REflecting with great resentment on the just com­plaints of the Land-lords and Tenants of this Na­tion, who attribute one of the greatest originals of their misery to the cheapnes of their VVooll; I began to think of some remedy to this disease; which tho 'tis not in my power to cure, yet to propose the means to such as can, I am not forbid. But find­ing my design opposed by several Pamphlets under the name of W. C. and chiefly by one he calls En­glands Interest. I have here indeavour'd to win­now his handful of Corn from the abundance of chaff; and reducing his whole discourse to a few propositions, with some objections and answers; I do willingly grant him those which follow.

1. SINCE the time of E. 3. (the founder of the Woollen-manufacture) the trade of Wool hath bin one of the cheifest riches of this Nation: it em­ploies many persons, brings many profitable returns, encreases the Shipping, &c.

2. On the contrary, the diminution of this manufacture is disadvantagious to many families and to the Nation; by not making the greatest advantage of the superfluity of a Na­tive commodity, &c. and tho this be granted,

Yet I cannot acknowledge that a Manufacture maketh fewer poor, but rather the contrary. For tho it sets the poor on work where it finds them, yet it draws still more to the place: and their Masters allow wages so mean, that they are only preserved from starving whilst they can [Page 4] work; when Age, Sickness, or death comes: themselves, their Wives, or their Children are most commonly left upon the Parish. Which is the reason why those Towns (as in the Weald of Kent) whence the Clothing is departed, have fewer poor then they had before.

3. The profit arising by the Transportation of a Manu­facture is much greater (supposing equal vent) then that of unwrought materials. Art increasing the value so much as the thing wrought is more useful, and the working labori­ous.

4. The transportation of Wool is a benefit to others (as all things vented to forreiners are, who else would not buy them) it encreaseth their manufactures, giving other Na­tions the advantages we wish to our selves; and particular­ly it much profits the French, helping them to work out their own course Wool, &c.

5. It were therefore to be wished and all endeavours ought to be used, that our superfluous wool (which we spend not our selves) might be vented in Manufacture, and not in the Crude material. Tho I cannot be informed, this was ever yet done in England, yet I wish honest industrious workmen would bring it to pass.

II. But all these being granted, the question still remains; whether, since the manufacture of our superfluous wool cannot be vended abroad, it were not better to permit the Wool unwrought to be transported, with such limitations as may be least detrimental to the Kingdom?

And this we affirm.

1. Because, otherwise a profitable commodity will be ut­terly wasted; and so not the manufacturer only, but the Far­mer and Land-lord also, will be so very much damnified; that the one cannot pay his rent, nor the other sustain the Taxes. And is not this the cheifest, if not the sole, reason of sinking our Rents, throwing up Farmes, and the misery of the whole Country?

[Page]Now that it is the greatest concern and Interest of the Nation, to preserve the Nobility, Gentry and those to whom the Land of this Country belongs, at least much greater then a few Artificers employed in working the superflui­ty of our Wool, or the Merchants who gain by the expor­tation of our manufacture, is manifest. 1. Because they are Masters and proprietaries of the foundation of all the wealth in this Nation, all profit arising out of the Ground, which is theirs. 2. Because they bear all the Taxes and publick burthens: which in truth are only born by those who buy and sell not; all sellers raising the price of their commodities, or abating of their goodnes, according to their taxes. 3. Because they maintain great families, which conduce much to the consumption of our Manufactures, many People relying upon them: and perhaps as many as upon Cloth-working. 4. Because they must of necessity bear all Magistracies and public employments (how burthen some soever) and are the only hindrances of the confusion which would follow upon equality. Whereas ordinary working persons may, if one employment fail, presently undertake another without any great inconvenience or de­triment. Now then suppose wool fall to 3^d per pound (as it must in a short time, if not prevented) the price of all Land in England must likewise fall; there being not one Acre which produceth not Wool (ploughed-lands at least from Harvest to Seed-time and longer when they ly fallow:) consequently the Taxes (which now are generally on Land, and ever proportioned to the Rent, the ancient manner of taxing by tenths and 15^s being of late out of use, much to the advantage of the Usurer, but to the preju­dice of the Country Gentleman) will be also lessened when they come into the Kings Coffers: yet the constant charges of the Kingdom do not lessen. Therefore our Taxes must be still oftner renewed, & the Land-lords charge yet more increased, but his means of discharging dimi­nished; [Page] and he must pay the more, the more he is disabled. A hard case, yet inevitable, unless the King and Parli­ament please to apply a speedy remedy. Thus must our Nobility and Gentry be forced to live at a meaner rate (who live alas too meanly in their Countries already) break up House-keeping, maintain fewer Servants, less Hospitality, &c. Which has already some what, and will in time, as eminently, lessen the Kingdom as transportation of Wool, or perhaps any one thing can do.

2. By hindring exportation of Wool, pray y' consider the great loss this poor Nation sustains. I shall instance in Rom­ney and its neighbouring levels, which contain about 44000 Acres; each acre, one with another, in Romney-Marsh feeds three Sheep (besides other Stock) at the least, sup­pose then we rate the whole Level thus; there will be found 132000 Sheep; whereof 300 fleeces will at the least make 4. Packs of good Wool (240. pound to the Pack:) so then there are yearly shorne 1760. Packs, each of which were, formerly, constantly sold for 12 pound. In the year, 1647. (when exportation of Wool was first prohibited) it was sold for 15. pound; the year after (by reason of the great Rot ad­ded to the mighty destruction of Sheep in the Wars) it was sold for 16. pound per Pack. but the mortality of Sheep be­ing recovered, yet the prohibition continuing, Wool has al­most every year since abated of its price, and now there are divers persons, who have 4. and some 5. Years Wool upon their hands, not being able to get above 4^d or 5^d per pound that is, 4 or 5. pound a Pack for it: and I hear it has been sold this very Year in some places but for 3. pound 10^s per Pack. Thus by the most modest computation, and such as no Man can gain-say, there is lost upon every Pack of Wool 7 pound. which, supposing all the Wool of that Level sold, it is evi­dent 12320. pound is quite lost every year in that little place only: which is very near 6s per Acre throo the whole Level, lost in the Rent. By which pray y' judge how many Milli­ons [Page 7] are yearly lost throo all England by this want of a limited exportation. Who then can shew so much cruelty as to blame poor People, who to prevent some of this damage do ad­venture to help themselves by exportation? tho they had much rather be content with a moderate price in their own Country.

And truly tis no wonder that W. C. complains of the diffi­culty and impossibility of hindring Exportation, yet glories of his diligence in ruining so many poor and industrious Per­sons for doing what he confesseth impossible to hinder. But our Superiours may conclude, since tis either impossible, or extream difficult, to hinder Exportation, and that there may arise troubles (as some have been killed) for indeavouring it, it is much better and more natural to permit Exportation under the most advantageous terms their wisdom shall think fit. For in truth is it not very absurd to imagine, that be­cause we cannot make so much of our Woolas possibly may be made, that therefore we must make nothing of it? like some perverse and obstinate Land-lords, who chuse rather to loose all their Rent then abate the least part of it.

3. A limited Exportation will be more for the advantage of our own Woollen-trade, and less for that beyond Sea, then the hindring of it has been. For if strangers might come hither to buy the Wool, tho they bought greater quanti­ties, yet should they pay dearer for it then they do at pre­sent: and the dearer their Commodities are, the dearer must they sell their manufacture, consequently the more easily we may beat them out of their Trade. For when a poor Man (none else now will venture to transport it) comes with a fraight of Wool into France or else where, they make him take their own price for it; his necessities and his danger forbid him carying home his Marchandize as well as staying there to contend for a better price: but being slenderly paid for his charges, and little or nothing for his pains and hazard, returning thinks he comes off very well whilst undiscovered. [Page 8] (Yet to have the names of Merchants, and to gain perhaps somtimes more then 12^d a day to live with more ease tho with greater hazzard, possibly some may still be invited to con­tinue this traffick notwithstanding any the severest prohibiti­on) After this manner strangers now, and will hereafter, have our Wooll almost as cheap as our-selves can buy it. But were the Trade laid open, Englishmen might still buy their wooll at reasonable prices, but strangers must pay the dearer for it: as the custome, Officers fees, fraight, factorage, and other charges amount unto: which will perhaps be equal to the first penny paid for the Wooll it self. Thus strangers shall pay twice-as-much for our Wooll as the English clothier, who therefore may undersel them, and make more advantage in the price of his Cloth by the exportation of Wooll, then e­ver he did by the prohibition of it.

4. My next reason against the hindring Exportation of Wool is, because by our forefathers it never was prohibited, unless upon some great occasion, and for some small time, till Anno 1647. and then also upon pretence, that there was not Wool enough to furnish our own necessities. Which (if true) might be because of the great destruction of Sheep by the Wars. Yet there seems to be an other ground for that act: The government of that time, having been assisted in the civil Wars by great numbers of the Wooll-workmen, (who liked much better to Rob, and plunder for halfe-a-crown a day, then toile at a melancholy work for sixpence a day) to in­courage and reward them, I say, & to weaken the Gentry they made this prohibition. But to make this reason good, let us run over the whole History, or as much as we can finde, ei­ther in our Acts of Parliament or creditable Historians con­cerning this Wooll business, with all convenient brevity.

§. 1. Tho there were several ordinances concerning Wooll in other Kings Reigns, yet the Prince did not seriously be­gin to set himself to make the best advantage of Wool, till the ninth of Edward the third, at which time all Wooll-workers [Page 9] were invited to come and settle in England, to have places assign'd them, many privileges and liberties granted, and wa­ges from the King, till they could gain a livelyhood by their art &c. whereupon many Flemings and others, chiefly Subjects to the Duke of Burgundy, repaired hither, and set up the ma­nufacture of Wool in England.

§. 2. 11. E. 3. c. 4. It was made felony to carry Wool out of the Realm, till otherwise ordain'd. This prohibition (saith Speed) was made to shew the Flemings the necessity they had of leaguing with England, as soon after they did; and the pro­hibition was taken off. or, as Walsingham saies, to humble the Flemings; qui plus saccos quam Anglos venerabantur. The same year it was enacted (no doubt for the better vending their Wool, the Exportation whereof being prohibited, made it of small value at home) that none should wear other then English Cloth; Except the King, Queen, and their Children. But persons of such degrees might use forein furs, and face part of their garments with Silk. Also that no beyond Sea Cloths should be brought into England; and that forein Cloth-work­ers should have several priviledges. Whereupon (saies Speed) many presently came over.

§. 2. 14. E. 3. Was granted to the King the 9^th Lamb, 9^th Fleece, and 9^th Sheaf for two Years: also 40^s upon every sack of Wooll and 40^s upon every 300 Woolfels transpor­ted: (some say also that not long before this, was granted to the King half the Wooll of the Communality, and nine marks upon every sack of Wool of the Clergy.) By these great subsidies it is probable, the King had great quantity of Wooll upon his hands: and about this time the King sent the Bishop of Lincoln into Flanders with 10000 sacks of Wooll; which he sold for 20 pound sterling a Sack. (Knighton.) And in his fifteenth year ordained, that no Merchant or other should carry any Woolls out of the Realm till after Michael­mas (by which time tis probable he had sold his own;) but after that every Merchand, Stranger, or other, might free­ly [Page 10] buy and export his Wooll, paying the due customes; and that those, who had Woolls, should be compelled to sell them according to the price and sort, in the Country; to accom­plish the Wools granted to the King, which afterwards was disanulled.

§. 4. 23. E. 3. The King stopt the Woolls in the land till the Merchants had fined with him for the same. (Holinsh.) 26. E. 3. the staple was brought to London, to the loss of the Mer­chands but advantage of the King who got by it 1200 pound that year. Knighton.

§. 5. 27. E. 3. This year a great advantage befel the Nation; for (because the young Earle of Flanders maried not with the King's Daughter, as he had promised; but with the Daughter of France: or because the Flemings observed not the agree­ments, which the King made in the life-time of Jaques de Arte­ville who procured of the King that the Marts might be kept in several Towns in Flanders) the King removed the Staples and Marts of wooll from the Earls Towns, establishing them in several Towns of England: Newcastle, Canterbury, &c. Some of which, not being Port-Towns, he afterwards chang­ed for such: and withall regulated the whole trade with cer­tain ordinances; for which I refer you to the Statutes.

§. 6. 27. E. 3. 50^s were given the King by Act of Parliament on every sack of wooll transported. By which grant it was thought the King receaved 1000 marks per diem, Holin.

§. 7. 37. E. 3. The Staple was removed to Callice; putting the Town into the hands of certain Merchants, (that the Trade might be the more secure for them.) And not long af­ter it was again returned to Towns in England; but most of them Port-Towns, for it was very usual to remove the Staples. Holin. 38. Ed. 3. was granted to the King 26^s-8^d of every sack of wooll transported for 3. years.

§. 8. What was ordained by our succeeding Princes was either in conformation or regulation of what was already esta­blished: according to the advantage of the King and People. [Page 11] But that is very remarkable which is recorded by Hen. de Knighton 14. R. 2. being a case somewhat like ours at this pre­sent. He, describing a great dearth and calamity of the poor in this Nation, tho there was Corn enough laid up in private hands to serve the whole Nation five years; neither was the Corn then at any extraordinary price: at last gives the rea­son of it to be want of money, and this he ascribes to the not vending our wooll; whereof he saies some men had 3, others 4 years, wooll upon their hands: tho now there be many who have 5 years-wooll unsold. And this came to pass, saith he, because the English Merchants were forbid transporting wooll: wherefore the year following liberty was granted them to transport wooll whither they pleased. In those daies, saith he, wooll was so cheap that a stone of the best chosen wooll was sold for 3^s and in Leister for 2^s or 20^d pence. Now three shillings in those daies was as much as 9^s at present; and there­fore dearer by 3^s a stone then it is sold for at present, 6^s being a good price at this time.

§. 9. 8. H. 6. An act was made to regulate the Merchand­strangers, who exported our wooll, and An. 27. H. 6. It was decreed, that till our Cloths were accepted in Brabant, no marchandice growing or wrought there should be brought in­to England upon pain of forfeiture.

§. 10. 3. E. 4. An act was made concerning exportation of wooll, and then it was likewise ordered; that no cloth wrought beyond Sea should be brought into England: none should buy woolls (except he wrought it himself) till af­ter Bartholmewtide: and 22. H. 8. not till after the Ascension of our Lady: nor a stranger before the Purification; no woollen yarne or cloth should be exported unfull'd; and 3. H. 8. none undressed. And an. 1 of Queen Mary, as also in the first of Queen Elizabeth their Parliaments gave them 33^s 4^d on every sack of wooll, and every 240 woolfells transported by a Native: & 3 pound. 6^s-8^d on the same transported by stran­gers; and this to continue during their lives.

[Page 12] §. 11. An. 1. Jac. A subsidy upon wooll transported was granted the King for his life-time: a denizen was to pay 33s. 4^d. a stranger 3 pound 6^s 8^d for every sack. And there has not been a Prince from Ed. 3. to Ch. 1. who have not gained considerable revenues by the exporting wooll.

III. Out of which collections you may observe:

1. That this wooll-trade beyond Sea was alwaies accounted a very great advantage both to the King and Subjects. Which was the reason, why it was so carefully managed, and more laws about it then any one Subject whatsoever. Nay scarce has there been any Parliament, since the beginning of E. 3. where­in somwhat hath not been established concerning it.

2. That no absolute prohibition of exporting it was ever e­nacted till the Reign of Char. 1. nor then, till 1647. at which time neither could he be said to Reign. Temporary ones in­deed there have been; but those of ill consequence to the Nation.

3. That sumptuary laws concerning wearing, vending our Cloth, and the like, were alwaies enacted pari passu with those concerning wooll-working. For it is very advantagious to the Kingdom, that much of it should be spent here. Where­by many workmen would be maintained, and less forein un­necessary trifles imported, which now take away much of our money.

4. That it was thought sufficient advantage to the Nation that they might buy wooll when and where they pleased; but whatsoever wooll, was sold, by Strangers especial­ly:) was not sold till after a certain time fixed. That it was not to be bought by Brokers; that what was bought by forein­ers to be exported paid greater duties then what was bought by the Natitves. which cautions alone, if well regulated, would render the exportation at this day very advantageous; certainly much more then to let it putrify and moth-eat in our store-houses.

5. My next reason for the permission of Exportation is, be­cause [Page 13] it will better his Majesties customes: for it being impos­sible absolutely to hinder the exportation, (Men naturally in­clining to run any hazard rather then apparent beggary, by suffering their goods to perish in their hands) the customs must of necessity be lessened. What perishes un wrought, and what is exported by stealth, pay no custome. But besides this, it was the frequent use of our Fathers to help the Prince and ease the Subject by imposing taxes upon the wooll Exported. Somtimes 50^s a pack; sometimes more, as occasion required, which was the ordinary way; being also a most easy one, of gratifying the Prince. If it be answered the customes would advance much more if the wooll were exported in manufa­cture; we confess, and seriously desire, that our wooll were manufactured, and so exported and sold. Tho this was ne­ver yet done in England, nor do I think can be. But our que­stion here is concerning our superfluous wooll: which remains after we have here made, or vended what we can; after the Cloth-market is furnished; or our workmens hands all em­ploied.

6. The reason of the decay of Clothing is not exportation of wooll as W. C. supposes, but the contrary. For the decay (if any be) is since this prohibition: so that by hindring this we apply a wrong remedy to the disease. But it proceeds from diverse other causes; as first, because other Nations have of late improved their manufactures, as we did in Edward the thirds time: the Dutch ever since 1616. the French now lately, both of them working very acurately, if not more, then our selves, as well as more honestly, by the confession of those of our own Nation. Secondly, Cloth is not so much worne in these parts of the World as formerly. It not being now so convenient a wear, as when our fashions were constant. Our Clothes then were made strong to endure many years, and a great part of the great-mens inventories then were their ward-robes left as Legacies to their best Friends, and Children, who did not despise to wear the Clothes of their Ancestors. [Page 14] Whereas now the Mode hardly enduring two months, slight stuffes are sufficient. Besides, when the custome was for men to wear gowns, cloaks, and other loose garments, substanti­al Cloath was more proper then now it is, for little breeches and a close coat. To second which humor of the times Silks and Stuffs are imported in greater abundance, sold at easier rates, then formerly; and manufactures of them set up in our own Nation; by which the beautifullest and lightest garments are become all most the cheapest also. Which I fear will ren­der it difficult to reconcile the Mode to Cloath, tho much to be desired. Thirdly, we have more Sheep in England then formerly, because of the drayning the fens and other grounds; and the laying down of Tillage, for the cheapness of Corn till these two late years. Fourthly, Irish Cattle be­ing prohibited, they breed more Sheep, and bring in more wooll into England, besides what they send beyond Sea: which will infallibly bring our lands in England as low as those in Ireland, i. e. to as low a rent, and to as few years value in the purchas, nay lower: if they be suffered, First to glut En­gland with their wooll, and then to furnish the markets be­yond-sea; yet we prohibited the same priviledge: which is our present condition. And undoubtedly the forbidding Irish Cattle has been of vast inconvenience, not only to the best of England, the feeding-lands; but to it all in general. By les­sening the value of our Wooll: in which even the breeding­lands receive more loss by the low price of their wooll, then they reap advantage by this Act in the price of their Cattle. this Act also is injurious to the Nation by sending our own and forein Merchant Ships to Victual in Ireland; by the want of returns from thence; by loss of our Trade for Hopps, Hides, Butter, Cheese, &c. which trades now are taken up by the Irish to the ruine of many Counties of England; by discouraging Navigation for it is said 100 of our Ships were continually employed in this Traffick of lean Cattle. And lastly by dis­couraging our Clothiers and other manufacturers; who since [Page 15] they must live out of their labours, the dearer they pay for their diet the more they must have for their work. This Irish Act therefore making our Beef dear, yet the Dutch having it from Ireland delivered in Holland for about a penny a pound, they may afford their Cloth cheaper then possibly we can: which will speedily enable them to get from us also our forein Clothing-trade, and be an irreparable damage to this King­dom: if the Parliament in their wisdome do not prevent it. Thus this Act, which in its preface designs the advancing our rents & enriching England, has lessened and impoverished both; has compelled Ireland to seek a way to live without us; has made it almost independent of England; has infine almost ruin­ed both Nations: but to our purpose. Fifthly, I omit the many deceits in Cloth-making, which W. C. confesseth to have been of late so very much practised, that our Clothes loose greatly of their ancient reputation beyond-sea to the infinite prejudice of our Trade: and I have bin informed that this was the first occasion, which put the French upon making Clothes and Stuffs of their own. But for the various abuses of this kind I refer you to a little Book called the Golden Fleece by W. S. and I am informed that the Dutch, taking occasion from our dishonest work-manship, have vended their own worst Cloth for right English Cloth; and thereby have got from us much of our trade, and great reputation to themselves. Sixthly, the Sword, Plague, forein Colonies, and repe­opling Ireland have of late years much diminished our stock of People: therefore the consumption of the commodities is less. for if we do not vend our wooll-manufactures, the reason must be; either because we make more of them, or because there is less of them used then formerly. If we make more (as some with good reason think we do) the trade increaseth; and tho it being in many hands, particular persons grow not so rich, yet the Clothing in general flourisheth, and the greater num­bers are set on work. But the contrary to this W. C. seems to affirm. He must therefore grant we want vent for our Cloth [Page 16] when made. But will the prohibiting exportation cause more vent? if the Dutch can work cheaper, better, and more ho­nestly then we, will they not undersel us, and steal away our trade? If the French can make stuffs of their own (as both they and the Dutch do) without our wooll, and prohibite our Cloth to be sold amongst them, shall we force them to buy of us? If the Italians and I French make and sell multi­tudes of fine and gaudy silks at a cheap rate, can we perswade people not to prefer them? But if we want either hands to work the vast stocks of our own wooll, and that which day­ly over whelms us from Ireland, or vent to dispose of it, what must become of the superfluity of our woo'l? Must the Far­mer and Grasier bear all the loss? No, the Land-lord must abate of his rent, or the farm thrown into his hands; the Te­nant being poor, half ruined by his losses, his Land-lord takes the farm, and at length having to his Tenants misfor­tunes, added those inconveniencies of entrusting servants, &c. He must split on the same rock; his wooll lies on his hands till he comes into debt; and in fine the farm must be sold, since the wooll bears no price. But the yearly value is so much fallen, and there is so much land to be sold on the same score, that he despairs of a chapman, &c. And this is our present condition.

7. This beating down the price of wooll is prejudicial even to the Manufacturers themselves; because if wooll be cheap, the product of it must be so too. Cloth must bear a proporti­on to the value of wooll: or if it doth not, the disadvantage is on the Clothiers side. His commodity being ever cryed down beyond measure when wooll is cheaper. Besides the less money a trades-man turns for the same commodity, the less must be his gains. The Clothier then making the same quan­tity of Cloth as formerly, and as good, selling it for less, has none to revenge himself on, but the Grazier, and the poor workman, who must then work harder or abate of his already too poor wages. Who then gains by this cheapness? [Page 17] they only who are so eager against the Exportation of Wooll; a sort of Men, who call themselves Merchants of the staple, but are in truth only brokers: (those Caterpillers of trade, and sworn Enemies to poor Men; who make their cheif gain of o­ther mens necessities.) these are sure to get both by buyer and seller, whosoever looses. To the Clothier they complain that there is no vent for Cloth, that wooll is so cheap they may have Cloth for nothing, till they have bought it at their own rates: but when they come to sell it to the Draper or Mer­chant, they then change their note. Wooll so dear that poor Clothiers can hardly go to the price of it &c. These and a thou­sand other artifices they use to scrape from both sides.

IV. To some of these reasons W. C. pretends to answer, tho in such a manner as 'tis hard to conceive what the Man would say. To what has been said concerning the Farmer and Graziers not being able to pay their rent, &c. From which so many ill consequences follow; I think he answers: that the principal comodity, out of which they raise their rent, is not wooll but the Carcas and corn; and that the more Men are set on work, the more corn and flesh is spent; so the farmers and graziers mouths are made up that way. To which it is easily replied, that a Farmer makes not up his rent out of his principal, but all, his comodities: and it is an ill argument, this is not the principal advantage or profit, therefore you may part from it. Besides Farmers have families also, which must be maintained, their Widows must not be starved, nor their Daughters married without some portions. Suppose the smaller profits be laid aside for these: yet let me tell you that a Grazier, whose stock do's not consist more then usually of beasts, must pay at least half, and in some Counties all, his Rent with the price of his Wooll; or he will live very uncom­fortably. But in that great rot which happened about 5 years agoe, in most part of England (and the like may happen a­gain, for which some provision ought to be made in good years) I beseech you, which was the principal comodity? [Page 18] What was the flesh worth? And for Corn; the low price of wooll hath made so many apply to husbandry, that usually corn do's hardly bear any price wherewith to pay his rent. What he saies of the great number of people set on work up­on the superfluous Wooll, that would make flesh and Corn dear, is surely in mockery of the poor laborious Farmers and Graziers. Who presently imagine some great Inundation of new men like Locusts, yet with money in their purses, that would presently buy up and devour all the fruits of the ground: and even their wooll also for their backs, as well as victuals for their bellies. But upon examination they'l find no encreas of Men by this mighty manufacture; but some few hands, now employed in other work, to turn to weaving, spinning, &c. They'l find no more bellies nor backs then formerly, and their corn at as low a price as it was before. Corn I say, for the Clothiers wages will not much enrich either Butcher or Grazier.

2. Another objection against what has been said, is the great number maintained by the wooll-manufacture: four fifts of the Nation, saith W. C. which except he take in the Farmers & Graziers is an extravagant proportion. But this ob­jection is wholly impertinent. It is not material to the point in hand how many are maintained by wooll-work, but how many more would be maintained by working up the superflu­ous wooll, that, I mean, which either perishes or is clandestinly exported. And these are not so many as the maintenance ought, in any wise, to be put in ballance either with the Far­mers and Graziers, or Gentry and Land-lords of this Nation.

The Cloth for our own use we still spend, and the Merchants transport more to some Countries then formerly: so that our loss is only what was usually sent into France and Holland. W. C▪ saies four fifts of the Nation are concerned in the interest that wooll be not exported. London it self contains about 5 Milli­ons, do we think any Child so simple as to believe 4 of these 5 millions are concerned about the Exportation of wooll? If [Page] he saies he means the whole woollen-trade, that also is false. But what is that to our question about superfluous wooll? let there be strict laws, and severely executed, for the use of wool in our own Nation: let the Irish Act for prohibiting impor­tation of Cattle be repealed, that we may be no more oppres­sed with wooll from thence; and it would be found neither the number of workmen, nor of People will be lessened by ex­porting our superfluous wooll. Nay I make a great question, whether the number of workmen be lessened since the woollen-trade sickned, unless by some accident. he that considers the great number of Silk-workers now in the Nation, (a clothing not of that substance and duration as Cloth, therefore requires more hands, to supply us with new) and that Cloth-working, which was formerly confined to Corporations, is now fre­quent in Villages: will either be of my opinion, or suspend his assent to the contrary: and then what becomes of this great clamor of maintaing so many People, and so many poor? Since there are not so many loose by exportation of wooll, but they may easily betake themselves to other callings.

3. But concerning maintaining the poor, I have said be­fore; that where there is most manufacture there is either all­waies, or for the most part, more poor: the reasons are plain. It is true indeed that the first introducing a manufacture em­ploies many poor, but they cease not to be so; and the conti­nuance of it makes many: and the departing of it to an other place caries most of them with it. But the decay of it being in­sensible, the poor by degrees are otherwise provided for, and rather mend their fortunes then make them worse by the loss of their trade. But for the whole Nation, why is it not bet­ter to set up such a trade as wil employ all our working people, increase our Shipping, and enrich our Men, then to endea­vour a thing impossible, (hindring exportation of wooll?) force nature? ty up the Sea and winds? to strive against the stream and current of the times? I mean the Herring-fishing, which will both make amends for the small decay of our cloth-working, [Page] and revenge our selves against the Dutch for steal­ing our manufacture; by fairly and justly making use of our own liberty and power to which nature has by our situation so long invited us. Our Cloth-working may again return, as all things and all trades have their ebbs and flows. Were not our Archers in ancient times the great glory of the Nation? re­nowned for gaining many signal battles against our Enemies? what laws have we for importing bow-staves? and what great number of Families were maintained by that trade, &c. where­as now neither are there Archers, nor bowyers, nor bow-staves, hardly in the whole Kingdom. I wish we do not too soon re­pent the disuse of those our famous weapons: to prevent which Q. Eliz. used her endeavour both by laws and encouragement (and to second her, Sr. Tho. Smith writ an ingenious book in commendation of Archery) the loss of which weapon I rather lament then hope to recover. But those workmen doubtless provided themselves other trades as Archery decaied: and this age feels no want of emploiment from that decay: neither will the next from that of clothing. But cloth may perhaps come again into request, and then the tentered, thin Dutch-cloth, the light searges of France, and the effeminate Silks of Italy may be despised. Perhaps also (which I see his Majesty most prudently endeavours) some new trading place may be discovered, which may take off our Cloth in greater abundance then France or Holland did. Or if this happen not, yet by applying our selves to fishing, we shall in short time think our present failure an happy increase. Our wooll has ever been accounted the great riches of the Kingdom. By Pol. Virgil England is call'd terra de lana, and our wool the Golden-fleece; by reason of the great quantity of Gold and Silver which came in yearly to buy it. Yet in the Sea at our doores lie greater treasures then in our wool: if we were not so slothful as to suffer our neighbours to Rob us of it, whilst we stand idle spectators of our ruine.

4. It is also objected that the French and Dutch may in time work us out of trading in other parts by underselling us: they [Page] undermine us, 'tis true, not by underselling us constantly, but by underselling us chiefly at first: and their trading being in societies and companies their losses are shared amongst so many, that a small one is hardly felt by any. wherefore if they find we have a settled trade in any place, they sell first to their own loss, and when by this means they have beaten us out, they raise their price higher then we did. Which prohibiting exportation will not hinder: there being no way of blowing up this mine of theirs, but by such a countermine of our own. If the Dutch have either more skill in making Cloth; or by faring more hardly, or having provision cheap­er from Ireland, and taking less fraight, can afford their Cloth cheaper; they must of necessity in time beat us out of trade, unless we learn to work or live as they do. But if all the su­perfluous wooll had a good price, and good custome set up­on it, would it not be a good antidote against this undersel­ling us? I am sure it would against their underselling us by what they make of our wooll, and far better then endeavour­ing to force the stream and fighting with Impossibility.

5. It has been demanded by some, since our Clothiers can­not work out our woolls, what is become of the wooll which lay on the Graziers hands in An. 1666. at which time, say they, there was as great quantity unsold as at present. Tho this I might in part deny: yet I will grant, that great quantities did then ly upon our hands; because during the War and the plague there was little of it wrought in our own, and less ex­ported into forein Countries; the King of France at that time commanded all the English wooll which came into his domini­ons (which was no small quantity) to be burnt for fear of infection. And therefore the War and Plague ceasing, our wooll was again in greater measure transported to foreiners then before. It can not therefore be concluded that our Clo­thiers can manufacture all the Wooll of England, because at this juncture we had more, and afterwards less wooll upon our hands. But we still loose the point which is concerning super­fluous [Page] wooll only. if the Clothiers can work it all, let them do it; we shall all rejoice at it: if they cannot, I hope they will acknowledge themselves unreasonable if they oppose what we request.

6. Lastly they urge that the French cannot make any, ex­cept very course Cloth, without our wooll. Which I deny and appeal to them, who know any thing of the South parts of France, whether they make not good Cloth at and about Car­cassone, Bourge en Berry and diverse other places without the help of our woolls? Some Turky Merchants know also, that their Carcason Cloth findes good prices, and many buyers in the Levant. But grant it true, that they can make but little be­sides course cloth without our wooll, and suppose it were pos­sible to keep our wooll from them; yet if they will be content to wear their own course Cloth (as most certainly they will and must) rather then buy ours, what shall the not-exporting wooll advantage the Clothier or the Merchant? I would fain ask those who are so unwilling to have wooll exported, whe­ther they will give security to take of all the wooll yearly growing in the Nation at a reasonable rate, suppose 10. pound per Pack: but if they refuse, let them not think it reasonable the poor Grazier, and Farmor, or indeed the Land-lord must bear all the loss and damage. 'Tis too great a burthen on them, who already bear the cheif and almost only burthen of the Na­tion.

V. For remedy of all the disorders in this matter, I shall propose nothing but what I conceive the laws of the Nation and Acts of Parliament enjoin. As,

1. That those, who work up our wooll in England may buy when and where they please, and as cheap as they can.

2. That no broker or forestaller shall be suffered to buy wooll, but that it shall be bought either by the Clothier him­self, or the Exporter; but not by any man to sell it again in England: unless in such Towns as Halifax, &c. Where the poor workmen are not able to buy any considerable quantities, as formerly it was.

[Page 23] 3. That no Merchant stranger shall be suffered to buy any Wooll till All-Saints or St. Martins-day: but then any may buy and export what they please.

4. That every sack of Wooll, that is exported, shall pay such customes to the King as the Parliament in their wisdom shall think meet.

5. That no Man under such a degree as shall be judged meet shall wear other then woollen outward garments.

6. That all forein woollen and Silk-manufactures whatever be confiscate.

7. That provision be made for vending our Cloth beyond Sea: and a prohibition made of the Comodities coming from such Countries as refuse our Cloth; as the Parliament shall think fit, according to the example of former times.

8. That the Irish wooll be prevented from coming into England, unless in order to its sale to strangers.

9. That the multitude of Acts for Cloth-working be re­duced into one plain, clear law remedying the innumerable a­buses in mingling, Carding, Spinning, Weaving, Scour­ing, Milling, Rowing, Tentring, Dying, &c. Which done, it 'twill be easy to prevent exporting undressed and un­dyed Clothes. Of which Sr. Walter Raleigh justly complains, as prejudicial to the Kingdom.

10. That the Aulnager may be countenanced in, and be put in mind of, duely executing his office: not suffering his seals to be sold by dozens to Clothiers and Shearmen to fix to their own Clothes at their pleasure, without being measured or visited.

11. That no English-man be permitted to set up for himself in relation to clothing till he have served 7 years apprentice­ship at the trade. Which will lessen the out-cry of Clothiers for want of work, encourage honest and skilful work-wen, and give credit to the employment, which now is disgraced by those whom ignorance, not an ill trade, reduces to necessity, and finally it will give reputation to our Cloths) which for [Page 24] want of it have much lost their vent beyond-sea as well as in our own Nation.

12. That for encrease of our People a voluntary register be permitted, and liberty, given to all strangers to buy lands, to set up manufacture at their pleasure, and to live with free­dom, liberty, and the priviledges, of English-men. Following in this the excellent example of great King Ed. 3 that there be care taken to prevent idleness, so frequent in this Nation since Queen Elizabeths Acts for releiving beggars: a thing most piously designed; yet proving an encouragement to thei- very and Idleness, a charge to the industrious inhabitants of every Parish, and an injury to the whole Nation.