FIVE SPEECHES IN THE HIGH AND HONOVRABLE Court of PARLIAMENT.
BY Sir Beniamin Rudyerd, Knight, Surveighour of his Maiesties Court of Wards and Liveries.
Printed according to his owne true Copies, the former being absurdly false.
Now published with Licence.
LONDON, Printed by H. Dudley, for Henry Seile, at the Tygers head in Fleetstreet over against Saint Dunstan's-Church. 1641.
AN INTRODVCTION to the last Parliament 16. Caroli. 1640.
Concerning moderation and preservation of Parliaments, by Sir Beniamin Rudyerd Knight, 16. Caroli. 1640.
BY Gods blessing, and the Kings savour, a great door and effectuall is opened unto us of doing a great deal of good, if we do not shut in against our selves. That we are here together in this House, is an evident demonstration that the Kings heart stands right towards us; for which we do owe him a thankfull, a dutifull, a bountifull retribution.
Parliaments of later times have been disastrous and unfortunate, insomuch as the very Name of a Parliament hath been a reproach, a by word, a hissing. It now lyes in our hands, by Gods assistance, and it ought to be our chiefe indeavour, to restore Parliaments to their wonted luster.
There are some here in this House who were present, and many who do [...] remember when the first Parliament was broken that ever was broken in England: we know from what [...] it [...], and of the most part, the same Genius hath prevailed ever since, full of subtilty, full of malignity. But now they have taken upon them such a boldnesse, such an arrogance, as they stand in competition with us, who are the better subiects. And some beleeve they have carried it: their emulation I shall like, and do hope, but their presumption is not to be born; for certainly the best religion makes the best subiects, I wish them no harm, for I wish their conversion, and [...] harsh way to it. Let us set up more and better Light to lighten their darknesse burning shining Lights, not luke warm, glow-worm Lights; that the people in all places of the kingdom may be diligently taught, carefully instructed, in soundnesse of doctrine, by good example [...] their Pastors; taught and instructed to hear prayers, how to use prayers; for whosoever [...] made the quarrell between praying and preaching, never meant well to religion, being both so necessary duties not defranding one another: But I know not how it come about, that in out religion onely a man may I be too religious. The best way to suppresse all other religions, is to up hold our own to the height Light dispells darknes without noise or bussle. But I never [Page 3]yet know any man beaten him an opinion: I have known many frighted into dissimulation. A almosity and faintnesse becomes no Religion. Although [...] we have bad [...], that by their [...]nning working or distempers in this House and by their [...] working upon these distempers out or the House, they have contributed as much to the breaking of Parliaments as any thing [...] whatsoever, yet bamlperswade to they will not be so active in this, because of their common Interest with us, as Sulli [...] as Englishmen, there being now; such a general necessity, of having a whole, a happy [...] Howsoever, it will be wisdom in us, to be ware of Insusions, to keep steady to our temper.
The maine cause of the infelicity and destraction of these times hath been, the frequent breaking of Parliaments, beleeve [...] Master Speaker, the splinters of a broken Parliament, do make the most dangerous wounds in the body Politique, which having so long festerd, must be puld out with skilfull gentle hand, else they may rather vex, then cure the wounds they have made. But we need not despaire of a cure. For, in the fourteenth yeare of Edward the third. That King had great summes of money granted him in Parliament by way of Subsidie, for an expedition into France the went over entred into a way but the ill managing of his treasure at home by his Officers, and [Page 4]the withdrawing of some payments is by the people for not performance of conditions, enforced him to accept of a truce, when he was in the full hope of gayning a great victory; this could not but work strongly upon that greathearted Prince; He returned; Presently in the fifteenth yeer he summon'd a Parliament, wherin were nothing but iealousies, contestations, & distempers; so that the Parliament, ended without fruit. In the 17th. yeer he called another Parliament, for no other end, but only to make an atonement between him & his people, which intention wrought the successe: for, by the prudence, and patience of the king. by the wisdom and humblenesse of both Houses, all breaches were clos'd up, and such a perfect union made, as there never fell out any difference betweene him and his people during the whole time of his long life after. Why may not wee be as wise round? I presume we shall. A Parliament is the bed of reconcilation between a King and his people, mutually best for both: so that it will be proper and fit for us, to lay aside all acerbity, and exasperation, To demeane our selves with calmnesse, sweetnesse, dutyfullnesse,
Although the Prerogative have gone very high, yet if we can but bring our selves to an equanimity, to an indifferency of iudgement, we shall finde that all kings do as naturally love power, as all people do affect liberty: Then is it no more marvaile that Princes do hearken [Page 5]to them who seek to improve their power, then that Parliaments have too much yeilded to some who have pressed to cut end their liberty; whereas indeed, both Prerogative and liberty are best preserved, when they are executed within their bounds.
The Law saith, That a King of England can do no wrong. As for instruments, If the matters do start and expose the men, if the things they have misdone be condemned and reformed, the men, without my more a do, will quickly be despised, grow as use lesse as they are worthles, wither and wear away to the nothing they deserve. It is true that in some times, examples are more necessary then Lawes, especially when Lawes grow infirme for want of exercise, because examples make a deeper impression, strike a greater terror: But at this time, we should very unhand somly celebrate the Redintegration, and union we desire and expect, with unsutable severity, and extremities.
The levying of money to releeve the Kings necessities, hath also bred a great disturbance, & it will do so: for the pe [...]ry and scarcity of the Crown will keep a perpetuall inter feering between the King and his people untill it be supplied. The power of a King, and the power of necessity ioyned both in one hand, Master [...], will not long be disappointed. But I doe hope before this Parliament be finally concluded, we shall establish such a constant Revenue [Page 6]to his Maiestie, as shall enable him to live plentifully [...] at home, for a high formidable [...] upon him [...] and that without [...]king any thing away from him, but such things only as wil fall away of them selves. This, nothing but Parliaments can do. As for subsist, I could never [...] narrow, protecting word applyed to the King without scorne and indignation.
Let us set out thoughts and desires but six [...] back, when we had noe hope of any Parliament at all [...], what then we would have given, what we would have done then to have had a Parliament; And we cannot [...] well now; It doth not well [...] with the wisdom and settlednesse of this Assembly. to value [...] a Parliament we had not, then the Parliament we have; to think better of an imaginaty Parliament, then of a reall one.
I have observed, that whilst Parliaments are sitting, they [...] so high, so sharp, as if Parliaments should sit alwaies, which indeed doth [...]: And when Parliaments are [...] who [...] if Parliament [...] never sit again; [...] a Parliament [...] into this House [...] us [...] the pieces together, [...] out right, and our selves with it.
Mr. Speaker, It is so far from being strange, as it can hardly be otherwise, but that in so long a vacation between Parliaments, many disorders must needes grow in upon us, as Deviation in Religion, violation of Lawes, invasion upon libertyes: But the worke and labour, is how to teduce them, how to set them right againe: The manner of doing it ought to be the principall in our consideration, for the matters carry in them, stirring, vehement, tempting provocations. For that very reason, Master Speaker, it behoves us to be the more wary, the more compos'd, lest we be transported beyond the attaining our ends. I confesse I do now feele my selfe in a straight. Shall we onely looke forward as they call it, Altogether omit and neglect God in his Religion, the King in his Honour, the Common-wealth in his gasping extremity? That stands notwith the integrity of this house, with the [...] our country. Shall we encounter these enormities with the ful force of a Parliamentary strictnes, rigor, and exactnesse? In doing thus, we may turn the medcine into a worse disease, and so undoe all, even root out the whole race of Parliaments for ever, Men and brethren what shall we doe, Truly Master Speaker, If I should speake for my life, as I doe for more, I should most humbly beseech this House, That we may all of us strive to make this a breeding, teeming Parliament, that it may be the mother of many moe, and not cast our selves [Page 8]upon the hazard of desperate, dismall events. As long as we have Parliaments, we shall know where to finde our selves; when they are gone, we are lost.
AN INTRODVCTION To the PARLIAMENT, Novemb. 7. 1640.
WE are here assembled to do Gods busines & the Kings, in which our own is included, as we are Christians as we are Subjects, Let us [...] God, thee shall we honour the King the more for I am afraid we have been the lesse prospectus in Parliaments be cause we have preferr'd other [...] him. Let Religion be [...] for all things else are [...] yet we may have them too, [...] and [...]; if we give God his precedence.
We all know, what disturbance hath beene brought upon the [...], for vain, petty trifles; How the whole Church, The whole kingdome hath been troubled where to place a Metaphor, [Page 9]an Altar. We have seen Ministers, their wives, children, and families undone against law; against conscience, against all bowells of compassion, about not dancing upon Sundayes. What do this sort of men thinke will be come of themselves, when the master of the house shall come, and finde them thus Beating their fellow-servants? These inventions were but Sives made of purpose to winnow the best men; and that's the devils occupation. They have a minde to worry Preaching: for I never yet heard of any but diligent preachers, that were vex'd with these, and the like devices. They despise prophecy, and as one said, they would faine be at something that were like the Masse, that will not bite; a muzzeld Religion. They would evaporate and dis-spirit the power and vigour of Religion, by drawing it out into solemne, specious Formalityes, into obsolete, antiquated ceremonies new furbished up. And this (belike) is the good worke in hand with Docter Heylin hath so often celebrated in his bold Pamphlets. All their acts and actions are so full of mixtures, involutions, and complications, as nothing is cleare, nothing sincere, in any of their proceedings: let the in not say, that these are the perverse suspicious, malitious interpretations, or some few factions spirits amongst us; when a Romanist hath bragg'd, and congratulated in print, that the face of our church begins to alter, the language of our religion to change. And Sancta Clara [Page 10]hath published, That if a Synod were held, Non intermixtis Puritanis, setting Puritans aside, our Articles & their Religion would soon be agreed. They have so brought it to passe, that under the name of Puritans all our Religion is branded, & under a few hard words against Iesuits, all Popery is countenanced. Whosoever squares his actions by any rule, either divine or humane, he is a Puritan. Whosoever would be govern'd by the King's Lawes, he is a Puritan; he that will not doe whatsoever other men would have him do, he is a Puritan. Their great worke, their master piece now is, to make those of the Religion, to be the suspected party of the kingdome.
Let us farther reflect upon the ill effects these courses have wrought; what by a defection from us on the one side, & a separation on the other: Some, imagining whither we are tending, made haste to turne, or declare themselves Papists beforehand, thereby hoping to render themselves the more gracious, the more acceptable. A great multitude of the King's Subiects, striving to hold communion with us, but seeing how farre we were gone, and fearing how much further we would goe, were forc'd to flee the land, some into other inhabited countreys, very many into savage wildernesses, because the land would not bear them. Doe not they that cause these things cast a reproach upon the government?
Master Speaker, let it be our principall care that these wayes neither continue, nor returne upon [Page 11]us. If we secure our religion, we shall cut off, and defeat many plots that are now on foot by them & by others. Beleeve it Sirs Religion hath bin for a long time, and still is, the great designe upon this Kingdome. It is a knowne, and a practis'd principle, that they who would introduce another Religion into the church, must first trouble, and disorder the government of the state, that so they may hide, and worke their ends in a confusion; which now lyes at the doore.
I come next, Master Speaker, to the King; businesse, more particularly, which indeed is the kingdomes: for one hath no existence, no being, without the other, their relation is so neere. Yet some have subtilly, and strongly, laboured a divorce; which hath been the very bane both of King and kingdome.
When foundations are shaken, it is high time to look to the building. He hath no heart, no head, no soule, that is not moved in his whole man, to look upon the distresses, the miseries of the Common-wealth; that is not forward in all that he is, and hath, to redresse them in a right way.
The King likewise is reduced to great streights, wherein it were undurifulnesse, beyond inhumanity, to take advantage of him: let us rather make it an advantage for him; to do him best service when he hath most need; not to seek our owne good, but in him, and with him Else we shall commit the same crimes our [Page 12]selves, which we must condemn in others.
His Majestie hath clearly and freely put himselfe into the hands of this Parliament, and I presume, there is not a man in this House, but feels himselfe advanc'd in this high Trust. But if he prosper no better in our hands, then he hath done in theirs, who have hitherto had the handling of his affaires, we shall for ever make our selves unworthy of so gracious a confidence. I have often thought and said, That i [...] must be some great extremity that would recover and rectifie this state: And when that extremity did come, it would be a great hazard, whether it might prove a remedy, or a ruine. We are now, Master Speaker, upon that verticall turning point; and therefore it is no time to pall [...]ate, to foment, our owne undoing.
Let us set upon the Remedy, We must first know the disease. But to discover the diseases of the state, is (according to some) to traduce the government: yet others are of opinion, that this is the halfe way to the cure.
His Majestie is wiser then they that have advised him, and therefore he cannot but see, and feele, their subverting, destructive counsells, which speak lowder, then I can speak of them; for they ring a dolefull, deadly knell over the whole kingdome. His Majestie best knowes who they are. For us, let the matters bolt out the men, their actions discover them.
They are men that talk largely of the Kings service, have done none but their own, and that's too evident.
They speak highly of the Kings power, but they have made it a miserable power, that produceth nothing but weaknesse; both to the King and kingdom.
They have exhausted the King's revenue to the bottome, nay thorow the bottome, and beyond.
They have spent vast summ [...] of money, wastfully, fruitlesly, dangerously; so that more money, without other counsells, will be but a swift undoing.
They have alwayes, peremptorily pursued one obstinate pernitious course. First, they bring things to an extremity; Then, they make that extremity of their own, making the reason of their next action, seaven times worse then the former; and there we are at this instant.
They have almost [...]poil'd the best instituted government in the world, for Soveraignety in a King, liberty to the Subject, the proportionable temper of both which, makes the happiest State for power, for Riches, for duration.
They have unmanerly and slubburringly cast all their proiects all their machinations upon the King; which no wise or good ministers of State ever did but would still take all harsh, disrastfull things upon themselves, to eleare, to sweeten their Master.
They have not suffered his Majestie to appear unto his people in his owne native goodnesse, they have ecelipst him by their interposition: although grosse condense bodyes may obscure and hinder the Sun from shining out, yet is he still the same in his own splendour; and when they are removed, all creatures under him, are directed by his light, comforted by his beams. But they have framed a Supercilious-seeming Maxime of State for their own turne; that if a King will suffer men to bee torne from him, he shall never have any good service done him: when the plaine truth is, that this is the surest way to preserve a King from having ill servants about him. And the divine trueth likewise is; Take away the wicked from the King, and his throne shall be established.
Master Speaker. Now we see what the sores are in generall, and when more particulers shall appeare, lot us be very carefull, to draw out the cores of them, not to skin them over, with a slight, suppurating, festring cure, lest they presently breake out againe into greater mischiefs. Consider of it, cousult, and speake your mindes.
It [...]th heretofore been boasted, that the King should never call a Parliament, till he had no need of his people. These were words of division, and malignity. The King must alwayes, according to his occasions, have use of his peoples hearts, hands, purses, The people will alwayes [Page 15]have need of the King's clemency, justice, protection, and this reciptocation, is the strongest, the sweetest union.
It hath been said too of late, that a Parliament will take away more from the King, then they will give him. It may well be said, that those things which will fall away or themselves, will enable the Subject to give him more than can betaken any way else. Proiects and Monopolies are but leaking Conduit pipes, the Exchequer it selfe at fullest, is but a cisterne, and now a broken one: frequent Parliaments onely are the fountaine; and I doe not doubt, but in this Parliament, as we shall be free in our advises, so shall we be the more free of our Purses, that his Maiestie may experimentally finde, the reall difference of better councells, the true, solid grounds, of raysing and establishing his Greatnesse, never to be brought againe (by God's blessing) to such dangerous, such desperate perplexities.
Master Speaker, I confesse I have now gone in a way much against my Nature, and somewhat against my custome beretofore in this place. But the deplorable, dismall condition, both of the Church & State, have so far wrought upon my iudgement, as it hath convinc'd my disposition. Yet am I not Vir Sanguinum. I love no mans ruine, I thank God, I neither hate any mans Person, nor envy any mans fortune: onely I am zealous of a thorow reformation, in a time that [Page 16]exacts, that extorts it; which I humbly beseech this House may be done, with as much lenity, as much moderation, as the publique safety of the King and kingdom can possibly admit.
Concerning Money to the SCOTS.
IT will become us thankfully to acknowledge, the prudent and painfull endeavours of my Lords the Peeres Comissioners, in treating with the Scots, in mediating with the king: whereby (God assisting) we are how probably drawing neare to a blessed peace.
His Maiestie in his wisdome and goodnesse, is graciously pleased to give his Royall Assent to their Acts of Parliament, where in the articles of their assembly are like wife included. Insomuch as their Religion, their Lawes, their liberties, are ratified and established. Besides, their grievances rehev'd and redress'd; for which we use to give the King money, and are still ready to do it. This, although it be a large, yet it is not received as a full satisfaction.
Before they came into England, they publish'd in a Remonstrance, that they would take nothing of the English, but what they would pay for, or give security: we have desray'd them hitherto, and are provided to do it longer.
They did well remember, that we assisted them in the time of their Reformation; and it is not to be forgoten, that we did bear our own charges.
Concerning mutuall restitution of Ships, and goods, my Lords the Comissioners have very fairly and discreetly accomodated that parricular already.
As for inferenciall, consequenciall dammages, such a representation would but minister unacceptable matter of difference and contestation; which amongst friends ought to be warily and wisely avoyded.
We could alleadge, and truly too, that Northumberland, Newcastle, and the Bishoprick, will not recover their former state these twenty yeares. We have heard it spoken in this House, by an understanding knowing member in the particular, that the Coal-mmes of New castle will not be set right againe for a hundred thousand pound, besides the over price of coales, which all the while it hath and will cost this city, and other parts of the kingdome. A great deale more of this nature might be rehearsed: but I delight not to presse such tenter-stretch'd arguments. Let us on both sides rather thank [Page 18]God by proceeding in the way he hath laid before us, and not wry his way to ours: time and his blessing will repair all our implicit damages, with many prosperous explicit advantages.
They say, that they do not make any formall demand, but they do make a sum to appeare of five hundred and fourteen thousand pounds, more then ever we gave the king at once. A portentous apparition! which shews it selfe in a very dry time, when the Kings revenue is totally exhausted, his debts excessively multiplied, this kingdom generally impoverish'd by grievous burdens, and disordered courts. All this supply is to be drawne out of us only, without the least help from any of his Maiesties other dominions; which to my seeming, will be an utter drayning of the people, unlesse England be Ruteus in-exhaustus, as the Popes were wont to call it.
Notwithstanding, Sir, now that I have in part opened the state we are in, though nothing so exactly as they have done theirs, I shall most willingly and heartily affoord the Scots, whatsoever is iust, equitable, and honourable, even to a convenient, considerable, round sum of money, towards their losses and expences, that we may go off with a friendly and a handsome losse. If they reiect it, we shall improve our cause.
It was never yet thought, Master Speaker, any great wisdom, over much to trust a successfull [Page 19]sword. A man that walkes upon a rysing ground, the further he goes, the larger is his prospect. Successe enlarges mens desires, extends their ambition, it breedes thoughts in them they never thought before. This is naturall, and usuall.
But the Scots being truly touch't with Religion according to their profession, that only is able to make them keepe their word. For, Religion is stronger, and wiser, then reason, or reason of slate.
Beyond all this Master Speaker, the remarkable traces of Gods wonderfull providence in this strange worke, are so many, so apparant, as I cannot but hope, almost to beleeve, that the same All governing mercifull [...] will conduct and leade us to a happy conclusion, will contract a closer, firmer union betweene the two nations then any meere humane policy could ever have effected, with inestimable benefits to both. In advancing the truth of religion, in exalting the greatnesse of the King, in securing the peace of his kingdomes, against all malitious, envious, ambitious opposites, to Religion, to the king, to his kingdomes; wherein, I presume, all our desires, and prayers do meete.
Concerning BISHOPS.
I do verily beleeve, that there are many of the Clergy in our Church, who do thinke the simplicitie of the Gospel too meane a vocation for them too serve in. They must have a specious, pompous, sumptuous Religion, with additionalls of Temporall Greatnesse, Authority. Negotiation; not withstanding they know better then I, what Fathers Schoolmen, Counsells are against their mixing themselves in secular affaires.
This Romane ambition, will at length bring in the Romane Religion, and at last a haughty insolence even against supreme power it selfe, if it be not timely, and wisely prevented.
They have amongst them and Apothegm of their own making, which is, No Miter, no Scepter: when we know by deare experience, that if the Miter be once in danger, they care not to throw the scepter after, to confound the whole kingdome for their interest.
And histories will tell us, that whensoever [Page 21]the Clergy went high, Monarchy still went low: if they could not make the Monarch the Head of their own faction, they would be sure to make him lesse; witnesse one example for all, the Popes working the Emperour out of Italy.
Some of ours assoone as they are Bishops, Adepto fine, cessat motus, they will preach no longer, their office then is to governe: but in my opinion they govern worse then they preach though they preach not at all; for we see to what passe their government hath brought us.
In conformity to themselves, they silence others also, though Hierome in one of his epistles saith, that even a Bishop let him be of never, so blamelesse a life, yet he doth more hurt by his silence, then he can do good by his example.
Master Speaker, It now behooves us so to restrayne the Bishops to the duties of their function, as they may never more hanker after heterogenious extravagant imploiments. Not be so absolute, so single and solitary in actions of moment, as Excommunication, absolution, ordination, and the like: but to joyn some of the Ministery with them, & further to regulate them according to the usage of ancient Churches in the best times; that by a well temper'd government, they may not have power hereafter, to corrupt the church, to undoe the kingdome.
When they are thus circumscrib'd, and the publique secur'd from their eruptions, then shall not I grudge them a liberall, plentifull subsistence; [Page 22]else I am sure they can never be given to hospitally.
Although the calling of the Clergy be all glorious within, yet if they have not a large, considerable outward support, they cannot be freed from vulgar contempt.
It will alwayes be fit, that the flourishing of the church should hold proportion with the flourishing of the Common-wealth wherein it is. If we dwell in houses of Cedar, why should they dwell in skins. And I hope, I shall never see a good Bishop left worse then a Parson, without a Gleabe.
Certainly Sir, the superintendencie of eminent men, Bishops over divers Churches, is the most primitive, the most spreading, the most lasting government of the Church. Wherefore, whilest we are earnest to take away Innovations, let us beware we bring not in the greatest Innovation that over was in England.
I do very well know what very many do very servently desire; But let us well bethink our selves, whether a popular, democraticall government of the Church (though fit for other places) will be either sutable or acceptable to a Regall, Monarchicall government of the State.
Every man can say (it is so common and known a truch) that sudden and great changes, both in naturall and politique bodies, have dangerous operations? and give me leave to say, that we cannot presently see to the end of such [Page 23]a consequence, especially in so great a kingdom as this, and where Episcopacie is so wrap dane involv'd in the Laws of it.
Wherefore, Master Speaker, my humble motion is, That we may punish the present offenders, reduce and preserve the Calling for better men hereafter. Let us remember with fresh thankfulnesse to God, those glorious Martyr. Bishops who were burn'd for our Religion in the times of Popery, who by their learning, zeal, and constancle, uphold and convay'd it down to us.
We have some good Bishops still, who do preach every Lords Day, and are therefore worthy of double honour. They have suffer'd enough already in the disease, I shall be forry we should make them suffer more in the remedy.
Concerning BISHOPS, DEANES, AND CHAPTERS: At a Committee of the whole House by Sir Beniamin Rudyerd.
WE are now upon a very great businesse, so great indeed, as it requires our soundest, our saddest consideration, our best iudgement for the present, our utmost foresight for the futuer.
But Sir, One thing doth exceedingly trouble me, it turnes me quite round, it makes my whole reason vertiginous, which is, that so many doe beleeve against the wisdom of all ages, that now, [Page 25]there can he no reformation without destruction, as if every sick body must presently be knock'd in the head as past hope of cure.
Religion was first and best planted in Cities. God did spread his net where most might be caught. Cities had Bishops and Presbiters. Presbiters were the Seminaries out of which were sent labourers by the Bishops to propagate and cultivate the Gospell. The Clergy then liv'd wholly upon the free-will-offerings and bounty of the people.
Afterward, when Kings and States grew to be Christians, the outward settlement of the church grew up with them. They erected Bishopricks, founded Cathedrall churches, endowed them with large possessions. Land lords built parish churches, gleabd them with some portion of land, for which they have still a right of Presentation.
I do confesse that some Bishops have had ambitious, dangerous aymes, and have so still. That in their government there are very great Enormities."Regeneration doth neither destroy the man nor the faculties, but doth rectifie and reforme them: so the calling of Bishops may, &c. But I am not of their opinion, who beleeve that there is an innate ill quallity in Episcopacy, like a specificall property, which is a refuge, not a reason. I hope there is no originall sin in Episcopacie, and though there were, yet may the "Calling be aswell reformed, as the person regenerated. Bishops have govern'd the church [Page 25]for fifteene hundred yeeres without interruption and no man will say, But that God hath saved soules in all those times under their government. Let them be reduced, according to the usage of ancient Churches in the best times, so restrayned, as they may not be able hereafter to shame the calling. I love not those that hate to be reformed, and doe therefore thinke them worthy of the more strict, the more close reformation.
We have often complaind that Bishops are too absolute, too singular. Although Cathedrall, churches are now for the most part but receptacles of Droanes and Non-residents, yet some good men may be found or placed there, to be Assessours with the Bishops, to assist them in actions of moment, in causes of importance. There is maintenance already provided for them. If either in Bishopricks or Cathedrall churches, there be too much, some may be pared off, to relieve them that have to little. If yet more may be spared, it may be employed to the setting up of a preaching ministery thorow the whole kingdome, and untill this be done, although we are Christians, yet are we not a Christian State. There are some places in England, that are not in Christendome; the people are so ignorant, they live so without God in the world; for which, Parliaments are to answer both to God and [Page 26]man: let us looke to it, for it lyes like one of the Burdens of the Prophet Esay, heavy and flat upon Parliaments.
I have oftentimes seriously considered with my selfe, what strong concurrent motives and causes did meet together in that time, when Abbeyes and Monasteryes were overthrown. Certainly Gods hand was the greatest, for he was most offended. The prophane superstitions, the abhominable Idolatryes, the filthy nefandous wickednesse of their lifes, did stink in Gods nostriles, did call downe for vengeance, for reformation. A good party of Religious men were zealous instruments in that great work. As likewise many covetous ambitious Persons, gaping for fat morsells, did lustily drive it on.
But Master Hyde, there was a principall Parliamentary motive, which did facillitate the rest. For it was propounded in Parliament, that the Accession of Abbey lands would so in-rich the crowne, as the people should never be put to pay Subsidies againe; this was plausable both to court and country besides with the overplus, there should be mainteyned a standing army of forty thousand men, for a perpetuall defence of the kingdome; this was safety at home, terrour and honour abroad. The Parliament would make all sure.
Gods part, Religion by his blessing hath been [Page 28]reasonably well preserv'd: but it hath been saved an by fire, for the rest is consum'd and vanish'd. The people have paid Subsidies ever since; and we are now in no very good case to pay an Army.
Let us beware, Master Hyde, that we do not look with a worldly, carnall, evill eye upon church lands. Let us cleare our sight, search our hearts, that we may have unmixt and sincere ends, without the least thought of saving our own purses. Church lands will still be fittest to maintaine church men, by a proportionable and orderly distribution.
We are very strict and curious to uphold our own propriety, and there is great reason for it: Are the Clergy only a sort of men who have no propriety at all in that which is called theirs? I am sure they are Englishmen, they are Subiects.
If we pull down Bishopricks, and pull down Cathedrall churches, in a short time we must be forc'd to pull downe Colledges too: for schollers will live and die there as in cells, if there be no considerable preferment to invite them abroad, and the example we are making now, will be an easie temptation to the lesse pressing necessities of future times.
This is the next way to bring in Barbarisine, to make the Clergy an unlearnd contemptible [Page 29]vocation, not to be desir'd but by the basest of the people; and then, where shall we finde men able to convince an adversary?
A Clergy man ought to have a farre greater proportion to live upon then any other man of an equall condition. He is not bred to multiply Three-pences, it becomes him not to live mechanically and sordidly. He must be given to hospitality. I do know my selfe a Clergy man, nodignitary, whose books have cost him a thousand pounds, which when he dyes may be worth to his wife and children, about some two hundred.
It will be a shamefull reproach to so flourishing a kingdom as this, to have a poore beggerly Clergy. For my part, I think nothing too much, nothing too good for a good minister, a good Clergy man. They ought least to want, who best know how to abound. Burning and shining lights, do well deserve to bee set in good candlesticks.
Master Hyde, I am as much for reformation, for purging and maintaining Religion, as any man whatsoever: But I professe, I am not for Innovation, Demolition, nor Abolition.