Scrinia Ceciliana, mysteries of state & government in letters of the late famous Lord Burghley, and other grand ministers of state, in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James, being a further additional supplement of the Cabala. — Scrinia Ceciliana.

Scrinia Ceciliana, mysteries of state & government in letters of the late famous Lord Burghley, and other grand ministers of state, in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James, being a further additional supplement of the Cabala. — Scrinia Ceciliana.

Table of contents

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Title page

The Stationers To the READER.

A TABLE of the LETTERS, contained in this COLLECTION.

Books Printed for, and sold by, G. Bedell, and T. Collins.

SIR FRANCIS BACON'S Letters, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley.

Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley.

Sir Francis Bacon in recommendation of his service, to the Earl of Northumberland, a few days before Queen Elizabeths death.

Sir Francis Bacon to Mr. Robert Kempe, upon the death of Queen Elizabeth.

Sir Francis Bacon to Mr. David Foules in Scotland, upon the entrance of His Majesties Reign.

Sir Francis Bacon to the King, upon presenting his discoursetouching the Plantation of Ireland.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Lord Chancellor, touching the History of Britain.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon the sending unto him a beginning of a History of his Majesties time.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Earl of Salisbury, upon sending him one of his books of advancement of Learning.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, upon the same occasion, of sending his book of Advancement of Learning.

A Letter of the like Argument, to the Lord Chancellor.

Sir Francis Bacon, of like argument, to the Earl of Northampton, with request to present the book to his Majesty.

Sir Francis Bacon, his Letter of request to Doctor Plafer, to translate the book of Advancement of Learning into Latine.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir Thomas Bodley, upon sending him his Book of the advancement of Learning.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Bishop of Ely, upon sending his writing intituled, Cogitata & visa.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir. Thomas Bodley, after he had imparted to him a Writing intituled, Cogitata & visa.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Matthew, upon sending him part of Instauratio Magna.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Matthew, touching Instauratio Magna.

A Letter to Mr. Matthew, upon sending his Book De Sapientia Veterum.

Sir Francis Bacon, to M. Savill.

Sir Francis Bacon to the King, touching the Sollicitors place.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, his suitc to succeed in the Atturneys place.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Cary in France, upon sending him his writing, In foelicem memoriam Elizabethae.

A Letter to Sir Geo. Villiers, touching the difference between the Courts of Chancery and Kings Bench.

Sir Francis Bacon to the King, concerning the Praemunire in the Kings Bench against the Chancery.

A Letter to the King, touching matter of Revenue and Profit.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to the King, touching the proceeding with Somerset.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, concerning the proceeding with Somerset.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, giving account of an Examination taken of Somerset at the Tower.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, touching the proceeding with Somerset.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, of Account and Advice to His Majesty, touching Somerset's Arraignment.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, and some great Lords Commissioners, concerning the perswasion used to the Lord of Somerset to a frank Confession.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon some inclination of His Majesty, signified to him for the Chancellors place.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, returned with Postils of the Kings own Hand.

The Copy of a Letter, conceived to be written to the late Duke of Buckingham, when he first became a Favourite to King James, by Sir Francis Bacon, afterwards Lord Verulam, and Viscount St. Alban: Containing some Advices unto the Duke, for his better direction in that eminent place of the Favourite; Drawn from him at the intreaty of the Duke himself, by much importunity.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Villiers, of Advice concerning Ireland, from Gorambury to Windsor.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney General, to the Master of the Horse, upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount, sc.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Villiers, upon the sending his Pattent for Viscount Villiers to be Signed.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, about a Certificate of my Lord Coke's.

A Letter to the King, touching the Lord Chancellors place.

A Letter to the King, of my Lord Chancellors amendment, and the difference begun between the Chancery and Kings Bench.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to the King, giving some Account touching the Commendams.

Sir Francis Bacon his Advertisement, touching an Holy War, to the Right Reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews, Lord Bishop of Winchester, and Councellor of Estate to His Majesty.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, about the Pardon of the Parliaments Sentence.

Sir Francis Bacon, to King James, of a Digest to be made of the Laws of England.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Right Honourable his very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

A Discourse touching Helps for the Intellectual Powers, by Sir Francis Bacon.

Of Helps of the Intellectual Powers.

Five Points.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King.

Certain Copies of Letters written by Sir William Cecil Knight, Secretary of Estate to Queen Elizabeth, to Sir Hen. Norris Knight, Ambassador for the said Queen, Resident in France.

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Advertisements from Lyexham, 22. Decemb. 1569.

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A note of a journey into Tividale by the Earl of Sussex, her Majesties Lieutenant in the North, begun the 17. of April, 1570. and ending the 22. of the same.

The Rode of the Lord Scroope, Warden of the West marches of England, into Scotland.

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By Letters from Berwick, 3. June.

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The Lord Coke to King James, touching trial of Duels out of England.

The History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth, Queen Mary, and part of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

A Copy of a Letter from His Majesty, to the Lords, read at Board, Novemb. 21. 1617. touching the abatement of His Majesties Houshold Charge.

A Copy of His Majesties second Letter.

A Letter from the King, to his Lordship, by occasion of a Book; It was the Organon.

To Our Trusty and Well-beloved, Thomas Coventry, Our Attorney General.

A Letter written by Sir Philip Sidney, unto Q. Elizabeth, touching her Marriage with Mounsieur.

My Lord Sanquir's Case.

My Lady Shrewsburies Cause.

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, then Ambassadour in France, to Queen Elizabeth, touching a free Passage for the Queen of Scots, through England into Scotland.

The ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

ERRATA.

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March 30. 1663.

Let this Collection of Letters, and other Discourses, be Printed.

HENRY BENNET.

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SCRINIA CECILIANA: MYSTERIES OF State & Government: IN LETTERS Of the late Famous Lord Burghley, And other Grand Ministers of STATE: In the Reigns of Queen ELIZABETH, and King JAMES.

Being a further Additional Supplement of the CABALA.

AS ALSO Many Remarkable Passages faithfully Revised, and no where else Published.

With two exact Tables; The one of the Letters, The other of Things most Observable.

LONDON, Printed for G. Bedel and T. Collins, and are to be sold at their Shop, at the Middle-Temple-gate in Fleetstreet. 1663.

The Stationers To the READER.

[Page]

[Page]

Courteous Reader,

ALthough it be a received Position, That Merit is worthier than Fame, yet duly considered, they ought to be inseparable; the one being the just Guerdon of the other: Upon that account we have presumed to make Publick these ensuing Memorials, or Letters, being Monuments of some late Eminent Patriots and Hero's of this Nation, Who whilst they were Actors in such grand Affairs as suited with their high Service under their Sovereigns, were deservedly Dignified here, and Renowned [Page] abroad. The first of these Worthies being Sir William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who was an unparallel'd Minister of State; And (as we conceive) of the longest continuance that any Prince then, or ever since with such Success enjoyed, a person alwayes peaceable and moderate, free from Covetousness, or Ambition, in the course of his Service, rather willing to endure the Burthen, than desiring the fruition of Honour or Profit; profound in Judgment, assisted with great Experience; and therefore worthily celebrated both here and abroad, as Pater Patriae, and an indefatigable Votary to the Crown. And for the matters and designs in the Letters themselves, we shall be silent, hoping the Fame of the person will be motive sufficient for you to purchase this Jewel. Concerning the Times, they were wheeled about, with new, and great Revolutions and Divisions, not only at Home, but [Page] also in France, Scotland, the Low Countries, and generally in most of the other Kingdoms, and States abroad (Forâs Pugnae, intus Timores) Conspiracies, Invasions, and Insurrections amongst our selves, War, Devastations and Massacres amongst our Neighbours, for the most part shadowed with the Vaile of Religion, many Princes of the Blood, and persons of great Authority being sacrificed on either part; turbulent Times, and of great mutations, proper to try the Ability and Fidelity of a State Atlas, wherein with what Wisdom he acquitted himself, is referred to you to determine. The next is Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, Ambassador in France for Queen Elizabeth, in the Infancy of her Reign; we have nothing here of his remains, but only his Letter to Her Majesty, touching a free passage for the Queen of Scots through England, wherein you will find [Page] variety of Politick Reasons pressed on each part with smart Judgment. In the third place, is Sir Philip Sidney, that choice Darling of the Muses, whom we suppose you will freely grant to have been Tam Marti, quam Mercurio, in whom England, Netherland, the Heavens, and the Arts, the Souldiers, and the World did emulate a share; here we have only a dissuasive Letter to the Queen, touching Her Marriage with Mounsieur of France, fortified with many pressing and effectual Reasons against that match; and penned with a Politick and Ingenuous Stile. And in the last place we present you with some Pieces of the inimitable Viscount St. Alban, some in the Reign of the late glorious Queen, and others in the Halcyon dayes of the late King James, never before (to our best knowledge) made Publick; deck't with many grateful Flowers of Philosophy, History, [Page] and Policy, the Fall of the Earl of Somerset, and the immediate Advance of the Duke of Buckingham, with many other passages of moment (and here you may observe the memorials of other worthy persons, although the Title point only at Sir William Cecil) for we conceive it not imaginable, That such experienced, and sure Masters of Knowledge, would employ their thoughts in any thing sleight, or superficial. However we dare not assume that boldness, as to write Encomiasticks of such great Personages, that Right (we suppose) is much better performed by more quaint Pens already; Lunae Radiis non maturescit Botrus: And their Names and Honour still live in fresh memory. Here you may safely turn Necromancer, and consult with the dead, or rather with the living, for such Monuments as these survive Marble.

[Page] Dignum laude virum

Musa vetat mori.

These are not like Augustus his two infamous Daughters, or his unworthy Nephew Posthumus Agrippa, Impostumes, (as he termed them) that broke from him; but pure and legitimate Issue of the nobler part, which is with care exposed to publick View, for the better accomodation of those that have been pleased to purchase the two former Volumes of the like Nature and Quality.

Temple-gate. June 18. 1663.

G. B.

T. C.

A TABLE of the LETTERS, contained in this COLLECTION.

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B.

SIR Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley. Pag. 1.

Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley. p. 2.

Sir Francis Bacon in recommendation of his Service, to the Earl of Northumberland, a few dayes before Queen Elizabeths death. p. 4.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Robert Kempe, upon the death of Queen Elizabeth. p. 5.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. David Foules in Scotland, upon the entrance of His Majesties Reign. ibid.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon presenting his Discourse, touching the Plantation of Ireland. p. 6.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Lord Chancellor, touching the History of Britain. p. 7.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon the sending unto him a beginning of a History of His Majesties time. p. 9.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Earl of Salisbury, upon sending him one of his Books of Advancement of Learning. ibid.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, upon the same occasion, of sending his Book of Advancement of Learning. p. 10.

A Letter of the like Argument, to the Lord Chancellor. ibid.

Sir Francis Bacon, of like Argument, to the Earl of Northampton, with Request to present the Book to His Majesty. p. 11.

Sir Francis Bacon, his Letter of Request to Dr. Plafer, to Translate the Book of Advancement of Learning into Latine. ibid.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir Thomas Bodley, upon sending him his Book of the Advancement of Learning. p. 13.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Bishop of Ely, upon sending his Writing intituled, [Page] Cogitata & visa. ibid.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir Thomas Bodley, after he had imparted to him a Writing intituled, Cogitata & visa. p. 14.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Matthew, upon sending him part of Instauratio Magna. p. 15.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Matthew, touching Instauratio Magna. p. 16.

A Letter to Mr. Matthew, upon sending his Book, De Sapientia Veterum. p. 17.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Savill. ibid.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, touching the Sollicitors place. p. 18.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, his Suit to succeed in the Attorneys place. p. 20.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Cary in France, upon sending him his Writing, In foelicem memoriam Elizabethae. p. 21.

A Letter to Sir George Villiers, touching the difference between the Courts of Chancery, and Kings Bench. p. 22.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, concerning the Praemunire in the Kings Bench against the Chancery. p. 23.

A Letter to the King, touching matter of Revenue and Profit. p. 27.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to the King, touching the proceeding with Somerset. p. 28.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, concerning the proceeding with Somerset. p. 30.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, giving account of an Examination taken of Somerset at the Tower. p. 32.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, touching the proceeding with Somerset. p. 34.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, of Account and Advice to His Majesty, touching Somerset's Arraignment. p. 35.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, and some great Lords Commissioners, concerning the perswasion used to the Lord of Somerset to a frank Consession. p. 36.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon some inclination of His Majesty, signified to him for the Chancellors place. p. 38.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, returned with Postils of the Kings own Hand. p. 39.

The Copy of a Letter, conceived to be written to the late Duke of Buckingham, when he first became a Favourite to King James, by Sir Francis Bacon, afterwards Lord Verulam, and Viscount St. Alban: Containing some Advices to the Duke, for his better direction in that eminent[Page]place of the Favourite; Drawn from him at the intreaty of the Duke himself, by much importunity. p. 43.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Villiers, of Advice concerning Ireland, from Gorambury to Windsor. p. 67.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney General, to the Master of the Horse, upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount, sc. p. 69.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Villiers, upon the sending his Pattent for Uiscount Villiers to be Signed. p. 70.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, about a Certificate of my Lord Coke's. p. 72.

A Letter to the King, touching the Lord Chancellors place. ibid.

A Letter to the King, of my Lord Chancellors amendment, and the difference begun between the Chancery and Kings Bench. p. 75.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to the King, giving some account touching the Commendams. p. 76.

Sir Francis Bacon his Advertisement, touching an Holy War, to the Right Reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews, Lord Bishop of Winchester, and Councellor of Estate to His Majesty. p. 78.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, about the Pardon of the Parliaments Sentence. p. 81.

Sir Francis Bacon, to King James, of a Digest to be made of the Laws of England. p. 82.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Right Honourabl [...] [...] very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of [...]. p. 87.

A Discourse touching Helps for the intellectual Powers, by Sir Francis Bacon. p. [97.]

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King. p. [101.]

C.

Certain Copies of Letters written by Sir William Cecil Knight, Secretary of Estate to Queen Elizabeth, to Sir Henry Norris Knight, Ambassador for the said Queen, Resident in France; Beginning the 10th, of February, 1566. and ending the 26th. of September, 15 [...]0. p. 105.

The Lord Coke, to King James, touching trial of Duels out of England. p. 193.

H.

The History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth, Queen Mary, and part of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. p. 194.

I.

A Copy of a Letter from His Majesty, to the Lords, read at Board, Nov. 21. 1617. touching the abatement of His Majesties Houshold Charge. p. 198.

A Copy of His Majesties second Letter. p. 199.

A Letter from the King, to his Lordship, by occasion of a Book; It was the Organon. p. 200.

To Our Trusty and Well-beloved, Thomas Coventry, Our Attorney-General. ibid.

S.

A Letter written by Sir Philip Sidney, unto Queen Elizabeth, touching her Marriage with Mounsieur. p. 201.

My Lord Sanquir's Case. p. 209.

My Lady Shrewsburies Case. p. 212.

T.

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, then Ambassador in France, to Queen Elizabeth, touching a free Passage for the Queen of Scots, through England into Scotland. p. 214.

Books Printed for, and sold by, G. Bedell, and T. Collins.

[Page]

Folio's.

Compleat AMBASSADOR, Letters and Negotiations of the Lord Burleigh, and Sir Francis Walsingham, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, Collected by Sir Dudly Diggs.

Bishop Andrews Sermons.

Halls Politicks.

Lord Bacons History of King Henry 7th.

* D'Avila's Civil Wars of France.

* Bishop Ushers Annals of the World.

* Titus Livius Roman History in English.

* Dr. Hammond on the New Testament.

*—Paraphrase on the Psalms.

* Howes Chronicle of England.

* Lord Hobarts Reports, with a large Table, by Sir H. Finch.

* Bulstrodes Reports in Three Parts.

* Crooks Reports in Three Volumes.

* Lord Cooks Pleadings in English.

* Wingats Maxims of the Law.

* Styles Reports.

* Leonards Reports, Second Part.

Quarto's.

Mountagues Essayes.

Sennault's Christian Man.

Potters Number of the Beast, 666.

Grand Seignieurs Seuaglio.

Ross against Coparnicus, touching the Earths motion.

French Letters, touching His Majesties stedfastness in the Protestant Religion, in French and English.

Character of CHARLES II.

Articles, or Treaty of Peace, betwixt France and Spain.

Discourse for a King and Parliament.

Fumi Fugium, A Discourse of the Air and Smoak of London, by John Evelin Esq

Lord Cooks Reading, and Denshalls Reading on the Statute of Fines.

The Judges Arguments on the Liberty of the Subject.

Three Readings, on Wills, Jointures, and forcible Entry.

Mr. Durhams Assize Sermon.

Dr. Thomas, his Assize Sermon.

Playes.

* D'avenant's Wits.

[Page] *—Platonick Lovers.

* Faithful Shepherdess, by Fletcher.

Marriage of the Arts, by Barten Hollyday.

The Bastard. A Tragedy.

The Martyr. A Tragedy.

The Just General.

Horratius in English. A Tragedy.

Michaelmas Term.

Combate of Love and Friendship.

Octavo's.

Gosses Tragedies.

Lucretius in Latine and English.

Faushawes La Fida Pastora.

Duke of Rohans Memoires, and Discourses, English.

Hyppolito & Isabella.
Three Romances.

The Nuptial Lover.

Triumphant Lady.

Waterhouse his Apology for Learning.

—Idem, His Divine Tracts.

—Idem, His Discourse of Arms and Armory.

Botelers Sermons, Compleat on several Subjects.

Instructions for a Library, by Naudeus, English.

Reliquiae Carolinae.

Dr. Taylors Offices, or Liturgy.

Sheppard of Courts.

—Of Corporations.

Lambords Archeion.

White of the Laws.

Parsons Law, the last Edition.

Claytons Reports.

Fleetwoods Justice.

Stones Reading on the Statute of Bankrupts.

Wingats Body of the Law.

Noyes Maxims.

D'avenport's Abridgment, of Cook on Littleton.

Abridgement of Acts.

Twelves.

Compleat Justice.

Davis's Abridgement of Cooks Reports.

Tylenus Second Part against Baxter.

Jacksons Evangelical Temper.

Of Liberty and Servitude.

Haywards Edward 6th.

St. Chrysostom of Education.

Guuton of External Worship.

Supplementum Lucani, per May.

Thuan's Politick Maxims.

Mayerns Experiments.

Dr. Stuarts Sermons.

Ladies Cabinet.

Gees steps, in four and twenties.

SIR FRANCIS BACON'S Letters, &c.

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Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley.

My Lord,

WIth as much confidence as mine own honest and faithful devotion unto your service, and your honorable correspondence unto me and my poor estate, can breed in a man, do I commend my self unto your Lordship. I wax now somewhat ancient; one and thirty years is a great deal of sand in the hour-glass: My health, I thank God, I find confirmed, and I do not fear that action shall impair it, because I account my ordinary course of study and meditation to be more painful then most parts of action are. I ever bear a mind (in some middle place, that I could discharge) to serve her Majesty; not as a man born under Sol, that loveth Honour; nor under Jupiter, that loveth business (for the contemplative Planet carrieth me away wholly;) but as a man born under an excellent Sovereign, that deserveth the dedication of all mens abilities. Besides, I do not find in my self so much self-love, but that the greater parts of my thoughts are to deserve well (if I were able) of my friends, and, namely, of your Lordship, who being the Atlas of this Common-wealth, the Honour of my House, and the second founder of my poor estate, I am tied by all duties, both of a good Patriot, and of an unworthy Kinsman, and of an obliged servant, to imploy whatsoever I am, to do you service. Again, the meanness of my estate doth somewhat move me: for, though I cannot accuse my self, that I am either prodigal, or sloathful, yet my health is not to spend, nor my course to get. [Page] Lastly, I confess, that I have as vast contemplative ends, as I have moderate civil ends; for I have taken all knowledge to be my providence; and if I could purge it of two sorts of Rovers, whereof the one with frivolous disputations; confutations, and verbosities; the other with blind experiments, and auricular traditions and impostures, hath committed so many spoils; I hope I should bring in industrious Observations, grounded Conclusions, and profitable Inventions and Discoveries, the best state of that providence. This, whether it be curiosity, or vainglory, or nature, or (if one take it favourably) Philanthropia, is so fixed in my mind, as it cannot be removed: And I do easily see, that place of any reasonable countenance doth bring commandment of more wits then of a mans own, which is the thing I greatly affect; And for your Lordship, perhaps you shall not find more strength, and less encounter, in any other. And if your Lordship shall find now, or at any time, that I do seek or affect any place, whereunto any that is nearer unto your Lordship shall be concurrent, say then, that I am a most dishonest man. And if your Lordship will not carry me on, I will not do as Anaxagoras did, who reduced himself, with contemplation, unto voluntary poverty: But this I will do, I will sell the inheritance that I have, and purchase some lease of quick revenue, or some Office of gain that shall be executed by Deputy, and so give over all care of service, and become some sorry Book-maker, or, a true Pioneer in that Mine of Truth, which (he said) lay so deep. This which I have writ unto your Lordship, is rather thoughts then words, being set down without all Art, disguising, or reservation. Wherein I have done honour, both to your Lordships wisdom, in judging that that will be best believed of your Lordship, which is truest; and to your Lordships good nature, in retaining nothing from you. And even so I wish your Lordship all happiness, and to my self, means and occasion to be added to my faithful desire to do you service.

From my Lodging at Grays-Inn.

Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer Burghley.

My singular good Lord,

YOur Lordships comfortable Relation of her Majesties gracious opinion and meaning towards me, though, at that time, your leisure gave me not leave, to shew how I was affected therewith: yet upon every representation thereof, it entreth, and striketh more deeply [Page] into me, as both my Nature and Duty presseth me, to return some speech of thankfulness. It must be an exceeding comfort and encouragement to me, setting forth, and putting my self in way towards her Majesties service, to encounter with an example, so private and domestical, of her Majesties gracious goodness and benignity, being made good and verified in my father, so far forth, as it extendeth to his Posterity.

Accepting them as commended by his service, during the Non-age (as I may term it) of their own deserts, I, for my part, am very well content, that I take least part, either of his abilities of Mind, or of his worldly advancement; both which he held, and received, the one of the gift of God immediately, the other of her Majesties Gift: Yet in the loyal and earnest Affection which he bear to her Majesties service, I trust, my portion shall not be with the least, nor in proportion with the youngest Birth. For, methinks, his president should be a silent charge, upon his blessing, unto us all, in our degrees, to follow him afar off, and to dedicate unto her Majesties service, both the use and spending of our lives. True it is, that I must needs acknowledge my self prepared and furnished thereunto with nothing but with a multitude of lacks and imperfections; but calling to mind, how diversly, and in what particular providence, God hath declar'd himself to tender the state of her Majesties Affairs, I conceive and gather hope, that those whom he hath, in a manner, prest for her Majesties service, by working and imprinting in them a single and zealous mind to bestow their duties therein, he will see them accordingly appointed of sufficiency convenient for the Rank and standing where they shall be imployed; so as under this her Majesties blessing, I trust, to receive a larger allowance of Gods Graces. And as I may hope for this, so I can assure and promise for my Endeavour, that it shall not be in fault; but what diligence can intitle me unto, that, I doubt not, to recover. And now, seeing it hath pleased her Majesty to take knowledge of this my mind, and to vouchsafe to appropriate me unto her service, preventing any desert of mine with her Princely liberality; first, I humbly do beseech your Lordship, to present to her Majesty my more than humble thanks for the same: And withal, having regard to mine own unworthiness to receive such favour, and to the small possibility in me to satisfie and answer what her Majesty conceiveth; I am moved to become a most humble suitor to her Majesty, that this benefit also may be affixed unto the other, which is, That if there appear in me no such towardness of service, as it may be, her Majesty doth benignly value and assess me at, by reason of my sundry wants, and the disadvantage of my nature, [Page] being unapt to lay forth the simple store of those inferiour gifts which God hath allotted unto me, most to view; yet that it would please her Excellent Majesty, not to accompt my thankfulness the less, for that my disability is great to shew it; but to sustain me in her Majesties grecious opinion, whereupon I onely rest, and not upon any expectation of desert, to proceed from my self, towards the contentment thereof. But if it shall please God to send forth an occasion whereby my faithful affection may be tried, I trust, it shall save me melibour for ever making more protestation of it hereafter. In the mean time, howsoever it be not made known to her Majesty, yet God knoweth it, through the daily sollicitations wherewith I address my self unto him in unfeigned Prayer for the multiplying of her Majesties prosperities: to your Lordship also, whose recommendation, I know right well, hath been material to advance her Majesties good opinion of me, I can be but a bounden servant. So much may I safely promise, and purpose to be, seeing publick and private bonds vary not, but that my service to her Majesty and your Lordship draw in a line; I wish therefore to, shew it with as good proof, as I can say it in good faith, &c.

Your Lordships, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon in recommendation of his service, to the Earl of Northumberland, a few days before Queen Elizabeths death.

It may please your good Lordship,

AS the time of sowing of seed is known, but the time of coming up and disclosing is casual, or according to the season; So I am a witness to my self, that there hath been covered in my mind a long time a seed of affection and zeal towards your Lordship, sown by the estimation of your vertues, and your particular honours and favours to my brother deceased, and to my self; which seed still springing, now bursteth forth into this profession. And to be plain with your Lordship, it is very true, and no winds or noyses of civil matters can blow this out of my head or heart, that your great capacity and love towards studies and contemplations, of an higher and worthier nature then popular, a Nature rare in the world, and in a person of your Lordships quality almost singular, is to me a great and chief motive to draw my affection and admiration towards you: and therefore, good my [Page] Lord, if I may be of any use to your Lordship by my Head, Tongue, Pen, Means, or Friends, I humbly pray you to hold me your own: and herewithal, not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind, nor partly, to your own worth, as to conceive, that this commendation of my humble service proceedeth out of any streights of my occasions, but meerly out of an election, and indeed, the fulness of my heart. And so wishing your Lordship all prosperity, I continue.

Sir Francis Bacon to Mr. Robert Kempe, upon the death of Queen Elizabeth.

Mr. Kempe.

This alteration is so great, as you might justly conceive some coldness of my affection towards you, if you should hear nothing from me, I living in this place. It is in vain to tell you, with what a wonderful still and calme this wheel is turned round, which whether it be a remnant of her felicity that is gone, or a fruit of his reputation that is coming, I will not determine; for I cannot but divide my self, between her memory and his name. Yet we account it but as a fair morn before Sun rising, before his Majesties presence; though, for my part, I see not whence any weather should arise. The Papists are conteined with fear enough, and hope too much. The French is thought to turn his practice upon procuring some disturbance in Scotland, where Crowns may do wonders. But this day is so welcome to the Nation, and the time so short, as I do not fear the effect. My Lord of Southampton expecteth release by the next dispatch, and is already much visited, and much well wished. There is continual posting, by men of good quality, towards the King, the rather, I think, because this Spring time it is but a kinde of sport. It is hoped, that as the State here hath performed the part of good Attorneys, to deliver the King quiet possession of his Kingdom; so the King will re-deliver them quiet possession of their places, rather filling places void, than removing men placed, So, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon to Mr. David Foules in Scotland, upon the entrance of His Majesties Reign.

SIR,

The occasion awaketh in me the remembrance of the constant and mutual good offices which passed between my good brother [Page] and your self; whereunto, as you know, I was not altogether a stranger, though the time and design (as between brethren) made me more reserved. But well do I bear in mind the great opinion which my brother (whose Judgment I much reverence) would often express to me of the extraordinary sufficiency, Dexterity and temper, which he had found in you, in the business and service of the King our Sovereign Lord. This latter bred in me an election, as the former gave an inducement, for me to address my self to you, and to make this signification of my desire, towards a mutual entertainment of good affection, and correspondence between us; hoping that some good effect may result of it, towards the Kings service; and that, for our particulars, though occasion give you the precedence, of furthering my being known by good note unto the King; so no long time will intercede, before I, on my part, shall have some means given to requite your favours, and to verifie your commendation. And so with my loving commendations (good Mr. Foules) I leave you to Gods goodness.

From Graies Inne; this 25th of March.

Sir Francis Bacon to the King, upon presenting his discoursetouching the Plantation of Ireland.

It may please your excellent Majesty,

I know no better way how to express my good wishes of a New-year to your Majesty, then by this little book, which in all humbleness I send you. The stile is a stile of business, rather then curious or elaborate; And herein I was encouraged by my experience of your Majesties former Grace, in accepting of the like poor field-fruits, touching the Union. And certainly I reckon this action as a second brother to the Union. For I assure my self, that England, Scotland and Ireland, well united, is such a Trifoil, as no Prince except your self (who are the worthiest) weareth in his Crown, Si Potentia reducatur in actum. I know well, that for me to beat my brains about these things, they be Majora quam pro fortuna, but yet they be Minora quam pro studio & voluntate. For as I do yet bear an extream zeal to the memory of my old Mistriss Queen Elizabeth, to whom I was rather bound for her trust, than for her favour; so I must acknowledge my self more bound to your Majesty, both for trust and favour: whereof I will never deceive the one, as I can never deserve the other. And so in all humbleness kissing your Majesties Sacred hands, I remain;

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Lord Chancellor, touching the History of Britain.

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It may please your good Lordship,

SOme late act of his Majesty, referred to some former speech which I have heard from your Lordship, bred in me a great desire, and by strength of desire a boldness, to make an humble Proposition to your Lordship, such as, in me, can be no better than a wish; but if your Lordship should apprehend it, it may take some good and worthy effect. The Act I speak of, is the order given by his Majesty for the erection of a Tomb or Monument for our late Sovereign Queen Elizabeth: wherein I may note much, but this at this time, That as her Majesty did alwayes right to his Majesties hopes, so his Highness doth, in all things, right to her memory; a very just and Princely retribution. But from this occasion, by a very easie ascent, I passed further, being put in mind, by this representative of her person, of the more true and more perfect representative, which is, of her Life and Government. For, as Statues and Pictures are dumb Histories, so Histories are speaking Pictures; wherein (if my affection be not too great, or my reading too small) I am of this opinion, That if Plutarch were alive to write Lives by Parallels, it would trouble him, for Vertue and Fortune both, to find for her a parallel amongst Women. And though she was of the Passive Sex, yet her Government was so active, as, in my simple opinion, it made more impression upon the several States of Europe, than it received from thence. But, I confess unto your Lordship, I could not stay here, but went a little further into the consideration of the times which have passed since King Henry the Eighth; wherein I find the strangest variety, that, in so little number of Successions of any hereditary Monarchy, hath ever been known; the Reign of a Child; the offer of an Usurpation, though it were but as a diary Ague; the Reign of a Lady married to a Forreigner, and the Reign of a Lady solitary and unmarried: So that, as it cometh to pass, in massive bodies, that they have certain trepidations and waverings, before they fix and settle; so it seemeth, that, by the Providence of God, this Monarchy (before it was to settle in his Majesty and his Generations, in which I hope it is now established for ever) hath had these preclusive changes in these barren Princes. Neither could I contain my self here (as it is easier for a man to multiply, than to stay a wish) but calling to remembrance [Page] the unworthiness of the History of England, in the main continuance thereof, and the partiality and obliquity of that of Scotland, in the latest and largest Author that I have seen; I conceived, it would be honour for his Majesty, and a work very memorable, if this Island of great Britain, as it is now joined in Monarchy for the Ages to come, so it were joined in History for the times past; and that one just and compleat History were compiled of both Nations. And if any man think, it may refresh the memory of former discord, he may satisfie himself with the Verse, Olim haec meminisse juvabit. For, the case being now altered, it is matter of comfort and gratulation, to remember former troubles. Thus much, if it may please your Lordship, was in the Optative Mood, and it was time that I should look a little into the Potential; wherein the hope that I received was grounded upon three Observations: The first, of these times, which flourish in Learning, both of Art, and Language; which giveth hope, not only that it may be done, but that it may be well done. Secondly, I do see, that which all the World sees, in his Majesty, a wonderful Judgment in Learning, and a singular Affection towards Learning, and Works which are of the mind, and not of the hand. For, there cannot be the like honour sought in building of Galleries, and planting of Elms along Highwayes, and the outward ornaments wherein France now is busie (things rather of Magnificence, than of Magnanimity) as there is in the uniting of States, pacifying of Controversies, nourishing and augmenting of Learning and Arts, and the particular action appertaining unto these; of which kind Cicero judged truly, when he said to Caesar, Quantum operibus tuis detrahet vetustas, tantum addet laudibus. And lastly, I called to mind, that your Lordship, at some times, hath been pleased to express unto me a great desire, that something of this matter should be done, answerable, indeed, to your other noble and worthy courses and actions; joining, and adding unto the great services towards his Majesty (which have, in small compass of time, been performed by your Lordship) other great deservings, both of the Church, and Commonwealth, and particulars: So as the opinion of so great and wise a man doth seem to me a good warrant, both of the possibility, and worth of the matter. But all this while, I assure my self, I cannot be mistaken by your Lordship, as if I sought an Office or employment for my self; for no man knows better than your Lordship, that if there were in me any faculty thereunto, yet neither my course of life, nor profession would permit it. But because there be so many good Painters, both for hand and colours, it needeth but encouragement and instructions to give life unto it. So, in all humbleness, I conclude my presenting [Page] unto your Lordship this wish, which if it perish, it is but a loss of that which is not. And so craving pardon, that I have taken so much time from your Lordship, I remain, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon the sending unto him a beginning of a History of his Majesties time.

It may please your Majesty,

HEaring that you are at leisure to peruse story, a desire took me to make an experiment what I could do in your Majesties times, which, being but a leaf or two, I pray your pardon, if I send it for your recreatiou, considering, that love must creep, where it cannot go. But to this I add these petitions: First, that if your Majesty do dislike any thing, you would conceive I can amend it upon your least beck. Next, that if I have not spoken of your Majesty encomiastically, your Majesty will be pleased only to ascribe it to the Law of an History, which doth not clutter together praises, upon the first mention of a name, but rather disperseth them, and weaveth them throughout the whole Narration: And as for the proper place of commemoration (which is in the period of life) I pray God I may fiever live to write it. Thirdly, that the reason why I presumed to think of this oblation, was, because whatsoever my disability be, yet I shall have that advantage which almost no writer of History hath had, in that I shall write the times, not only since I could remember, but since I could observe. And lastly, that it is only for your Majesties reading.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Earl of Salisbury, upon sending him one of his books of advancement of Learning.

It may please your Good Lordship,

I present your Lordship with a work of my vacant time, which if it had been more; the work had been better. It appertaineth to your Lordship (besides my particular respects) in some propriety, in regard you are a great Governor in a Province of Learning; and (that which is more) you have added to your place affection towards Learning, and to your affection judgement, of which, the last I could be content were (for the time) less, that you might the less exquisitely censure that [Page] which I offer to you. But sure I am, the Argument is good, if it had lighted upon a good author; but I shall content my self to awake better spirits; like a bell-ringer which is first up, to call others to Church. So, with my humble desire of your Lordships good acceptation, I remain,

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst, upon the same occasion, of sending his book of Advancement of Learning.

May it please your good Lordship,

I have finished a work touching the advancement or setting forward of learning, which I have dedicated to his Majesty, the most learned of a Sovereign, or temporal Prince, that time hath known. And upon reason not unlike, I humbly present one of the books to your Lordship, not onely as a Chancellor of an University, but as one that was excellently bred in all learning; which I have ever noted to shine in all your speeches and behaviours. And therefore your Lordship will yield a gracious aspect to your first love, and take pleasure in the adorning of that wherewith your self are so much adorned. And so humbly desiring your favourable acceptation thereof, with signification of my humble duty, I remain,

A Letter of the like Argument, to the Lord Chancellor.

May it please your good Lordship,

I humbly present your Lordship with a work, wherein as you have much commandment over the Author, so your Lordship hath also great interest in the argument. For to speak without flattery, few have like use of Learning, or like judgement in learning, as I have observed in your Lordship. And again, your Lordship hath been a great planter of Learning, not only in those places in the Church which have been in your own gift, but also in your commendatory Vote, no man hath more constantly held, Detur digniori; and therefore both your Lordship is beholden to Learning, and learning beholden to you. Which maketh me presume, with good assurance, that your Lordship will accept [Page] well of these my labours, the rather because your Lordship in private speech hath often begun to me, in expressing your admiration of his Majesties Learning, to whom I have dedicated this work; and whose vertue and perfection in that kind did chiefly move me to a work of this nature. And so, with signification of my most humble duty and affection towards your Lordship, I remain, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon, of like argument, to the Earl of Northampton, with request to present the book to his Majesty.

It may please your good Lordship,

HAving finished a work touching the Advancement of Learning, and dedicated the same to his sacred Majesty, whom I dare avouch (if the records of time erre not) to be the learnedst King that hath reigned; I was desirous, in a kind of congruity, to present it by the learnedst Councellor in this Kingdom, to the end, that so good an argument, lighting upon so bad an Author, might receive some reparetion, by the hands into which, and by which, it should be delivered And therefore I make it my humble suit to your Lordship to present this mean, but well meant writing to his Majesty, and with it my humble and zealous duty; and also my like humble request of pardon, if I have too often taken his name in vain, not onely in the dedication, but in the voucher of the authority of his speeches, and writings. And so I remain, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon, his Letter of request to Doctor Plafer, to translate the book of Advancement of Learning into Latine.

Mr. Doctor Plafer,

A great desire will take a small occasion to hope, and put in Tryal that which is desired. It pleased you a good while since, to express unto me, the good liking which you conceive of my book, of the advancement of Learning, and that, more significantly (as it seemed to me) then out of curtesie, or civil respect. My self, as I then took contentment in your approbation thereof, so I should esteem and acknowledge, [Page] not onely my contentment increased, but my labours advanced; if I might obtain your help in that nature which I desire. Wherein before I set down in plain terms my request unto you, I will open my self, what it was which I chiefly sought, and propounded to myself, in that work, that you may perceive that which I now desire to be pursuant thereupon. If I do not erre, (for any judgment that a man maketh of his own doings had need be spoken with a Si nunquam fallit Imago,) I have this opinion, that if I had sought my own commendation, it had been a much fitter course for me, to have done as Gardners use to do, by taking their Seeds and Slips, and re ring them first into plants, and so uttering them in pots, when they are in flower, and in their best state. But for as much as my end was, merit of the state of Learning, to my power, and not glorie; and because, my purpose was rather to excite other mens wits, then to magnifie my own, I was desirous to prevent the incertainess of my own life and times, by uttering rather seeds then plants; nay and further, as the Proverb is, by sowing with the Basket, then with the hand. Wherefore, since I have onely taken upon me to ring a Bell; to call other wits together; (which is the meanest office) it cannot but be consonant to my desire, to have that Bell heard, as sarre as can be. And since that they are but sparks, which can work but upon matter prepared; I have the more reason to wish, that those sparks may flye abroad; that they may the better find, and light upon those minds, and spirits, which are apt to be kindled. And therefore the privateness of the language considered, wherein it is written, excluding so many readers, (as on the other side, the obscurity of the argument, in many parts of it, excludeth many others) I must account it a second birth of that work, if it might be translated into Latine, without manifest loss of the sence and matter. For this purpose, I could not represent to my self any man, into whose hands I do more earnestly desire that work should fall, then your self; for by that I have heard and read, I know no man a greater Master in commanding words to serve matter. Nevertheless, I am not ignorant of the worth of your labours, whether such as your place and profession imposeth on you, or such as your own vertue may, upon your voluntary election, take in hand. But I can lay before you no other perswasions, then either the work it self may affect you with, or the honour of his Majesty, to whom it is dedicated, or your particular inclination to my self; who, as I never took so much comfort in any labours of my own, so I shall never acknowledge my self more obliged in any thing to the labour of another, then in that which shall assist this. Which your labour if I can, by my place, profession, means, friends, travel, word, deed, requite unto [Page] you; I shall esteem my self so straitly bound thereunto, as I shall be ever most ready, both to take and seek occasions of thankfulness. And so leaving it, nevertheless, Salva amicitia (as reason is) to your own good liking, I remain, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir Thomas Bodley, upon sending him his Book of the advancement of Learning.

SIR,

I Think no man may more truly say with the Psalmist, Multum incola fuit anima mea. For I do confess, since I was of any Understanding, my mind hath, in effect, been absent from that I have done; and in absence, Errors are committed, which I do willingly acknowledge, and amongst the rest, this great one that led the rest; that knowing my self by inward Calling to be fitter to hold a Book, than to play a part, I have led my life in civil Causes; for which I was not very fit by nature, and more unfit by the pre-occupation of my mind. Therefore, calling my self home, I have now for a time enjoyed my self; where likewise I desire to make the World partaker. My labours (if so I may term that which was the comfort of my other labours) I have dedicated to the King; desirous, if there be any good in them, it may be as fat of a Sacrifice, incensed to his Honour; and the second Copy have I sent unto you, not only in good Affection, but in a kind of Congruity, in regard of your great and rare desert of Learning: For Books are the Shrines where the Saint is, or is believed to be. And you having built an Ark, to save Learning from deluge, deserve, in propriety, any new instrument or engine, whereby Learning should be improved or advanced. So, &c.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Bishop of Ely, upon sending his writing intituled, Cogitata & visa.

My very good Lord,

NOW your Lordship hath been so long in the Church and the Palace, disputing between Kings and Popes, me-thinks you should take pleasure to look into the field and refresh your mind with some matter of Philosophy; though that Science be now, through age, [Page] waxed a child again, and left to boys and young men. And because you are wont to make me believe you took liking to my writings, I send you some of this Vacation fruits, and thus much more of my mind and purpose. I hasten not to publish, perishing I would prevent. And I am sorced to respect as well my times, as the matter; For with me it is thus, and I think with all men, in my case: If I bind my self to an argument, it loadeth my mind; but if I rid my mind of the present Cogitation, it is rather a recreation: This hath put me into these Miscellanies, which I purpose to suppress, if God give me leave to write a just and perfect Volume of Philosophy, which I go on with, though slowly. I send not your Lordship too much, lest it may glut you. Now, let me tell you what my desire is, If your Lordship be so good now, as when you were the good Dean of Westminster, my request to you is, that not by Pricks, but by Notes, you would mark unto me whatsoever shall seem unto you, either not currant in the stile, or harsh to credit and opinion, or inconvenient for the person of the writer. For no man can be Judge and party; and when our minds judge by reflexion on our selves, they are more subject to error. And though, for the matter it self, my judgment be in some things fixed, and not accessible by any mans judgment that goeth not my way, yet even in those things the admonition of a friend may make me express my self diversly. I would have come to your Lordship, but that I am hastning to my house in the Country. And so I commend your Lordship to Gods goodness.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir. Thomas Bodley, after he had imparted to him a Writing intituled, Cogitata & visa.

SIR, in respect of my going down to my house, in the Countrey, I shall have miss of my Papers, which I pray you therefore return unto me. You are, I bear you witness, sloathful, and you help me nothing; so as I am half in conceit, that you affect not the Argument; I or my self, I know well you love and affect. I can say no more to you, but, Non canimus surdis, respondent omnia silvae. If you be not of the Lodgings chaulked up (whereof I speak in my Preface) I am but to pass by your door. But if I had you but a Fortnight at Gorambury, I would make you tell me another Tale, or else I would add a Cogitation against Libraries, and be revenged on you that way, I pray you send me some good news of Sir Thomas Smith, and commend me very kindly to him. So I rest.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Matthew, upon sending him part of Instauratio Magna.

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Mr. Matthew,

I plainly perceive by your affectionate writing: touching my work, that one and the same thing affecteth us both, which is the good end to which it is dedicated: For as to any ability of mine, it cannot merit that degree of approbation: For your Caution for Church-men, and Church-matters, (as for any impediment it might be to the applause and celebrity of my work) it moveth me not; but as it may hinder the fruit and good which may come of a quiet and calme passage to the good Port to which it is bound, I hold it a just respect, so as to fetch a fair wind, I go not too far about: But troth is, I shall have no occasion to meet them in my way, except it be, as they will needs confederate themselves with Aristotle; who, you know is intemperately magnified with the Scholemen, and is also allyed (as I take it) to the Jesuits by Faber, who was a companion of Loyola, and a great Aristotelian. I send you at this time, the only part which hath any harshness, and yet I framed to my self an opinion, that whosoever allowed well of that Preface, which you so much commend, will not dislike, or at least ought not dislike, this other speech of Preparation; For it is written out of the same spirit, and out of the same necessitie. Nay, it doth more fully lay open, that the question between me and the Ancients is not of the vertue of the race, but of the rightness of the way. And to speak truth, it is to the other but as Palma to Pugnus, part of the same thing more large. You conceive aright, that in this, and the other, you have Commission to impart, and communicate them to others, according to your discretion: other matters I write not of: My self am like the Miller of Huntington, that was wont to pray for peace amongst the willowes; for while the winds blew, the wind-mills wrought, and the water-mill was less customed. So I see that Controversies of Religion much hinder the advancement of Sciences. Let me conclude with my perpetual wish towards your self, that the approbation of your self by your own discreet and temperate carriage may restore you to your Country, and your friends to your society. And so I commend you to Gods goodness.

Graies Inne, this 10th of October, 1609.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Mr. Matthew, touching Instauratio Magna.

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Mr. Matthew,

I heartily thank you for your Letter of the 10th of Feb. and am glad to receive from you matter both of encouragement and advertisment, touching my writings. For my part, I do wish that since there is almost no lumen siccum in the world, but all, Madidum, Maceratum, infused in affections, and bloods, or humours, that these things of mine had those separations that might make them more acceptable; so that they claim not so much acquaintance of the present times, as they be thereby the less like to last. And to shew you that I have some purpose to new mould them, I send you a leaf or two of the Preface, carrying some figure of the whole work. Wherein I purpose to take that which is real and effectual of both writings; and chiefly, to add pledge, if not payment, to my promise. I send you also a Memorial of Queen Elizabeth, to requite your Elogie of the late D. of Florences felicitie. Of this, when you were here, I shewed you some Model, though at that time, me-thought you were as willing to hear Julius Caesar, as Q. Elizabeth commended. But this which I send is more full, and hath more of the Narrative; and further, hath one part that I think will not be disagreeable, either to you, or that place, being the true tracts of her proceeding towards the Catholicks, which are infinetly mistaken. And though I do not imagine they will pass allowance there, yet they will gain upon excuse. I find Mr. Lezure to use you well (I mean his tongue, of you) which shews you either honest or wise. But this I speak meerly; For in good faith, I conceive hope, that you will so govern your self, as we may take you as assuredly for a good Subject, and Patriot, as you take your self for a good Christian; and so we may again enjoy your Company, and you your Conscience, if it may no otherwise be. For my part, assure your self, (that as we say in the Law) Mutatis mutandis, my love and good wishes to you are not diminished. And so I remain.

A Letter to Mr. Matthew, upon sending his Book De Sapientia Veterum.

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Mr. Matthew,

I do very heartily thank you for your Letter of the 24th of Aug. from Salamanca; and in recompence thereof, I send you a little work of mine, that hath begun to pass the world. They tell me my Lattin is turn'd into Silver, and becom currant. Had you been here, you had been my Inquisitor, before it came forth. But I think the greatest Inquisitor in Spain will allow it. But one thing you must pardon me, if I make no hast to beleive, that the world should be grown to such an extasie, as to reject truth in Philosophy, because the Author dissenteth in Religion; no more then they do by Aristcle, or Averrois. My great work goeth forward, and after my manner, I alter ever when I add. So that nothing is finished till all be finished. Th s I have written in the midst of a Term and Parliament, thinking no time so precious, but that I should talk of these matters with so good and dear a friend. And so, with my wonted wishes, I leave you to Gods goodness.

From Grayes-Inne, Febr. 17. 1610.

Sir Francis Bacon, to M. Savill.

Mr. Savill,

Coming back from your Invitation at Eaton, where I had refreshed my self with company which I loved, I sell into a consideration of that part of Policie whereof Philosophy speaketh too much, and Laws too little; And that is, of education of youth; whereupon fixing my mind a while, I found straitwayes, and noted, even in the discourses of Philosophers, (which are so large in this argument,) a strange silence concerning one principal part of that subject. For as touching the framing and seasoning of youth to moral vertues, tolerance of labour, continency from pleasures, obedience, honour, and the like, they handle it: but touching the improvement and helping of the intellectual powers, as of conceit, memory, and judgement, they say nothing; whether it were that they thought it to be a matter wherein Nature only prevailed; or that they intended it, as referred to the several and proper Arts which teach the use of Reason, and speech. But for the former of these two reasons, howsoever it [Page] pleaseth them to distinguish of habits, and powers, the experience is manifest enough, that the motions and faculties of the will and memory may be not only governed and guided, but also confirmed and enlarged, by custome and exercise duly applyed; as, if a man exercise shooting, he shall not only shoot nearer the mark, but also draw a stronger bow. And as for the latter, of comprehending these precepts within the Arts of Logick and Rhetorick, if it be rightly considered, their office is distinct altogether from this point; for it is no part of the doctrine of the use, or handling of an instrument, to teach how to whet or grinde the instrument, to give it a sharper edge, or how to quench it, or otherwise, whereby to give it a stronger temper. Wherefore finding this part of knowledge not broken, I have but tanquam aliud agens, entred into it, and salute you with it, dedicating it after the ancient manner; first, as to a dear friend, and then as to an apt person; forasmuch as you have both place to practise it, and judgment, and leisure, to look deeper in it, then I have done. Herein you must call to mind, [...]. Though the argument be not of great height and dignitie, nevertheless, it is of great and universal use. And yet I do not see, why (to consider it rightly) that should not be a learning of heighth, which teacheth to raise the highest and worthiest part of the minde. But howsoever that be, if the world take any light and use by this writing, I will, that the Gratulation be to the good friendship and acquaintance between us two. And so I commend you to Gods divine protection.

Sir Francis Bacon to the King, touching the Sollicitors place.

HOW honestly ready I have been (most gracious Sovereign) to do Your Majesty humble Service to the best of my power, and in a manner beyond my power (as I now stand) I am not so unfortunate, but Your Majesty knoweth: For both in the Commission of Union (the labour whereof, for men of my Profession, rested most upon my hand) and this last Parliament in the Bill of the Subsidie (both body and preamble) in the Bill of Attainders of Tresham, and the rest; in the matter of Purveyance in the Ecclesiastical Petitions, in the Grievances, and the like; as I was ever careful (and not without good success) sometimes to put forward that which was good, sometimes to keep back that which was not so good; so Your Majesty was pleased to accept kindly of my Services, and to say to me, such Conflicts were the [Page] wars of Peace, and such Victories, the Victories of peace; And therefore such servants that obtained them, were by Kings that Reign in Peace, no less to be esteemed than services of Commanders in the Wars. In all which, nevertheless, I can challenge to my self no sufficiency, but that I was diligent and reasonably happy to execute those directions which I received either immediately from Your Royal Mouth, or from my Lord of Salisbury; At which time it pleased Your Majesty to promise and assure me, that upon the remove of the then Attorney, I should not be forgotten, but brought into ordinary place. And this was, after, confirmed to me by many of my Lords, and towards the end of the last Term, the manner also in particular was spoken of; that is, that Mr. Sollicitor should be made Your Majesties Serjeant, and I Sollicitor; for so it was thought best, to sort with both our gifts and faculties, for the good of your Service. And of this resolution, both Court and Countrey took knowledge. Neither was this any invention or project of mine own, but moved from my Lords; and I think, first, from my Lord Chancellor. Whereupon resting, Your Majesty well knoweth, I never opened my mouth for the greater place, though I am sure I had two Circumstances, that Mr. Attorney that now is, could not alledge. The one, nine years service of the Crown; The other, being Cousin-German to the Lord of Salisbury, whom Your Majesty esteemeth and trusteth so much. But for the less place, I conceived it was meant me. But after that Mr. Attorney Hubbert was placed, I heard no more of my Preferment, but it seemed to be at a stop, to my great disgrace and discouragement. For (graciousSovereign) if still when the waters are stirred, another shall be put before me, Your Majesty had need work a Miracle, or else I shall be still a lame man to do Your Majesty Service. And therefore my most humble Suit to Your Majesty, is, That this which seem'd to me was intended, may speedily be performed And I hope my former Service shall be but beginnings to better, when I am better strengthned: For sure I am, no mans heart is fuller (I say not but many have greater hearts, but I say, not fuller) of Love and Duty towards Your Majesty, and Your Children, as, I hope, time will manifest against Envy and Detraction, if any be. To conclude, I most humbly crave pardon for my boldness, and rest.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, his suitc to succeed in the Atturneys place.

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It may please your Majesty,

YOur great and Princely favours towards me in advancing me to place, and that which is to me of no less comfort, your Majesties benign and gracious acceptation from time to time of my poor services, much above the merit and value of them, hath almost brought me to an opinion, that I may sooner perchance be wanting to my self in not asking, then find your Majesties goodness wanting to me, in any my reasonable and modest desires. And therefore, perceiving how at this time preferments of Law fly about mine ears, to some above me, and to some below me, I did conceive your Majesty may think it rather a kinde of dulness, or want of Faith, than Modestie, if I should not come with my Pitcher to Jacobs well, as others do. Wherein I shall propound to your Majesty, that which tendeth not so much to the raising of my Fortune, as to the setling of my minde, being sometimes assayled with this Cogitation, that by reason of my slowness to sue and apprehend sudden occasions, keeping on one plain course of painful service, I may (in fine dierum) be in danger to be neglected and forgotten. And if that should be, then were it much better for me now while I stand in your Majesties good opinion (though unworthy) and have some reputation in the world, to give over the Course I am in, and to make Proof to do you some honour by my Pen; either by writing some faithful Narrative of your happy (though not untraduced) times, or by recompiling your Laws, which, I perceive, your Majesty laboureth with, and hath in your head, (as Jupiter had Pallas) or some other the like work (for without some endeavour to do you honour I would not live) then to spend my wits and time in this laborious place, wherein now I serve, if it shall be deprived of those outward ornaments, and inward comforts, which it was wont to have in respect of an assured succession to some place of more dignitie and rest, which seemeth now to be a hope altogether casual, if not wholly intercepted. Wherefore (not to hold your Majesty long) my suit (then the which I think I cannot well go lower) is, that I may obtain your royal promise to succeed (if I live) into the Atturneys place, whensoever it shall be void, in being but the natural, and immediate step and rise, which the place I now hold hath ever (in sort) made claim to, and almost never failed of. [Page] In this suit I make no friends to your Majesty, but relie upon no other motive than your Grace, nor any other assurance but your word, whereof I had good experience when I came to the Solicitors place, that they were like to the two great Lights, which in their motions are never Retrograde. So, with my best prayer for your Majesties happiness, I rest.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Cary in France, upon sending him his writing, In foelicem memoriam Elizabethae.

My very good Lord,

BEing asked the question by this bearer, an old servant of my brother Anthony Bacon, whether I would command him any service into France, and being at better leisure then I would, in regard of sickness, I began to remember, that neither your business nor mine, (though great and continual) can be, upon an exact account, any just occasion why so much good will as hath passed between us, should be so much discontinued as it hath been. And therefore, because one must begin, I thought to provoke your remembrance of me, by my Letter. And thinking how to fir it with somewhat besides salutations, it came to my mind, that this last summer by occasion of a factious Book that endeavoured to verifie Misera Foemina (the addition of the Popes Bull) upon Queen Elizabeth; I did write a few lines in her memorial, which I thought you would be well pleased to read, both for the argument, and because you were wont to bear affection to my pen. Verum, ut aliud ex alio, if it came handsomly to pass, I would be glad the President de Thou (who hath written a History, as you know, of that fame and diligence) saw it; chiefly because I know not, whether it may not serve him for some use in his Story; wherein I would be glad he did right to the truth, and to the memory of that Lady, as I perceive by that he hath already written, he is well inclined to do; I would be glad also, it were some occasion (such as absence may permit) of some acquaintance or mutual notice between us. For though he hath many ways the precedence (chiefly in worth) yet this is common to us both, that we serve our Sovereigns in places of Law eminent, and not our selves only, but that our Fathers did so before us; and lastly, that both of us love Learning, and Liberal Sciences, which was ever a bond of Friendship, in the greatest distances of places. But of this I make no farther request, then your own occasions and respects (to me unknown) may further or limit; my principal purpose being to salute you, and to send you this [Page] Token, whereunto I will add my very kind commendations to my Lady. And so commit you both to Gods holy protection.

A Letter to Sir Geo. Villiers, touching the difference between the Courts of Chancery and Kings Bench.

Sir,

I Received this morning from you two Letters by the same bearer, the one written before the other, both after his Majesty had received my last. In this difference between the two Courts of Chancery and Kings Bench (for so I had rather take it at this time, then between the persons of my Lord Chancellor, and my Lord Chief Justice) I marvaile not, if rumour get way of true Relation; for I know Fame hath swift wings, specially that which hath black feathers; but within these two days (for sooner I cannot be ready) I will write to his Majesty both the Narrative truly, and my opinion sincerely, taking much comfort, that I serve such a King, as hath Gods property, in discerning truly of mens hearts. I purpose to speak with my Lord Chancellor this day, and so to exhibit that Cordial of his Majesties grace, as I hope this other accident will rather rowse and raise his spirits, then deject him, or incline him to a relapse; Mean while, I commend the wit of a mean man that said this other day; Well (saith he) next Term you shall have an old man come with a besom of Worm-wood in his hand, that will sweep away all this. For it is my Lord Chancellor his fashion, especially towards the Summer, to carry a posie of Worm-wood. I writ this Letter in haste, to return the Messenger with it. God keep you, and long and happily may you serve his Majesty.

Your true and affectionate servant.

Feb. 19. 1615.

POST-SCRIPT. Sir, I humbly thank you for your inward Letter: I have burned it as you commanded, but the flame it hath kindled in me will never be extinguished.

Sir Francis Bacon to the King, concerning the Praemunire in the Kings Bench against the Chancery.

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It may please your most Excellent Majesty,

I Was yesterday in the Afternoon with my Lord Chancellor, according to Your Commandment, which I received by the Master of the Horse, and find the old man well comforted, both towards God, and towards the world. And that same middle comfort, which is a divine and humane proceeding from your Majesty being Gods Leiutenant on earth, I am perswaded hath been a great cause, that such a sickness hath been portable to such an age. I did not faile in my conjecture, that this business of the Chancery hath stirred him. He sheweth to despise it, but yet he is full of it, and almost like a young Duelist that findeth himself behind hand.

I will now (as your Majesty requireth) give you a true relation of that which passed; neither will I decline your Royall Commandment, for delivering my opinion also, though it be a tender subject to write on. But I that account my being but an accident to my service, will neglect no duty upon self-safety. First, it is necessary I let your Majesty know the ground of the difference between the two Courts, that your Majesty may the better understand the Narrative.

There was a Statute made 27. Ed. 3. Cap. 1. which (no doubt) in 27 E. 3. Cap. 1. the principal intention thereof, was ordained against those that sued to Rome, wherein there are words somewhat general, against any that questioneth or impeacheth any judgement given in the Kings Courts, in any other Courts. Upon these doubtfull words (other Courts) the Controversie groweth; For the founder interpretation taketh them to be meant of those Courts which though locally they were not held at Rome, or where the Popes Chair was, but here within the Realm, yet in their jurisdiction had their dependency upon the Court of Rome, as were the Court of the Legat here, and the Courts of the Arch-bishops and Bishops, which were then but subordinate judgement seats, to that high Tribunal of Rome.

And for this Construction the opposition of the words, (if they be well observed) between the Kings Courts and other Courts, maketh very much; For it importeth as if those other Courts were not the Kings Courts. Also the main scope of the Statute sortifieth the same; and lastly the practice of many ages. The other interpretation (which [Page] cleaveth to the letter, expoundeth the Kings Courts to be the Courts of Law only, and other Courts to be Courts of Equity, as the Chancery, Exchequer-Chamber, Dutchy, &c. though this also flyeth indeed from the letter; for that all these are the Kings Courts.

There is also another Statute which is but a simple Prohibition, and not with a penalty of Praemunire as the other is, That after judgements 4 H. 4. Cap. 23. given in the Kings Courts, the parties shall be in Peace, except the judgments be undone by Error, or Attaint, which is a legall form of reversall. And of this also, I hold the sounder interpretation to be, to settle possessions against disturbances; and not to take away remedy in equity, where those judgments are obtained ex rigore juris, and against good Conscience.

But upon these two Statutes, there hath been a late conceipt in some, that if a judgement passe at the Common-Law against any, he may not after sue for relief in Chancery; and if he do, both he and his Councel and his Solicitor, yea and the Judge in Equity, himself, are within the danger of those Statutes. There your Majesty hath the true state of the question, which I was necessarily to shew you first, because your Majesty calleth for this relation, not as news, but as business. Now to the Historical part; It is the Course of the Kings Bench, that they give in Charge to the Grand Jury offences of all natures to be presented within Middlesex where the said Court is; and the manner is to enumerate them, as it were in Articles. This was done by Justice Crooke, the Wednesday before the Term ended, and that Article, if any man after a judgement given had drawn the said judgement to a new examination in any other Court, was by him especially given in Charge, which had not used to be given in Charge before. It is true, it was not solemnly dwelt upon, but as it were, thrown in amongst the rest.

The last day of the Term (and that which all men condemn) the supposed last day of my Lord Chancellors life) there were two Indictments preferred of Praemunire, for suing in Chancery after judgement at Common-Law; The one by Richard Glanvile, the other by William Allen; the former against Courtney the party in Chancery; Gibb the Councellor, and Deurst the Clerk. The latter against Alderman Bowles, and Humphry Smith, parties in Chancery; Serjeant Moor the Councellor, Elias Wood Sollicitor in the Cause, and Sir John Tindall Master of the Chancery, and an Assessor to my Lord Chancellor. For the Cases themselves, it were too long to trouble Your Majesty with them; but this I will say, If they were set on that preferred them, they were the worst Workmen that ever were that set them on; for there could not have been chosen two such Causes, to the honour and advantage [Page] of the Chancery, for the justness of the Decrees, and the foulness and scandal both of fact and person, in those that impeach the Decrees.

The Grand Jury consisting (as it seemeth) of very substantial and intelligent persons, would not find the Bills, notwithstanding that they were much clamoured by the parties, and twice sent back by the Court; and in Conclusion, resolutely 17 of 19 found an Ignoramus; wherein, for that time, I think Ignoramus was wiser than those that knew too much.

Your Majesty will pardon me, if I be sparing in delivering to You some other circumstances of aggravation, and concurrences of some like matters the same day, as if it had been some fatal constellation. They be not things so sufficiently tryed, as I dare put them into Your ear.

For my opinion, I cannot but begin with this Preface, That I am infinitely sorry that Your Majesty is thus put to salve and cure, not only accidents of time, but errors of servants. For I account this a kind of sickness of my Lord Cooke's, that comes almost, in as ill a time, as the sickness of my Lord Chancellor. And as I think it was one of the wisest parts that ever he plaid, when he went down to Your Majesty to Royston, and desired to have my Lord Chancellor joined with him: So this was one of the weakest parts that ever he plaid, to make all the World perceive that my Lord Chancellor is severed from him at this time.

But for that which may concern Your Service, which is my end, (leaving other men to their own wayes) First, my opinion is plainly, that my Lord Cooke, at this time, is not to be disgraced, both because he is so well habituate for that which remaineth of these capital Causes, and also for that which I find is in his breast touching Your Finances, and matters of repair of Your Estate. And (if I might speak it) as I think it were good his hopes were at an end in some kind, so I could wish they were raised in some other. On the other side, this great and publick Affront, not only to the Reverend and well-deserving person of Your Chancellor (and at a time when he was thought to lie a dying, which was barbarous) but to Your High-Court of Chancery (which is the Court of Your absolute power) may not (in my opinion) pass lightly, nor end only in some formal atonement; but use is to be made thereof, for the setling of Your Authority, and strengthning of Your Prerogative, according to the true Rules of Monarchy. Now to accommodate and reconcile these Advices, which seem almost opposite.

[Page] First, Your Majesty may not see it (though I confess it be suspitious) that my Lord Cooke was any way aforehand privy to that which was done, or that he did set it, or animate it, but only took the matter as it came before him, and that his Error was only that at such a time he did not divert it in some good manner.

Secondly, If it be true (as is reported) that any of the puisne Judges did stir this business, or that they did openly revile and menace the Jury for doing their Conscience (as they did honestly and truly) I think that Judge is worthy to lose his place. And to be plain with Your Majesty, I do not think there is any thing a greater Polycreston, ad multa utile, to Your Affairs, than upon a just and fit occasion, to make some example against the presumption of a Judge, in Causes that concern Your Majesty; whereby the whole body of those Magistrates may be contained in better awe; and, it may be, this will light upon no unfit subject, of a person that is rude, and that no man cares for.

Thirdly, If there be no one so much in fault (which I cannot yet affirm either way, and there must be a just ground, God forbid else) yet I should think, that the very presumption of going so far in so high a Cause, deserveth to have that done, which was done in this very case, upon the Indictment of Serjeant Heale in Queen Elizabeth's time, that the Judges should answer it upon their knees before Your Majesty, or Your Councel, and receive a sharp admonition; at which time also, my Lord Wrey being then Chief Justice, slipt the Collar, and was forborn.

Fourthly, for the persons themselves, Glanvile and Allen, which are base Fellows, and turbulent, I think there will be discovered and proved against them (besides the preferring of the Bill) such combination, and contemptuous speeches and behaviour, as there will be good ground to call them, and perhaps some of their petty Councellors at Law, into the Star-Chamber.

In all this which I have said, Your Majesty may be pleased to observe, That I do not engage you much in the main point of the Jurisdiction, for which I have a great deal of reason, which I now forbear. But two things I wish to be done; the one, That Your Majesty take this occasion to redouble unto all Your Judges Your ancient and true Charge and Rule; That You will endure no innovating in the point of Jurisdictions; but will have every Court impaled within their own Presidents, and not assume to themselves new Powers, upon conceits and inventions of Law: The other, That in these high Causes that touch upon State and Monarchy, Your Majesty give them strait charge, That upon any occasions intervenient hereafter, they do not make the vulgar party to [Page] their contestations, by publick handling them, before they have consulted with Your Majesty, to whom the reglement of those things appertaineth. To conclude, I am not without hope, That Your Majesties managing this business, according to Your great wisdom, unto which I acknowledge my self not worthy to be Card-holder, or Candle-holder, will make profit of this accident, as a thing of Gods sending.

Lastly, I may not forget to represent to Your Majesty, That there is no thinking of Arraignments, until these things be somewhat accommodated, and some outward and superficial Reconciliation, at least, made between my Lord Chancellor, and my Lord Chief Justice; for this accident is a Banquet to all Somersets friends. But this is a thing that falleth out naturally of it self, in respect of the Judges going Circuit, and my Lord Chancellors infirmity, with hope of recovery. And although this protraction of time may breed some doubt of mutability, yet I have lately learned out of an excellent Letter of a certain King, That the Sun sheweth sometimes watry to our eyes, but when the Cloud is gone, the Sun is as before. God preserve Your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble Subject, and most bounden Servant.

Febr. 21. 1615.

Your Majesties Commandment speaketh for pardon of so long a Letter; which yet I wish may have a short continuance, and be punished with fire.

A Letter to the King, touching matter of Revenue and Profit.

It may please your Majesty,

I May remember what Tacitus saith, by occasion that Tiberius was often and long absent from Rome, In Urbe, & parva & magna negotia Imperatorem simul premunt. But saith he, in recessu, dimissis rebus minoris momenti, summae rerum magnarum magis agitantur. This maketh me think, it shall be no incivility to trouble your Majesty with business, during your aboad from London, knowing your Majesties Meditations are the principal wheel of your estate, and being warranted by a former commandment, which I received from you.

I do now only send your Majesty these papers inclosed, because I [Page] greatly desire so far forth to preserve my Credit with you, as thus: That whereas lately (perhaps out of too much desire which induceth too much belief) I was bold to say, that I thought it as easie for your Majesty to come out of want, as to go forth of your Gallery, your Majesty would not take me for a dreamer, or a projector. I send your Majesty therefore some grounds of my hopes. And for that paper which I have gathered of increasments sperate; I beseech you to give me leave to think, that if any of the particulars do fail, it will be rather for want of workmanship in those that shall deal in them, than want of materials in the things themselves. The other paper hath many discarding cards; and I send it chiefly, that your Majesty may be the less surprized by projectors, who pretend sometimes great discoveries and inventions, in things that have been propounded, and perhaps after a better fashion, long since. God Almighty preserve your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble and devoted Servant and Subject.

April 25 1610.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to the King, touching the proceeding with Somerset.

It may please your most excellent Majesty,

AT my last access to your Majesty, it was sit for me to consider the time, and your journey; which maketh me now trouble your Majesty with a remnant of that I thought then to have said, besides your old Warrant, and Commission to me, to advertise your Majestie, when you are aux champs, of any thing that concern'd your service, and my place. I know your Majestie is Nunquam minus solus quam cum solus; and, I confess, in regard of your great judgment (unto which nothing ought to be presented, but well weighed) I could almost wish, that the manner of Tiberius were in use again, of whom Tacitus saith, Mos erat quamvis praesentem scripto adire; much more, in absence.

I said to your Majestie, that which I do now repeat, that the Evidence, upon which my Lord of Somerset standeth indicted, is of a good strong thred, considering impoysoning is the darkest of offences; but, that the thred must be well spun, and woven together. For, your Majestie knoweth, it is one thing to deal with a Jury of Middlesex and Londoners, and another to deal with the Peers, whose objects, perhaps, will not be so much what is before them in the present Case (which, I think, [Page] is as odious to them as to the vulgar) but what may be hereafter. Besides, there be two disadvantages, we that shallgive in evidence shall meet with, somewhat considerable: the one, that the same things, often open'd, lose their freshness, except there be an aspersion of somewhat that is new; the other is, the expectation raised, which makes things seem less then they are, because they are less then opinion. Therefore I were not your Attorney, nor my self, if I should not be very careful, that in this last part, which is the pinacle of your former Justice, all things may pass sine offendiculo, sine scrupulo. Hereupon I did move two things, which (having now more fully explained my self) I do in all humbleness renew. First, That your Majesty will be careful to chuse a Steward of Judgment, that may be able to moderate the Evidence, and cut off Digressions; for I may interrupt, but I cannot silence: The other, That there may be special care taken, for the ordering of the Evidence, not only for the knitting, but for the list, and (to use your Majesties own word) the confining of it. This to do, if your Majestie vouchsafe to direct it your self, that is the best; if not, I humbly pray you, to require my Lord Chancellor, that he, together with my Lord Chief Justice, will confer with my self, and my sellows, that shall be used for the marshalling and bounding of the Evidence; that we may have the help of his opinion, as well as that of my Lord Chief Justice, whose great travels as I much commend; yet that same Plerophoria, or over-confidence, doth always subject things to a great deal of chance.

There is another business proper for me to crave of Your Majesty at this time (as one that have in my eye a great deal of Service to be done) concerning Your casual Revenue; but considering times and persons, I desire to be strengthned by some such form of Commandment under Your Royal Hand, as I send You here inclosed. I most humbly pray Your Majesty, to think that I understand my self right well in this which I desire, and that it tendeth greatly to the good of Your Service. The Warrant I mean not to impart, but upon just occasion. Thus, thirsty to hear of Your Majesties good health, I rest.

Jan. 22. 1615.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, concerning the proceeding with Somerset.

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SIR,

I Thought it convenient to give His Majesty an account of that which His Majesty gave me in charge in general, reserving the particulars for His coming. And I find it necessary to know His pleasure in some things, ere I could further proceed.

My Lord Chancellor and my self, spent Thursday and Yesterday, the whole Forenoons of both dayes, in the Examination of Sir Robert Cotton, whom we find, hitherto, but empty, save only in the great point of the Treaty with Spain.

This Examination was taken before His Majesties Warrant came to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, for communicating unto us the Secrets of the Pensions; which Warrant I received Yesterday morning, being Friday, and a meeting was appointed at my Lord Chancellors, in the Evening, after Councel: Upon which Conference, we find matter of further Examination for Sir Robert Cotton, of some new Articles, whereupon to examine Somerset, and of entring into Examination of Sir William Mounson.

Wherefore, first for Somerset, being now ready to proceed to examine him, we stay only upon the Duke of Lenox, who, it seemeth, is fallen sick, and keepeth in; without whom, we neither think it warranted by His Majesties direction, nor agreeable to His intention, that we should proceed; for that will want, which should sweeten the Cup of Medicine, he being his Countrey man and Friend. Herein then we humbly crave His Majesties direction with all convenient speed, whether we shall expect the Dukes recovery, or proceed by our selves; or that His Majesty will think of some other person (qualified according to His Majesties just intention) to be joined with us. I remember we had speech with His Majesty of my Lord Hay, and J, for my part, can think of no other, except it should be my Lord Chancellor of Scotland; for my Lord Binning may be thought too near allied.

I am further to know His Majesties pleasure concerning the day: For my Lord Chancellor and J, conceived His Majesty to have designed the Monday and Tuesday aftet St. Georges Feast; and, nevertheless, we conceived also, That His Majesty understood, that the Examinations of Somerset about this, and otherwise, touching the Spanish practices, [Page] should first be put to a point; which will not be possible, as time cometh on, by reason of this accident of the Dukes sickness, and the cause we find of Sir William Mounsons Examination; and that divers of the peers are to be sent for from remote places.

It may please His Majesty therefore, to take into consideration, whether the days may not well be put off till Wednesday and Thursday after the Term, which endeth on the Munday, being the Wednesday and Thursday before Whitsontide; or, if that please not His Majesty, (in respect it may be His Majesty will be then in Town, whereas these Arraignments have been still in His Majesties absence from Town) then to take Munday and Tuesday after Trinity-Sunday, being the Munday and Tuesday before Trinity Term.

Now for Sir William Mounson, if it be His Majesties pleasure that my Lord Chancellor and I shall proceed to the examination of him (for that of the Duke of Lenox differs, in that there is not the like cause as in that of Somerset) then His Majesty may be pleased to direct his Commandment and Warrant to my Lord Chief Justice, to deliver unto me the examinations he took of Sir William Mounson, that those, joyned to the information which we have received from Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, may be full instructions unto us for his examination. Further, I pray, let His Majesty know, that on Thursday in the evening my Lord Chief Justice and my self attended my Lord Chancellor at his house, for the setling of that scruple which His Majesty most justly conceived in the Examination of the Lady Somerset; at which time, resting on His Majesties opinion, That that Evidence, as it standeth now unclear'd, must, Secundum leges sanae Conscientiae, be laid aside; the question was, Whether we should leave it out? or try what a Re-examination of my Lady Somerset would produce? Whereupon, we agreed upon a Re-examination of my Lady Somerset, which my Lord Chief Justice and I, have appointed for Monday morning. I was bold, at that meeting, to put my Lord Chief Justice a posing question, which was, Whether that opinion which his Brethren had given upon the whole Evidence, and he had reported to His Majesty, viz. (That it was good Evidence, in their opinions, to convince my Lord of Somerser) was not grounded upon this part of the Evidence now to be omitted, as well as upon the rest? Who answered confidently, That, no: and they never saw the exposition of the Letter, but only the Letter.

The same Thursday evening, before we entred into this last matter, and in the presence of Mr. Secretary Winwood (who left us when we went to the former business) we had conference concerning the frauds [Page] and abusive Grants passed to the prejudice of His Majesties State of Revenue; where my Lord Chief Justice made some relation of his collections which he had made of that kind; of which I will say only this, that I heard nothing that was new to me, and I found my Lord Chancellor, in divers particulars, more ready then I found him. We grew to a distribution both of times, and of matters: For we agreed what to begin with presently, and what should follow; and also we had consideration what was to be holpen by Law, what by Equity, and what by Parliament: Wherein, I must confess, that in the last of these (of which my Lord Chief Justice made most accompt) I make most doubt. But the Conclusion was, That upon this entrance, I should advise and conferr at large with my Lord Chief Justice, and set things on work. The particulars I referr till His Majesties coming.

The learned Councel have attended me now twice at my Chamber, to confer upon that which His Majesty gave us in Commandment for our opinions upon the Case set down by my Lord Chancellor, whether the Statutes extend to it or no. Wherein, we are more and more edified and confirmed, that they do not, and shall shortly send our Report to His Majesty.

Sir, I hope you will bear me witness I have not been idle; but all is nothing to the Duty I owe His Majesty for his singular favours past and present; supplying all with love and prayers, I rest.

Your true Friend, and devoted Servant.

April 13. 1616.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, giving account of an Examination taken of Somerset at the Tower.

SIR,

I Received from you a Letter of very brief and clear directions, and I think it a great blessing of God upon me and my labours, that my directions come by so clear a Conduit, as they receive no tincture in the passage.

Yesterday, my Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Lenox, and my self, spent the whole afternoon at the Tower, in the examination of Somerset, upon the Articles sent from his Majesty, and some other additionals, which were in effect contained in the former, but extended to more [Page] particularity, by occasion of somewhat discovered by Cottons examination, and Mr. Vice-Chamberlains information.

He is full of protestations, and would fain keep that quarter toward Spain clear, using but this for Argument; That he had such fortunes from his Majesty, as he could not think of bettering his conditions from Spain, because (as he said) he was no military man. He cometh nothing so far on (for that which concerneth the Treaty) as Cotton, which doth much aggravate suspicion against him. The further particulars I reserve to his Majesties coming.

In the end, tanquam obiter, but very effectually, my Lord Chancellor put him in minde of the state he stood in for the imprisonment; but he was little moved with it, and pretended carelesness of life, since ignominy had made him unfit for his Majesties service. I am of opinion, that the fair usage of him, as it was fit for the Spanish examinations, and for the questions touching the Papers and Dispatches, and all that; so it was no good preparative, to make him descend into himself touching his present danger: and therefore my Lord Chancellor, and my self, thought not good to insist upon it at this time.

I have received from my Lord Chief Justice the examinations of Sir William Mounson: with whom we mean to proceed to further examination with all speed.

My Lord Chief Justice is altered touching the re-examination of the Lady, and desired me that we might stay till he spake with his Majesty, saying, it could be no casting back to the business; which I did approve.

My self, with the rest of my fellows, upon due and mature advice, perfected our Report touching the Chancery; for the receiving whereof, I pray you, put his Majesty in mind, at his coming, to appoint some time for us to wait upon him all together, for the delivery in of the same, as we did in our former Certificate.

For the Revenue matters, I reserve them to his Majesties coming; and in the mean time, I doubt not but Master Secretary Winwood will make some kind of Report thereof to his Majesty.

For the conclusion of your Letter, concerning my own comfort, I can say but the Psalm of Quid retribuam? God, that giveth me favour in his Majesties eyes, will strengthen me in his Majesty service. I ever rest,

Your true and devoted Servant.

April 18. 1616.

To requite your Post-script of excuse for scribling, I pray you excuse that the Paper is not gilt, I writing from Westminster Hall, where we are not so fine.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, touching the proceeding with Somerset.

[Page]

SIR,

I Have received my Letter from his Majesty, with his marginal notes, which shall be my directions, being glad to perceive I understand his Majesty so well. That little Charm, which may be secretly infused into Somersets ear some few hours before his Tryal, was excellently well thought of by his Majesty, and I do approve it, both for matter, and time; only, if it seem good to his Majesty, I would wish it a little enlarged: For, if it be no more but to spare his blood, he hath a kind of proud humour, which may over-work the Medicine. Therefore I could wish it were made a little stronger, by giving him some hope that his Majesty will be good to his Lady and child; and that time (when Justice, and his Majesties Honour, is once salved and satisfied) may produce further fruit of his Majesties compassio; which was to be seen in the example of Southampton, whom his Majesty, after attainder, restor d; and Cobham and Gray, to whom his Majesty (notwithstanding they were offendors against his own person) yet spared their lives; and for Gray, his Majesty gave him back some part of his estate, and was upon point to deliver him much more; he, having been so highly in his Majesties favour, may hope well, if he hurt not himself by his publick misdemeanor.

For the person that should deliver this message, I am not so well seen in the Religion of his friends, as to be able to make choice of a particular; my Lord Treasurer, the Lord Knolles, or any of his neerest friends, should not be trusted with it; for they may go too far, and perhaps, work contrary to His Majesties ends. Those which occur to me, are my Lord Hay, my Lord Burghley (of England, I mean) and Sir Robert Carr.

My Lady of Somerset hath been re-examined, and His Majesty is sound, both a true Prophet, and a most just King, in that scruple he made: For now she expoundeth the word He, that should send the Tarts to Helwish's wife, to be of Overbury, and not of Somerset; But for the person that should bid her, she saith, it was Northampton or Weston, not pitching upon certainty, which giveth some advantage to the evidence.

Yesterday being Wednesday, I spent 4 or 5 houres with the Judges whom His Majesty designed to take consideration with the four Judges [Page] of the Kings Bench, of the Evidence against Somerset. They all concurre in opinion, that the questioning him, and drawing him on to tryal is most honourable and just, and that the Evidence is fair and good.

His Majesties Letter to the Judges concerning the Commendams was full of magnanimity and wisdome. I perceive His Majesty is never less alone, then when he is alone; for I am sure there was no body by him to informe him, which made me admire it the more.

The Judges have given day over, till the second Saturday of the next term; so as that matter may indure further consideration for His Majesty, not only not to lose ground, but to win ground.

To morrow is appointed for the examination of Somerset, which by some infirmitie of the Duke of Lenox, was put off from this day. When this is done, I will write more fully, ever resting,

Your true and devoted servant.

May 2. 1616.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to Sir George Villiers, of Account and Advice to His Majesty, touching Somerset's Arraignment.

SIR,

I Am far enough from opinion, that the Redintegration or Resuscitation of Somersets fortune can ever stand with his Majesties honour and safety; and therein I think I exprest my self fully to his Majesty in one of my former letters: and I know well any expectation or thought abroad will do much hurt. But yet the glimmering of that which the King hath done to others, by way of talke to him, cannot hurt, as I conceive; but I would not have that part of the Message as from the King, but added by the Messenger, as from himself. This I remit to His Majesties Princely judgement.

For the person, though he trust the Lieutenant well, yet it must be some new man; for in these cases, that which is ordinary, worketh not so great impressions, as that which is new and extraordinary.

The time I wish to be the Tuesday, being the even of his Ladies Arraignment. For as His Majesty first conceived, I would not have it stay in his stomack too long, lest it sowre in the digestion; and to be too neer the time, may be thought but to tune him for that day.

I send herewithal the substance of that which I purpose to say nakedly, [Page] and only in that part which is of tenderness; for that I conceive was His Majesties meaning.

It will be necessary, because I have distributed parts to the two Serjeants (as that Paper doth express) and they understand nothing of His Majesties pleasure, of the manner of carrying the Evidence, more than they may guess by observation of my Example (which they may ascribe as much to my nature, as to direction) therefore that His Majesty would be pleased to write some few words to us all, signed with His own Hand, that the matter it self being Tragical enough, bitterness and insulting be forborn; and that we remember our part, to be to make him Delinquent to the Peers, and not odions to the People. That part of the Evidence of the Ladies Exposition of the Pronoun (He) which was first caught hold of by me, and after by His Majesties singular Wisdom and Conscience, excepted to, and now is by her Re-examination retracted, I have given order to Serjeant Montague (within whose part it falleth) to leave it out of the Evidence.

I do yet crave pardon, if I do not certifie touching the point of Law for respiting the Judgment, for I have not fully advised with my Lord Chancellor concerning it; but I will advertise it in time.

I send His Majesty the Lord Stewards Commission in two several instruments; the one to remain with my Lord Chancellor, which is that which is written in Secretary hand for his Warrant, and is to pass the Signet; the other, that, whereunto the great Seal is to be affixed, which is in Chancery hand. His Majesty is to sign them both, and to transmit the former to the Signet, if the Secretaries either of them be there; and both of them are to be returned to me with all speed. I ever rest,

Your true and devoted Servant.

May 5. 1616.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, and some great Lords Commissioners, concerning the perswasion used to the Lord of Somerset to a frank Confession.

It may please Your Majesty,

WE have done our best endeavours to perform Your Majesties Commission both in matter and manner, for the examination [Page] of my Lord of Somerset, wherein that which passed (for the general) was to this effect; That he was to know his own Case, for that his day of Trial could not be far off; but that this dayes work was that which would conduce to Your Majesties Justice little or nothing, but to Your Mercy much, if he did lay hold upon it; and therefore might do him good, but could do him no hurt: For as for Your Justice, there had been taken great and grave opinion, not only of such Judges as he may think violent, but of the most saddest and most temperate of the Kingdom, who ought to understand the state of the proofs, that the Evidence was full to convict him, so as there needed neither Confession, nor supply of Examination. But for Your Majesties Mercy (although he were not to expect we should make any promise) we did assure him, That Your Majesty was compassionate of him, if he gave you some ground whereon to work; that as long as he stood upon his Innocency, and Tryal, Your Majesty was tyed in Honour to proceed according to Justice, and that he little understood (being a close Prisoner) how much the expectation of the World, besides Your love to Justice it self, engaged Your Majesty, whatsoever Your inclination were; but nevertheless, that a frank and clear Confession might open the gate of Mercy, and help to satisfie the point of Honour.

That his Lady (as he knew, and that after many Oaths, and Imprecations to the contrary) had nevertheless in the end, been touched with remorse, confessed, that she that led him to offend, might lead him likewise to repent of his offence. That the confession of one of them could not fitly do either of them much good; but the confession of both of them might work some further effect towards both. And therefore, in conclusion, we wished him not to shut the gate of your Majesties mercy against himself, by being obdurate any longer. This was the effect of that which was spoken, part by one of us, part by another, as it fell out: adding further, that he might well discern who spake in us, in the course we held; for that Commissioners of Examination might not presume so far of themselves.

Not to trouble Your Majesty with Circumstances of his Answers, the sequel was no other, but that we found him still not to come any degree further on to confess; only his Behaviour was very sober and modest, and mild (differing apparently from other times) but yet, as it seem'd, resolv'd to expect his Tryal.

Then did we proceed to examine him upon divers Questions touching the Impoysonment, which indeed were very material, and supplemental to the former Evidence; wherein either his Affirmatives gave some light, or his Negatives do greatly falsifie him, in that which is apparently proved.

[Page] We made this further observation, That when we asked him some Question that did touch the Prince, or some Forrain practice (which we did very sparingly at this time) yet he grew a little stirred; but in the Questions of the Impoysonment, very cold and modest. Thus not thinking it necessary to trouble Your Majesty with any further particulars, we end with Prayer to God ever to preserve Your Majesty.

Your Majesties most Loyal, and Faithful Servant, &c.

If it seem good unto Your Majesty, we think it not amiss some Preacher (well chosen) had access to my Lord of Somerset, for his preparing and comfort, although it be before his Tryal.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, upon some inclination of His Majesty, signified to him for the Chancellors place.

It may please your most Excellent Majesty,

THe last day when it pleased Your Majesty to express your self towards me in favour, far above that I can deserve, or could expect, I was surprised by the Princes coming in; I most humbly pray Your Majesty, therefore, to accept these few lines of acknowledgement.

I never had great thoughts for my self, further then to maintain those great thoughts which I confess I have for your service. I know what honour is, and I know what the times are; but I thank God, with me my service is the principal; and it is far from me, under honourable pretences, to cover base desires, which I account them to be, when men refer too much to themselves, especially serving such a King. I am afraid of nothing, but that the Master of the Horse, your excellent servant, and my self, shall fall out about this, who shall hold your Stirrup belt: but were Your Majesty mounted, and seated without difficulties and distastes in your business, as I desire and hope to see you, I should ex animo, desire to spend the decline of my years in my studies, wherein also I should not forget to do him honour, who besides his active and politick vertues, is the best pen of Kings, and much more the best subject of a pen. God ever preserve Your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble Subject, and more and more obliged Servant,

April. 1. 1616.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, returned with Postils of the Kings own Hand.

[Page]

It may please Your most Excellent Majesty,

YOur Majesty hath put upon me a work of providence in this great Cause, which is to break and distinguish future events into present Cases, and so to present them to your Royal Judgement, that in this action which hath been carried with so great Prudence, Justice and Clemency, there may be (for that which remaineth) as little surprize as is possible, but that things duly foreseen may have their remedies and directions in readinss; wherein I cannot forget what the Poet Martial saith; O! quantum est subitis casibus ingenium! signifiing, that accident is many times more subtil then foresight, and overreacheth expectation; and besides, I know very well the meanness of my own Judgment, in comprehending or forecasting what may follow.

It was Your Majesties pleasure, also, that I should couple the suppositions with my opinion in every of them, which is a harder taske; but yet Your Majesties commandment requireth my obedience, and your trust giveth me assurance.

I will put the case which I wish; That Somerset should make a clear Confession of his offences, before he be produced to Tryal.
In this case, it seemeth your Majesty will have a new consult. The points whereof will be, (1) whether your Majesty will stay the Trial, and so save them both from the Stage, and that publique Ignominy. Or, (2) whether you will (or may sitly by Law) have the Trial proceed, and stay or reprieve the Judgment; which saveth the Lands from forfeiture, and the blood from corruption. Or, (3) whether you will have both Trial and Judgment proceed, and save the blood only, not from corrupting, but from spilling.

REX. I say with Apollo, Media tutius itur, if it may stand with Law; and if it cannot, when I shall hear that he confesseth, I am then to make choice of the first, or the last.

[Page] These be the depths of your Majesties mercy which I may not enter into; but for honour and reputation, they have these grounds.

| That the blood of Overbury is already revenged by divers Executions.
| That Confession and Penitency are the footstools of Mercy, adding this circumstance likewise, that the former offenders did none of them make a clear confession.
| That the great downfal of so great persons carrieth, in it self, a heavie punishment, and a kind of civil death, although their lives should not be taken.

All which may satisfie honour, for sparing their lives.

But if your Majesties mercy should extend to the first degree, which is the highest, of sparing the Stage and the Trial; Then three things are to be considered.

REX. This Article cannot be mended in point thereof. | First, that they make such a submission or deprecation, as they prostrate themselves, and all that they have, at your Majesties feet, imploring your mercy.
| Secondly, that your Majesty, in your own wisdom, do advise what course you will take, for the utter extinguishing of all hope of resuscitating of their fortunes and favour; whereof if there should be the least conceit, it will leave in men a great deal of envie, and discontent.
| And lastly, whether your Majestie will not suffer it to be thought abroad, that there is cause of further examination of Somerset, concerning matters of Estate, after he shall begin once to be a Confessant, and so make as well a Politick ground, as a ground of Clemencie, for further stay.

And for the second degree of proceeding to Trial, and staying Judgment, I must better inform my self, by presidents, and advise with my Lord Chancellor.

The second Case is, if that fall out which is likest (as things stand, and which we expect) which is, that the Lady Confess: and that Somerset himself plead not guilty, and be found guilty.
In this Case, first, I suppose your Majesty will not think of any stay of judgment, but that the publique process of Justice pass on.

REX. If stay of Judgment can stand with the Law, I would even wish it in this Case; In all the rest this Article cannot be mended.
Secondly, for your Mercie to be extended to both, for pardon of their execution, I have partly touched, in the considerations applyed to the former Case; whereunto may be added, that as there is ground of mercy for her, upon her penitency and free Confession, and will be much more upon his finding guilty, because the malice on his part will be thought the deeper source of the offence; So there will be ground for Mercie, on his part, upon the nature of the proof, because it rests chiefly upon Presumptions. For certainly, there may be an Evidence so ballanced, as it may have sufficient matter for the Conscience of the Peers to convict him, and yet leave sufficient matter in the Conscience of a King upon the same Evidence, to pardon his life; because the Peers are astringed by necessity, either to acquit or condemn; but Grace is free. And for my part, I think the evidence in this present Case will be of such a nature.

Thirdly, It shall be my care so to moderate the manner of charging him, as it might make him not odious beyond the extent of Mercy.

REX. That danger is well to be foreseen, lest he upon the one part commit impardonable Errors, and I on the other part seem to punish him in the spirit of revenge.
Lastly, all these points of Mercy and favour are to be understood with this limitation, if he do not, by his contemptuous and insolent carriage at the Bar, make himself uncapable and unworthy of them.

The third Case is, if he should stand mute, and will not plead, whereof
In this case, I should think fit, that, as in publique, both my self, and chiefly my Lord Chancellor (sitting then as Lord Steward of

your Majesty knoweth there hath been some secret question.
England) should dehort and deter him from that desperation; so nevertheless, that as much should be done for him, as was done for Weston, which was to adjourn the Court some dayes, upon a Christian ground, that he may have time to turn from that mind of destroying himself; during which time your Majesties further pleasure may be known.

REX. This Article cannot be mended.

The fourth Case is that, which I should be very sorry should happen; but it is a future contingent, that is, if the Peers should acquit him, and finde him not guilty.
In this Case, the Lord Steward must be provided what to do. For as it hath been never seen, (as I conceive it) that there should be any rejecting of the Verdict, or any respiting of the judgment of the acquittal, so on the other side, this Case requireth, that because there be many high and heinous offences (though not Capital) for which he may be questioned in the Star-Chamber, or otherwise, that there be some touch of that in general, at the conclusion, by my Lord Steward of England. And that therefore: he be remanded to the Tower, as close Prisoner.

REX. This is so also.

For matter of examination, or other proceedings, my Lord Chancellor, with my advice hath set down.

Tomorrow, being Monday, For the Re-examination of the Lady.

Wednesday next, for the meeting of the Judges, concerning the Evidence.

Thursday, for the Examination of Somerset himself, according to Your Majesties Instructions.

Which three parts, when they shall be performed, I will give Your Majesty advertisement with speed, and in the mean time be glad to receive from Your Majesty (whom it is my part to inform truly) such directions, or significations of Your pleasure, as this advertisement may induce, and that with speed, because the time cometh on. Well remembring who is the person whom Your Majesty admitted to this secret; I have sent this Letter open unto him, that he may take Your Majesties times to report it, or shew it unto You, assuring my self, that nothing is [Page] more firm than his Trust, tyed to Your Majesties Commandments.

Your Majesties most humble, and most bounden Subject and Servant.

April 28. 1616.

The Copy of a Letter, conceived to be written to the late Duke of Buckingham, when he first became a Favourite to King James, by Sir Francis Bacon, afterwards Lord Verulam, and Viscount St. Alban: Containing some Advices unto the Duke, for his better direction in that eminent place of the Favourite; Drawn from him at the intreaty of the Duke himself, by much importunity.

Noble SIR,

WHAT you requested of me by word, when I last waited on you, you have since renewed by your Letters. Your requests are commands unto me; and yet the matter is of that nature, that I find my self very unable to serve you therein, as you desire. It hath pleased the King to cast an extraordinary eye of favour upon you, and you express your self very desirous to win upon the Judgment of your Master, and not upon his Affections only. I do very much commend your noble ambition herein; for, Favour so bottomed, is like to be lasting; whereas, if it be built upon the sandy foundation of personal respects only, it cannot be long-lived.

Yet in this you have erred, in applying your self to me, the most unworthy of your servants, to give assistance upon so weighty a subject.

You know, I am no Courtier, nor vers'd in State-affairs,; my life, hitherto, hath rather been contemplative, then active; I have rather studied Books, then Men; I can but guess, at the most, at these things, in which you desire to be advised: Nevertheless, to shew my obedience, though with the hazard of my discretion, I shall yield unto you.

Sir, In the first place, I shall be bold to put you in minde of the present condition you are in; you are not only a Courtier, but a Bed-Chamber man, and so are in the eye and eare of Your Master; but you are also a favourite; The Favourite of the time, and so are in his bosome also; The world hath so voted you, and doth so esteem of you, (for Kings [Page] and great Princes, even the wisest of them, have had their friends, their Favourites, their Privadoes, in all ages; for they have their affections, as well as other men) of these they make several uses: sometimes to communicate and debate their thoughts with them, and to upon their judgments thereby; sometimes to ease their cares by imparting them; and sometimes to interpose them, between themselves and the envy or malice of their people (for Kings cannot erre, that must be discharged upon the shoulders of their Ministers; and they who are neerest unto them must be content to bear the greatest load;) Truly Sir, I do not believe or suspect that you are chosen to this eminency, out of the last of these considerations; for you serve such a Master, who by his Wisdom and Goodness, is as free from the malice or envy of His Subjects, as, I think I may say truly, ever any King was, who hath sate upon His Throne before him: But I am confident, his Majesty hath cast His eys upon you, as finding you to be such as you should be, or hoping to make you to be such as he would have you to be; for this I may say without flattery, your out-side promiseth as much as can be expected from a Gentleman: But be it in the one respect, or other, it belongeth to you to take care of your self, and to know well what the name of a Favourite signifies; If you be chosen upon the former respects, you have reason to take care of your actions, and deportment, out of your gratitude, for the Kings sake; but if out of the latter, you ought to take the greater care, for your own sake.

You are as a new-risen starre, and the eys of all men are upon you; let not your own negligence make you fall like a Meteor.

The contemplation then of your present condition must necessarily prepare you for action; what time can be well spar'd from your attendance on Your Master will be taken up by suitors, whom you cannot avoid, nor decline, without reproach; for if you do not already, you will soon find the throng of suitors attend you; for no man, almost, who hath to do with the King, will think himself safe, unless you be his good Angel, and guide him, or, at least, that you be not a Malus Genius against him; so that, in respect of the King Your Master, you must be very wary, that you give him true information; and if the matter concern him in his Government, that you do not flatter him; if you do, you are as great a Traytor to him, in the Court of Heaven, as he that draws his sword against him; and in respect of the suitors which shall attend you, there is nothing will bring you more honour and more ease, then to do them what right in justice you may, and with as much speed as you may; for believe it, Sir, next to the obtaining of the suit, a speedy and a gentle denial (when the case will not bear it) is the most acceptable to suitors; [Page] they will gaine by their dispatch; whereas else they shall spend their time and money in attending; and you will gaine in the ease you will find being rid of their importunity. But if they obtain what they reasonably desired, they will be doubly bound to you for your favour; Bis dat qui cito dat, it multiplies the courtesie, to do it with good words, and speedily.

That you may be able to do this with the best advantage, my humble advice is this; when Suitors come unto you, set apart a certain hour in a day to give them Audience: If the business be light and easie, it may by word only be delivered, and in a word be answered; but if it be either of weight, or of difficulty, direct the Suitor to commit it to writing (if it be not so already) and then direct him to attend for his Answer at a set-time to be appointed, which would constantly be observed, unless some matter of great moment do interrupt it; when you have received the Petitions (and it will please the Petitioners well, to have access unto you to deliver them into your own hand) let your Secretary first read them, and draw lines under the material parts thereof (for the matter, for the most part, lies in a narrow room.) The Petitions being thus prepared, do you constantly set apart an hour in a day to peruse those Petitions, and after you have ranked them into several Files, according to the subject matter, make choice of two or three Friends, whose judgments and fidelities you believe you may trust in a business of that nature, and recommend it to one or more of them, to inform you of their opinions, and of their reasons for or against the granting of it; and if the matter be of great weight indeed, then it would not be amiss to send several Copies of the same Petition to several of your Friends, the one not knowing what the other doth, and desire them to return their Answers to you by a certain time, to be prefixed in writing; so shall you receive an impartial Answer, and by comparing the one with the other, you shall both discern the Abilities and Faithfulness of your Friends, and be able to give a judgment thereupon as an Oracle. But by no means trust not your own judgment alone, for no man is omniscient; nor trust only to your Servants, who may mislead you, or misinform you; by which they may perhaps gain a few Crowns, but the Reproach will lie upon yourself, if it be not rightly carried.

For the facilitating of your dispatches, my Advice is further, that you divide all the Petitions, and the matters therein contained, under several Heads, which, I conceive, may be fitly ranked into these eight sorts.

1. Matters that concern Religion, and the Church and Churchmen.

[Page] 2. Matters concerning Justice, and the Laws, and the Professors thereof.

3. Councellors, and the Councel-table, and the great Offices, and Officers of the Kingdom.

4. Forrain Negotiations and Embassies.

5. Peace and War, both Forrain and Civil, and in that the Navy and Forts, and what belongs to them.

6. Trade at home and abroad.

7. Colonies, or Forrain Plantations.

8. The Court, and Curiality.

And whatsoever will not fall naturally under one of these Heads, believe me, Sir, will not be worthy of your thoughts, in this capacity we now speak of. And of these sorts, I warrant you, you will find enough to keep you in business.

I begin with the first, which concerns Religion.

1. In the first place, be you your self rightly perswaded and setled in the true Protestant Religion, professed by the Church of England; which doubtless is as sound and orthodox in the Doctrine thereof, as any Christian Church in the World.

2. In this you need not be a Monitor to Your gracious Master the King; the chiefest of His imperial Titles, is, to be The Defender of the Faith; and His Learning is eminent, not only above other Princes, but above other men; be but his Scholar, and you are safe in that.

3. For the Discipline of the Church of England by Bishops, &c. I will not positively say, as some do, that it's Jure Divino; but this I say, and think, ex animo, that it is the nearest to Apostolical Truth; and confidently I shall say, it is fittest for Monarchy, of all others: I will use no other Authority to you, than that excellent Proclamation set out by the King Himself in the first Year of His Reign, and annexed before the Book of Common-Prayer, which I desire you to read; and if at any time there shall be the least motion made for Innovation, to put the King in mind to read it Himself: It is most dangerous in a State, to give ear to the least alterations in Government.

4. Take heed, I beseech you, that you be not an instrument to countenance the Romish Catholicks; I cannot flatter, the world believes that some near in blood to you are too much of that perswasion; you must use them with fit respects, according to the bonds of nature; but you are of kin, and so a Friend to their Persons, not to their Errours.

5. The Arch-bishops and Bishops, next under the King, have the Government of the Church, and Ecclesiastical Affairs; be not you the [Page] mean to prefer any to those places, for any by-respects; but only for their Learning, Gravity and Worth; their Lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary.

6. For Deans, and Canons or Prebends of Cathedral Churches: In their first institution they were of great use in the Church; they were not only to be of councel with the Bishop for his revenue, but chiefly for his Government in causes Ecclesiastical; use your best means to preferre such to those places who are fit for that purpose, men eminent for their learning, piety, and discretion, and put the King often in minde thereof; and let them be reduced again to their first institution.

7. You will be often sollicited, and parhaps importuned to preferre Scholars to Church-living; you may further your friends in that way, caeteris paribus; otherwise, remember, I pray, that these are not places meerly of favour, the charge of souls lies upon them; the greatest account whereof will be required at their own hands; but they will share deeply in their faults, who are the instruments of their Preferment.

8. Besides the Romish Catholicks, there is a generation of Sectaries, the Anabaptists, Brownists, and others, of their kinds; they have been several times very busie in this Kingdom, under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion: The King your Master knows their disposion very well; a small touch will put him in mind of them; he had experience of them in Scotland, I hope he will beware of them in England; a little countenance or connivency sets them on fire.

9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church, are not only comely, but commendable; but there must be great care, not to introduce innovations, they will quickly prove scandalous, men are naturally overprone to suspition; the true Protestant Religion is seated in the golden mean; the enemies unto her, are the extreams on either hand.

10. The persons of Church-men are to be had in due respect, for their works sake, and protected from scorn; but if a Clergie man be loose and scandalous, he must not be patronized nor winck't at, the example of a few such, corrupt many.

11. Great care must be takan, that the patrimony of the Church be not sacrilegiously diverted to lay uses: His Majesty in his time hath religiously stopped a leak that did much harm, and would else have done more. Be sure, as much as in you lies, stop the like upon all occasions.

12. Colledges and Schools of learning are to be cherished, and encouraged, there to breed up a new stock to furnish the Church and Common-wealth, when the old store are transplanted. This Kingdom [Page] hath in latter ages been famous for good literature; and if preferment shall attend the deservers, there will not want supplies.

Next to Religion, let your care be to promote Justice. By Justice and mercy is The Kings throne established.

1. Let the rule of Justice be the Laws of the Land, an impartial arbiter between the King and his people, and between one Subject and another: I shall not speak superlatively of them, lest I be suspected of partiality, in regard of my own profession; but this I may truly say, they are second to none in the Christian world.

2. And, as far as it may lie in you, let no Arbitrary power be intruded; the people of this Kingdome love the Laws thereof, and nothing will oblige them more, then a confidence of the free enjoying of them; What the Nobles, upon an occasion, once said in Parliament, Nolumus leges Angliae mutari, is imprinted in the hearts of all the people.

3. But because the life of the Lawes lies in the due execution and administration of them, let your eye be, in the first place, upon the choice of good Judges; These properties had they need to be furnished with; To be learned in their profession, patient in hearing, prudent in governing, powerful in their elocution to perswade and satisfie both the parties and hearers, just in their judgement: and, to sum up all, they must have these three Attributes; They must be men of courage, fearing God, and hating covetousness; An ignorant man cannot, a Coward dares not be a good Judge.

4. By no means be you perswaded to interpose your self, either by word or letter, in any cause depending, or like to be depending in any Court of Justice, nor suffer any other great man to do it where you can hinder it, and by all means disswade the King himself from it, upon the importunity of any for themselves or their friends; If it should prevail, it perverts justice; but if the Judge be so just, and of such courage (as he ought to be) as not to be inclined thereby, yet it alwayes leaves a taint of suspition behind it; Judges must be as chaste as Caesars wife, neither to be, nor to be suspected to be, unjust; and Sir, the honour of the Judges in their judicature, is the Kings honour, whose person they represent.

5. There is great use of the service of the Judges in their circuits, which are twice in the year held throughout the Kingdome; the trial of a few causes between party and party, or delivering of the gaols in the several Counties, are of great use for the expedition of justice; yet they are of much more use for the government of the Counties through which they passe, if that were well thought upon.

6. For if they had instructions to that purpose, they might be the [Page] best intelligencers to the King of the true state of his whole Kingdom of the disposition of the people, of their inclinations, of their intentions and motions; which are necessary to be truly understood.

7. To this end, I could wish, that against every Circuit, all the Judges should, sometimes by the King himself, and sometimes by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, in the Kings Name, receive a charge of those things which the present times did much require: and at their return, should deliver a faithful Account thereof, and how they found and left the Counties through which they passed, and in which they kept their Assizes.

8. And that they might the better perform this work, which might be of great importance, it will not be amiss that sometimes this Charge be publick, as it useth to be in the Star-Chamber at the end of the Terms next before the Circuit begins, where the Kings care of Justice, and the good of his People, may be published; and that sometimes also it may be private, to communicate to the Judges some things not so fit to be publickly delivered.

9. I could wish also that the Judges were directed to make a little longer stay in a place than usually they do; a day more in a County would be a very good addition (although their wages for their Circuits were increased in proportion) it would stand better with the Gravity of their imployment; whereas now they are sometimes enforced to rise over-early, and to sit over-late, for the dispatch of their business, to the extraordinary trouble of themselves, and of the people, their times indeed not being horae juridicae; And, which is the main, they would have the more leisure to inform themselves (quasi aliud agentes) of the true estate of the Countrey.

10. The attendance of the Sheriffs of the Counties, accompanied with the principal Gentlemen, in a comely, not a costly equipage, upon the Judges of Assize at their coming to the place of their sitting, and at their going out, is not only a Civility, but of use also: It raiseth a Reverence to the persons and places of the Judges, who coming from the King Himself on so great an Errand, should not be neglected.

11. If any sue to be made a Judge, for my own part, I should suspect him; but if either directly or indirectly he should bargain for a place of Judicature, let him be rejected with shame; Uendere jure potest, emerat ille prius.

12. When the place of a chief Judge of a Court becomes vacant, a puisne Judge of that Court, or of another Court, who hath approved himself fit and deserving, would be sometimes preferred, it would be a good encouragement for him, and for others, by his example.

[Page] 13. Next to the Judge, there would be care used in the choice of such as are called to the degree of Serjeants at Law (for such they must be first, before they be made Judges) none should be made Serjeants, but such as probably might be held fit to be Judges afterwards, when the experience at the Bar hath fitted them for the Bench: Therefore by all means cry down that unworthy course of late times used, that they should pay moneys for it: It may satisfie some Courtiers, but it is no Honour to the person so preferred, nor to the King who thus prefers them.

14. For the Kings Councel at the Law, especially His Attorney and Sollicitor General, I need say nothing; their continual use for the Kings Service, not only for His Revenue, but for all the parts of His Government, will put the King, and those who love His Service, in mind to make choice of men every way fit and able for that Employment; they had need to be learned in their Profession, and not ignorant in other things; and to be dextrous in those Affairs whereof the dispatch is committed to them.

15. The Kings Attorney of the Court of Wards is in the true quality of the Judges; therefore what hath been observed already of Judges, which are intended principally of the three great Courts of Law at Westminster, may be applied to the choice of the Attorney of this Court.

16. The like for the Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster, who partakes of both qualities, partly of a Judge in that Court, and partly of an Attorney General, for so much as concerns the proper Revenue of the Dutchy.

17. I must not sorget the Judges of the four Circuits in the twelve Shires of Wales, who, although they are not of the first Magnitude, nor need be of the degree of the Coyfe (only the Chief Justice of Chester, who is one of their number, is so) yet are they considerable in the choice of them, by the same Rules as the other Judges are; and they sometimes are, and fitly may be, transplanted into the higher Courts.

18. There are many Courts (as you see) some superior, some provincial, and some of a lower orb: It were to be wished, and is fit to be so ordered, that every of them keep themselves within their proper spheres. The harmony of Justice is then the sweetest, when there is no jarring about the Jurisdiction of the Courts, which methinks wisdom cannot much differ upon, their true bounds being for the most part so clearly known.

19. Having said thus much of the Judges, somewhat will be fit to put [Page] you in mind concerning the principal Ministers of Justice; and in the first, of the High-Sheriffs of the Counties, which have been very Ancient in this Kingdom, I am sure before the Conquest: The choice of them I commend to your care, and that at fit times you put the King in mind thereof; that as near as may be, they be such as are fit for those places, for they are of great Trust and Power; the Pesse Comitatus, the Power of the whole County, being legally committed unto him.

20. Therefore it is agreeable with the intention of the Law, that the choice of them should be by the commendation of the great Officers of the Kingdom, and by the Advice of the Judges, who are presumed to be well read in the condition of the Gentry of the whole Kingdom: And although the King may do it of himself, yet the old way is the good way.

21. But I utterly condemn the practice of the latter times, which hath lately crept into the Court (at the Back-stairs) that some who are prick'd for Sheriffs, and were fit, should get out of the Bill, and others who were neither thought upon, nor worthy to be, should be nominated, and both for money.

22. I must not omit to put you in mind of the Lords Lieutenants, and deputy Lieutenants, of the Counties: their proper use is for ordering the military affairs, in order to an invasion from abroad, or a rebellion or sedition at home; good choice should be made of them, and prudent instructions given to them, and as little of the Arbitrary power as may be left unto them; and that the Muster-Masters, and other Officers under them, incroach not upon the Subject; that will detract much from the Kings service.

23. The Justices of peace are of great use; Anciently there were Conservators of the peace, these are the same, saving that several Acts of Parliament have altered their denomination, and enlarged their jurisdiction in many particulars: The fitter they are for the Peace of the Kingdom, the more heed ought to be taken in the choice of them.

24. But negatively, this I shall be bold to say, that none should be put into either of those Commissions with an eye of favour to their persons, to give them countenance or reputation in the places where they live, but for the Kings service sake; nor any put out for the dis-favour of any great man: It hath been too often used, and hath been no good service to the King.

25. A word more, if you please, to give me leave, for the true rules of the moderation of Justice on the Kings part. The execution of Justice is committed to his Judges; which seemeth tobe the severer part; but the milder [Page] part, which is mercy, is wholly left in the Kings immediate hand: And Justice and Mercy are the true supporters of his Royal Throne.

26. If the King shall be wholly intent upon Justice, it may appear with an over-rigid aspect; but if he shall be over remiss and easie, it draweth upon him contempt. Examples of Justice must be made sometimes for terrour to some; Examples of mercy, sometimes, for comfort to others: the one procures fear, and the other love. A King must be both feared and loved, else he is lost.

27. The ordinary Courts of Justice I have spoken of, and of their Judges and judicature, I shall put you in mind of some things, touching the High Court of Parliament in England, which is superlative; and therefore it will behove me to speak the more warily thereof.

28. For the institution of it, it is very antient in this Kingdom: It consisteth of the two Houses, of Peers and Commons, as the Members, and of the Kings Majesty, as the head of that great body; By the Kings Authority alone, and by his Writs, they are Assembled, and by him alone are they Prorogued and Dissolved; but each House may Adjourn it self.

29. They being thus Assembled, are more properly a Councel to the King, the great Councel of the Kingdom, to advise his Majesty in those things of weight and difficulty, which concern both the King and People, then a Court.

30. No new Laws can be made, nor old Laws abrogated or altered, but by common Consent in Parliament, where Bills are prepared and presented to the two Houses, and then delivered, but nothing is concluded but by the Kings Royal assent; They are but Embryos, 'tis he giveth life unto them.

31. Yet the House of Peers hath a power of Judicature in some cases; properly, to examine, and then to affirm; or if there be cause to reverse the judgments which have been given in the Court of Kings Bench, (which is the Court of highest jurisdiction in the Kingdom, for ordinary judicature) but in these cases it must be done by Writ of Error in Parliamento: And thus the rule of their proceedings is not absoluta potestas, as in making new Laws (in that conjuncture as before) but limitata potestas; according to the known Laws of the Land.

32. But the House of Commons have only power to censure the Members of their own House, in point of election or misdemeanors, in or towards that House; and have not, nor ever had power, so much as to administer an oath to prepare a judgment.

33. The true use of Parliaments in this Kingdom is very excellent; and they would be often called, as the affairs of the Kingdom shall require; [Page] and continued as long as is necessary, and no longer; for then they be but burthens to the people, by reason of the priviledges justly due to the Members of the two Houses and their attendants, which their just rights and priviledges are religiously to be observed and maintained; but if they should be unjustly enlarged beyond their true bounds, they might lessen the just power of the Crown, it borders so near upon popularity.

34. All this while I have spoken concerning the Common Laws of England, generally, and properly so called, because it is most general and common to almost all cases and causes, both civil and criminal: But there is also another Law, which is called the Civil or Ecclesiastical Law, which is confined to some few heads; and that is not to be neglected: and although I am a professor of the Common Law, yet am I so much a lover of truth and of Learning, and of my native Countrey, that I do heartily perswade that the professors of that Law, called Civilians (because the Civil Law is their guide) should not be discountenanced nor discouraged; else whensoever we shall have ought to do with any forreign King or State, we shall be at a miserable loss, for want of Learned menin that profession.

III. I come now to the consideration of those things which concern Councellors of State, The Council Table, and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom, which are those who for the most part furnish out the honourable Board.

1. Of Councellors, there are two sorts: The first, Consiliarii nati, (as I may term them) such are the Prince of Wales, and others of the Kings Sons (when he hath more;) of these I speak not, for they are naturally born to be Councellors to the King, to learn the Art of Governing betimes.

2. But the ordinary sort of Councellors are such as the King, out of a due consideration of their worth and abilities, and withal, of their fidelities to his person and his Crown, calleth to be of Councel with him, in his ordinary Government. And the Councel Table is so called from the place where they ordinarily assemble and sit together; and their Oath is the only ceremony used, to make them such, which is solemnly given unto them, at their first admission: These honourable persons are from thenceforth of that Board and Body: They cannot come until they be thus called, and the King at his pleasure may spare their attendance; and he may dispence with their presence there, which at their own pleasure they may not do.

3. This being the quality of their service, you will easily judge what care the King should use, in his choice of them; It behoveth that they [Page] be persons of great trust and fidelity, and also of wisdom and judgment, who shall thus assist in bearing up the Kings Throne; and of known experience in publick affairs.

4. Yet it may not be unfit to call some of young years, to train them up in that trade, and so fit them for those weighty affairs, against the time of greater maturity; and some also for the honour of their persons; But these two sorts not to be tied to so strict attendance, as the others from whom the present dispatch of business is expected.

5. I could wish that their number might not be so over great, the persons of the Councellors would be the more venerable. And I know that Queen Elizabeth, in whose time I had the happiness to be born, and to live many years, was not so much observed, for having a numerous, as a wise Councel.

6. The duty of a Privy Councellor to a King, I conceive, is, not only to attend the Councel Board, at the times appointed, and there to consult of what shall be propounded; But also to study those things which may advance the Kings honour and safety, and the good of the Kingdom, and to communicate the same to the King, or to his fellow Councellors, as there shall be occasion. And this, sir, will concern you more then others, by how much you have a larger share in his affections.

7. And one thing I shall be bold to desire you to recommend to His Majesty: That when any new thing shall be propounded to be taken into consideration, that no Councellor should suddenly deliver any positive opinion thereof; it is not so easie with all men to retract their opinions, although there shall be cause for it: But only to hear it, and at the most but to break it, at first, that it may be the better understood against the next meeting.

8. When any matter of weight hath been debated, and seemeth to be ready for a Resolution; I wish it may not be at that sitting concluded (unless the necessity of the time press it) lest upon second Cogitations there should be cause to alter, which is not for the Gravity and Honour of that Board.

9. I wish also that the King would be pleased sometimes to be present at that Board, it adds a Majesty to it: And yet not to be too frequently there, that would render it less esteemed, when it is become common; Besides, it may sometimes make the Councellors not to be so free in their Debates in His Presence, as they would be in His Absence.

10. Besides the giving of Councel, the Councellors are bound by their Duties, Ex vi termini, as well as by their Oaths, to keep Councel; therefore are they called, De Privato Consilio Regis, & à secretioribus Consiliis Regis.

[Page] 11. One thing I add in the Negative, which is not fit for that Board, the entertaining of private Causes, of Meum & Tuum, those should be left to the ordinary course and Courts of Justice.

12. As there is great care to be used for the Councellors themselves to be chosen, so there is of the Clerks of the Councel also, for the secreting of their Consultations; and methinks it were fit that His Majesty be speedily moved to give a strict Charge, and to bind it with a solemn Order (if it be not already so done) that no Copies of the Orders of that Table be delivered out by the Clerks of the Councel, but by the Order of the Board; nor any not being a Councellor, or a Clerk of the Councel, or his Clerk, to have access to the Councel-Books: And to that purpose, that the Servants attending the Clerks of the Councel, be bound to Secresie as well as their Masters.

13. For the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom, I shall say little; for the most of them are such, as cannot well be severed from the Councellorship; and therefore the same rule is to be observed for both, in the choice of them; In the general, only, I advise this, let them be set in those places for which they are probably the most fit.

14. But in the quality of the persons, I conceive it will be most convenient, to have some of every sort, (as in the time of Queen Elizabeth it was) one Bishop at the least, in respect of questions touching Religion, or Church Government; one or more skilled in the Laws; some for Martial affairs; and some for I orreign affairs: By this mixture, one will help another, in all things that shall there happen to be moved; But if that should fail, it will be a safe way, to consult with some other able persons well versed in that point which is the subject of their Consultation, which yet may be done so warily, as may not discover them in end therein.

IV. In the next place, I shall put you in mind of Forreign Negotiations and Embassies, to or with Forreign Princes or States, wherein I shall be little able to serve you.

1. Only, I will tell you what was the course in the happy dayes of Queen Elizabeth, whom it will be no dis-reputation to follow: she did vary, according to the nature of the employment, the quality of the persons she employed; which is a good rule to go by.

2. If it were an Embassy of Gratulation or Ceremony (which must not be neglected) choice was made of some noble person, eminent in place, and able in purse, and he would take it as a mark of favour, and discharge it without any great burthen to the Queens Coffers, for his own honours sake.

[Page] 3. But if it were an Embassy of weight, concerning affairs of State, choice was made of some sad person of known judgment, wisdom and experience, and not of a young man, nor wayed in State-matters: nor of a meer formal man, whatsoever his title or outside were.

4. Yet in company of such, some young towardly Noblemen or Gentleman were usually sent also, as assistance or attendants, according to the quality of the persons; who might be thereby perpared and sitted for the like imployment, by this means, at another turn.

5. In their company were always sent some garve and sad men, skilful in the Civil Laws, and some in the Languages, and some who had been formerly conversant in the Courts of those Princes, and knew their ways; these were assistance in private, but not trusted to manage the affairs in publick; that would decract from the honour of the Principal Embassadour.

6. If the Negotiation were about Merchants affaires, then were the persons imployed for the most part Doctors of the Civil Law, assisted with some other discreet men; and in such the charge was ordinarily defrayed, by the Company or Society of Merchants, whom the Negotiation concerneth.

7. If Legier Embassadors or Agents were sent to remain in or neer the Courts of those Princes or States (as it was ever held fit, to observe the motions, and to hold correspondency with them, upon all occasions) such were made choice of, as were presumed to be vigilant, industrious, and discreet men, and had the Language of the place whither they were sent; and with these were sent such as were hopeful to be worthy of the like imployment at another time.

8. Their care was, to give true and timely Intelligence of all Occurrences, either to the Queen her self, or the Secretaries of State, unto whom they had their immediate relation.

9. Their charge was alwayes born by the Queen, duly paid out of the Exchequer, in such proportion, as, according to their qualities and places, might give them an honourable subsistence there: But for the reward of their service, they were to expect it upon their return by some such preferment as might be worthy of them, and yet be little burthen to the Queens Coffers or Revenues.

10. At their going forth, they had their general Instructions in writing, which might be communicated to the Ministers of that State, whither they were sent; and they had also private instructions upon particular occasions; and at their return, they did always render an account of some things to the Queen her self, of some things to the body of the Councel, and of some others to the Secretaries of State; who [Page] made use of them, or communicated them, as there was cause.

11. In those days there was a constant course held, that by the advice of the Secretaries, or some principal Councellors, there were always sent forth, into several parts beyond the Seas, some young men, of whom good hopes were conceived of their towardliness, to be trained up, and made fit for such publick imployment, and to learn the Languages. This was at the charge of the Queen, which was not much, for they travelled but as private Gentlemen; and as by their industry their deserts did appear, so were they farther imployed or rewarded. This course I shall recommend unto you, to breed up a nursery of such publick Plants.

V. For peace and war, and those things which appertain to either; I in my own disposition and profession am wholly for peace, if it please God to bless the Kingdome therewith, as for many years past he hath done: and,

1. I presume I shall not need to perswade you to the advancing of it; nor shall you need to perswade the King your Master therein, for that he hath hitherto been another Solomon, in this our Israel, and the Motto which he hath chosen (Beati Pacifici) shews his own judgement: But he must use the means to preserve it; else such a jewel may be lost.

2. God is the God of peace (it is one of his Attributes) therefore by him alone we must pray, and hope to continue it: there is the foundation.

3. And the King must not neglect the just ways for it. Justice is the best Protector of it at home, and providence for war is the best prevention of it from abroad.

4. Wars are either Forreign or Civil; for the Forreign war by the King upon some Neighbour Nation, I hope we are secure; the King, in his pious and just disposition, is not inclinable thereunto, his Empire is long enough: bounded with the Ocean, as if the very Scituation thereof had taught the King and People to setup their rests, and say, Ne plus ultra.

5. And for a war of invasion from abroad; only we must not be over-secure; thats the way to invite it.

6. But if we be always prepared to receive an enemy, if the ambition or malice of any should incite him, we may be very confident we shall long live in peace and quietness, without any attempts upon us.

7. To make the preparations hereunto the more assured: In the first place, I will recommend unto you the care of our out-work, the Navy Royal and Shipping of our Kingdome, which are the walls thereof: [Page] and every great Ship is an impregnable fort, and our many safe and commodious Ports and Havens, in every of these Kingdoms, are as the redoubts to secure them.

8. For the body of the Ships, no Nation of the World doth equal England for the Oaken Timber wherewith to build them; and we need not borrow of any other, Iron for Spikes, or Nails to fasten them together; but there must be a great deal of Providence used, that our Ship-Timber be not unnecessarily wasted.

9. But for Tackling, as Sails and Cordage, we are beholden to our Neighbours for them, and do buy them for our money; that must be foreseen, and laid up in store against a time of need, and not sought for when we are to use them: But we are much too blame that we make them not at home, only Pitch and Tar we have not of our own.

10. For the true Art of building of Ships for Burthen and Service both, no Nation in the World exceeds us: Ship-wrights, and all other Artisans belonging to that Trade, must be cherished and encouraged.

11. Powder and Ammunition of all sorts we can have at home, and in Exchange for other Home-Commodities, we may be plentifully supplied from our Neighbours, which must not be neglected.

12. With Mariners and Seamen this Kingdom is plentifully furnished, the constant Trade of Merchandizing will furnish us at a need; and Navigable Rivers will repair the store, both to the Navy Royal, and to the Merchants, if they be set on work, and well payed for their Labour.

13. Sea-Captains, and Commanders, and other Officers, must be encouraged, and rise by Degrees, as their Fidelity and Industry deserve it.

14. Our strict League of Amity and Alliance with our near Neighbour; the Hollanders, is a mutual strength to both; the shipping of both in conjuncture, being so powerful, by Gods blessing, as no Forrainers will venture upon: This League and Friendship must inviolably be observed.

15. From Scotland we have had in sormer times some Alarms and Inro esinto the Northern parts of this Kingdom; but that happy Union of both Kingdoms under one Sovereign, our gracions King, I hope, hath taken away all occasions of breach between the two Nations; let not the cause arise from England, and I hope the Scots will not adventure it; or if they do, I hope they will find, that although to our King they were His first-born Subjects, yet to England belongs the Birthright: But this should not be any cause to offer any injury to them, nor to suffer any from them.

[Page] 16. There remains then no danger, by the blessing of God, but a Civil War, from which, God of his mercy defend us, as that which is most desperate of all others. The Kings Wisdom and Justice must prevent it, if it may be; or if it should happen, quod absit, he must quench that Wild-fire with all the diligence that possibly can be.

17. Competition to the Crown, there is none, nor can be, therefore it must be a fire within the bowels, or nothing, the cures whereof are these, Remedium praeveniens, which is the best physick, either to a natural body, or to a State, by just and equal Government to take away the occasion; and Remedium puniens, if the other prevail not: The service and vigilancy of the Deputy Lieutenants in every County, and of the High Sheriff, will contribute much herein to our security.

18. But if that should not prevail, by a wise and timous Inquisition, the peccant humours and humorists must be discovered, and purged, or cut off; mercy in such a case, in a King, is true cruelty.

19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off, and the mis-led multitude will see their error, and return to their obedience, such an extent of mercy is both honourable and profitable.

20. A King, against a storm, must fore-see, to have a convenient stock of treasure; and neither be without money, which is the sinewes of war, nor to depend upon the courtesie of others, which may fail at a pinch.

21. He must also have a Magazine of all sorts, which must be had from forreign parts, or provided at home, and to commit them to several places, under the custody of trusty and faithful Ministers and Officers, if it be possible.

22. He must make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War, either against a forreign invasion, or a home rebellion; which must not be young and giddy, which dare, not only to fight, but to swear, and drink, and curse; neither fit to govern others, nor able to govern themselves.

23. Let not such be discouraged, if they deserve well, by mis-information, or for the satisfying the humors or ambition of others, perhaps, out of envy, perhaps, out of treachery, or other sinister ends: A steddy hand, in governing of Military affairs, is more requisite then in times of peace, because an error committed in war, may, perhaps, prove irremediable.

24. If God shall bless these endeavours, and the King return to His own House in Peace, when a Civil war shall be at an end, those who have been found faithful in the Land must be regarded, yea, and rewarded also; the traiterous, or treacherous, who have mis-led others, severely [Page] punish'd, and the neutrals, and false-hearted friends and followers, who have started aside like a broken bowe, be noted, Carbone nigro; and so I shall leave them, and this part of the work.

VI. I come to the sixth part, which is Trade; and that is either at home or abroad. And I begin with that which is at home, which enableth the Subject of the Kingdom to live, and layeth a foundation to a forreign trade by traffique with others, which enableth them to live plentifully and happily.

1. For the Home-trade, I first commend unto your consideration the encouragement of Tillage, which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives, and to spare for Exportation: And I myself have known, more than once, when, in times of Dearth in Queen Elizabeths dayes, it drained much Coyn of the Kingdom, to furnish us with Corn from Forrain Parts.

2. Good Husbands will find the means, by good Husbandry, to improve their Lands, by Lime, Chalk, Marl, or Sea-sand, where it can be had: But it will not be amiss, that they be put in mind thereof, and encouraged in their Industries.

3. Planting of Orchards in a Soyl and Air fit for them, is very prositable, as well as pleasurable: Sider and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-Voyages.

4. Gardens are also very profitable, if planted with Artichokes, Roots, and such other things as are fit for food; whence they be called Kitchin-Gardens, and that very properly.

5. The planting of Hop-yards, sowing of Woad, and Rape-seed, are sound very profitable, for the Planters, in places apt for them, and consequently profitable for the Kingdom, which for divers years was furnished with them from beyond the Seas.

6. The planting and preserving of Woods, especially of Timber, is not only profitable, but commendable, therewith to furnish posterity, both for building and shipping.

7. The Kingdom would be much improved, by draining of drowned lands, and gaining that in from the over-flowing of salt waters and the sea, and from fresh waters also.

8. And many of those grounds would be exceeding fit for Daries, which, being well houswived, are exceeding commodious.

9. Much good land might be gained from Forrests and Chases, more remote from the Kings access, and from other commonable places, so as always there be a due care taken, that the poor Commoners have no injury by such improvement.

10. The making of navigable Rivers should be profitable; they [Page] would be as so many in-draughts of wealth, by conveying the commodities with ease from place to place.

11. The planting of Hemp and Flax would be an unknown advantage to the Kingdom, many places therein being as apt for it, as any forreign parts.

12. But add hereunto, that it be converted into Linnen-cloth, or Cordage, the commodity thereof will be multiplied.

13. So it is of the Wools and Leather of the Kingdom, if they be converted into manufactures.

14. Our English Dames are much given to the wearing of costly Laces; and, if they be brought from Italy, or France, or Flanders, they are in great esteem: whereas, if the like Lace were made by the English, so much thred as would make a yard of Lace being put into that manufacture, would be five times, or perhaps, ten, or twenty times the value.

15. The breeding of cattel is of much profit, especially the breed of Horses, in many places, not only for travel, but for the great saddle; the English horse, for strength, and courage, and swiftness together, not being inferiour to the horses of any other Kingdom.

16. The Minerals of the Kingdom, of Lead, Iron, Copper, and Tynn, especially, are of great value, and set many able-bodied subjects on work; it were great pity they should not be industriously followed.

17. But of all Minerals, there is none like to that of Fishing, upon the coasts of these Kingdoms, and the seas belonging to them: our neighbours, within half a days sail of us, with a good wind, can shew us the use and value thereof; and, doubtless, there is sea-room enough for both Nations, without offending one another; and it would exceedingly support the Navie.

18. The Realm is much enriched, of late years, by the trade of Merchandize which the English drive in Forreign parts; and, if it be wisely managed, it must of necessity very much increase the wealth thereof, care being taken, that the exportation exceed in value the importation, for then the ballance of trade must of necessity be returned into Coin, or Bullion.

19. This would easily be effected, if the Merchants were perswaded, or compelled, to make their returns in solid commodities, and not too much thereof invanity, tending to excess.

20. But especially care must be taken, that Monopolies, which are the Cankers of all trading, be not admitted, under specious colour of publick good.

21. To put all these into a regulation, if a constant Commission, to [Page] men of honesty and understanding, were granted, and well pursued, to give order for the managing of these things, both at home and abroad to the best advantage; and that this Commission were subordinate to the Councel-board; it is conceived, it would produce notable effects.

VII. The next thing is that of Colonies and forreign plantations, which are very necessary, as out-lets, to a populous Nation, and may be profitable also, if they be managed in a discreet way.

1. First, in the choice of the place, which requireth many circumstances; as, the scituation, neer the Sea, for the commodiousness of an intercourse with England; the temper of the air and climate, as may best agree with the bodies of the English, rather inclining to cold, then heat; that it be stored with Woods, Mines, and Fruits; which are naturally in the place; that the soil be such as will probably be fruitful for Corn, and other conveniencies, and for breeding of Cattel; that it hath Rivers, both for passage between place & place, and for fishing also, if it may be; that the Natives be not so many, but that there may be elbow-room enough for them, and for the Adventives also: All which are likely to be found in the West-Indies.

2. It would be also such as is not already planted by the Subjects of any Christian Prince, or State, nor over-neerly neighbouring to their Plantation. And it would be more convenient, to be chosen by some of those Gentlemen or Merchants which move first in the work, then to be designed unto them from the King; for it must proceed from the option of the people, else it sounds like an exile; so the Colonies must be raised by the leave of the King, and not by his Command.

3. After the place is made choice of, the first step must be, to make choice of a fit Governor, who, although he have not the name, yet he must have the power of a Vice-Roy; and if the person who principally moved in the work, be not fit for that trust, yet he must not be excluded from command; but then his defect in the Governing part must be supplied by such Assistants as shall be joyned with him, or as he shall very well approve of.

4. As at their setting out they must have their Commission, or Letters Pattents from the King, that so they may acknowledge their dependency upon the Crown of England, and under His Protection; so they must receive some general Instructions how to dispose of themselves when they come there, which must be in nature of Laws unto them.

5. But the general Law by which they must be guided and governed, must be the common Law of England; and to that end it will be fit, that some man, reasonably studied in the Law, and otherwise qualified for such a purpose, be perswaded (if not thereunto inclined of himself, [Page] which were the best) to go thither as a Chancellor amongst them at first; and when the Plantations were more setled, then to have Courts of Justice there, as in England.

6. At the first Planting, or as soon after as they can, they must make themselves defensible, both against the Natives, and against Strangers; and to that purpose, they must have the assistance of some able Military man, and convenient Arms and Ammunition for their defence.

7. For the Discipline of the Church in those parts, it will be necessary, that it agree with that which is setled in England; else it will make a schism, and a rent, in Christs coat, which must be seamless; and, to that purpose, it will be fit, that by the Kings supream power in Causes Ecclesiastical, within all his Dominions, they be subordinate under some Bishop and Bishoprick of this Realm.

8. For the better defence against a common Enemy, I think it would be best, that forreign Plantations should be placed in one Continent, and neer together; whereas, if they be too remote the one from the other, they will be dis-united, and so the weaker.

9. They must provide themselves of houses, such as, for the present, they can, and, at more leisure, such as may be better; and they first must plant for corn and cattel, &c. for food and necessary sustenance; and after, they may enlarge themselves for those things which may be for profit and pleasure, and to traffique withal also.

10. Woods for shipping, in the first place, may doubtless be there had, and minerals there found, perhaps of the richest; howsoever, the mines out of the fruits of the earth, and seas, and waters adjoyning, may be found in abundance.

11. In a short time they may build Vessels and Ships also, for traffique with the parts near adjoyning, and with England also, from whence they may be furnished with such things as they may want, and in exchange or barter, send from thence other things, with which quickly, either by Nature, or Art, they may abound.

12. But these things would, by all means, be prevented; That no known Bankrupt, for shelter; nor known murderer, or other wicked person, to avoid the Law; nor known Heretick, or Schismatick, be suffered to go into those Countreys; or, if they do creep in there, not to be harboured, or continued: else, the place would receive them naught, and return them into England, upon all occasions, worse.

13. That no Merchant, under colour of driving a trade thither, or from thence, be suffered to work upon their necessiries.

14. And that to regulate all these inconveniencies, which will insensibly grow upon them, that the King be pleased to erect a subordinate [Page] Councel in England, whose care and charge shall be, to advise, and put in execution all things which shall be found fit for the good of those new Plantations; who, upon all occasions shall give an account of their proceedings to the King, or to the Council-board, and from them receive such directions as may best agree with the Government of that place.

15. That the Kings reasonable profit be not neglected, partly, upon reservation of moderate rents and services; and partly, upon Customes, and, partly upon importation and exportation of Merchandize: which, for a convenient time after the Plantation begin, would be very easie, to encourage the work; but, after it is well setled, may be raised to a considerable proportion worthy the acceptation.

VIII. I come to the last of those things which I propounded, which is, the Court, and Curiality.

The other did properly concern the King, in his Royal capacity, as Pater patriae; this more properly, as Pater familias: And herein,

1. I shall, in a word, and but in a word only, put you in mind, That the King in his own person, both in respect of his Houshold, or Court, and in respect of his whole Kingdom, (for a little Kingdom is but as a great Houshold; and a great Houshold, as a little Kingdom) must be exemplary, Regis ad exemplum, &c. But for this, God be praised, our charge is easie; for your gracious Master, for his Learning and Piety, Justice and Bounty, may be, and is, not only a president to his own subjects, but to forreign Princes also; yet he is still but a man, and seasonable Memento's may be useful; and, being discreetly used, cannot but take well with him.

2. But your greatest care must be, that the great men of his Court (for you must give me leave to be plain with you, for so is your injunction laid upon me) your self in the first place, who is first in the eye of all men, give no just cause of scandal, either by light, or vain, or by oppressive carriage.

3. The great Officers of the Kings Houshold had need be both discreet and provident persons, both for his Honour, and for his Thrift; they must look both ways, else they are but half-sighted: Yet in the choice of them, there is more latitude left to affection, then in the choice of Councellors, and of the great Officers of State, before touched, which must always be made choice of meerly out of judgment, for in them the publick hath a great interest.

4. For the other ministerial Officers in Court (as, for distinction sake, they may be termed) there must be also an eye unto them, and upon them; they have usually risen in the Houshold by degrees, and it [Page] is a noble way, to encourage faithful service: But the King must not bind himself to a necessity herein, for then it will be held ex debito; neither must he alter it, without an apparent [...]use for it: but to displace any who are in, upon displeasure, which for the most part happeneth upon information of some great man, is, by all means, to be avoided, unless there be a manifest cause for it.

5. In these things you may sometimes interpose, to do just and good offices; but for the general, I should rather advise, meddle little, but leave the ordering of those Houshold affairs to the white-staffs which are those honourable Persons, to whom it properly belongeth, to be answerable to the King for it, and to those other Officers of the Green-cloth, who are subordinate to them, as a kind of Councel, and a Court of Justice also.

6. Yet for the Green-cloth Law, (take it in the largest sence) I have no opinion of it, further then it is regulated by the just Rules of the Common-Laws of England.

7. Towards the support of His Majesties own Table, and of the Princes, and of his necessary Officers, His Majesty hath a good help by purveyance, which justly is due unto him; and, if justly used, is no great burthen to the subject; but by the Purveyors, and other under-Officers, is many times abused. In many parts of the Kingdom, I think, it is already reduced to a certainty in money; and if it be indifferently and discreetly manag'd, it would be no hard matter to settle it so throughout the whole Kingdom; yet to be renewed from time to time; for that will be the best, and safest, both for the King, and People.

8. The King must be put in mind, to preserve the Revenues of his Crown, both certain, and casual, without diminution, and to lay up treasure in store against a time of extremity; empty coffers give an ill sound, and make the people many times forget their Duty, thinking that the King must be beholden to them for his supplies.

9. I shall by no means think it fit, that he reward any of his servants with the benefit of forfeitures, either by Fines in the Court of Star-Chamber, or High Commission Court, or other Courts of Justice, or that they should be farmed out, or bestowed upon any, so much as by promise, before Judgment given; it would neither be profitable, nor honourable.

10. Besides matters of serious consideration, in the Court of Princes, there must be times for pastimes and disports: When there is a Queen, and Ladies of Honour attending her, there must sometimes be Masques, and Revels, and Enterludes; and when there is no Queen, or Princess, as now, yet at Festivals, and for entertainment of Strangers, or upon [Page] such occasions, they may be fit also. Yet care would be taken, that, in such cases, they be set off more with wit and activity, then with costly and wasteful expences.

11. But for the King and Prince, and the Lords and Chivalry of the Court, I rather commend, in their turns and seasons, the riding of the great Horse, the Tilts, the Barriers, Tennis, and Hunting, which are more for the health and strength of those who exercise them, then in an effeminate way to please themselves and others.

And now the Prince groweth up fast to be a man, and is of a sweet and excellent disposition; it would be an irreparable stain and dishonour upon you, having that access unto him, if you should mislead him, or suffer him to be misled by any loose or flattering Parasites: The whole Kingdom hath a deep interest in his virtuous education; and if you, keeping that distance which is fit, do humbly interpose your self, in such a case, he will one day give you thanks for it.

12. Yet Dice and Cards may sometimes be used for recreation, when field-sports cannot be had; but not to use it as a mean to spend the time, much less to mispend the thrift of the Gamesters.

SIR, I shall trouble you no longer; I have run over these things as I first propounded them; please you to make use of them, or any of them, as you shall see occasion; or to lay them by, as you think best, and to add to them, as you daily may, out of your experience.

I must be bold, again, to put you in mind of your present condition; you are in the quality of a Sentinal; if you sleep, or neglect your charge, you are an undone man, and you may fall much faster then you have risen.

I have but one thing more to mind you of, which nearly concerns your self; you serve a great and gracious Master, and there is a most hopeful young Prince, whom you must not desert; it behoves you to carry your self wisely and evenly between them both: adore not so the rising Son, that you forget the Father, who raised you to this height; nor be you so obsequious to the Father, that you give just cause to the Son, to suspect that you neglect him: But carry your self with that judgment, as, if it be possible, may please and content them both, which, truly, I believe, will be no hard matter for you to do; so may you live long beloved of both, which is the hearty prayer of,

Your most obliged, and devoted Servant.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Villiers, of Advice concerning Ireland, from Gorambury to Windsor.

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SIR,

BEcause I am uncertain whether His Majesty will put to a point some Resolutions touching Ireland, now at Windsor; I thought it my Duty to attend His Majesty by my Letter, and thereby to supply my Absence, for the renewing of some former Commissions for Ireland, and the framing of a new Commission for the Wards, and the Alienations, which appertain properly to me, as His Majesties Attorney, and have been accordingly referred by the Lords. I will undertake that they are prepared with a greater care, and better application to His Majesties Service in that Kingdom, than heretofore they have been, and therefore of that I say no more. And for the Instructions of the new Deputy, they have been set down by the two Secretaries, and read to the Board, and being things of an ordinary nature, I do not see but they may pass. But there have been three Propositions and Councels, which have been stirred, which seem to me of very great importance, wherein I think my self bound to deliver to His Majesty my Advice and Opinion, if they should now come in question. The first is, touching the Recusant Magistrates of the Towns of Ireland, and the Commonalties themselves, and their Electors, what shall be done; which Consultation ariseth from the late Advertisements from the two Lord Justices, upon the instance of the two Towns Limrick and Kilkenny; in which Advertisements, they represent the Danger only, without giving any light for the Remedy; rather warily for themselves, than agreeable to their duties and places. In this point, I humbly pray His Majesty to remember, that the refusal is not of the Oath of Allegiance (which is not enacted in Ireland) but of the Oath of Supremacy, which cutteth deeper into matter of Conscience.

Also that His Majesty, will out of the depth of His Excellent Wisdom and providence, think, and as it were calculate with himself, whether time will make more for the Cause of Religion in Ireland, and be still more and more propitious; or whether differing remedies will not make the Case more difficult. For if time give His Majesty the advantage, what needeth precipitation of extream remedies; but if the time will make the Case more desperate, then His Majesty cannot begin too soon. Now in my opinion, time will open and facilitate things for Reformation [Page] of Religion there, and not shut up or lock out the same. For first, the plantations going on, and being principally of Protestants, cannot but mate the other party in time. Also His Majesties care in placing good Bishops, and good Divines, in amplifying the Colledge there, and looking to the education of Wards, and such like; as they are the most natural means, so are they like to be the most effectual and happy, for the weeding out of Popery, without using the temporal sword, so that I think I may truly conclude, that the ripeness of time is not yet come.

Therefore my advice is, in all humbleness, that this hazardous course of proceeding to tender the Oath to the Magistrates of Towns, proceed not, but die by degrees. And yet to preserve the authority and reputation of the former Councel, I would have somewhat done, which is, that there be a proceeding to seisure of liberties, but not by any act of power, but by quo Warranto, or Scire Facias, which is a legal course, and will be the work of three or four Terms; by which time the matter will be somewhat cool.

But I would not (in no case) that the proceeding should be with both the Towns which stand now in contempt, but with one of them only, choosing that which shall be most fit. For if His Majesty proceed with both, then all the Towns that are in the like case, will think it a common Cause, and that it is but their case to day, and their own to morrow. But if His Majesty proceed but with one, the apprehension and terror will not be so strong; for, they may think, it may be their case to be spared, as well as prosecuted. And this is the best Advice that I can give to His Majesty in this strait; and of this opinion seemed my Lord Chancellor to be.

The second Proposition is this; It may be, His Majesty will be moved to reduce the number of His Councel of Ireland (which is now almost fifty) to twenty, or the like number, in respect that the greatness of the number doth both imbase the Authority of the Councel, and divulge the business. Nevertheless, I hold this Proposition to be rather specious and solemn, than needful at this time; for certainly it will fill the State full of discontentment, which, in a growing and unsetled State, ought not to be. This I could wish, that His Majesty would appoint a select number of Councellors there, which might deal in the improvement of His Revenue (being a thing not to pass through too many hands) and the said selected number should have dayes of sitting by themselves, at which the rest of the Councel should not be present; which being once setled, then other principal business of State may be handled at these sittings; and so the rest begin to be disused, and yet retain their countenance without murmur or disgrace.

[Page] The third Proposition, as it is moved, seemeth to be pretty, if it can keep promise; for it is this, That a means may be found to re-enforce His Majesties Army by five hundred, or a thousand men, and that without any Penny increase of charge. And the means should be, That there should be a Commandment of a local removing, and transferring some Companies from one Province to another, whereupon it is supposed, that many that are planted in House and Lands, will rather lose their entertainment, then remove; and thereby new men may have their Pay, yet the old be mingled in the Countrey for the strength thereof. In this Proposition two things may be feared; the one, discontent of those that shall be put off; the other, that the Companies shall be stuffed with Novices (Tirones) instead of Veterani. I wish therefore, that this Proposition be well debated, before it be admitted. Thus having performed that which Duty binds me to, I commend you to Gods best preservation.

Your most devoted, and bounden Servant.

July 5. 1616.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney General, to the Master of the Horse, upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount, sc.

SIR,

I Send you the Bill for His Majesties Signature, reformed according to His Majesties amendments, both in the two places (which, I assure you, were altered with great judgment) and in the third place, which His Majesty termed a question only. But he is an idle body, that thinketh His Majesty asketh an idle question; and therefore His Majesties questions are to be answered, by taking away the cause of the question, and not by replying.

For the name, His Majesties Will is a Law in those things; and to speak the truth, it is a well-sounding, and noble name, both here and abroad; and being your proper name, I will take it for a good sign, that you shall give honour to your dignity, and not your dignity to you. Therefore I have made it Viscount Villiers; and for your Barony, I will keep it for an Earldom. For though the other had been more orderly, yet that is as usual; and both alike good in Law.

For Ropers place, I would have it by all means dispatched, and therefore [Page] I marvaile it lingreth. It were no good manners, to take the business out of my Lord Treasurers hands; and therefore I purpose to write to his Lordship, if I hear not from him first, by Mr. Deckome; but if I hear of any delay, you will give me leave (especially since the King named me) to deal with Sir Joseph Roper my self; for neither I, nor my Lord Treasurer, can deserve any great thanks in this business of yours, considering the King hath spoken to Sir Jo. Roper, and he hath promised; and besides, the thing it self is so reasonable, as it ought to be as soon done, as said. I am now gotten into the Countrey to my house, where I have some little liberty, to think of that I would think of, and not of that which other men hourly break their head withal, as it was at London. Upon this you may conclude, that most of my thoughts are to His Majesty, and then you cannot be far off. God ever keep you, and prosper you. I rest always,

Your true, and most dutiful Servant.

The 5. of August, one of the happiest dayes.

Sir Francis Bacon, to Sir George Villiers, upon the sending his Pattent for Viscount Villiers to be Signed.

SIR,

I Have sent you now your Patent, of Creation of Lord Bletchly of Bletchly, and of Viscount Villiers. Beltchly is your own, and I liked the sound of the name better then Whaddon; but the name will be hid, for you will be called Viscount Villiers. I have put them in a Patent; after the manner of the Patent for Earls, where Baronies are joyned; but the chief reason was, because I would avoid double prefaces, which had not been fit; nevertheless the Ceremony of Robing, and otherwise, must be double.

And now, because I am in the Countrey, I will send you some of my Countrey fruits, which with me are good Meditations, which, when I am in the City, are choked with business.

After that the King shall have watered your new Dignities, with the [Page] bounty of the Lands which he intends you, and that some other things concerning your Means, which are now likewise in intention, shall be setled upon you; I do not see, but you may think your private Fortunes established; and therefore it is now time, that you should refer your Actions to the good of your Sovereign, and your Countrey. It is the life of an Oxe or Beast, alwayes to eat, and never exercise; but men are born (and specially Christian men) not to cramb in their Fortunes, but to exercise their Vertues; and yet the other hath been the unworthy, and (thanks be to God) sometimes the unlucky humour of great Persons in our times: Neither will your future Fortune be the further off, for, assure your self, that Fortune is of a Womans nature, and will sooner follow by sleighting, than by too much wooing. And in this dedication of your self to the Publick, I recommend unto you principally, that which, I think, was never done since I was born; and which, because it is not done, hath bred almost a Wilderness and Solitude in the Kings Service; which is, That you countenance and encourage, and advance able men, in all kinds, degrees and professions. For in the time of the Cecils, the Father and the Son, able men were, by design, and of purpose, suppressed; and though of late, choice goeth better, both in Church and Commonwealth, yet money, and turn-serving, and cunning canvasses, and importunity, prevaileth too much. And, in places of moment, rather make able and honest men yours, than advance those that are otherwise, because they are yours. As for cunning and corrupt men, you must (I know) sometimes use them, but keep them at a distance; and let it appear rather, that you make use of them, than that they lead you. Above all, depend wholly (next unto God) upon the King, and be ruled (as hitherto you have been) by His Instructions, for that is best for your self. For the Kings care and thoughts for you, are according to the thoughts of a great King; whereas your thoughts concerning your self, are, and ought to be, according to the thoughts of a modest man. But let me not weary you, the sum is, That you think Goodness the best part of Greatness; and that you remember whence your rising comes, and make return accordingly. God keep you.

August 12. 1616.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, about a Certificate of my Lord Coke's.

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It may please Your Excellent Majesty,

I Send your Majesty, inclosed, my Lord Coke's answers; I will not call them rescripts, much less Oracles. They are of his own hand, and offered to me (as they are) in writing, not required by me to have them set down in writing, though I am glad of it, for my own discharge. I thought it my duty, as soon as I received them, instantly to send them to Your Majesty, and forbear, for the present, to speak further of them. I, for my part, (though this Muscovia-weather be a little too hard for my constitution) was ready to have waited upon Your Majesty this day, all respects set aside; but my Lord Treasurer, in respect of the season, and much other business, was willing to save me. I will onely conclude, touching these Papers, with a Text divided; I cannot say, Oportuit haec fieri, but I may say, Finis autem nondum. God preserve Your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble, and devoted Subject and Servant.

Feb. 14. at 12. a Clock.

I humbly pray Your Majesty, to keep the Papers safe.

A Letter to the King, touching the Lord Chancellors place.

It may please Your most Excellent Majesty.

YOur worthy. Chancellour, I fear, goeth his last day. God hath hitherto used to weed out such Servants as grew not fit for Your Majesty; but now he hath gathered to himself a true sage, or salvia, out of Your Garden; But Your Majesties service must not be mortal.

Upon this heavy Accident, I pray Your Majesty in all humbleness and sincerity, to give me leave to use a few words. I must never forget, when I moved Your Majesty for the Attorneys place, it was your own sole act; more then that, Somerset, when he knew Your Majesty had resolved it, thrust himself into the business for a Fee. And therefore I have no reason to pray to Saints.

[Page] I shall now again make oblation to your Majesty, first of my heart, then of my service, thirdly, of my place of Attorney (which I think is honestly worth 16000 l. pound per annum) and fourthly, of my place of the Star-Chamber, which is worth 1600 l. per annum, and with the favuor and countenance of a Chancellor, much more.

I hope I may be acquitted of presumption, if I think of it, both because my Father had the place, which is some civil inducement to my desire: And I pray God your Majesty may have twenty no worse years in your Greatness, then Queen Elizabeth had in her Model, (after my Fathers placing) and chiefly, because, if the Chancellors place went to the Law, it was ever conferred upon some of the Learned Councel, and never upon a Judge. For Audley was raised from K. Serjeant, my Father from Attorney of the Wards, Bromley from Sollicitor, Puckering from Serjeant, Egerton from Master of the Rolls, having newly left the Attorneys place. Now I beseech Your Majesty, let me put you the present case, truly. If you take my Lord Coke, this will follow; first, Your Majesty shall put an over-ruling nature into an over-ruling place, which may breed an extream: Next, You shall blunt his industries in matter of financies, which seemeth to aime at another place. And lastly, popular men are no sure Mounters for Your Majesties Saddle. If you take my Lord Hubbart, you shall have a Judge at the upper end of Your Councel-board, and another at the lower end: Whereby Your Majesty will find your Prerogative pent. For though there should be emulation between them, yet as Legists they will agree, in magnifying that wherein they are best; He is no States-man, but an Occonomist, wholly for himself. So as Your Majesty (more then an outward form) will find little help in him, for the business. If you take my Lord of Canterbury, I will say no more, but the Chancellours place requires a whole man. And to have both Jurisdictions, Spiritual and Temporal, in that height, is sit but for a King.

For my self, I can only present Your Majesty with Gloria in obsequio: yet I dare promise, that if I sit in that place, Your business shall not make such short turns upon You, as it doth; but when a direction is once given, it shall be pursued and performed; and Your Majesty shall only be troubled with the true care of a King, which is, to think what You would have done in chief, and not how, for the passages.

I do presume also, in respect of my Fathers memory, and that I have been alwayes gracious in the Lower House, I have interest in the Gentlemen of England, and shall be able to do some good effect, in rectifying that Body of Parliament-men, which is Cardo rerum. For let me [Page] tell Your Majesty, that that part of the Chancellors place which is to Judge in equity, between party and party, that same Regnum judiciale (which since my Fathers time is but too much enlarged) concerneth Your Majesty least, more then the acquitting your Conscience for Justice. But it is the other part of a Moderator, amongst your Councel, of an Overseer over your Judges, of a planter of fit Justices, and Governors in the Country, that importeth your affairs and these times most.

I will add also, that I hope by my care, the inventive part of your Councel will be strengthned, who now commonly, do exercise rather their Judgements, then their inventions: And the inventive part cometh from projectors, and private men, which cannot be so well; In which kinde, my Lord of Salisbury had a good method, if his ends had been upright.

To conclude, if I were the man I would be, I should hope, that as Your Majesty hath of late wonne hearts by depressing; you should in this leese no hearts by advancing. For I see your people can better skill of Concretum, then Abstractum, and that the waves of their affections flow rather after persons, then things. So that acts of this nature (if this were one) do more good then twenty Bills of Grace.

If God call my Lord, the Warrants and Commissions which are requisite for the taking the Seal, and for the working with it, and for the reviving of Warrants under his hand, which dye with him, and the like, shall be in readiness. And in this time presseth more, because it is the end of a Term, and almost the beginning of the Circuits: So that the Seal cannot stand still. But this may be done, as heretofore, by Commission, till Your Majesty hath resolved of an Officer. God ever preserve Your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble Subject, and bounden Servant.

Febr. 12. 1615.

A Letter to the King, of my Lord Chancellors amendment, and the difference begun between the Chancery and Kings Bench.

[Page]

It may please your most Excellent Majesty,

I Do find (God be thanked) a sensible amendment in my Lord Chancellor, I was with him yesterday in private Conference about half an hour, and this day again, at such time as he did seal, which he endured well almost the space of an hour, though the vapour of the wax be offensive to him. He is free from a Feaver, perfect in his powers of memory and speech, and not hollow in his voice nor looks. He hath no panting, or labouring respiration, neither are his Coughs dry or weak. But whosoever thinketh his disease to be but Melancholy, maketh no true judgment of it; for it is plainly a formed and deep Cough, with a pectoral surcharge, so that at times, he doth almost animam agere. I forbear to advertise Your Majesty of the care I took to have Commissioners in readiness, because Master Secretary Lake hath let me understand he signified as much to Your Majesty. But I hope there shall be no use of them for this time.

And as I am glad to advertise Your Majesty of the amendment of Your Chancellors person, so I am sorry to accompany it with an advertisement of the sickness of Your Chancery Court; though (by the Grace of God) that cure will be much easier than the other. It is true, I did lately write to Your Majesty, that for the matter of Habeas corpora (which was the third matter in Law you had given me in charge) I did think the communion of service between my Lord Chancellor, and my Lord Chief Justice, in the great business of examination, would so join them, as they would not square at this time. But pardon me (I humbly pray Your Majesty) if I have too reasonable thoughts. And yet that which happened the last day of the Term concerning certain Indictments, in the nature of Praemunire, preferred into the Kings Bench, but not found, is not so much as is noised abroad (though I must say, it was Omni tempore nimium, & hoc tempore alienum) And therefore I beseech Your Majesty, not to give any believing ear to Reports, but to receive the Truth from me that am Your Attorney General, and ought to stand indifferent for Jurisdictions of all Courts; which account I cannot give Your Majesty now, because I was then absent, and some are now absent, which are properly and authentically to inform me, [Page] touching that which passed. Neither let this any way disjoint Your other business; for there is a time for all things, and this very accident may be turned to good; not that I am of opinion, that that same cunning Maxim of Separa & Impera, which sometimes holdeth in persons, can well take place in Jurisdictions; but because some good occasion by this excess may be taken, to settle that which would have been more dangerous, if it had gone on by little and little. God preserve Your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble Subject, and most bounden Servant.

Febr. 15. 1615.

Sir Francis Bacon, the Kings Attorney, to the King, giving some Account touching the Commendams.

It may please Your most Excellent Majesty,

I Am not swift to deliver anything to your Majesty, before it be well weighed. But now that I have informed my self of as much as is necessary, touching this proceeding of the Judges, to the Argument of the Commendams (notwithstanding your Majesties pleasure signified by me upon your Majesties Commandment, in presence of my Lord Chancellor and the Bishop of Winchester, to the contrary) I do think it fit to advertise your Majesty what hath passed; the rather, because I suppose the Judges, since they performed not your Commandment, have at least given Your Majesty their reasons of their failing therein; I begin to answer for the doing of Your Majesties Commandment, and they for the not doing.

I did conceive, that in a cause that concern'd Your Majesty and your Royal power, the Judges having heard your Attorney General argue the Saturday before, would of themselves have taken further time to be advised.

And (if I fail not in memory) my Lord Coke received from Your Majesties self, as I take it, a precedent commandment, in Hillary term; That both in the Rege inconsulto, and in the Commendams, your Attorney should be heard to speak, and then stay to be made of further proceeding, till my Lord had spoken with your Majesty.

Nevertheless, hearing that the day appointed for the Judges Argument h [...]ld, contrary to my expectation, I sent on Thursday in the evening, [Page] (having received Your Majesties Commandment but the day before, in the afternoon) a Letter to my Lord Coke, whereby I let him know, that upon some Report of my Lord of Winchester (who by Your Commandment was present at my Argument) of that which passed, it was Your Majesties express Pleasure, that no further proceeding should be, until Your Majesty had confer'd with Your Judges; which Your Majesty thought to have done at Your being now last in Town; but by reason of Your many and weighty occasions, Your Princely times would not serve: and that it was Your Pleasure he should signifie so much to the rest of the Judges, whereof his Lordship might not fail. His answer, by word, to my Man, was, That it were good the rest of the Judges understood so much from my self. Whereupon, I (that cannot skill in scruples, in matter of Service) did write on Friday, three several Letters of like Content, to the Judges of the Common Pleas, and the Barons of the Exchequer, and the other three Judges of the Kings Bench, mentioning in that last, my particular Letter to my Lord Chief Justice.

This was all I did, and thought all had been sure, insomuch as the same day being appointed in Chancery, for Your Majesties great Cause (followed by my Lord Hunsdon) I writ two other Letters to both the Chief Justices, to put them in mind of assisting my Lord Chancellor at the hearing. And when my Lord Chancellor himself took some notice upon that occasion, openly in the Chancery, that the Commendams could not hold, presently after I heard the Judges were gone about the Commendams; which I thought, at first, had been only to adjourn the Court: But I heard after, that they proceeded to Argument.

In this their doing, I conceive they must either except to the nature of the Commandment, or to the credence thereof, both which, I assure my self, Your Majesty will maintain.

For if they should stand upon the general ground. Nulli negabimus, nulli differemus Justitiam, it receiveth two Answers. The one, that reasonable and mature advice may not be confounded with delay; and that they can well alledge, when it pleaseth them. The other, that there is a great difference between a Case meerly between Subject and Subject, and where the Kings interest is in question directly, or by consequence. At for the Attorneys Place and Commission, it is as proper for him to signifie the Kings Pleasure to the Judges, as for the Secretary to signifie the same to the Privy Councel, and so hath it ever been.

These things were a little strange, if there came not so many of them together, as the one maketh the other seem less strange: But Your Majesty hath fair occasions to remedy all with small aid. I say no more for the present.

[Page] I was a little plain with my Lord Coke in these matters; and when his answer was, That he knew all these things, I said, he could never profit too much, in knowing himself and his duty.

Sir Francis Bacon his Advertisement, touching an Holy War, to the Right Reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews, Lord Bishop of Winchester, and Councellor of Estate to His Majesty.

My Lord,

AMongst consolations, it is not the least, to represent a mans self like examples of calamity in others. For Example gives a quicker impression then Arguments; and besides, they certifie us of that which the Scripture also tendereth for satisfaction, That no new thing is happened unto us. This they do the better, by how much the Examples are liker, in circumstances, to our own case, and more especially, if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier then our selves. For as it savoureth of vanity, to match our selves highly, in our own conceit; so, on the other side, it is a good sound conclusion, That if our betters have sustained the like events, we have the less cause to be grieved.

In this kind of consolation, I have not been wanting to my self, though, as a Christian, I have tasted (through Gods great goodness) of higher remedies. Having therefore, through the variety of my reading, set before me many examples, both of ancient, and latter times, my thoughts, I confess, have chiefly stayed upon three particulars, as the most eminent, and the most resembling; all three, persons, that had held chief place of Authority in their Countreys; all three ruined, not by war, or by any other disaster, but by Justice and Sentence, as Delinquents, and Criminals; all three famous Writers: Insomuch, as the remembrance of their calamity is, now, as to posterity, but as a little Picture of Night-work, remaining amongst the fair and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works: and all three, (if that were any thing to the matter) fit examples to quench any mans ambition of rising again, for that they were, every one of them, restored with great glory, but to their further ruine and destruction, ending in a violent death. The men were, Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca, persons that I durst not claim affinity with, except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it. When I had cast mine eyes upon these examples, I was carried on further to observe, how they did bear their fortunes, and, principally, how they did imploy [Page] their times, being banished, and disabled for publick business; to the end, that I might learn by them, and that they might be as well my Counsellors, as my Comsorters. Whereupon I happened to note, how diversly their fortunes wrought upon them, especially, in that point at which I did most aim, which was, the employing of their times and pens. In Cicero, I saw, that during his banishment (which was almost two years) he was so softned and dejected, as he wrote nothing but a few womanish Episiles: And yet, in mine opinion, he had least reason of the three to be discouraged; for that although it was judged, and judged by the highest kind of judgement, in form of a Statute, or Law, That he should be banished, and his whole estate confiscated and seized, and his houses pulled down, and that it should be highly penal for any man to propound his repeal; yet his case, even then, had no great blot of ignominy, but it was thought but a tempest of Popularity which overthrew him. Demosthenes, contrary-wise, though his case was foul, being condemned for bribery, and not simple bribery, but bribery in the nature of Treason and disloyalty; yet, nevertheless, he took so little knowledge of his fortune, as, during his banishment, he did much busie himself, and intermeddle with matters of State, and took upon him to counsel the State, as if he had been still at the Helm, by Letters, as appears by some Epistles of his which are extant. Seneca, indeed, who was condemned for many corruptions, and crimes, and banished into a solitary Island, kept a mean: for, though his Pen did not freeze, ye he abstained from intruding into matters of business; but spent his time in writing Books of excellent Arguments, and use for all Ages, though he might have made better choice, sometimes, of his Dedications.

These examples confirmed me much in a resolution (whereunto I was otherwise inclined) to spend my time wholy in writing, and to put forth that poor Talent, or half-talent, or what it is, that God hath given me, not, as heretofore, to particular exchanges, but to ranks or Mounts of Perpetuity, which will not break.

Therefore, having not long since, set forth a part of my Instauration, which is the work that, in mine own judgement (Si nunquam fallit Imago) I may most esteem, I think to proceed in some few parts thereof. And although I have received, from many parts beyond the Seas, testimonies touching that work, such, as beyond which I could not expect at the first, in so abstruse an Argument; yet, nevertheless, I have just cause to doubt, that it flies too much over mens heads: I have a purpose, therefore, (though I break the order of time) to draw it down to the sense, by some patterns of a Natural Story, and Inquisition. And again, for that my Books of Advancement of Learning may be some preparative, [Page] or Key, for the better opening of the Instauration, because it exhibits a mixture of new conceipts, and old, whereas the Instauration gives the new unmixed, (otherwise then with some little aspersion of the old, for tastes sake,) I have thought to procure a Translation of that Book into the general Language, not without great and ample additions, and enrichment thereof, especially in the second Book, which handleth the partition of Sciences; in such sort, as, I hold it, may serve in lieu of the first part of the Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part. Again, because I cannot altogether desert the civil person that I have borne, (which, if I should forget, enough would remember) I have also entred into a work touching Laws, propounding a Character of Justice in the middle Term, between the speculative and reverend discourses of Philosophers, and the writings of Lawyers, which are tied, and obnoxious to their particular Laws. And although it be true, that I had a purpose to make a particular Digest, or re-compilement, of the Laws of mine own Nation; yet because it is a Work of assistance, and that that I cannot master, by my own forces and pen, I have laid it aside. Now having in the work of my Instauration, had in contemplatiō the general good of men, in their very being, and dowries of nature; & in my work of Laws, the general good of men in Society, and the dowries of Government, I thought in duty I owed somewhat unto mine own Countrey, which I ever loved; insomuch, as although my place hath been far above my deserts, yet my thoughts and cares concerning the good thereof, were beyond, and over, and above my place. So now, being as I am, no more able to do my Countrey service, it remained unto me to do it honour, which I have endeavoured to do, in my Work of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh. As for my Essayes, and some other particulars of that Nature, I count them but as the Recreations of my other Studies; and in that sort I purpose to continue them, though I am not ignorant, that those kind of Writings would, with less pains and embracement, perhaps, yield more lustre and reputation to my Name, than those other which I have in hand. But I account the use that a man should seek, of the publishing of his own Writings before his death, to be but an untimely anticipation of that which is proper to follow a man, and not to go along with him.

But revolving with myself my Writings, as well those I have published, as those which I had in hand, methought they went all into the City, and none into the Temple; where, because I have found so great consolation, I desire likewise to make some poor oblation. Therefore I have chosen an Argument, mixt of Religious and Civil Considerations; and likewise mixt between Contemplative and Active: For, who can [Page] tell, whether there may not be an Exoriere aliquis? Great matters, (especially if they be Religious) have (many times) small beginnings, and the Plat-form may draw on the Building. This Work, because I was ever an enemy to flattering Dedications, I have dedicated to your Lordship, in respect of our ancient and private acquaintance, and because, amongst the men of our times, I hold you in especial Reverence.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King, about the Pardon of the Parliaments Sentence.

Most gracious and dread Sovereign,

BEfore I make my Petition to your Majesty, I make my Prayers to God above, pectore ab imo, That if I have held anything so dear as your Majesties service, (nay) your hearts ease, and your honour, I may be repulsed with a denial. But if that hath been the principal with me, That God, who knoweth my heart, would move your Majesties royal heart to take compassion of me, and to grant my desire.

I prostrate my self at your Majesties feet; I, your ancient servant, now sixty four years old in age, and three years and five moneths old in misery: I desire not from your Majesty, means, nor place, nor imployment; but only, after so long a time of expiation, a compleat and total remission of the sentence of the Upper House, to the end that blot of ignominy may be removed from me, and from my memory with posterity, that I die not a condemned man, but may be to your Majesty, as I am to God, Nova creatura. Your Majesty hath pardoned the like to Sir John Bennet, between whose case and mine, (not being partial to my self, but speaking out of the general opinion) there was as much difference, I will not say, as between black and white, but as between black and gray, or ash-coloured. Look therefore down (dear Sovereign) upon me also in pity. I know, your Majesties heart is inscrutable for goodness; and my Lord of Buckingham was wont to tell me, you were the best natured man in the world; and it is Gods property, that those that he hath loved, he loveth to the end. Let your Majesties grace, in this my desire, stream down upon me, and let it be out of the fountain and spring-head, and ex mero motu, that living or dying, the print of the goodness of King James may be in my heart, and his praises in my mouth. This my most humble request granted may make me live a year [Page] or two happily; and denied, will kill me quickly. But yet the last thing that will die in me, will be the heart and affection of

Your Majesties most humble; and true devoted servant,

Fr. St. Alban. July 30. 1624.

Sir Francis Bacon, to King James, of a Digest to be made of the Laws of England.

Most Excellent Sovereign,

AMongst the Degrees and Acts of Sovereign, or rather Heroical Honour, the first, or second, is the person and merit of a Law-giver. Princes that govern well are Fathers of the People: But if a Father breed his Son well, and allow him well, while he liveth, but leave him nothing at his death, whereby both he, and his Children, and his Childrens Children, may be the better, it is not in him compleat. So Kings, if they make a portion of an Age happy by their good Government; yet if they do not make Testaments (as God Almighty doth) whereby a perpetuity of good may descend to their Countrey, they are but mortal, and transitory benefactors. Domitian, a few days before he dyed, dreamed, that a golden Head did rise upon the Nape of his Neck; which was truly performed in the golden Age that followed his times, for five Successions. But Kings, by giving their Subjects good Laws, may, if they will, in their own time, join and graff this golden Head upon their own necks, after their death: Nay, they make Nabuchodonosors Image of Monarchy, golden from head to foot. And if any of the meaner sort of Politicks, that are sighted only to see the worst of things, think, That Laws are but Cobwebs, and that good Princes will do well without them, and bad will not stand much upon them; the discourse is neither good nor wise. For, certain it is, That good Laws are good Bridles to bad Princes, and as a very Wall about Government. And if Tyrants sometimes make a breach into them, yet they mollifie even Tyranny it self, as Solons Laws did the Tyranny of Pisistratus; and then commonly they get up again, upon the first advantage of better times. Other means to perpetuate the memory and merits of Sovereign Princes, are inferiour to this. Building of Temples, Tombs, Palaces, [Page] Theatres, and the like, are honourable things, and look big upon Posterity: But Constantine the Great, gave the name well to those works, when he used to call Trajan, who was a great Builder, Parietarius, because his name was upon so many walls. So that, if that be the matter, that the King would turn Wall-flower, or Pelitory of the Wall, with cost he may. Adrians vein was better, for his mind was to wrastle a fall with Time; and being a great Progressor over all the Roman Empire, when ever he found any decayes of Bridges, or High-wayes, or cuts of Rivers and Sewers, or Walls, or Banks, or the like, he gave substantial order for their Repair. He gave also multitudes of Charters and Liberties for the comfort of Corporations, and Companies in decay; so that his Bounty did strive with the ruines of time. But yet this, though it were an excellent disposition, went but, in effect, to the Cases and Shells of a Commonwealth; it was nothing to Virtue, or Vice. A bad man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his Wayes and Bridges, as well as a good; and bad people might purchase good Charters. Surely the better works of perpetuity in Princes, are they that wash the inside of the Cup; such as are foundations of Colledges and Lectures, for learning, and education for youth; likewise foundations and institutions of Orders and Fraternities, for Nobleness, Enterprize and Obedience, and the like: But yet these also are but like Plantations of Orchards and Gardens in plats and spots of ground here and there; they do not Till over the whole Kingdom, and make it fruitful, as doth the establishing of good Laws and Ordinances, which make a whole Nation to be as a well ordered Colledge or Foundation.

This kind of work, in the memory of time, is rare enough to shew it excellent; and yet not so rare, as to make it suspected for impossible, inconvenient, and unsafe. Moses, that gave Laws to the Hebrews, because he was the scribe of God himself, is fitter to be named for Honours sake to other Law-givers, then to be numbred and ranked amongst them. Minos, Lycurgus, and Solon, are examples for Themes of Grammar-Scholars. For ancient Personages, and Characters, now a days, use to wax children again. Though that Parable of Pindarus be true, The best thing is water; for common and trivilal things are many tmies the best, and rather despised upon pride, because they are vulgar, then upon cause or use. Certain it is, that the Laws of those three Law-givers had great prerogatives; the first, of fame, because they were the pattern among the Grecians; the second, of lasting, for they continued longest without alteration; the third, a spirit of reviver, to be often expired; and often restored.

Amongst the seven Kings of Rome, there were four Law-givers: For it is most true that a Discourse of Italy saith, There was never State so [Page]well swadled in the infancy, as the Roman was, by the vertue of their first Kings; which was a principal cause of the wonderful growth of that State in after-times.

The Decemvirs Laws were Laws upon Laws, not the Original; For they graffed Laws of Graecia upon the Roman stock of Laws and Customs: But such was their success, as the twelve Tables which they compiled were the main body of the Laws which framed and welded the great Body of that State. They lasted a long time, with some supplementals, and the Pretorian Edicts in Albo, which were, in respect of Laws, as Writing-tables in respect of Brass, the one to be put in and out, as the other is permanent. Lucius Cornelius Sylla reformed the Laws of Rome: For that man had three singularities, which never Tyrant had but he; That he was a Law-giver; that he took part with Nobility; and that he turned private man, not upon fear, but upon confidence.

Caesar, long after, desired to imitate him only in the first; for otherwise, he relied upon new men; and for resigning his power, Seneca describeth him right, Caesar gladium cito condidit, nunquam posuit: And himself took it upon him, saying in scorn, of Sylla's resignation, Sylla nescivit liter as, dictare non potuit. But, for the part of a Law-giver, Cicero giveth him the Attribute, Caesar, si ab eo quaereretur quid egisset in Toga, leges se, respondisset, multas & praeclar as tulisse. His Nephew Augustus did tread the same steps, but with deeper print, because of his long Reign in peace; whereof one of the Poets of his time, saith.

Pace data terris, animum ad Civilia vertit;

Jura suum legesque tulit justissimus Author.

From that time, there was such a race of Wit and Authority, between the Commentaries and Decisions of the Lawyers, and the Edicts of the Emperours, as both Laws and Lawyers were out of breath: whereupon Justinian, in the end, re-compiled both, and made a Body of Laws, such as might be wielded, which himself calleth glorious, and yet not above truth; the edifice or structure of a sacred Temple of Justice, built indeed out of the former ruines of Books, as materials, and some novel constitutions of his own.

In Athens they had sex viri, as AEschines observeth, which were standing Commissioners; who did watch to discern what Laws were unproper for the times, and what new Law did, in any branch, cross a former Law, and so, ex officio, propounded their Repeal.

King Edgar collected the Laws of this Kingdom, and gave them a [Page] strength of a Faggot bound, which formerly were dispersed; which was more glory to him, than his sailing about this Island with a great Fleet; for that was, as the Scripture saith, Via Navis in Mari, it vanished; but this lasteth.

Alphonso the Wise, the Ninth of that Name, King of Castile, compiled the Digest of the Laws of Spain, intituled, The six Partidas; an excellent Work, which he finished in seven years: And, as Tacitus noteth well, That the Capitol, though built in the beginnings of Rome, yet was sit for the great Monarchy that came after; so that building of Laws sufficeth the greatness of the Empire of Spain, which since hath ensued.

Lewis the Eleventh had in his mind, though he performed it not, to have made one constant Law of France, extracted out of the Civil Roman Law, and the Customes of Provinces, which are various, and the Kings Edicts, which with the French are Statutes. Surely he might have done well, if, like as he brought the Crown (as he said himself) hors de Page, so he had brought his people from Lacquay, not to run up and down for their Laws, to the Civil Law, and the Ordinances of Courts, and Discourses of Philosophers, as they use to do.

King Henry the Eighth, in the Twenty seventh year of his Reign, was authorized by Parliament to nominate Thirty two Commoners, part Ecclesiastical, part Temporal, to purge the Common Law, and to make it agreeable to the Law of God, and the Law of the Land; but it took not effect: For the Acts of that King were, commonly rather proffers and fames, then either well grounded, or well pursued. But I doubt I err, in producing so many examples: for, as Cicero, said to Caesar, so may I say to Your Majesty, Nil vulgare, te dignum videri possit, though, indeed, this, well understood, is far from vulgar; for that the Laws of both Kingdoms and States have been, like buildings, of many pieces, and patched up, from time to time, according to occasions, without frame or model.

Now for the Laws of England, if I shall speak my opinion of them, without partiality, either to my profession, or Countrey, for the matter and nature of them, I hold them wise, just, and Moderate Laws; they give to God, they give to Caesar, they give to the Subject, what appertaineth. It is true, they are as mixt as our Language, compounded of British, Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman customs; and surely, as our Language, is thereby so much the richer, so our Laws are likewise, by that mixture, the more compleat. Neither both this attribute the less to them, then those that would have them to stand out the same, in all mutations. For no tree is so good first set, as by transplanting and graffing. [Page] I remember what happened to Calisthenes, that followed Alexders Court, and was grown into some displeasure with him, because he could not well brook the Persian adoration: At a Supper (which with the Grecians was a great part) he was desired, the King being present, because he was an eloquent man, to speak of some Theme; which he did, and chose for his Theme, the praise of the Macedonian Nation. Which, though it were but a filling thing, to praise men to their faces; yet he performed it with such advantage of truth, and avoidance of flattery, and with such life, as was applauded by the Hearers. The King was the less pleased with it, not loving the man, and by way of discountenance, said, It was easie to be a good Orator in a pleasing Theme: But, saith he to him, turn your stile, and tell us now of our faults, that we may have the profit, and not the praise only. Which he presently did, with such quickness, that Alexander said, That Malice made him Eloquent then, as the Theme had done before. I shall not fall into either of these extreams iu this Subject of the Laws of England: I have commended them before for the matter; but surely, they ask much amendment for the Form; which, to reduce and perfect, I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be conferred upon this Kingdom; which Work, for the Excellency, as it is worthy Your Majesties Acts and Times, so it hath some Circumstance of propriety agreeable to Your person. God hath blessed Your Majesty with posterity, and I am not of opinion, that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply perpetuity of generations by perpetuity of noble acts; but contrariwise, that they that leave posterity, are the more interessed in the care of future times, that as well their Progeny as their people may participate of their merit. Your Majesty is a great Master in Justice, and Judicature, and it were pity, the fruit of that your vertue should not be transmitted to the ages to come. Your Majesty also reigneth in learned times, the more, no doubt, in regard of your own perfection in learning, and your Patronage thereof; and it hath been the mishap of works, that the less learned time hath sometimes wrought upon the more Learned, which now will not be so. As for my self, the Law was my profession, to which I am a debtor; some little help I have of my Arts, which may give form to matter; and I have now by Gods merciful chastisement, and by his special providence, time and leasure to put my Talent, or half Talent, or what it is, to such exchanges, as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an active life. Therefore as in the beginning of my troubles, I made offer to Your Majesty to take pains in the story of England, and in compiling a Method, and Digest of your Laws, so have I performed the first (which rested but upon my self) in some part. [Page] And I do in all humbleness renew the offer of this Letter (which will require help and assistance) to Your Majesty, if it shall stand with your good pleasure to imploy my service therein.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the Right Honourable his very good Lord, the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

IT may please your good Lordship, I cannot be ignorant, and ought to be sensible of the wrong which I sustain, Common speech, as if I had been false or unthankful, to that noble, but unfortunate Earl, the Earl of Essex: and for satisfying the vulgar sort, I do not so much regard it; though I love a good name; but yet as a hand-maid and attendant of honesty and vertue. For I am of his opinion, that said pleasantly, that it was a shame to him that was a Suitor to the Mistress, to make Love to the Waiting-woman. And therefore, to Wooe or Court common fame, otherwise then it followeth upon honest courses, I, for my part, find not my self fit nor disposed. But on the otherside, there is no worldly thing that concerneth my self, which I hold more dear, then the good opinion of certain persons, amongst which there is none I would more willingly give satisfaction unto, then to your Lordship. First, because you loved my Lord of Essex, and therefore will not be partial towards me, which is part of that I desire; next, because it hath ever pleased you, to shew your self to me an honourable friend; and so no baseness in me to seek to satisfie you. And lastly, because I know your Lordship is excellently grounded in the true rules and habits of duties and moralities, which must be they which shall decide this matter: wherein (my Lord) my defence needeth to be but simple and brief; namely, that whatsoever I did concerning that action and proceeding, was done in my duty and service to the Queen, and her State; in which I would not shew my self falshearted nor faint-hearted, for any mans sake alive. For every honest man, that hath his heart well planted, will forsake his King, rather than forsake God; and forsake his Friends, than forsake his King; and yet will forsake any earthly Commodity; yea, and his own life, in some cases, rather than forsake his Friend. I hope the world hath not forgotten his degrees; else the Heathen saying, amicus usque ad aras, shall jndge them: and if any man shall say, that I did officiously intrude my self into that business, because I had no ordinary place; the like may be said of all the business, in effect, that passed the hands of the learned Councel either [Page] of State or Revenue, these many years, wherein I was continually used; for, as your Lordship may remember, the Queen knew her strength so well, as she looked her word should be a Warrant; and after the manner of the choicest Princes before her, did not always tye her trust to place, but did sometimes divide private favour from office. And I, for my part, though I was not unseen in the world, but I knew the condition was subject to envie and peril; yet because I knew, again, she was constant in her favours, and made an end where she began; and especially, because she upheld me with extraordinary access, and other demonstrations, confidence and Grace, I resolved to endure it in expectation of better. But my scope and desire is, that your Lordship would be pleased to have the honourable patience to know the truth, in some particularity of all that passed in this cause, wherein I had any part; that you may perceive how honest a heart I ever bare to my Sovereign, and to my Countrey, and to that Nobleman who had so well deserved of me, and so well accepted of my deservings; whose fortune I cannot remember without much grief. But for any action of mine towards him, there is nothing that passed me in my life-time that cometh to my remembrance with more clearness, and less check of Conscience: For, it will appear to your Lordship, that I was not only not opposite to my Lord of Essex, but that I did occupy the utmost of my wits, and adventured my Fortune with the Queen, to have redintegrated his; and so continued faithfully and industriously, till his last fatal impatience (for so I will call it) after which day, there was not time to work for him, though the same my affection, when it could not work upon the subject proper, went to the next, with no ill effect towards some others, who (I think) do rather not know it, than not acknowledge it. And this I will assure your Lordship, I will leave nothing untold that is truth, for any enemy that I have to add; and on the other side, I must reserve much which makes for me, upon many respects of Duty, which I esteem above my Credit: And what I have here set down to your Lordship, I protest, as I hope to have any part in Gods favour, is true.

It is well known, how I did, many years since, dedicate my travels and studies to the use, and (as I may term it) service of my Lord of Essex; which, I protest before God, I did not, making election of him as the likeliest mean of my own advancement; but out of the humour of a man that ever from the time I had any use of Reason (whether it were reading upon good Books, or upon the example of a good Father, or by Nature) I loved my Countrey more then was answerable to my Fortune; and I held, at that time, my Lord to be the fittest instrument to do good to the State: and therefore I applied my self wholly to him, [Page] in a manner, which I think happeneth rarely amongst men. For I did not only labour carefully and industriously in that he set me about, whether it were matter of advice, or otherwise; but neglecting the Queens Service, mine own Fortune, and in a sort, my Vocation, I did nothing but devise and ruminate with my self, to the best of my understanding, Propositions and Memorials of any thing that might concern his Lordships Honour, Fortune or Service. And when, not long after I entred into this course, my Brother, Mr. Anthony Bacon, came from beyond the Seas, being a Gentleman, whose abilities the World taketh knowledge of, for matter of State, specially Forreign, I did likewise knit his Service to be at my Lords disposing. And, on the other side, I must, and will ever acknowledge my Lords love, trust and favour towards me; and last of all, his liberality, having enfeoffed me of land which I sold for 1800 l. to Mr. Reynold Nicholas, and I think was more worth, and that at such a time, and with so kind and noble circumstances, as the manner was as much as the matter: Which, though it be but an idle digression, yet because I will not be short in commemoration of his benefits, I will presume to trouble your Lordship with the relating to you the manner of it.

After the Queen had denied me the Sollicitors place, for the which his Lordship had been a long and earnest Suitor on my behalf, it pleased him to come to me from Richmond to Twilknam Park, and brake with me, and said, Mr. Bacon, the Queen hath denied me the place for you, and hath placed another: I know you are the least part of your own matter; but you fare ill, because you have chosen me for your mean and dependance; you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters: I die (these were the very words) if I do not somewhat towards your Fortune; you shall not deny to accept a piece of land which I will bestow upon you. My answer, I remember, was, That for my Fortune, it was no great matter; but that his Lordships offer made me call to mind what was wont to be said when I was in France, of the Duke of Guise, That he was the greatest Usurer in France, because he had turned all his Estate into Obligations; meaning, that he had left himself nothing, but only had bound numbers of persons to him: Now, my Lord (said I) I would not have you imitate this course, nor turn your state thus by greatest gifts into obligations, for you will find many bad Debtors. He bade me take no care for that, and pressed it; whereupon I said, I see my Lord, that I must be your Homager, and hold land of your gift; but do you know the manner of doing Homage in Law? alwayes it is with a saving of his faith to the King, and his other Lords; and therefore, my Lord (said I) I can be no more yours than I was, and it must be with the ancient savings; [Page] and, if I grow to be a rich man, you will give me leave to give it back a gain to some of your un-rewarded followers.

But to return: Sure I am, (though I can arrogate nothing to my self, but that I was a faithful Remembrancer to your Lordship) that while I had most credit with him, his fortune went on best; and yet in too many points we always directly, and condradictorily differed; which I will mention to your Lordship, because it giveth light to all that followed. The one was, I alwayes set this down, That the only course to be held with the Queen, was, by obsequiousness and observance; and I remember, I would usually gage confidently, that if he would take that course constantly, and with choice of good particulars to express it, the Queen would be brought in time to Ahasuerus Question, to ask, What should be done to the man that the King would honour? meaning, that her goodness was without limit, where there was a true concurrence, which I knew in her nature to be true: My Lord, on the other side, had a setled opinion, that the Queen should be brought to nothing, but by a kind of necessity and authority; and I well remember, when by violent Courses at any time he had got his Will, he would ask me; Now Sir, whose Principles be true? and I would again say to him, My Lord, these Courses be like to hot waters, they will help at a pang, but if you use them, you shall spoil the stomack, and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger, and yet in the end they will lose their operation; with much other variety wherewith I used to touch that string. Another point was, That I alwayes vehemently perswaded him from seeking greatness by a Military dependance, or by a Popular dependance, as that which would breed in the Queen, Jealousie; in himself, Presumption, and in the State, Perturbation; and I did usually compare them to Icarus two wings, which were joined on with wax, and would make him venture to soar too high, and then fail him at the height. And I would further say unto him, My Lord stand upon two feet, and flie not upon two wings. The two feet are the two kinds of Justice, commutative and distributive; use your greatness, for advancing of merit and vertue, and relieving wrongs and burthens, you shall need no other art of sineness; but he would tell me, that opinion came not from my mind, but from my robe. But it is very true, that I that never meant to enthrall my self to my Lord of Essex, nor any other man, more than stood with the publick good; did (though I could little prevail) divert him by all means possible from Courses of the Wars and Popularity: for I saw plainly, the Queen must either live or dye; if she lived, then the times would be, as in the declination of an old Prince; if she died, the times would be, as in the beginning of a new; and that if his Lordship did rise too fast in these [Page] Courses, the times might be dangerous for him, and he for them. Nay, I remember I was thus plain with him upon his Voyage to the Islands, when I saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation, that I said to him, My Lord, when I came first to you, I took you for a Physitian that desired to cure the diseases of the State; but now I doubt you will be like to those Physitians which can be content to keep their Patients long, because they would alwayes be in request: which plainness he nevertheless took very well; as he had an excellent care, and was patientissimus veri, and assured me the case of the Realm required it; and I think this speech of mine, and the like renewed afterwards, pricked him to write that Apology which is in many mens hands.

But this dfference in two points, so main and material, bred, in process of time, a discontinuance of privateness (as it is the manner of men seldom to Communicate where they think their courses not approved) between his Lordship and my self, so as I was not called, nor advised with, for some year and a half before his Lordships going into Ireland, as in former time; yet nevertheless touching his going into Ireland, it pleased him expresly, and in a set manner, to desire mine opinion, and Counsel; at which time I did not only disswade, but protest against his going, telling him, with as much vehemency and asseveration as I could, that absence in that kind would exulcerate the Queens mind, whereby it would not be possible for him to carry himself so, as to give her sufficient contentment, not for her to carry herself so, as to give him sufficient countenance, which would be ill for her, ill for him, and ill for the State. And because I would omit no Argument, I remember I stood also upon tbe difficulty of the action, setting before him out of Histories, that the Irish was such an enemy, as the ancient Gaules or Britains, or Germans were, and that we saw how the Romans who had such Discipline to govern their Souldiers, and such Donatives to encourage them, and the whole World in a manner to levy them; yet when they came to deal with enemies which placed their felicities only in liberty, and the sharpness of their Sword, and had the natural and elemental advantages of Woods and Boggs, and hardness of bodies, they ever found they had their hands full of them, and therefore concluded, that going over with such expectation as he did, and through the churlishness of the enterprise, not like to answer it, would mightily diminish his reputation and name; other reasons I used, so as I am sure, I never in any thing in my life-time, dealt with him in like earnestness by speech, by writing, and by all the means I could devise. For, I did as plainly see his overthrow, chained, as it were, by destiny to that Journey, as it is possible for any man to ground a Judgment upon future Contingents. But, my Lord, howsoever [Page] his ear was open, yet his heart and resolution was shut against that advice, whereby his ruine might have been prevented.

After my Lords going I saw how true a Prophet I was, in regard of the evident alteration which naturally succeeded in the Queens minde, and thereupon I was still in watch to find the best occasion, that, in the weakness of my power, I could either take, or minister, to pull him out of the fire, if it had been possible; and not long after, me thought I saw some overture thereof, which I apprehended readily; a particularity which I think to be known to very few, and the which I do the rather relate to your Lordship, because I hear it should be talked, that while my Lord was in Ireland, I revealed some matter against him, or I cannot tell what; which if it were not a meer slander, as the rest is, but had any, though never so little colour, was surely upon this occasion. The Queen one day being at Non-such, a little, (as I remember) before Cuffers coming over, where I attended her, shewed a passionate distaste of my Lords proceedings in Ireland, as if they were unfortunate, without Judgment, Contemptuous, and not without some private end of his own, and all that might be, and was pleased, as she spake of it to many that she trusted less, so to fall into the like speech with me; whereupon I that was still awake, and true to my grounds which I thought surest for my Lords good, said to this effect: Madam, I know not the particulars of Estate, and I know this, that Princes occasions must have no abrupt periods or conclusions; but otherwise, I would think that if you had my Lord of Essex here with a white staff in his hand, as my Lord of Leicester had, and continued him still about you, for society to your self, and for an honour and ornament to your attendance and Court, in the eyes of your people, and in the eyes of Forreign Ambassadors, then were he in his right Element: for to discontent him as you do, and yet to put Arms and Power into his hands, may be a kind of temptation to make him prove combersome and unruly. And therefore, if you would imponere bonam clausulam, and send for him, and satisfie him with Honour here near you, if your Affairs (which as I have said) I am not acquainted with, will permit it, I think were the best way; which course, your Lordship knoweth, if it had been taken, then all had been well; and no contempt in my Lords coming over, nor continuance of these jealousies which that imployment of Ireland bred, and my Lord here in his former greatness: well, the next news that I heard, was, that my Lord was come over, and that he was committed to his Chamber, for leaving Ireland without the Queens Licence: this was at Non-such, where (as my Duty was) I came to his Lordship, and talked with him privately about a quarter of an hour, and he asked my opinion of the course that was taken with him; I told [Page] him, My Lord, Nubecula est, cito transibit, it is but a mist: but shall I tell your Lordship? it is as mists are, if it go upwards, it may happily cause a showr; if downward, it will clear up; and therefore good my Lord, carry it so, as you take away by all means, all umbrages and distastes from the Queen, and especially, if I were worthy to admonish you (as I have been by your Lordship, thought, and now your question imports the continuance of that opinion) observe three points. First, make not this cessation or peace which is concluded with Tyrone as a service wherein you glory, but as a shuffling up of a prosecution which was not very fortunate; next, represent not to the Queen any necessity of State, whereby, as by a coertion or wrentch, she should think her self enforced to send you back into Ireland; but leave it to her. Thirdly, seek access, importune, opportune, seriously, sportingly, every way. I remember, my Lord was willing to hear me, but spake very few words, and shaked his head sometimes, as if he thought he was in the wrong; but sure I am, he did just contrary in every one of these three points. After this, during the while my Lord was committed to my Lord Keepers, I came divers times to the Queen, as I had used to do, about cause of Her Revenue and Law business, as is well known: by reason of which accesses, according to the ordinary charities of Court, it was given out that I was one of them that incensed the Queen against my Lord of Essex. These speeches I cannot tell, nor I will not think that they grew any wayes from her own speeches, whose memory I will ever honour: if they did, she is with God, and miserum est ab illis laedi, de quibus non possis queri. But, I must give this testimony to my Lord Cecill, that one time, in his house, at the Savoy, he dealt with me directly; and said to me, Cousin, I hear it, but I believe it not, that you should do some ill office to my Lord of Essex; for my part, I am meerly passive, and not active in this action, and I follow the Queen, and that heavily, and I lead her not; my Lord of Essex is one that in nature I could consent with, as with any one living; the Queen indeed is my Sovereign, and I am her creature; I may not lose her; and the same Course I would wish you to take; whereupon, I satisfied him how sarre I was from any such minde. And, as sometimes it comes to passe, that mens Inclinations are opened more in a Toy, than in a serious matter: A little before that time, being about the middle of Michaelmass Term, her Majesty had a purpose to dine at my lodging at Twitnam Park, at which time I had (though I prosess not to be a Poet) prepared a Sonnet, directly tending to draw on her Majesties reconcilement to my Lord, which I remember also I shewed to a great person, and one of my Lords nearest friends who commended it: this [Page] though it be (as I said) but a toy, yet it shewed plainly in what spirit I proceeded, and that I was ready not only to do my Lord good offices, but to publish and declare my self for him; and never was I so ambitious of any thing in my life time, as I was to have carried some token or favour from her Majesty to my Lord, using all the art I had, both to procure her Majesty to send, and my self to be the Messenger; for as to the former, I feared not to alledge to her, that this proceeding towards my Lord was a thing towards the people very implausible; and therefore wished Her Majesty, howsoever she did, yet to discharge her self, and to lay it upon others; and therefore that she should intermixt her proceeding with some immediate graces from her self, that the world might take knowledge of her Princely nature and goodness, lest it should alienate the hearts of her people from her; which I did stand upon, knowing very well that if she once relented, to send or visit, those demonstrations would prove matter of substance for my Lords good: And to draw that imployment upon my self, I advised her Majesty, that when soever God should move her to turn the light of her favour towards my Lord, to make signification to him thereof; that Her Majesty, if she did it not in person, would at the least use some such mean as might not intitle themselves to any part of the thanks, as persons that were thought mighty with her, to work her, or to bring her about; but to use some such as could not be thought but a meer Conduct of her own goodness; but I could never prevaile with her, though I am perswaded she saw plainly whereat I levelled; but she had me in jealousie that I was not hers entirely, but still had inward and deep respects towards my Lord, more then stood at that time with her will and pleasure.

About the same time, I remember an answer of mine in a matter which had some affinity with my Lords Cause; which, though it grew from me, went after about in others names; for her Majesty being mightily incensed with that Book which was dedicated to my Lord of Essex, being a story of the first year of King Henry the fourth, thinking it a seditious prelude to put into the peoples heads boldness and faction, said, she had an opinion there was treason in it, and asked me if I could not finde any places in it that might be drawn within Case of Treason: Whereto I answered; for treason, sure I found none; but for felony, very many. And when her Majesty hastily asked me, wherein? I told her, the Author had committed very apparent theft; for he had taken most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus, and translated them into English, and put them into his text. And another time, when the Queen could not be perswaded that it was his writing whose name was to it, but that it had some more mischievous Author, and said with [Page] great indignation, that she would have him racked to produce his Au thor; I replied, Nay, Madam, he is a Doctor, never rack his person, but rack his stile; let him have pen, Ink, and paper, and help of books, and be enjoyned to continue the story where it breaketh off, and I will undertake, by collating the stiles, to judge whether he were the Author, or no. But for the main matter, sure I am, when the Queen at any time asked my opinion of my Lords Case, I ever, in one tenour, said unto her, that they were faults which the Law might term Contempts, because they were the transgression of her particular directions and Instructions: but then, what defence may be made of them in regard of the great Interest the person had in Her Majesties favour, in regard of the greatness of his place, and the ampleness of his Commission, in regard of the nature of the business, being action of war, which in common cases cannot be tyed to strictness of Instructions, in regard of the distance of the place; having also a Sea between his demands and Her Commands; must be subject to wind and weather, in regard of a Councel of State of Ireland, which he had at his beck to avow his actions upon; and lastly, in regard of a good Intention that he might alledge for himself, which, I told her, in some religions, was held to be a sufficient dispensation for Gods Commandments, much more for Princes: In all these regards I besought her Majesty to be advised again and again, how she brought the Cause into any publick question: Nay, I went further, for I told her my Lord was an eloquent and well spoken man; and besides his eloquence of nature or art, he had an eloquence of accident, which pass'd them both, which was, the pity and benevolence of his hearers; and therefore when he should come to answer for himself, I doubted his words would have so unequal passage above theirs that should charge him, as would not be for her Majesties honour, and therefore wished the Conclusion might be, that they might wrap it up privately between themselves, and that she would restore my Lord to his former attendance, with some addition of honour, to take away discontent; But this I will never deny, that I did shew no approbation generally of his being sent back again into Ireland, both because it would have carried a repugnancy with my former discourse, and because I was in mine own heart fully perswaded, that it was not good, neither for the Queen, nor for the State, nor for himself; and yet I did not disswade it neither, but left it ever as locus lubricus. For this perticularitie I do well remember, that after your Lordship was named for the place in Ireland, and not long before your going, it pleased her Majesty at Whitehall, to speak to me of that nomination: at which time I said to her, Surely Madam, if you mean not to imploy my Lord of [Page] Essex thither again, your Majesty cannot make a better choice; and was going on to shew some reason, and her Majesty interrupted me swith great passion; Essex (said she) whensoever I send Essex back again into Ireland, I will marry you! claim it of me: Whereunto I said, well Madam, I will release that Contract, if his going be or the good of the State. Immediately after the Queen had thought of a Course (which was also executed) to have somewhat published in the Star-Chamber, for the satisfaction of the World, touching my Lord of Essex his restraint, and my Lord not to be called to it, but occasion to be taken by reason of some Libels then dispersed; which when her Majesty propounded unto me, I was utterly against it, and told her plainly, That the People would say, that my Lord was wounded upon his back, and that Justice had her balance taken from her, which ever consisted of an accusation and defence, with many other quick and significant terms to that purpose; insomuch, that I remember, I said, that my Lord, in foro famae, was too hard for her; and therefore wish'd her, as I had done before, to wrap it up privately. And certainly, I offended her at that time, which was rare with me; for I call to mind, that both the Christmass, Lent, and Easter-Term following, though I came divers times to her upon Law-businesses, yet methought her face and manner was not so clear and open to me, as it was at the first: And she did directly charge me that I was absent that day at the Star-Chamber, which was very true; but I alledged some indisposition of body to excuse it; and during all the time aforesaid, there was altum silentium, from her to me, touching my Lord of Essex causes. But towards the end of Easter Term Her Majesty brake with me, and told me that she had found my words true; for that the proceeding in the Star-Chamber had done no good, but rather kindled factious bruits (as she termed them) then quenched them, and therefore that she was determined now, for the satisfaction of the world, to proceed against my Lord in the Star-Chamber by an Information ore tenus, and to have my Lord brought to his Answer: howbeit, she said she would assure me, that whatsoever she did, should be towards my Lord, ad castigationem, & non ad destructionem, as indeed she had often repeated the same phrase before: Whereunto I said (to the end utterly to divert her,) Madam, if you will have me to speak to you in this Argument, I must speake to you as frier Bacon's head spake, that said; first, Time is, and then Time was, and Time would never be; for certainly (said I) it is now farr too late, the matter is cold, and hath taken too much wind; whereat she [Page] seemed again offended, and rose from me, and that resolution for a while continued; and after in the beginning of Midsomer Term, I attending her, and finding her setled in that resolution (which I heard of also otherwise) she falling upon the like speech, it is true, that seeing no other remedy, I said to her sleightly, Why, Madam, if you will needs have a Proceeding, you were best have it in some such sort, as Ovid spake of his Mistress, Est aliquid luce patente minus; to make a Councel-table matter of it, and end; which speech again she seemed to take in ill part, but yet I think it did good for that time, and help't to divert that Cause of Proceeding by Information in the Star-Chamber: Nevertheless, afterwards it pleased her to make a more solemn matter of the Proceeding, and some few dayes after, when order was given that the matter should be heard at York-House, before an Assembly of Councellors, Peers and Judges, and some Audience of men of Quality to be admitted; then did some principal Councellors send for us of the learned Councel, and notifie her Majesties Pleasure unto us; save that it was said to me openly, by some one of them, That her Majesty was not yet resolved whether she would have me forborn in the business or no. And hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech that I hear is raised of me, how I was a Suitor to be used against my Lord of Essex at that time; for it is very true, that I that knew well what had passed between the Queen and me, and what occasion I had given her both of distaste and distrust in crossing her disposition, by standing stedfast for my Lord of Essex, and suspecting it also to be a stratagem arising from some particular emulation, I writ to her two or three words of Complement, signifying to her Majesty, That if she would be pleased to spare me in my Lord of Essex's Cause, out of the Consideration she took of my obligation towards him, I should reckon it for one of her highest Favours; but otherwise desiring her Majesty to think that I knew the degrees of Duties, and that no particular obligation whatsoever to any Subject, could supplant or weaken that entireness of Duty that I did owe and bear to her and her Service; and this was the goodly Suit I made, being a respect no man that had his wits could have omitted; but nevertheless, I had a further reach in it; for I judged that dayes work would be a full period of any bitterness or harshness between the Queen and my Lord; and therefore if I declared my self fully according to her mind at that time, which could not do my Lord any manner of prejudice, I should keep my credit with her ever after, whereby to do my Lord Service.

[Page] Hereupon, the next news that I heard was, that we were all sent for again, and that her Majesties pleasure was, we should have all parts in the business; and the Lords falling into distribution of our parts, it was allotted to me that I should set forth some undutiful carriage of my Lord, in giving occasion and Countenance to a seditious Pamphlet, as it was termed, which was dedicated unto him, which was the book before mentioned, of King H. 4. Whereupon I replied to that allotment, and said to their Lordships, that it was an old matter, and had no manner of Coherence with the rest of the Charge, being matters of Ireland, and therefore that I having been wronged by bruits before, this would expose me to them more: and it would be said, I gave in evidence mine own tales. It was answered again, with good shew, that because it was considered how I stood tied to my Lord of Essex, therefore that part was thought fittest for me which did him least hurt; for that whereas all the rest was matter of Charge and Accusation, this only was but matter of Caveat and admonition; wherewith though I was in mine own Conscience little satisfied, because I knew well a man were better to be Charged with some faults, then admonished of some others: yet the Conclusion binding upon the Queens pleasure directly, volens nolens, I could not avoid that part that was laid upon me; which part, if in the delivery I did handle not tenderly (though no man before me did in so clear terms free my Lord from all disloyalty as I did) that your Lordship knoweth must be ascribed to the superiour duty I did owe to the Queens fame and honour in a publick proceeding; and partly, to the intention I had to uphold my self in credit and strength with the Queen, the better to be able to do my Lord good offices afterwards; for assoon as this day was past, I lost no time, but the very next day following (as I remember) I attended her Majesty, fully resolved to try and put in use my utmost endeavour, so far as I in my weakness could give furtherance, to bring my Lord speedily again into Court, and into favour; and knowing (as I supposed at least) how the Queen was to be used, I thought that to make her Conceive that the matter went well then, was the way to make her leave off there: and I remember well, I said to her, you have now, Madam, obtained victory over two things, which the greatest Princes in the world cannot at their wills subdue: the on is, over fame; the other is, over a great minde; for surely the world is now, I hope, reasonably well satisfied; and for my Lord, he did shew that humiliation towards Your Majesty, as I am perswaded he was never in his life time more fit for Your Majesties favour then he is now: therefore if your Majesty will not marr it by lingring, but give over at the [Page] best (and now you have made so good a full point, receive him again with tenderness) I shall then think that all that is past, is for the best. Whereat, I remember, she took exceeding great Contentment, and did often iterate and put me in mind, that she had ever said, that her Proceeding should be ad reparationem, and not ad ruinam; as who saith, that now is the time I should plainly perceive that that saying of hers should prove true. And further, she willed me to set down in writing all that passed that day; I obeyed her Commandment, and within some few dayes after brought her again the Narration, which I did read unto her in two several Afternoons: And when I came to that part that set forth my Lords own Answer (which was my principal care) I do well bear in mind that she was extraordinarily moved with it, with kindness and relenting towards my Lord, and told me afterwards, (speaking how well I had expressed my Lords part) that she perceived old love would not be forgotten: Whereunto I answered suddenly, that I hoped she meant that by her self. But in Conclusion, I did advise her, that now she had taken a representation of the matter to her self, that she would let it go no further: (for, Madam, said I) the Fire blazeth well already, what should you tumble it? And besides, it may please you keep a conveniency with your self in this Case; for since your express direction was, there should be no Register nor Clerk to take this Sentence, nor no Record or Memorial made up of the Proceeding, why should you now do that Popularly, which you would not admit to be done Judicially? Whereupon she did agree, that that Writing should be suppressed; and, I think, there were not five persons that ever saw it. But from this time forth, during the whole latter end of that Summer, while the Court was at Non-such and Oatland, I made it my task and scope to take and give occasions for my Lords redintegration in his Fortunes. Which my intention I did also signifie to my Lord, as soon as ever he was at Liberty; whereby I might without peril of the Queens indignation write to him; and having received from his Lordship a courteous and loving acceptation of my good will and endeavours, I did apply it in all my accesses to the Queen, which were very many at that time, and purposely sought and wrought upon other variable pretences, but only and chiefly for that purpose. And on the other side, I did not forbear to give my Lord from time to time faithful advertisement, what I found, and what I wished. And I drew for him, by his appointment, some Letters to her Majesty, which though I [Page] knew well his Lordships gift and stile was far better then mine own, yet because he required it, alledging, that by his long restraint he was grown almost a stranger to the Queens present conceipts, I was ready to perform it; and sure I am, that for the space of six weeks, or two moneths, it prospered so well, as I expected continually his restoring to his attendance. And I was never better welcome to the Queen, nor more made of, then when I spake fullest and boldest for him: in which Kind the particulars were exceeding many, whereof, for an example, I will remember to your Lordship one or two; as at one time, I call to mind, her Majesty was speaking of a Fellow that undertook to cure, or at least to ease my Brother of his Gout, and asked me how it went forwards? And I told her Majesty, that at first he received good by it, but after, in the course of his Cure, he found himself at a stay, or rather worse: The Queen said again, I will tell you, Bacon, the Errour of it; The manner of these Physitians, and especially these Empiricks, is, to continue one kind of medicine, which, at the first, is proper, being to draw out the ill humour; but after, they have not the discretion to change their medicine, but apply still drawing medicines, when they should rather intend to cure and corroborate the part. Good Lord, Madam (said I) how wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of Physick ministred to the body, and consider not that there is the like reason of Physick ministred to the mind; as now, in the case of my Lord of Essex, your Princely word ever was, that you intended ever to reform his mind, and not ruine his Fortune: I know well, you cannot but think you have drawn the humour sufficiently; and therefore it were more then time, and it were but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating, that you did apply and minister strength and comfort unto him; for these same gradations of yours, are fitter to corrupt, than to correct any mind of greatness. And another time, I remember, she told me for News, that my Lord had written to her some very dutiful Letters, and that she had been moved by them; and when she took it to be the abundance of his heart, she found it to be but a preparative to a Suit for the renewing of his Farm of sweet Wines: Whereto I replied, Alas Madam, how doth your Majesty construe of these things, as if these two could not stand well together, which indeed nature hath planted in all Creatures? for there are but two sympathies, the one towards Perfection, the other towards Preservation; That to Perfection, as the Iron tendeth to the Loadstone; that to Preservation, as the Vine will creep unto a Stake or Prop that stands by it, not [Page] for any love to the stake, but to uphold it self. And therefore Madam, you must distinguish, my Lords desire to do you service, is as to his perfection, that which he thinks himself to be bound for; whereas, his desire to obtain this thing of you, is but for a sustentation; and not to trouble your Lordship with many other particulars like unto this, it was at the same time that I did draw, by my Lords privitie, and by his appointment, two Letters, the one written as from my brother, the other, as an answer returned from my Lord; both to be by me in secret manner shewed to the Queen; which it pleased my Lord very strangely to mention at the barr: the scope of which were but to represent and picture forth unto her Majesty my Lords minde to be such as I know her Majesty would fainest have had it; which Letters whosoever shall see (for they cannot now be retracted or altered, being by reason of my brother, or his Lordships servants delivery, long since come into divers hands) let him judge, specially if he knew the Queen, and do remember those times, whether they were not the labours of one that sought to bring the Queen about for my Lord of Essex his good. The truth is, That the issue of all this dealing grew to this, that the Queen, by some slackness of my Lord, as I imagine, liked him worse and worse, and grew more incensed towards him: Then, she remembring belike the continual and incessant, and confident speeches and courses that I had held on my Lords side, became utterly alienated from me, and for the space of at least three months, (which was between Michaelmas and New-years tide following) would not so much as look on me, but turned away from me with express and purpose-like discountenance wheresoever she saw me, and at such time as I desired to speak with Her about Law business, ever sent me forth very sleight refusals; insomuch as it is most true, that immediately after New-years-tide I desired to speak with her, and being admitted to Her, I dealt with her plainly, and said: Madam, I see you withdraw your favour from me; and now I have lost many friends for your sake, I must lose you too; you have put me like one of those that the French men call Infans perdus, that serve on foot before horsemen, so have you put me into matters of envy without place or without strength; and I know, at Chess a pawn before the King is ever much plaid upon: a great many love me not, because they think I have been against my Lord of Essex; and you love me not, because you know I have been for him: yet will I never repent me that I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, without respect of Cautions to my self, and therefore vivus vidensque pereo: If I do break my neck, I shall [Page] do it as Dorrington did, which walked on the Battlements of the Church many days, and took a view and survey where he should fall; and so, Madam (said I) I am not so simple, but that I take a prospect of my own overthrow; only I thought I would tell you so much, that you may know, it was faith and not folly that brought me into it; and so I will pray for you: upon which speeches of mine, uttered with some Passion, it is true, Her Majesty was exceedingly moved, and accumulated a number of kind and gracious words upon me, and willed me to rest upon this, Gratia mea sufficit, and a number of other sensible and tender words and demonstrations; such as more could not be: but as touching my Lord of Essex, ne verbum quidem. Whereupon I departed, resting then determined to meddle no more in the matter, as that that I saw would overthrow me, and not be able to do him any good. And thus I made mine own peace, with my own Confidence, at that time; and this was the last time I saw her Majesty before the eighth of February, which was the day of my Lord of Essex his misfortune: After which time, for that I performed at the Bar in my publick service, your Lordship knoweth, by the rules of duty, I was to do it honestly, without prevarication: but for any putting my self in it, I protest before God, I never moved the Queen, nor any person living, concerning my being used in the service, either of evidence or of examination; but it was meerly laid upon me with the rest of my fellows. And for the time that passed between the arraignment and my Lords suffering, I well remember I was but once with the Queen, at what time, though I durst not deal directly for my Lord, as things then stood, yet generally I did both commend her Majesties mercy, terming it to her as an excellent balme, that did continually distil from her Sovereign hands, and made an excellent odour in the scents of her people; and not only so, but I took hardiness to extenuate, not the fact (for that I durst not) but the danger, telling her, that if some base or cruel-minded persons had entred into such an action, it might have caused much blood and combustion; but it appeared well, they were such as knew not how to play the Malefactors, and some other words, which I now omit. And as for the rest of the carriage of my self in that service, I have many honourable witnesses that can tell, that the next day after my Lords arraignment, by my diligence and information, touching the quality and nature of the offendors, six of nine were stayed, which otherwise had been attainted, I bringing their Lordships Letter for their stay, after the Jury was sworn to pass upon them; [Page] so near it went: and how careful I was; and made it my part, that whosoever was in trouble about that matter, assoon as ever his case was sufficiently known and defined of, might not continue in restraint, but be set at liberty; and many other parts, which I am well assured of, stood with the duty of an honest man. But indeed, I will not deny, for the case of Sir Thomas Smith of London, the Queen demanding my opinion of it, I told her I thought it was as hard as many of the rest; but what was the reason? because at that time I had seen only his accusation; and had never been present at any examination of his; and the matter so standing, I had been very untrue to my service, if I had not delivered that opinion. But afterwards, upon a re-examination of some that charged him, who weakned their own testimony; and especially hearing himself viva voce, I went instantly to the Queen, out of the soundness of my Conscience, not regarding what opinion I had formerly delivered, and told her Majesty, I was satisfied and resolved in my Conscience, that for the reputation of the Action, the Plot was to countenance the Action farther by him in respect of his place, then they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him; it is very true also, about that time her Majesty taking a liking of my Pen, upon that which I formerly had done concerning the Proceeding at York-house, and likewise upon some former Declarations, which in sormer times by her appointment I put in writing, commanded me to pen that Book which was published for the better satisfaction of the World, which I did, but so as never Secretary had more particular and express directions and instructions in every point, how to guide my hand in it; and not only so, but after that I had made a first draught thereof, and propounded it to certain principal Councellors, by her Majesties appointment it was perused, weighed, censured, altered, and made almost a new Writing, according to their Lordships better consideration, wherein their Lordships and my self both were as religious, and curious of truth, as desirous of satisfaction: and my self, indeed, gave only words and form of stile, in pursuing their directions: And after it had passed their allowance, it was again exactly perused by the Queen her self, and some alterations made again by her appointment; nay, and after it was set to Print, the Queen, who, as your Lordship knoweth, as she was excellent in great matters, so she was exquisite in small, and noted that I could not forget my ancient respect to my Lord of Essex, in terming him ever my Lord of Essex, in almost every Page of the Book, which she thought not fit, but would have it made Essex, or [Page] the late Earl of Essex: whereupon, of force, it was Printed de novo, and the first Copies suppressed, by her peremptory Commandment. And this, my Lord, to my furthest remembrance, is all that passed, wherein I had part, which I have set down as near as I could in the very words and speeches as were used, not because they are worth the repetition, I mean those of mine, but to the end your Lordship may lively and plainly discern between the face of Truth, and a smooth Tale. And the rather also, because in things that passed a good while since, the very words and phrases did sometimes bring to my-remembrance the matters, wherein I refer me to your honourable Judgment, whether you do not see the traces of an honest man; and had I been as well believed, either by the Queen or my Lord, as I was well heard by them both, both my Lord had been fortunate, and so had my self in his Fortune.

To conclude therefore, I humbly pray your Lordship to pardon me, for troubling you with this long Narration, and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion, till you know I have deserved, or find that I shall deserve the contrary; and even so I continue,

At your Lordships honourable Commandments, very humble, F. B.

A Discourse touching Helps for the Intellectual Powers, by Sir Francis Bacon.

[Page]

I Did ever hold it for an insolent and unlucky saying, Faber quisque fortunas suas; except it be uttered only as an hortative, or spur, to correct sloth: For otherwise, if it be believed as it soundeth, and that a man entreth into an high imagination that he can compass and fathom all Accidents, and ascribeth all Successes to his drifts and reaches, and the contrary to his errours and sleepings; it is commonly seen, that the Evening fortune of that man is not so prosperous, as of him that, without slacking of his industry, attributeth much to Felicity and Providence above him. But if the Sentence were turned to this, Faber quisque ingenii sui, it were somewhat more true, and much more profitable; because it would teach men to bend themselves to reform those imperfections in themselves, which now they seek but to cover; and to attain those vertues and good parts, which now they seek but to have only in shew and demonstration. Yet, notwithstanding, every man attempteth to be of the first Trade of Carpenters, and few bind themselves to the second; whereas, nevertheless, the rising in Fortune seldom amendeth the mind; but, on the other side, the removing of the stones and impediments of the mind, doth often clear the passage and current to a mans Fortune But certain it is, whether it be believed or no, that as the most excellent of Metals, Gold, is of all others the most pliant, and most enduring to be wrought; so of all living and breathing substances, the perfectest, Man, is the most susceptible of help, improvement, imprestion, and alteration, and not only in his Body, but in his Mind and spirit; and there again, not only in his Appetite and Affection, but in his powers of Wit and Reason.

For, as to the Body of Man, we find many and strange experiences, how Nature is over-wrought by custom, even in actions that seem of most difficulty, and least possible. As first, in voluntary motion, which though it be termed voluntary, yet the highest degrees of it are not voluntary; for it is in my power and will to run, but to run faster than according to my lightness, or disposition of body, is not in my power nor will. We see the industry and practice of Tumblers and Funambulo's, what effects of great wonder it bringeth the body of man unto. So for suffering of pain and dolour, which is thought so contrary to the nature of man, there is much example of Penances, in strict Orders of Superstition, what they do endure; such as may well verifie the report [Page] of the Spartan Boyes, which were wont to be scourged upon the Altar so bitterly, as sometimes they died of it, and yet were never heard to complain. And to pass to those Faculties which are reckoned more involuntary, as long fasting and abstinency, and the contrary extream, voracity; the leaving and forbearing the use of drink for altogether, the enduring vehement cold, and the like; there have not wanted, neither do want, divers examples of strange victories over the body, in every of these. Nay, in respiration, the proof hath been of some, who by continual use of diving and working under the water, have brought themselves to be able to hold their Breath an incredible time; and others, that have been able, without suffocation, to endure the stifling breath of an Oven or Furnace, so heated, as though it did not scald nor burn, yet it was many degrees too hot for any man, not made to it, to breath or take in: And some Impostors and Counterfeits likewise, have been able to wreath and cast their bodies into strange forms and motions; yea, and others to bring themselves into Trances and Astonishments. All which Examples do demonstrate, how variously, and to how high points and degrees the body of man may be (as it were) molded and wrought. And if any man conceive, that it is some seeret propriety of Nature that hath been in those persons which have attained to those points, and that it is not open for every man to do the like, though he had been put to it; for which cause, such things come but very rarely to pass: It is true, no doubt, that some persons are apter than others; but so, as the more aptness causeth perfection, but the less aptness doth not disable; so that for Example, the more apt Child that is taken to be made a Funambulo, will prove more excellent in his Feats; but the less apt will be Gregarius Funambulo also. And there is small question, but that these abilities would have been more common; and others of like sort not attempted, would likewise have been brought upon the Stage, but for two Reasons: The one, because of mens diffidence, in prejudging them as impossibilities; for it holdeth in these things, which the Poet saith, Possunt, quia posse videntur; for no man shall know how much may be done, except he believe much may be done: The other Reason is, because they be but practices base and inglorious, and of no great use, and therefore sequestred from reward of value; and on the other side painful, so as the recompence balanceth not with the travel and suffering.

And as to the Will of man, it is that which is most manageable and obedient, as that which admitteth most Medicines to cure and alter it. The most sovereign of all is Religion, which is able to change and transform it in the deepest and most inward inclinations and motions. And [Page] next to this, Opinion and Apprehension, whether it be infused by Tradition and Institution, or wrought in by Disputation and Perswasion. And the third is Example, which transforms the Will of man into the similitude of that which is most observant and familiar towards it. And the fourth is, when one affection is healed and corrected by another. As when Cowardice is remedied by Shame and Dishonour; or Sluggishness and Backwardness by Indignation and Emulation, and so of the like. And lastly, when all these means, or any of them, have new framed or formed humane Will, then doth Custom and Habit corroborate and confirm all the rest: Therefore it is no marvel, though this faculty of the mind (of Will and Election) which inclineth Affection and Appetite, being but the inceptions and rudiments of Will, may be so well governed and managed, because it admitteth access to so divers Remedies to be applied to it, and to work upon it. The effects whereof are so many, and so known, as require no enumeration; but generally they do issue, as Medicines do, into kinds of Cures; whereof the one is a just or true Cure, and the other is called Palliation; for either the labour and intention is, to reform the affections really and truly, restraining them, if they be too violent, and raising them, if they be too soft and weak, or else it is to cover them; or if occasion be, to pretend them, and represent them. Of the former sort, whereof the Examples are plentiful in the Schools of Philosophers, and in all other Institutions of Moral Vertue: And of the other sort, the Examples are more plentiful in the Courts of Princes, and in all Politick Traffick; where it is ordinary to find, not only profound dissimulations, and suffocating the affections, that no note or mark appear of them outwardly, but also lively simulations and affectations, carrying the Tokens of Passions which are not; as Risus jussus, and Lachrymae coactae, and the like.

Of Helps of the Intellectual Powers.

The Intellectual Powers have fewer means to work upon them, than the Will, or Body of Man; but the one that prevaileth, that is Exercise, worketh more forcibly in them than in the rest.

The ancient Habit of the Philosophers; Si quis quaerat, in utramque partem, de omni Scibili. These that follow. are but indigested Notes.

The Exercise of Scholars, making Verses ex tempore.

Stans pede in uno.

The Exercise of Lawyers, in Memory Narrative.

The Exercise of Sophists, and Io, ad oppositum, with manifest effect.

[Page] Artificial Memory greatly holpen by Exercise.

The Exercise of Buffons, to draw all things to Conceits Ridiculous.

The Means that help the Understanding, and faculties thereof, are not Example, (as in the Will, by conversation; and here, the conceit of Imitation, already digested; with the consutation, Obiter, si videbitur, of Tullies Opinion, advising a man to take some one to imitate. Similitude of faces analalysed.)

Arts, Logick, Rhetorick; The Ancients, Aristotle, Plato, Thaestetus, Gorgias, Litigiosus, vel Sophista, Protagoras, Aristotle, Schola sua. Topicks, Elenchs, Rhetoricks, Organon, Cicero, Hermogenes.

The Neotericks, Ramus, Agricola, Nil sacri Lullius. His Typocosmia, studying Coopers Dictionary; Matthaeus Collections of proper Words for Metaphors. Agrippa, de Vanitate, &c.

Quaer. If not here, of Imitation.

Collections preparative. Aristotles similitude of a Shooe-makers Shop full of Shooes of all sorts: Demosthenes Exordia Concionum: Tullies Precept of Theses of all sorts preparative.

The relying upon Exercise, with the difference of using and tempering the Instrument: And the similitude of prescribing against the Laws of Nature, and of Estate.

Five Points.

1. That Exercises are to be framed to the life; that is to say, to work Ability in that kind, whereof a man in the course of Action shall have most use.

2. The indirect and oblique Exercises, which do per partes, and per consequentiam, inable these Faculties; which perhaps direct Exercise at first, would but distort. And these have chiefly place, where the Faculty is weak; not per se, but per Accidents: As if want of Memory, grow through lightness of Wit, and want of stayed Attention; than the Mathematicks, or the Law helpeth; because they are things, wherein if the mind once roam, it cannot recover.

3. Of the Advantages of Exercise; as to dance with heavy Shooes, to march with heavy Armour and Carriage; and the contrary Advantage (in Natures very dull and unapt) of working Alacrity, by framing an Exercise with some delight or affection.

—Veluti pueris dant Crustula blandi

Doctores, Elementa velint ut discere prima.

[Page] 4. Of the Cautions of Exercise; as to beware, left by evil doing, (as all beginners do weakly) a man grow not, and be inveterate in an ill Habit; and so take not the advantage of Custom in perfection, but in confirming ill. Slubbering on the Lute.

5. The Marshalling and Sequele of Sciences and Practices; Logick and Rhetorick should be used to be read after Poesie, History and Philosophy; first, Exercise to do things well and clean; after, promptly and readily.

The Exercises in the Universities and Schools, are of Memory and Invention, either to speak by heart that which is set down verbatim, or to speak ex tempore; whereas, there is little use in Action of either of both: But most things which we utter, are neither verbally premeditate, nor meerly extemporal; therefore Exercise would be framed to take a little breathing, and to consider of Heads, and then to fit and form the Speech ex tempore. This would be done in two manners, both with Writing in Tables; and without, for in most Actions it is permitted and passable to use the Note; whereunto if a man be not accustomed, it will put him out.

There is no use of a Narrative Memory in Academies, viz. with Circumstances of Times, Persons and Places, and with Names; and it is one Art to discourse, and another to relate and describe: And herein use and actionis most conversant.

Also to Sum up and Contract, is a thing in action of very general use.

Sir Francis Bacon, to the King.

May it please Your most Excellent Majesty,

IN the midst of my Misery, which is rather asswaged by Remembrance, than by Hope, my chiefest worldly Comfort is, to think, That since the time I had the first Vote of the lower House of Parliament for Commissioner of the Union, until the time that I was this Parliament chosen by both Houses, for their Messenger to Your Majesty in the Petition of Religion (which two, were my first and last Services.) I was evermore so happy, as to have my poor Services graciously accepted by Your Majesty, and likewise not to have had any of them miscarry in my hands. Neither of which points, I can any wayes take to my self; but ascribe the former to Your Majesties Goodness, and the latter to Your prudent Directions, which I was ever careful to have, and keep: For, as I have often said to Your Majesty, I was towards you but as a Bucket, and a Cestern to draw forth and conserve, and Your Self was the Fountain. Unto this comfort of Nineteen years Prosperity, there succeeded [Page] a Comfort even in my greatest Adversity, somewhat of the same Nature, which is, That in those Offences wherewith I was charged, there was not any one that had special Relation to Your Majesty, or any Your particular Commandments: For as towards Almighty God, there are Offences against the first and second Table, and yet all against God; so with the Servants of Kings, there are Offences more immediate against the Sovereign, although all Offences against Law, are also against the King. Unto which Comfort, there is added this Circumstance, That as my Faults were not against Your Majesty, otherwise than as all Faults are, so my Fall is not Your Majesties Act, otherwise than as all Acts of Justice are Yours. This I write not to insinuate with Your Majesty, but as a most humble Appeal to Your Majesties gracious Remembrance, how honest and direct You have ever found me in Your Service, whereby I have an assured Belief, That there is in Your Majesties Princely Thoughts, a great deal of Serenity, and Clearness to me, Your Majesties now prostrate, and cast-down Servant.

Neither (my most gracious Sovereign) do I by this mentioning of my Services, lay claim to Your Princely Grace and Bounty, though the Priviledge of Calamity do bear that Form of Petition. I know well, had they been much more, they had been but my bounden Duty; nay, I must also confess, That they were from time to time far above my Merit, super-rewarded by Your Majesties Benefits, which You heaped upon me. Your Majesty was, and is, that Man to me, that raised and advanced me Nine times, Thrice in Dignity, and Six times in Office. The places indeed were the painfullest of all Your Service, but then they had both Honour and Profit, and the then Profits, might have maintained my now Honour, if I had been wise. Neither was Your Majesties immediate Liberality wanting towards me in some Gifts, if I may hold them. All this I do most thankfully acknowledge, and do herewith conclude, That for any thing arising from my self to move Your Eye of Pity towards me, there is much more in my present Misery, than in my past Services; save that the same Your Majesties Goodness, that may give Relief to the one, may give Value to the other.

And indeed, if it may please Your Majesty, This Theme of my Misery is so plentiful, as it need not be coupled with any thing else. I have been some body, by Your Majesties singular and undeserved Favour, even the prime Officer of Your Kingdom, Your Majesties Arm hath been often over mine in Council, when You preceded at the Table, so near I was, I have born Your Majesties Image in metal, much more in heart, I was never in Nineteen years Service chidden by Your Majesty, but contrari wise often overjoyed, when Your Majesty would sometimes say, I [Page]was a good Husband for you, though none for my Self. Sometimes, That I had a way to deal in business, suavibus modis, which was the way which was most according to Your own heart; and other most gracious Speeches of Affection and Trust which I feed on till this day: But why should I speak of these things which are now vanished, but only the better to express my Downfall? For now it is thus with me, I am a year and a half old in misery, though (I must ever acknowledge) not without some mixture of Your Majesties Grace and Mercy; for I do not think it possible, That any you once loved, should be totally miserable. My own means, through miné own improvidence, are poor and weak, little better than my Father left me: The poor things which I have had from Your Majesty, are either in Question, or at Courtesie. My Dignities remain marks of your past Favour, but yet burdens withall of my present Fortune. The poor Remnants which I had of my former Fortunes, in Plate or Jewels, I have spred upon poor men unto whom I owed, fearce leaving my self bread; so as to conclude, I must pour out my misery before Your Majesty, so far as to say, Si deseris tu, perimus.

But as I can offer to Your Majesties Compassion, little arising from my self to move You, except it be my extream misery, which I have truly laid open, so looking up to Your Majesty, Your Self, I should think I committed Cains fault, if I should despair. Your Majesty is a King, whose heart is as unscrutable for secret motions of Goodness, as for depth of Wisdom. You are Creator like, Factive, and not Destructive; You are a Prince, in whom I have ever noted an avertion against any thing that savoured of a hard heart; as on the other side, Your Princely Eye was wont to meet with any motion that was made on the relieving part: Therefore, as one that hath had the happiness to know Your Majesties near hand, I have (most gracious Sovereign) faith enough for a Miracle, much more for a Grace, That Your Majesty will not suffer Your poor Creature to be utterly defaced, nor blot that Name quite out of Your Book, upon which Your Sacred hand hath been so ost, for new Ornaments and Additions. Unto this degree of Compassion, I hope, God above, of whose mercy towards me, both in my Prosperity and Adversity, I have had great Testimonies and Pledges (though mine own manifold and wretched unthankfulness, might have averted them) will dispose Your Princely heart, already prepared to all Piety: And why should I not think, but that Thrice Noble Prince, who would have pulled me out of the fire of a Sentence, will help to pull me (if I may use that homely Phrase) out of the mire of an abject and sordid Condition in my last dayes? And that excellent Favourite of Yours (the goodness of whose Nature contendeth with the greatness of his Fortune, and [Page] who counteth it a prize, a second prize to be a good Friend, after that prize which he carrieth to be a good Servant) will kiss Your hands with joy for any work of Piety You shall do for me: And as all commiserating persons (specially such as find their hearts void of malice) are apt to think, that all men pity them. I assure my self, that the Lords of the Council (who out of their Wisdom and Nobleness cannot but be sensible of humane Events) will in this way which I go, for the Relief of my Estate further, and advance Your Majesties goodness towards me; for there is, as I conceive, a kind of Fraternity between great men that are, and those that have been, being but the several Tenses of one Verb: Nay, I do further presume, that both Houses of Parliament will love their Justice the better, if it end not in my Ruine; for I have been often told, by many of my Lords (as it were in excusing the severity of the Sentence) that they knew they left me in good hands. And Your Majesty knoweth well, I have been all my life long acceptable to those Assemblies, not by Flattery, but by Moderation, and by honest expressing of a desire to have all things go fairly and well.

But (if it may please Your Majesty) for Saints, I shall give them Reverence, but no Adoration; my Address is to Your Majesty, the Fountain of Goodness. Your Majesty shall by the Grace of God, not feel that in Gift, which I shall extreamly feel in Help; for my Desires are moderate, and my Courses measured to a life orderly and reserved, hoping still to do Your Majesty Honour in my way: Only I most humbly beseech Your Majesty to give me leave to conclude with those words, which Necessity speaketh, Help me dear Sovereign, Lord and Master, and pity me so far, as I, that have born a Bagge, be not now in my Age, forced in effect, to bear a Wallett; nor I that desire to live to study, may not be driven to study to live. I most humbly crave pardon of a long Letter, after a long silence: God of Heaven ever bless, preserve and prosper Your Majesty.

Your Majesties poor Ancient Servant and Beadsman. Fr. St. Alban.

Certain Copies of Letters written by Sir William Cecil Knight, Secretary of Estate to Queen Elizabeth, to Sir Hen. Norris Knight, Ambassador for the said Queen, Resident in France.

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SIR,

I Am constrained to use the hand of my servant in writing unto you, because I find it somewhat grievous to use mine own at this present: The Queens Majesty hath received your letters with very good contentation, and alloweth your manner of beginning and proceeding, as well, I dare assure you, as your self could devise; which I do not in words onely speak, but wish you to take them for as good a truth as I can inform.

The rare manner of your entertainment hath moved the Queens Majesty to Muze upon what course it should be, being more then hath Entertainment above ordinary. been used in like cases to her Ambassadors; and such as besides your own report hath been by others very largely advertised; and for that in such things guesses be but doubtful, I pray you by your next advertise me what your self doth think of it; and in the mean time, I know you are not untaught to judge of the difference of fair words from good deeds, as the sayingis, Fortuna cum adblanditur captum advenit: The Queens Majesty meaneth to require this Ambassador expresly to write unto the King there, in how good part she taketh this manner of gratefull acceptation of you her servant there, giving him to understand how good report you have made thereof, and how much comforted you are, by this manner, to proceed in her service there.

I would have had her Majesty to have written her own letters to the King, hereof; But her Majesty made choice rather to speak with the To know the cause thereof. Ambassador, which she will do tomorrow, who cometh hither, and La Croq which cometh out of Scotland, and departeth shortly from hence thither into France, having been a good time in manner as an Ambassador with the Scotish Queen.

Monsieur Moret is, I think, on the way coming hither out of Scotland; my Lord of Bedford, who came long ago out of Scotland, arrived here but of late, and hath brought us good report from the Scotish Queen, of her good disposition to keep peace and amity with the Queens Majesty.

Of late Shane Oneal hath made means to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, [Page] to be received into Grace, pretending that he hath not meant any manner of unlawfulness unto the Queen; by which is gathered, that he groweth weary of his lewdness; and yet I think he is not otherwise to be reformed, then by sharp prosecution, which is intended to be followed no whit the less for any his fair writings, as reason is.

Of the troubles of the Low Countries, I think you be as well advertised there as we can be here; and of the likelihood of the Kings not coming into the Low Countries.

I cannot tell whether you are yet acquainted with Captain Cockburne, whose humor when you know, as I think Barnaby can shew you, I doubt not but you shall have of his hand no lack of intelligence, which you must credit as you shall see cause by proof of the event; he writeth almost weekly to me, and looketh for as many answers, which I cannot have leisure to make him; but I pray let him understand that I accept his writing in very good part.

The manner of the dealing with them there for the particular causes contained in your instructions is very well to be liked; and I wish the success of the answers to prove as good as the beginning hath appearance, and especially for the relief of the poor Prisoners in the Gallies, whose stay, I fear, will grow indirectly by Monsieur de Foix, to get thereby the acquital of Lestrille, whom surely he is bound in honor to see restored.

Since I had written thus much by my servants hand, and meant yester-night to have ended the letter; I thought good to stay untill this present, that I knew by the French Ambassador, what De la Crocq should do here; and amongst other things, the Queens Majesty hath very earnestly expressed to the Ambassador her good liking and estimation of your Honorable entertainment, whereof you did advertise her Majesty; and contrary to her former determination, did tell La Crocq, that he should carry her Majesties letters to the French King, of special thanks for the same; besides words of visitation, nothing passed this day otherwise; and therefore meaning not to keep your servant any longer, I end, with my very hearty commendations to your self, and my Lady, and wish as well to you and all yours, as to my self:

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Feb. 10. 1566.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Hen. Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador in France.

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SIR,

THe Queens Majesty continueth her good liking of your manner of negotiation, and your advertisements to her Majesty, which she wisheth you to continue: She also alloweth your discretion, in writing apart to me, in matters containing trouble and business, and to her of Advice; of all other things, she most marvelleth at the answer sent you by Monsieur De Foix, who seemeth not disposed to perform his promise made to the Queens Majesty, by a cavillation, alledging it to have been for his Master; wherefore you shall do well to say to him. That upon his answer reported hither, the Queens Majesty seemeth to make doubt that you have not rightly conceived it; and therefore she hath re-charged you to speak with himself, and to require his answer; for you may say, her Majesty advertised you that she cannot be well perswaded that you will forget your promise firmly made to her self, for the safe delivery of Lestrille; and when he was escaped of your advertisement, that he was taken, and that he should be returned into England; and if such a promise be no otherwise kept, being made unto her, you may say her Majesty shall finde it strange how to credit an Ambassador; and so her Majesty would that you should charge him in fair words, and good manners, the best you can, to obtain Lestrille. You may do well to learn how many prisoners do remain in the Gallies.

The strange news of the death of the King of Scots will be come thither before these letters; but by your son you shall know as much as I have.

The Queens Majesty would fain have a Taylor that had skill to make her Apparel, both after the French and Italian manner; and she thinketh that you might use some means to obtain some one such there as serveth that Queen, without mentioning any manner of request in the Queen Majesties name. First, to cause my Lady, your wife, to use some such means to get one, as thereof knowledge might not come to the Queen Mothers ears, of whom the Queens Majesty thinketh thus, That if she did understand that it were a matter wherein her Majesty might be pleasured, she would offer to send one to the Queens Majesty: Nevertheless, if it cannot be so obtained by this indirect means, then her Majesty would have you devise some other good means to obtain one that were skillful.

I have staid your Son from going hence now these two days, upon the Queens Majesties Commandment; for that she would have him to have as much of the truth of the circumstances of the murther of the King of Scots as might be; and hitherto the same is hard to come by, [Page] otherwise then in a generality, that he was strangled, and his lodging razed with Gunpowder; his Father was first said to have been slain; but it is not true, for he was at Glasco at that time. It is constantly affirmed that there were thirty at the killing of him.

We look hourely for Robert Melvin from the Queen of Scots, by whom we must have that which he hath order to report.

The Queens Majesty sent yesterday my Lady Howard, and my wife, to the Lady Lenox to the Tower, to open this matter unto her, who could not be by any means kept from such passions of minde, as the horriblness of the fact did require. And this last night were with the said Lady, the Dean of Westminster, and Doctor Huick; and I hope her Majesty will shew some favourable compassion of the said Lady, whom any humane nature must needs pity. After I had written thus far, Master Melvin came hither from Scotland, by whom we looked that we should have heard many of the circumstances of this murther; but he cannot, or may not, tell us any more then we heard before; the most suspition that I can hear, is, of the Earl Bothwell; but yet I would not be the Author of any such report, but onely do mean to inform you, as I hear, and as I mean, when I shall have more.

The Queens Majesty caused the French Ambassador to be informed of the answer made to you by Monsieur de Foix concerning Lestrille, who saith, when he hath spoken with the Queens Majesty here, he will advertise the King then thereof. He seemed to understand, first, how some bargain might be made for Lestrille. Secondly, whether the Queens Majesty could not be pleased to have him delivered to you; but the messenger answered him, that he knew no other, but to have him returned hither according to the promise; and so you may do well therein to persist.

Now seeing I am come to no more knowledge from Scotland, I will stay your Son no longer, wishing him well to come to you, and long to enjoy both you and my Lady;

Yours assuredly, W. Cecill.

From Westminster, 20. Feb. 1566.

Postscript.

I thank you for your offer, to send me the Book de translation' de Religion', which I have, but if there be any particular Charts newly printed, I pray you send me a Callender thereof, and of any new Books, where: upon I may chance crave of you some.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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AFter my very hearty commendations, I send you herewith a Letter from the Queens Majesty, by which you shall understand what her pleasure is for you to deal with the French King; whereunto you may add, as you see occasion, That you are informed, very credibly, that Monlues Company, now at their return, are suffered to make Port sale of all that they have brought home from the Isles of Medera. And therefore, if it might please his Majesty to give direct order and charge, for due restitution of that which was spoiled from the Queens Subjects; It is likely the parties shall be able enough to make recompence, my meaning herein is, that the French King and his Council may perceive that it is well known, how these Pirates are suffered to do what they will, notwithstanding contrary Proclamations; and yet you shall so utter this matter, as not that you finde fault with this manner of sufferance, for that ought properly to be to the Spanish or Portugal Ambassador, with whom you may sometime deal, to understand how they do know what is done, and how they do interpret it.

You shall shortly hear of some special person, that shall be sent thither in Ambassage, to joyn with you for the demanding of Callis, which is due, by the Treaty of Cambray, to be restored to the Queens Majesty the second day of April next; but who it is that shall come, as yet I cannot advertise.

The manner of the death of the King of Scots is not yet discovered to us, for the knowledge of the Author thereof; but there hath been Proclamation made, that whosoever would reveal the offendors shall have two thousand pound Scotish; and if he were a party, should have his pardon and five hundred pounds; the day after a Bill was set up in Edenburgh, in this sort, I, according to the Proclamation, have made inquisition for the slaughter of the King, and do finde the Earle Bothwell, Mr. James Bafour, Parson of Flisk, Mr. David Chamber, and Black Mr. John Spence, the principal devisers thereof; and if this be not true, spir at Gilbert Bafour. There were also words added, which I am loth to report, that touched the Queen of Scots, which I hold best to be supprest: Further, such persons anointed are not to be thought ill of without manifest proof.

The next day following, a second Proclamation was made, repeating the former Bill, willing the party to subscribe his name, and he should be pardoned, and have the money according to the first Proclamation. The next day, being the nineteenth of February, a second Bill was set up in the former place, offering to compear and avow the matter; so as the money might be put into indifferent hands; and that [Page] Sir Francis Bastine, Joseph and Moses Mishe be taken; and then he the exhibitor of the Bill would avow the whole matter, and declare every mans act. Thus far things passed till that day, and since that, I hear that much unquietness is like to grow about that matter; and the common speech toucheth the Earles, Bothwell and Huntly, who remain with the Queen; but how true the accusations are, I will not take upon me to affirm the one or the other; neither would I have you to utter any of these things, to make condemnation of any of them, but as reports, not doubting but shortly God will cause the truth to be revealed. There do adhere together with the Earl of Lenox, the Earles of Argile, Morton, Athell, Morrey, Catness, and Glencarne, who mean to be at Edenburgh very shortly, as they pretend, to search out the malefactors.

Of late you wrote unto me of one King an Euglishman, who doth misuse himself very much, of whom if you would write unto me somewhat more particularly, for the proof his Traiterous speeches, whereby there might be some good ground made, how to have him demanded, you shall hear more thereof, and so shall (percase) by the next, though I do not hear from you; and so fare you heartily well.

Yours assuredly W. Cecil.

Westm. 5. March, 1566.

Postscript.

Because I have not presently leisure to write to Mr. Man, Ambassador in Spain, I pray you to let him understand of such advertisments as I send you, and such other things as you shall think meet; And to convey the letters by the Spanish Ambassadors means, Resident there in that Court.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

I wrote of late to you, that Sir Thomas Smith should come shortly thither, but I think he shall not be there now so speedily as was meant; for he shall first secretly pass over to Callis, to be there the 3. April, to demand the Town, not that we think the Governour will deliver it, But to avoid all Cavillation which they might invent (for by Law it must be demanded at the very place, and being not delivered, the sum of five hundred thousand pounds is forfeited;) Master Winter shall pass secretly with him to take possession thereof, if they shall deceive our expectation; but not past three of the Council knoweth of Winters going.

[Page] The common fame in Scotland continueth upon the Earl Bothwell, to be the principal Murtherer of the King, and the Queens name is not well spoken of; God amend all that is amiss: We heard before your writing, of the French attempt for the Prince.

We have no news, but all well here; the matters of Flanders go very hard for the Protestants; and if God do not provide for their safety, I look for their ruine. I heard this day, that Danvile should be slain: fare you well.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Westm. 21. March 1566.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

BY the Queens Majesties letters, and by this bearer, you shall understand how earnestly her Majesty is inclined to help the Count Rocandolse; and since the writing of her Majesties letters, she hath commanded me that you should make it a principal part of your request to the King, and the Queen mother; that considering the Count is a stranger born, and is of the Order of France, that his cause might be heard and ordered by the King, and the others of the same order; and to that end you shall prosecute your request, that the whole cause may be removed from the Court of Parliament at Paris; wherein her Majesty would have you by all good means to persist, as in a request that of it self is honorable, and sometimes, as she thinketh, usual. At the least such as if any the like person being a stranger in her Realm, and being honored with the Order of the Garter, if he would require to have his causes, (wherein his life or honor were touched) to be heard by her Majesty, and her Knights of her Order; he should not be denyed, nor should be by any other Judges molested.

Thus I report to you her Majesties good pleasure; and thereto do add my poor private request, to beseech you not to be weary in the prosecution of this suit.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Westm. 9. March, 1567.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, Her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YEsterday Mr. Smiths Son arrived with some Letters from you and him, containing your troublesome negotiation, whereof we hear thought very long. He saith he was constrained to tarry six days at Hull, and that his Father would be here this night; you shall hereafter hear of some ill news out of Ireland; and though it be not of great moment, thanks be to God, yet by report of ill friends, they wil be amplified. Indeed the 21. of April, a Fire happened in a little Fort upon the Sea side, at a place called the Dirrye, which Mr. Randolphe first took, in such sort as the houses being all covered with Straw, the soldiers were forced to abandon it, being two hundred, and with their Captain Mr. Sentlo, came by Sea to Knockvergus a Castle of the Queens; but for all this it is meant to take again the place, or a better, and to prosecute the Rebel, who is in declination.

The Queen of Scots, I think, will be wooed to marry the Earl Bothwell; the principal of the Nobility are against it, and are at Sterling with the Prince. Fare ye well; and as I wrot by Mr. Shute, so assure your self of me, as you mean your self to me:

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

May 12. 1567.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

BY your last Letter of I understand of the intelligence was given unto you, of preparation of eight Ships, to be set out to the Seas, which seemeth very strange; and therefore the Ambassador here, who could not get Audience of the Queens Majesty, although he often demanded it, since Mr. Smiths return, was sent for to come to the Council, and was roundly charged with certain depredations committed upon English Merchants in the West; and also with this new preparation, and therewith warned to advertise his Master, that we could not long suffer such attempts unrevenged; and being somewhat amazed with the charge, he denyed the things very flatly, and promised to write very earnestly therein to the King his Master. And for conclusion, we said, that we would write unto you, to move the King to make restitution, and to prohibit the going to the Seas of any other but of those that were good Merchants in this time of peace, according to the Treaty; [Page] of which our negotiation you shall hear more shortly by Letters from the Council, although I thought it good, by this my private Letter, somewhat to touch it unto you.

This speech with the Ambassador was on Saturday, the fourth of this present; and upon importunity of the Ambassador, he had Audience of the Queens Majesty this day, to whom he shewed a Letter from the King, that Percivall coming over with Letters of late thither, was stayed at Deip; and the King hearing that he had Letters from the Queens Majesty, ordered to dismiss him, and willed the Ambassador to pray the Queen to think no offence in it, for the said Percivall was to be Arrested in France for great debts which he ow'd there; besides that, as the Ambassador saith, he is to be charged there with a murther. After he shewed this Letter to her Majesty, she called the Lord Chamberlain and me to her in his presence, being no more of her Council then; and in very round speeches told the Ambassador, that she did not take the French Kings answer, for the matter of Callis, in good part; and so much the worse, because the Queen Mother, by her Letters sent by Mr. Smith, wrote that her Son had given very benign Audience, and so reasonable an answer, as ought well to content her Majesty. In which manner of speech, she saith, she is not well used, considering the answer was altogether unjust and unreasonable; and if hereof the Ambassador shall make any sinister report, you may, as you see cause, well maintain the Queens answer to be very reasonable, as having cause to mislike the manner of writing of the Queen thereon; which, nevertheless, you may impute to the unadvisedness of the Secretaries, for so the Queens Majesty here did impute it.

Upon Sunday last I received Letters from Barnaby, your Secretary, who therein did very well advertise me of the staying of Percival at Deip, and indeed I do finde that the cause hath grown from the Ambassador here, either of displeasure, or of suspition that he hath against the State Ro. Condulphe, for whom he knew Percival was specially sent; and finding this day the Ambassador very earnest in private speech with my Lord of Leicester and my self, that Percivall would be Arrested in France, after that he had delivered the Queens Letters; I advised him to write to the contrary; for otherwise he might provoke us to do the like with his Messengers; and surely, if I may be suffered, so will I use them.

I have no more to write unto you; But I can assure you that the Queen of Scots was married the 15. of this May, and the Nobility therewith so offended, as they remain with the Prince, and keep apart from her; what will follow, I know not. My Lady your Wife is safely arrived, and was long with the Queen on Sunday: I thank you for the little [Page] French Book which she brought me, the like whereof I had before.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

May 27. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

THe matters of Scotland grow so great, as they draw us to be very careful thereof; I think not but you do hear of them by the reports; but briefly these they be: The best part of the Nobility hath confederated themselves, to follow, by way of Justice, the condemnation of Bothwell and his Complices, for the murther of the King; Bothwell defends himself by the Queens maintenance and the Hambletons, so as he hath some party, though it be not great. The 15. of this moneth he brought the Queen into the field, with her power, which was so small, as he escaped himself without fighting, and left the Queen in the field; and she yielding her self to the Lords, flatly denyed to grant Justice against Bothwell; so as they have restrained her in Lothleven, untill they may come unto the end of their pursuit against Bothwell.

The French Ambassador, and Villeroy, who is there, pretend to favour the Lords with very great offers, and, it may be, they do as much on the other side.

At this time I send unto you certain Packets of Letters, left here by Mr. Melvin, who lately came hither from the Queen of Scots; the sending of those to my Lord of Murray requireth great haste, whereof you may not make the Scotish Ambassador privy; but I think you may make Robert Steward privy, with whom you may confer, for the speedy sending away of the same letters.

His return into Scotland is much desired of them; and for the Weal both of England and Scotland, I wish he were here; and for his manner of returning, touching his safety, I pray require Mr. Steward to have good care.

Our Wars in Ireland are come to a good pass; for the Arch-Traytor Shane-Oneale is slain by certain Scots in Ireland, of whom he sought aid (one murtherer killed by many murtherers) hereby the whole Realm, I trust, will become quiet; I pray you, of those things that our Ambassador in Spain, by your letters, may be advertised, whereof I cannot at this time make anyspecial letter unto him, for lack of leisure; and so, I pray, advertise him from me: I am pitifully overwhelmed with business.

[Page] Sir Nicholas Throckmorton is shortly to pass into Scotland, to negotiate there for the pacification of those troubles.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Richmond, 26. June 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

THis your Lackquey brought me letters from you, and also from your servant Mr. whom he left at Rye; for such business asby his letter he hath certified me, whereof I have informed the Queens Majesty, wherein she also well alloweth of your circumspection; and I wish all to succeed as you advise, for otherwise the peril were great. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton hath been somewhat long in going into Scotland, and entred by Berwick on Munday last; I think the two Factions of the Hambletons and the Lenox's shall better accord then your neighbors where you now live would; if Bothwell might be apprehended, I think the Queen, there, shall be at good liberty, for the Nobility.

My Lord of Pembrooke perceiving likelihood of troubles there in that Country, would gladly have his Son Mr. Edward Herbert to return home; and so, I pray, with my hearty commendations to him, declare my Lord his Fathers minde; and if my Lord of Murray should lack credit for money, my Lord Steward would have his Son give him such credit as he hath, for my Lord alloweth well of his friendship. I am sorry that at present I am unfurnished to help you with a Secretary; my servant Windebanke is sick, Mr. Sommers will not be induced to leave his place. So as, nevertheless, if I can procure you any other meet person, by the next Messenger, you shall hear.

I thank you for the Chart of Paris, and for a written Book to the Queens Majestie, whereof her Majesty would gladly know the Author; And so I end.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Richmond, 14. July, 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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[Page]

SIR,

AT my last writing by Master Jenny, I did not make any mention of answer to your request for the provision of a Secretary, Because I heard that you meant to place one Molenenx, if he might be recommended by me; and truly if he be meet for the place, I do well allow thereof; for howsoever he did in times past misuse me, I have remitted it, and wish him well.

My Lord Keeper prayeth you to use some good means, to inquire by the way of Orleans, of Sir Ralph Pawlet, what is become of him, and where he is, and how he doth.

It is certain, on the 29. of July, the Prince of Scotland was Crowned King at Sterling, with all the Ceremonies thereto due, and with a general applause of all sorts; the Queen yet remaineth where she was.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Windsor, 5. Aug. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YOu shall perceive by the Queens Majesties Letter to you, at this present, how earnestly she is bent in the favor of the Queen of Scots; and truely, since the beginning, she hath been greatly offended with the Lords; and howsoever her Majesty might make her profit by bearing with the Lords in this Action, yet no councel can stay her Majestie from manifesting of her misliking of them; So as, indeed, I think thereby the French may and will easily catch them, and make their present profit of them, to the damage of England; and in this behalf her Majesty had no small misliking of that Book which you sent me, written in French, whose name yet I know not; but howsoever I think him of great Wit, and acquaintance in the affairs of the world: It is not in my power to procure any reward, and therefore you must so use the matter, as he neither be discouraged, nor think unkindness in me.

When all is done, I think my Lord of Murray will take the Office of Regency; and will so band himself with the rest, as he will be out of peril at home. And as for External power to offend them, I think they are so skillful of other Princes causes and needs, as I think they will remain without fear.

We are occupied with no news greater then this of Scotland; We begin [Page] to doubt of the King of Spains coming out of Spain, finding it more likely for his Son to come.

In Ireland all things proceed smoothly, to make the whole Realm obedient; the Deputie hath leave to come over to confer with the Queens Majesty upon the affairs.

My Lord of Sussex wrot from Augusta, the 24. of July, that he meant to be at Vienna the last of July, and also that the Emperor meant to be there at the same time.

I must heartily pray you to bear with my advice, that in your expences you have consideration not to expend so much as by your Bills brought to me by your servant Cartwright it seemeth you do; for truely I have no Warrant to allow such several Fees as be therein contained, neither did I know any of the like allowed to any of your predecessors; and in the paying for your intelligences, if you be not well ware, you shall; for the most part, have counterfeited ware for good money.

In matters of importance, or when you are precisely commanded to prosecute matters of weight, it is reason your extraordinary charges be born; but as to the common Advisees of the Occurrents abroad, they are to be commonly had for small value, and many times as news for news; for at this day the common Advisees from Venice, Rome, Spain, Constantinople, Vienna, Geneva, Naples, yea and from Paris, are made so currant, as every Merchant hath them with their letters from their Factors. If I did not know your good Nature, I would not thus plainly write; and yet if I should not hereof warn you, your expences might increase, and I know not how to procure your payment; and yet hereby I mean to do my best at all times to help you to allowance for all necessary expences; and so take my leave.

Yours assuredly. W. Cecil.

From the Mannor of Guilford, 19. Aug. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

I Have had no good Messenger of good time to write unto you; the Queens Majesty hath been abroad from Windsor these twenty dayes, and returned on Saturday very well.

Lignerolls is come out of Scotland with very small satisfaction, as I think; he could not speak with the Queen, no more then Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, who also is returning.

[Page] The Hambletons hold out, the Earl of Murray is now Regent; the Queens Majesty our Sovereign remaineth still offended with the Lords, for the Queen, the example moveth her.

In Ireland all things prosper and be quiet; Sir Henry Sydney shall come onely to confer, and shall return to keep a Parliament in Ireland.

My Lord of Sussex was honorably received the fifth of August, lodged and defrayed by the Emperor, had his first Audience on the eight; the Arch-Duke Charles was looked for within five days; and now we daily look for Sir Henry Cobham to come in Post, at the least, within these ten days.

All things are quiet within this Realm, thanked be Almighty God.

I have presently a paper sent me from Antwerp in French, very strange, containing an Edict, to compell all Judges, Governors, all Officers and Councellors, to give Attestation of the Catholick Faith; if it should be true, it should be a hazard to make a plain civil war.

My Lady your Wife came this night hither to Windsor, whom I have warned to write to you by this bearer.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Septem. 3. 1567.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YOu may perceive by the Queens letter, how this noble man is partly of his own minde, partly by perswasion stayed; and surely, if either the French King or the Queen should appear to make any force against them of Scotland, for the Queens cause, we finde it, credibly, that it were the next way to make an end of her; and for that cause her Majesty is loth to take that way, for avoiding of standers that might grow thereby.

I had provided a young man for you, which could have served very well for writing and speaking of French and English; but I durst not allow him to serve you in your negotiations, although I know no thing in him to the contrary; but hearing that you have men that can both speak and write French, and perceiving by the superscription of your letters, that you have one who writeth a good Secretary hand, I have thought fit to forbear to deal further with the said party.

I thank you for your offer to send me any Charts that I should name; and if you would send me a note of the names of the Charts that are [Page] thought newest, and of the Author of their setting forth, and the places where they be printed, I may chance to trouble you with craving of some.

I would be glad to have from you a note of the names of the chiefest Nobility of France, and with whom they be married; adding thereto any other thing that may belong to the knowledge of their Lineage and Degrees, as you shall think meet: And so for this time I end.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Windsor, 27, Sept. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

AFter my very hearty Commendations, with my like thanks for all your courteous letters to me, and specially for the friendly trust which I see you put in me, to the due answering whereof you shall never finde me wanting.

My Lady, your good Wife, can sufficiently report to you all things from hence, so as I need write nothing presently, but my hearty commendations.

And where it seemeth you think some hardness, in not allowance of your expences, expressed in sundry your Bills; surely it is not lack of my good will that stayeth me, but power; for truly I never subscribed so many extraordinary Bills for any, as I have done for you; and, as I understand by your servant Cartwright, I have subscribed more in some of them then will be as yet paid. Generally, I will subscribe all charges reasonable for carriage of Letters; but concerning entertainment of men to continue at the Court, or for rewards, given extraordinarily, I never did, nor could allow them; and yet I wish them paid, being laid out in the service of her Majesty. And, in this manner, I heartily pray you to interpret my good will to the best; for surely if you were either my Brother or Son, I have no more power to shew you and yours good will, then I do.

The Duke of Chastilherant is at Deip, and meaneth within these ten days to be here, as his servants report; I think he shall not be able to annoy the Lowth, as he and his, I see, do desire.

Bothwell is not yet taken, to our knowledge, though it be said he should [Page] should be taken on the Seas, by a Ship of Breme: And so I end, as I began.

Yours, as your own, W. Cecil.

Windsor, 2. Octob. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YOur servant Jenny arrived here yester-day, with your Letters of the first day of September; by which the Queen was greatly satisfied, for that we had received divers brutes of the troubles of France, whereunto we know not what credit to give; and now considering the Ice is thus broken, you must think we shall daily be molested with uncertain reports.

The Queens Majesty advertised the French Ambassador, and Monsieur de Pasquiers, of as much as she heard from you, who were not a little troubled before, by reason of strangers news spread abroad, and more dangerous; for otherwise they had heard no manner of thing of credit out of France, although of late time they had sent three several Messengers; so as I do guess that the passages be stopped to them, and I wish they be not also to you too.

I finde her Majesty disposed, upon the next hearing from thence, to send some special Gentlemen thither; before which time, her Majesty being moved by me according to your desire, yet will not agree to send to you any Currier.

My Lady, your Wife, was ready to depart towards you upon Wednesday last, and would not be stayed from her journey by any perswasion; what she will do now upon your servants coming, I know not; but, in my opinion, she shall do well to forbear the venture.

This Letter which I do write, I do send by your Footman, wherein I dare, as the time is, write nothing but that which may be seen of all sorts.

That which you wrote of late to me touching Jenny your servant, I assure you ought not to be imputed to him, but to such in Scotland, to whom being uttered for their good, they could not use it as was meet.

We have nothing in Scotland, but all things therein be quiet since the last of September, at which time the Castle of Dunbar was rendred to the Earl of Murray; and one name the Lord Wawghton, follower of the Earl Bothwell, which kept the Castle as long as he could, was adjudged [Page] to pay for the charges of them which besieged it; and the charge of the Carriage of the Ordnance back to Edenburgh, a new kind of punishment, sufficient enough for such a beggar. And so wishing that we may hear often from you; I end with this also, that it shall behove you, to take good heed whose reports you credit in this variety.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

9. Oct. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

I Heartily thank you for your gentle letters sent to me by your two last Messengers, William Wade, and Crips; both which persons come to me, being at London, because it was Term time, where I am for the more part, saving Sundays and Holidays; by which occasion, I have at both times sent your letters to the Queens Majesty, so as I have not had the commodity to see your advertisements; nevertheless, you shall do well to continue your accustomed manner of advertising her Majestie as fully as you can; for in these troublesome times, the accidents being so diversly reported as they are, it is meet that her Majesty should be largely Her Majestie much mislikes of the Prince of Conde and Thadnur Lords of France. advertised; and because it may be that your letters may come in this Term time whiles I am at London; I pray let me have some repetition of your advises in such letters as you shall write to me. This bearer, your servant Crips, can make full report to you of all matters here. The Lords of the Council do all they can to cover the same.

My Lady your Wife also hath been very careful to have him return to you, and would have some other of more weight; but the Queens Majestie Her Majesty being a Prince her self is doubtful to give comfort to subjects. forbeareth to send any, because of the uncertainty of the time [...] Dover A 1 [...] in misliking o [...] [...] and of F wherein all is done that can be by B, to cover the same, and as I think the principal is for that A is 42 91 [...], and doubtful of giving [...] 25. 5 [...] subjects; nevertheless, Our Ambassador to comfort them, nevertheless, as occasion serves. Expectation of the Queens marrying with the Archduke Charles In Scotland all quiet, the Scotish Queen still in Loughlevin and in health. you shall do well as occasion shall serve 5 [...] [...] For this we here well perceive that [...] is [...] we look daily to hear a certainty of the [...], howsoever, percase, they there mean to let it.

In Scotland all is quiet, the Queen continueth in Lough-Levin, in very good health; and the Earle of Murray ruleth quietly as Regent; and so I end, Murray ruleth quietly as Regent.

Yours assuredly as your own, W. Cecil.

Hampton Court, 3. Nov. 1567

To the Right Honorable, Sir Hen. Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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[Page]

SIR,

BEfore Mr. Bridges came, who arrived here on Saturday last, with your letters dated the 16. We were much troubled with variety of reports, of the encounter betwixt the Constable and the Prince; and by him we are well satisfied to hear that we think to be truth, although otherwise men report on the other side.

Your servant Crips was sent hence, and, as I hear, was stayed for lack of winde to pass, six or seven days at Rye; but seeing Mr. Bridges met him so neer Paris, I think he came in safety to you. And now, for your further satisfaction, I send this Bearer Mr. Jenny, whom truly I think honest and careful, and in the matter imputed unto him, I take him to be cleer.

Mr. Bridges shews himself towards you very friendly, and, in his reports, very wise and discreet; surely I do like him well.

The oftner you can send, the better it is, in this busie time.

The French Ambassador perswadeth us, that all our Merchants at Rohan are by his means at good liberty to use their Trade; which if they be, I know the thanks belong to you.

I wish to have a Callender of them which are with the Prince, and also to see the Edicts that have lately passed from the King against them.

Yours assuredly, to command, W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

AFter my very hearty commendations, my Lady, your Bedfellow, having not heard from you this good while, hath thought good to send over one of hers purposely to see you, and to bring her word again from you; by whom I would not fail to write these few words unto you; not having any thing to write at this time, but of the prosperous state of all things on this side. The last letters from you hither were by your servant Henry Crips, who was dispatched home again towards you the fourth of this moneth; the want whereof is not imputed to be in you, for lack of diligence and good will to write, but partly to the dangerous time, and hard means to send when you would, and partly, for lack of knowledge of the doings of the contrary part, which in such a time are not easily known; but, as you may, you shall do well to advertise how things pass there, at the full.

The French Ambassador was with the Queens Majesty on Wednes- [Page] the 12. of this present, who had no great news to impart to her Majesty, but came onely, as he said, to see her Majesty. His last letters out of France, he said, were of the 27. of October; In talk with me he told me, that by his letters he understood, that the King had sent for you at the time of the sending away of his dispatch, whereby he judged that you might have occasion to write hither shortly; and that your Messenger was, in likelihood, on the way hitherwards; so as if he be not hindred by the way, your letters are looked for very shortly; or for lack of his coming, it will be, indeed, thought that he is stayed; your next advertisement will shew it, which is daily looked for: And thus I wish you, in this dangererous time, all safety and health.

Your very assured loving friend, W. Cecil.

From the Court at Hampton-Court, 15. Nov. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YOu must think, that seeing all the parts of Christendom are intentive to hear of the maters of France; we cannot be careless, to whom the same belongeth next of all, whatsoever the end thereof shall be.

Your last letters brought hither came with good speed; being dated the 28. of December, they came the fourth of this January. Of the news therein contained, mentioning the encounter betwixt Mountgomery and the Kings Vantguard, about the 23. of December. I had letters dated in Paris the 20. which did express the same more particularly, but I dare not credit them.

Your good advice given to her Majesty in the said letter, is well to be commended. Of the state of our things here, there is no new thing to write; all things, thanked be God, are quiet.

In Scotland they have ended their Parliament; wherein, as I hear, they have Enacted the Coronation of the King, the Authority of the Regent to be good, and have noted the Queen to be privy to the murther of her husband.

My Lady, your wife, hath been a little sick, but is now well recovered, and hath instantly required me to send away this bearer, because she had writings to send you; otherwise I would have had him stayed two days to have heard some more news from thence.

I thank you for the Articles which you last sent me; but lacking the [Page] Articles of the other side, I could not well understand those which you sent me: And so I end,

Westm. 8. Jan. 1567.

Yours assuredly to use or command, W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France.

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SIR,

IT is to us here thought very long since we heard from you, your last being of the fourth of this moneth, sent by young Cornwallis, specially because we are troubled with such diversity of reports, that what may be taken for truth, is uncertain. Beside this, I cannot but let you understand, that the Lords of the Council are desirous to hear more largely and particularly how things do pass; wherein they seem to require such a dilligence as Sir Tho. Smith was wont to use, who sought to understand, and so continually did write what was done, almost every other day, making, as it were, a Journal or a Diarium. But, in my opinion, I have shewed them that it is not so easie for you to do it in this time, considering the Armies and their accidents are far from Paris, and as I think, very great heed given, that no advertisements should be given you, but such as you should not think worthy of writing: Nevertheless, for their contentations, I wish you would write of as many things as you can, whereby they shall both be content; and what they hear from other places of the same things, they shall better discern what to think true.

[...] 5. m. 3. to the disadvantage of R. All things here are in quietness, I think Master Vice-Chamberlain shall be Deputy of Ireland, for that Sir H. Sydney is sore vexed with the Stone in the Bladder; and so I take my leave, thanking you for the offer you have made me to provide for me certain Charts, of the which I am bold to name nine, as I have noted them in the paper included.

Yours assured, W. Cecil.

26. January, 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

AFter my hearty commendations, the Queens Majesty, and my Lords of her Council, have been reasonably well satisfied of late by your two dispatches, wherein you have largely and well written, the last being of the 29. sent hither by the means of Glover of Rohan; the other of the 23. brought hither by this bearer your servant; before the coming whereof, [Page] we had plenty of uncertain news brought hither, by the means of the passages, sometimes from Diep, sometime from Bulloigne; but comparing them with yours, we make them as refuse, and yours as clean metal. And truely I finde that to be true which you write, that you see good cause to forbear writing of every thing there, finding by experience that the greater part of reports brought thither proved not the truest. I am glad there is no occasion here to requite you with any news, for God blesseth us with continuance in our accustomed quietness, for the which, I wish, we might but yield half the thanks.

The Queens Majesty is in good health, and was purposed of late to have gone abroad for her Pastime, as she did this time twelve moneths, but the foulness of the weather hath letted it.

There were certain Scots, which newly returned into Ireland, about November last, but they found themselves disappointed of such aide as they looked for, and so are gone, and scared, whereby the Realm remaineth quiet.

The Earl of Desmond, and his brother Sir John, be here in the Tower, chargeable rather with disorders for private quarrels then for any untruth; whereupon some think, that whilst they remain here, good order may be better stablished there.

In Scotland things are quietly Governed by the Regent, who doth acquit himself very honorably, to the advancement of Religion and Justice, without respect of persons.

My Lord of Sussex, by his last letters of the 27. of January, looked for his resolute answer in such sort at that time, as he hoped to be at Antwerp, before the end of this moneth. What his answer is like to be, I assure you on my Faith, neither do I know, nor can likely conjecture.

I perceive by some of your letters of late, that you were somewhat troubled with light reports of news from hence, and therein you thought it strange that you could not hear thereof from me. You may be sure that in such a case I would have given you some knowledge, if any thing had hapned.

More as yet I have not at this present, but heartily to thank you for the young horse you have bestowed upon me; wherein you see my overmuch boldness of your friendship, as in many other things; and so I heartily take my leave: I wish to have a Bill of the names of the principal persons, with the place.

Yours assured, W. Cecil.

Westm. 12. Feb. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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[Page]

SIR,

YOur last letters be dated the 10. of Feburary, by which they I perceive you did, two days before, make earnest suit on the behalf of the poor men at Marsciles, wherein surely you did very charitably; besides that, it toucheth the Queens Majesty, in honor, to have them deliveed; and so her Majesty alloweth your doings therein, and therefore you may do well to continue it.

I doubt the former answer will be renewed, that is, to have the interest of D'Estrill fully remitted, which belongeth properly to some of the Queens Subjects, who have spent a great deal of money in the pursuit thereof, by attendance onely for that purpose upon this Court, more then two or three years, which of my own knowledge I understand to be true; insomuch as they have been forced to be relieved out of prison, for very debt grown by this their suite.

Of late they of Rye took certain Fishers of Diepe, which had come upon our shoar in the night, and Fished with sundry Netts of unlawful size, such as are both by the Ordinances of France and England, on both sides, condemned; and being kept in Ward by them of Rye, the Ambassador made earnest suite for them; but after the Nets were brought up, and some of the parties also, and plainly proved before them, that they were far unlawful; It was agreed by my Lord Steward and the Officers of the houshold, here, in the favor of them, That they should be released, and have their Nets, with faithful promise, never to use the same again upon our Coast: Hereof it may be you shall hear; but I assure you, considering the unreasonableness of their Nets, I think they had too much favor, in that the Nets were not burned.

The Queens Majesty, this morning, willed me to write unto you, that you should obtain licence of the French King, to send for, by safe conduct, your Nephew Champernoune, which is with the Count Mountgomery, whom his father thought to have remained in Normandy with the Countess; but now since dinner, I perceive by Sir Arthur Champernoune, he would be loth to seem to send for him; and therefore you may do herein as Sir Arthur Champernoune shall by his letter sent unto you, at this time, move you; for indeed I think the Count Mountgomery would be very loth to part with him, for opinion sake. The Lord of Arbroth came lately out of Scotland this way, and spoke with the Queens Majesty, pretending to go into France to sollicite aide for the delivery of the Queen of Scots; he came out of Scotland without licence or knowledge of the Regent there [...] this way of late, but I trust shortly to hear from [...] of such things as he carryed with [Page] him. Your admonition of O was well allowed of, but about that matter we are otherwise occupied, if things may fall out as are meant, whereof I cannot write any more, because as yet the Iron is not in the Forge.

I thank you for the Edicts published and printed in Paris, which you sent me, praying you that you will hereafter continue, in the same mauner, to send me any thing that is there published.

Having not heard of any thing from you since the 9. of this moneth, (this being the 26) I am in some perplexity what to think of matters there; for howsoever rumors and news be brought from the Sea coast; neither do I believe any for the truth, but such as are confirmed by you; And hereby you may perceive that the oftner you write, the more pleasure you do me.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

West. 26. Feb. 1567.

Postscript.

I hear that Glover of Rohan is very ill used. I wish you could help him, as you shall understand his grief.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

YOur last letters that have come to my hands, were of the 12. of Feb. brought hither by one Bogg, of the French Kings Guard, who having tarryed, as he said, fourteen days at Diep for lack of passage; by that means came very slowly hither; and therefore you must think we be here much troubled for lack of certain advertisements from you, whilst we hear from other parts reports so diversly: Nevertheless, I do think and affirm, that there be some letters dispatched from you since the date aforesaid. Those which you wrote last to the Queens Highness, were well and amply written; and so I wish you should do with the rest hereafter.

You may perceive by the Queens Majesties letter, which I send at this time, her sincere meaning, which if it be well taken, it is well bestowed; and yet I think she should not finde the like courtesie and good meaning, if she had need of the like, from the which I pray God long keep her.

Her Majesty is well disposed to send some thither, if she thought she might do good towards the peace, against which I think, plainly, all Ambassadors but your self are vehemently disposed; and so it appeareth by [Page] the fruits of their Councils; and if you told the Queen mother, so as of your own head, as a thing you hear spread abroad in the world, I think you might do well and speak truely; for as for the Popes Ministers, their profession is to prefer the State of their corrupted Church before the Weal of any Kingdom in the earth; and whatsoever come of any thing they look onely to the continuance of their own ambitious ruling; and as for other Ministers of Princes, or for men of War; it is a truth infallible, the more they do impoverish that Monarchy of France, the better they think their own estates; and if the Queen-mother and other good Councellors of the King, do not understand this, you may say, if you can in good terms, Oculos Habent & non vident.

Our matters here in England remain as hitherto they have long done, by the goodness of God, in great quietness.

This day I had letters from my Lord of Sussex, of the first of this moneth, from Antwerp, who, I perceive, meaneth to pass over the Seas hitherwards this night, so as, I think, he will be here by Munday, what he bringeth, I know not at all.

Bredrood is dead at Collen; the Count of Berry, eldest son to the Prince of Orange, is in Zealand, ready to be carryed into Spain; it is doubted that the Counts of Egmond and Horne shall follow.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

March, 6. 1567.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YOu have done very well, in this doubtful time, to write so often hither as you have done; for that the Queens Majesty hath been in great expectation, what to judge to be the truth in the middest of so many divers advertisements; for howsoever we be from other places advertised, we measure the same even by yours.

The last letters which you sent, were dated the 30. of March, which came hither yesterday, being the 7. And considering the last accident hapned the 29. by a treachery to have supplanted the good meaning of the peace, I am in opinion that the Prince and his should have a reasonable occasion offered unto them to mend their bargain, in certain points tending to their own surety; which surely if they do not better foresee, me thinks, their danger wil not be far off; I pray you to continue your vigilancy in exploring of [...]. wherein you may do very well to [Page] procure that the R may be induced to withstand that enterprize, as being a matter very prejudicial to the whole [...] London 2 [...] Paris, &c.

Here hath been of good long time, one Emmanuel Tremelius, who heretofore, in King Edwards time, read the Hebrew Lecture in Cambridge; and hath now been sent hither by the Count Palatine the Elector, to inform the Queens Majesty of the proceedings of the said Elector, in sending his son into France, without intention to offend the King and the Realm, or to assist the Prince of Conde in any thing; but onely in the defence of the common cause of Religion, who now upon the ending of these causes in France will depart hence; and truely, in my opinion, the said Elector hath shewed himself to be a Prince of great honor in this Action.

The Prince of Orange, hath also sent hither a special Gentleman, to declare unto her Majesty his innocency in such causes as are objected against him, touching any part of his duty towards the King of Spain: And further, also, to shew good cause why he doth not return into the Low Countries, to appear before the Duke of Alva, whom he noteth to be a Judge not competent, because he hath already notorionsly broken the Laws and ancient priviledges of the same Countries.

Out of Scotland, I hear, that the Hambletons continue in that Faction against the Regent; and I believe they be nourished out of France, by means of the Abbot of Arbroth, who lately came thorough this way.

Of my Lady, your wifes, dangerous sickness (out of the which she was newly escaping, when your Son arrived here) I doubt not but you are well advertised; so as I need not to write any other thing, but onely to rejoyce, with you, that she is so well amended.

You see, by my writing, that this Country, thanked be God, is as barren of news, as that of France is plenteous.

Sir Ambrose Cave is departed this life, and as yet it is not known who shall succeed him; some name Mr Vice-Chamberlaine, some Sir Henry Sydney, some Sir Ralph Sadler, some Sir Nic. Throckmorton; her Majesty can make no ill choice of any of these: And so trusting ere this letter can come to your hands, I shall receive some of yours, containing the resolution of this long lingring peace.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

April, 8. 1568.

§

[Page]

SIR,

THis evening, Harcourte arrived here with your letters, which were long looked for, and be now welcome; for your satisfaction, by this bearer, you shall understand of the recovery of my Lady your Wife.

The Gentleman that lately came hither, named Monsieur de Beamont, one of the late disorder of France, passeth into Scotland, which is not much to be liked.

The book which you sent, of the peace, hath not printed in it certain Articles, by way of request, made to the King by the Commissaries on the Princes part; what answers Marginal of the King. I fear much the surety of the Prince and his Colleagues.

I hear by him that came last, now, of strange news at Diep, of the King and Prince of Spain; I pray you, if there be any of moment, send us word.

Here is an Ambassador arrived from Portugal, for to brawle about Merchants and Maritime matters: For haste, I can write no more.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

April, 14. 1568.

Postscript.

I send you the beginning of the Parliament of Scotland; when I have more you shall have more sent you.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

YOur last letters brought hither, are of the 18. of April, which came hither the 29. of the same moneth, by which I looked to have heard where the Prince and the Admiral was, and what they did; and how they intended to prosecute the enjoying of the peace, for here we are troubled with very many fond tales; and I never make good resolution of doubts without your advertisment; and therefore, I pray, write from time to time, what is done on both parts: You shall do well to give good respect to the [...] pretending to [...] [...] wherein surely may be seen the very intent of the practicers.

I heartily thank you, Sir, for your plentiful present of so many Countries, as you lately sent by Harcourte, who indeed did in former times serve me, and with my good favor departed from me; but if he may serve you, I am glad, for I never knew but good honesty by him: [...]2 [...]π [...]5. oVʒ ʒ is not a little afraid of these [...] G and H.

[Page] We hear newly of great attempts towards Flanders; and so having nothing more to write, I am by business forced to end, being assured, that both by your Son, and otherwise, you are advertised of all our seen matters here. From Greenwich the first of May, which is become a very cold day, 1568.

Yours assured at all times, W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

BY the Queens Majesties letter you may perceive what is her pleasure at this time; Beaton is passing thither, so as I think he will be at the Court before the coming of this bearer: In your speaking with the King, you may not by your speech, seem to utter that you know of Beatons coming for aid there, upon advertisement given from hence; for he being advised not to seek aid there, and promised aid here, for his Mistris, hath in words allowed thereof; and saith, that he will forbear to require aide from thence, and will onely but notifie the Queens liberty. But yet, surely I am not bound to believe him; but he hath required us here to say nothing of that which he, at his first coming, told us, That the Queen his Mistris sent him to France, to require aide of one thousand Harquebusiers, and a sum of money, with some Ordnance.

Wherefore, except you shall learn there that he demandeth aid, you shall not speak thereof; but if he do, then shall ye do well to make mention thereof to the King.

I hear daily of the evil observation of the last peace towards the Protestants.

In Flanders and the Low Countries, I see things will prosper too well in hurt of the Religion; and onely for lack that the Prince of Orange his party hath of money.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Greenwich, 16. of May, 1568.

Postscript.

And I think Mr. Vice-Chamberlaine shall be Controller, Mr. Sydney Treasurer, Mr. Throckmorton Vice-Chamberlain, and Sir Ralph Sadler Chancellor of the Duchy.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

[Page]

AAfter our very hearty commendations, we being made privy to such Letters and Message as you lately sent by this bearer your Secretary, to me Sir William Cecil, have well considered the same, and do well allow of the good [...] because [...] the [...] And do not mislike the overture, made to you by Paris [...] for the diverting of the [...] Low [...] good [...] Callis and Dover; and although there is no likelyhood of the sequel of this overture for sundry respects; yet we do allow so well thereof, as we wish you would make such answer to the said party, as [...]: And to that end we are content that you may, if need so require, [...] the [...] giving him to understand, that we will gladly if the matter shall [...] the [...] to us, use our credit towards xx the A [...], who we hope surely neither can nor will but accept the good will of [...] in every good part; and so we require you to further that matter with all [...] that you can; and on our part you may assure the party that it shall be also xx [...] low [...]. the [...]. And so far ye well heartily.

Your assured loving friends, Pembroke, R. Leicester, W. Cecil.

From the Court at Greenwich, 28. of June, 1568.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, her Majesties Ambassador Resident in France.

§

SIR,

YEsterday being the 12. of this month, Mr. Bridges came to the Court as we were going from London towards Havering, in such sort, as the Queens Majesty her self seeing him, and knowing that you would not have sent him but with matter of some importance, commanded me forthwith to decipher your letter, which I did, and shewed her Majesty; whereupon she comfortably and constantly seemed not to fear any such Devillish practice; but yet she is earnest in the further discovery of the matter, and liketh well of your advertisement: But she marvelleth that you did not advise more particularly of more special means, to know the [...], for as he is described to be of chiefest [...] with the [...] as also with [...] we cannot truly hit of no man; for as there be 4. or 5. that do sometime [Page] accompany the [...] so are there men of that Nation, but they do resort to the [...] wherefore it is necessary that you speak again with the party that gave you this intelligence; and if the matter be of truth, and disguising to some other purpose, he can as well obtain you the knowledge of the party in certainty, as this to give a guess at him; for as he hath his intelligence of the matter which he uttered to you (if it be true) so may he attain to a more perfect knowledge; and if the matter be true, and shall be discovered by his means, you may promise him reward of the Queens Majesty, as of a Prince of honor, and so indeed shall he have it; on the other side, if the matter be not true, but a device, surely he and they that do participate with him are much too blame; wherefore, Sir, I earnestly require you to use all the speed you can herein, and advertise as plentifully as you can, to the satisfaction of her Majesty; For though her Highness words have comfort, yet it cannot be but she shall rest perplexed untill more certainty be had.

Likewise her Majesty would have you cause diligent inquisition to be made of the other matter concerning the vi [...] prepared by [...] where and when, and to what end the prepation shall be.

We marvail that you write nothing at this time of the Prince of Conde, &c. For the French Ambassador reporteth that he shall come to the King to Gallian, the Cardinal Burbous house; and that the Cardinal of Lorrein shall depart from the Court, which to me is unlikely for truth.

The Scotish Queen is ordered to remove from Carlile, to a Castle of the Lord Scroops in the edge of York-shire next Cumberland called Bolton; for where she was appointed to come to Tutbury; the Queens Majesty, finding her great misliking therein, hath forborn the same.

Her desires are these, in sundry degrees: First, to come to the Queens Majesties person, and to have present aid to be restored: Secondly, if that cannot be, to have licence to pass into France; and to these it hath been answered, untill her cause may appear more probable for her innocency, the Queens Majesty cannot with honor receive her personally; but if the Queen will by any manner of means, honorable, let her cause appear to be void of the horrible crime imputed to her for the murthering of her husband; she shall be aided, and used with all honor; whereunto she will give no resolute answer, other then that, if she may come personally to the Queens Majesty, then she will let it appear how she standeth in the cause: Hereupon we stand at a brawl; she much offended that she hath not her requests, and we much troubled with the difficulties, finding neither her continuance here good, nor her departing [Page] hence quiet for us. We here speak of one La Mote that should come hither.

Yours assured, W. Cecil.

From Havering, the 13. of July, in haste.

Postscript.

And for [...] and x, I pray you put them in comfort, that if extremity should happen, they must not be left; for it is so universal a cause as none of the Religion can separate themselves one from another; we must all pray together, and stand fast together; and further, &c.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

AFter my hearty commendations, though here be no great cause of present dispatch to you; yet for the return of this bearer your servant Darrington, having been long here; and also to let you understand of the Queens Majesty proceedings with the Queen of Scots since her being in this Realm, and since my last letters to you, I have taken this occasion to return him to you.

The Queen of Scots having long laboured the Queens Majesty, both by Messages and Letters, to have aid of her Majesty against the Lords of Scotland, and by force to restore her to her Realm; her Majesty could not finde it meet in honor so to do, but rather to seek all other good means to compass it with quiet and honor; wherein much travailing hath been spent. Finally, the Queen of Scots hath agreed that her matter shall be heard in this Realm, before some good personages, to be deputed by the Queens Majesty, to meet with some of the Lords of Scotland, about New-Castle, or Durham, or neer this way, as shall be found fit; and so to be reported to her Majesty. This way being now resolved upon, and accepted of all parts, the Earl of Murray hath offered to come himself in person (if her Majesty finde it good) accompanyed with others of meet condition, to any place, and at any time that her Majesty will appoint; and because the Lord Herreys, having long been here for the Queen of Scots, and lately gone to her, hath on his Mistrisses behalf required that speed might be used in this matter; the Queens Majesty hath by her special letters required the Earle of Murray, that all expedition may be made, either for his own, or else that some others may come chosen, to be persons of wisdom and dexterity, and void of all particular passion in such a cause as this is; and upon his answer of the persons that shall be thus appointed there, the [Page] Queens Majesty will, with all speed, send like fit personages from hence to meet with them; and in the mean time where they the Lords of Scotland had summoned a Parliament of their three Estates, to assemble in this next August; her Majesty hath required them to suspend the holding of the Parliament, untill the issue of this matter to be heard by her Majesty, may come to some end. In this meeting the Queens Majesty doth not mean to charge the Queen of Scots, but will hear what the Lords can alleadge for themselves, to defend all their doings and proceedings, for imprisoning and deposing their Queen, and other matters published by them; and thereof to cause report to be made to her to be answered; and likewise to carry such matters as are to come from her, against them; and upon hearing of all parts, as matters shall in truth fall out, so doth her Majesty mean to deal further therein, as honor will lead and move her to do.

Whilst these things have been in doing, the Queens Majesty hath been advertised, though not from the Queen of Scots, that she hath deputed the whole Government of her Realm of Scotland to the Duke of Chastilheraulte, thereby both to make a party (as may be supposed) betwixt him and the Earl of Murray; and also to be the earnester to procure Forreign aid for his maintenance, whereof her Majesty is informed there is a great appearance, having obtained of the French King good numbers of Harquebuziers and others, ready to embarque for Scotland; which being true, her Majesty hath good cause to let the said King understand, that it is against his promise, as your self knoweth best. And so hath also the said Queen assured her Majesty, that she will not procure any Strangers to come into Scotland for her use, untill it may appear what will ensue of this meeting; But if the contrary fall out, either by her own means, or by the procuring of the said Duke of Chastilherault in France; the Queens Majesty will not onely forbear to deal any further for the benefit of the Queen of Scots, as hitherto her Highness hath done with all honor and sincerity, having had as great care of her cause, as she her self could have; but shall be justly moved to do otherwise then the said Queen or her friends abroad would wish. Thus much I thought good to impart unto you of these matters, to the end that if you (being there) finde indeed, that the said Duke doth obtain any such aide there to be sent into Scotland, you may take occasion to deal therein with the King, or with such as you know fittest, for the stay thereof.

The Queen is now removed lately from Carlile to Bolton Castle, a house of the Lord Scroops, about 30. miles within the land, fitter in all respects for her to lye at then Carlile, being a Town for Frontier and War; the Queens Majesty doth cause her to be very well and honorably used [Page] and accompanied. And thus having no other present matter to write unto you, I thought good herewith to return your servant to you, wishing you right heartily well to do. From the Court at Endfield, the 25. of July, 1568.

After the end of this letter, your servant Wall arrived here with your letters to the Lord Steward, the Earl of Leicester, and to me, for answer to the letter which we wrote to you; which letter, after I had caused to be deciphered, I sent to the Court; to them my self being at my house near Waltham, not well at ease, nor in case to go to Court.

I long much to hear answer of letters sent by your Lackque, touching the matter of an Italian, whereof I doubt the Queens Majesty is more careful to hear then she doth here express; at this time, I have received a letter from an Italian there with you, who subscribed his name, who seemeth very importune to have answer, because he may be entertained; and if he be the party of whom you writ about a moneth past, surely, as I did advertise you, the Queens Majesty will in no wise hear of any such offers, which she thinketh are but chargeable, without fruit, although I had earnestly moved her Majesty to have adventured some small piece of money upon such a man; therefore I see no remedy but to pay him as well as may be with goods words. And thus I wish you better to fare, then I did at the writing here.

Your assured loving friend, W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France.

§

SIR,

BY yours of the 23. of the last moneth, for answer of mine of the 13. of the same, I finde that you have very diligently and circumspectly travailled in the great dangerous matter, to satisfie the Queens Majesty, whereof you gave before that intelligence; and though I perceive that you can come to no more understanding therein, for further satisfaction of her Majesty, yet she is very well satisfied with your diligence and care; and so hath specially willed me to give you knowledge of her allowance of your doings therein. Methinketh the parties which tell you such pieces of tales, if the whole were true, might as well tell you the whole as such obscure parts; which if they do not, you might well alleadge them to be but devices to breed unquietness and suspition; and as I wrote before unto you, they might be tempted with offer of rewards, that the troth of the matter might be disclosed.

[Page] The Queens Majesty, as I am informed (for presently I am not at the Court, by reason of my sickness) meaneth to have the matter between the Queen of Scots and her subjects heard in this Realm, and compounded (as I think) with a certain manner of restitution of the Queen, and that limited with certain conditions, which how they shall be afterwards performed, wise men may doubt; the Queen of Scots her self, at length, seemeth content to commit the order of this cause to her Majesty; wherein if her Majesty's own interest should not be provided for, the world might think great want in her self, which I trust, she will regard.

I am willed by her Majesty to require you to continue your diligence in inquisition, what preparations are meant or intended in that Country to sent into Scotland; and as you shall finde any, to give speedy knowledge thereof, as I know you would do if you were not thus advertised.

There is coming out of Spain a new person to be Resident Ambassador here, who is a Commendatory of an Order; in whom I wish no worse conditions, then I have found in this man, for maintenance of amity.

Our whole expectation (as yours there is) resteth upon the event and success of these matters in the Low Countries, which as they shall fall out, so are like to produce consequences to the greater part of Christendom; and therefore, I beseech God, it may please him to direct them to his honor, and quietness (if it may be) of his universal Church here in earth; and so I end, being occasioned to use the hand of another my self, being very unable to write, and fully wearied with inditing thus much: Fare you heartily well, from my house in Cheston, the 3. of August, 1568.

Sir, This bearer, Mr. Hudleston, acknowledgeth himself so much be-holden to you, as he is desirous to return thither to spend his time, where he may shew himself thankful to you, and to that end hath requested me to write to you by him; he hath required to be accepted into my service; but I think him worthy of some better Master, and my self am overburthened with numbers, or else I would gladly have accepted him.

Yours assured, W. Cecil.

§

SIR,

MY late sickness hath been cause of my rare writing, and I am sorry to hear of your lack of health; which I trust you have ere this time recovered.

[Page] Your letters sent by the Frenchman of Southwark came one day only before Cockborne, who came also safely with your letters on Saturday last; I have made the Queens Majesty privy to both your letters; and as to the unhappy news of Flanders, we had the same worse reported by the Spanish Ambassador here, then yours did there, who hath made a triumphant story thereof, as far uncredible as any in Amadis de Gaule; for in the fighting continually one whole day, there were on Lodowicks part slain and devoured 8000. and on the other part but eight, so every one of them killed ten hundred.

I understand, that within these three days we shall have the report more reasonable; for I also hear that the greater number of the men slain were of the Dukes part, which I wish to be true [...] is in words content to commit [...] Dover [...] A but yet x doth not omit to stir new troubles in v.

Touching the [...] whereof you have often writ, order is taken to deal with [...] Paris; and surely me-thinks still since the informers will not be known of the particulars in more certainty, that these things are intended to bring us into their play; but yet no diligence is to be omitted. I think the Duke of Norfolk, my Lord of Sussex, and Sir Walter Mildmay, shall be Commissioners to treat in the North, betwixt the Queen of Scots, and her subjects. And so I end,

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Dunstable, 10. August. 1568.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

THe sufficiency of the bringer hereof is such, as I need not to write any thing to you by him of importance, to whom any thing may be well committed; He can best tell you upon what occasion the Queens Majesty sendeth this Message to the French King at this time, which because it is long and of great importance, the Queens Majesty would have you first translate it into French, and well digest it with your self; so as you may very perfectly and readily express it in such sort as it is conceived; And I think, if you would, in the translating thereof, distribute it into sundry members, by way of Articles, you should the better carry it in your minde, making thereby an account with your self of the better delivery thereof; and you shall do well, to let some such as favor the intention of the Queens Message, to see the Copy of the letter, [Page] whereby they may, per-case, being called to give advice to the King, further the cause, to the benefit of them of the Religion.

This day I received your letters, of the date of the 20. of this moneth by Glover, who of late time dwelt in Roan, whom I take to be a good honest person; but of the matter of the Jewels, whereof you wrote, upon his report, I my self know no certainty.

As for the occurrents of Scotland, you shall understand, that where the Queens Majesty hath determined with the Queen of Scots, to hear the whole matter, and (as it seemeth) to the advantage of that Queen, she took such comfort thereof, as she made the Earl of Arguile Lieutenant in one part, and the Earl of Huntly in another; and the Duke of Chastilherault over all; so as they forthwith leavyed Forces, and by Proclamation threatned the Regent, and all his, with fire and sword, who upon the Queens request had forborn hostility, untill the matter might be heard; and upon the 16. day of this moneth, the said Regent beginning a Parliament, which was appointed six weeks before, and quietly holding the same without any Armes; about the 19. word came to him that the Earl of Arguile was come to Glasco with 2000. and the Earl of Huntley coming out of the North with a great power to joyn with Arguile, and so to come to Sterling, to surprise both the place, and the King; upon which occasion, the Earl of Murray brake up the Parliament, and sent all the power that he had, to stay their joyning together; and (as I heard) the Earl of Huntley is put to the worse, and so fled home-ward, hereof the Queen of Scots maketh great complaint to the Queens Majesty; you may do well, when you have done your great Message, as you see cause, you may charge the Queen Mother with the breach of promise, if the Duke of Chastilherault be gone forwards towards Scotland with power.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Bissiter, 27. Aug. 1568.

Postscript.

I have boldly received from you sundry books; and I am bold to pray you to provide for me a book concerning Architecture, intituled according to a paper here included, which I saw at Sir Tho. Smith's; or if you think there is any better of a late making, of that argument.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, Her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

[Page]

SIR,

YOur Lackquey arrived here on Friday in the afternoon; and because the Bishop of Reynes hath not yet his audience, I stay your servant Wall, to bring the knowledge of that shall pass.

The Ambassador sent his Nephew Willcob to require Audience, and that it might be Ordered to have her Majesties Council present at the Bishops Missado; Her Majesty answered that they forgot themselves, in coming from a King that was but young, to think her not able to conceive an answer without her Council; and although she could use the advice of her Council as was meet; yet she saw no cause why they should thus deal with her being of full years, and governing her Realm in better sort then France was; so the audience being demanded on Saturday, was put off untill Tuesday, wherewith I think they are not contented. The Cardinal Castillon lyeth at Shene [...] Paris, the rather to displease [...] for Callis. I think [...] for E London [...] demanded.

The Duke of Norfolke, &c. are gone to Yorke, where the Dyet shall begin the last of this moneth.

It is [...] Callice [...] 90: [...] London [...] to the contrary [...] shal be there any [...] 9: 7: 3 590-0 Dover, &c. The success of the matters for good [...].

Sir, I pray advertise me what you may reasonably think of [...] practices what [...] or any like to him.

I thank you for the book you sent me of Architecture; but the Book which I most desired, is made by the same Author, and yet intituled, Novels per bien bastir, per Phileont de L'orn. I thank you for your Placarts, and instruments that you sent me by your Lackquey,

Yours assuredly, as your brother, W. Cecil.

Septem. 27. 1568.

Postscript.

And is well used by A the rather to displease all Papists, I think he hath or shall shortly have such comfort for E as Steward demanded.

It is not meant if x shall be proved guilty of the Murther, to restore her to V. howsoever her friends may brag to the contrary; nor yet shall [Page] there be any haste made of her delivery, untill the success of the matter of F and F be seen: I pray you, Sir, advertise me what you may reasonably think of Sir Robert Staffords practices with D or any like him.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

AFter the letters of the Queens Majesty were closed up at Bissiter, her Majesty stayed your Son, that he might carry with him a letter for the Marshall Montmorancis wife, for thanks for favor to my Lord Chamberlains daughter; and for a token which her Majesty now sendeth by your Son, being a Ring with a pointed Diamond. I beseech you cause the letter to her to be indorsed as you shall think meet: for I know not whether she be intituled Madam, Lady, Duchess of Calsho, or Montmorancy, or otherwise. I write this upon the 20. being Sunday in the afternoon in Rycot, where the Queens Majesty is well lodged, to her great contentation, as she hath commanded me to write to you; lacking onely the presence of your self, whom she wisheth here untill Thursday, that she shall depart from hence; of which Message I pray you take knowledge, and give her Majesty thanks, for she bad me to write thus very earnestly; and so fare you well from your own house, where also I am better lodged then I was in all this Progress, We are truly certified by our own Ambassador from Spain, who is on the way thorough France to return, that the Prince is suddainly dead; but by what occasion it is doubtful.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

29. Aug. 1568.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

I Have, as I lately signified unto you, stayed this bearer, John Wall, your servant, to the time that this Bishop of Rhemes should have his Audience and be answered; he was heard on Tuesday, and at his departure was required, briefly to put in writing the sum of his speech, which he did, as shall appear by the Copy herewith sent unto you: and yet in his speech he touched an offence in the latter end of your Message, [Page] notingthe Doctrine of Rome to be contrary to Christs; wherein he amplified before the Queens Majesty, that seeing his Master holdeth the Doctrine of Rome, therefore your Majesty should repute him no Christian; which speech, he said, was hardly born by the king in an open Audience; whereunto some answer hath been made, as you may see, to salve the matter, by turning the sence, that the Doctrine of Rome was contrary to Christs in derogating, &c. Onely in this was some difference made, although, indeed, your writing was warranted by the Queens Majesties letter; and therefore no fault in any wise found in your doings.

I do send you, herewith, the copy of the Bishops writing exhibited, and the answer of her Majesty thereto, which being put in French was yesterday, before the Ambassador, were admitted to her Majesties presence, read unto them by one of the Clarks of the Council, in the presence of the Council; and afterward they were brought unto her Majesty, who did confirm her former answer, and so they departed without further debate thereof.

It was thought they would have used some speeches concerning the Cardinal Castillon, whom they finde very well and courteously used here by the Queens Majesties order; but they have not hitherto spoken a word of him.

At their first being here, on Tuesday, they told the Queens Majesty, that they had newly received letters out of France, by which they were given to understand, that Martignes pursued Dandelot, and overthrew all his force, and made him to flye; which news was onely heard and not credited; insomuch, as the next day following, we heard credibly that Martignes had indeed pursued certain followers of Dandelot, at the passage of Leyer, which Dandelot had before safely passed with all his Forces, Footmen and Horsemen; and perceiving that Martignes had used some cruelty upon a small number of simple people that followed Dandelot, he returned over the water with his Horsemen, and avenged the former injury upon Martignes, and from thence went to Rhemes; where finding certain of the Presidents or Judges, which had given order to destroy all that could be found of the Religion, he executed their own Law upon some of them, and hanged some of the Judges; which news being brought unto us the day after he had given us the other for a farewell, he was this day welcomed with these; the rather because they touched his own Town of Reynes; and I wish them to be true, to cool their heating of lying.

The Cardinal Castillons wife is come over, whom I think the Queen means to use very well.

The Duke of Chastilherault comes hither to morrow to the Queens [Page] Majesty, but I think he shall not be permitted to go to the Queen of Scots very hastily.

If by the next letters it shall not appear, that you can have Rowland delivered, and your letters restored, I perceive the Queens Majesty will be well content that some one of theirs shall be stayed in the like manner: And so I end,

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Windsor, 1. Oct. 1568.

Postscript.

I pray send me word whether you thought [...] diot [...] to be suspected of the matter concerning the [...] or no. [...] By the next, which shall be by my Lady your wise, I will change my Cipher.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

THis present, being the 18. your servant came with your letters of the 12. which I longed much for, not having of a great time heard from you.

The Prince of Orange passing the and his proceeding cannot be unknown to you; and therefore I leave to write thereof.

The French Ambassador promised once to write favorably in this poor mans behalf; but this morning he sent his Nephew to me, declaring that considering he perceived much favor shewed by us to the King his Masters Rebels, he could not, without some misliking, write in favor of our Countrimen; I required of him, whom, in particular, he could name as Rebels, that had favor of us; he would name none; I told him, we accepted the Cardinal Chastillon as a Nobleman, and a good faithful subject and Councellor to the King; for that upon pride and inveterate malice done to him by the Cardinal of Lorrein, he was by him and his so persecuted, as he could not live in France without danger of his life; and I told him we had the more cause to favor him, and all such, because the said Cardinal Lorrein was well known to be an open enemy to the Queens Majesty, our Sovereign. So he departed, with no small misliking, and I well contented to utter some round speeches.

The Queens Majesty is resolved to set out certain of our Ships to Britain and Guyen, to preserve our Burdeaux Fleets from depredations; [Page] whereupon I think there will be some misliking uttered there to you, But considering the frequent Piracies already committed; and the menacing of the Pyrats to our Burdeaux Fleet, we can do no other, and so you may answer.

I think this Ambassador will advertise many devices of suspitions, of our aiding of the Prince with Money, Shot, and Powder; but the King shall never finde her Majesty to do any thing therein to be reprehended, If in case of Merchandize for Salt or Wine, the Princes Ministers can borrow things of our Merchants; I know not how to remedy secret bargains, where Merchandize is in use. The Treaty of York shall cease for a while, for that some of the Commissioners on either side are sent for hither, to confer with her Majesty. The Queen of Scots case appeareth not defensible by her own In so much as they intend another course, to make the Duke of Chastilherault their head, and provide for themselves.

And so having no more at this present, I end with my hearty thanks for your kind accepting of my friendly good will that I bear you.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Westm. 28. Oct. 1568.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

IT seemeth long since I heard from you, trusting that my Lady and your Son came safely to you, although their passage was very hard at Rye.

We hear many divers news of the matters in France; But I give no credit, untill you shall play the Bishop and confirm them.

Our Commissioners at York have heard the Queen of Scots complaint, and the answer of the other part; wherein they have forborn to charge the Queen with the murther, upon some reasonable respects, not knowing what end they will make if they should charge and prove her guilty; hereupon the Queens Majesty hath sent for some on either part.

Sir Ra, Sadler came hither yesterday, and the Bishop of Ross, and the Lord Harris for the Scotish Queen came this day, and so shall Liddington and Mackgill for the Prince. It is mentioned to have a composition, whereto the Scotish Queen, as they say is very willing, [...] Dover [Page] [...] But A and B, for the more part, are earnestly disposed [...] and if [...] as it is thought very probable, then so to be [...] 7: [...] for other wise quietness will never long continue.

The Queens Majesty finding her subjects continually spoiled by the French upon the Seas, is forced to send Mr. Winter to the Seas with 4. Ships of her Majesties, and two Barks; I know how many tales will be spred of his going; but truly you may avow that his going is wholly to preserve our Fleet at Burdeaux from Piracy, and therefore he is appointed to go towards Burdeaux [...] with [...] A hath agreed [...] and for the son to have [...].

I hear say, that some of our Merchants in London have bargained with certain Merchants of Rochell, and thereabout, to buy a quantity of Salt, wherewith it is likely that the King there, when he shall hear thereof, will be very suspicious; but in such cases Merchants must be permitted to make their bargains, and so you shall have reason to maintain their doings.

The Cardinal Chastillion sheweth himself so quiet a person, and in all his languages so faithful a servant to the King his Master, as he meriteth great commendations; he medleth in nothing here, but wholly occupyed in exercise of his Religion; he continually lamenteth, that grave Councellors perswading peace are not of more power and credit in the Court.

Whatsoever this French Ambassador shall report of him, he cannot truly report any evil of him: I hear La Mot is on his way, at Callis, to come hither.

I think surely some of yours are on the way. I pray send me a Register or List of the Chieftains on the Kings part, and also on the contrary. Sir, I do send you herewith a new Cipher.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

YOur last letters that came to my hands, were of the 29. of the last moneth; by which you signified to me the advertisements which you then had of the taking of Angulesme; since which time sundry reports are brought hither of Battels that should be betwixt the parties, [Page] whereof lacking advertisements from your self; I do give credit unto none, by reason of the diversities of the reports.

On Sunday last La Mot was presented by Mounsieur de la Forest, the former Ambassador, whom the Queens Majesty hath admitted as Ambassador for the French King, and seemeth to like well of his wisdom; whereof hitherto, for mine own part, I have not had any proof.

The cause of the Queen of Scots is now to be heard here; for which purpose the Duke of Norfolk, and the Earl of Sussex, are sent for from York, and are to be here within these two days; and presently the Earl of Murray, the Earl Morton, with certain other Noble men of his part, are already come; and on the Queens part the Bishop of Ross, and the Lord Herryes be at London, and do daily look for some other Commissioners to joyn with them; because her Majesty meaneth to have the whole matter advisedly heard, she hath appointed an Assembly, not onely of her whole Council, but of all the Earls of the Realm, to be here the 18. of this moneth; at which time her Majesty meaneth to have this cause of the Queen of Scots fully heard, and therein to take such resolution and end as she shall be advised unto by her said Council and Estates.

The last letters which you sent unto the Queen, wherein, as her Majesty saith, you made declaration of your Message done to that King, concerning the Cardinal Chastillons being here, was by her Majesty casually let fall in the fire, and so burnt; whereupon her Majesty being sorry for that she had not advisedly perused it, willed me to write unto you for the copy of the same letter again, which I pray you to send me by the next.

I would be glad to hear a brief, or, as they call it, a list of the names of the principal persons that have a charge now in these wars in France on both parts, with the contents, as near as you can, of their numbers.

After the writing hereof this present evening, as the bearer hereof can tell, Mr. Edmonds came hither with your letters to the Queens Majesty, by which I am satisfied for those reports that were made of the great sights at Angulesme; and of that which hath been here reported by the French Ambassador, of the overthrow of Mouvans, which I am glad is not true as he reported; and so finding nothing else to be answered, I thought good to dispatch this bearer with this my letter, to the intent we might the sooner hear of your news, whereupon dependeth the whole expectation of the Christian world.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court 16. Nov. 1566.

[Page]

Postscript.

Before Mr. Edmonds came you may see what I wrote of the [...].

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

BY your last letter sent to me by this bearer your servant, I perceived how good hap it was, for our satisfaction here, that your letters came not away with the report of the victory, whereof the King there advertised you by a special Messenger, untill you had also knowledge of the truth thereof, by Villeroys coming from the Camp after the first message; for like as the former part of your letters made mention of a great Victory for the King, and an overthrow of the Princes whole Infantry; So have many letters been written hither from Paris and other places, according to the partial affections of the Writers, in affirmance thereof, adding for their confirmation, certain solemnities by Processions, and such like, used at Paris for the same; nevertheless, I account the truth to be as in the latter part of your letter, you write that there was no such manner of battel, but certain skirmishes, wherein there was no great inequality; and yet because I hear it also credibly reported that the Prince of Conde lodged and kept the field, where the skirmishes were, I think his losses were less then the others; whereof I think, within a while, to know the truth more particularly.

This matter of the Queen of Scots began to be heard and treated on at Westminster the 25. of the last moneth, since which time there hath been sittings five or six several days; and yesterday the Queen of Scots Commissioners, having matter to answer, whereby the Queen their Mistriss was charged with the murther of her husband; they alleadged that they would go no further, being so commanded by letters from her, received since the beginning of this Commission; and have required to speak with the Queens Majesty, of whom they pretend they will desire to have the Queen their Mistriss to come to the presence of her Majesty, and answer these causes her self; whereunto how they shall be answered, I cannot tell; but for that purpose, and others, her Majesty, hath presently sent for her Council, who be here at present; and so shall the Queen of Scots Commissioners be to morrow; and hereafterward, as matters shall fall out, I will advertise you further, and so take my leave.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, 2. Decem. 1568.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

[Page]

SIR,

SInce my last writing by your servant Buffin, I have forborn to write, because I thought both to hear somewhat more from you; and to have also somewhat here to write unto you. Since which time, I have received no letters from you, but such as the poor Merchants of Ireland brought me, being dated the 25. of the last moneth, which came hither on Saturday last, being the 11. of this moneth; and considering the multitude of tales reported here to us, of the conflict about the 18. I was nothing satisfied with the said last letters; because touching that matter they did refer me to your former, against which the French Ambassador here hath precisely given unto us news, in the name of the King his Master, wholly to the disadvantage of the Prince; and therefore, I wish you had written thereof now at the latter time somewhat more particularly.

I did of late write to you for the copy of the letter which you wrote unto the Queens Majesty, touching the speech that was uttered unto you by the King there, concerning the Cardinal Chastillon, for that, as I wrote unto you, the same letter by casualty was burned before it was thoroughly read and perused, and hitherto I have not heard your answer to the same.

We have been here of late much occupied, in the conference with the Commissioners of Scotland, wherein there hath been eight or nine several Sessions; the sum of the matter is this, the Queens party began at York to accuse the Regent and his party, whereunto they made their answer and defence; after which the Queens party, by replication, maintained their accusation, and then the conference there stayed; whereupon the Regent being here with the Queens Majesty, vehemently charged, was driven, for his defence, to disclose a full Fardel of the naughty matter, tending to convince the Queen as devisor of the murther; and the Earl of Bothwell her Executor; and now t [...]e Queens party finding the burthen so great, refuse to make any answer, and press that their Mistriss may come in person to answer the matter her self, before the Queens Majesty, which is thought not sit to be granted, untill the great Blots of the marriage with her husband the murtherer, and the evident charges by letters of her own, to be the deviser of the murther, be somewhat razed out or recovered; for that as the matters are exhibited against her, it is far unseemly for any Prince, or chaste ears, to be annoyed with the silthy noise thereof; and yet, as being a Commissioner, I must and will sorbear to pronounce anything herein certainly; although as a private person, I cannot but with horror and trembling think thereof.

In your letters of the 25. you recommended unto me a cause of your [Page] own between you and one Brabrook, wherein you write, that one Tettersall your Atturney should have informed me; but herein I have not a good while now dealt withall, but whensoever any shall, I shall be glad to shew you my friendship to my power, & sic de caeteris.

I am sorry to understand of the sickness of your Son, Mr. William Norris, and therefore I would be glad to hear from you of his recovery, for indeed I do heartily like him and his condition.

I have also dealt with my Lord of Norfolks grace in your matter, for your right to the Lord Dacres Lands, wherein his Grace, at the Council-table, openly promised his favor.

I pray you, Sir, commend me to my good Lady your wife; if there be any good Charte of France, made since Mr. Oliver Trunkets impression having no date; I would be glad to have one, to behold therein the particular voyages and passages of these contrary powers: And so I end.

Yours as your own, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, 14. Decemb. 1568.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambessador, resident in France.

§

SIR,

THis bearer your servant came hither the last of December, with your letters of the 25. and 26. of the same, wherein he used good diligence; and for the contents thereof, her Majesty is very well satisfied with the diligence of your advertising, being before by reason of contrarious reports in great suspence what to think; for this French Ambassdor now being here, useth an ordinary manner to write unto her Majesty, in a certain general sort of the news of that Country, as favorably as he may on the Kings behalf, as reason is he should; but yet not without danger of discrediting himself by reporting: untruths. As I conjecture by your advertisements, it is likely that God hath already permitted some great effect to be wrought about this Christmas time, by some Battail stricken betwixt the two Armies; and howsoever it is, I do not doubt but you will advertise; and therein the will of God is to be obeyed with thanks, or with patience, as it pleaseth him to give his grace, or to chastise.

By your letters also, it appeared that the Prince of Orange, at the writing thereof, was still in the French Kings Dominions; and yet the common report at the same time was that he was departed towards Germany, whereof the Duke of Alva's friends, in the Low Countries, began to make some triumph.

[Page] The matter of the Queen of Scots remains in these termes; upon the accusation produced by her Commissioners, against the Earl of Murray, they have for their defence shewed so much matter to charge her with the procuring of the murther of her husband, as thereupon motion is made, on her behalf, for covering of her honor, to have some appointment betwixt her and her subjects, which is communed of secretly by two or three manner of wayes; that is to say, That she should affirm her resignation of her Crown to her Son, as it hath been made, and live here in England.

Or else her self and her Son to joyn in Title, and the Earl of Murray to remain Regent: Or, thirdly, her self to remain in Title Queen, and to live here in England secluded, and the Earl of Murray to continue Regent; which matters have so many pikes, as the venture is great to take hold of any one of them; nevertheless in the mean time outwardly she offereth to prove her self innocent, so she may be permitted to come to the Queens presence and answer for her self; which is thought to be the more earnestly required, because it is also thought assured it will be denyed; and now what is like to grow to be the end thereof, surely I cannot well guess; for as for my self, I finde my insufficiency to wade so deep, and the violence of the stream so great, as without good company assisting in Council, I dare not venture to make any passage; and so wishing you and my Lady, and yours, a fortunate good year, I end. Here is a stay made of certain treasure that came out of Spain to pass into Flanders, which we take to be Merchants, and not the Kings, as is alleadged; if it shall prove Merchants, we may be bolder to take the use of it, upon good Bonds, for an interest.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Jan. 3. 1568.

§

SIR,

I Heartily thank you for the last letters of the first of this moneth, wherein you did well deliver us from some perplexity, being by the French Ambassador here otherwise advertised, to the advantage of the Cardinalists; his letters are dated the 30 of December from the King; and I marvel to perceive by your letters that the skirmish should be the 23. and the advise should not come to you before the 28. for thereby it seemeth the Camp should be so far off, as in four or five days tidings could not come; but this I think may be said, that evil news are brought to that Court slowly, at the least they are uttered slowly. Of this accident [Page] of Arrest, you shall be by her Majesties letters fully advertised; at the signing whereof, her Majesty said that she would have sent a Gentle-man expresly to the King; but she considered that being sent by Sea, the journey in this Winter time will be very dangerous and uncertain, and to send him thorow France, where the troubles are such as she could not (either without mistrust of the French King, because the party should pass thorow Gascoigne, and the Queen of Navarrs (ountry, or without certain danger by souldiers:) and thereupon you shall so advertise that Ambassador of Spain, and require him to make advertisement accordingly; whereunto you may add, that her Majesty hath thought of three or four meet persons to be sent thither, for one of them to be an Ambassador Resident; but none will be gotten, that with good will will serve, in respect of Mr. Mans strange and hard handling; which things her Majesty would have you set out more plainly to him, that the King may finde that onely to be the cause why there is no Resident Ambassador there. And thus I end, having willed Harcourte to take some of the Proclamations, if they be ready printed in French.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil,

Jan. 8. 1568.

Postscript.

I finde, in a Bill of Petitions, beginning from the 28. of August to December, sundry sums of money pressed by you for carriage of Packets, to whom I have not answered; and therefore, hereafter, I pray you write expresly, of what you do there, for avoiding of double charge.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

SInce the writing the other letter, dated the 8. of January, my Lady caused her servant to stay for a Pasport for two Geldings; and sithence my other letter, we have here news from Flanders [...] 5. V. [...] touching R and therefore we are in a continual expectation what were the very news of a matter that was reported to have hapned the 23. of December.

The more particulars you write hither, and the oftner, the more thankful is your service; and surely I see nothing so meet for us to understand, as to be often advertised from you, which considering, you may write in your Cipher, the oftner you hazard your letters, the less is the peril.

[Page] We have no news from Scotland, but that their Parliament is ended; and amongst other things they have all assented, by Act, to decline the Queen of Scots obtaining to be lawful, because she was privy to the murther of her husband. There were none of the Nobillity absent, but such as were of the Hambletons. And thus I end my suddain letter, being in a great longing to hear from you.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

January 10. 1568.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, Her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

AFter, I had written my other letters sent in this Packet unto you, which I was to have sent away by one of your Footmen; your servant this bearer, Henry Crispe, came hither upon Thursday last with your letters, dated the 22. of this moneth; and perceiving him earnestly disposed to return unto you, I thought best to stay the sending away of your Footman; and to send, as I do, this dispatch by this bearer, which is partly because my former letters shall seem to bear so old a date.

And herewith I send unto you, which was not ready before, a memorial, in the Spanish tongue, of the matters passed concerning this late Arrest; which memorial her Majesty would have you procure with her letters to the King of Spain; and therefore after you have perused it, I wish you should retain a Copy thereof, either in Spanish or in French, for your better instruction; and that done, to use all the expedition you may for the conveyance of her Majesties letters and the said Memorial to the King of Spain.

Since the finishing of the said memorial, you shall understand that D' Assondeville hath been here a good time, being not as yet accepted as an Ambassador; for that he hath no special letters nor Commission from the King, but from the Duke of Alva; And all that he can say for himself, is, That he cometh in the Kings name, as one of his Privy Council, and whatsoever he shall do shall be confirmed by the King, before he will depart out of the Realm. He would also privately confer with the Spanish Ambassador, which hath been hitherto denyed, for that it is meant that the misbehaviors of the said Ambassadors should be openly disclosed to D' Assonleville, thereby to let it appear how unmeet a man he is to be a Minister for Amity here, which yesterday was declared to D' Assonleville at my Lord Keepers house, where he came to these of the [Page] Council following, my Lord Keeper, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Leicester, the Lord Admiral, my self, Mr. Sadler, and Mr. Mildmay; and that done, he seemed sorry for things past, and yet pressed still to speak with the Ambassador, which was not then granted by us, for that we did intend that resolution should grow from her Majesty, which, though it be not yet known, I think he shall not be denyed. In these matters we have cause to be somewhat slow to satisfie them, lest they should, according to their accustomed manner, grow too audacious; what will be the end thereof, I cannot judge, but I trust it will appear that they have begun upon a wrong ground; and, as it falleth out, I think they shall be found to be behinde hand with us. Yesterday, word came to London, that all the English Fleet, which were feared should have been Arrested in Spain, came home safe; and this day I have heard for certainty that Hawkins is arrived at Mounts Bay, with the Queens Ship the Minnion, having in her the Treasure, which he hath gotten by his Trade in the Indies, and by rigor of the Spaniards near Mexico was forced to leave the Jesus of Lubeck upon a Leek; which also he destroyed, that they took no profit thereof; hereafter I will write unto you, as I shall learn the further truth of this matter, with what cruelty he was used, under pretence of friendship, and of a compact made betwixt him and the Vice-Roy of the Indies, and Pledges delivered on both sides for the performance thereof. The Queen of Scots was removed from Bolton, by my Lord Scrope, and Mr. Vice-chamberlain, on Wednesday last; so as I think, on Monday or Tuesday, she shall be at Tetbury, where the Earl of Shrewsbury is already, and there shall take the charge of her; and with him shall Mr. Hen. Knollis, brother to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, remain to assist him. Of late the Queens Majesty understanding out of Scotland, that the Queen of Scots faction there had published sundry things, being very false and slanderous (meaning thereby to withdraw the Earl of Murrays friends from him, and to bring the Queens Majesty doings into some question, whereof we also be credibly informed) the Queen of Scots, by her letters, was the very cause; thereupon her Majesty ordered to have the contrary notified upon her Frontiers, for maintenance of the truth, as by the same you shall understand, which I send you herewith in Print. The advertisements which you gave both to my Lord of Leicester, and me, of the secret cause of the Kings going to Metz, seemeth to be of such importance, as it is found very needful to provide with speed some remedy, and so we here, for our part, will do our best as [...] serve, which you may consider [...] considering the [...]; and therefore I pray you attempt all the means you can to [Page] advise all parts that shall take the harm. I have no more to write to you, meaning to expect, within three or four days, somewhat from you; and then I will write by one of your Footmen, and so I take my leave.

The French Ambassador hath been informed of the stay of our Ships at Rhoan, and on Thursday last my Lords of the Council sent Mr. Hampton to him to move him, that they might be released within 15. days, or else we must do the like; his answer was, that he would do his best; and he trusted they should be, imputing the cause to our sufferance of the Prince of Conde his party on the Sea to make Portsale in our Havens, which surely is not by us permitted; and therefore for his satisfaction, we did yesterday write letters to all Officers of Ports, to prohibit utterly the vent of any Commodities brought in by such men; and besides this, the Ambassador hath required that you would be earnest with the King for the release of our Ships, which we told him was not neglected by you; and so, I doubt not, but you do your best therein.

This day the Ambassador sent his Secretary unto me to complain, that the Currier of Callis carrying his Packet from hence should be searched, and certain Packets of letters taken from him, which I told him was true; and the cause thereof such, as we had more reason to complain thereof then he; For true it is, that the said Currier having but one small Packet of the French Ambassadors, under pretence thereof, had carryed with him two great Fardels of letters of the Merchants of the Low Countries, who were here Arrested with their goods, a matter also whereof the said Ambassador was forewarned; and so is the matter to be proved by the letters of the said strangers, which I at present have in my custody; and so the Post was permitted freely to depart with all mańner of letters, which he had of the said Ambassador. And so I pray you to make answer therein, as you shall see cause, for so is the truth, and no otherwise.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil,

Hampton-Court, Jan. 30. 1568.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

OF late I have received three several letters from you, the first of the 11. the second of the 13. and the last of the 15. of February, although that of the 13 of February was written to be in January, but I am sure to be mistaken. By the first it appeared, that you could not obtain of Mounsieur Morviller the names of any Ships or Merchants of that [Page] party which were stayed here; although they pretended the stay of ours at Rhoan to be for that cause: In the same letter you make mention of two dis-courtesies, or as I may rather say, injuries done unto you; the one by taking Rogers your servant, the other by imprisoning the Physician to my Lady your wife; of which two matters, you may see by the answer made to the French Ambassador, I have made mention. The second letter, of the 13. which was brought to me by this bearer, containeth matter of burthening you by the Queen Mother for solliciting the Queens Majesty, to take some enterprize for Callis or Rochel, wherein I think your wisdom sufficient to satisfie your self what to think; for if you had so done, as I know not that you have, it were not unlike, but they there would invent and set abroach, for their advantage, the like matter, if the circumstances were theirs, as they be ours. And where you are charged with conveyance of the Rebels letters (as they call them) in your Packets; I think the same and the former part are fed with one humor, which is, that though you do not in this sort, yet they surely would so do in the like; wherefore I wish you to be no ways troubled herewith; but as the end of the verse is, Contra audentior ito; and yet to hold this rule, to be a Minister of good amity betwixt the Princes, usque ad aras, that is, as far forth as it be not against the honor of God, and the safety of the Queen our Sovereign.

By your letter of the 15. which was written after you had closed up the Packet brought by this bearer, you advertised me of the news which you had of Monsieur Gengez; and of the joyning together of the Prince of Orange and the Duke Pipantine, whereof, saving your advertisements, otherwise we hear nothing, but rather the contrary, being spred so by the French Ambassador here, with affirmations of great credit. In the latter end of your letter of the 13. it appeareth you had not then sent away the Queens Majesties letters to the King of Spain, whereof I am very sorry, for her majesty maketh an assured account, that they had been in Spain by this time, which I see you did not, because the Spanish Ambassador was not at Court, but at Paris; for remedy whereof, all speed possible would be used to send them by a special man to the Ambassador at Paris, with some excuse to him of sending the same so late. You shall understand that Monsieur D' Assenleville, who came onely from the Duke of Alva, hath been here of long time, hovering to have had access to the Queen as an Ambassador, which her Majesty would not allow of, nor would so much prejudice her self in respect of the unkinde usage of the Duke of Alva; and yet nevertheless allowed unto him as much conference as he would with her Council; to whom although he did open, as we think, the sum of [Page] his negotiation, yet he pretended to have somewhat more to her Majesty, if he might have audience of her, which, otherwise, he said he could open to no body.

As to that which he opened to the Council, which was a request to have the money released, and the Arrest set at liberty; It was answered, That the money belonged to Merchants, and that he could not deny, but added that it was meant to have been lent unto the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries, and so as they termed it, designed to the Kings use; as to the restitution of the money, and putting the Arrest at liberty, she would neither deny nor grant the same to him, considering he lacked authority to make sufficient contract thereupon; but when the King himself should send one sufficiently authorized, both to understand, and to redress the injuries done by the Duke of Alva to her Majesties subjects; it should well appear that the King should be reasonably satisfied on her Majesties behalf, and amity and peace should be conserved according to the Treaties. And besides this, it was added, that seeing the Duke of Alva began the Arrest first, it was reason they should also begin the release; and so in the end D'Assonle ville appearing to be much miscontented, was licensed to depart, and so is gone, having used all good gentle speech that could be, during his being here; notwithstanding the report of his great bravery made at Callis before his coming, which either was not true, or else purged his choler upon the Seas coming hither. Thus having, as time could serve me, enlarged my letter, I end, with my hearty thanks to you for the Charts of France which I perceive are of the like as I had seen before, so as I think there is no newer printed.

Yours assuredly, as your own, W. Cecil.

Westm. March, 7. 1568.

Postscript.

I would gladly know, whether the paper you sent me, containing the Emperors answer to the French Kings demand, be to be allowed as true.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight &c

§

[Page]

SIR,

BY the Queens Majesties letters you shall perceive in what sort the French Ambassador hath sought to frame a tale of slander against you, her Majesty hath answered for you, and as long as no other thing can be produced to touch you, it is reason that her Majesty should answer as she doth.

Your servant Madder came safely hither four days past, and I have heard from my Lady, of Harts taking, and the Queens Majesties letters from him. Whereof, as I know upon her advertisement to you, you will use some roundness of speech by way of complaint there; so have we here not forborn to charge the Ambassador with these dis-courteous dealings, who promises earnestly to write to the King thereof. The French Ambassador giveth out store of News of the overthrow of Montgomery, the taking of his brother, of Gonliss death, of the Duke of Bipots sickness; of his want of money to go to the Feild, but we heard of many contraries to these; and so I wish you your hearts desire.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Westm. 14. March. 1568.

To the Right Honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, her Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

YOur servant Crips came hither yesternight, as I perceive, constrained to follow and accompany Monsieur de Montassyer, who this day was brought to the Queens Majesties presence to report the Victory which God had given to the French King by a Battail, as he termed it, wherein was slain the Prince of Conde; whereunto, as I could conceive, her Majesty answered, that of any good Fortune hapning to the King, she was glad; but she thought it also to be condoled with the King, that it should be counted a Victory to have a Prince of his blood slain; and so with such like speech, not fully to their contentation.

Before the coming of your letters, we could not firmly believe the reports of the Prince of Conde's death, but now the will of God is to be interpreted in this and all things to the best.

I am sorry to see you so troubled, whereof her Majesty is so informed, as she told the French Ambassador, that if he will not procure the King his Master to cause you and yours to be otherwise entreated, she will revoke you; In the mean season I pray you keep your former courage, & contra audentior ito.

[Page] I have been, and yet am, not in sure health, as your Son can inform you, whereby I am not able to write any long letter; when Madder was here, I gave him a Memorial of sundry things, of which I trust he hath by this time informed you at length.

We have heard nothing from Rochel since this re-encounter at Cognac, but from Paris we hear, that saving the loss of the Princes person, the other part hath the greater loss in numbers; and that the Admiral did defeat fourty Ensigns of Mounsieurs Army that offered to besiege him in Cognac, hereof shortly the truth will be known. I note that this 13. of March last past had two sundry great effects; for upon that day, when the Regent of Scotland should have fought with the Duke of Chastilherault, they did notably accord the same day in this sort, that the Duke acknowledged the young King, and went with the Regent to Sterling; and with him, besides other Noblemen, the Lord Herryes, who had been here a vehement Commissioner for the Queen of Scots.

Besides, it is accorded, that for redress of all private quarrels, there were four Noblemen named of either part to end all, who should come to Edenburgh the tenth of April to treat thereupon; and this was unwilling to the Queen of Scots, who must needs be greatly perplexed therewith; what will follow, I know not, but the Regent is now well obeyed; the same day we see what was done in Poytiers, wherein Gods judgements are not to be over much searched.

I send you within the Queens Majesties letter, a paper in a new Cipher to [...] which he desireth forasmuch as all power egal to be [...] which I pray you do.

And thus I finde my self not able to indure any longer writing, and therefore end.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Westm. 6. April, 1568.

§

SIR,

AFter I had closed up this other Packet, I had occasion to stay the bearer, partly by indisposition of my health, and also within a day after, by reason of the coming of your Son, John Norris, with your letters of the 15. of this moneth, who gave us here to understand of certain discomfortable news which were told him at Abeville; and as it appeareth, were in great haste sent before him by the Marshal de Cosse to [Page] the French Ambassador, containing an absolute Victory by the Kings brother, in a battail besides Cognac; in which it was written, that the Prince of Conde, and the rest of the Nobility with him, saving the Admiral and Dandelot (who were fled) were all slain; and this news being here dispersed abroad, I thought good to stay the sending away of this bearer, until we might better understand what to think truth herein; which being now four days, and therein no confirmation of the aforesaid news, but a doubtful maintenance of them; whereby it is thought that either no part was true, or not in such sort as was reported; and therefore knowing the necessity of your mans service, I do return him unto you.

We understand certainly out of Scotland, that there hath been an accord by certain Articles made betwixt the Regent and the Duke of Chastilherault and his party, wherein the obedience to the King is acknowledged, and a Surcease untill the tenth of April; at which time the Duke and eight more, chosen on both parts, shall meet at Edenburgh, to confer of the estate of the Queen of Scots, how she shall be reputed; and likewise of recompences for the losses on both parts sustained in these civil wars; and for performance of this Treaty, the Duke, the Earle of Cassels, and the Lord Herryes, remain with the Regent, untill they put in their Sons for Hostages; and the Regent in the mean time intendeth to use his force to subdue the Out-laws upon our Frontiers.

I received letters even now out of Ireland, by which it is written of the defeat of four hundred Irish and Scots, onely by sixscore Englishmen; I shall continually hearken for your letters, to declare to us the truth of this great tale of the Battail of Cognac. We hear that the Count Meighen is newly departed and fled into Germany upon fear.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

27. March, 1568.

Postscrip.

The time serveth me not to write to you of your self, for your motion of leaving that place.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, &c.

§

SIR,

SInce the coming hither of Harcourt, who came hither on St. George his day, as it seemeth, with good haste; we here have been much unsatisfied, for that we could not imagine what to conceive to be the cause that in so long space we heard not from you; having in the mean [Page] time so many divers tales, as we were more troubled with the uncertainty, then glad of the news; and toadd more grief, we could not hear from Rochel since the Re-encounter, untill now by a Merchant that came hither within these two dayes past, by whom we are more ascertained then before; by him we understand, that the loss of the Prince is more in reputation then in deed, for that now the whole Army is reduced to better Order then it was before. The Vidame of Charles is come to Plimouth and his wife, as it is thought, not being well liked of amongst the Nobility, because he married so meanly; indeed it must needs be some reproof to him to come away when service is requisite. Since the accord made in Scotland the 13. of March, at Easter last, the Duke of Chastil-herault and his part, hearing, as it is thought of the death, of the Prince of Conde, and by brute, that the Admiral and all that party were utterly subverted, did go back from their agreement, which was, to acknowledge the young King and the Regent; whereupon, as we hear, the Duke himself, the Archbishop of St. Andrew, the Lord Herryes, and the Lord Rosbim, are committed to the Castle of Edenburgh, what will follow I know not; God stay these troubles that increase so near us; I think you do hear from Mr. Killigrew, who is sent to the Palsgrave of Rheine, and so I end.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

April, 27. 1569.

Postscript.

Sir, to avoid some length of my own writing, I do send you herewith the sum of the Negotiation lately with the French Ambassador, and thereto have adjoyned the Copy of the Proclamation, that is meant to be made by the Queens Majesty, which is mentioned in the other writing; and a Copy also of a clause contained in the French Kings Proclamation; by all means you may, well understand that which hath passed in this matter, and shape your own speech there accordingly.

>W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, Ambassador in France.

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SIR,

YOu have much satisfied us here with your letters sent by Madder, who is able to explicate the affairs very sensibly; and now I have thought good to address to you, Hartcourte knowing that he is very serviceable unto you. And as for any news to make recompence to you, I have not, and glad I am that our Country doth not yeild any such as [Page] France; and yet in the way of Christian charity, I do lament the misfortune of France, marvailling that a Country that hath had so many wise men, able to offend other Countries, hath none to devise help for themselves. I wish that you would learn of the Spanish Ambassador there, whether he sent the letters which you delivered to him from the Queens Majesty.

There is some secret means made hither, to come to accord with the Low Countries, and therein I see the most doubt will be in devising assurance how to continue the accords.

Our Navy hath been ready these fourteen days at Harwich, to go with the Merchants Fleet of Wooll and Cloth to Hamburgh; and our Fleet that was appointed to Rochel is, as we think, there, by means of the Easterly winds that h [...]th hindred and stayed the other Fleet. God send them both a good return, for they are no small offence to our neighbors; that to Hamburgh, to the Duke of Alva; and the other, to the French.

The French Ambassador continueth a suitor, that no Ambassador be sent to Rochell; and that our Merchants cannot forbear, specially for Salt which cannot be had in other places, although even now great likelihood is of sufficiency to be had, within these 12. moneths, in England.

The Earl of Murray proceedeth still in uniting to him the Lords that were divorced from him; and specially, of late, the Earl of Arguile is reconciled to him; and the like is looked for of the Earl of Huntley. I have no more, but to end with my commendations.

Yours assured at command, W. Cecil.

Greenwich, 15. May, 1569.

§

SIR,

YOur last letters, that came hither to my hands, were written the 27. by which, amongst other things, you wrote of the brute, of the impoisoning Dandelot by the means of an Italian, of which matter we were here advertised almost ten days before; the report was in part before he was sick, such assurance have these Artizans of their works; the will of God be fulfilled, to the confusion and shame of such as work them, and such great iniquities. We have certain news from Rochell, that Original lettere intercepted by persons of credit in the French ourt, of Advertisement concerning the Q of Scots and Duke of Anjou. Dandelot, being opened, the very poison was manifestly found in him.

The Queens Majesty, of late, was very credibly advertised by sight of original letters, of persons of no small reputation in that Kings Court, which have entreated of the matter, whereof heretofore your self hath [Page] advertised concerning the [...] D and [...] for the transterring [...] 3. And now her Majesty would That the said Scotish Queen should transfer her Title on the said Duke. have you use all good means that you can possible, to learn some more truth hereof, and thereof with speed to advise her Majesty; for it is so precisely denyed on the other part here, as nothing can be more. The French Ambassador continueth complaining of lack of restitution in To learn more truth hereof, and advertise with speed. general; yet I assure you he never is refused restitution upon any particular demand; where, contrarywise, our Merchants are daily evil used at Rhoan, and specially Callis; and, as it seemeth, the Governor of Callis This precisely denyed by the other side. regardeth not the Ambassadors speeches or promises here; or else it is Covenanted betwixt them to Boulster out their doings.

Mr. Winter departed from Harwich the 19. of May, and came to Hamburgh the 23. remained there untill the 28. and returned safe to Harwich the first of June, all in good safety, with the Queens Ships, leaving two there to return with our Merchants. It is found that all the Ships in the Country dare not deal with six of the Queens, being armed as they are; motion is made of accord betwixt us and the Low Countries. The Earl of Murray hath no resistance in Scotland.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Greenwich, 4. June, 1569.

Postscript.

SIR,

IT is now accorded, that three of the Merchants shall pass over to Rohan, to prove what restitution the French will make there, and the like shall be here.

Because I doubt your slack servants, I do presently send away this bearer; otherwise I would have staid him to have seen what manner of news this Ambassador hath to declare upon Tuesday next, at which time he hath required to be heard.

I am ready, as I told your Son, Mr. William Norris, to do any thing in my power to pleasure you in your particular causes or suites here; as the last Term, I did deal for you in such as I was required;

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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[Page]

SIR,

YOur last letters are of the 8, of June, brought by a Merchant residing at Rhoan; and now our daily expectation is to hear, either of the joyning of the Duke Vypont with the Admiral, or else that they have been kept asunder by sight; we have no news here, being contented with continuance of quietness, which we think to possess, except the motions of the contrary shall come from thence, whereof we have great cause to fear, and the like to prevent. Upon a Reprizal made by Mr. Winter here of certain Portugals goods, We hear, for certainty, that King of Portugal hath Arrested the goods of our Merchants there, whereof will follow some ja [...], which we think our foes will increase.

The Queen of Scots hath sent one Borthick, by whom, at his request, I wrot yesterday, and her Secretary Rowlye, into France, co procure from the King and his brother [...], some satisfaction to the Queens Majesty, for avoiding of the opinion conceived of her transaction, with Mounsieur D' Anjou; how they shall well satisfie her Majesty, I cannot tell; but, as of late I wrote to you, her Majesty would have you explore, by all means that you can, what hath been in truth done heretofore in that case, besides the advertisement; for her Majesty hath seen letters passed betwixt no mean persons of Authority there, being adversaries to the Religion; by which it manifestly appeareth, that such matters have been secretly concluded; and yet the more tryals are made hereof, the better it is.

We have, at length, accorded with the French Ambassador here, as as you shall see by a Copy of writing herewith sent you, and so I take my leave of you. I wish that you would always when you send any with your letters, write what you imprest to them for their charges, for I make full allowance to them all: And so with my hearty commendations to you and my Lord, I end. Our Progress is like to be to Southampton.

Your assured friend at command, W. Cecil.

Greenwich, 18 June 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henrry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

THis bearer Mr Borthick, servant to the Queen of Scots, hath required me to have my letters unto you, to signifie the cause of his [Page] coming; wherein I can certifie, of my knowledge, no other than thus; the Queen of Scots, of late time, amongst other things, to move the Queens Majesty to be favoureble unto her in her causes, offered to do any thing reasonable to satisfie her Majesty, concerning her surety in the right of this Crown, as she now possesseth it to her self and her issue; whereupon answer was given, that though there was no need, for the Queens Majesties assurance, to have any Act pass from her, yet as things were understood, the Queen of Scots was not now a person able or meet to contract therein; for it was understood that she had made a Concession of all her Title to this Crown, to the Duke of Anjou; with which answer we finde the Queen of Scots much moved as a thing devised by her enemies in France; and thereupon she advertiseth the cause to be of the sending of her [...] into France to the King his Brother, Uncles, &c. to make perfect testimony in what sort this surmise is untrue; and so, as I am informed this is the occasion of the coming of Mr. Borthick this Bearer, who, truly, I have found always a good servant to the Queen his Mistriss, and a tractable Gentleman at all times; and so I pray you accept him upon my commendations.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Westm. 16. June, 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

YOur advertisement of the Duke of Bipont came hither so speedily, as untill seven days after the French Ambassador could not understand thereof; but when he did, he used no sparing to divulge it abroad; where the Count Ernest of Mansfelt is, we cannot as yet understand; but from Rochell we hear that he is well allowed of the Army, and not inferior in knowledge to the Duke. The will of God must be patiently received and obeyed; and what shall ensue hereof to his glory; we must, if it be good, affirm it to: be beyond our deserts; if otherwise, not so evil as we have deserved.

Of late, about the 15. of June, a Rebellion began in the West part of Ireland about Cork; wherein we care not for the force of the inhabitants, so they be not aided with some Spainards or Portugals, whereof we are not void of suspicion; and therefore we do presently send certain Captains with a Force by Sea from Bristoll to Cork, meaning to provide for the worst, as reason is.

[Page] Our Rochell Fleet is safely returned with Salt; and I think the Merchants have not as yet brought their whole accomplement.

Upon your last advertisement of the delays used in giving you Pasports, I did peremptorily admonish the French Ambassador, That if he did not procure you some better expedition at the Kings hands there, he should have the like measure there; and therefore I think you shall hear some what, whereof I pray you advertise me: And so I take my leave.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

[...]

Postscript.

An unfortunate Accident is befaln to my Lord of Shrewsbury, being first stricken with a Palsey, and now stricken lamentably with a Phrensie, God comfort him; It is likely the Queen of Scots shall remove to Belvoir, in the charge of my Lord of Bedford.

To the right honorable, Sir Henrry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

SIR,

AS my leisure is small to write much, so have I not much matter to write unto you at this time; but onely to send away this bearer your servant unto you, because I think in this time you have cause to use them all. Your Son, Mr. John Norris, I think shall be the next by whom you shall understand all our matters here better then I can express in my letters; and therefore I do forbear to write divers things at this present unto you, which by him you shall more certainly understand; onely at this time I wish that you could find the means to send some trusty person to [...] there to understand the certainty To send a trusty person to Marcells. of the matter, whereof you did last advertise her Majesty concerning the [...] For herein it is necessary to be better ascer [...]ained, then by reports, lest some may inform you of things to move us here, to enter further then will be allow [...]ble. Your constancy in opinion for the maintenance of Gods cause is, here, of good Councellors much liked, and in that respect I assure you, I do earnestly commend you.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Greenwich, 11. July, 1569.

Postscript:

I pray tha [...] may be commended to my good Lay, whom I see void of fear of Wars, for love of your company.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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[Page]

SIR,

YOur last letters brought unto me by the French Ambassadors Secretary were of the 9. of this moneth, the advertisement wherein being in Ciphers contented me so much, as I wish you could by the next make me good assurance of the truth thereof; and if the same be true, met [...] the contrary party should not forbear to take advantage of the time. This [...] the Frenth Ambassador had to dinner with him, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl o [...] the Earl of Leicester, my Lord Chamberlain, and my self; having invited us four or five days past; where my Lord of Leicester and I had privately reported the misusage of you by them of your house by the Parisians, who seemed to be ignorant thereof, imputing the same to their insolency, reporting, for example, their late boldness in executing of the two Merchants which the King had pardoned, whereof your self also of late wrote unto the Queens Majesty. Afterward he entred more privately with me in discoursing of the causes why you were misliked there, to be onely for the intelligence which you had with his Masters Rebels; a matter, as he said, if he should attempt the like here, he knew that I would so mislike, as he could not be suffered to remain here as an Ambassador. I told him that for any thing to me known therein, he did as much here to his power; but we had no such cause of suspicion as they had, and therefore he heard nothing of us. I confess that I thought you as well-willing to the cause of Religion, as any Minister the Queen had, and I liked you the better. neither would I ever consent that any other manner of person should be sent to be our Ambassador there. In the end, he required me to write earnestly [...]to you, by way of advice, that you would for-bear your manner of dealing with the Kings Rebels; and I told him that so I would, and durst assure him that you would deal with none whom you could account as Rebells; percase, you would wish well to the Kings good servants, that were afflicted for their consciences; and so after such like advisings, we went to dinne. Whe [...] I consider by whom I send this letter, I mean your Son, I finde myself ensured of writing, being also, as he knoweth, oppressed at present with business; I am bold to end, with my heartiest commendations to you, and my Lady; I thank you for your good entertainment of Mr. Borthick, for he hath written thereof very well.

W. Cecil:

20. July, 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

[Page]

SIR,

SInce the time that we first sent the Merchants to Rhoan, to confer with the Marshall de Crosse, for restitution to be made on either side, we never heard from them but once; at which time they advertised us, that the Merchants pretended ignorance of those things which the Ambassador here had alleaged both in the Kings name, and in his, nevertheless he entreated them well; and caused them to stay untill he might send and have answer from the King, which they did; and since that time we have not heard of them; but making report thereof to the Ambassador, he would not seem to believe our Merchants; pretending the mistaking of the Marshals words; and so in the end, by his frequent solicitation, the Queens Majesty hath accorded; by advice of her Council, in such manner as you perceive, by a Copy hereof in writing sent herewith; the like whereof is sent at this present unto the said Merchants remaining at Rhoan. In which accord, you shall see a division of the matters in question according to their natures; That is, for things plainly and openly Arrested and staid, to be restored within a time, without suit in Law; the rest of the things to be restored, by order of Law, with favorable expedition; whereas the Ambassador would have had the accord made, that all things, of what nature soever they were, being proved to have been taken by any the Queens subjects; or any other that should be proved to have brought the same into any Port or Creek of this Realm, that immediate restitution or recompence should be made for the same, whereby you can guess what matters he meant to have drawn to their advantage, by such large words. Thus much of this matter I have thought good to write unto you for your information; and for the enlargement thereof, I have at present written to the Merchants, to advertise you of their proceedings.

We have report come to us from Callis, that the King there is come to Paris, and that his brother, with his Army, is at Orleance, with many other things, to the advantage of the Prince of Navarr; but hereof I make no certainty nor account, untill I may hear from you.

You shall, perchance, hear of some troubles in Ireland, which also may be by our ill-willers increased; and therefore I have thought good to impart unto you briefly the state of those matters, Fitz Morris of Desmond, one that pretendeth title to the Earldom of Desmond, hath traiterously conspired with divers Rebels in the South-West part, with one Mac Cartemore, late time made Earl of Clancarty, to withstand the Authority of the Queens Majesty; and pretendeth to make a change of Religion, being provoked thereto by certain Friars, that have offered to [Page] get him aid out of Spain and Portugall; and upon comfort hereof, hath with a Rebellious number over-run divers parts in the West; and especially made great spoil upon certain Lands belonging to Sir Warham St. Leger, neer Corke. And besides this, I have procured the Earl of Ormonds younger brethren to commit like riotous acts, pretending, on their part, that they do the same, not of any disobedience to the Queen, but to maintain their private Titles and Lands against Sir Peter Carew, whom indeed the Lord Deputy there findeth very serviceable against them; and in that respect, it seemeth, they would cover their disorders, But thanked be God, the brothers powers are dispersed, and they driven into desert places; and the Deputy was the 27. of the last moneth in a Castle of Sir Edward utlers, which was taken by force, and from thence marched with his Army against the other Rebells, who also fled from him. And so, although indeed it be a matter to be pitied, to have any such disorder to be begun, yet with Gods goodness there is great likelihood of due avenge to be had of them all; and no small profit to grow to the Queens Majestie, by the forfeitures and escheats of their Lands, wherewith the better subjects may be rewarded.

The French Ambassador hath been here this day, and shewed the Queens Majesty, that the King is come to Paris to levy mony for increase of his Army, and that there are coming six thousand more Switzers to his service.

The 25. of the last, the Earl of Murray began a convention at St. Iohns Town, and meaneth to send, as I think, the Lord Lydlington hither with his minde concerning the Queen of Scots; and so I end with my hearty commendations, both to your self, and my Lady.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil,

Otlands, 3. Aug. 1569.

Postscript.

[...] here is very desirous that [...] might be [...] hither.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

§

[Page]

SIR,

YOur last letters brought hither to my hands came by Mr. Huddleston, whom surely I think you shall finde an honest servitor; I have no matter presently to write of, but to take occasion to send away this bearer your servant, and I wish to hear from you of some good success at Pcictiers; I do lye in wait for the Italian, of whom you lately made mention in your letters, that is sent hither to attempt his devillish conclusions.

Out of Ireland, since my last, I have heard nothing of any moment, but I trust all shall be in quiet there; and so is the state of this Realm also, howsoever any other shall report, having a disposition of malicious prophesying.

In Suffolk, a lewd Varlet, not disposed to get his living by labor, moved a number of light persons to have made a rout in manner of Rebellion, to have spoiled the richer sort; but the matter was discovered, and the offenders taken before they did attempt any thing more then had passed by words; so as thereby they are punishable, but as conspirers by words, and not as actual Rebels.

The convention of St. Johns-Town in Scotland was dissolved about the second of this moneth; and one Wednesday last came hither one Alexander Hume from the Regent, with letters, declaring that he had an universal obedience in Scotland, and that the States there would not consent to any thing concerning the Queen of Scots restitution by any manner of Degree; wherewith her Majesty is not well pleased, because she hath a disposition to have her out of the Realm, with some tollerable conditions to avoid perill, which is a matter very hard, at the least to me, to compass; I think you shall hear someways of an intention of [...] and [...].

Certainly, if the Queens Majesty may or shall be thereto perswaded, I think it likely to succeed; it hath so many weighty circumstances in it, as I wish my self as free from the consideration thereof, as I have been from the intelligence of the devising hereof; I thought not good to have you ignorant; I know ʒ hath not allowed of it.

Sir, I thank you for the French story which you lately sent me by Huddleston; the next that shall come to you, I think, will be Mr. William Norris.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Fernham, 13. August, 1569.

[Page]

Postscript.

Immediately after your last servant departed with letters to you, making mention of our accord with the French Ambassador, came the two Merchants, Patrick and Offly, to London, with an accord propounded by the Marshall de Cross, but not accepted, for that thereby was required a general restitution of all things, which on our part indeed cannot be; and now the French Ambassador will not be here on Wednesday, to eater into a new communication. I send you a late Proclamation, which you may impart there as you list.

§

SIR,

ALthough the bearer hereof, Mr. Norris, your Son, is well able to satisfie you of all our Occurrents here, both because of his continual attendance about the Court, and for his understanding; yet in one onely thing I am most fit to inform you; That his stay here of long time hath been principally by my occasion, whom I have at all times, of late, when he hath desired to come over unto you, moved to stay, upon expectation to have some matter of more weight to be by him imparted unto you; but finding the same not so to fall out, and perceiving him the more importune to resort unto you, since the repair of Harcourte, by whom he understood of your sickness, I have thought it good no longer to defer him; and therefore without any other great matter, but to send him where he would be, he now cometh; and if I should enter into writing of any particular things here past; he is as well able to express the same, of his own knowledge, as I am by writing; and therefore you shall justly hold me excused, if I forbear my writing, having so sufficient a person to make report of all things, as well such as are meet for letters, as also not meet, for some respects. Of the matters of Ireland, he shall make you full report. Of Scotland he can do the like; of our Trade to Hamburgh, he is not ignorant; of the matters betwixt us and France for Arrests of Merchandizes, I have made him Privy; and for the matters in this Court, he hath seen and understands as much thereof as I doubt not but shall satisfie; so as he shall serve you at this time in stead of many long letters: And so I end, with a good hope that he shall finde you well amended; whereof I shall also be glad to hear, wishing that the same might be joyned with the winning of Poictiers, of which we here live, on all sides, in no small expectation, though with sundry meanings.

Your assured friend at command, W. Cecil.

Southampton, 9. Sept. 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

SInce your Sons departing from Southampton, I have deferred to write untill this time, perceiving some likelihood of some greater matters to ensue, and yet the event thereof draws out at some length, which hath moved me to defer the same untill now; and doubting that otherwise rumors may be brought unto you, I have thought good to send away this bearer. You shall understand, that according as your Son was able to inform you, the Duke of Norfolk departed towards London about the 16. of this moneth, promising to return to the Court within 8. days; the Queens Majesty having shewed her self towards him offended with his dealing in the marriage, was newly offended with his departure; but being by me assured (as I earnestly thought) that he would return, her Majesty was quieted; contrary hereunto, notwithstanding that he wrote on Thursday the 23. that he would be at the Court before Munday, yet he went away secretly from London to Reninghale that same night, whereof we had no knowledge untill Sunday in the morning, that his own letters written on Friday at night at Reninghale came hither; by which he signified the cause of his departure to be a vehement fear, that he conceived by reports made to him, that he should be committed to the Tower; and therefore he did withdraw himself, to have means to seek the Queens Majesties favor, which he offered to do as a quiet humble subject. Hereupon, the same Sunday Mr. Edmund Garret was sent to him, who found him at Reninghale on Munday at night, in a servent Ague; so as the Duke required respite, untill Friday; with which answer Mr. Garret returned, and therewith the Queens Majesty was offended, and began, by reason also of other lewd tales brought to her Majesty, to enter into no small jealousie, and therefore sent again Mr. Garret, with a peremptory commandment, that he should come notwithstanding his Ague; and so even now, whilst I am writing, I have word, that Mr. Garret coming on Thursday at night, found him ready to come of his own disposition, and surely is now on the way, whereof I am glad; First, for the respect of the State, and next for the Duke himself, whom of all subjects I honored and loved above the rest, and surely found in him always matter so deserving. Whilst this matter hath been in passing, you must not think but the Queen of Scots was nearer looked to then before; and though evil willers to our State would have gladly seen some troublesome issue of this matter; yet, God be thanked, I trust they shall be deceived. The Queens Majesty hath willed my Lord of Arundel, and my Lord of Pembroke, to keep their lodgings here, for that they were privy of this marriage intended, and did not reveal it to her Majesty; but I think [Page] none of them so did with any evil meaning; and of my Lord of Pembroke's intent herein, I can witness that he meant nothing but well to the Queens Majesty; my Lord Lumly also is restrained; the Queens Majesty hath also been grievously offended with my Lord Leicester; but considering he hath revealed all that, he saith, he knoweth of himself, her Majesty spareth her displeasure the more towards him; some disquiets must arise, but I trust not hurtful, for that her Majesty saith, she will know the truth, so as every one shall see his own fault, and so stay. Thus have I briefly run over a troublesome passage full of fears and jealousies; God send her Majesty the quietness that she of her goodness desireth. My Lord of Huntington is joyned with the Earl of Shrewsbury, in charge for the Scotish Queens safety. This 3. of October, the Duke is come to Mr. Paul WentWorths house, where Sir Henry Nevill hath charge to attend upon him; I hope, as I know no offence of untruth in him, so the event of things will be moderate; and so, for my part, I will endeavor all my power, even for the Queens. Majesties service.

I know there will be in that Court large discourses hereupon, but I trust they shall lack their hope. The Plague continueth in London, the Term is prorogued untill All-halloutide.

All the former part of this letter hath been written these three days, and stayed untill the Dukes coming.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

3. Octob. 1569.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

EVen when this bearer was departing, I heard that Crips, your servant, was come from you as far as Amiens or Abberville, and there was faln sick; but whether he hath any letters of yours, or no, I cannot tell; I do mean to send one thither to see his estate, and to bring your letters, which will come very late: and therefore I think we shall also have some later from you as soon as they shall come to my hands. This bearer seemeth to be in Religion good enough, but yet you know how he politickly serveth the French King. Howsoever any evil bouts shall come thither, at this present all the Realm is, as yet, as at any time it hath been; and no doubt of the contrary, and yet the Duke of Norfok is in custody, and so are the Earl of Arundel, and Lord Lumley, but the [Page] Lord Steward onely keepeth his Chamber in the Court, and I trust shall shortly do well; And so I end.

Your assured friend, W. Cecil.

Windsor-Castle, 10. Oct. 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

AS you have with grief written your advises, so have they with grief been received of us, and yet in all these accidents of the world, we must accept, with humbleness, the Ordinances of Almighty God, and expect his further favor with patience, and with prayer, and intercession to move the Majesty of God to draw his heavy hand over us, which is provoked by our sins.

Of our late matters here, by the Queens Majesties letter you shall further understand, which being as you see, long, I know you will well consider and advise how to express the same to the French King in the French tongue; wherein we have this disadvantage, that their Ministers speak in their own tongue, and we in theirs.

Whatsoever you shall hear by lewd reports from hence, assure your self that I know no cause to doubt, but that all things are and will continue quiet.

The Queen of Scots, I trust, is and shall be so regarded; as no trouble will arise thereof; the Duke of Norfolk doth humbly accept the Queens Majesties dealings with him; and I know of none that are thought to have favored his part, but either they plainly alter their opinions, and follow the Queens; or if they do not so inwardly, yet outwardly they yield to serve and follow her Majesty order.

Before you sent us your letters which you received from Spain concerning Ireland, we had knowledge of the same from the same place, and much more, and have made provision to our power. These your sinister accidents in France will cause some that were in a slumber here to awake; and so beseeching you to pardon me, if my letter be hasty and very short;

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Windsor-Castle, 26. Oct. 1566.

To the Right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

THis bearer, your Footman, having brought your letters hither a good while since is desirous to return, though I think both the season of the year and the weather will not suffer him to make much haste, yet I have thought good to let you partly to understand of the state of things here.

About the midst of the last moneth, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland, assembling themselves with some Companies (after refusall to come in to the Lord President) came to Duresme, where they have made Proclamations, in their own names, for reformations of the disorders of the Realm (as they termed it) and for restitution of the ancient Customes and liberties of the Church, and so directed the same generally to all of the old and Catholike Religion. In their Companies they have Priests of their Faction, who, to please the people thereabouts, give them Masses, and some such trash of the spoils and wastes where they have been; and upon the sudden having levyed of all sorts (as it is thought) of Footmen about four thousand, simply appointed for the wars, and of Horsemen about a thousand, wherein indeed all their strength is; and with these numbers (before the Earl of Sussex could gather numbers meet to resist them, they came down to Todcaster, Ferry-brigs and Doncaster, being twelve miles, or thereabouts, wide from Yorke, and were not indeed resisted, untill at Doncaster the Lord Darcy of the North, with certain numbers, which he was leading to Yorke, did very valiantly repulse a number of them; hereupon they are retired to Richmondshire, and know not what to enterprise by their stragling in this sort.

The Earl of Sussex is at Yorke, where Sir Ralph Sadler is, and hath levyed the power of York-shire against them; the Lord Hunsdon is sent to Berwick, and to the Borders, to levy the like there; Sir John Forster to do the like in his marches, the Lord Scroope also in his Wardenry, the Earl of Cumberland and the Lord Wharton, to joyn with their Forces in Westmerland, and that side; and besides, the Lord Admiral with the Forces of Lincoln-shire, and the Earl of Warwick, with other numbers of Nottinghamshire, Darbyshire, Warwick-shire, and other parts of the South, are appointed Lieutenants of the Army, who are to joyn with my Lord of Sussex; and to do further as shall be found meet. And by this means you shall hear shortly, I doubt not, of the confusion of this Rebellious enterprise, who, as you may perceive, by the Queens Majesties Proclamation, are proclaimed thorough the Realm, as they have behaved themselves.

[Page] The Queens Majesty hath, besides, ready upon all occasions an Army of fifteen thousand near to her own person.

The Queen of Scots is removed from Tutbery to Coventry, where attends on her the Earls of Shrewsbury, and Huntington.

Under the Conduct of the Army of the Southern parts is the Viscount Hereford, with the power of Staffordshire, very well appointed; and divers Gentlemen of credit and service of the Court, and other places, of themselves, are gone thither to serve under the said Lieutenants.

In company with those said Rebels are not many Gentlemen of name, but Norton an old man, who carryeth the Cross, Markinfield, Swynbourne, and an Uncle of the Earl of Westmerland, named Christopher Nevill; all the Realm, and all the Nobillity, besides these onely two Rebels, are as obedient as ever they were, and surely so like to be, whatsoever our ill-willers may report.

Yours assured, W. Cecil.

2 Novemb. 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

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SIR,

I Have forborn these two or three days to write unto you, because I could not by occasion of some sickness use my own hand, and also because I would not detain here any longer this bearer Mr. Rogers, who is both serviceable for you, and desirous to be returned thither. I have thought good to dispatch him towards you, who can inform you of such news as we have here; and that he may the better do it, I have imparted to him such things as I think meet for you to know; and for that I am not well able at present to write any more, I trust you will be for this time satisfied with such declaration as this bearer shall make unto you. Thus fare you heartily well, From Windsor the 10. Nov. 1569.

I think long to hear from you, because I have not received any letters from you since the tenth of the last month, which D'amons brought; but I doubt not but some of yours be on the way, whereby we may understand how things pass there.

Since the writing hereof, came yesterday your Lackqueywith letters of the of wherein you make mention that Lodowick the Count Nassau should be slain, which I trust is not so, because of other letters which I have seen, that came hither by the way of Rochell, that testifie nothing of his death, but great praise of his service, the day of the battel. At this present I am unable to write by reason of some sick [Page] ness, as this bearer can report. Herewith I send you a copy in writing of such things as after long debate betwixt the French Ambassador and us hath been here accorded; which I wish may be as well performed on their part as they have promised. I pray you, Sir, commend me to my good Lady, and your Sons.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

12. Novemb. at night.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

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SIR,

THough I think this bringer will deliver you my letter, yet I know not with what readiness he will impart to you our state here; and therefore have thought good to advertise you thus much, that, thanked be God, our Northern Rebellion is fallen flat to the ground and scattered away. The Earls are fled into Northumberland, seeking all ways to escape, but they are roundly pursued; Sir John Forster and Sir Henry Percy in one company, my Lord of Sussex in another. The 16. hereof they broke up their sorry Army, and the 18. they entred into Northumberland, the 19. into the Mountains, they scattered all their Footmen, willing them to shift for themselves; and of a thousand Horsemen there fled but five hundred. By this time they be fewer, and I trust either taken or fled into Scotland, where the Earl of Murray is in good readiness, to chase them to their ruine; yesternight came Mr. Madder; and upon the next letters from my Lord of Sussex, I will send away Crips or some other. The Queens Majesty hath had a notable Tryal of her whole Realm, and subjects, in this time, wherein she hath had service readily of all sorts, without respect of Religion.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Windsor, 24. Decemb.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

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SIR,

I Have long time determined to send away this bearer, your servant, Henry Crips, but my delay hath grown of a desire that I had to see some good issue of this Rebellion, which as it hath had a time of declination, and is now suppressed; so could I not well before this time send this bearer away, who now bringeth her Majesties letters unto you, by [Page] which you shall understand how her pleasure is, that you should impart the events thereof in that Court; and indeed hitherto we have no certain and manifest proofs that it should have any other ground, but as it is expressed in her Majesties letters; nevertheless, we have discovered some tokens, and we hear of some words uttered by the Earl of Northumberland, that maketh us to think this Rebellion had more Branches, both of our own and strangers, then did appear; and I trust the same will be found out, though, perchance, when all are known in secret manner, all may not be notified.

Of all other Occurrents, I know your Son, Mr. William, and other your servants hereto doth advertise you; and therefore I pray you to bear with my shortness, for I am almost smothered with business. We look to hear of the apprehension of more of the Rebels; I send you extracts of our letters out of the North, as of late time they have come.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Windsor-Castle, 7. Jan. 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

Advertisements from Lyexham, 22. Decemb. 1569.

THe two Rebellious Rebels went into Liddesdale in Scotland yester-night, where Martin Elwood, and others, that have given pledges to the Regent of Scotland, did raise their forces against them; being conducted by black Ormeston, an Out-law of Scotland, that was a principal murtherer of the King of Scots, where the fight was offered, and both parties lighted from their horses; and in the end, Elwood said to Ormeston, he would be sorry to enter deadly send with him by bloodshed; but he would charge him and the rest before the Regent, for keeping of the Rebels; and it he did not put them out of the Country, the next day he would do his worst against them; whereupon the two Earls were driven to leave Liddesdale, and to flye to one of the Armestronges a Scot upon the batable on the borders between Liddesdale and England; the same day the Liddesdale men stole the horses of the Countess of Northumberland, and her two women, and ten others of their Company; so as the Earls being gone, the Lady of Northumberland was left there on foot at John of the Sides house in a Cottage, not to be compared to many a Dog-kennel in England; at their departing from her, they went not above fifty horse, and the Earl of Westmerland, to be the more unknown, [Page] changed his Coat of Plate and sword with John of the Sides, and departed like a Scotish Borderer. The rest of the Rebels are partly taken in the West Borders of England, and partly spoiled by the English and Scotish Borderers.

By letters of the 24;

The Rebels be driven to change their names, their Horses and apparel, and to ride like Liddesdale men.

The Regent of Scotland will be this night upon the Borders of Liddesdale.

The Earl of Cumberland, the Lord Scroop, and Mr. Leonard Dacre have shewed themselves very Honorable and diligent in their service at the Rebels entring into the West Marches; and upon the scaling of the Rebels, there be great numbers of them taken there.

There be in every of the Marches against Scotland sundry Bands of Horsemen, and shot laid, if they shall enter into the Realm again.

By letters of the last of December.

The Regent of Scotland is gone from Jedworth to Edenburgh, and hath taken the Earl of Northumberland, and six of his men with him.

Before his departure from Jedworth he sent for the Gentlemen of Tividale, to come before him, where all came saving the Lord of Farnehurst, and the Lord of Bucklugh, whereupon the Regent rode towards them, but they hearing thereof suddainly rode away.

Robert Collingwood, Ralph Swynton, with others of their company, were taken in East Tividale, and delivered to the Regent, who re-delivered them to their takers, and charged them for their safe keeping; Egremont Ratcliff with certain with him remain about Liddesdale.

And it is thought the Countess of Northumberland, the Earl of West-merland, Norton, Markenfield, Swynborne, and Tempest, are removed out Liddesdale to the Lords of Fernhurst and Buckclugh.

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SIR,

I Doubt not but the report of the cruel murther of the Regent in Scotland will be diversly reported in those parts; and diversly also received, by some with gladness, and by some with grief, as I am sure it shall be of you; the manner of it was thus (as I have been advertised) the 22. of the last moneth, the Regent coming thorough the Town of Lithgo, which is in the midway between Sterling and Edenburgh, having in his company about a hundred persons, was stricken with a Courrier about the Navell, with the Pellet coming out about his Hucklebone, which also slew a horse behinde him; and of this wound he dyed the next day afterward within night; the murtherer was one Hambleton of Bothwell-Hall, who lay secretly in a house to attempt this mischief, having shut the doors towards the street in such sort, as no man could enter on the foreside to take him; and so he escaped on the backside, where he had a horse to serve his turn, although he was pursued; what is like to follow miserably to that Land, I dare not judge; but do fear that the death of so good a man will prove Initium multorum malorum. At the writing hereof, I know not what is done or intended; but some write from thence, That the Earls of Marr and Morton, and other friends to the young King, are come to Edenburgh, and do in the Kings name preserve the State, and do purpose to have the Land ruled by four Regents; and one to be a Lieutenant for the wars to execute their directions; a matter more probable in talk than in effect; as I shall hereafter understand more, so will I write; It happend that at this time, Sir Henry Gates, and the Marshal of Berwick were at Edenburgh, having been at Sterling with the Regent, the Fryday before, for the demanding in the Queens Majesties name, of the Earl of Northumberland, and other the Rebels, and by direction of the Regent they attended at Edenburgh for answer to be given the day of his death, which now is, as our Lawyers call it, sine die.

Mr. Randolph went from hence towards Scotland, the 29. upon knowledge of the hurt and doubt of his life.

The same day also came Montlnet to her Majesties presence with the French Ambassador, bringing his letters dated the 27. of December, at which time I think they understand not of the stay of our Rebellion. The sum of Montlnets message consisted upon these two heads, request for restitution, and liberty of the Queen of Scots, and a declaration of the Kings inclination to peace with his subjects, and their disguising with him by treating and suing for peace, and yet amassing of new Forces in Almaine, and seeking also to surprise the Kings Towns, as Burdeaux, and [Page] otherlike, whereupon the King requireth the Queens Majesty not to favor his Rebels if they should seek any further succours from hence, as they have done, as persons unworthy of any favor.

They have made great instance to be answered for the first matter, but the Queens Majesty hath hitherto deferred them; but I think upon Monday next they shall have audience.

I forgat to shew you, that in the request for the Queen of Scots, he desired liberty to go to her, and from thence to pass into Scotland, which thing would not be granted unto him.

Upon the death of the Regent, the Earl of Sussex and Mr. Sadler were admonished to stay there, for that it was thought good that Mr. Sadler should have gone from thence into Scotland; but they both being come upon former licence near the City on the way, upon desire to see her Majesty, came hither yesterday unlooked for; and although in the beginning of this Northern Rebellion her Majesty sometimes uttered some misliking of the Earl, yet this day she meaning to deal very Princely with him, in presence of her Council, charged him with such things as she had heard, to cause her misliking, without any note of mistrust towards him for his fidelity; whereupon, he did with such humbleness, wisdom, plainness, and dexterity, answer her Majesty, as both she and all the rest were fully satisfied, and he adjudged by good proofs to have served in all this time faithfully, and so circumspectly, as it manifestly appeareth, that if he had not so used himself in the beginning, the whole North part had entred into the Rebellion.

Vsque ad 3. Febr.

We have now letters out of Scotland, that the Nobility which favoreth the young King have assembled themselves, and made a reconciliation of divers persons that had particular quarrels one against another; and as they pretend, they will all joyn firmely in the revenge of the Murther, and defence of their King; the Lord Grange, who keepeth the Castle of Edenburgh, is reconciled to the Earl Moreton, and become one of this Bonde, and so doth Leddington also offer to be another.

The Duke of Chastilherault is streighter kept then he was before; and it is commonly reportd, that the Hambletons were the workers of this murther; thus much being known of certain, that the murtherer was a neer kinsman of the Dukes; and that the Peece wherewith he murthered the Regent, and the spare horses whereupon he escaped, did all belong to the Abbot of Arbroth, the Dukes second Son, and the murtherer was received into Hambleton the Dukes house; all which, I trust, God will see revenged.

[Page] The Rebellion moved in the West parts of Ireland this last Summer, being also cherished with comfort out of Spaine, is fully suppressed; and the Country reduced to such quietness and obedience, as the like hath not been in those parts these many yeers, the heads being all taken and reduced to obedience, saving one onely, named Fitz Maurice, who wandreth in the deserts without any succor, making means to be received to mercy, but he is of so little value, as it is refused unto him.

For your own revocation from thence, I am not unmindful, but have attempted the same; and so mean to continue it, as I hope you shall shortly receive comfort.

Vsque ad 5. Febr.

This day, the 6. of Febr. the French Ambassador came with Montlovet to her Majesty, to require answer to their demands, which were three; First, to have the Queen of Scots delivered and restored; Secondly, that Montlovet might repair to the Queen of Scots; Thirdly, that he might repair into Scotland: To all these her Majesty, having her whole Council in her presence, That, for the first, she said, she had used the Queen of Scots with more honor and favor, then any Prince, having like cause would have done; and though she was not bound to make account to any Prince of her doings, yet she would impart to the King, her good brother, some reasonable consideration of her doings; and so she ended her answer to that. The other two requests depended so upon the first, as she said she could not accord thereunto; and so though she used good loving speech to satisfie him, yet in brief they departed without obtaining their requests, as shortly you shall understand more at length by the next Messenger, and letters, which in this behalf shall be sent unto you. We hear that two Ships of war of St. Malloes, under the conduct of the Lord Flemings brother, arrived in Don Brittons Frith the tenth of January, and have, as I think, victualled the Castle of Don Britton, whereof will follow some further annoyance to Scotland. And thus I am forced to end for the present, by reason of multitude of other affairs.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, Feb. 7. 1568.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident with the French King.

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SIR,

AFter all the other letters in this Packet were sealed up, your honest servant, Mr. Rogers, arrived here with your letters; of the contents whereof, concerning the crazed shaken Treaty of peace betwixt the King and his subjects, I had plainly heard four or five days past from Rochel. Your intelligences accord with the like, as I have received from Rochel; and as you do express to us the dangerous practices of our Adversaries there, so I assure you the same are not by Councellors here neglected, although I can give no assurance how they shall be avoided; and yet I would not doubt, but with Gods goodness, their whole designs should prove frustrate if our Councels might take place.

I have named to the Queens Majesty two to be your successors, both to be well liked, if their livelihoods were answerable to their other qualities; the one is Mr. Francis Walsingham, the other is Mr. Hen. Killigrew, who is indeed in livelihood much inferrior. If I can procure that either of them, or some other, might relieve you, I assure you there shall not lack any good will in me.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, 7. Febr. 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

YOur last letters are thus come to my hands; Crips came with those of yours the 9. then Neal with those of the 25. of the last month, and yesterday came the French Ambassadors Secretary with those of the first of March; by all which is manifest the inward natural care that you take for the Queens Majesty, and therein her Highness accepteth your zeal and duty most thankfully. And yet, I know not by what means, her Majesty is not much troubled with the opinion of danger; nevertheless, I and others cannot be but greatly fearful for her, and do, and will do, that in us may lye to understand, thorough Gods assistance, the attempts; as for [...] D many here, and the most of this Council think the peril no less, but rather greater, if [...] D forasmuch should [...] Since the death of the Regent, the Borderers have maintained our Rebels, and invaded England; wherefore for which purpose my Lord of Suffev is now ordered with an Army to [Page] invade them and make revenge; whereof the Scots hearing do make all means they can to be reconciled, but they must feel the sword and the fire-brand; and because I will end my letter, I will deliver to this bearer a short memorial of words to serve him for informing of you of the things of our State; and so with my most hearty commendations, I end, being sorry that as yet I cannot perfect my intent for your return.

Your assured friend, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, 22. March, 1569.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

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SIR,

BY the Queens Majesty long letter you shall perceive her Majesties meaning in such sort, as I need not to repeat or enlarge the same; and the sooner that her Majesty may have answer hereof, the better she will be content, especially if the answer shall be good.

I send to you the Copies of the advertisements of my Lord of Sussex journey into Scotland the 17. of April, and returning the 22. his Lordship entred the 27. to besiege (as I think) Hume Castle; for the same hath been the receptacle of all the Rebels; but at the writing hereof, I am not ascertained what his Lordship hath done.

Of late the Bishop of Ross caused one of his servants secretly to procure the printing of a Book in English, whereof before eight leaves could be finished, intelligence was had; which Book tendeth to set forth to the world, that the Queen of Scots was not guilty of her husbands death, a parable in many mens opinion; next, that she is a lawful heir to the Crown, and herewith such reasons inserted as make unsound conclusions for the Queens Majesties present state.

Besides this, a notable lye is there uttered, That all the noble men that heard her cause, did judge her innocent; and therefore made suite to her Majesty, that she might marry with my Lord of Norfolk.

With these and such like enterprises, her Majesty hath been grieved with the said Bishop, whereupon she hath the longer kept him from her presence; but I think he will be spoken withall to morrow, and so within two or three days, it is likely, he shall have access to her Majesty.

The Secretary in Scotland hath so discovered himself for the Queen of Scots, as he is the instrument to increase her party, having such credit with Grange, who keepeth Edenburgh Castle, as the Duke of Chastilherault, the Lord Herries, &c. are now at liberty, and thereby the party [Page] for the King is diminished, you can judge what is ment to be done; and I wish her Majesty to take such a way herein, as may preserve her estate, the device and execution whereof is found, upon consultation, very difficult; and yet in all evils the least is to be chosen.

My Lord of Worcester and my Lord of Huntington are chosen Knights of the Order.

I cannot procure any resolution for your revocation, untill it may be seen what will fall out there of the war betwixt the King and his subjects, whereof daily there is expectation of some issue; and the French Ambassador doth constantly affirm that the peace shall follow: And so I end.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, 4. May, 1570.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident with the French King.

A note of a journey into Tividale by the Earl of Sussex, her Majesties Lieutenant in the North, begun the 17. of April, 1570. and ending the 22. of the same.

THe 17. of April, 1570. the Earl of Sussex, and the Lord Hunsdon, Governor of Berwick, with all the Garrisons and power of the East Marches, came to Warke, and entered into Tividale in Scotland the 18. at the break of the day, and burnt all Castles and Towns as they went, untill they came to the Castle of Moss, standing in a strong Marsh, and belonging to the Lord of Fernhurst, which they burnt and razed, and so burnt the Country untill they came to Craling.

The same day, Sir John Foster, with all the Garrisons and force of the middle marches, entred into Tividale and Expesgate head 16. miles from Warke, and so burnt all the Country, untill they came to a strong Castle, called in the possession of the mother of the Lord of Fernhurst, which he burnt and razed, and so burnt all other Castles and Towns, untill he came to Craling, where both Companies met, and so went up the River of Tivit, and burnt and threw down all the Castles and Towns upon that River, untill they came to Godworth, where they lodged.

This day the Lord of Chesford, Warden of the middle marches, with the principal men of his kinde, who had never in person received the Rebels, nor invaded England, and yet had evil men that had done both, came in to the Lord Lieutenant, and submitted himself, and offered to abide order for his mens offences, whereupon he was received as a friend, and he and all his were free from any hurt.

[Page] The 19. the Army was divided into two parts, whereof the one did pass the River of Tivit, and burnt and razed the Castle of Fernhurst, and all other Castles and Towns of the Lord of Fernhurst, Hunthill, and Bederoll, and so passed on to Minte; and the other part of the Army burnt in like sort on the other side of the River Tivit, untill he came to Hawick, where it was intended to have lodged that night, for that the Bailiffs had the same morning offered to receive the Army, and had therefore their Town assured; but at the coming thither of the Army they had unthetched their houses, and burnt the Thetch in the streets, and were all fled, so as no person could well enter for smoak, which caused lack of victuals, lodging, and horsemeats; and therefore the fire began by themselves in the Straw burnt the whole Town, aftersaving Donn Lamorecks Castle, which for his sake was spared, and all the goods of the Town in it. The 20. the Army went to Branshaw, the Lord of Buckloughs house, which was wholly overthrown with Powder, and there divided and burnt, on the North the River of Tivit, more into the inland, all the Castles and Towns in that Country, which belonged wholly to the Lord of Bucklough and his kinsmen, and returned that night to Jedworth. The 21. the Army divided, and one part went to the River of Bowbeat, and burnt all on both sides of that River; and the other part went to the River of Caile, and burnt all on both sides of the River, and met neer to Kelsaw, where the Lord Lieutenant lodged that night of purpose to beset Hume Castle in the night, and the Lord Hunsdon and the other part went to Warke, to bring the Ordnance thence in the morning, which was disappointed by the negligence of such as were left in charge, who suffered the carriage horses to return after the Ordnance was brought thither; so as for lack of horses to draw the Ordnance, the Army was forced to return to Berwick the 22. All which time there was never any shew of resistance. And the same time the Lord Scroope entred Scotland, from the West Marches, the 18, &c. During which time the Marches in all places were so guarded, as the Scots that did not shew themselves to offer fight in the field, durst not offer to enter into England; so as in the absence of the Army there was not one house burnt, nor own Cow taken in England; and it is conceived by such as know the enemies part of Tividale, that there is razed, overthrown, and burnt in this journey, above fifty strong Castles and Piles, and above 300 Villages; so as there be few in that Country that have received the Rebels, or invaded England, that have either Castle for themselves, or houses for their Tenants, besides the loss and spoils of their other goods, wherein nothing is reckoned of that was done in the other parts by the Lord Scroope, for that it was not done within the County of Tividale, &c.

The Rode of the Lord Scroope, Warden of the West marches of England, into Scotland.

[Page]

Who the 17. of April at ten of the clock at night, with three thousand Horse and Foot, came to Ellesingham on the Wednesday at night, and burned that Town in the morning, being from Carlile twenty miles.

On Thursday he burned besides Hoddom the Maymes, the Town and all the houses, which is the Lord Herryes, and from Carlile sixteen miles.

That day they burned Trayle-trow, which is the Lord Maxwells, from Carlile 16. miles.

They burned the Town of Reywell, which is the Lord Coplands, and the Lord Homeyn's, from Carlile eighteen miles.

They burned the house of Copewell, and the Demesne of the Lord Coplands, from Carlile nineteen miles.

They burned the Town of Blackshieve, which is the Lord Maxwells, from Carlile 20. miles.

Item, The Town of Sherrington, of the same Lords, twenty miles.

Item, The blank end of the same Lords, twenty miles.

Item, The Town of Lowzwood of the same Lords, twenty miles.

Goods taken the same Rode, one thousand Neat, and one thousand Sheep and Goats.

Of the Scots, are taken one hundred Horsmen, within a mile of Dunnforest? Some say that Swynborne is taken.

§

SIR;

BY letters from my Lords of Sussex and Hunsdon of the 29. of April, it is advertised that the Castle of Hume being besieged by them, and the Battery laid the 27. of April, the day following the Captain sent out a Trumpet to desire a Parlie, which granted; the Castle desired licence to send a Messenger to the Lord Hume to know his pleasure what they should do, whereupon it was agreed a Messenger should pass; and one was sent with him to see that no delay should be used, the Messenger at his return brought Commission from the Lord Hume to deliver the Castle, simply, without condition, trusting to their Honors for a favourable dealing with his men; whereupon the Castle was received, and all the Armor and Weapons, and the people licenced to depart without Bag or Baggage; and now the same remaineth newly fortified, to the Queens Majesties charge, more stronger then it was before, to the intent the Rebels may not have their refuge thither as they had before. By other letters of the first of May from my Lord of Sussex, it is advertised, that the most [Page] part of the March of East Tividale, Esdale, Ewesdale, Wawcopdale, and other parts upon the Borders from the East to the West Seas, affirm their continuance of obedience to their King, desire the Amity betwixt both Realms, offer to spend their lives in the resisting of any Forreign power that shall offer the disturbance of either; refuse dependence upon the French; offer to depend upon the Queens Majestie; and in their actions have refused to receive the Rebells, or to assist the invaders of England; the like whereof all others do offer that acknowledge that authority. The contrary part openly receive the Rebels, maintain the invaders of England, share in their actions and ill meaning to England, and seek dependence and maintenance of the French. The Earls of Morton, Murray, and Glencarne, with others of the Kings Council, prepared to be at Edenburgh the 29. of the last, whereupon the Duke of Chastilherault and Huntley went to Lithgo the 28. to stop their meeting; and the 29. Morton went out of Edenburgh with a thousand men to meet the other Earls a By-wayl, and so came together that night to Edenburgh with all their Forces, or to fight for it; in which time the Lords of Hume and Liddington be entred the Castle with Grange; so as it is likely they will try shortly by the sword which side shall have the Authority.

W. Cecil,

§

IT may please you to be advertised, according to my Lord Lieutenants direction, I entered into Scotland on Tuesday at night last, the 18. of this April, and on Wednesday at night encamped at Heclesengham, within Hoddom, distant from Carlile 18. miles, and within Scotland 12. miles; and on Thursday in the morning I sent forth Simon Musgrave, appointed by me as General of the Horsemen, to burn and spoile the Country, and to meet me at a place called Cambretreys; and the said Simon burnt the Towns of Hoddome and the Maynes, Troltrow, Rovel and Calpoole, the Town of Blackshaw, Sherrington, the Banck end, within three miles of Dumfriese, Lowgher, and Lowgherwood, and Hecklsengham, which Towns were of the Lands of the Lord Herryes and Maxwell, the Lord of Cockpoole, and the Lord of Holmends; and as the said Simon and his company came to old Cockpool, there was the Lord Maxwell with his Forces, and the Inhabitants of Dumfriese assembled, and skirmished with the Couriers, and compelled them to return unto the said Simon; and then the said Simon marched unto the Town of Blackshaw with his Company, where the Lord Maxwell was in order, and his Forces; and the said Simon and Fargus Graime, with the number, of a hundred Horse-men, did give the charge upon the said Lord Maxwell, and made him [Page] flee, and his Company also; In which fight there were a hundred prisoners taken, whereof the principal was the Alderman of Dumfriese, and 16. of the Burgesses thereof, the rest were Footmen; the chase was followed within one mile of Dumfriese; after which conflict, the said Simon returned to Blackshaw aforesaid, and burnt it, and seised a great number of Cattle, and delivered the same unto certain Gentlemen and others to convey unto me; and he, the said Simon, Rode with a hundred Horsmen to burn the Banck end Lowgher and Lowgherwood; and as the said Gentlmen, with their Company, came to a streight place neer unto Old-Cockpool, the said Lord Maxwell, the Lord Carlile, the Lords of Holme-ends, Closburne Lorgg, Hempsfeild, Cowhill, and Tenoll, with the number of four hundred horsemen, and six hundred footmen, charged them very sore, and forced them to alight and draw their company to a strong place, to abide the charge of their enemies; and so they remained untill the said Simon came unto them, and alighted, and put his Company in Order, and set his Horse between his Company and the Sea, and so stood in order to receive the enemy; and in this sort continued charging, and receiving their charges, the space of three hours, I being at Cambretreys, aforesaid, a place before appointed between me and the said Simon for his relief (being distant from him three miles) understanding of some distress sent my Band of Horsmen, with my brother Edward Scroope, and a hundred and fifty shot with Mr. Awdley, and Mr. Herbert, to their relief; and the said Simon, upon the coming of the said Band of horsemen and Shot, gave the enemies the charge with all his Forces, whereupon they fled; in which flight there was taken a hundred prisoners, whereof some were of the petty Lords of the Country; but the Lord Maxwell, the Lord Carlile, the Lord Johnson, and the rest before named, escaped by the strength of the Lord of Cockpools house, and a great Wood, and a Mauress that was neer there adjoyning; and so the said Simon repaired to me with his Company, and so we returned home. And thus, for this time, I commit you to the Almighty.

Yours assured to command, H. Scroop.

Carlile, 21. April, 1570.

Postscript.

Drumlangricks servants and Tenants, whom I had given charge that they should not be dealt withall, for that he favored the Kings faction, and the Queens Majesties, were as cruel against us as any others. Sir, I have written to my Lord Lieutentant for 500. men, but for fourteen dayes; and with them, I will undertake to march to Dumfriese, and lye in that Town, and burn and spoil it, if the Queen Majesties think it good; for the open receipt of her Majesties Rebels is there manifest.

§

[Page]

SIR,

MY leasure serveth me as I was wont to have it, all my time at command of others, and none for my self, and little for my private friends; by the Queens Majesties letter, you may perceive the state of things here; God send her Majesty a good issue of this Scotish matter, whereinto the entry is easie, but the passage within doubtful, and I fear the end will be monstrous. By your letters of late time, it hath seemed that the opinion was for the Queens Majesty to be delivered of the Scottish Queen; but surely few here among us conceive it feasible with surety.

My Lord of Suffex useth his charge very honorably and circumspectly upon the Frontiers, where indeed he hath made revenge; and that only, almost, upon the guilty. I do send you herewith a printed thing or two sent me from Scotland; and so take my leave, wishing, for your own sake, that peace might be seen there, so as you might bring it; for which purpose I trust surely her Majesty will send one for you.

Yours most assured, W. Cecil.

23. May, 1570.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

§

SIR,

THis bearer came hither with good speed I do send you herewith a note of my Lord of Sussex his last letters from Berwick. I do also send you in writing the Copy of that which the French Ambassador lately sent thither, containing the sum of that which lately passed here betwixt the Queens Majesty and him, wherein truely he hath not much differed from that which was accorded. The Bishop of Ross departed on Friday last to the Scotish Queen to deal with her, that some of her part might come hither out of Scotland to treat of her cause, and that Arms might cease on both sides. Since his going thither, the Queens Majesty understandeth of a Practice, that he had two dayes before his departure, with a noble man of this Realm, being a professed Papist, contrary to his manner of dealing with the Queens Majesty, whereupon her Majesty is not a little moved against him; and therefore I think she will not deal with him at his return. We look daily that peace will there be made, though we see not how it shall continue; but I trust thereby you shall be revoked, and I think Mr. Walfingham shall come in your place, I have no [Page] more at this present. I received, yesterday, a letter from Paris of the 19. of May, but I did before that receive another of the 24.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Hampton-Court, 8. June, 1570.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

By Letters from Berwick, 3. June.

THe Marshal of Berwick, being at Edenburgh with certain Forces, dealt with the Earls of Grange and Liddington, to procure a surcease of Arms, which taking no effect, he went with the Noblemen of Scotland, that joyned with him, to Glasco; from whence the Duke and his Associates fled upon their setting forth; from thence the Marshal sent to the Bishop of St. Andrews, and the Lords, who were in Dumbarton Castle, to Parly with them, to procure an abstinence of Arms, who appointed to meet them the next day at a Village half way betwixt Glasco and Dumbarton; where missing them at the time appointed he went neerer to Dumbarton, whereof he sent them word; and thereupon they returned his Messenger, and appointed to meet and speak with him out of the Castle, so as he would bring but one or two with him, and to put away his company; and so soon as he had so done, and that he was within their Shot, they sent him word to look to himself, and that they would not come to him; and as he turned his Horse, divers Harquebusiers, laid for the purpose, shot at him, and they discharged a Falcon at him out of the Castle, but he escaped without hurt; hereupon the Noblemen which were with him, burnt the Country thereabouts that belonged to the Hambletons, burnt the Town of Hambleton, and razed the Castle of Hambleton, and two other principal houses of the said Dukes, one in Lithgo, and another called Kennell; they have also thrown down the Abbot of Kilwrenings house, and in effect all the principal houses of the Hambletons, and have dealt with no other persons but with an Hambleton; and so the Marshall is returned to Berwick, &c.

§

SIR,

YEsterday did Crips arrive with your letters from Argenton, and two days before came Rogers. The Queens Majesty takes the Kings answer, doubtful, for his sending of Forces into Scotland, and therefore hath caused the French Ambassador to understand, and to advervise the [Page] King, that if the King will send Forces thither, she will take her self free from; her promise of delivering the Q. of Scots, of which matter I think he will advertise the King; and as you have occasion, you may take knowledge thereof; for already her Majesty hath revoked her Forces out of Scotland, leaving onely in Hume and Fast Castle a small Garrison, where our Rebels were most maintained when they invaded England, untill her Majesty may have some amends for her subjects losses.

My Lord of Sussex hath fully avenged the wrongs, but yet our people have not recompence.

Mr. Drury, the Marshall, with a thousand Foot and four hundred Horse, hath so plagued the Hambletons as they never had such losses in all the wars betwixt England and Scotland these fourty years.

The Queens Majesty hath hurt her Foot, that she is constrained to keep her Bed-chamber; and therefore the French Ambassador could not yesterday have Audience when he required, but is willed to write that he hath to say; I am sorry that your servants when they come tarry so long here as they do, for it is not my fault, and so I end.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Oatlands, 22. June, 1570.

Postscript.

The Earl of Southampton lately being known to have met in Lambeth Marsh with the Bishop of Ross, is for his foolish audacity committed to the Sheriff of London, closely to be there kept. The fond Lord Morley, without any cause offered him, is gone like a noddy to Lorrein.

§

SIR,

I Stayed this bearer two days longer then first I intended, because the French Ambassador required Audience, affirming that he had answer from the French King, wherewith the Queens Majesty would be satisfied; and yesterday he was here, and shewed her Majesty the French Kings letters to him, and thereof gave her Majesty a copy, which I have, and do send to you herewith an extract of a clause tending to the matter, the letter being of it self long and full of good words, purporting his desire to have the Scotish Queen restored, and concord established betwixt the two Queens; the letter is dated the 10. of June, and I note that your letter is dated the 15. and by his aforesaid letter, King writeth that he will within two days speak with you at Alansen.

Now how the Kings promise will be kept, a short time will declare; or how, if he break it, there shall be some [...]avillations found, wherein, I doubt that they will seek illusions, for that we do yet keep Hume Castle, [Page] and Fast Castle, which are kept with not past fourscore men; and being the houses of the Lord Hume, the Warden, who aided our Rebels with his Forces, to invade, burn, and spoil England; and therefore is by the Laws of the Borders answerable to the subjects of England; it is reason they be kept untill he will return, or authorize some for him to make answer, or to take order with the complainants, which being done, the Queen Majesty will readily restore them: Thus much I have thought meet to impart.

Yours assuredly, W. Cecil.

Oatlands, 25. Inne 1570,

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Norris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, &c.

§

SIR,

I Am thrown into a Maze at this time, that Iknow not how to walk from dangers, Sir Walter Mildmay and I are sent to the Scotish Queen, as by the Queens Majesties letters you may see. God be our guide, for neither of us like the Message.

I trust, at my return, when Mr. Walsingham shall be returned, to help you home, your sufficient is sufficient to impart unto you all our Occurrents; and so I end.

Your assured friend, W. Cecil.

Reading, 26. Sept. 1570.

To the right honorable, Sir Henry Notris Knight, the Queens Majesties Ambassador, Resident in France.

The Lord Coke to King James, touching trial of Duels out of England.

[Page]

May it please your most excellent Majesty,

I Have received a commandment by Mr. Sollicitor from your Majesty, 19. Febr. 1616. consisting upon two parts; First, to answer whether I informed not your Majesty, that if two of your Subjects should go over beyond Sea, to fight in a Forreign Kingdom, and there in fight the one killeth the other; that in this case, the same might be punished by appeal before the Constable and Marshal of England. Secondly, if I made any such information, what authority and reason I had to maintain it.

To the first, the truth is, that I did inform your Majesty so, and I well remember, I said then, that it was Dowties Case, your Majesty then speaking of Duels.

To the second, this is by authority of an Act of Parliament made in the first year of King Henry the Fourth, the 14th. Chapter, in these words:

For many Inconveniencies and Mischiefs that have oftentimes happened by many Appeals made within the Realm before this time; It is ordained and established from henceforth, That all Appeals to be made of things done within the Realm, shall be tryed and determined Note, before this Statute, Criminal Causes were often adjudged in Parliament. by the good Laws of this Realm, made and used in the time of the Kings noble Progenitors; And that all Appeals to be made of things done out of the Realm, shall be tryed before the Constable and Marshal of England for the time being; And that no Appeals be from henceforth made, or in any wise pursued in Parliament in any time to come.

In the late Queens time, a Case fell out upon this Statute; Sir Francis Drake having put Dowtie to death beyond Sea, the Brother and Heir of Dowtie sued by Petition to the Queen, that she would be pleased to appoint a Constable hac vice, to the end, he might have an Appeal against Sir Francis Drake, for the death of his Brother.

This Petition the Queen referred to Sir Thomas Bromley, and the two chief Justices, and others; And it was resolved of by them (which I being of Council with Dowtie, set down briefly for my Learning) That if two Englishmen go beyond Sea, and in Combate the one killeth the [Page] other, this offence may be determined before the Constable and Marshal of England, and so was the Statute of 1 Henr. 4. to be intended.

But after upon the true circumstance of the Case, the Queen would not constitute a Constable of England, without whom no Proceeding could be.

And I take this resolution to be well warranted by the Statute, and no small inconvenience should follow, and a great defect should be in the Law, if such bloody offences should not be punished, and Your Majesty should lose a flower of Your Crown, in losing this Power, to punish these growing and dangerous offences. I shewed to Mr. Sollicitor, my Report and Memorial of Dowtie's Case, and I shall ever remain,

Your Majesties Loyal, and Faithful Subject, Edw. Coke.

19. Febr. 1616.

The History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth, Queen Mary, and part of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

THE books which are written, do in their kinds represent the faculties of the mind of man; Poesie, his Imaginations; Philosophy, his Reason; and History, his Memory, of which three facuities, least exception is commonly taken to memory, because Imagination is often times idle, and Reason litigious. So likewise History of all writings deserveth least taxation, as that which holdeth least of the Author, and most of the things themselves. Again, the use which it holdeth to mans life, if it be not the greatest, yet assuredly it is the freest from ill accident or quality. For those that are conversant much in Poets, as they attain to greater variety, so withall they become concieted; and those that are brought up in Philosophy and Sciences, do wax (according as their nature is) some of them too stiff and opinionative, and some others too perplexed and confused; whereas History possesseth the mind with conceits which are nearest allied unto action, and imprinteth them, so as it doth not alter the complexion of the minde, neither to irresolution, nor pertinacity? But this is true, that in no sort of writings there is a greater distance between the good and the bad, no not between the most excellent [Page] Poet, and the vainest Rimer; nor between the deepest Philosopher and the most frivolous School-men; then there is between good Histories, and those that unworthily bear the same, or the like title. In which regard, having purposed to write the History of England, from the beginning of the Reign of King H. 8. of that name, near unto the present time wherein Queen Elizabeth Reigneth in good felicity; I am delivered of the excuse wherewith the best writers of Histories are troubled in their Poems, when they go about (without breaking the bounds of modesty) to give a reason why they should write that again, which others have written well, or at least tolerably before. For those which I am to follow, are such, as I may fear, rather the reproach of coming unto their number, than the opinion of presumption, if I hope to do better than they: But in the mean time it must be considered, That the best of the ancient Histories were contrived out of divers particular Commentaries, Relations and Narrations, which it was not hard to digest with ornament, and thereof to compound one entire Story. And as at first, such Writers had the ease of others labours; so since, they have the whole Commendation, in regard their former writings are for the most part lost, whereby their borrowings do not appear. But unto me, the disadvantage is great, finding no publick memories of any consideration or worth, that the supply must be out of the freshness of memory and tradition; and out of the Acts, Instruments, and Negotiations of State themselves, together with the glances of Forreign Histories; which, though I do acknowledge to be the best Originals and Instructions, out of which to write an History, yet the travel must be much greater, than if there had been already digested any tolerable Chronicle, as a single Narration of the Actions themselves, which should only have needed out of the former helps to be inriched with the Councels and Speeches, and notable Particularities. And this was the reason, while I might not attempt to go higher to more ancient times, because those helps and grounds did more and more fail; although if I be not decieved, I may truly affirm, that there have no things passed ever in this Nation, which have produced greater Actions, nor more worthy to be delivered to the Ages hereafter: For they be not the great Wars and Conquests (which many times are works of Fortune, and fall out in barbarous times) the rehearsal whereof, maketh the profitable and instructing History; but rather times refined in policies and industries, new and rare variety of accidents and alterations, equal and just encounters of State and State in forces, and of Prince and Prince in sufficiency, that bring upon the stage, the best parts for observation. Now if you look into the general natures of the times (which I have undertaken throughout Europe, whereof [Page] the times of this Nation must needs participate; you shall find more knowledge in the World, than was in the Ages before; whereby the wits of men (which are the shops wherein all actions are forged) are more furnished and improved: Then if you shall restrain your Consideration to the state of this Monarchy; first, there will occur unto you Changes rare, and altogether unknown unto Antiquity in matters of Religion, and the State Ecclesiastical. Then to behold the several Reigns of a King that first, or next the first, became absolute in the Sovereignty; of a King, in minority; of a Queen, married to a Forreigner; and lastly, of a Queen that hath governed without the help, either of a marriage, or of any mighty man of her blood, is no small variety in the affairs of a Monarchy; but such, as perhaps in four Successions in any State at any time is hardly to be found. Besides, there have not wanted examples within the compasse of the same times, neither of an Usurpation, nor of Rebellions under heads of greatness, nor of Commotions meerly popular, nor of sundry desperate Conspirators (an unwonted thing in hereditary Monarchies) nor of Forreign Wars of all sorts, invasive, repulsive, of Invasion open and declared; covert, and under-hand, by Sea, by Land, Scottish, French, Spanish Succors, Protections, new and extraordinary kinds of Confederations with Subjects: Generally, without question, the State of this Nation had never a longer reach to import the unusual Affairs of Europe, as that which was in the former part of the time the Counterpoise between France and Spain; and in the latter, the only encounter and opposition again Spain. Add hereunto, the new Discoveries and Navigations abroad, the new provisions of Laws and Presidents of State at home, and the Accidents mememorable, both of Sate, and of Court, and there will be no doubt, but the times which I have chosen, are of all former times in this Nation; the fittest to be registred, if it be not in this respect, that they be of too fresh a memory; which point, I know very well, will be a prejudice, as if this story were written in favour of the time present. But it shall suffice unto me, without betraying mine own name and memory, or the liberty of a History, to procure this commendation to the time with the Posterity; namely, That a private man living in the same time, should not doubt to publish an History of the time, which should not carry any shew or taste at all of flattery; a point noted for an infallible Demonstration of a good time.

King Henry the Seventh of that name, after he had lived about 52. years, and thereof Reigned 23. and some months, deceased of a Consumption the 22. day of April, in the Palace which he had built at Richmond, in the year of our redemption, 1504. This King attained unto [Page] the Crown, not only from a private fortune, which might endow him with moderation; but also from the fortune of an exile man, which had quickned in him all seeds of observation and Industry. His times were rather prosperous, than calme; for he was assailed with many troubles, which he overcame happily; a matter that did not lesse set forth his wisdom, than his fortune; and yet such a wisdom, as seemed rather a dexterity to deliver himself from dangers when they pressed him, than any deep foresight to prevent them afar off; Jealous he was over the greatness of his Nobility, as remembring how himself was set up. And much more did this humour encrease in him, after he had conflicted with some such Idols and Counterfeits, as were Lambert Symnell, and Perkine Warbeck. The strangeness of which dangers made him think nothing safe; whereby he was forced to descend to the imployment of secret Espials, and suborned Conspirators, a necessary remedy against so dark and subtile practises, and not to be reprehended, except it were true which some report, That he had intelligence with Confessors, for the revealing matters disclosed in Confession; and yet if a man compare him with the King his Concurrents in France and Spain, he shall find him more politique than Lewis the Twelfth of France, and more entire and sincere than Ferdinando of Spain; upon whom, nevertheless, he did handsomly bestow the envy of the death of Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick. Great and devout reverence he bear to Religion, as he that employed Ecclesiastical men in most of his affairs and negotiations, and as he that was brought hardly and very late, to the abolishing of the priviledges of Sanctuaries in case of Treason, and that not before he had obtained it by way of suit from Pope Alexander; which Sanctuaries nevertheless had been the forges of most of his troubles. In his Government he was led by none, scarcely by his Laws; and yet he was a great observer of formality in all his proceedings, which notwithstanding, was no impediment to the working of his will [...] the suppressing and punishment of the Treasons, which during the whole time of his Reign, were committed against him; he had a very strange kind of interchanging of very large and unexpected pardons, with severe executions; which his Wisdom considered could not be imputed to any Inconstancy or Inequality, but to a discretion, or at least to a principle that he had apprehended, that it was good, not obstinately to pursue one course, but to try both ways. In his Wars, he seemed rather confident than enter prizing; by which also he was commonly not the poorer, but generally he did seem inclinable to live in peace, and made but offers of War to mend the conditions of peace; and in the quenching of the commotions of his Subjects, he was ever ready to atchieve [Page] those Wars in Person, sometimes reserving himself, but never retiring himself, but as ready to second. Of nature he coveted to accumulate treasure, which the People (into whom there is infused for the preservation of Monarchies, a natural desire to discharge their Princes, though it be with the unjust Charge of their Councellors and Ministers) did impute unto Cardinal Morton, and Sir Reynold Bray, who, as it after appeared, as Councellors of ancient Authority with him, did so second his humour, as nevertheless they tempted it, and refrained it; whereas Empson and Dudley that followed, being persons that had no reputation with him, otherwise than the servile following of his own humour, gave him way, and shaped him way, to these extremities, wherewith himself was touched with remorse at his death, and with his Successor disavowed. In expending of Treasure, he never spared Charge that his Affairs required; and in his Foundations, was Magnificent enough, but his Rewards were very limited; so that his Liberality was rather upon his own state and memory, than towards the deserts of others. He chose commonly to employ cunning persons, as he that knew himself sufficient to make use of their uttermost reaches, without danger of being abused with them himself.

The rest is wanting.

A Copy of a Letter from His Majesty, to the Lords, read at Board, Novemb. 21. 1617. touching the abatement of His Majesties Houshold Charge.

MY Lords, no worldly thing is so precious as Time: Ye know what task I gave you to work upon, during my absence; and what time was limited unto you, for the performance thereof. This same Chancellor of Scotland, was wont to tell me twenty four years ago, that my house could not be kept upon Epigrams; long discourses, and fair tales, will never repair my estate. Omnis vertus in Actione consistit. Remember that I told you, the shooe must be made for the foot, and let that he the Square of all your proceeding in this business. Abate super-fluities in all things, and, multitudes of unnecessary. Officers, where ever they be placed. But for the houshold Wardrope, and Pensions, cut and carve as many as may agree with the possibility of my means. Exceed not your own rule of 50000 l. for the houshold. If you can make it lesse, I will account it for good service. And that you may see I will [Page] not spare mine own person, I have sent with this bearer, a note of the superfluous charges concerning my mouth, having had the happy opportunities of this Messenger, in an errand so nearly concerning his place. In this I expect no answer in word, or writing, but only the real performance, for a beginning to relieve me out of my miseries. For now the Ball is at your feet, and the world shall bear me witness, that I have put you fairly to it; and so praying God to bless your labours, I bid you heartily farewell.

Your own. James R.

A Copy of His Majesties second Letter.

MY Lords, I received from you yesternight the bluntest Letter, that I think, ever King received from his Councel. Ye write, that the Green Cloth will do nothing, and ye offer me advice. Why are ye Councellors, if ye offer no Councel? an ordinary Messenger might have brought me such an answer; It is my pleasure, that my charges be equalled with my Revenue; and it is just and necessary so to be. For this a project must be made, and one of the main branches thereof, is my house.

This Project is but to be offered unto you, and how it may be best laid, then, to agree with my honour and contentment, ye are to advise upon, and then have my consent.

If this cannot be performed without diminishing the number of the Tables, diminished they must be; and if that cannot serve, two or three must be thrust into one. If the Green Cloth will not make a Project for this, some others must do it. If ye cannot find them out, I must: Only remember two things, That time must no more be lost, and that there are twenty wayes of abatement, besides the house, if they be well looked into. And so farewell.

James R.

A Letter from the King, to his Lordship, by occasion of a Book; It was the Organon.

[Page]

MY Lord, I have received your Letter, and your Book, then which ye could not have sent a more acceptable Present unto Me; how thankful I am for it, cannot better be expressed by Me, then, by a firm resolution I have taken, first to read it through, with care and attention, though I should steal some houres from My sleep, having otherwise as little spare time to read it, as ye had to write it; and then to use the liberty of a true friend, in not sparing to ask you the question in any point thereof, I shall stand in doubt, Nam ejus est explicare cujus est condere: As for the other part, I will willingly give a due Commendation to such places, as in My Opinion, shall deserve it. In the mean time, I can with Comfort assure you, that ye could not make choice of a Subject more befitting your place, and your universal and Methodick knowledge; and in the general, I have already observed, that ye jump with me in keeping the middle way, between the two extreams; as also in some particulars, I have found that ye agree fully with my opinion; and so praying God to give your work as good success, as your heart can wish, and your labours deserve, I bid you heartily farewell.

James R.

To Our Trusty and Well-beloved, Thomas Coventry, Our Attorney General.

TRusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well; whereas our Right Trusty, and Right Well-beloved Cosen, the Viscount of St. Alban, upon a sentence given in the Upper-house of Parliament full three years since, and more, hath endured loss of his place, Imprisonment and Confinement also for a great time, which may suffice for the satisfaction of Justice, and example to others. We being always graciously inclined to temper Mercy with Justice, and calling to minde his former good services, and how well and profitably he hath spent his time since his Troubles. are pleased to remove from him that blot of Ignominy which yet remaineth upon him, of incapacity, and disablement; and to remit to him all [Page] penalties whatsoever inflicted by that sentence, having therefore formerly pardoned his Fine, and released his Confinement. These are to will and require you to prepare for Our Signature, a Bill containing a Pardon in due Form of Law, of the whole sentence: For which, this shall be your sufficient Warrant.

A Letter written by Sir Philip Sidney, unto Q. Elizabeth, touching her Marriage with Mounsieur.

MOst Feared and Beloved, most Sweet and Gracious Soveraign, To seek out excuses of this my Boldness, and to arm the acknowledging of a Fault with reasons for it, might better shew, I knew I did amiss, than any way diminish the Attempt; especially in your Judgment, who being able to discern lively into the nature of the thing done: it were Folly, to hope, by laying on better Colours, to make it more acceptable. Therefore carrying no other Olive-branch of Intercession, than the laying of my self at your Feet; nor no other Insinuation, either for Attention or Pardon, but the true vowed Sacrifice of unfeigned Love, I will in simple and direct terms (as hoping they shall only come to your merciful Eyes) set down the overflowing of my mind, in this most important matter: Importing, as I think, the continuance of your Safety; and (as I know) the Joyes-of my life. And, because my words, (I confess, shallow; but, coming from the deep Well-spring of most Loyal Affection) have delivered unto your most Gracious Ears, what is the general Sum of my travelling Thoughts therein; I will now but only declare, what be the Reasons that make me think, That the Marriage with Mounsieur, will be unprofitable to you: Then, will I answer the Objections of those Fears, which might procure so violent a Refuge. The Good or Evils that will come to you by it, must be considered, either according to your Estate, or Person. To your Estate: What can be added to the being an Absolute born, and accordingly, Respected Princess? But as they say, The Irish men were wont to call over them that dye, They are Rich, they are Fair, what needed they to dye so cruelly? Not unfitly to you, endowed with Felicity above all others, a man might well ask, What makes you in such a Calm, to change Course? To so healthful a Body, to apply so unsavoury a Medicine? What can recompence so hazardous an Adventure? Indeed, were it but the altering of a well maintained, and well approved Trade: For, as in Bodies Natural, every sudden Change is full of peril: So, this Body Politick, whereof [Page] you are the only Head, it is so much the more dangerous, as there are more humours, to receive a hurtful impression. But hazards are then most to be regarded, when the nature of the Patient is fitly composed to occasion them.

The Patient I account your Realm, the Agent Mounsieur, and his Design; for neither outward Accidents do much prevail against a true inward strength, nor doth inward weakness lightly subvert it self, without being thrust at by some outward force.

Your inward force, (for as for your Treasures, indeed the Sinews of your Crown, your Majesty doth best and only know) consisteth in your Subjects, generally unexpert in warlike defence. And as they are divided now into mighty Factions (and Factions bound upon the never dying knot of Religion) The one of them to whom your happy Government hath granted the free exercise of the Eternal Truth; with this by the continuance of time, by the multitude of them, by the principal Offices and strength they hold: and lastly, by your dealings both at home and abroad against the Adverse party, your State is so entrapped, as it were impossible for you, without excessive trouble, to pull your self out of the party so long maintained. For such a course once taken in hand, is not much unlike a Ship in a tempest, which how dangerously so ever it be beaten with waves, yet is there no safety or succor without it: These therefore, as their souls live by your happy Government, so are they your chief, if not your sole strength. These, howsoever the necessity of humane life make them lack, yet can they not look for better Conditions then presently they enjoy: these, how their hearts will be galled, if not aliened, when they shall see you take a Husband, a French man, and a Papist; in whom (howsoever fine wits may find further de lings or painted excuses) the very common people well know this, that he is the son of a Jezabel of our Age; that his brother made oblation of his own sisters Marriage, the easier to make massacres of our brethren in belief. That he himself, contrary to his promise and all gratefulness, having had bis liberty, and principal estate by the Hugonites means, did sack Lacharists, and utterly spoil them with fire and sword: This I say, even at the first fight, gives occasion to all truly Religious to abhor such a Master, and consequently to diminish much of the hopeful love they have long held to you.

The other Faction (most rightly indeed to be called a Faction) is the Papists, men, whose spirits are full of anguish; some being infested by others, whom they accounted d [...]mnable; some having their Ambition stopped, because they are not in the way of Advancement; some in Prison, and Disgrace; some, whose best Friends are banished Practisers; [Page] Many thinking you are an Usurper; many thinking also, you had disannulied your Right, because of the Popes Excommunication: All burthened with the weight of their Conscience; Men of great Numbers, of great Riches (because the Affairs of State have not lain on them) of united minds (as all men that deem themselves oppressed, naturally are) with these I would willingly join all discontented persons, such as want and disgrace keeps lower than they have set their hearts. Such as have resolved what to look for at your hands; such, as Caesar said, Quibus opus est Bello civili; and are of his minde, Malo in acie quàm in foro cadere: These be men so much the more to be doubted, because, as they do embrace all Estates, so are they, commonly, of the bravest and wakefullest sort; and, that know the advantage of the World most. This double Rank of People, how their minds have stood, the Northern Rebellion, and infinite other Practises have well taught you: Which, if it be said, it did not prevail, that is true indeed; for, if they had prevailed, it were too late now to deliberate. But, at this present, they want nothing so much as a Head, who, in effect, needs not but to receive their Instructions, since they may do mischief enough only with his Countenance. Let the Sigingniam in Henr. 4. Time; Perkin Warbeck in your Grandfathers: But of all, the most lively and proper, is that of Lewis the French Kings Son in Henr. 3. Time, who having at all no shew of Title, yet did he cause the Nobility, and more, to swear direct Fealty and Vassalage, and they delivered the strongest Holds unto him. I say, let these be sufficient to prove, That occasion gives minds and scope to stranger things than ever would have been imagined: If then the Affectionate side have their Affections weakned, and the Discontented have a Gap to utter their Discontent; I think, it will seem an ill preparative for the Patient, I mean your Estate, to a great sickness.

Now the agent party, which is Mounsieur, whether he be not apt to work upon the disadvantage of your estate, he is to be judged by his will and power: His will to be as full of light ambition as is possible; Besides the French disposition, and his own Education, his inconstant attempt against his brother, his thrusting himself into the Low Country matters: His sometime seeking the King of Spains Daughter, sometimes your Majesty, are evident testimonies of his being carried away with every wind of hope: Taught to love greatness any way gotten: And having for the motioners and Ministers of the mind, only such young men as have shewed, they think evil contentment a ground of any Rebellion: who have seen no Common-wealth but in faction, and divers of which have defiled their hands in odious Murthers; with such fancies, [Page] and favourites what is to be hoped for? or that he will contain himself within the limits of your conditions, since in truth it were strange, that he that cannot be contented to be the second person in France, and heir apparant, should be content to come to be second person, where he should pretend no way to Sovereignty? His power I imagine is not to be despised, since he is come into a Countrey where the way of Evil-doing will be presented unto him: Where there needs nothing but a head to draw together all the ill-affected Members: Himself a Prince of great Revenues, of the most popular Nation of the world, full of Souldiery, and such as are used to serve without pay, so as they may have shew of spoil; and without question shall have his brother ready to help him, as well for old revenge, as to divert him from troubling France, and to deliver his own Countrey from evil humors: Neither is King Philips Marriage herein any example. Since then it was between two of one Religion, so that he in England stood only upon her strength, and had abroad King Henry of France, ready to impeach any enterprize he should make for his greatness that way: And yet what events time would have brought forth of that Marriage, your most blessed Reign hath made vain all such considerations. But things holding in present state, I think I may easily conclude, that your Countrey, as well by long peace and fruits of peace, as by the poyson of division (wherewith the faithful shall by this means be wounded, and the contrary enabled) made fit to receive hurt; and Mounsieur being every way likely to use the occasions to hurt, there can almost happen no worldly thing of more eminent danger to your estate Royal. And as to your person, in the scale of your happiness, what good there may come by it to ballance with the loss of so honourable a constancy, truly yet I preceive not: I will not shew so much malice, as to Object the universal doubt, the Races unhealthfulness, neither will I lay to his charge the Ague-like manner of proceedings, sometimes hot, & sometimes cold in the time of pursuit, which alwayes rightly is most ferven. And I wil temper my speeches from my other unreverend disgracings of him in particular (though they might be never so true) this only will say, that if he do come hither, he must live here in far meaner reputation then his mind will well brook, having no other Royalty to countenance himself with, or else you must deliver him the keyes of your Kingdom, and live at his discretion; or lastly, he must be separate himself with more dishonour, and further disuniting of heart than ever before: often have heard you with protestation say, No private pleasure nor self-affection could lead you unto it; but if it be both unprofitable for your Kingdom, and unple sant to you, certainly it were a dear purchase of Repentance: Nothing can it add unto you, but the bliss of children, which [Page] I confess were a most unspeakable comfort. But yet no more appertaining unto him, then to any other to whom the height of all good haps were alloted, to be your Husband; and therefore I may assuredly affirm, that what good soever can follow Marriage, is no more his than any bodies; but the evils and dangers are peculiarly annexed to his person and Condition. For as for the enriching of your Countrey with treasure, which either he hath not, or hath otherwise bestowed it: or the staying of your servants minds with new expectation and liberality, which is more dangerous than fruitful, or the easing of your Majesty of cares, which is as much to say, as the easing of you to be Queen and Sovereign; I think every body perceives this way either to be full of hurt, or void of help. Now resteth to consider what be the motives of this sudden change, as I have heard you in most sweet words deliver: fear of standing alone, in respect of forreign dealings: and in them from whom you should have respect, doubt of contempt: Truly standing alone with good fore-sight of Government both in peace and warlike defence, is the honourablest thing that can be to a well established Monarchy: Those buildings being ever most strongly durable, which lean to none other, but remain from their own foundation.

So yet in the particulars of your estate presently, I will not altogether deny that a true Massinissa were very fit to countermine the enterprize of Mighty Carthage. But how this general truth can be applyed unto Mounsier, intruth I perceive not. The wisest that have given best rules where surest Leagues are to be made, have said, That it must be between such as either vehement desire of a third thing, or as vehement fear doth knit their minds together. Desire is counted the weaker Bond; but yet that bound so many Princes to the Expedition of the Holy Land. It united that invincible Hen. 5. and that good Duke of Burgundy: The one, desiring to win the Crown of France from the Dauphin: The other, desiring to revenge his Fathers Murther upon the Dauphin; which both tended to one. That coupled Lewis the Twelfth, and Ferdinando of Spain, to the Conquest of Naples. Of fear, there are innumerable Examples: Mounsieurs desires, and yours, how they should meet in Publick matters, I think, no Oracle can tell: For, as the Geometricians say, That Parallels, because they maintain divers lines, can never join; so truly, two having in the beginning contrary Principles, to bring forth one Doctrine, must be some Miracle. He, of the Romish Religion; and, if he be a man, must needs have that manlike property, to desire that all men be of his mind: You the Erector and Defender of the contrary; and the only Sun that dazleth their eyes. He French, and desiring to make France great; Your [Page] Majesty English, and desiring nothing less then that France should grow great. He, both by his own fancy, and his youthful Governours, embracing all ambitious hopes, having Alexanders Image in his head, but, perhaps, evil painted: Your Majesty, with excellent vertue, taught what you should hope; and by no less wisdom, what you may hope; with a Council renowned over all Christendome, for their well tempered minds, having set the utmost of their Ambition in your Favour; and the study of their Souls in your Safety.

Fear hath as little shew of outward appearance, as Reason, to match you together; for in this estate he is in, whom should he fear? [...] Brother? Alas! his Brother is afraid, since the King of Navar is to step into his place. Neither can his Brother be the safer by his Fall; but he may be the greater by his Brothers; whereto whether you will be an Accessary, you are to determine. The King of Spain, certainly, cannot make War upon him, but it must be upon all the Crown of France; which is no likelihood he will do. Well may Mounsieur (as he hath done) seek to enlarge the bounds of France upon his State; which likewise, whether it be safe for you to be a Countenance to, any other way, may be seen: So that if neither desire, nor fear, be such in him, as are to bind any Publick fastness; it may be said, That the only Fortress of this your Marriage, is, of his private Affection; a thing too incident to the person laying it up in such knots.

The other Objection of contempt in the Subjects, I assure your Majesty, if I had not heard it proceed out of your Mouth, which of all other I do most dearly reverence, it would as soon (considering the perfections both of body and mind, have set all mens eyes by the height of your estate) have come to the possibility of my Imagination, if one should have told me on the contrary side, That the greatest Princes of the World should envy the State of some poor deformed Pilgrim. What is there either withinyou, or without you, that can possibly fall into the danger of contempt, to whom fortunes are tryed by so long discent of your Royal Ancestors? But our minds rejoyce with the experience of your inward Vertues, and our eyes are delighted with the sight of you. But because your own eyes cannot see your self, neither can there be in the World any example fit to blaze you by, I beseech you vouchsafe to weigh the grounds thereof. The Natural causes are lengths of Government, and uncertainty of Succession: The Effects, as you term them, appear by cherishing some abominable speeches which some hellish minds have uttered. The longer a good Prince Raigneth, it is certain the more he is esteemed; there is no man ever was weary of well being. And good increased to good, maketh the same good both greater and stronger; [Page] for it useth men to know no other cares, when either men are born in the time, and so never saw other; or have spent much part of their flourishing time, and so have no joy to seek other: in evil Princes, abuse growing upon abuse according to the nature of evil, with the increase of time ruines it self. But in so rare a Government where neighbours fires give us light to see our quietness, where nothing wants that true Administration of Justice brings forth, certainly the length of time rather breeds a mind to think there is no other life but in it, then that there is any tediousness in so fruitful a Government. Examples of good Princes do ever confirm this, who the longer they lived, the deeper still they sunk into their Subjects hearts. Neither will I trouble you with examples, being so many and manifest. Look into your own estate, how willingly they grant, and how dutifully they pay such subsidies as you demand of them? How they are no less troublesome to your Majesty in certain requests, than they were in the beginning of your Reign: And your Majesty shall find you have a people more then ever devoted to you.

As for the uncertainty of succession, although for mine own part I know well I have cast the utmost Anchor of my hope, yet for Englands sake I would not say any thing against such determination, but that uncertain good should bring contempt to a certain good, I think it is beyond all reach of reason: nay, because if there were no other cause (as there are infinite) common reason and profit would teach us to hold that Jewel dear, the loss of which would bring us to we know not what: which likewise is to be said of your Majesties Speech of the rising Sun, a Speech first used by Scilla to Pompey in Rome, as then a popular City, where indeed men were to rise or fall, according to the Flourish and breath of a many headed confusion. But in so Lineal a Monarchy, whereever the infants suck the love of their rightful Prince, who would leave the Beams of so fair a Sun, for the dreadful expectation of a divided Company of Stars? Vertue and Justice are the only bonds of peoples love: and as for that point, Many Princes have lost their Crowns whose own children were manifest Successors; and some, that had their own children used as Instruments of their ruine: not that I deny the bliss of children, but only to shew Religion and equity to be of themselves sufficient stayes: Neither is the love was born in the Queen, your Sisters daves, any contradiction hereunto; for she was the Oppressor of that Religion which lived in many mens hearts, and whereof you were known to be the Favourer; by her loss, was the most excellent Prince in the World to succeed; by your loss, all blindness light upon him that sees not our misery. Lastly, and most properly to this purpose, she had made an odious Marriage with [Page] a stranger (which is now in question, whether your Majesty should do or no) so that if your Subjects do at this time look for any after-chance, it is but as the Pilot doth to the Ship-boat, if his Ship should perish; drive n by extremity to the one; but, as long as he can with his life, tendring the other. And this I say, not only for the lively parts that be in you; but even for their own sakes, since they must needs see what Tempests threaten them.

The last proof of this contempt, should be the venemous matter certain men impostumed with wickednesse should utter against you. Certainly not to be evil spoken of, neither Christs holiness, nor Caesars might could ever prevent or warrant: There being for that no other rule, then so to do, as that they may not justly say evil of you; which whether your Majesty have not done, I leave it in you, to the sincereness of your own Conscience, and wisdom of your judgment; in the world, to your most manifest fruits and fame through Europe; Augustus was told, that men spake of him much hurt; it is no matter said he, so long as they cannot do much hurt. And lastly, Charles 5th to one that told him, Le Holladour parlent mal, mais Ilz. patient bien, answered Le. I might make a Scholar-like reckoning of many such Examples. It sufficeth that these great Princes knew well enough upon what wayes they flew, and cared little for the barking of a few Currs: And truly in the behalf of your subjects, I durst with my blood answer it, That there was never Monarch held in more precious reckoning of her people; and before God how can it be otherwise? For mine own part, when I hear some lost wretch hath defiled such a name with his mouth, I consider the right name of Blasphemy, whose unbridled soul doth delight to deprave that which is accounted generally most high and holy. No no, most excellent Lady, do not raze out the impression you have made in such a multitude of hearts, and let not the scum of such vile minds bear any witness against your subjects devotions: Which, to proceed one point further, if it were otherwise, could little be helped, but rather nourished, and in effect begun by this. The only means of avoiding contempt, are Love and Fear: Love as you have by divers means sent into the depth of their sousl; so if any thing can stain so true a form, it must be the trimming your self, not in your own likeness, but in new colours unto them: Their fear by him cannot be increased without appearance of French Forces, the manifest death of your estate; but well may it against him bear that face, which as the Tragick Seneca saith, Metus in Authorem redit, as because both in will and power he is like enough to do harm. Since then it is dangerous for your State, as well because by inward weakness (principally caused by division) it is fit to receive [Page] harm; Since to your person it can no way be comfortable, you not desiring marriage, and neither to person nor state he is to bring any more good than any body, but more evil he may, since the causes that should drive you to this, are either fears of that which cannot happen, or by this means cannot be prevented; I do with most humble heart say unto your Majesty (having assayed this dangerous help) for your standing alone, you must take it for a singular Honour God hath done you, to be indeed the only Protector of his Church; and yet in worldly Respects your Kingdom very sufficient so to do, if you make that Religion upon which you stand, to carry the only strength, and have aboard those that still maintain the same course, who aslongas they may be kept from utter falling, your Majesty is sure enough from your mightiest Enemies.

As for this man, as long as he is but Mounsieur in Might, and a Papist in Profession, he neither can, nor will greatly shield you: And if he grow to be King, his defence will be like Ajax shield, which rather weighed them down, than defended those that bare it. Against Contempt, if there be any, which I will never believe, let your excellent vertues of Piety, Justice and Liberality daily, if it be possible, more and more shine; let such particular actions be found out (which be easie as I think to be done) by which you may gratifie all the hearts of your people: Let those in whom you find Trust, and to whom you have committed Trust in your weighty Affairs, be held up in the eyes of your Subjects. Lastly, doing as you do, you shall be as you be, the Example of Princes, the Ornament of this Age, the Comfort of the Afflicted, the Delight of your People, and the most excellent Fruit of your Progenitors, and the perfect Mirror of your Posterity.

My Lord Sanquir's Case.

IN this cause of the life and death, the Juries part is in effect discharged, for after a frank and formal Confession, their labour is at an end; so that what hath been said by Mr. Attorney, or shall be said by my self, is rather convenient than necessary.

My Lord Sanquire, your fault is great, it cannot be extenuated, and it cannot be aggravated; and if it needed, you have made so full an Anatomy of it out of your own feeling, as it cannot be matched by my self, or any man else out of Conceit: So as that part of aggravation I leave.

[Page] Nay more, this Christian and penitent course of yours, draws me thus far, that I will agree in some sort to extenuate it; for certainly as even in extream evils there are degrees; so this particular of your offence is such, as though it be soul spilling of blood, yet there are more soul; for if you had sought to take a way a mans life for his Vineyard, as Achab did; or for envie, as Cain did; or to possesse his bed, as David did; surely the murder had been more odious.

Your temptation was revenge, which the more natural it was to man, the more have Laws both divine and humane sought to repress it; Mihi vindicta. But in one thing you and I shall never agree. That generous spirits (you say) are hard to forgive; no, contrariwise generous and magnanimous minds are readiest to forgive, and it is a weakness and impotency of mind to be unable to forgive; Corpora magnanimo satis est prostrasse Leoni.

But howsoever Murther may arise from several motives, less or more odious, yet the Law both of God and man involves them in one degree; and therefore you may read that in Joabs case, which was a Murther upon revenge, and matcheth with our case; he for a dear brother, and you for a dear part of your own body, yet there was never a severe charge given, that it should not be unpunished.

And certainly the circumstance of time is heavy upon you; it is now five years since this unfortunate man Turner, be it upon accident, or be it upon despight, gave the provocation, which was the seed of your malice: all passions are asswaged with time, love, hatred, grief, all; fire it self burns out with time, if no new fuel be put to it. Therefore for you to have been in the gall of bitterness so long, and to have been in restless Chase of this blood so many years, is a strange example, and I must tell you plainly, that I conceive you have suckt those affections of dwelling in malice, rather out of Italy, and Outlandish manners where you have conversed, than out of any part of this Island, England or Scotland.

But that which is fittest for me to spend time in, (the matter being confessed) is, to set forth and magnifie to the hearers, the Justice of this day; first of God, and then of the King.

My Lord, you have friends and entertainments in Forrein parts; It had been an easie thing for you to set Carlile, or some other blood-hound on work, when your person had been beyond the Seas, and so this news might have come to you in a packet, and you might have looked on how the storm would pass; but God bereaved you of this fore-sight, and bound you here under that hand of a King, that though abundant in Clemenev, vet is no less ze lons of Justice.

Again, when you came in at Lambeth, you might have persisted in the [Page] denial of the procurement of the fact. Carlile, a resolute man, might perhaps have cleared you (for they that are resolute in mischief, are commonly obstinate in concealing their porcurers) and so nothing should have been against you but presumption. But then also God, to take away all obstructions of Justice, gave you the grace, which ought indeed to be more true comfort to you, than any device (whereby you might have escaped) to make a clear and plain Confession.

Other impediments there were (not a few) which might have been an interruption to this dayes Justice, had not God in his Providence removed them.

But now that I have given God the Honour, let me give it likewise where it is next due, which is, to the King our Sovereign.

This Murther was no sooner committed, and brought to his Majesties ears; but his just indignation wherewith he first was moved, cast it self into a great deal of care and prudence to have Justice done: First came forth his Proclamation somewhat of a rare Form, and devised, and in esfect dictated by his Majesty himself, and by that he did prosecute the Offendors, as it were, with the breath and blast of his Mouth: Then did his Majesty stretch forth his long Arms (for Kings have long Arms) when they will extend them; one of them to the Sea, where he took hold of Grey shipped for Luedia, who gave the first light of Testimony; the other Arm to Scotland, and took hold of Carlile, ere he was warm in his house, and brought him the length of his Kingdom under such safe watch and custody, as he could have no means to escape, no nor to mischief himself, no nor learn no lessons to stand mute, in which case perhaps this dayes Justice might have received a stop; so that I may conclude, his Majesty hath shewed himself Gods true Lieutenant, and that he is no Respecter of persons; but English, Scottish, Noblemen, Fencer, are to him alike in respect of Justice.

Nay, I must say further, That his Majesty hath had in this, a kind of Prophetical Spirit; for what time Carlile and Grey, and you my Lord your self were fled, no man knew whether, to the four winds; the King ever spake in a confident and undertaking manner, That wheresoever the Offenders were in Europe, he would produce them forth to Justice; of which noble word God hath made him Master.

Lastly, I will conclude towards you my Lord, That though your Offence hath been great, yet your Confession hath been free, and your behaviour and speech full of discretion; and this shews, That though you could not resist the Tempter, yet you bear a Christian and generous spirit, answerable to the noble Family of which you are descended. This I commend in you, and take it to be an assured Token of God smercy and [Page] favour, in respect whereof, all worldly things are but Trash, and so it is fit for you as your state now is, to account them; and this is all I will say for the present.

My Lady Shrewsburies Cause.

Your Lordships do observe the Nature of this Charge.

MY Lady of Shrewsbury, a Lady wise, and that ought to know what duty requireth, is charged to have refused, and to have persisted in refusal to answer, and to be examined in a High cause of State, being examined by the Council-table, which is a Representative body of the King,

The nature of the cause upon which she was examined, is an essential point which doth aggravate and encrease this contempt and presumption, and therefore of necessity with that we must begin.

How graciously and Parent-like, His Majesty used the Lady Arbella before she gave him cause of Indignation, the world knoweth.

My Lady notwithstanding extreamly ill-advised, transacted the most weighty and binding part and action of her life, which is her Marriage, without acquanting His Majesty, which had been a neglect even to a mean Parent. But being to Our Sovereign, and she standing so near to His Majesty as she doth, and then choosing such a Condition as it pleased her to chuse, all parties laid together, how dangerous it was, my Lady might have read it in the fortune of that house wherewith she is matched; for it was not unlike the case of Mr. Seymers Grandmother.

The King nevertheless so remembred He was a King, as He forgot not he was a Kinsman, and placed her only sub libera custodia.

But now did my Lady accumulate and heap up this offence with a far greater than the former, by seeking to withdraw her self out of the Kings Power into Forreign Parts.

That this flight or escape into Forreign Parts might have been seed of trouble to this State, is a matter whereof the conceit of a Vulgar person is not capable.

For although my Lady should have put on a mind to continue her Loyalty, as nature and duty did bind her; yet when she was in another sphere she must have moved in the motion of that O b, and not of the Planet it self. And God forbid the Kings felicity should be so little, as she should not have envy and enviers enough in Forreign Parts.

[Page] It is true, if any forreigner had wrought upon this occasion, I do not doubt but the intent would have been as the Prophet saith, They have conceived mischief, and brought forth a vain thing. But yet your Lordships know that it is Wisdom in Princes, and it is a watch they owe to themselves, and to their people, to stop the beginnings of evils, and not to despise them. Seneca saith well, Non jam amplius levia sunt pericula si levia videantur; dangers cease to be light, because by delp [...] sing they grow, and gather strength.

And accordingly hath been the practice both of the Wisest and stoutest Princes to hold, for matter pregnant of peril, to have any near them in blood flie into Forreign Parts. Wherein I will not wander, but take the example of King Hen. 7. a Prince uot unfit to be parallel'd with his Majesty; I mean not the particular of Perkin Werbeck; for he was but an idol, or a disguise; but the example I mean, is that of the Earl of Suffolk, whom that King extorted from Philip of Austria. The story is memorable, That Philip after the death of Isabella coming to take Possession of His Kingdom of Castilia (which was but Matrimonial to His Father in Law Ferdinando of Arragon,) was cast by weather upon the Coast of Tamouth, where the Italian story saith, King Henry used him in all things else as a Prince, but in one thing as a Prisoner; for he forced upon him a Promise to restore the Earl of Suffolk that was fled into Flanders; and yet this I note was in the 21. year of his Reign when the King had a goodly Prince at mans estate besides his daughters, nay, and the whole line of Clarence nearer in title; for that Earl of Suffolk was Descended of a Sister of Edward 4. so far off did that King take his aim.

To this action of so deep consequence, it appeareth you (my Lady of Shrewsbury) were privy, not upon Forreign suspitions or strained inferences, but upon vehement presumptions, now clear and particular testimony, as hath been opened to you, so as the King had not only Reason to examine you upon it, but to have proceeded with you upon it as for a great contempt, which if it be reserved for the present, your Ladiship is to understand it aright, that it is not defect of proof, but abundance of grace that is the cause of this proceeding. And your Lady-ship shall do well to see into what danger you have brought your self: All offences consist of the fact which is open, and the intent which is secret; this fact of Conspiring in the flight of this Lady, may bear a hard, and gentler construction; if upon over much affection to your Kinswoman, gentler; if upon practice or other end, harder; you must take heed how you enter into such actions, whereof if the hidden part be drawn unto that which is open, it may be your overthrow, which I speak not by way of charge, but by way of caution.

[Page] For that which you are properly charged with, you must know that all subjects, without distinction of degrees, owe to the King tribute and service, not only of their deed and hand, but of their knowledge and discoverie.

If there be any thing that imports the Kings service, they ought themselves undemanded to impart it, much more if they be called and examined, whether it be of their own fact, or of anothers, they ought to make direct answer; Neither was there ever any subject brought into causes of estate to trial judicial, but first he passed examination; for examination is the entrance of Justice in criminal causes; it is one of the eyes of the Kings politique bodie; there are but two, Information, and Examination; it may not be endured that one of the lights be put out by your example.

Your excuses are not worthie your own judgment; rash vowes of lawful things are to be kept, but unlawful vowes not; your own Divines will tell you so. For your examples, they are some erroneous traditions. My Lord of Pembrook spake somewhat that he was unlettered, and it was but when he was examined by one private Councellor, to whom he took exception. That of my Lord Lumley is a fiction; the preheminences of Nobility I would hold with to the last graine; but every dayes experience is to the contrary. Nay, you may learn dutie of my Lady Arbella her self, a Lady of the Blood, of an higher Rank than your self, who declining (and yet that but by request neither to declare of your fact) yieldeth ingenuously to be examined of her own; I do not doubt but by this time you see both your own error, and the Kings grace in proceeding with you in this manner.

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, then Ambassadour in France, to Queen Elizabeth, touching a free Passage for the Queen of Scots, through England into Scotland.

IT may please your Majesty to understand that the 17 of July I received your letters at Poisey of the 14 of the same, by Francisco this bearer, and for that I could not according to your Majesties instructions in the same letters, accomplish the contents of them, until Mounsieur d' Oysell had delivered your letters to the French King, the Queen of Scotland, and the Queen Mother (who did not arrive at this Court till the 20th of this present) I did defer to treat with any of the Princes of your [Page] Majesties answer to the said Mounsieur d' Oysell. Nevertheless the 18th of this moneth I required Audience of the French King, which was granted me, the same day in the after-noon I repaired to his Court being at Saint Germanes, and there the Queen-Mother accompanied with the King of Navarre, and sundry other great personages, was in the place of State to hear what I had to say to the King her son who was absent; unto her I declared your Majesties pleasure according to my instructions, concerning your acceptation of the Hostages already received, and hereafter to be received, signified to me by your Majesties letters of the 17 of June, and as I wrote to your Majesty lately, brought to me by Mounsieur de Noailles the 16 of July, for answer whereunto the Queen Mother said, Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, we marvail greatly how it cometh to pass that the Queen your Mistress doth not make more stay to receive the King my sons Hostages, than she hath done heretofore; for from the beginning since the Hostages were sent into England, neither the King my late Lord and Husband, nor the late King my Son, did either recommend the sufficiency of their Hostages by their Letters, or cause their names to be recommended unto you the Ambassador; but the presentation of them by our Ambassador in England did suffice: thereunto I said, Madam, you know they be Hostages for a matter of some moment, and if they should neither have the Kings assurance for their Validity, nor the Queen my Mistris Ambassadours allowance of their sufficiency, some personages might be sent which were neither meet for the King to send, nor for the Queen my Mistris to receive; and yet Madam, the Queen my Mistris doth not require the manner of recommending the sufficiency of the Hostages, for any doubt she hath that unmeet persons should be sent; but rather, because a friendly and sincere fashion of dealing should be betwixt her good Brother and her, with whom her Majesty is so desirous to have a perfect & assured Amity: I said also, That the King her Son hath notified both to my Lord of Bedford at his being here, and unto me the names of some of the Hostages, as the Count of Benon before his going into England, as Mounsieur de Sualt, who had the charge so to do, could well inform her; so as this motion need not seem strange for the newness. The Queen answered, Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, we be well-pleased, seeing your Mistriss doth require it, that from henceforth either the Hostages shall have the King my Sons Letters of Recommendation, or else their names should be notified unto you, or any other her Ambassadour here; and I pray you Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, quoth she, give the Queen your Mistris my good Sister to understand from me, That if there be any thing in this Countrey that may please her, she shall have it, if I may know [Page] her liking; I told the said Queen, That I was sure your Majesty was of the same mind towards her, for any pleasures to content her in your Realm, and so I took my leave of her for that time.

It may farther please your Majesty, Having Intelligence that Mounsieur d' Oysell had advertised the Queen of Scotland, by Rollot her Secretary, the 17th. of this present, what answer your Majesty had made him; and hearing also of the sundry Praises and discourses made here, of that your Majesty answered, I sent to Dampier (a house of the Cardinal of Lorrains) the 19th. of this Month, to the Queen of Scotland to require Audience of her, which she appointed me to have the next day in the Afternoon at St. Germanes; She was (accompanied) at Domfier with her Unkles the Cardinals of Lorrain and Guise, and the Duke of Guise; there was also the Duke of Nemours, who the same day arrived there in Post out of Savoy, and visited the said Queen before he came to this Town.

The 20th of this present in the afternoon, I had access to the said Queen of Scotland with whom I found Mounsieur d' Oysel talking when I entred into her Chamber; she dismissed Mounsieur d' Oysel, and rose from her Chair when she saw me; unto whom I said, Madam, whereas you sent lately Mounsieur d' Oysel to the Queen my Mistris to demand her Majesties safe conduct for your free passage by sea into your own Realm, and to be accommodated with such favours as upon events you might have need of upon the Coast of England, and also did farther require the free passage of the said Mounsieur d' Oysel into Scotland through England. The Queen my Mistriss hath not thought good to suffer the said Mounsieur d' Oysel to pass into Scotland, nor to satisfy your desire for your passage home, neither for such other favours as you required to be accommodated withall at her Majesties hand, in as much as you have not accomplished the ratification of the treaty accorded by your Deputies in July, now twelve Months ago at Edenburgh, which in honour you are bound many wayes to perform; for besides, that you stand bound by your hand and seal, whereby your Commissioners were authorized, it may please you Madam to remember, that many promises have been made for the performance thereof, as well in the King your Husbands time, as by your self since his death, and yet not withstanding the Treaty remaineth unratified, as before, a whole year being expired since the Accord thereof, which by your Commissioners was agreed to have been ratified within sixty dayes: So as upon this unamicable and indirect dealings, the Queen my Mistriss hath refused you these favours and pleasures by you required, and hath grounded this her Majesties strangeness unto you, upon your own behaviour, which her Majesty doth ungladly, [Page] both for that your Majesty is as she is, a Queen, her next Neighbour and next Kinswoman; nevertheless her Majesty hath commanded me to say unto you, Madam (quoth I) that if you can like to be better advised, and to ratifie the treaty, as you in Honour are bound to do, her Majesty will not only give you and yours free passage, but also will be most glad to see you pass through her Realm, that you may be accommodated with the pleasure thereof, and such friendly conference may be had betwixt you, as all unkindness may be quenched, and an assured perfect amity betwixt you both for ever Establisht. Having said thus much unto her, the said Queen sat down, and made me sit also by her; she then commanded all the audience to retire them further of, and said, Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, I know not well my own infirmity, nor how far I may with my passion be transported: but I like not to have so many witnesses of my passions, as the Queen your Mistriss was content to have, when she talked with Mounsieur d'Oysil; there is nothing that doth more grieve me, then that I did so forget my self, as to require of the Queen your Mistriss that favour which I had no need to ask I needed no more to have made her privy to my Journey, than she doth me of hers; I may pass well enough home into my own Realm, I think, without her Pass-port or License; for though the late King your Master (said she) used all the impeachment he could both to stay me, and catch me when I came hither, yet you know Mounsieur le Ambassadour, I came hither safely, and I may have as good means to help me home again, as I had to come hither, if I would imploy my Friends: Truly (said she) I was so far from evil meaning to the Queen your Mistriss, that at this time I was more willing to employ her Amity to stand me instead, than all the Friends I have, and yet you know both in this Realm, and elsewhere, I have both Friends and Allies, and such as would be glad and willing to employ both their Forces and Aid to stand me instead; you have Mounsieur l' Ambassadour (quoth she) oftentimes told me, That the Amity between the Queen your Mistriss and me, were very necessary and profitable for us both; I have some Reason (quoth she) now to think that the Queen your Mistriss is not of that mind; for I am sure if she were, she would not have thus refused me thus unkindly; it seemeth she maketh more account of the Amity of my disob [...]dient Subjects, than she doth of me their Sovereign, who am her equalind gree, though inferiour in in Wisdome and experience, her highest Kinswoman, and her next neighbour, and trow you (quoth she) that there can be so good meaning between my Subjects and her, which have forgotten their principal duty to me their Soveraign, as there should be betwixt her and me? I perceive that the Queen your Mistriss doth think, that because my Subjects have done [Page] me wrong, my Friends and Allies will forsake me also: indeed your Mistriss doth give me cause to seeke friendship where I did not mind to ask it; but Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, let the Queen your Mistriss think that it will be thought very strange amongst all Princes and Countries, that she should first animate my Subjects against me, and now being widow, to impeach my going into my own Countrey: I ask her nothing but friendship; I do not trouble her State, nor practise with her Subjects: And yet I know there be in her Realm that be inclined enough to hear offers; I know also they be not of the mind she is of, neither in Religion, nor other things. The Queen your Mistriss doth say that I am young, and do lack experience; indeed (quoth she) I consess, I am younger then she is, and do want experience: But I have age enough and experience to use my self towards my friends and Kinsfolks friendly and uprightly; And I trust my discretion shall not so fail me, that my Passion shall move me to use other language of her then it becometh of a Queen and my next Kinswoman. Well Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, I could tell you that I am as she is, a Queen allied and friended, as is known; and I tell you also, that my heart is not inferiour to hers, so as an equal respect would be had betwixt us on both parts; but I will not contend in comparisons: first you know (quoth she) that the accord was made in the late King my Lord and Husbands time, by whom, as reason was, I was commanded and Governed; and for such delays, as were then in his time used in the said ratification, I am not to be charged; since his Death, my Interest failing in the Realm of France, I left to be advised by the Councel of France, and they left me also to mine own Councel; indeed (quoth she) my Unkles being as you know of the affaires of this Realm, do not think meet to advise me in my Affairs, neither do my Subjects, nor the Queen your Mistriss think meet that I should be advised by them; but rather by the Councel of my own Realm; here are none of them, nor none such [...]s is thought meet that I should be Counselled by; the matter is great, it toucheth both them and me; and in so great a matter it were meet to use the advice of the wisest of them; I do not think it meet in so great a matter to take the Counsel of private and unexpert persons, and such as the Queen your Mistriss knoweth be not most acceptable to such of my Subjects as she would have me be advised by; I have (quoth she) often times told you, that as soon as I had their advices, I would send the Queen your Mistriss such an answer as should be reasonable; I am about to haste me home as fast as I may, to the intent the matter might be answered; and now the Queen your Mistriss will in no wise suffer neither me to pass home, nor him that I sent into my Realm; so as Mounsieur l' Ambassadour (quoth she) it seemeth the Queen your Mistriss will be the cause [Page] why in this manner she is not satisfied, or else she will not be satisfied; but liketh to make this matter a quarrel still betwixt us, whereof she is the Author: The Queen your Mistriss saith that I am young; she might well say that I were as foolish as young, if I would in the State and Countrey that I am in, proceed to such a matter of my self without any Counsel; for that which was done by the King my late Lord and husband, must not be taken to be my act; so as neither in Honour, nor in conscience I am bound, as you say I am, to perform all that was by my Lord and Husband commanded to do; and yet (quoth she) I will say truly unto you, and as God favours me, I did never mean otherwise unto her, than becometh me to my good Sister and Cosin; nor meant her no more harm than to my self; God forgive them which have otherwise perswaded her, if there be any such; what is the matter, pray you, Mounsieur l' Ambassadour (quoth she) that doth so offend the Queen your Mistriss, to make her thus evil-affected to me I never did her wrong, neither in Deed, nor Speech; it should the less grieve me, if I had deserved otherwise than well; and though the World may be of divers judgments of us and our doings one to another, do well know, God that is in Heaven can, and will be a true Judge both of our doings and meanings. I answered, Madam, I have declared unto you my Charge commanded by the Queen my Mistriss, and have no more to say to you on her behalf, but to know your Answer for the Ratification of the Treaty.

The Queen answered, I have aforetime shewed you, and do now tell you again, that it is not meet for to proceed in this matter without the advice of the Nobles and States of mine own Realm, which I can by no means have until I come amongst them. You know (quoth she) as well as I, there is none come hither since the death of the King my late Husband and Lord, but such as are either come for their private business, or such as dare not tarry in Scotland; but I pray you Mounsieur l' Ambassadour (quoth she) tell me how riseth this strange affection in the Queen your Mistriss towards me; I desire to know it, to the intent I may reform my self, if I have failed. I answered, Madam, I have by the Commandment of the Queen my Mistriss declared unto you the cause of her miscontentation already: But seeing you so desirous to hear how you may be charged with any deserving as one that speaketh of mine own minde, without instruction, I will be so bold Madam, by way of discourse to tell you; As soon as the Queen my Mistriss, after the death of her sister, came to the Crown of England, you bore the Armes of England diversly quartered with your own, and used in your Countrey notoriously the style and title of the Queen my Mistriss, which was never by you [Page] put in ure in Queen Maries time; And if any thing can be more prejudicial to a Prince, than to usurp the tide and interest belonging to them, Madam, I do refer it to your own judgment; you see such as be noted usurpers of other folks States, cannot patiently be born withal for such doings; much more the Queen my Mistress hath cause to be grieved (considering her undoubted and lawful interest) with the offer of such injury; Mounsieur l'Ambassadour, said she, I was then under the commandment of King Henry my Father, and of the King my Lord and husband, and whatsoever was done then by their order and Commandments, the same was in like manner continued until both their deaths, since which time, you know I neither bore the Armes, nor used the title of England; Me thinks (quoth she) these my doings might ascertain the Queen your Mistriss, that that which was done before, was done by commandment of them that had the power over me; and also in reason she ought to be satisfied, seeing I order my doings as I tell you; it were no great dishonour to the Queen my Cosen your Mistriss, though I a Queen also did bear the Armes of England; for I am sure, some inferior to me, and that be not on every side so well apparen [...]ed as I am, do bear the Armes of England. You cannot deny (quoth she) but that my Grandmother was the King her Fathers sister, and I trow the eldest sister he had; I do assure you Mounsieur l'Ambassadour, and do speak unto you truly, as I think, I never meant, nor thought matter against the Queen my Cousin. Indeed (quoth she) I know what I am, and would be loth either to do others wrong, or suffer too much wrong to my self; and now that I have told you my minde plainly, I pray behave your self betwixt us like a good Minister, whose part is to make things betwixt Princes rather better than worse; and so I took my leave of the said Queen for that time.

The same day after this my Audience, I required Audience in like manner of the French King, which was assigned me on the 21. of this present at afternoon: At which time, I did set forth, as well as I could, to the Queen-Mother, the good reasons and just occasions, according to your Majesties instructions, why your Majesty did refuse the Queen of Scotland your safe Conduct, for her free passage into her Countrey; and declared at good length, the Causes why your Majesty did not accommodate the said Queen of Scotland with such favours as she required in her passage, not forgetting the reasons that moved your Majesty to return Mounsieur d'Oysell back hither again.

The Queen-Mother answered, Mounsieur l'Ambassadour, the King my Son, and I, are very sorry to hear that the Queen my good Sister your Mistriss, hath refused the Queen my Daughter free passage home into her [Page] own Realm; this may be an occasion of farther unkindness betwixt them, and so prove to be a cause and entry into War; they are Neighbours, and near Cosins, and either of them hath great Friends and Allies, so as it may chance, that more unquietness shall ensue of this matter, than is to be wished for, or then is meet to come to pass; Thanks be to God (quoth she) all the Princes of Christendome are now in peace, and it were great pity that they should not so continue; and where (said she) I perceive the matter of this unkindness is grounded upon the delay of Ratification of the Treaty: The Queen my Daughter hath declared unto you, That she doth stay the same, until she may have the advice of her own Subjects, wherein methinks (said she) my Daughter doth discreetly for many Respects; and though she have her Unkies here by whom it is thought (as reason is) she should be advised; yet considering they be Subjects and Counsellors to the King my Son, they be not the meetest to give her Counsel in this matter; the Nobles and States of her own Realm, would neither like it, nor allow it, that their Sovereign should resolve without their advice in matter of consequence: Therefore Mounsieur l'Ambassadour, quoth she, methinks the Queen your Mistriss might be satisfied with this Answer, and accommodate the Queen my Daughter, her Cousin and Neighbour with such favours as she demandeth. I answered, Madam, the Queen my Mistriss trusteth, you will upon the reasons before by me declared, as her good Sister and friend, interpret the matter as favourably on her part, as on the Queen of Scotlands; and that you will also indifferently consider how much it importeth my Mistriss not to suffer a matter so dangerous to her and her State, as this is, to passe unprovided for; it seemeth by the many delayes which in this matter have been used, after so many fair and sundry promises, that the Queen of Scotland hath not meant so sincerely and plainly as the Queen my Mistriss hath done; for by this time the said Queen might have known the minds of her Subjects in Scotland, if she liked to propound the matter unto them; There have been since the Death of the King your Son and her Husband, two or three Assembli [...]s of the Nobles and States in Scotland, and this matter was never put forth amongst them; Hither have come out of Scotland many of sandry Estates, and some that the Queen did send with Commission thither, as the Lord of Finliter to treat on her behalf with he Estates of that Realm, and of other matters; so as if she had minded an end in this matter of the Treaty, before this time she might have heard her Subjects advices. Thereto the Queen-Mother said, the King my Son and I would be glad to do good betwixt the Queen my Sister your Mistriss, and the Queen my Daughter, and shall be glad to hear that there were good amity betwixt them; [Page] for neither the King my Son, nor I, nor none of his Council will do harm in the matter, nor shew our selves other than friends to them both.

After this, I took my leave of the said Queen-Mother, and addressed my Speech to the King of Navarre, unto whom I declared, as I had done to the Queen-Mother, adding, That your Majesty esteemed his amity and friendship entire; that you did not doubt of his good acceptation of your doings and proceedings with the Queen of Scotland; and said further, That for your Majesties purpose to have reason at all times, and in all things of the Queen of Scotland, it were better she were in her own Countrey than here; the said King conceived that your Majesty needed not doubt that the King his Sovereign would shew himself in this matter more affectionate to the Queen of Scotland, than to you his good Sister, and thereof he bade me assure your Majesty. Then taking my leave of the said King of Navarre, I went to the Constable, and declared unto him, as I had done unto the King of Navarre, on your Majesties behalf; the Constable humbly thanked your Majesty that you would communicate your affaires with him, which argued your good opinion of him; he said, he trusted that your expectation should not be deceived of him; but would rather so behave himself towards your Majesty, as your good opinion of him should be increased: As to the matter of the Queen of Scotland, he was sorry that the occasions were such, as your Majesty could not bestow such kindness on her as was meet betwixt Princes so neer Neighbours and Kinsfolks; but he trusted that time would repair these unkindnesses betwixt you; as for his part, he prayed your Majesty to think that he would never give other advice to the King his Sovereign, but such as should rather increase the good amity betwixt both your Majesties, than diminish it; and so prayed me to present his most humble Commendation and Service to your Majesty, wherewith I took my leave of him. And to the intent I might the better descipher whether the Queen of Scotland did mind to continue her Voyage, I did the same 21 Of July (after my former negotiations finished) repair to the said Queen of Scotland to take my leave of her; unto whom I then declared, that in as much as I was your Majesties Ambassadour, as well to her for the matters of Scotland, as to the French King your good Brother, and hearing by common bruit that she minded to take her Voyage very shortly, I thought it my Duty to take my leave of her, and was sorry she had not given your Majesty so good occasion of Amity, as that I your Minister could not conveniently wait upon her to her embarking. The said Queen made Answer, Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, if my preparations were not so much advanced as they are, peradventure the Queen your Mistrisses unkindness, might stay my Voyage; but now I am determined [Page] to adventure the matter, whatsoever come of it; I trust (quoth she) the wind will be so favourable, as I shall not need to come on the Coast of England; and if I do, then Mounsieur l' Ambassadour, the Queen your Mistriss shall have me in her hands to do her will of me; and if she be so hard-hearted as to desire my end, she may then do her pleasure, and make sacrifice of me; peradventure that casualty might be better for me, than to live; in this matter (quoth she) Gods will be fulfilled. I answered, she might amend all this matter if she would, and find more Amity of your Majesty and your Realm, than of any other Prince or Countrey. The Queen answered, I have (me thinketh) offered and spoken that that might suffice the Queen my Sister, if she will take any thing well at my hand; I trust (said she) for all this, we shall agree better than some would have us, and for my part I will not take all things to the worst; I hope also (said she) the Queen my Sister and Cosin, will do the like, whereof (quoth she) I doubt not, if Ministers do no harm betwixt us: and so the said Queen embraced me.

This is the sum of my Negotiations at these my last Audiences with the French King, the Queen-Mother, the King of Navarre, the Queen of Scotland, and the Constable; whereof I have thought meet to enlarge to your Majesty in such fort as the same passed, and was uttered betwixt us. As far as I can perceive, the said Queen of Scotland continueth her Voyage still, and I hear that Villageigmon and Octavian have the principal order of her said Voyage, and mean to sail along the Coast of Flanders, and so to strike over to the North-part of Scotland, as the wind shall serve; she did once mean to use the West-passage, but now she dares not trust the Duke of Chastillerault, nor the Earl of Arguile, and therefore dareth not to pass by the West-Seas.

The said Queen, as I hear, desireth to borrow of the French King a hundred thousand Crowns, the same to be received again of her Dowry, which is twenty eight thousand Crowns by the year; the Queen-Mother is willing to help her; the King of Navarre doth not further the matter, but seeketh to abridge the sum. After I had done my Negotiations at the Court, I was constrained to dislodge from Poissey, for the Assembly of the Clergy, who meet there to the end of this month, and the Ambassadours are now appointed to lodge at Paris.

The Queen of Scotland departed from St. Germanes yesterday 25. of July towards her Voyage as she bruiteth it: she sendeth most of her Train strait to New-haven to embark, and she herself goeth such a way between both, as she will be at her choice to go to New-Haven, or to Callis upon the sudden what she will do, or where she will embark, she will be acknown to never a Scotch man, and but to few French. [Page] And for all these shews and boasts, some think she will not go at all, and yet all her stuff is sent down to the Sea, and none other bruit in her house but of her hasty going; if it would please your Majesty to cause some to be sent privily to all the Ports on this side, the certainty shall be better known to your Majesty that way by the laying of her vessels, than I can advertise it hence. She hath said, that at her coming into Scotland, she will forthwith rid the Realm of all the English men there; namely, of your Majesties Agent there, and forbid mutual Traffick with your Majesties Subjects; if she make the haste to embark that she seemeth to do, she will be almost ready to embark by that time this shall come to your Majesties hands. Two or three dayes ago, the French King was troubled with a pain in his head, and the same beginneth to break from him by bleeding at the nose, and running at his ear, it is taken to be the same disease in his head, whereof his brother died; but by voiding it (which the other could not do, that organ being stopped) this King is well amended.

At the dispatch hereof the King of Navarre was unquieted by a flux and a vomit, and the Queen Mother with a Fever. I hear that in Gascony, the people stir apace for Religion (as they do in many other places) and being there assembled, to the number of four thousand, have entred a Town, thrown down the Images, and put out the Priests, and will suffer no Masse to be said there.

My Lord of Levistou being ready to go homewards into Scotland through England, went to the Queen of Scotland for his leave so to do; but she hath commanded him to tarry and wait on her, and to meet her at Abevillo, without letting him know any thing else; he in doubt what she will do, is content to expect her coming thither, and to do then as she shall command him; and seeing no likelihood of her short passing, (which he sath is uncertain) but that she will go to Callis, there to hover and hearken what your Majesty doth to stop her, and according thereunto to go or stay; he mindeth to get him home; he hath required my Letters of recommendations to your Majesties Officers at his landing in England; which for his good devotion towards your Majesty, and for that he is one that wisheth the same well, I have not refused him; and so humbly beseech your Majesties good favour towards him, at his coming to your Majesty for his Pass-port. Here is a bruit, that the Turk is greatly impeached, both by a sort of Jewes within his own Countrey, and also by the Sophy. And thus I pray God long to preserve your Majesty in health, honour and all felicity; from Paris, July 26. 1561.

Your Majesties most humble, and most obedient Subject and Servant, N. Throckmorton.

FINIS.

The ALPHABETICAL TABLE.

[Page]

B.

BAcon Sir Francis, not a man born under Sol, that loves Honour; nor under Jupiter, that loves Business; place of any reasonable countenance, commands more wits than a mans own. Pag. 1, 2.

Assures the Lord Burleigh, that his endeavours shall not be in fault, if diligence can intitle him unto it, and wishes to shew his Service with as good proof, as he can say it in good faith. 3, 4.

Caresses the Earl of Northumberland. 4, 5.

The entrance of King James, a fair morning before the Sun rising. This State performed the part of good Attorneys, in delivering the King quiet possession. 5, 6.

No Reason the World should reject Truth in Philosophy, although the Author dissents in Religion. 1 [...].

Advice to the King, touching his Revenue. 27.

The Kings Attorneys place, and the value of it honestly. The Chancellors placo usually conferred upon the Kings Council, and not upon a Judge. Reasons against the Lords, Cook and Hubbart, and the Archbishop. The Body of Parliament men is Cardo rerum. Part of the Chancellors place is Regnum Judiciale, and since his Fathers time but too much inlarged. Pag. 73, 74.

A Narration in several Letters of the differences between the Chancery, and Kings Bench, and the grounds thereof stated to the King. 22, 23, 75.

The Proceedings against Somerset, and divers private Transactions touching that Business. 28. 29. 30, 31, 32, 33, &c.

His advice to Sir George Villiers concorning Ireland, wherein three Propositions are acutely scan'd. 1. Touching the Recusant Magistrates of Towns there. 2. About roducing the Number of the Council, from Fifty to twenty. 3. That a means may be found to re-enforce the Army by 500. or 1000. men, without increase of Charge. 67, 68, 69.

From him to the Duke, when he first became a Favourite, with somo directions or his demeanor in that eminent place, ranked into eight material Heads, with an ample and quaint gloss upon each of them, most elegantly pen'd. 43, 44.

[Page] Again to him, upon sending his Pattent for Viscount Villiers, with several Avisoes, and incidently a Censure of the Cecils, the Father and the Son. Pag. 70, 71.

Sends the King a Certificate from the Lord Coke. 72.

Sends to the King an Essay of History of His Majesties time. 9.

Desires the History of Brittain may be written, for three Observations. 7, 8.

Sixty four years old in Age, and three years and five months in misery, desires neither means, place, nor imployment, but a total remission of the sentence of the Upper House, by the example of Sir John Bennet. 81.

To the King, touching the Plantation of Ireland; as formerly of the Union, as being Brother thereunto. 6.

To the Earl of Salisbury, touching his Book of the advancement of Learning, saying, He is but like a Bell-ringer, to awake better spirits. 9, 10.

Several Letters to great Personages, in sending unto them his Book of advancement of Learning, and the presenting of it to the King. 10, 11.

To Dr. Plafer, touching the Translating of it into Latine, with many excellent Reasons to that Inducement. 11, 12.

To Sir Thomas Bodley, upon sending the same Book. 13.

To divers Friends, upon sending unto them some other of his Books. 13. 14, 15, 16.

To Mr. Savil, touching the Education of Youth, and the improving the Intellectual Powers. Pag. 17.

A Factious Book, stiling the Queen, Misera Faemina, the addition of the Popes Bull. 21.

The business of the Commendams, and the carriage of the Judges therein, related to the King. 76, 77.

Three Examples of great Calamity, Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca: A Discourse concerning his own Books. 78, 79, 80.

A learned and ample Discourse, touching a Digest to be made of the Laws of England; from 82. to 86.

To the Earl of Devonshire, a Letter Apologetical, touching a common fame, as if he had been false, or ungrateful to the Earl of Essex, something long, but exquisitely pen'd; from 87. to 104.

A discourse touching Helps for the Intellectual Powers, by Sir Fran. Bacoa: Faber quisque fortunae suae, an insolent saying, except it be interpreted as an hortative to correct sl [...]th, and not as it soundeth, an high imagination for any man to fathom all Accidents: Faber quisque Ingenii sui, more true, and more profitable: Divers manner of instances in Improvements, not only in the body of man, but in his mind, and spirit, and therein not only in his Appetite, and Affection, but in his Powers of Wit, and Reason: The Will most manageable, and admitteth[Page]most Medicines for Cure. The first is Religion. 2. Opinion, and Apprehension. 3. Example. 4. When one affection is corrected by another: And lastly a Confirmation of all, by custom and habit: Five Rules for exercises. Pag. [97, 98, 99, 100]

Sir Francis Bacon to the King modestly Apologetical, intimating his former services, and his present low condition, after the sentence pronounced against him by the Lords: Implores the King, that he that hath born a bag, may not in his age be forc'd to bear aWallet: nor he that desired to live to study, may not be driven to study to live. [101, 102, 103, 104]

C.

CEcil Sir William, to Sir Henry Norris Ambassadour in France, about his Entertainment there, being Extraordinary, and what the Reason should be, Sha'ne Oneal sues to be received into the Queens favour. 105, 106.

Taxes Mounsieur de Foix, for breach of promise, in not delivering Lestrille. The News of the death of the King of Scots, and the manner of it. Earl Bothwell suspected. 107, 108.

Callice demanded to be restored to the Queen, according to the Treaty of Cambray. More of the business of the murder of the King of Scots, words which touch't that Queen, but fit to be supprest. Pag. 109, 111.

If Callice be not delivered, 50000 l. is to be forfeited. 110.

Matters in Flanders go hard against the Protestants. 111.

Those of the Order of France (if life or honour be touched) to be tried by Kings, and others of the same Order. ibid.

Marriage of the Queen of Scots to Bothwell, the prime of the Nobility against it. 112.

The French Kings Letter touching Callice, ill resented by the Queen. The Queen of Scots married the 15th. of May. 113.

Bothwell prosecuted for the murder, defended by the Queen, and the Hambletons; the Queen under restraint. Sha'ne Oneal slain in Ireland by certain Scots. 114.

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton sent into Scotland, to Negotiate a Pacification. The two Factions of the Hambletons and Lenox's. 115.

The Prince of Scotland Crowned at Sterling, the 29th. of July. 116.

Queen Elizabeth offended with the Scotch Lords. Murray like to be made Regent. Advice to Sir Henry Norris, touching his Expences. 117.

Murray made Regent, my Lord of Sussex with the Emperour, all Judges, Officers, &c. At Antwerp compelled to attest the Catholick Faith. 118.

Bothwell reported to be taken at Sea. 119, 120.

Dunbar rendred to the Regent, the [Page]Keeper thereof adjudged to a new Punishment. Pag. 120.

Expectation of Marriage between the Queen, and the Archduke Charles. 121.

Troubles in France between the Prince of Conde, and the King. 121, 122.

The Queen of Scots noted by the Parliament there, to be privy to the murder of her husband. 123.

The Earl of Desmond, and his brother, in the Tower. 125.

Fishermen of Diepe taken at Rye with unlawful Nets. 126.

The Popes Ministers preferre the State of their corrupt Church, before the Weal of any Kingdom. 128.

The Earl of Sussex his return. The Prince of Orange his Son to be sent into Spain, and doubted Egmond, and Horn must follow. ibid.

Emanuel Tremelius sent into England, by the Elector Palatine. The Prince of Orange refuseth to be judged by the Duke of Alva. The Hambletons continue their Faction. The death of Sir Ambrose Cave. 129.

Beaton sent from Scotland into France, for 1000. Harquebusiers, Money, and Ordnance. 131.

Devilish practice against the Queen. The Scots Queen removed to Bolton Castle, her demands of the Queen denied. 133.

The Queen of Scots submits her Cause to be heard, and determined in England. 134, 135, 136, &c.

What preparations in France intended for Scotland. Great expectation of the success of matters in the Low Countries. Pag. 137.

Unhappy, but incredible News out of Flanders. The Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, and Sir Walter Mildmay, Commissioners in the North, about the Queen of Scots business. 138.

She makes Arguile and Huntley Lieutenants, and the Duke of Chastillherault over all. They raise Forces against the Regent, are Routed. 139.

A Couragious Answer from Queen Elizabeth, to the French Ambassadour, and the Audience adjourned. 140.

She sends a Ring to Marshal Montmorancy his wife. 141.

The Bishop of Rhemes Ambassador from France, is offended, that the doctrine of Rome is said to be contrary to Christs, deducing consequently, that his Mr. should be reputed no Christian, and how that Speech was salved. The Cardinal Chastillons Wife comes over. 141, 142.

The Reason of the Cardinals coming into England. Ships sent by the Queen, to preserve the Bourdeaux Fleet. The Queen of Scots Case not defensible, and the Consequence thereof. 144.

Matters about the Queen of Scots. Chastillion highly commended. 144, 145.

The Cause of the Queen of Scots to be heard here. 146.

[Page] Passages touching the differences between the King, and the Prince of Conde. Pag. 147.

Matters against the Queen of Scots very bad. 148.

Sir Henry Norris claims the Lord Dacres Lands. 149.

Three manner of wayes proposed for ending the Scottish differences. 150.

Spanish Treasure stayed. ibid. 151, 156.

The Parliament of Scotland declares the Queen of Scots privy to the murder of her Husband. 152.

D'Assonvill comes over Without Commission, and desires Conference with the Spanish Ambassadour, but denied. 153.

Hawkins his Return to Mounts Bay from the Indies with Treasure.

The Queen of Scots at Tetbury, under the charge of the Earl of Shrewsbury. 153.

The French Ambassadors Currier searched, and the Reason of it. 154.

The Prince of Conde slain in Battel against the King. 157.

The 13th. of March had two great Effects. 158.

Differences in Scotland accorded. 159.

But not observed. 160.

Sir William Cecil laments the misfortune of France, means made to accord with the Low Countries. Scottish Nobility reconciled. 61.

Original Letters intercepted by persons of credit in the FrenchCourt, of advertisement concerning the Queen of Scots, and the Duke of Anjou. Pag. 161.

That the said Queen should transfer her title on the said Duke, to learn more truth hereof, and advertise with speed. The Queens Ships far excel others. 162.

The Queen of Scots excuseth her Transaction with the Duke of Anjou. 163, 164.

A Rebellion in the West-part of Ireland, and the Spaniards aid feared. 164.

My Lord of Shrewsbury strucken with a Palsie, and a Phrensie. 165.

The Parisians execute two Merchants whom the King had pardon'd. The English Ambassador taxed for dealing with the Kings Rebels. 166.

The Earl of Desmond's great Rebellion in Ireland, but dispersed. 167, 168.

An Italian sent hither upon a Devilish attempt An Insurrection in Suffolk. Queen Elizabeth desires to be rid of the Queen of Scots. 169.

The Queen offended at the Duke of Norfolk about his Marriage, Sir William Cecil his good Friend therein, my Lords of Arundel, and Pembroke, confined to their Lodgings about it, and so is the Lord Lumley. My Lord of Huntington joined with the Earl of Shrewsbury in the custody of the Scots Queen. 172.

[Page] The King of Spains designs with the Irish. Pag. 173.

The grand Rebellion in the North, and the pretences thereof, and their numbers and names. 174, 175.

A Report of the death of the Count Nassau, the Northern Rebellion scattered, and their Ring-leaders fled. 176.

Extracts of Letters out of the north. The two Rebellious Earls in Liddesdale; but flee from thence: The Countess of Northumberland, and her attendants robbed in Scotland: The Earls flee with about 50. horse. Westmerland changeth his coat of plate & sword and travails like a Scottish borderer, many others taken. 177, 178

The Regent of Scotland takes the Earl of Northumberland, and others: The Lord Fernhurst, and Bucklugh aiders of them. p. 178

The Murther of the Regent of Scotland, at Lithgo, by Hambleton of Bothwell Hall; The Earl of Sussex his wise and noble carriage: The Hambletons strongly suspected for the murder and why. 179, 180

The French Embassador makes 3 demands of the Queen, in behalf of the Queen of Scots. p. 181

Sir William Cecil names to the Queen, Mr. Francis Walsingham, and Mr. Henry Killigrew, to succeed Sir Henry Norris in France. p. 182

The Earl of Sussex goes again into Scotland: The Bishop of Ross writes a Book in defence of the Queen of Scots, and dangerous against Queen Elizabeth. Pag. 183.

The Earls of Worcester, and Huntington, made Knights of the Order. p. 184

The Earl of Sussex, and the Lord Hunsdon enter Scotland, with fire and sword: 50. Castles, and 300 Villages burnt. p. 184, 185

The Lord Scroop, Warden of the West Marshes, makes great devastation in Scotland: The Castle of Hume surrendred to the Lords of Sussex, and Hunsdon, and well fortified for the Queens service: A great part of the Scotish borderers obediently adhere to their King, and offer dependance upon the Queens Majesty: The contrary part act rebelliously: A great meeting of Lords on both sides at Edenburgh in Armes, to try who shall have the authority. p. 186, 187

Simon Musgrage General of the horse, routs the Lord Maxell: is in some distress by him, but is relieved by the Lord Scroop's forces, and the Maxwels, and several other Lords, escaped by flight; Drumlangricks servants, and tenants (although pretended favorers of the King and Queen) cruel to the English, Dumfriese a Receptacle of English Rebels. p. 187, 188

The Queen of Scots desires cessation of Armes: the Bishop of Ross plots against the Queen. p. 189

Sir Henry Norris to be revoked, and [Page]Mr. Walsingham to go in his place. ibid.

The Marshal of Berwick betray'd by the Bishop of St. Andrews, and other Lords, who under colour and treaty with him, intended to have slain him; he destroys the Hambletons Castles and houses. Pag. 190.

The Earl of Southampton for complyance with the Bishop of Ross, is committed close prisoner to the Sheriff of London; The fond Lord Morley withdraws to Lovain. p. 191

The French King mediates for the Queen of Scots; the Queen keeps some Castles in Scotland until her subjects of England should have satisfaction. p. 191, 192

Sir William Cecil, and Sir Walter Mildmay are sent Commissioners to the Scotch Queen, and they like not the message: The Lord Coke to King James, touching tryal of Duels out of England, occasioned by putting to death of Doubty beyond the Seas by Sir Francis Drake, that crime tryable only before the Constable, and Marshal of England. p. 193, 194

H.

THe History of the Reign of King Henry the 8th, King Edward the 6th, Queen Mary, and part of Queen Eliz. p. 194, 195

I.

Exquisitely begun, but left imprfect; Two Copies of Letters from King James to the Lords, touching abatement of his houshold charge, and the means of redresse. p. 198, 199

From the King to the Lord Bacon, in commendation of his book, caled the Organon; To Sir Thomas Coventry Atturney General, commanding him to prepare a pardon of the whole sentence, pronounc'd against my Lord Bacon. p. 200, 201

S.

SIr Philip Sidney to the Queen, diswading her from her marriage with Mounsieur, most elegantly, and judiciously penned. p. 201, 202, 203

A most quaint Speech made by the Lord Bacon (then Sollicitor General) at the arraignment of the Lord Sanquir, as well in extenuation, as aggravation of the murder of Turner. 209, 210, &c.

The Countess of Shrewsburies Case, touching the Marriage of the Lady Arabella, and her refusal to be examined therein. 212, 213.

T.

SIR Nicholas Throckmorton, Ambassador in France, to Q. Elizabeth, touching a free passage for the Q of Scots, through England into Scotland, several Politick Reasons urged on both sides, between him, the Queen of Scots, and the Queen-Mother of France. 214, 215, 216, &c.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

[Page]

PAge 72. line 16. for bnt. read but. p. 89. l. 22. for Twilknam. r. Twitnam. p. [97] l. 3. for fortunas suas. r. fortunae suae. p. 116. l. 3. for Moleneux. r. Molineux. p. 120. in fine for name. r. named. p. 130. l. 9. for what. r. with. and l. 7. for not. r. now. p. 137. l. 12. for to. r. to be. p 165. l. 6. for there. r. here p. 173. l. 9. or 10. for over. r. fromus. p. 182. l. 14. for inferrior. r. inferior. p. 208. l. 18. for Holladour. r. Hollander. and in the same line, for le. r. he. p. 211. l. 21. for Luedia. r. Suedia. p. 224. l. 26. for Abeville. r. Abbeville.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

Scrinia Ceciliana, mysteries of state & government in letters of the late famous Lord Burghley, and other grand ministers of state, in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James, being a further additional supplement of the Cabala.Scrinia Ceciliana.

Edition statement

1663

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A58844

ID [STC]

Wing S2109

ID [STC]

ESTC R10583

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

11991996

ID [OCLC]

ocm 11991996

ID [VID]

52040

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This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

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Early English books online.

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A58844)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52040)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 876:6)

Source

— Scrinia Ceciliana, mysteries of state & government in letters of the late famous Lord Burghley, and other grand ministers of state, in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James, being a further additional supplement of the Cabala., Scrinia Ceciliana., Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626., Burghley, William Cecil, Baron, 1520-1598., Sidney, Philip, Sir, 1554-1586., Throckmorton, Nicholas, Sir, 1515-1571..

Extent

[14], 228 (i.e. 232), [8] p.

Printed for G. Bedel and T. Collins ...,. London :: 1663.. (Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary, New York.) (Appears also as part III of the Cabala, sive, Scrinia sacra.) (Sir Francis Bacon's Discourse touching helps for the intellectual powers, and a letter to the King [p. 97-104] are inserted between p. 104 and 105.) (Most of the letters are by Sir Francis Bacon, others by William Cecil, Baron Burghley, Sir Philip Sidney and Sir Nicholas Throckmorton.) (Table of contents: p. [9]-[12]) (Advertisement: p. [13]-[14]) (Errata: p. [8] at end.)

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EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.