THE next Parliament being that, by which the Hopes or Fears of the Nation are in a great meaſure to be determined, and your Intereſt being conſiderable enough to make you a Member of it, give me leave to ſend you theſe Conſiderations on the preſent ſtate of Affairs: Let not, I beſeech you, your being placed in ſo High a Poſt, make you neglect any Information you may receive from a perſon, tho' of an inferior ſtation. He that is near the Sun, does indeed partake of moſt warmth; but he may have a more advantagious proſpect of things, that lies at a convenient diſtance.

Sir, I doubt not but you will be one of thoſe, who will ſhortly repreſent a Nation, whereof by a moderate computation, at leaſt Two Hundred parts are Proteſtants, and (whatever your Concern may be at another time for any particular diviſion of them) 'tis a care of the Religion in general I now inculcate to you. I am ſure that, whatever Gloſſes are put upon things, Whether you will conſent that Popery ſhall come in, is the truth of the Queſtion; and the preſent Scene of Affairs is laid in too much Sun, to make us either not ſee the Deſign, or not ſuſpect the contrivance.

We know, that pairing of our Nails and Claws, Rooting out the Sanguinary Laws, And humbling the Church of England, are the witty Sarcaſms of every Pamphlet: But if we conſider that there is a Church in the World, that doth both teach and practice ſuch Cruelties, to which the utmoſt ſeverities of our Penal Laws are indeed, in compariſon, but ſcratching; we ſhall find that theſe Laws are only Defenſive weapons; and that they were never enacted without Reaſon, nor practiced without Provocation: And upon that conſideration, it is as unreaſonable a requeſt at this time to take them off, as it would be to deſire the Holland • re, to dig down thoſe Banks that ſtop an Inundation.

Not to give you a view of Popery in ſpeculation; ſuch as, That there is no Faith to be kept with Hereticks; That the Pope may abſolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their Natural Prince; That Heretical Princes may be ſlain by their Subjects, and the like; (tho' theſe have been too ſolemnly eſtabliſhed, not to be conſidered) we have overt-acts enough to juſtifie our apprehenſions. We cannot chuſe but remember a Reign wherein our Religion had vety little quarter; the Gunpowder Plot was laid too deep to be ſo ſoon forgotten; and ſome Centuries muſt paſs, before they can wipe off the ſtains of the Iriſh Maſſacre: Nay, tho' the belief of theſe and the like Cruelties, may bc objected againſt, as being built upon the Uncertainty of Traditions; yet we have late and viſible inſtances to refreſh our memories: We have every day at our doors living monuments of Inhumanity, that warn us to prevent our own, by their Miſfortunes; and that plainly ſhew to us, that the circumſtances of their Sufferings, deſerve as well our Care as Compaſſion.

As for the Penal Laws, I dare ſay they were deſigned for the ſecurity of the Government; but if the King and Parliament think otherwiſe, (tho' I confeſs the debate about them too, may prudentially be referred to another ſeaſon) I envy no Man the Liberty of his Conſcience. But the TESTS (the repealing of which is expected will be the merit of the late Indulgence) will certainly admit of a further conſideration: The wiſdom of that Parliament that enacted theſe Laws, thought then they were great Securities to our Religion againſt Popery; and I cannot perceive any ſuch favourable aſpects, that at this time may render them the leſs neceſſary. Theſe Laws cannot be pretended to affect any Man's Conſcience, unleſs our Preferments make the ſcruple; and if ſo, we ſhall find this Indulgence to be a very hard bargain, when for the liberty of a Barn, we ſhall give them poſſeſſion of our Churches. We muſt conſider that the conſequence of this Repeal will be no leſs; for if Mandats (as be ſure they will) be liberally diſtribured, what Patron can deny to preſent, or Biſhop refuſe admiſſion? And indeed we ſhall leave them but a very indifferent excuſe; when they can return no other reaſon for not complying with the King, but becauſe the perſon he recommends, is of his own Religion.

If by the preſent diſtribution of Offices, both Civil and Military, we had no reaſon, after this Repeal, to ſuſpect at leaſt a proportionable ſhare in the favour of the Government; the requeſt would be ſomething plauſible: But ſince by comparing of things, we may rationally gueſs, that the Papiſts, by this advantage, do not only deſign to partake of, but engroſs the Preferments; we muſt inevitably conclude, That ſo tame a reſignation of our Offices and other Places, into the hands of thoſe, who by fatal experience have ſhewed us what uſe they will make of them, will be too generous and dangerous a Complement at this time to be offered.

Nay, 'tis a little too much upbraiding our own Loyalty, to take off theſe Laws at this juncture; as if the Proteſtants either would not, or could not diſcharge all Places of Truſt, without the addition of Popiſh Services. We were able to bring the King to the Throne, and preſerve him in it without their aſſiſtance; and if on the ſudden they become ſo neceſſary, we muſt have leave to believe, that there is ſome extraordinary work to be done, that Proteſtant hands are too unhallowed for the undertaking.

I ſhould imagine, that before you think of repealing the Teſts, the debate would be moſt natural to enquire whether they are now in being; and to conſider whether the Acts of a King ſolemnly ratified in Parliament, are not a little too venerable to be made bold with, and diſpenſed, by every indigent Officer. Your Liberties and Priviledges will be ſo cloſely interwoven with thoſe of your Predeceſſors, that not to be concerned for the breach of theirs, will be in the event to neglect your own: ſo that when this Drudgery is over, and you ſhall be thought uſeleſs, if upon other occaſions the plain meaning of your Acts ſhould be wreſted by the Ignorance or Knavery of the Interpreters; you will have no right hereafter to complain of the Wrong, tho never ſo fatal, ſince you your ſelves tacitly admit of ſo partial a Preſident.

Before you admit Papiſts into Publick Employments, you will ſurely conſider the conſequences of it further than His preſent Majeſties ſervices; and tho their Loyalty may be thought Sterling in this Reign, you will no doubt hearken to the reaſons that may be given to ſuſpect it in the next. In the Council of Rome under Gregory the 7th, in the 3d and 4th Councils of Lateran, under Alexander the 3d, and Innocent the 3d, in the Council of Lyons under Innocent the 4th, and in that of Conſtance under Martin the 5th, it was eſtabliſhed, That the Pope hath Power to depoſe Princes, and abſolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance; That Heretical Princes, and thoſe that neglect to root out Hereticks, ſhall be depoſed; as was actually practiſed upon the Emperor Frederick the 2d. To name no more, theſe are ſuch indeſpenſible ties they lie under to deſtory us, that we ſhould be unpardonable, if we expoſe the Royal Perſon we have in view for the next Succeſſion, to the danger of ſuch aſtoniſhing Anathemaes.

And theſe are ſo far from being groundleſs ſuggeſtions, that we ſhould be raw in our own Hiſtory, if we cannot produce Copies that have been faithfully tranſcribed from theſe fatal Originals: Pope Pius the 9th's Bull againſt Q. Elizabeth was too publickly expoſed not to be taken notice of: in it he by his Power Apoſtolical declares the Queen a Heretick; her ſelf and all her adherents to be Excommunicated and Anathematized; he deprives her of all her Dominions, and abſolves her Subjects from any Oaths of Allegiance they had ſwore to her, and forbids them under the penalty of an Anathema to pay any act of obedience to her. Thus as a Heretick and an Uſurper was ſhe left to the rage of the whole Party; and tho they thought cruelty at that time not to be ſo adviſable; yet they were forced to make their want of ſtrength to be an Apology to excuſe their good nature. In ſuch a caſe indeed we find the moſt favourble of their Caſuiſts, to allow that the zeal and intention of Catholicks to root out Hereſie, is ſufficient where Hereticks are too prevailing.

To this let us add (as it more nearly affects us) the Bull of Clement the 8th, toward the cloſe of that Queens Reign, in which it is provided, That when it ſhould happen that Miſerable Woman (as the Pope's Phraſe is) ſhould dye, That they ſhould admit none to the Crown; Quantumcunque propinquitate Sangitinis hiterentur▪ niſi ejuſmodi eſſent qui fidem Catholicam non modo toleratent, ſed omni ope ac & ſtudio promoverent, & more Majorum jurejurando ſe id praeſtituros ſuſciperent, &c. tho never ſo nearly allied to it by blood, unleſs they would not only tolerate the Catholick Religion, but promote it by all their force and endeavour▪ and according to Ancient Cuſtom would by Oath undertake to perform the ſame. Which Bull had an immediate reference to King James the Firſt, and was intended to prevent him in his Claim to the Crown, which he was then the next Heir to.

If then men are juſtly moved by examples; and that fear is ſo far from being a weakneſs, that 'tis commendable when well grounded; we muſt be inexcuſably ſtupid, if we do not look about us, when we have inſtances before us that are ſo freſh and flagrant: we muſt ſhamefully overlook all the tranſactions of Europe, if the danger of Popery at this time makes no impreſſion. By all that we can obſerve▪ their hopes of Eſtabliſhing their Religion ſeem to be warm and vigorous; and tho their Opportunity be ſhort, their Methods are quick and ſurprizing; deſpairing to reduce us by the common policy of Time and Perſwaſion. When they have got the Power into their hands, we muſt expect to ſurrender upon diſcretion; a Heretick no more than a Rebel is allowed the priviledge of capitulating. Our Laws are like Sampſon's hair, the cutting of them off will reduce us to a ſtate of weakneſs; and I am afraid we ſhall find it too late to lament the loſs of our ſtrength, when the Philiſtines are upon us.

Men, if they pleaſe, may Harangue upon the Liberty we enjoy; and the Security we are promiſed; and planſibly inſinuate that a Cloud no bigger than a mans hand can never be improved into a Tempeſt: but for all that, matters of fact and dialy obſervations are evidences too clear to be baffled: we cannot bring our ſenſe and reaſon to ſuch a reſignation, as to believe that Popery has no mind to be uppermoſt; the Deſign is too plain to be palliated; and I could reckon up ſeveral circumſtances to prove it, did it not engage me to reflect upon ſome things, that are too tender to be mentioned.

The great pains that the Papiſts take to ſollicite Votes for repealing the Teſts, is a full conviction to me, that the Proteſtants have no ſmall intereſt in them: and therefore we ought no more to be perſwaded by them out of our Laws, than a man ought to give up his Weapon to an Adverſary, from whom he is to expect no quarter when he is taken. If the Papiſts had no other aim by this intrigue, but (as they would make us believe) a Liberty to enjoy all Civil Offices in common with other Subjects; their Number in the Kingdom is ſo inconſiderable, that the advantage they could propoſe to themſelves from this Liberty, would not be worth the labour of procuring it: the Teſts lay no task upon them but that eaſie one of being quiet, and minding their own buſineſs; they are excuſed from ſerving the Offices of Sheriffs▪ and being returned upon Juries: and theſe have never been looked upon as advantages to be canvaſſed. Nay, ſuppoſing their promiſe of not interrupting our Religion, to be in earneſt, the viſible intereſt we are like to have in the next Reign, would engage them under their preſent advantage to be obliging: and inſtead of making us jealous for our Religion by taking off our Laws, would willingly conſent to any further ſecurities that could be demanded. So that upon the whole we muſt conclude, That giving up our Laws is not ſafe, tho it might be Civil: A generous adverſary will ſcorn to deſire any thing that looks like undermining. And therefore if any one would perſwade us to diſmiſs our ſecurity and ſtrength, we ought to ſuſpect that he deſigns to make advantage of our weakneſs.

The only Objection againſt the Teſts that I ever yet met with, is, That they are unnatural, in depriving Subjects of their natural right of ſerving their King and Country. But this Objection is ſo vain and ſpeculative, that ſurely it would have ne're been offered, but by thoſe men who in all their other dealings with us, have ſhewed themſelves more apt to impoſe upon the underſtanding, than convince it: For what more common in all Governments whatſoever, than certain Conditions required to qualifie men for publick Employments? And in our own Nation what are thoſe degrees that capacitate men both for the Bar▪ and Pulpit, but ſo many Humane Laws that exclude all others from the like advantages?

Indeed a Reverend Perſon has lately endeavoured to ſtrengthen this Objection by the addition of three more: I ſhall only briefly repeat them to you, and leave both the Author and his Reaſons to the iſſue of a ſtricter examination.

The firſt Reaſon is, That the Teſt ought to be abrogated, becauſe of its diſhonourable birth and original, it being the firſt-born of Oats's Plot, and brought forth on purpoſe to give credit and reputation to the Perjury.

Now let us ſuppoſe that the Plot was Oateſian, and that the whole of it was a perfect Impoſture; yet why muſt the Teſt ſuffer for thoſe miſcarriages? The worſt times generally give birth to the beſt Laws; and if this Law be at this time thought reaſonable, (I may ſay neceſſary) what need we enquire into the occaſion of its making? A Law may be continued for better, and perhaps, juſter reaſons, than thoſe for which it was firſt Enacted. Indeed 'tis ill manners to fall foul upon any thing for the faults of its production; the reflection would come home to him; for even ſome men have been ſo unhappy in their extraction, that they would deſerve but little eſteem, if the blemiſhes of their Birth were always to be remembred.

His ſecond Reaſon, why the Teſt ought to be abrogated, is, Becauſe of the incompetent Authority by which the Law was Enacted; it is a Law of an Eccleſiaſtical nature, made without the Authority of the Church, contrary to the practice of the Chriſtian world in all ages, &c.

Tho by this Argument againſt the Teſt, this Reverend Author might have impoſed upon us as to the practice or other Countries in Laws of the like nature: yet if he thought to delude us in the Cuſtoms of our own Nation, he ought at leaſt to have timed his Reaſons ſo well, as not to have publiſhed them in the ſame Gazette, wherein there is an eminent inſtance againſt him. We read there an Order made by nine men, whereof ſix are Laymen (ſurely a much inferior Authority to that by which the Teſt was Enacted) whereby ſeven and twenty men of as Liberal Education as any of their Succeſſors, are made uncapable of being admitted into any Eccleſiaſtical Promotion, or receiving Holy Orders: if any thing be of an Eccleſiaſtical nature, ſurely receiving Holy Orders is: I am ſure it has been longer in the Church than Tranſubſtantiation. In ſhort, this Argument through the whole courſe of it, is a little too ſevere upon the Honourabe Perſons that made the Order: and whatever other men might think of their proceedings, it was unpardonable in him to reflect upon a Court, by whoſe authority he now enjoys the beſt part of his ſuſtenance: ſo that he muſt either forſake his Argument, or leave his Place: and when he is left▪ to ſuch an eaſie choice, 'tis no hard matter to gueſs which will be firſt relinquiſhed.

The laſt Reaſon he brings againſt the Teſt is, Becauſe of the uncertainty and falſhood of the matters contained in the Declaration it ſelf: as firſt, That there is no Tranſubſtantiation in the Sacrament of our Saviours Body and Blood: And 2ly, That the Invocation of Saints, and the Mother of God, is Idolatry.

In his handling of theſe points, which makes up a formal Treatiſe for Tranſubſtantiation (tho he calls it Reaſons for abrogating the Teſt) he has indeed laboriouſly proved that he himſelf ought not to have taken the Teſts, but not why others of a different opinion ſhould not. I muſt confeſs this Reaſon above all the reſt, ſeems to be the moſt deſigning: and tho it be here brought only againſt the Teſt, it is really levelled againſt our Religion: for the ſame Argument which proves, That becauſe of the uncertainty of Tranſubſtantiation, the denial of it ought not to be made a Teſt, will as directly conclude that it ought not to be made an Article: ſo that whenever this Author and his Friends have thought they have proved the uncertainty and falſhood of any of our eſtabliſhed Doctrines, by parity of reaſon they will expect we ſhould conſent that they may be aboliſhed.

But ſince his Argument againſt the Teſt, depends upon the falſhood, as he thinks, of the matters contained in it; Our Nobility and Gentry are for that very reaſon obliged to continue it: they muſt not be now for repealing the Teſt, leſt the world ſhould believe they are likewiſe for Tranſubſtantiation: and that this Argument of all others cannot prevail upon them ſince at the ſame time they are made Repealers, they muſt be made Papiſts▪ And therefore I hope our Proteſtant Nobility and Gentry will not hearken to ſuch weak Reaſonings: but think themſelves bound to take care of their Religion: tho this Author by the Specimen he has given of his Faith, does not appear to lie under the ſame Obligations.

If then, Sir, you ſhould confent to repeal the Teſts, I beſeech you to conſider what perſons you would oblige by ſo fatal a condeſcention: As for the Diſſenters, I hope by this time they are generally convinced that our Dangers are equal, and that therefore we ought to join for our common ſecurity. Proteſtants of all ſorts are included in the ſame ſentence denounced againſt Hereticks: and if at this time there are ſome Acts of kindneſs extended to ſome diviſions of them, they muſt look upon it no more than reprieving of one Malefactor for the execution of another.

The Diſſenters have been always apprehenſive of Popery, even when it lay at further diſtance: and ſurely they cannot now be ſo unreaſonably courageous as to fear no danger when the Leproſie does not only ſtick to our walls, but is come into our very houſes: they ought not to dwell ſo much upon their preſent Eaſe, as to neglect all future Securities, and to be ſo prodigal of their felicity during this Politick Ceſſation, as not carefully to diſtinguiſh betwixt a ſhort Truce, and a perpetual Alliance.

If they think that their endeavours in repealing the Teſts, will ſecure them a laſting intereſt in the Papiſts; it will require no great foreſight in Affairs to tell them that they will be miſtaken: for if it were in the nature of Popery to return kindneſſes; the Church of England-men have laid in a ſtock that ſeemed to be inexhauſtible: but we ſee, that as ſoon as they began to put a ſtop to Popery, their vigorous oppoſing the Bill of Excluſion, and the Rebellion in the Weſt were ſoon forgotten; as if their Services and other mens Faults had been put in the ſame Act of Oblivion.

But for once we will ſuppoſe that Popery is not ungrateful; and that whatſoever becomes of the Church of England, their Promiſes to the Diſſenters ſhall be unalterable: yet this will not juſtify the Diffenters for engaging in any concern that may advance the Popiſh Intereſt: for all Proteſtants abroad (who caſt a diligent eye upon our preſent Circumſtances) muſt take offence at ſo unſeaſonable an Alliance; and they who have ſo ſeverely felt ſuch contrary effects of Popiſh Power, will have no reaſon to think well of thoſe, who will now contribute to advance it. So that the Diſſenters cannot join with the Papiſts without Scandal, tho they might do it with Security; it would make all indifferent men fall in the opinion they had conceived of their Wiſdom and Integrity; and by ſo unskilful a management of their preſent Eaſe, they would loſe all the pity and compaſſion, which their former Sufferings had extorted.

'Tis indeed obſerved, that His Majeſty's late Declaration has raiſed in ſome of the Diſſenters, an unuſual affection for the Contrivers of it: but to the moſt thinking men of all ſides, the publiſhing of this Inſtrument was ſo far from being a ſurprize, that they wondred they had not ſeen it ſooner; for Toleration is ſo far from being any new contrivance to undermine our Religion, that 'tis a juggle that has been long ago detected. And therefore 'twere worth while for the moſt ſerious of the Diſſenters, to adviſe the reſt, not to be carried too far by theſe ſudden heats; and not to enter into Covenants upon the merit of ſuch a ſlender engagement, before they have truly examined the Conditions of it on their ſide, and have taken time to conſider, whether the kindneſſes expreſſed in it are real, or only acted. Not to take an eſtimate of what they are to expect from this Indulgence, by the performance of that ſhort Paragraph in it, that relates to the Church of England; I would have them conſider that this ſo much celebrated Liberty is only in matters of mere Religion: by this Politick Reſerve this Liberty is not ſo extenſive as ſome may imagine; for upon the firſt falſe ſtep the Diſſenters make in oppoſition to Popery, how eaſie will it be to reduce them to the ſtate of ſuffering? 'Tis but tacking ſome pretended matters of State to their moſt innocent Aſſemblies; and then if for their defence, they repreſent their caſe never ſo meerly Religious, their Adverſaries, who will be ſure to oppoſe their Plea, will take care that it ſhall not be received under ſo advantageous an abſtraction.

And therefore the Diſſenters cannot ſtand ſo much in their own light, as not to ſee from what Side they are to expect the moſt laſting ſecurity. Proteſtants of all ſorts are now happily brought to a better underſtanding of one another; they may eaſily prevent all future diſputes, ſince they plainly ſee from whence their diviſion cometh. In ſhort, all things tend to a moſt amicable Accommodation; unleſs ſome men be brought over by the plauſible pretence of a little preſent eaſe, to involve themſelves and others in a reverſion of Sufferings.

It may not be amiſs, to conſider what perſons are now retained Advocates for repealing our Laws; and to examine a little the complexion of the men, before we are prevailed upon by their Arguments. The Papers that daily come about, are drawn up either by known Papiſts, or elſe by ſuch men, who have given all the reaſon in the world to ſuſpect that their Labours are mercenary. They who were not long ſince the great Sticklers for Property, are now become the Darlings of Prerogative: the Pacquet of Advice from Rome is now improved into a Cloſer Correſpondence: to ſerve the preſent turn, they ſhamefully contradict all they formerly h • d written; and call themſelves Rogues perhaps for the only actions of their lives, that men had reaſon to believe them Honeſt.

To conclude, Our Laws are the only human ſupport we have for our ſelves, our Liberties, and our Religion, and as long as our title to theſe is continued, whatever our preſent ſtate may be, we need not doubt of a favourable reverſion. Nevertheleſs, our care for our Religion, ſhall not make us forget our duty to our King; and if at any time we cannot obey his Commands, we ſhall, I hope, convince the world, that it is not our Fault, but our Misfortune: for we have not yet learned implicit obedience either in Church or State; as the Scriptures are our Rule in the one, ſo are our Laws our directions in the other; and as long as we firmly keep to theſe meaſures of our obedience to God and the King, we ſhall not be afraid to loſe the Character of good Chriſtians, or good Subjects.