appear, (who was the Original and Model of all Perfection) than he was to be a Light to the whole World; and a great part of the Jewish Laws was to lose their Authority. For he knowing the Will of God his Father, better than Moses, was pleased to reveal to all Na­tions, that it was no longer the design of God to make a distinction betwixt Jew and Gentile, but that he would em­brace every Nation, that would believe in him, and obey his Laws. At Thirty years of Age he began to establish his most excellent Religion, meeting with all the Opposition imaginable from the [Page 8] Jews, as an invader of their Funda­mental Laws; He was Persecuted, and fol­lowed all his life with Assaults of Malice and Cruelty; His Credit was Slandered, his Doctrine slighted; and at last he was put to Death with all sort of Tor­ture and Disgrace. His only Compa­nions upon Earth was a parcel of poor People, whom he called his Disciples, and to whom he taught a Doctrine, that called men from their Lusts and Plea­sures; that offered Violence to their Natural Inclinations; That required the greatest strictness of Life; That re­vealed Truths above the reach of Na­tural Comprehension, and that obliged Men to take up a Cross, to follow the Example of a Crucified Saviour, in ex­pectation of an invisible World.

This Jesus then is of more value to us, than e're Moses was to the Jews; he being our Law-giver, our God and our Saviour, who hath given Laws to all those, who will believe and acknowledge his Au­thority.

Our Saviour, when he came into the World, as he was God, so was he Omni­scient, knew what Opposition his Doct­rine [Page 9]would meet with, and with what Misfortunes his Followers would be dog­ged. He came not to a particular People, as Moses did to the Jews, of whose obe­dience he was assured; but he came to the People of the habitable Earth, to teach them the way to Heaven by Re­pentance and Faith. At his first Arrival he found no Church, but the Jewish, which was to evanish at his Appearance: Therefore he laid the Foundation of one himself, by Preaching and working Mi­racles, and by triumphing on the Cross over Ignorance and Wickedness, which had ruled all the Heathens.

After his Ascension into Heaven, on the day of Pentecost, he sent down the Holy Ghost upon his Apostles and Dis­ciples, who were assembled at Jerusalem, enduing them with the Gift of Tongues, and of working Miracles; Commissionat­ing them to propagat his Church and Kingdom, thro' the whole World: Which accordingly they did, Preaching the Gos­pel first to the Jews, and then to the Gen­tiles, many of them taking particular parts of the World, to make known the Joyful News of Salvation. Thus St. An­drew [Page 10]Preached the Gospel in Scythia, St. Bartholomew in India, St. Matthew in Parthia, and St. John in the lesser Asia: They went from Town to Town, and from Village to Village, publishing the Blessed News of Immortality, and con­stituting Bishops and Deacons, the first Fruits of their Ministry, leaving them to govern, and to enlarge the particular Churches, over which they had placed them. Tertullian saith (de Praescrip. ad­vers. Haereti.) That Clemens was ordain­ed Bishop of Rome by St. Peter, and Polycarp Bishop of Smirna by St. John.

Now, Let us enquire, whether our Saviour, or his Apostles after his Death, left any distinct Scheme of Government, to be followed by all particular Churches; which Scheme, if there be any, must be found in the Holy Scriptures, or in the Writings of the Fathers, who succeeded immediatly to the Apostles; but if no Scheme of Church Covernment is to be found in either of them, it is very sur­prising, that ever since the Reformation in this Island, there have been two Par­ties which have set up for different Schemes of Church-Government, the one [Page 11]called Presbyterian, and the other Epis­copal, and that either of them hath been so zealous for establishing its Govern­ment, that nothing will please either of them, if its Government be not of Di­vine Institution; by which the one Party can damn the other.

But upon what grounds either of them can call it's Church Government Jure Divino, if it is not institute in every point by God, as the Jewish Govern­ment was, I cannot comprehend.

For First, That Church Government which is from God, must be revealed by him to his People some way or other; but no Scheme of Church Government hath as yet been revealed: Therefore all Church Government must be of Humane Institution.

That no Scheme of Church Government is yet revealed, is evident; because, there's none in all the New Testament, unless we are perswaded, that when we read the words Bishop, Deacon, Diaco­ness, we have found the very individual Scheme of Government that was in use a­mongst the Apostles. For my part I un­derstand no more of their Church [Page 12]Government by reading these words, than one can understand of the Civil Government of Scotland, if he heard on­ly of a President of Council, or of some Officers of State.

Secondly, If the Apostles had constitute a Church Government, after which we were obliged to model one, as if it were immediatly from God; surely we must understand it in all its parts, otherwise we cannot follow it in all its Form; but the Practice of the Apostles, in consti­tuting their Church Government, is but little known to us, therefore it's impos­sible for us to follow their Practice, in forming a Church Government. Nor do we follow at present the Practice of the Apostles, in as far as we know it, other­wise there should be no Bishop by virtue of a Conge d'es lire, nor should the Pres­byterian Government want Diaconesses, and other Officers, which were in Use in the Primitive Churches; because by the same Authority we either add or diminish from the Practice of the Apostles in Church Government (if it be an Article of Faith) by the same Authority we can change their Practice altogether.

Lastly, I cannot believe, that any par­ticular Form of Church Government is pre­scribed to all particular Churches, other­wise we may reasonably suppose, that the Apostles, who have been at the pains to writ down all that is necessary to be believed, would not have omitted to leave it to Posterity.

Seeing then that we have no Scheme of Church-Government in the Scripture, where must we go next to prove either the Episcopal or Presbyterian Govern­ment to be of Divine Institution? I sup­pose it must be from the practice of the Fathers of the first Centuries; but if they were Men like unto our selves, capable of Error and Folly, I hope their practice will be of no more Authority, than they had reason on their side.

That the Fathers of the first Centuries were Men fallible like unto our selves may be proved by these two considera­tions.

First, They have erred in points of the greatest Consequence. Justin Mar: tyr (the most ancient of all the Fathers, next to Clemens Romanus) was of Opi­nion, that the Saints should Reign a [Page 14]Thousand Years in Jerusalem, before the Resurrection should be accomplished: Which was the Opinion of the Chiliasts, condemned by all the Orthodox. Ireneus mantained (Iren. contra Hoer.) that our Saviour was above Fourty Years when he suffered Death, contrary to what we are taught by the Evangelists. Cle­mens Alexandrinus believed (lib. 1. Strom.) that the Angels fell in Love with the first Women, and that this Love transported them so far, as to make them indiscreetly to discover un­to them many secrets, which they ought to have concealed. The reason, I suppose made honest Clemens enter­tain such a Notion, was, that the Wo­men in his days were more reserved in discourse, than they are at present. Tertul­ian; against all Reason, (lib. 1. Adver. Marc. makes God subject to the same pas­sions that we are subject to. And Cyprian, who was Turtllian's admirer, hath man­tained many of his ridiculous Opinions.

Secondly, they have been at great Variance amongst themselves, and mantained different Opinions of great moment- Justin Martyr, and Ireoeneus [Page 15]promised us the pleasures of a new Jeru­salem upon Earth, for a Thousand Years, whilst Dionisius Alexandrinus and St. Hierome laught't at them for fools.

But grant that we should follow the practice of the Fathers In Church-Go­vernment, let us see what we can learn from their Writings.

To perswade us that there were ma­ny Bishops in one Church, we have both the Authority of the Holy Scrip­tures and of Clemens Romanus (Epist. 1. ad Cor.) Yet Ignatius Tertullian and Cyprian affirm, that there was and ought to be, but one Bishop in a Church at a time. Now whether to believe these Fathers or the Holy Scriptures, or to reconcile them both, by telling that the words Bishop and Presbyter were used promiscuously, is left to the Dis­cretion of every disputing Divine.

A whole Church did meet together to manage their own Affairs, when the Schism of Felicissimus was to be debated, it was to be done according to the Will of the People, and by the consent of the Laity, as Cyprian witnesseth in his 10 Epist. but either this was the Custom [Page 16]of all the particular Christian Churches, or only that of Carthage; if it was the Universal Custom we don't know, and that it was the practice of the Cartha­ginian Church, doth not bind all other Churches to follow it.

If Presbyters had not the same Inhae­rent Right to perform all the Ecclesia­stical Offices, which the Bishops had, I don't understand why Cyprian being Exiled Writes (Epist. 5.) to his Cler­gy, exhorting and begging of them to discharge their own and his Office too; that so nothing might be wanting ei­ther to Discipline or Diligence. Ne­vertheless, according to the present practice, where Episcopacy is in fashion, no body can ordain but a Bishop.

Presbyters were not Estential to the Constitution of a Church, for Tertullian in his Exhort. ad Castitatcm, sayeth, that where there are no Presbyters, the Bi­shop alone Administers the two Sacra­ments, of the Lord's Supper and Bap­tism: Yet how there can be a Bishop without Presbyters (if the word Bishop be taken in the sense it is used now a dayes) must be the same thing as if [Page 17]a Man could be called the Father of a Familie, who had none.

When Cyprian maketh an Apology to his Presbytery (or Commune Concilium as he termeth it) for ordaining Aure­lins a Lector, without their consent; we don't know whether it be out of Civility to them, or out of his duty, the words are, Epst. 38. In ordinatio­nibus clericis solemus vos ante consulere, & mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare, &c. where the Word solemus may be taken, as if in duty he ought to do so.

A Bishop was Elected both by the Cler­gy & Laity of his Parish, as we learn from the Death of Bishop Anterus in whose place Falianus was Elected at Rome, for, fayeth Eusebius, lib. 6. c. 28. All the People met together in the Church to chuse a Successor, proposing several illu­strious and eminent Personages as fit for Office, whilst not one so much as thought on Falianus then present, till a Dove miraculously came and sat upon his head, in the same manner as the Ho­ly Ghost formerly descended on our Savi­our, and then all the People guided as [Page 18]it were with one Divine Spirit, cryed out with one Mind and Soul, that Fali­anus was most worthy of the Bishop­rick, and so straightways taking him, they placed him in the Episcopal Throne.

At present we know Bishops are cho­sen only by the Clergy, contrary to the Practice of the Church of Rome, as we have seen in the Example of Falianus.

The People had power to depose their own Bishops, as the People of Spain did Martiales and Basilides, and who had their Proceedings ratified by an African Council assembled in the Year 258. Cy­prian Epist. 68. But in what Cases, People could depose a Bishop, is not de­termined by Antiquity.

In the Primitive times, every Christi­an was considered both as a Member of the Universal Church, and as one of that particular Church where he lived; if therefore he erred in any Article of Faith, he was judged guilty of Heresie: And if he was at Variance with his Bishop, he was guilty only of Schism, and consequent­ly deserved either the Name of Heretick or Schismatick. Yet it's clear, that at present one may be at Variance with his [Page 19]Bishop, without being reputed Schisma­tick: For Example, if a particular Man in the Diocess of Tork should have a per­sonal prejudice against his Bishop, and would not Communicat with him; al­tho in the time of Cyprian, he would have been guilty of Schism, had he been at Variance with his Bishop.

From this short account, and what more could be collected about the Prac­tice of the Fathers, from their Writings, in Church Government, we can learn nothing but Titles, Names, and some general Rules observed in the Exercise of the Governments of particular Chur­ches, which made up the Universal Church; therefore it must be an Error, to assert that either the Episcopal Govern­ment in England, or the Presbyterian in Scotland, as they are now constitute, was in fashion in the Primitive Ages.

What then in Reason ought to be affir­med for Truth about Church-Govern­ment, appears to be, That the Apostles, and those they appointed to preach the Law of their Master, living in times when they had no Civil Government to protect them, were persecuted and har­rassed [Page 20]from place to place, having most of the Magistrats and Philosophers to be their declared Enemies; therefore it was their greatest business only to preach a Crucified Saviour, who was risen from Death and ascended up into Heaven, to be Mediator betwixt his Father and all People that would follow the Laws of his Gospel; which Laws they taught to all their Proselyts, which made up the Catholick Church. And that the Mem­bers of it might be the better instructed in the Mysteries of their Religion, it was necessary to have them erected in­to particular Churches or Societies, as the Circumstances of the Times would allow: Which accordingly they did, and regulated their outward Forms, that all things might be done in Order and De­cency. Hence arose the necessity of Church-Officers to keep all things right, and to put the Divine Laws in Execu­tion.

The Bishop was the first Presbyter in Honour for his Apostolick Qualities amongst other Presbyters, who were so many new Apostles to be sent abroad to convert the Pagans, and to constitute [Page 21]new Churches, as they found Believers, after what forms were most convenient. And by such means were Churches e­rected at Jerusalem, Alexandria, Rome, Carthage, &c. Which Churches, so long as they wanted the Protection of Civil Magistrats, so long did they keep a good Correspondence amongst themselves, having frequent Meetings to suppress all Heresies, which Meetings were called Councils.

Now, may we be of Opinion, That our Saviour did forsee that the Christian World would be divided into distinct secular Governments, and that each Government would have the order kept amongst the Men set apart for Divine Service, which was agreeable to it's Constitution. For tho particular Churches might have different Governments; yet the Universal Church is no more dismemb'red, than if a King who had different Countreys in Subjection, could be denyed to be Master of them all; because that his Laws were put in Exe­cution in one of them, by a Viceroy; in another, by a few Noble Men; and in the Third, by a parcel of Commons.

To strengthen this Opinion, we know, That no sooner the Roman Emperours and their Subjects become Christians, but there was an Analogy betwixt their Civil and Ecclesiastical Governments: For the whole Empire being divided in­to Fourteen Diocesses, each of them comprehending several Provinces; and every province several Cities: Every City, as it had a temporal Magistrat for executing Justice, so was there also a Bishop, for Spiritual Order and Govern­ment. Every Province, as it had a Pro­consul, whose Seat was usually at the Metropolis; So there was in the same City an Arch-Bishop, or, Metropolitan. In every Diocess there was a Vicarius, who dwelt in the principal City of the Diocess, where all Imperial Edicts were published: There was also a Primat to equal him, and to whom the Determi­nation of all differences of the Clergy did belong. And lastly, as the Fourteen Diocesses were ruled by four Praetorian Prefects in civil Matters; so were they governed in Church Affairs by Patri­archs, who were superiour to Primats, by reason of the Dignity of these Cities, [Page 23]where they had their Sees fixed, as at Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Anti­och, and Jerusalem. But to what hight Church-men can improve their Power, may be learned from the Patriarchs of Rome, who had once almost enslaved the whole Christian world, by their Supre­macy, Purgatory, Indulgences, and Pardons, auricular Confessions and Caeli­bacy of the Clergy.

As there is a necessity of some Church-Government to be in every Common-Wealth, that by its Discipline, its Mem­bers may be keep'd in duty, both to God, and to their fellow Subjects; So every Church-Government ought to sympa­thize with that Civil Government it meets with, to make up one Christian Society.

But to shew what Church and Civil Governments agree best together, let us take a short view of all them which are in use at present in the Christian world.

Tho Man hath a Natural Inclination to Society, yet that which constitutes a Body Politick, is Confederation and a Consent of Governours and Governed; from which we have the different kinds [Page 24]of Civil Government, Monarchy, Aris­tocracy and Democracy. And paralel to these, are three kinds of Church-Go­vernment, Hierarchy, Superintendency and Presbytrie.

Monarchy is a Government that's ves­ted in one single Person, who is abso­lute, and hath a Right of constituting and giving Laws to all in general, and to each in particular under his Domini­on: To which agrees that Church-Go­vernment Hierarchy, composed of Arch-Bishops, Bishops, &c. And of such two Governments was constitute the Roman Empire, in the time of Constantine.

Aristocracy is the Government of a few of the greatest power, and conform to it, is Superintendency: Which is a Church-Government, where a parcel of Members are all equal in power, and by the same are distinguished from the rest of the Clergy.

Democracy is a Government, in which the whole Body of the People hath some share; and to this is consonant Presby­trie: Which is a Church-Government, where all the Clergy are equally con­cerned.

To none of the above-mentioned kinds of Civil Government, doth the Civil Governments of Scotland and Eng­land belong; which being both of the same Nature, I shall call them by one Name, a Limited Monarchical Govern­ment: Which is a Government that's manag'd by one Man, according to the Laws of the Society where he reigns, which Laws are made by him in Con­junction with his People. So that he hath his Prerogatives, and they their Properties; and such a Government hath the Advantage of all others which can degenerat into Tyrannies.

The Government of Scotland and England being a limited Monarchy, quite opposit to an absolute one; It fol­lows, that some other kind of Church-Government must be more agreeable to it than Hierarchy, which agrees only with an absolute Monarchy. Because, the People having lodged so many Pre­rogatives with their King, as the power of declaring War, of making Peace, of sending Ambassadors, of making Lea­gues and Treaties, and of Levying of Men and Arms by Sea and Land; if [Page 26]this King is ill-inclined, what wants he more but Money to change the very foundamental Laws of his Government, and to make Parliaments altogether use­less? which cannot be raised from the Subject without their consent, or, which is all one, without the consent of Parliament. Therefore the People ought to take particular care in chooseing Men to be their Representatives in Par­liament, that they be Men of Honour and Probity, whom the Monarch can noways influence to betray the Liber­ties of their Countrey. And surely it must succeed the better with it, the fewer Members of Parliament depend upon the King.

What power the Kings of Great Bri­tain have had to Cajol Bishops, being constant Members of the Parliament, into a Complyance with their designs, the History of Past-times must declare.

Constantine, as he was the first Christi­an Emperor, so had he a great respect for the professors of that Religion. We read in his life, That he would not on­ly regal its Teachers at his own Table, but that he never went a Journey with­out [Page 27]ome of them along with him, & that, at the Council of Nice, so great was his Complaisance for Church-men, that he refused to sit down in their presence. The Clergy on the other hand being sensible of the Emperours Kindness, continue with him the old Title of Pontifex Maximus, by virtue of which, he had Right of Ecclesiastical Function: reserving for themselves all the Ministerial Offices. So Constantine was Rex idem hominum, Phoebique Sacer dos.

A mutual good understanding was so cultivated amongst the succeeding Em­perours and the Clergy, that they had several Laws made in their savour, (as may be seen in the Titles of the Codex de sacrosanctis Eccles: de Episc: &Cler:) till the Bishops of Rome, taking the oppor­tunity of the Division of the Roman Empire, being over-run by Barbarous Nations, and of the Ignorance of the times, did set up for it themselves, un­der the Specious Title of Christs Vicar And how far they carried their Authoriy with Temporal Princes for some Ages, is evident by the Insolence of Hilde­brand; who rebelled against his lawful [Page 28]Emperor Henry the fourth, depriving him of all that respect which was due unto him from a Bishop of Rome.

It hath been the Policy of the Papal Court, to keep the Clergy of every Common-wealth in a certain Hierarchy; That it might the more convenient­ly challenge a Supremacy over them; and to the end that they might depend absolutely upon their Interest, for to op­pose all Temporal Princes, who durst do any thing in prejudice of the Holy See, by Excommunicating and depriving them of the Allegiance of their Sub­jects.

In such a Condition was both the Clergy of England and Scotland, in the time of King Henry the Eight of Eng­land. Who, being a wise Prince and disobliged by the Pope in the Marriage of Anna Bullen, took the occasion of a Critical Minut to throw off the Popes Supremacy over his Clergy, and to as­sert it for himself, according to the Practice of the Kings of England. And finding that his Clergy was satisfied with the change, he continued the Antient Popish Hierarchy, making the [Page 29]Bishops of his Kingdom capable of the greatest Civil Employments in it.

If the Reformation had begun in Scot­land with publick Authority, as it did in England, I doubt not but Episcopacy had been continued there, in place of that Church Government introduced by Knox and others, after the Geneva Model. Be­cause Supream Civil Powers know how much it is their Interest, to be of the Clergies side: And that it is easier to have a few Church Men to manage, than a Multitude. Of this King James is an Example, who was not only a great Favourer of the Clergy, but thought it his Interest, so soon as he was sole Mo­narch of this whole Island, to establish Episcopacy in Scotland, according to that Maxim, No Bishop, No King.

Now let us see what great Feats Bishops have done, in the Management of the British Affairs, and accordingly we should make our Judgment concerning the Agreeableness of Episcopacy and our Government, which is a Limited Monarchy.

In the Reign of King James the First of Great-Britain, there were Bishops, [Page 30]no doubt, who complyed with him in every Counsel, that was for the Disho­nour of his Crowns. For we find the Bi­shop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, in his Sermon at King James his Funeral (either to flat­ter his Successor, or, to impose upon the World) making a paralel betwixt him and King Solomon, his Text being 1 King. 11.41, 42, 43. Now either that Bishop was perswaded of the Verity of what he preached, or not; If he was perswaded, that King James was the Solomon of his Age, then surely, he could not refuse to go along with him in all his Counsels: And if he preached contrary to what was his Opinion, then, he was capable at Command to be an Haickny Courtier.

In King Charles the First's time, it was Bishop Laud, and others, that occasio­ned all the Misfortunes that befel that Prince, both unhappy in his Council, and in his Opiniatritie.

In King Charles the Second's Reign, we never heard of any of his Ecclesiastical Counsellors, that e're Discourted them­selves, for disswading him from his Effe­minat Way of Living, or from following [Page 31]too much French Counsel. On the con­trary, we know, that nothing was more preached up, than Passive Obedience, founded on the Prerogatives of the Kings of Israel, as if the Laws of Moses had been calculat for our Kings: And, That nothing was more tickling to the Bishops, than the Oppression of their Fellow Subjects of the Presbyterian Per­swasion.

In the time of the late King James, It is true, there were some Bishops in Eng­land, who stood for their Religion, in Opposition of Popery; yet the World knows, how well natur'd the Bishops of Scotland were upon that Point.

And in this present Reign, we all know, how that Bishops of England, did concur to ratifie Proclamations issued out against the Scots in the West-Indies, which were of a Nature, both below the Meekness of Christianity, and the Gene­rosity of the English Nation.

Wise Governments have always had a very mean Opinion of Church-Mens Po­liticks, as particularly that of Venice; for whenever any thing occurs of great Moment there, to be debated in the Se­nat; [Page 32]before any Suffrage passeth, they cause Proclamation to be made for all Priests to retire.

It is likewise remarkable, That he who is called the Divine of the State, is chosen commonly such an one, who is more Politician, than Bigot in Religion. And of such a Character was Father Pe­dro Paulo, who wrote the History of the Council of Trent.

Too much Learning or Wisdom sel­dom agree together; because, for the most part, too Learned Men are meer Schollars, (& such were most of the Bishops of Eng­land) which of all Men are the most dange­rous when they espouse a Party: For, both their Learning and Zeal can concur to­gether, to make Black seem White, or White Black, and to impose what Opinions they please upon the well meaning People. Now when such Men are perpetual Mem­bers of Parliament, who have Depen­dence upon a Limited Monarch, by vir­tue of a Conge d'es Lire, the Laick Sub­jects cannot be circumspect enough a­bout their Liberties.

Its known, that in the time of Pope­ry, the Pride and Ambition of the Clergy [Page 33]was a Curse to that Civil Government, where they had any medling; carrying themselves always Arbitrarly and Tyran­nically, and committing the greatest So­lecisms in Politicks. And we may ob­serve for the most part, that the Clergy of our Religion, who have concerned themselves with Worldly Affairs, have been the greatest Promoters of Civil Distempers, that have shaken the Foun­dations either of Church or State: And the very Trumpets which have sounded to Popular Furies, Martial Alarms, and never better will befal Church-Men, when they act without their own Sphere.

What should move the English to car­ress Church-Men for Counsellors and Members of Parliament, I cannot com­prehend; for were their Bishops educat as the Cardinals are, (who are better acquainted with this World, than that to come) we might hope for as great an Essay of their Wit in State-Affairs, as ever Cardinal Richelieu, or, Cardinal Mazarine did shew to the World. But on the contrary, they know more of the World to come, and are educat al­together [Page 34]according their Characters of Church-Men. Nor do I understand what is the Reason, that there's so just a Pro­portion, betwixt the Living of a Noble­man, and a Peasant, among the English Laicks: And so great a Disproportion betwixt a Bishop and a Twenty Pound Curat, among their Ecclesiasticks For surely it is unjust, that the Curat should be preaching the Gospel, and starving at the same time: Whilst his Bishop is driving to Court with a Coach and six Horses, to make an handsome Leg to his Temporal Lord.

I'll now protest, That the Liberty I take of writing after this manner, may not give Offence to the Clergy of any Church; nor that I may meet with the common Fate of Reconcilers, to have Blows for my Pains; being, I'm of no Party, but a Lover of that Church Go­vernment, which sympathizes best with the Civil Government it is joyn'd with. So that, if I were Subject to an Abso­lute Monarch, I should esteem Episco­pacy as most agreeable to his Govern­ment; But whilst I live in Scotland or England, I must love that Church Go­vernment, [Page 35]which is least dangerous to the Peoples Liberties. I leave it there­fore to the Judgment of every Unbyassed Laick, to determine, if Presbytrie, or Superintendency be not more conveni­ent for the People of a Limited Monar­chy, than Episcopacy, as it's now esta­blished in England, and less capable to comply with an Ambitious Prince, for the undermining the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom, after the Example of the Danish Clergy, which were the In­struments of making their Kings Abso­lute, to the utter Ruine of all their An­cient Nobility.

I conclude with this following Cha­racter, which I wish every Church-Man might merit.

One who is delivered of the Prepos­sessions and Prejudices of Complexion, Education and Implicit Authority, know­ing that all Mankind are puzled even in the Search of the most obvious things. One, who can distinguish between the true Articles of Faith, and the pitiful senseless Triffles of Swiming Brains. One who knows, That the Love of God is not Fondness, nor his Justice [Page 36]Cruelty; and that God acts not by meer Arbitrary Will, but by the Perfections of his own Nature. One, who not for­getting to do Good Works, endeavours to go to Heaven only by the Merits of Christ. One, whose Zeal never exceeds his Reason. One, who abounds with Charity, Humility and Meekness. One, who purges Religion from all Fantastick and Unintelligible Muming, and reduces it to its Native Plainness and Simplici­ty. One, who understands himself, when he Prays or Preaches. And lastly, One, who followeth in Living, as near as pos­sible, the Practice of the Apostles.

Most happy would that People be, who lived with a Church-Government, composed of Members of the foresaid Character: For surely, Vice and Athe­ism would be banished, nor could Priest-Crast, or Knavery, have any place a­mongst them.

OF Old, this Island of Great Brit­tain was divided into several distinct Governments, amongst which there have been many bloody and fatal struglings, in Defence of their respective Interests and Liberties. And no doubt, but, untill this Day, it had continued a Theater of Cruelty and Barbarity, if [Page 38]all its Inhabitants had not been United in Subjection, by the happy Succession of King James the Sixth of Scotland, to the Crown of England in the year 1603.

King James, who did not always pre­fer the Interests of his Kingdoms to his own privat ends, never gave a greater Testimony of his Affection to them, than in the year 1604; when he pro­posed to the English Parliament, an Union of the Kingdoms of Scotland and England: Which Motion was at first embraced with the general applause of both People, as the only Mean to ex­tinguish the Memory of all former Animosities.

To bring that Union to a good issue, the Parliaments of both Nations, at his Majesties desire, did nominat Com­missioners to meet at Westminster, which accordingly they did: and agreed on several Articles, to be presented to King and Parliaments, for their Ratifi­cation. But in the year 1608, the English Parliament would approve only the Article for abolishing all Hostile Laws, that had been in use against either Na­tion, [Page 39]before King James his Arrival in England.

The Reason, I suppose, made Eng­land neglect that opportunity of Uniting with Scotland, was, That either it was not sensible of the Advantages it might gain by such an Union, (tho the judicious Lord Verulam did endeavour to demon­strat them by his Grave Speech) or, That the Parliament of England did su­spect their new Monarch of having some other design, than the Interests of his Kingdoms by that Union, of which he was the first proposer.

King Charles the first, who was brave, Magnificent, and but too constant in adhering to ill Counsel, was most of his life so harrassed by his own Subjects, that he never had time to think upon that Union, which his Father could not finish: And Cromwel, who, after but cher­ing of him, usurped his Power, never thought any further of the Interest of Britain, but to gratifie his own Ambi­tion.

King Charles the Second, after his Restoration to his Kingdoms, had all the opportunity possible, that Ease and [Page 40]plenty could afford him, to promot their mutual Happiness, did therefore propose an Union betwixt Scotland and England in the Year 1670; and did nominat for that end, several Commis­sioners under his great Seal, but all to no purpose; because, such an Union could not sympathize with the Politicks of these days, which were to divide, after such manner, the People of the whole Island in Religion, and Interest, that by continually playing one party against another, His Majesty might be in a Condition to sway the Scepter in Peace, and to introduce into his King­doms any Religion suited best with his Humour.

And for King James, he was so little inclined to promot an Union, that the thoughts of another World did wholly extinguish any Concern he might have had, for advancing the Interest of his Kingdoms in this.

His present Majesty hath done many great Actions, both for the well fare of his Kingdoms, and for his own Repu­tation; yet, ther's nothing can contri­bute more to the Glory of his Family, [Page 41]than Uniting the Kingdoms of Eng­land and Scotland into one Monarchy: So that when he distributes Justice, (both their Interests being the same) none of them will have reason to com­plain. He hath already several times recommended an Union to the English Parliament; but it were to be wish'd that His Majesty would be pleased to ordain effectual Means to be used for that end.

There's an Union already betwixt both Nations in Language, Customs, Religion, and in Subjection, which can­not last, unless both Governments be unit­ed into one Body Politick. And to Con­summat that, there must be a great Zeal and Frankness in the Members of both Parliaments, That, all triffling and a­musing preliminary Articles being for­got, Commissioners may be deputed from them both, Men of Honour and Probity, no Courtiers, but free of all prejudice against either Nation, for the better adjusting the two following Ar­ticles.

The First is, That the Parliaments in Name of both Kingdoms, may con­sent [Page 42]to joyn together for making up one Parliament of Great Britain.

The Second is, That for the taking away all difference about Place, that may arise among the Nobility of both Kingdoms, let them be Marshalled in­terchangeably; As for Example, First, The Eldest Duke of England, then the Eldest Duke of Scotland, and so on, un­til the Nobility of the whole Island be marked in one Catalogue, as Peers of the Kingdom of Great Britain.

If these two Articles can be agreed to, all danger of Uniting the two Kingdoms will be over, and there's no doubt but that all useful Laws can be made after­wards without the least stop, that are re­quisit for supporting this new moulded Empire.

But before I proceed to shew, what Laws would be useful; I must remove some Objections, that the learned Sir George Mackenzie hath made against the Parliament of Scotland's having power to agree to the foresaid two Articles, in his Observations upon King James his Act of Parliament concerning the Union; and the Answers to his Objections may [Page 43]prevent the like, to be made against the power of the Parliament of England in the same case, being both Parlia­ments of England and Scotland, are of of the same Nature.

The first Argument is, That the Members of the Scots Parliament for Shires and Burghs, are the same with us, That the Procuratores Universitatis are in the Civil Law; But the Procuratores Universitatis could not alienat the Rights of their Constituents, without a special Mandat for that effect (l. 63. de pro:) Neither can the Parliament of Scotland alter the Fundamentals of their Constitution, without the Consent of their Constituents.

It's answered, That the Members for Shires and Burroughs are not the same with the Procuratores Universitatis; be­cause, by virtue of their Commissions, they have absolute power to Vote for every point, which they think can con­tribute to the safety of the Nation: And they are bound only by Oath of Parlia­ment, to Act as Men of Conscience, and not as Men who have particular Instructi­ons from their Constituents. And it [Page 44]was by that power they altered their Primitive Constitution, by Voting out a Third State of Parliament, in the beginning of his present Majestys Reign. Much rather can they, in the Name of their Constituents, agree with the Par­liament of England, to the two foresaid Articles, being they'l contribute so much for their Advantage.

The second Argument is, That the Commissioners for Shires & Burroughs are only impowered to represent their Constituents in the Parliament of Scot­land; but if the Parliament of Scotland be made a part of the Parliament of Great Britain, the Parliament of Scot­land can be said no longer to exist, and consequently the Commissions of all its Members fall, till they be renewed, empowering them to sit in the Parlia­ment of Great Britain.

It's Answered, That by the Answer to the first Argument, we see that the Parliament of Scotland hath an absolute power to agree to the foresaid Articles, so that afterward they may ask new Commissions from their respective Con­stituents, to Unite as Members of the [Page 45]Parliament of Great Britain. And when both Nations are perswaded of the Ad­vantages of an Union, there can be no impediment to it.

The third Argument is, That the U­nion of Parliaments requires the full As­sent of the Members of both Parliaments; So that, if any Member dissent, The U­nion of both Parliaments must stop: Be­cause, the Power of making Laws, and the Right to retain or resign Priviledges, are two different things. The one is a a Legislative Power, which is regulated by a Plurality of Voices: The other is founded upon Dominion and Property, and is not subject to Suffrage, no more than other Properties are.

It's Answered to this last Argument, That it's granted, the Property of any Member of a private Society cannot be taken away from him, without his Con­sent: As witnesseth the Civil Law, (l. 28. ff. Com. Divid.) The Rules are, In re pari, melior est Conditio prohibentis: And, In re communi, nemo Dominorum ju­re quicquam facere potest, invito altero. But here is understood, not a private Society, but a whole Kingdom; who [Page 46]being their own Masters, can dispose upon themselves and Properties, as they find it convenient for their Interest: And that Power is devolved upon their Representatives of Parliament.

Therefore if any small Number of People, or of Members of Parliament, oppose so good a Design, as the Union of both Nations, either the Plurality of Voices ought to determine them, accor­ding to the Fundamental Law of all So­cieties, or they should be obliged to shift for other Societies of Men.

Now, supposing that the Parliaments of both Kingdoms are joyn'd in one; and that its Members are empowered to make Laws for the Preservation of this New Government; Amongst many Laws that could be thought upon, these following seems necessary.

• First, That the Titles of both King­doms be changed into that of Great-Britain.
• 2ly, That there be but one Imperial Crown.
• 3ly, That there be but one Set of Crown-Officers.
• [Page 47]4ly, That there be but one Great Seal.
• 5ly, That as both Nations are one, so they may have both the same Priviledges of Trade: And that none of them be in­jured by this Law, let all Goods be tax­ed equally over the whole Island.
• 6ly, That there be appointed, by the Parliament, a parcel of Lawyers of both Nations, for compiling a Body of Civil Law, out of the Volumes of the Muni­cipal Laws of both Nations, and out of the Common Law, where they are defi­cient: Which Body of Civil Law shall be ratified by King and Parliament, to have the Force of all other Laws of both Nations. After which, all other Law-Books may be destroyed, according to the Example of the Emperor Justinian, when the Body of Roman Law was finish­ed. And until such time that a Body of Law be compiled, each Kingdom may make use of its own Laws, without any hinderance to an Union. For its known, that till this day, Languedock, Provence, Britaignie and Normandy tho' they are parts of the same Kingdom, yet their Laws are not of the same Coin.
• [Page 48]7ly, Being all Church-Government is indifferent, (as I have endeavoured to prove in the foregoing Essay) the King and Parliament may model one, that will be the most consonant to their Civil Government: To which, if any of the Clergy refuse to submit, let Swords be put in their hands, to determine a Church-Government among themselves; for the Laicks of this Island have drawn too much Blood already upon that Subject, whilst the Clergy only have been amu­sing themselves with Disputes. If a Church-Government cannot be model­led that will please all Parties of Laicks, there needs be no Breach in the Union of Civil Government; Because, by a Li­berty of Conscience in Church-Govern­ment, Church-Affairs may be regulat without the least Confusion.
• 8ly, Let there be appointed by King and Parliament, a parcel of Divines and Lawyers, for collecting one Body of Canon Law out of the Canons of Councils, the Opinions of the Fathers, and from the Constitutions of both Chur­ches of both Kingdoms, that were made since the Reformation: Which Body of [Page 49]Canon-Law shall be ratified by King and Parliament, to have Force of all other Ecclesiastical Constitutions.
• 9thly, That Civil and Criminal Judi­catures be established over the whole Island, in places, where the Parliament shall find convenient.
• 10thly, That there be Registers ap­pointed in different places of the Island, for obstructing all false Conveyances of Estates
• Lastly, That the King have but one Privy Council, which for the more Dis­patch of Bufiness, can be divided into several standing Committees.

Now, before I shew the Advantages both Nations will gain by an Union; I will make this following Digression of their present States.

England abounds with Grains, Tin, Copper, Lead, Iron, Timber, and all Creatures which furnishes the Commo­dities of Cloath, Stuffs, Hides, Butter, Cheese, &c.

Scotland, being the most Northward part of the Island, cannot be expected to make so pleasant a Prospect to the Eye, as England; Yet it hath Sufficiency of [Page 50]Grains, Flax, Wool, and vast num­ber of Cattel, &c. It hath likewise innumerable Mines of Lead, Iron, &c.

Although the Nobility and Gentry of both Kingdoms are the same in Humor, and Conduct of Living; yet there is a great Disparity between the Common People, both as to Humor and Consti­tution of Body, by reason of their diffe­rent way of Feeding. The English is Self-conceited, Lovers of their Belly, and daring: Whilst the Scots are pati­ent, sober in Diet, and hath something of a Timorous Civility.

The Nature of the Civil Govern­ments of both Kingdoms, is almost the same; each of them having its Parliament, to protect its Liber­ties.

The Number of Persons that have Suffrage in the English Parliament, be­sides twenty six Bishops, are either of Nobility or Commons.

The Number of Persons that have Suffrage in the Scots Parliament, are ei­ther Nobility or Commons.

The Nobility of Scotland, not bear­ing a Proportion to the English Nobili­ty, conform to its Riches and Extent of Land, ought to be no Objection a­gainst an Union of Parliaments; Because, the Nobility of the whole Island, beco­ming Members of the same House, will all have the same Interest: And in a little time, by Extinction of Families, [Page 53]Creation of New Ones, and by Change of Estates from one place to another, will be so shuffled, that it will be hard to know, Which is Which.

The number of the People of Eng­land, is calculat to be 5,500,000; and that of the People of Scotland to be 800,000.

England at present is not above half Peopled, and, of any Countrey, it is in the least danger to be overstock't with People by reason of its Situation and goodness of Soil.

If Scotland were improved by Inclos­ing &c. it could entertain many more People, than it can at present, and in a short time triple its Land-Rental.

England with Wales contains 40,000,000, of Acres. The fourth part of them are Heath, Moors, Mountains, and Barren Ground.

Scotland with its Islands contains 24,000,000 Acres. Two Thirds of them are Moors, Mountains, and Barren Land.

Having now done with this Digres­sion, let us next see, what Advantages will fall by an Union, first to England, [Page 54]secondly to Scotland, and thirdly, to both in Common when United.

• FIrst, An Augmentation of People; for whatever People cannot find En­tertainment & Employment in Scotland, will chuse rather to go further South, and serve their own Country, than to Ramble abroad for a Livelihood: So that the Number of People, which dies by Excess and Debauch in and about London, or the Southern Provinces would be supplyed. And how profi­table the Multitude of People is to a Country, that have Employment, and Entertainment for them, is inexpressible; Because, it's the People, that by their Labour and Industry, makes the Wealth and Power of every thriving Nation: Therefore, their increase should be pro­moted by Wise Conduct and Good Counsel.
• [Page 55]2ly, An Augmentation of Riches; for England being the larger and better Kingdom, Scots People would rather purchase Estates there, than in Scotland. In England would be the Metropolis of the whole Island, the Meeting place of Parliament, and of all the Chief Judica­tures, thro' which the Treasure of the whole Body Politick must Circulat, as Blood thro' the Heart of a Natural Body.
• 3ly, As Scotland would Increase in Riches, it would be the more able for Taxes, and contributing force both at Sea and Land; for the Sustenance of the whole Body Politick: And consequent­ly England would pay less and gain more than at present, when it's obliged to support of it self, the whole Character of the King of Great-Britain.
• Lastly, England would be secure within it self, which can never happen, so long as the Interests of England and Scotland are different. Nor is it to be expected, That the Union of Crowns can always last in the State they are in at present; Because, it makes too much for the Oppression of Scotland. And if [Page 56]it falls out, that the two Kingdoms are brought into the same Condition, that they were in, before King James his Suc­cession to the Crown of England; what can be hop'd, but that all old Animosi­ties will be renewed, to the mutual ruine of both Parties? And even let us suppose, that as England is every way Superior to Scotland, so it were able to reduce it as a conquered Province; yet England shall never gain so much that way, as by a fair Union. For the Country would be depopulat, rendered Inhabitable, and made a Prey to every Nation, that would be at the pains to invade it. Besides, it would cost Eng­land a great Expense of Blood and Trea­sure, to defeat so many Thousands of brave Men, that would stand up for the Defence of their Country and Liber­ties; and the same Army that had con­quered them, perhaps may be induced at last, by an Ambitious King, to turn their Swords against their own Country-Men: So that by the same Army, the whole Island would hazard to undergo the same fate. We may therefore with a Demonstration believe that the only [Page 57]safe way, for England to conquer Scot­land, is by a fair Union.

• FIRST, it's Trade will increase, having as free a Trade over the whole World, as England. Which would inable it, not only to Contribute the more for the Safety of the Publick; but to improve all its Barren Ground, to the great Satisfaction and profit of Land-proprietars.
• 2dly, Its Poor would no longer be a Charge to the Nation; Because, they could be employed in Manufacto­ries and Fisheries.
• 3ly, The Highlanders could be brought to foresake their Ancient Customes and Language, and to apply themselves to Virtue and Industry.
• Lastly, Courtiers would no longer be a Grievance to the Nation; The [Page 58]Multitude of Nobility to the Gentry: nor them all together to the poor Hus­band Man. Because, the Interest of the English Court would be that of Scotland, the English and Scots Commons could Ballance the Nobility of the whole Island, and the increase of Riches would hinder Estates from being often sold, and Ren­tals racked: So that the poor Husband­man would be incouraged, to improve his Farm, by a long Lease and easie Duty.

• FIRST, It would be in a Capacity to keep the Dutch Low, by manag­ing the Herring, and all other Fisheries; that the British Subjects could under­sel them in all Forreign Mercats, and in time bring them to the same Submission in Fishing, that they were in, about the beginning of the Reign of King James the first, It would likewise be able to encour­age all Linnen Manufactories at home, & [Page 59]put them in a Case of serving the whole Island: which would preserve a great deal of Treasure in it, that is spent u­pon that Commodity, in Holland and other Countries.
• Secondly, It would be in a Capacity to oppose it self to France, in Defence either of it's own Interest, or of that of it's Allies; without being in danger of any Domestick, Convulsions. All Europe is sensible at present, how formidable France is to its Neighbours; for its extent of Country, vastness of Treasure, number of Forces by Sea and Land, Bravery of Officers, and for the Wisdom and steddy Counsel of its State-Ministers: That if ever Provi­dence hath ordained her the Empire of Europe, it must be shortly after the Death of this King of Spain. For, according to a private Treaty with its Neighbours, it will be put in peaceable Possession of as many Territories of the Spanish Monarchy, as are able to command all the Mediterranean Trade; and no doubt, but it will be at the pains to seize the rest of it, at its own Conveni­ency, and even Darien too, which was [Page 60]so much envyed, when in the Possession of the Scots: The Right of which would belong to this whole Island, were Scotland and England United. And how much it were for the Interest of Great-Britain, to be Master of that Isth­mus, is obvious to every Coffee-house Politician, in spight of all our more refined Wits.

To oppose the Union of England and Scotland, there are different Nations out of different ends.

• First, Most of our Popish Neigh­bours, out of this Maxim, That when People differ in Interest, they will never trust other upon point of Feligion; being obliged to transgress all its Rules by Treachery, Cruelty, and other un­lawful Means, in protecting, and ad­vancing their worldly Interests. Now how much the Church of Rome Glories in seeing the Protestants destroy one another, is best known to themselves.
• Secondly, The Dutch will oppose it with all their Power and Cunning, for preventing the strengthning of this whole Island, in Force and Riches, by the ruining their Fisheries; which pro­vides [Page 61]them with Sea-men and Money: and the undoing their Linnen Manu­factories at home.

The Dutch of all People understands their Interest the best, and stumble least at any thing makes for their Publick Good; otherwise, why would they have attempted the whole Trade of the East-Indies, by the Massacre of the English at Amboina? Or the Dominion of the whole Seas, after that the Troubles of England and Scotland had disabled King Charles the First from taking notice of it, and that the English Government was shaken in pieces, after its Altera­tion?

Lastly, The French will oppose any Union betwixt England and Scotland, and rather than it should succeed, will follow Cardinal Richelieu's Practice, in corrupting Leading Men in both Nati­ons, to foment Jealousies between them; or in hireing some Mercenary English Poet or Historian, to represent Scot­land, with all the Rancour that ill Na­ture and Ignorance can inspire in them.

The French for many years have baul­ked nothing, that could raise their Mo­narchy above the Powers of their Neigh­bours; and nothing hath been more for­midable to their Designs, than the Joint Force of the Island of Great-Britain; when England alone had broke their Measures long e're now, and brought them to Reason, if it had not had Diver­sion at Home, occasioned so often by French Counsel. It's long since Philip de Comenes said, That in his time, all the King of England's Ministers, and great Persons, had Pensions of France, and gave their Acquittances upon every Receipt, which were to be seen in the Chamber of Paris.

I shall now end this short Essay, ha­ving no other Design by it, than the Prosperity of Great-Britain; and hopes, that some Judicious Unbyassed Persons (as the Learned Doctor Davenam, who hath writ so many good Books for the Service of his Countrey) will be at the Pains, to handle this Subject in all its Particulars: That all Doubts being re­moved from the People of both Nations, there remain nothing to be done, but [Page 63]the Action of Uniting. And till they be convinced of the absolute Necessity of it, my Wish is, That England be out­witted in its Politicks by all its Neigh­bours, and cheated by its States-Men, into a fond Belief of its own Abilities: And that Scotland continue an oppressed Nation, by Courtiers and Publicans, and never have a State-Council, but of Mock-Politicians and Enemies to their Countrey.

Vis Ʋnita Fortior.

IT's observable, that there's a great Variety in Men, both as to their Bodies and Souls, conform to the different Situation of the Countries they inhabit; upon which account it is, that they differ so much in their Dispositions to Courage, Justice, Temperance, Wit and Goodness. And their Souls are yet more various than their Bodies, that there appears sometimes a greater diffe­rence betwixt some Men and others, than betwixt some Men and Beasts. And as there's a great Variety betwixt Men of different Clim's, in respect of their Souls and Bodies, so is there a great [Page 66]Disparity amongst Apprehehensions and Understandings of the People of the same Countrey, proportionable to their Education; which is the Reason, that their Thoughts of things are not all of the same Reach and Justness.

There's no Society without its Mem­bers, amongst whom, as there is a Sub-Ordination of Understandings, so there's a Sub-Ordination of Power and Com­mand, proportionable to the different Stations they hold in that Society, whereof they are Members. And hence it is, That there are in every Kingdom (as it is a Society) People of all Cha­racters, which taken all together, make up the Body Politick. Being then I'm to writ this Essay of the present State of Scotland, I will give a short View, both of its People, and of their Affairs, in the sollowing Sections.