A declaration of the Committee of Estates of the Parliament of Scotland in answer to some printed papers intituled, The declaration of the Parliament of England, and the declaration of the army of England, upon their march into Scotland.

Edinburgh Iuly. 1650.

THE Eſtates of Parliament underſtanding that divers perſons, Subjects of this Kingdom, with their ſhips and goods, had been lately ſeaſed at Sea, and carried into the Ports of England; And being likewiſe informed that an Army was marching Northward, to In-invade this Kingdom; Being reſolved, ſo far as is in their power, to uſe all poſſible wayes and means to prevent War and Blood in theſe Kingdoms, did upon the 22. of June laſt, ſend t •… o Meſſengers into England with Letters to Mr. Lenthal, Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, the Lord Fairfax, and the Governour of Newcaſtle, Complaining of the Injuries done unto us, and deſiring to know whither they would obſerve the rule and order preſcribed in the large Treaty betwixt the Kingdoms, concerning the remonſtrating firſt the breaches of Peace, ſeeking reparation, uſing all fair means, and giving three Moneths warning before any Engagement of theſe Nations in War; to which Letters, we did long before this time expect an Anſwer, but in place thereof, Our meſſengers are there detained, and A Declaration is emitted by thoſe, who arrogate to themſelves the Title of the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England, that they have judged it juſt and neceſſary, that an Army be forth with ſent into Scotland, which accordingly is advancing to our Borders to Invade the Kingdom, without any previous Warning. The juſtice of this their undertaking, they offer to demonſtrate from the late Invaſion of England, Authoriſed and Commanded by the Parliament of Scotland, in which deſigne (they ſay) all of us concurred to make a Prey of the Engliſh, though ſome difference fell amongſt us who ſhould have the greateſt Power of Command, and thereby the greateſt opportunity of advancing of either party, under the ſpecious pretence of the Covenant.

This doth not well conſiſt with what they ſay, Page 3. Concerning ſuch in this Nation who may have kept themſelves f • ee from the guilt of theſe things, and far leſſe doth it conſiſt with the truth, but we deſire not to be our own Judges in the matter, let them ask their own Conſciences whether ever any people in the World did more evidence their freedom from guiltineſſe in a time of defection then we did in that matter of the Engagement againſt England: Did we not diſſent and proteſt in Parliament againſt it? Did not all the Judicator • es of the Church unanimouſly oppoſe it, and declare againſt it? did not the Miniſters faithfully and freely Preach and Pray againſt it, and generally all that feared GOD in the Land Petition againſt it? did they not ſuffer for not concurring in it? Yea, many chooſed rather to expoſe their Lives and eſtates to the mercy of their Adverſaries tyrannizing over them, then to contribute one ſix-pence toward the furthering of that Engagement, whereof the Commiſſioners of both Houſes reſiding in this Kingdom were witneſſes, as by ſome of their number was repreſented to the Houſe of Commons, who upon conſideration thereof, wrote a Let • er to the General Aſſembly; Profeſsing they were aſſured that theſe impious and unwarrantable Actions could not be done with the approbation and aſſent of the Religious and wel affected people of the Kingdom of Scotland, and that they did underſtand there was very few amongst thoſe who were in the Engagement againſt them that firſt engaged with them in the Covenant and Cauſe, but ſuch as are profeſſed Enemies to them, however they were then content to proceed thereunto, that they might the b • tter deceive the people of England, and that therefore they were unwilling to impute ſuch evils to this Nation in generall: Did we not before we heard any thing of he defeat of the Engagers reſolve to riſe in Arms againſt the promoters of it, & being in Arms did we not refuſe to make any agreement with them, though never ſo much to our advantage, untill in the firſt place Berwick & Carlile ſhould be reſtored to the Kingdom of England, Concerning which, L. Generall Cromwel profeſſed in his Letter of the 15. of October 1648, that he ſho ••• ever be ready to bear wi • nes of our forwardneſſe to do right to the Kingdom of England, and in a former Letter of the 19. September, Acknowledgeth our care of the Intereſt of England, and deſire to preſerve the unitie of both Nations: Did not both Houſes of Parliament by their Votes of the 28. September 1648. appoint, that in caſe the Noblemen and others that diſſented againſt the Invaſion of the Kingdom of England, by the Army under the Command of the Duke of Hamiltoun ſhall deſire the aſsiſtance of L. Generall Cromwell that he be ready to afford them all ſeaſonable relief and aſsiſtance? which Votes were communicated to us by Lieu. Generall Cromwell himſelf, and in the ſame Letter, after a particular enumeration of all the wrongs and damages ſuſtained by the Kingdom of England from the Engagers, he did demand, in the name of England, this ſecurity, that none who had been active in, or conſenting to the ſaid Engagement, ſhould be employed in any Publick place or t •• ſt whatſ • ever, which was a cordingly granted by the Committee of Eſtates, and ratified in Parliament. Did We not alſo ſend Commiſsioners to both Houſes of Parliament to Treat and correſpond with them in all thing which might concern the continuance of the former Amitie and Friendſhip betwixt the Kingdoms, and authoriſed to joyn with them in preſenting the Propoſitions of Peace to his Majeſty, which Commiſsioners were received, and our intereſt in the Propoſitions of peace acknowledged by both Houſes of Parliament. This is a ſhort, but true accompt concerning our carriage in relation to that Engagement, & how matters ſtand betwixt us and the lawfull authority of England: And as touching thoſe who now quarrell with us, if their own conſciences condemn them not (as we have reaſon to think they do) there is one greater then their conſciences, even the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, who knoweth all things, let Him Judge between us concerning the truth or falſhood of that which they would charge upon us, that all of us concurred in deſigne to to make a prey of the Engliſh, though ſome difference fell out who ſhould have the greateſt power of Command. It is not the firſt time we have met with Calumnies of this kinde from that party, but we ſhall ſtudie to bear it the more patiently; that ſtill it is for our adherence to the Cauſe of Christ we are reproached: And as for the good people of England, we truſt they will not readily give belief to ſuch ſuggeſtions againſt the wel-affected of this Kingdom, when they conſider we have two ſeverall times returned from England with ſtrong Armies, when there was better opportunity to have proſecuted ſuch deſignes.

Touching what is farther ſaid upon this point, to aggravate the miſcarriages of the Engagers, in their taking of Berwick and Carlile, & invading England without an antecedent warning; We have nothing to ſay on their behalf, their proceedings were palpably groſſe & inexcuſable; But if their wayes were ſo bad, why do theſe, who now prevail in England, trace their ſteps, not fearing their end, Will they juſtifie themſelves in that very thing for which they have condemned others? We deſire they may remember ſome expreſsions of a Letter written to us by Lieu. Generall Cromwel and his Counſell of War the 18. September 1648. ſhortly after the defeat of the Engagers, the words are theſe: Give us leave to ſay, as before the Lord who knows the ſecrets of all hearts, that as we think a eſpeciall end of Providence, in permitting the enemies of God and goodneſſe in both Kingdoms to riſe to that height, and exerciſe ſuch tyranny over His people, was to ſhew the neceſsity of Unity amongſt His of both Nations, ſo we hope and Pray, that the late glorious diſpenſation in giving ſo happie ſucceſſe againſt your and our Enemies, may be the foundation of the Union of the people of God in love and Amity, unto that end we ſhall (God aſsiſting) to the utmost of our power, endeavour to perform what may be behinde on our parts, and when we ſhall, through any wilfulneſſe, falle herein, let this Profeſsion riſe up in judgement againſt us, as having been made in hypocriſie, a ſevere a venger of which God hath lately appeared in his moſt righteous witneſsing againſt the Army under Duke Hamilton Invading Us, under ſpecious pretences of Piety and Juſtice; We may humbly ſay, We rejoyce with more trembling, then to dare to do ſo wicked a thing.

We may here alſo correct a miſtake of theirs, where they ſay, by the Treaty ſix moneths warning was to precede Warre; tis ſtrange how they have learnd to multiply when they ſpeak againſt others, and to mince in relation to themſelves: But becauſe it may belong ſince they read the Treaty, We ſhall paſſe that, and only deſire to know how it comes, that not only contrary to the Treaty, but to the law of Nations and common reaſon, they have, without any previous warning, ſeaſed our ſhips, ſtopped our trade, and now have publiſhed a Declaration, ſhewing their reſolution forth with to ſend an Army into this Kingdom, even the late Engagers (who are juſtly condemned for not giving previous warning according to the Treaty) ſent particular demands to the Houſes of Parliament three moneths before invaſion, which they declared they would proſecute, and about a moneth before invaſion, they publiſhed a Declaration of their reſolutions to march into England.

Another ground of the juſtice of their undertaking is, that they being invited to come into Scotland, and having ſetled us in the power we now enjoy, wee exerciſe it for their deſtruction, That wee take on us to determine what is fundamentall in their Government, & direct & threaten them if they change not what is now eſtabliſhed, & form it to our minde or accomodate it to our intereſt, which they ſay is ſufficiently cleared by the Proteſtation of our Commiſſioners the Earl of Lothian, Sir John Cheiſlie, & Mr. Glendoning, who have been owned & juſtified by the Parliament of Scotland, and no cenſure paſſed upon them.

Wee ſhall firſt anſwer to this alleadged invitation, They ſay Sir Andro Ker, and Major Strachan were ſent to them for that purpoſe, the letter then written was directed to the Commander in chiefe of the forces of the Parliament of England, which wee heard were upon the borders, and we held it very neceſſary for us to acquaint the Kingdom of England, or any intruſted by them, that we diſſented and proteſted againſt that unlawfull engagement, and were then in Arms in oppoſition to the contrivers & abettors thereof, and were firmly reſolved not to lay them down, untill the garriſons of Berwick & Carlile were reſtored to the Kingdom of England; Wee likewiſe gave inſtructions to theſe Gentlemen, But neither in the letter, nor inſtructions, as may be ſeen by the printed copies publiſhed by order of the Houſe of Commons, is there any call given for the coming of the Engliſh forces into this Kingdom? We did only ſignifie to the Commander in chiefe of the Engliſh forces, that we were to ſend to the Houſes of Parliament to deſire their aſsiſtance, and that by joynt counſells and forces, the diſturbers of the peace of both Kingdoms may be brought to tryal and condign puniſhment, and that we expected the Engliſh forces on the borders ſhould be in readinesse to concurre with us when we ſhould give them a call, yet before any other addreſſe made by us either to the Houſes of Parliament or to thoſe forces, yea before the anſwer of our letter came to our hands, L. G. Cromwell marched into this Kingdom with his forces, without waiting for our call, which we did not intend to have given to them, but to have deſired the aſsiſtance of the Houſes of Parliament, with whom this Kingdom had joyned in Covenant, and to whom we had formerly given aſſiſtance; In the next place, we were to have deſired that thoſe who were ſent might be ſuch as had ſigned the Covenant, and would preſerve and defend the doctrine and diſcipline of this Church, according to the Covenant, and particularly, that none ſuch ſhould be ſent as would diſturb the peace of this Church, or vent ſtrange opinions contrary to the Confeſſion of Faith, directory of worſhip, and Church-Government. In the third place, that their number ſhould not exceed four thouſand. And laſtly, that the Garriſons of Berwick and Carlile being reſtored, and the engagers being ſubdued, or having ſubmitted, the Engliſh forces ſhould remove out of this Kingdome; Therefore ſo ſoon as wee received Lievtenant Generall Cromwels letter ſignifying that upon defeat of the forces under command of the Duke of Hammiltoun, he had received commands to proſecute the victorie untill the Enemie were put out of a condition of growing into a new Armie, and the Gariſons of Berwick, and Carlile, were reduced; in order whereunto, he had reſolved to march into Scotland, we diſpatched away the Lord Marquis of Argyle, Lord Elcho, and others unto him with Inſtructions, deſiring that the number of the forces ſhould not exceed four thouſand, that ſuch as ſhould come were qualified as is before expreſſed, And that the Gariſons of Berwick and Carlile being reſtored, and thoſe in Armes againſt us having ſubmitted, his forces ſhould return to England.

As matters then ſtood, though we were very unſatilfied with many of the proceedings of that Armie, yet we could not but looke on them as the ſervants of both houſes of Parliament, by whoſe authority they acted, and to whoſe commands and directions they profeſſed obedience and ſubjection; wherefore the Houſes of Parliament having, upon knowledge of the State of affaires in Scotland, appointed Lievtenant Gen. Cromwel, by their votes 28. September, 1648. to afford us aſſiſtance; which votes were communicated to us by Lievtenant Gen: Cromwel, on the fiſt of October, after ſerious debate and conſultation upon the matter, wee judged it lawfull for us to accept from the houſes of Parliament their offer of aſsiſtance, and accordinly deſired that ſome of the Engliſh forces might ſtay here for ſometime, and when they were to return to England, we wrote a letter to both houſes of Parliament, wherein we Acknowledged the benefice and advantage we had by the aſsiſtance of their forces, and gave them a teſtimony concerning their fair and civill deportment during their abode amongſt us; all which wee are yet ready to acknowledge, and wiſh that theſe who had the charge and command of theſe forces would with the ſame readineſſe acknowledge that they were then clearly convinced in their conſciences of the reality of our deteſtation of, and oppoſition to the late unlawfull Engagement againſt England. But though wee have owned them ſometime as ſervants of the Parliament of England, will this infer that we ſhould own them now as their maſters; by what law have they ſucceeded to their maſters inheritance, and clothed themſelves with all the power of England; have they not ſince that time they were in Scotland, violently ſeaſed the perſon of their King, and murthered him in the face of the Sun? have they not turned the point of their ſwords againſt the Houſes of Parliament who gave them Commiſsion to riſe in Arms, and whoſe priviledges they were ſworn to defend? have they not taken away the Houſe of Lords, impriſoned divers, and ſecluded moſt of the Houſe of Commons? have they not overturned both civill and eccleſiaſtick Government, and in place there of brought in a law leſſe lliberty, and godleſſe Toleration, not withſtanding their manifold Declarations and ſolemn engagements to the contrary? had we known them as well when they were in Scotland as wee do now, wee would have looked upon them as the Prophet Eliſha did on Hazael the ſervant of Benhaddad King of Syria when he weeped becauſe of all the evill Hazaell was to do unto the children of Iſraell.

They doe next charge us with Ingratitude, claime to themſelves the title of being our preſervators, and ſay we Exerciſe the power we have received by their means to their deſtruction, This might well have been ſpared, if they had remembred what aſſiſtance and preſervation they had from this Kingdom, when they were very low, and their greateſt Commanders (though then not very conſiderable) were countenanced becauſe of their high profeſſions for Religion and Monarchicall Government; Let the letter from L: G. Cromwell, and other Officers of that Armie written from their quarters about Briſtow, to the Scottiſh Armie after the defeat of our forces at Kilſyth, ſpeake what was their own ſenſe of the releefe and aſſiſtance afforded them by the well affected in Scotland, and we ſhall be ſilent. Though wee would not detract from the commendation of any, even adverſaries coming in a hoſtile way againſt us, but ſhall be ready to acknowledge all their good deeds; Yet wee may ſay, that while they were in Scotland, they neither ſhed their blood, nor ſuſtained hardſhip for us, nor will the time they ſtayed be much above a week, for every yeare that the Scottiſh Armie, ſtayed in England for their aſsiſtance, And for any power which is in our hands, it hath been continued therein by the Eſtabliſhed lawes of the kingdome, and the Lords bleſſing on lawfull and warrantable means, and therefore wee are to exerciſe it for the honour of God, and the ends of that ſolemne Covenant which both they and wee have ſworn with uplifted hands to the moſt high, and it cannot be made appeare that we have in the leaſt ſort exerciſed our power to their deſtruction, unles they conceive their deſtruction to be included in the attainment of the ends of the Covenant which wee are inviolably obliged by the oath of God to endeavour in our ſtations and callings. But they inſiſt, that wee pretend to matters of their Government, and take upon us to determine what is fundamentall there, and threaten them to forme it to our intereſt, which they ſay is ſufficiently cleared from our ouneing and approving the proteſtation made by our Commiſſioners at London, and our not cenſuring them; ſurely they are farre to ſeek for a ground of Invadeing us, when they would found it upon that proteſtation. Is there any thing in it but a repreſentation of their engagements & declarations, a ſober regrate that they have not been keeped, an earneſt deſire that they may be obſerved for the future, and incaſe they ſhould proceed otherwiſe, a proteſtation that wee might be free before God and man of the guiltines, evills, confuſions, miſeries and calamities that might follow thereupon to theſe diſtracted Kingdomes; Is it not Lawfull for us in a comon cauſe, wherein wee are both concerned, if wee apprehend them proceeding in an ill courſe contrary to our engagements, to warn them of it, and if they will not forbeare, for our own exoneration to declare that wee will not concurre with them, nor be Involved in the guiltines by our ſilence. Will they quarrel with us for a meet profeſſion of adherence to our principles? will they for this, now after 16. Moneths are paſt, come in a hoſtile manner to invade this Kingdome, diſſolve our Judicatories by the ſword, conquer and ſubdue the nation, force upon us a change of government Civil and Eccleſiaſticall, Eſtabliſh Anarchie and toleration under the pretence of furthering our juſt freedom and of preferring the peace and love of the Goſpel to diſcipline and Government: How diſagreeable is this to their own principles of liberty and toleration? The ſcriptures tell us that men may think it ſtrange that we run not with them to the ſame exceſſe of riot, but for men of one Nation to conquer, ſubdue and deſtroy another Nation becauſe they will not run with them, is almoſt a new thing on earth; however wee ſhall comfort our ſelves in this, that wee have not given them juſt grounds of offence, and that they ſhall give an account to him that is readie to judge the quick and the dead.

And theſe are the two grounds of the juſtice of their undertaking to invade this Kingdome, our acceſsion to the late engagement againſt England, and the owning of the Proteſtation made by our Commiſſioners, touching the firſt of which, We dare ſay, their own conſciences are convinced of our Innocency, and touching the ſecond, that their own judgments may freely abſolve us from all juſt ground of offence, if they be not altogether blinded.

We ſhall proceed to conſider in the next place their pretences for the neceſſity of this War, F •… ſt, they ſay all faire and amicable wayes of procuring reparation of the dammages which England hath ſuſtained by occaſion of the late Invaſion, have been denied, and rejected, and ſo We have owned the wrongs done to that Nation. Firſt, We anſwer, that no application hath been made to us for any reparation; except in one Letter 23. May, 1649. and therein their demands for ſatisfaction were Generall; and therefore in our return 26. of June, 1649. We ſay they cannot ſo well receive a particular anſwer; how then have all amicable & fair wayes been uſed, when there was only one letter written, and that in generall terms; Secondly, the way propoſed by them for obtaining ſatisfaction was ſuch, as we could not agree to without ſin, for they propoſed that we ſhould meet and treat with Commiſsioners authorized by them, on the behalfe of the Common-wealth of England, which was to acknowledge them the lawfull authority of England, which we look upon as ſinfull to doe, being bound by Covenant to maintain and defend the Priviledges of the Parliament of England, which if it amount to any thing, doth at leaſt require that we hold them as the lawfull authority of England, and ſhall not give their titles and ſtyles to any other that by force would uſurpe the ſame, and ſeeing the wrong complained on, was done againſt England, when the Houſes of Parliament were unqueſtionably the lawfull power in England, and now the complaint is made by thoſe that have uſurped that power, let any unprejudiced minde judge, whether there be not cauſe for us to make it a caſe of conſcience, conſidering the ſtrict Obligations betwixt us and the Parliament of England. Neither doe thoſe, who would ſo earneſtly have us to acknowledge them propound any thing to rid us out of this difficulty, for we ſuppoſe they will lay this common ground with us, that every new power which ſhall ariſe in any Kingdome, and prevaile by force, is not forthwith to be acknowledged by the neighbouring Nations, the very heathen Nations will ſtand at ſome diſtance in this caſe, & forbear to acknowledge; much more ought we to be tender in Chriſtian and Covenanted Kingdoms. Now it is clear and evident, that there is a change both of Governours and Government in England of late, and how this change comes, they will not allow us to examine, if we ſpeak anything relating thereunto, they tell us that we take upon us to determine what is fundamentall there. It is ſtrange to ſee what latitude they can allow themſelves in their own Actings, even to break and diſſolve powers at their pleaſure, laying aſide formes (as themſelves expreſſe it) for the ſubſtance ſake, yet how exact are they in ſetting up their own form, requiting even from neighbouring Nations, the obſervance of the ſmalleſt punctili • in their knowledgment of their new Titles and Stiles, otherwiſe they will count it a ground of Invaſion.

Thirdly, Wee propoſed to authorize Commiſſioners on behalfe of this Nation, to treat with Commiſſioners of both Houſes of the Parliament of England ſitting in freedome, concerning all matters of juſt complaint which either Nation may have againſt the other, & for redreſſe & reparation thereof, and to do every thing that may conduce for the happy Peace & Union betwixt the Kingdoms, & never refuſed to ſpeak & commune anent any particular wrongs or redreſſes thereof in ſuch a way, as did not import our Acknowledgement of their unlawfull Titles, and unlawful Parliament, which juſtly we eſteem the preſent pretended Parliament to be; for it hath often been declared by many Acts, Ordinances, Declarations and Proteſtations, that the Parliament of England doth conſiſt of King, Lords and and Commons, and ſhould never be altered: and in the beginning of that Parliament, it was enacted by King, Lords and Commons, that that ſame very Parliament ſhould never be raiſed, nor diſſolved, without conſent of both Houſes of Parliament.

Fourthly, We anſwered to the matter of that Letter ſent to us, ſo far as the generality of the expreſſions would guide us to conjecture what they meant; and if any other wrongs ſhould be made known to us, we promiſed to return ſuch an anſwer as might give juſt ſatisfaction: and untill this Declaration came to to our hands, We never underſtood that they were unſatisfied with our Anſwer, for that dormant Declaration of theirs, dated the 14. July. 1649. never came to our hands, either in write or Print till now; nor do we think that ever it ſaw the light, till the publiſhing • f their other Declaration of the 26. of June laſt, 1650. which came to our hands but the other day; How then can they with a good conſcience ſay, that all fair and amicable wayes have been uſed and rejected.

Fiftly, Although we cleared our own innocencie in the matter of that Engagement, yet when it was demanded, that thoſe who were guilty, ſhould not be employed in places of publick truſt, it was granted accordingly; and it was never craved (and ſo was never denyed by us) that they ſhould be lyable to give ſatisfaction for the wrongs and dammages ſuſtained by England; And while they demand ſatisfaction, they might very well have remembred that the mony and great ſpoil which they got from that engaging Army, was very conſiderable, and ſhould likewiſe have remembred that the Iriſhes who were Subjects of the Crown of England, had contrary to the large Treaty wherein England was bound to ſuppreſſe them; done much more harm in this Kingdome, and that no reparation or ſatisfaction was given, though frequently and earneſtly preſſed, all which being conſidered, it is moſt apparent, that all faire and amicable wayes have not been uſed, and ſo the inference which they would make, that we have owned the wrongs and dammages done by the late Invaſion of England, falls to the ground. The next reaſon of the neceſſity of their Invaſion of Scotland, is taken from the deſign and reſolution which they ſay we have to invade England; And this they would have appear, firſt, becauſe when they demanded a Treaty for ſatisfaction for the former Invaſion, we have in expres termes, declared our ſelves enemies to the Government of their Common-wealth. This hath been already cleared, that we cannot acknowledge them to be the lawfull authority of England, which they would aſſume to themſelves excluding the King, the Houſe of Peeres, and the fa • re greateſt part of the Houſe of Commons. We would gladly know vvhat Law, Reaſon, or Conſcience, there is obliging us to acknowledge their uſurpations to be lawfull actions, and though we have profeſſed that we cannot acknowledge them; and declared our reſolution not to comply vvith them, hovv doth it follovv, that therefore vve have reſolved to invade England, have we not often declared our judgement againſt Popery, and Tyranny in other Nations, yet, neither did they fear, nor we ſo much as dream of an intended Invaſion.

Secondly, They would prove our intended Invaſion of England, in that we have taken upon us to proclaim the Kings Majeſty, whom they term Charles Stewart, to be King of England and Ireland, and in our Treaty ſince have promiſed him aſſiſtance againſt England, to which we anſwer, That we claim no authority or juriſdiction over them, and when the King was proclaimed, our Records were ſearched, and he was proclaimed with the ſame titles his Father was proclaimed both in England and Scotland, he was firſt proclaimed in England as King of Greet Brittain, and then in Scotland, and neither Nation took exception againſt the other, or conceived that there was any claim of Juriſdiction, or any Invaſion intended, more then there was in relation to France, of which he was proclaimed King by both Kingdomes, and as to the promiſes made in the Treaty of aſſiſtance againſt England, there is nothing of that kinde in the Treaty, but that which hath been long ſince publiſhed to the world in the proceedings of our Commiſſioners the laſt yeer, to wit, that this Kingdome would contribute their utmoſt endeavours by all neceſſary and lawfull meanes according to the Covenant, and the duties of faithfull and Loyall Subjects, that his Majeſty may be reſtored to the peaceable poſſeſſion of his other dominions, accoding to his undoubted right of ſucceſsion, which both Houſes of the Parliament of England, and thoſe who make this pretence of Invaſion of this Kingdome, did proteſt and declare they would never wrong not alter.

And further, The Eſtates or Parliament have declared to his Majeſty, that the expreſſions of the Treaty concerning our endeavours for his reſtitution to his other dominions, ſhall not import any Engagement or Obligation upon this Kingdome to make Warre in England or Ireland, without the previous conſideration, and determination o • the Parliament of this Kingdome, and the Generall Aſſembly of this Kirk, or the Commiſmiſſioners of this Kirk, concerning the lawfulneſſe and neceſsitie thereof, which was never ſo much as taken into conſideration in either of them to be debated, much leſſe to be determined, and our Letter 6. of March, renewed the 22. of June laſt, declareth our obligation, and reſolution to obſerve, the Articles of the large Treaty, ſo that it remains very clear from our proceedings, that there was no deſign layed, or reſolution taken by this Kirk or Kingdom, to invade the Kingdom of England.

Fifthly, They ſay the Engagers refuſed to treat with the Parliament of England, and they were anſwered only with the immediate March of an Army into England, therefore we having refuſed to treat with them, they are to expect the like, but the difference is very wide and manifeſt, both in relation to perſons and proceedings, if they had conſidered all things duely, they ſhould have ranked us with the Houſes of Parliament, and themſelves with the Engagers, for their wayes are not unſuitable. What they alleage concerning the refuſall of a Treaty with them hath been anſwered abundantly, Neither have we marched immediately after our Anſwer into England, as the Engagers did, there are now 12. Moneths elapſed ſince our anſwer to their Letter, and they will finde us yet in Scotland.

Fourthly, they ſay, we have equally declared againſt them as Sectaries as againſt thoſe of Montroſſe his party, ranking them with Malignants and Papiſts, though we know the faith which they profeſſe; But our declaring againſt Sectaries in England, doth no more prove a deſign to invade them, then our declaring againſt Malignants in England, or the bloody rebels in Ireland, or Papiſts in France or Spain, doth prove a deſign to invade them. To declare againſt the ſinfulneſſe of any courſe of back-ſliding apoſtaſie or rebellion in another Nation, (either for our own vindication from jealouſies and ſuſpicions, or to warn the Subjects of this Kingdome to keep themſelves from the like defection, and from complyance) or the declaring our judgement in a way of friendly admonition, will not be found a probable ground to argue, much leſſe to be an evidence of a deſigne to invade another Nation; there may be many ſufficient grounds which may warrant to give a teſtimony againſt an evill courſe that will not give a good calling to make a War againſt it. Concerning the Faith which they profeſſe and ſay, cannot but be known unto us; this is the firſt confeſſion of their faith that we have ſeen, and it is ſo ſhort, that we ſhall not wrong them to comment upon it, untill they ſhall be pleaſed to give us a larger, but touching the deſire which they profeſſe to reſtrain licentious practiſes, and to have them puniſhed by the Magiſtrate, they can never ſatisfie the world, nor the moſt charitable diſpoſition that is in it, that there is any ſuch deſire in their hearts ſo long as their practiſes be quite contrary, the fig-trees leaves of flouriſhing words, may ſeem to ſerve for a covert, wherein to lurk from the eyes of men, but how do they think to eſcape the ſearcher of hearts, before whom all things are naked; yea, we think they ſhould be aſhamed to ſay it before the world, that they are ready to beare witneſſe againſt licentious practices, and deſirous to reſtrain and puniſh them, and yet for all their readineſſe and deſire, be ſilent and fit ſtill, we wiſh they did not countenance and encourage them; and ſhewed not themſelves too ready and active againſt others, who ſtrive to keep their garments cleane, and to be free of that contagion. When they have laboured to vindicate themſelves, they return to caſt aſperſions upon us, and would have it believed that intereſt, dominion, and profit under pretence of Presbytery and the Covenant, is our deſigne wherein (though we be conſcious to our ſelves of many ſinnes and infirmities in the proſecution of the work of the Lord, yet) ſince we are ſo groſſely charged, we truſt we may in humility and ſincerity of heart, deſire that he who knoweth the ſecrets of hearts, may judge between them and us, vvhether they, doe not falſely accuſe us, and vve ſeriouſly exhort them to conſider whether under the pretences of preferring the peace and love of the Goſpel, to the Diſcipline & Government of the Church, they be not undermining and ſubverting the Ordinance and Government of Jeſus. Chriſt, that they may ſet up the devices of their own heart, and erect a ſanctuarie for errors, hereſie, and ſchiſme. And now having anſwered the reaſons given by them to make it appear that we had a deſigne to invade England, we ſhall give clear evidences that we neither had, nor have any ſuch deſign; Firſt, The Eſtates of Parliament having about the end of February 1649. received ſeverall Intelligences that there was a deſign in England to invade this kingdome, did then appoint a levie of horſe and foot; but withall, declared (as is expreſſed in the narrative of the ſaid Act of Levie, then publiſhed in Print) that they did enjoyn it only for the meer juſt and neceſſary defence of this Kingdome from Invaſion without any deſign or intention, againſt any who ſhall not firſt invade this Kingdome, and ſo ſoon as they underſtood that the forces raiſed in England, were marching for Ireland, they made ſtop of their Levy. Alſo upon the 6. of March, 1649. they wrote a Letter to Mr. Lenthall Speaker of the Houſe of Commons, declaring that it was very farre from their intention to aſſume any power over the Lawes and Government of England, or any wayes to raiſe ſedition, or lay the grounds of a new Warre, or doe any thing in purſuance of the late unlawfull Engagement, and that no ſuch thing could be inferred from the paper given in by their Commiſſioners containing only an adherence to our former Principles acknowledged by both Kingdoms. That they were ſo tender of the union betwixt the Nations, that they did think the remonſtrating of the breaches of Peace, the craving of juſt reparation, and the uſing of all fair and amicable means, ſhould be firſt eſſayed, and then three moneths warning ſhould be given according to the large Treaty before any Engagement in warre, and they expected the like from England; and however any prevalent party in either Kingdome, had infringed, or might break theſe bonds, yet they did not conceive it either agreeable to Gods will, or conduccable to the welfare of theſe Nations, to lay thoſe ſacred tyes aſide, as diſſolved and cancelled, but rather that they ſhould be preſerved for the good of both Kingdomes, and benefit of thoſe who have no acceſsion to ſuch breaches, and of ſucceding generati • ns, who are innocent thereof, and may ſuſtain manifold inconveniences, by diſſolution of the ſame.

To this Letter we never received any anſwer, nor any reply to our Letter of the 26. June, but all this ſpring for theſe three or four moneths paſt, have weekly heard of great preparations made againſt us, both by Sea and Land, yet untill the Eſtates of Parliament underſtood that the Engliſh Forces were upon their March North-ward, and ſome of our Ships were taken at Sea, they did not ſo much as make ready for our Defence, and ſo ſoon as they took any reſolution therein, which was about the middle of June before they made any diſpatch to the Shires: Upon the 22. of June they ſent Meſſengers to England with Letters to Mr. Lenthal, Speaker of the Houſe of Commons and others, wherein they complain of the wrongs done unto them, and deſire redreſſe, declare their obligations and reſolution to obſerve the rules, preſcribed in the large Treaty, before any engagement in War, and deſire to know whether theſe who have the preſent power in England, do acknowledge themſelves obliged, or will oblige and declare their reſolutions to obſerve the way and order aforeſaid, and plainly and clearly to declare, whether they march for offence or defence, and withall acquainted them in that Letter, that they had renewed the Acts of Leavy, and for Poſture of Defence, made the laſt yeer, wherein the ſame narrative is kept, as in the former, and in the power granted by the Parliament to the Committee of Eſtates: It is expreſly excepted and reſerved that they ſhall not have any power to give orders to the Forces of this Kingdom for any other ends, then for the juſt and neceſſary defence of this Kingdom.

Upon the whole matter, there is neither juſtice nor neceſsity of their preſent undertaking againſt us, nor can it be laid that all fair and amicable wayes and means which were uſed have been refuſed, but on the contrary, we have ſince that pretended refuſall uſed the means to prevent a War, and yet an Army is on our Borders ready to Invade us: Wherefore we may ſafely conclude that there is no juſt cauſe, much leſſe any neceſsity for them to Invade this Kingdom, and if they ſhall Invade us, that we are obliged by all Laws, both of God and man to ſtand to our own juſt and neceſſary defence.

Whilſt this Declaration was under conſideration, there was another ſent unto us by a Trumpeter from L. Generall Cromwell, Intituled, A Declaration of the Army of England, upon their march into Scotland, to which, except where we meet with repetitions, we have reſolved to make a further anſwer, And firſt to the way of addreſſe, ſet down in the frontiſpice of that Paper; It is not directed to thoſe in Authority, more then to any other perſons in the Kingdom, but after this manner, To all that are Saints and partakers of the Faith of Gods Elect in Scotland; So, as if there be none in Authority, whom they apprehend Saints, it is directed to none of them, Can there be a more lively portraytour of Anarchie in the World then this? and that varniſhed over with the colour of Piety and Religion! or can there be a more ſeditions, uſurping way deviſed, to draw away the hearts of the people from their obedience to Authority? May we not here with great reaſon return them their own words, They pretend to matters of our Government, and take upon them to determine what is fundamentall here, and direct and threaten us, if we change not what is Eſtabliſhed, and form it to their minde, or accomodate it t • their Intereſt, And may we not juſtly declare againſt them, as they did in another caſe, moſt uniuſtly againſt us; That the ſaid Paper doth contain much ſcandalous and reproachfull matter against the juſt proceedings of the Parliament of this Kingdom, and an aſſuming to have power over the Laws and Government of this Nation to the high diſhonour thereof; And laſtly, a deſigne in the contrivers of it to raiſe ſedition, and lay the grounds of a new War in this Land. They begin with ſuge • ed words, wi • hing like mercy and t • uth, light and liberty with themſelves; but are marching with an Army to conquer and ſubdue us cruely, under errour, darkneſſe and ſlavery; and then they • urther preface, with a deſire to make a diſtinction and ſepa • ation betwixt ſome and others in this Kingdom; but, bleſſed be the Name of the Lord, there is not a different thought amongſt all the godly in this Land concerning the unlawfulneſſe of their Invaſion, and the lawfulneſſe of our defence againſt the ſame: They boaſt much of their great ſucceſſes, and reproach the Great Name of the Lord of Hoſts, fathering upon him their tranſgreſsions, but conſider not that the Lord might have a hand of juſtice, in the ſame things wherein they had a hand of injuſtice and that he in His wiſe diſpenſation can correct one extreame by another, and yet remain diſpleaſed with both. They begin alſo with an appeal (concerning the truth of the particulars, which they are to remonſtrate) to the Lord, who ſhould they come to day of engagement (they ſay) will be a ſore witneſſe againſt them, it they utter theſe things out of hypocriſie, and they end with another appeal concerning the t • uth of what they have ſaid, deſiring the God of Heaven to Judge them accordingly, when they come to meet their enemies in the field, to which we ſhall ſay no more, but beſeech the Lord to look upon theſe provocations, and to vindicate the honour of His great Name.

They labour in the firſt place to make good their proceedings in relation to the late King, from his actions, which we intend not to juſtifie, But who made them the Kings Judge? or where is there warrant to take his life: When ſuch a thing was ſuggeſted to David (though anointed King of Iſrael) againſt Saul, who was rejected of the Lord, he ſaid, The Lord forbid that I ſhould do this thing: wickedneſſe proceedeth from the wicked, but mine hand ſhall not be upon him. They endeavour to vindicatte their actions againſt the Houſes of Parliament, and concerning the change of the fundamentall Government from the true and equitable intent of the conſtitution of England, which we ſhall not inſiſt upon to anſwer, but we think they might with as great confidence have ſaid to us, that white is black, and black is white, and bring arguments to make us beleeve it to be ſo in England, They would alſo cleer their proceedings from the example of ours, in the yeer 1648. for (ſay they) We acted contrary to Acts of Parliament, and called a new one, excluding whom we thought fit; all which was done by vertue and authority from the Committee of Eſtates, which was no Committee, being conſtituted of ſuch perſons, as by Act of the foregoing Parliament had not legall right to ſit or Act therein, they not having taken the Oath in reference to the late engagement which was enjoyned by Parliament, or elſe to have no place therein.

To which • e anſwer, that whatſoever we acted, was in performance of the ſolemn League and Covenant, and Treaties betwixt the Kingdoms, which are above any Act of Parliament, and according to which, the Committee of Eſtates were by their Commiſſion bound and appointed to mannage the affaires of the Kingdome. The ſolemn League and Covenant, being an oath to God allowed and appointed by the authority of both Kingdomes, cannot be repealed, or made void by any ſubſequent Acts of Parliament though of both Kingdomes; nor can all the powers on earth abſolve thoſe that have taken it from their duty therein expreſſed, by vvhich they are bound all the dayes of their lives, zeal • uſl • & conſtantly to continue in maintaining and purſuing the ends thereof againſt all oppoſition, and to promote the ſame according to their povver againſt all lets and impediments vvhatſoever.

2. What we acted was for our ovvn juſt defence againſt an actually oppreſſing Army, whoſe proceedings were ſo wicked and boundleſſe, as they were not only contrary to the Covenant and Treaty betwixt the Kingdomes, but to the very Acts and Determinations of the Parliament from whom they had their Commiſſion.

3. Though the Members of the Committee of Eſtates were appointed at their firſt meeting in the Committee, to accept their Commiſſion, and give their oaths for faithfull diſcharge of the truſt repoſed in them, in reference to the Engagement againſt England, or elſe to have no place therein, yet there is nothing in the Act of Parliam-declaring their proceedings null, and void, incaſe they did not take the Oath aforeſaid, and the Engagers themſelves did admit ſome to ſit and vote, who did not tak • that Oath: will it therefore neceſſarily follow, that all which they did, was in Law null and void? Beſides, the laſt Act of Parliament concerning the power of the Committee of Eſtates, doth not at all limit the Members to any Oath.

4. It was agreed in the Treatie at Sterling, by common conſent, that ſuch Members of the Committee of Eſtates, as were acceſſory to the Engagement, ſhould forbear coming to the Committee of Eſtates, untill the next Seſsion of Parliament; to which, the determination of differences were referred, and our whole proceedings were ratified by the Parliament, and now alſo by the Kings Majeſty.

We have not done any thing againſt our Vowes, Oaths, Covenants, Proteſtations and Declarations, as they have done; but in purſuance of them, we have acted in our own defence againſt viſible and actuall tyranny and oppreſsion, not upon jealouſies or ſuſpicions againſt a Parliament, conſulting and voting peaceably, as they have done. We have adhered to the Lawes and Conſtitutions of the Kingdom, and have not altered the fundamentall Government thereof, as they have done, without any power, warrant, or calling. But what ſuppoſe they were able to juſtifie their proceedings, as they are not, what would that contribute for to nuke up a juſt ground for invading the Kingdom, even ſuppoſe they had the authority of both Houſes ſitting in a full Parliament, and the Kings conſent thereunto, they have no power or juriſdiction over this Kingdom, the Lord hath been pleaſed theſe many hundred ye • rs to preſerve our Freedome, whilſt there was little knovvledge of the Goſpel in the Land: And vve do confidently truſt in his Name, and are perſvvaded, that hee vvill not novv give us up to the vvilland povver of thoſe that vvould bring in Darknes for Light, Errour for Truth; and inſtead of Government, make vvay for Toleration, Anarchie and Confuſion.

If Treaties be urged againſt them, they were broken, ſay they, by the full Authority of the Parliament of Scotland, they very well know the contrary, that a very conſiderable number of the Parliament proteſted againſt it (which certainly even in Law much weakened the Authority) and that it was revoked by the full Authority of Parliament, and the Houſe of Commons, in their Letter to the Generall Aſſembly, hath acknowledged us free of it, and our Commiſſioners have been ſince admitted and received by both Houſes of Parliament, and our Intereſt in the Treaty acknowledged, as hath been already more fully expreſſed. How well can they take upon them to perſon at the Houſes of Parliament (whom they have broken in pieces) in making up challenges againſt us, but they will not owne their actions in any thing that may plead for us. They inſiſt, that the breach is not made up ſo, as to challenge England on agreements, unleſſe we think that Scotland may break, and England ſhould remain bound, whereas it is a known Law of Nations, that in the breach of the League by the one party, the other is no longer obliged; We never ſaid, either that the one Kingdom could be free, and the other bound; or, that the one Kingdom having broken, the other was obliged to keep; if reparation of the wrong done was refuſed; but that notwithſtanding a prevailing Party break, yet both Kingdomes are bound ſtill againſt the breaking Party, and that reparation ought to be made. This will appear, if the ſcope and intent of the large Treaty made betwixt the Kingdoms, be conſidered, as it is expreſſed, to wit, That the great bleſsing of a conſtant and friendly conjunction of the two Kingdoms, now united by alleageance and loyall ſubjection to one Soveraigne and Head, may be firmly obſerved and continued to all poſterity, it is agreed, &c. And words to the ſame purpoſe are again twice repeated, the ſeverall caſes of breaches of the Peace which may fall out; and the way of remedy are ſet down: for Commiſsioners are appointed in the Intervals of Parliaments for conſervation of the Peace, to which Commiſsioners in the Intervals, as afterward to Parliaments, all breaches are to be remonſtrated, which had been altogether needleſſe, if every breach of the Treaty had made it null and void: According to this ſenſe, the Houſes of Parliament have formerly declared, particularly in the year 1641. when there was ſome appearance of the beginning of trouble in this Kingdom, the Houſes of Parliament did in their ſenſe and apprehenſion of the Nationall Alli • nce betwixt the Kingdoms ſettled and confirmed by the large Treaty and Acts of Parliaments of both Kingdoms declare, that they were bound to apply the Authority of Parliament and power of England to the preſervation & conſervation of our Peace, & when the troubles of England, did grovv to a greater height, about the end of the year 1642. the Houſes of Parliament did again declare, that ſeeing the ſubtile practice of the common Enemy of the Religion and Liberty of both Nations, did then appear in England, with more evidence, ſtrength & danger than it did in Scotland the former year: therefore in their judgment, the ſame obligation did ly upō their Brethren of Scotland by the afore-mentioned Act, vvith the power & force of this Kingdom to aſsiſt England in repreſſing theſe amongſt them who were in arms againſt the Parliament, & fordeſtruction thereof from which & other Declarations, and the expreſſe meaning and intent of the Treaty; it may be eaſily collected that what wrong is done by the common enemies of both Kingdoms, though it ought to be repaired, yet it is not to be looked on as that which ſhould cancel and diſſolve the Treaty and the mutuall amity and alliance that is betwixt the Kingdoms, but that either Kingdom ought when they a • e deſired and called thereunto to be aſsiſtant to other in their ſtr •• ts, and the treaties ought to continue undiſſolved, and to be preſerved for the good of the preſent and future generations, unles it be intended that they ſhall for ever here • fter remain in hoſtility, or that the one ſhall conquer the other; for they cannot be tyed by ſtricter bonds then they are already.

If the Covenant be alleadged againſt them, they affirm they have kept it religiouſly, which they would make out by a diſtinction thus; The Articles concerning Religion and civil Liberties have the firſt place in the Covenant (ſay they) and theſe which concern the Kings Intereſt and conſtitution of Parliament the laſt, and theſe with ſubordination one to another, the Covenant tyed them to preſerve Religion and libertie as the ends of it, even when theſe were inconſiſtent with the preſervation of the Kings Intereſt and the frame of Parliament, becauſe when the means and the end cannot both be injoyed together the end is to be preferred to the means. That there was a reall inconſiſtence, becauſe the Houſes accepted of his Majeſties conceſſions at Newport, which were deſtructive to Religion and the Covenant, and acquieſced therein, but the Armie appeared againſt them, and ſo Religion and liberties are preſerved; But firſt there is no ſuch diſtinction in the Covenant betwixt Articles, as that one is a meane, and another an end, though each of them may conduce to the ſtrengthening another, the ends are expreſſed in the title, narrative and Articles thereof, and are unitive and copulative not disjunctive, nor is there any inconſiſtencie betwixt the Articles and ends thereof, otherwiſe it had been unlawfull for to have taken the Covenant. And the third Article, with which they quarrell moſt, doth oblige us expreſly to endeavour the proſecution thereof with the ſame ſincerity, reality and conſtancy as the reſt; Neither regall nor Parliamentary Government are in their own nature inconſiſtent with the preſervation of Religion; It were abſurd to ſay ſo, both reaſon and experience evidencing the contrary, and there is great fallacie in the argument given to prove their inconſiſtencie, for the Inſtance is concerning the actions of Governours, which are ſa • d to be deſtructive to Religion, But what is that to the Government, they might as well have reaſoned thus; The Engliſh Army did in the yeer 1647, offer propoſalls to the King, which were deſtructive to religion, therefore the Army muſt be taken away, and we will have no more Armies: If then the preſervation of Religion and the civil Government be conſiſtent, as the Covenant it ſelf doth neceſſarily preſuppoſe, then certainly our end • avours to preſerve them may very well conſiſt, and ought to be performed with ſincerity, realty and conſtancie, and unavoidably it will follow, that an endeavour to deſtroy any of them is a cleare breach of, and inconſiſtent with our Covenant and oath to God, their diſtinction then falls to the ground, and conſequently their concluſion, ſo that their endeavouring to deſtroy and actually deſtroying the King, and changing the fundamentall Government, is in our judgement ſo far from being a keeping of the Covenant, as it is a clear and evident breach thereof.

It might have been much more ſtrongly argued for Zedekiah then any thing that can be ſaid in the preſent caſe, that the keeping of his oath, made to the King of Babylon was deſtructive to Religion, and inconſiſtent with his dutie to God, as King of Iſrael, and with the civil liberties of the people of God, when the King of of Babylon had ſpoiled the temple and carried away all the Princes, all the mighty men of vallour all that were apt for war, and all that were crafts men and ſmiths, that the Kingdom might be baſe and not lift it ſelf up, yet what ſaith the Spirit of GOD, Shall he proſper? Shall he eſcape that doth ſuch things? Or ſhall he break the Covenant and be delivered? As I live ſaith the Lord God, ſurely in the place where the King dwelleth that made him King, whoſe Oath he deſpiſed, and whoſe Covenant he brake, even with him in the midſt of Babylon ſhall he die.

When it was alleadged againſt the late engagers, that their invading England was contrary to the 5. Article of the Covenant, by which they were obliged to endeavour that the Kingdoms may remain conjoyned in a firm Peace and union to all poſteri • y; they were ready under the pretences of endeavoring the reformation of Religion, the reſcuing of his Majeſties Perſon and preſervation of the priviledges of the Parliament of England, to declare before God and the world that they were reſolved never to break the Union betwixt the Kingdoms, nor to entreanch upon the Nationall rights of the ſubjects of England, or their liberties, not conſidering that the Articles of the Covenant were unitive and copulative, and that the Covenant is broken, and not kept, when any one Article thereof is broken. And now under the like pretences of the advancement of Gods glory and the furthering juſt freedom, the Sectaries are invading Scotland, contrary to that 5. Article of the Covenant, but the ſame Lord who avenged the quarrell of His broken Covenant upon the late Engagers, lives and reigns to avenge it upon the Sectaries.

Whereas they mention their appearing againſt the Houſes of Parliament, who had accepted of the Kings conceſſions at Newport, which were deſtructive to Religion, and that thereby they have preſerved both Religion and Liberty, how do they know that Religion and Liberty would have been deſtroyed if they had not appeared? the Lord could have preſerved them by lawfull means, and ſtands not in need of ſinfull aſſiſtance to accompliſh his work: But how they can ſay to thoſe that fear the Lord in Scotland, that Religion and Liberty are now preſerved, we very much wonder, let them read over that teſtimony of the Kirk of Scotland againſt Toleration, (from which they borrow that proof that the Kings conceſsions were deſtructive to Religion) and compare it with the ſtate of Religion this day in England, and they ſhall find in the Judgement of the Kirk of Scotland, Religion is by that Army endeavoured to be deſtroyed, and not preſerved. As their arguments from inconſiſtence doe not, ſo theſe taken from the ſubordination of the ends of the Covenant, will much leſſe help them; Gods Ordinances are not contrary to, nor deſtructive of other; Chriſt commands us to give unto God what was Gods, and alſo unto Caeſar what was Caeſars, which is agreeable to that known maxim ſubordinata, non pugnant; ſome duties doe deſerve preference to other, yet never ſo, as to take off the obligation of endeavouring to perform other duties ſo farre, as is in our power, much leſſe doth it allow us a liberty to doe the contrary; we ſhould not be carnally wiſe, and over anxious about the iſſue, but ought to perform duties according to Gods revealed will, and leave the event to him. The Malignants under a pretence of doing duties to the King, neglect all duties to God; and the Sectaries under pretence of Religion and Liberty, neglect all duties to the King, but neither of theſe wayes have been bleſſed of God, the Malignants have never done reall ſervice to the King, but were ſeeking their own intereſt, and and ends under the pretence of his ſervice; ſo the Sectaries for all their fair pretences to preſerve and defend Religion, are but deſtroying it, & can diſpenſe with oathes and ſacred Covenants, in order to their own intereſt; making Religion ſubſervient to their particular ends.

When the Covenant is alleged againſt their proceedings for changing the civill Government, the Army ſaith that they have kept it religiouſly, and they labour to anſwer objections to the contrary, by diſtinctions, granting that they have alterd the form, but ſay they have kept the ſubſtance, but thoſe who claim to be the Parliament of the Common wealth of England, would ſeem to deal more ingenuouſly in their Declaration of the 14. July, 1649. for ſay they, the Parliament hath not by the Covenant Treaties and Declarations, excluded it ſelfe from the uſe and exerciſe of the ſupream legiſlative authority, to alter, repeal, and make voyd any thing whatſoever, appertaining to the Government of that Nation, or if they have, it is not to be imagined, that any Covenant, Treaty or Declaration in that behalf, could be binding in things which a Parliament cannot give away from if ſelfe; or laſtly, if any thing of that kind could be urged from the Covenant, Treaties, and Declarations, the late Invaſion of England hath cancelled it, and made it invalide, as to any obligation upon England. They plainly diſclaim all obligations by the Covenant, in relation to the preſervation of the form of Government, yet what ſtrange ſubterfuges are here, perhaps they would be thought to have ſome regard to the Covenant. In a word, that which they ſay, is, either there is noth • ng in the Covenant, which rerſtrains the uſe and exerciſe of the legiſlative authority in altering any thing appertaining to the Government of that Nation, or if there be any thing in it of that nature, it is not binding, or if it be binding, the late Engagers of Scotland have looſed if, and ſo it is cancelled. Is it not a wonder to ſee how men can ſo dally with the oath of God, and how their conſciences can reſt upon ſuch doubtfull alternatives, and yet in all this heſitation and darkneſſe, act ſo forwardly. As to the firſt case which they make, it is very clear that they are bound by the Covenant all the dayes of their lives, to endeavour to preſerve the rights and priviledges of the Parliament, and if any rights or priviledges, certainly theſe which the Parl. hath both before, and ſince the taking of the Covenant, declared to be fundamentall, they are likewiſe to endeavour to preſerve the Kings perſon and authori • y, in the preſervation and defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear witneſſe with their conſciences of their loyalty, and that they have no thoughts or intentions to diminiſh his Majeſties juſt power and greatneſſe, and herein the legiſlative authority is undoubtedly reſtrained and limited from all endeavours to the contrary. And as to the ſecond caſe where they ſay it cannot be binding, they know they ſhould not change, though they ſweare to their hurt, the Almighty (bleſſed bee his glorious name) holdeth himſelfe obliged to keep Covenant, even with his owne Creatures, and ſhall not the creature be bound to keep Covenant, when they ſwear to him. Wee know not what a vaſt power they would aſcribe to their legiſlative authority, but as it is uſed, it ſeems to be like that madman in the Goſpel that brake all bands, ſo as nothing could hold him faſt. The power of diſpenſing with oathes, is condemned in Popes and Princes, and there is no reaſon to maintain the ſame power in others. Neither will the third ſerve their turn, to ſay that the late Engagers have broken the Covenant, and ſo they are free; for the tranſgreſſions of others, cannot abſolve their conſciences from the obligation of a Covenant made with God, the knowledge of their ſin and puniſhment, may well aggravate their guiltineſſe in the ſight of God. We ſhall ſay no more on this ſubject, but pray the Lord to direct us, ſincerely and uprightly to minde all the ends of the Covenant, and to keep us from declining or ſhifting the obligations which it layeth upon us as ſome doe, and from that which others call a religious keeping of it, though they break it in ſome Articles. For Presbyteriall Government (they ſay) it is not to be impoſed by force, but wherefore have they oppoſed by force the Eſtabliſhing of it as was Ordained by the Houſes of Parliament, and if they deſire not themſelves to be forced to any way, why came they in a hoſtile mannner to force their wayes upon us: Certainly that is no effect of Faith, working by Love.

They tell us of the danger we are in from Malignants, and bring in one inſtance from the procedings of ſome Lords and others in the North of Ireland, and another from the late engagers againſt England, to which we ſay, that we are ſo far aſſociating with Malignants, as we have neither admitted them to truſt in our Counſels or Armies, nor permitted them to come into our armies, but have diſcharged them under high penalties, yet however, we do acknowlege there is danger from the pretences of Malignants, but that is no argument why we ſhould not alſo beware of the ſmooth pretences and dangerous inſinuations of Sectaries: We truſt the Lord, who hath called us to a triall on both hands, will with the tentation give us the iſſue: We muſt not be diſcouraged, but rather count it all joy when we fall into divers temptations.

Concerning our agreement with his Majeſtie; we know there is ſcarce any poſſibility to ſatisfie thoſe who have declared themſelves enemies to Monarchicall Government, but we deſire all good men to conſider how we have been led thereunto by following our duty in proſecution of the Nationall and ſolemn League and Covenant. After the death of his Majeſties Father, having ſought the LORD for his direction and had ſerious conſultation amongſt our ſelves, wee found it a duty lying upon us by Covenant (wherein wee have profeſſed in the ſight of GOD that wee had before our eyes the Honour and Happineſſe of the KING and his Poſterity, and made an appeal to the World as witneſſes with our conſciences of our loyaltie, and that we had no thoughts to diminiſh his Majeſties juſt Honour and Greatneſſe) that we ſhould proclaim and declare to all the world his Majeſtie to be by the providence of GOD, and Lawful Right of undoubted ſucceſſion and deſcent, KING of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and that all the Subjects of this Kingdome were bound faithfully to obey Him, maintain and defend Him according to the Nationall Covenant, and the Solemn League and Covenant betwixt the Kingdoms, with all declaring, that before He were admitted to the exerciſe of His Royall Power, He ſhould give ſatisfaction to this Kingdom in theſe things that concerned the ſecurity of Religion, the Union betwixt the Kingdoms, and the good and Peace of this Kingdom, reſolving for that end, to make our humble and earneſt addreſſes to His Majeſty. This was the onely way left unto us to proſecute our dutie, without giving advantage to Malignants upon the one hand, who would admit Kings, without minding any thing of Religion, or elſe giving advantage to Sectaries upon the other, who without regard to the obligation lying upon them by Covenant, have altered the Fundamentall Government. Having made application to His Majeſty once and again, He hath now given ſatisfaction to all our Demands, for he hath ſworn and ſubſcribed the Nationall Covenant, and the Solemne League and Covenant, acknowledged the Authority of Parliament, and approved the acts thereof, agreed that all matters Civil be determined by the Parliament, or ſuch as ſhall be authoriſed by them, and all matters Eccleſiaſticall by the Generall Aſſembly of this Kirk, or ſuch as ſhall be authorized by them. He hath further agreed to recall and diſclaim all Commiſſions iſſued forth for acting any thing by Sea or Land, to the prejudice of the Covenant, or of the Kingdom of Scotland, or of any, who do or ſhall adhere to the Solemn League and Covenant and Monarchicall Government in any other of his Majeſties Dominions, and all Declarations made by any in his name, or by his warrant againſt the ſame, and that he ſhall diſallow and diſclaim, or declare null and void all Treaties and agreements with the bloody Rebels in Ireland, and that he will never allow nor permit any liberty or the Popiſh Religion in any part of his Dominions; That he ſhall ſwear the Coronation Oath, and that he ſhall then declare he will in matters Civil follow the Counſell of his Parliaments, and ſuch as ſhall be authoriſed by them, and in matters Eccleſiaſticall, the Generall aſſembly, and ſuch as ſhall be authorized by them. Having granted theſe Demands, and the Lord in his providence having brought him amongſt us, and he profeſſing his grief and ſorrow for his former wayes, whereunto he w • s led by evill Counſell (of which we are bound to conſtruct charitably, conſidering his age and education) The Eſtates of Parliament of this Kingdom, have thought it their duty to •• ſt • re His Majeſty to the exerciſe of His Royal Power: And if from a tender regard and conſcience of the Oath and Covenant of God, we have been following our duty herein, and not for worldly Intereſts and deſignes, where is our offence? or what reaſon or juſt grounds can bee given by theſe who are now upon our Borders for invading this Kingdome? None of His Majeſties actions before His coming into this Kingdom can in the leaſt ſort be charged on us, unleſſe they had been owned by us, and for the future, it ſhall be our care, that there may be no juſt ground of complaint. As for the blood and other ſins which the Lord may put on the account of the KING, and that Family, we ſhall mourn before the Lord for it, and pray, that his wrath may be turned away, and that as the Lord hath now been pleaſed in his wiſe & gracious providence, to admit hi • to enter in Covenant with Him and His People, ſo alſo that he would give him a new heart and ſpirit, ſo to guile him in all his wayes, as may be matter of rejoycing to all that fear the Lord, and may convince his greateſt Adverſaries, and ſtop their mouthes from reproaches. Themſelves might be here put in mind of that Scripture which ſaith; I will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the houſe of Jehu: But we take no delight in recriminations.

To conclude, it hath been cleared, there is no juſt cauſe of their invading this Kingdom: For in the matter of the Engagement againſt England, we bleſſe the Lord we are innocent; and for the teſtimony given by our Commiſsoners at London, and approven by the Parliament, it was neceſſary duty: Neither can there be any juſt pretence for the neceſsity of this War; all fair and amicable wayes have not been uſed. Wee have not refuſed to do them right. Wee had no deſigne to invade England; nor have wee given any other juſt ground of offence. Wherefore this War made without any juſt cauſe, neceſsity, or antecedent warning, is moſt unjuſt on their part, and moſt juſt on ours, being for our own lawfull and neceſſary defence

Having anſwered their Declarations, we deſire now to let the Kingdome know who are theſe that come thus in a hoſtile manner againſt us, are not theſe the men who in their low Eſtate by their ſolemn profeſsions, of intending nothing but the Reformation, and defence of Religion, and the proſecution of uniformity therein between the Churches, and unity between the Kingdomes, the honour and happineſſe of the King, and his poſterity, and the Peace and ſafety of theſe dominions engaged us in a ſolemn League and Covenant with God, and with them, and by Treaties to joyn in a Warre for theſe ends in the year 1643. and now in place thereof have by their crafty counſells, undermining deſignes, and force of Armes obſtructed and oppoſed the work of Reform • aion, eſtabliſhed a multiformity of Religions, deſtroyed the King and his family ſo farre as is in their power, overturned all Government Civill and Eccleſiaſticall in England and Ireland, and cannot reſt there, but have now reſolved to proſecute a war againſt this Kingdom alſo, unleſſe as we did ſwear a Covenant with them, we will renounce and forſwear it, and the ends thereof? are not theſe the men who are abuſers of the Ordinances of God in our neighbour land, tolerators of errors, proclaimers of liberty, diſpenſers with Bands and Oathes in Gods matters, but rigid exactors and oppreſſors of perſons, yea of Nations, in their Conſciences, Liberties, and Eſtates, in their own matters, and for their own ends, who have brought great ſcandall and reproach upon the name of God, the the name of his people, and the ſtudy of piety, and who have not only broken the ſolemn and ſacred Covenant betwixt God and theſe Nations, but have in effect rejected it, and trampled upon it, are become enemies to all the ends thereof, and perſecutors of the ſervants and people of God for their adherence to it; doe they not follow the wayes of the Prelaticall and malignant party, who in the beginning of theſe troubles came to invade this Kingdome, but bleſſed be the Lord returned with ſhame, are they not walking in the ſame paths, that the late Engagers did againſt England, ſinning with an high hand againſt God, his Cauſe, Covenant, and People, the ſinfulneſſe of their wayes, meanes, Inſtruments, ends, and aymes, and the evident injuſtice of their quarrell againſt theſe who never gave them juſt ground of offence, make it apparent. We aſſiſted and relieved England twice ſince the beginning of theſe troubles, and returned both times peaceably out of the Kingdome; Not only their own expreſſions, but their conſciences can bear witneſſe to our ſufferings and oppoſition in reference to the late engagement, and will they requite us with War for our kind aſsiſtance? hoſtilitie for friendſhip, and render evill for good? Surely he ſeeth all theſe things, whoſe eyes run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to ſhew himſelf ſtrong in the behalf of them whoſe heart is perfect toward him, and can ſpeak peace unto their helpers, and bring in the day of his vengeance, and the year of recompence, for the quarrell of his broken Covenant, upon theſe who have ſet up Threſholds by his Threſholds, and Poſts by his Poſts, and not onely do ſo themſelves, but endeavour to compell and force others to do the ſame, do they thus provoke the Lord to jealouſie, are they ſtronger nor he? hath he not ſworn by his great name, that his people ſhall knov whether his deſignes, or his enemies, his counſell or theirs, his word or theirs, his work or theirs ſhall ſtand? In the pride of their heart, becauſe of former ſucceſſes, and truſting to their Power, skill, and experience, they think to doe with Jeruſalem as with Samaria, with Iſrael, as with Edom, and with the Covenanted people of God, as with Malignants, againſt whom they were raiſed as a ſcourge and a rod of indignation, not conſidering that when the Lords work is done, and the axe boaſteth it ſelfe againſt the hewer, then the Lord uſeth to ſend among their fat ones leanneſſe, under their glory, to kindle a burning, and the light of Iſrael uſeth to be for a fire, and his holy one for a flame to deſtroy the briars and thorns, in one day ſaith the Lord. If we ſhall keep malignancy out of our quarrell, and malignant Inſtruments out of our Counſels, and forces, and our ſelves free from every thing which may provoke the Lord, and doe every duty that may engage them for us; the caſe of the Ammonites againſt Jepthah and Iſrael, the caſe of Jeroboam, againſt Abijah, the caſe of Amaziah gainſt Joaſh, the caſe of Zennacherib againſt Hez • kiah, the caſe of Moab againſt Jehoſaphat, and the judgments which came on theſe Invaders; ſpeak terrour to our Adverſaries that come againſt us, and courage and comfort to the neceſſary defenders, for the Lord lives and reignes for ever, to confirm the word of his ſervants, and perform the counſell of his Meſſengers, and turneth the wiſdom of the wiſe, and ſtrength of the ſtrong backward, maketh the Diviners mad, and the deſpiſers to wonder and periſh, for he will work a work which they ſhall in no wiſe beleeve, though a a man declare it unto them.

Let us therefore ariſe and be doing for the Cauſe, and for the Cities of our God, and the Lord will be with us, and will not forſake us, if we forſake not him, And who then can be againſt us? He will be Jehovah Niſsi, and ſpread a banner of love over His people, and ſend the angel of His preſence among them for a ſun and a ſhield, and will make Jeruſalem a burdenſome ſtone, a cup of trembling and a torch in a ſheif to all that dare meddle with Sion, and break the ſtaffes of beauty and bands, and he will ſoon go through the briars and thorns let in battell againſt him, for the Cauſe, and the battell is the Lords: Let us wait on His ſalvation. There is cauſe of humiliat • on, when we conſider our formality in the Worſhip of God, our neglect of duties, of true piety, our undervaluing of the precious Goſpel, our unthankfulnes for mercies, our ſtupidity under judgements, our manifold backſlidings of heart, and ſe • f-ſeeking our not minding as we ought the inward work of Reformation, & reſting too much on the out ſide of duties, the profanes of many in the Land & in our A • my, and many other tranſgreſhons. • or theſe things we ſhould lie low in the duſt, and acknowledge that it were juſt with the Lord to leave us, to let our enemies prevail over us, and let in a floodgate of error, hereſie, ſchiſme and profaneſſe to overflow the Lan • ; But there is no cauſe of fear or fainting, if we will conſider that the Lord delights to be called on, as a God who will keep Covenant and mercy to, and with his people, notwithſtanding their failings, if we look either to the Lords former diſpenſations, or preſent engagements for his Work, and the honour of his great Name, or if we will look to the e • emies quarrell, their aymes and deſignes, or to the reſolutions of this K • rk and Kingdom, to ſtand for the Cauſe and Covenant againſt enemies and dangers on all hands. If the Lord had intended to deſtroy the Land, he would not have done ſo much for us and amongſt us, nor received a ſacrifice off our hands; Though the enemy ſhould come in like a flood to overflow Immanuels Land, His Spirit ſhall lift up a ſtandard againſt him, and not ſuffer His people to ſay a confederacy to ſuch, but ſhall magnifie himſelf in the borders of Iſrael. Wherefore we deſire all the people of the Land to beware that they be not deceived and inſnared with the fair offers and ſmooth pretences of the Sectaries, whole words are ſoft as butter and oil, but gall and bitrerneſſe is in their hearts and actions; they have the ſmooth voyce of Jacob, but the rough hands of Eſau. And we do in the name and by the warrant of the Eſtates of Parliament diſcharge all perſons whatſoever within the Kingdom to give them aide, counſellor aſſiſtance, or to correſpond or comply with them any manner of way, under the ſame paines and certifications that they are diſcarged to joyn, aſsiſt, correſpond or comply with Malignants and Rebels in Arms.

Tho. Henderſon. FINIS.