CAP. I. Iavan, Ias, Iaones, Ionia, [...]. Athenae in actâ, Cecropiae, Cranaae, Atthis, Attica, Athenae sub Cecrope. Certa­men Palladis & Neptuni, Plutarchi ea de re sententia, alii sub Erectheo volunt nominari, Iustinus sub Amphictyone. Salenos. Selines. Satinae. Sethina.

BY the sonnes of Noah Gen. 10.5. were the Iles of the Gentiles divided in their lands, every one af­ter his tongue; when by their audacious fol­ly they would have mounted up to heaven, thinking to leave a name to posterity, by building Castles in the air. From which at­tempt proceeded that which before they were jealous of, namely, a scattering abroad upon the face of the earth; he having so spoken it, whose breath alone affords a fair wind. Hoyst then their sailes they must, and, bidding adieu to the plain in the land of Shenar, seek out some new habitation. Travellers they were of yore, & yet still must journey: Each one in as different a course, as of a divers language: The sons of Shem their way: the sons of Iaphet, theirs; Gomer, and Ma­gog, and Madai, and Iavan; with whom I purpose one furlong [Page 2] to keepe company, leaving the rest on one side or other, or behind, looking only to my proposed scope.Joseph. An­tiq. l. 1. c. 7. p. 13. [...]. From Iavan came Ionia and all the Greekes. And in Scripture we have Iavan put for Greece; in Daniel twice, Dan. 10.20. And when I am gone forth, loe the Prince of Grecia shall come. And againe, Cap. 11.2. He shall stirre up all against the Realm of Grecia. Where although the old translation ren­ders it not Iavan, yet it is so found in the originall. He then coming into the country called afterwards Attica, left unto it his own name, whence it was tearmed Ionia and Ias. [...].Strabo l. 9. p. 392. For Attica was an­tiently called Ionia and Ias. In which words we still retaine some reliques of the radix, notwithstanding the small dif­ference of the termination. But if we please to view after what title the sons of Iavan were stiled Iaones, we shall come nearer home. Strabo in the above quoted place, [...]. Homer when he saies, There the Boeotians and Iaones, speakes of the Athenians. The Scholiast of Aeschylus on these words,

[...]. It is to be understood, quoth he, that the Athenians are tearmed Iaones, from one Iaon (he meanes Iavan) that was their King. Neither is it strange that the vau or [...] is left out; for though it be not written, yet perswaded I am that it was as much pronounced, as other au Dipthongs were. For the Donat. in Ter. p. 130. antique Latines and the Greekes spake it as broad a, as if it had been thesaros, not thesauros. S^r Walter Raleigh is of opinion, That Asia the lesse had people before Greece had any, and that Iavan did not fly from Babylonia into Greece, but took Asia the lesse in his passage, and from thence past over the nearest way, lea­ving his owne name to some maritimate province on that side, as he did to that part so called. In which, although the authority of so worthy and judicious a man might move much, yet it shall be sufficient for me, only to goe so farre, as antiquity will [Page 3] beare me out. Lib. 1. p. 2. Thucydides reports, that it is manifest that all Greece was not [...], firmely inhabited, but that there were continuall pilgrimages, or removings of the in­habitants, forsaking their former places, being driven out by a stronger and greater number. Wherefore when there was no safe traffique or commerce by sea or land, each ma­nured his grounds for to have provent, alone to serve for present necessity, desiring no more then from hand to mouth; it being uncertain, how soon they might be compel­led to get them thence. Whereupon they did more willing­ly change their seats; not taking grievous that sharp charge, veteres migrate coloni, Be gone you ancient Boores. But the more fertill soyle had hard bickrings. Thessaly, Boeotia, and a great part of Peloponnesus, except Arcadia, was often invaded, and the old Lords expelled.Thucyd. [...]. But Attica, by reason of the thinnesse or barrennesse of the ground, was alwaies in­habited by the same men (none it seems being willing to leave his better, for a worse) not affording fuell to contention. Out of which peace sprung up so great a multitude, that Attica, even now swarming, and [...], not able to contain and feed so many, is constrained to send forth Colonies into Ionia, a region of Asia the lesse, which is reported by the Greekes to borrow denomination from Ion the son of Xuthus, or, as the Poets say, Apollo and Creusa, who in the words of Euripides is thought to be In Ione. T. 2. p. 619. [...], the maker or founder of Asia. The mother Ionia (for so I please to say) kept not still her former name. For in processe of time she owned Actaea; from Actaeon, as Li. 9. p. 397. Strabo sayes, or from Actaeus, accor­ding to In Att. p. 2. Pausanias, who was the first king thereof, by Pag. 23. Tzet­zes on Lycophron called Acteus. But Orat. 6. Dion Chrysostom brings a more naturall reason then this, why it was Actaea. Acta signifies a shore, both in the Greeke and Virg. Aen. 5. p. 214. Latine speech. Now because all of it, within a little, was washed with the sea, and Strabo l. 9. p. 391. [...], it might challenge unto it selfe Actaea. Dion [Page 4] [...]. Hence [...] by the Aenegmeticall Poet in his Pag. 22. Cassandra is put for this country. Tzetzes. Because it is (Acta) a cliffe, that is cast forth and lying in the sea. And Athens her selfe by Plautus is said Athenae in acta, pro Athenis Atticis, as In Spicile­giis. Palmerius hath noted. But this grew old after a season, & Cecrops, having married the daughter of Actaeus, glories in his Cecropia, and Athens was called Cecropiae, & Cecropis civitas; and after that Cranaae, from Cranaus the king that succeeded him. This Cranaus among other of his daughters had one Strabo & Paus. locis praed. Atthis, from whom also was derived Atthis and Attica; next Posidonia and Minervia, from Neptune and Pallas. In this re­gion stood Athens, Queene of Greece, so called, from that vi­ctory which Minerva got over Neptune, when Cecrops, moved with a prodigie of a sudden shooting up of an Olive,Varro apud August. l. 18. c. 9. de civit. Dei. and bubling forth of a salt spring in the Acropolis, consulted the Oracle of Apollo, who taught them that the one did signifie Neptune, the other Minerva, taking therefore the men into suffrages for Neptune, and the women for Minerva, who had most voices should carry it. The females being more, the Goddesse bore away the bell. Loe here a witty Devill to bring in [...], Gods of his own making, to infold the superstitious in an ignorant zeal. However let us leave the shadow of poëticall fictions, and take the true draught out of Mythology. Plutarch is of opinion; that the ancient kings striving to draw away their subjects from seafaring negotiations, and a desire to live by sayling, unto tillage and manuring of ground, gave occasion of the speech that Ne­ptune and Minerva did altercate about the city.In them. p. 87. l. 23. [...], &c. Neptune is put for the Sea and businesses thereof. Minerva for Arts and ingenuous kinds of life: nay saies Ovid in his Ka­lender, Mille Dea est operum, she is a Goddesse of a thousand trades. Others say that the City was consecrated to her by Amphictyon, & nomen civitati Athenas dedit. Lib. 2. Iustine. Others in the time of Erectheus, among which is Herodotus, will have this [Page 5] name given. Which Author [...]. Marcianus Heracleota doth fol­low, [...]. This was that Erectheus, who in a time of drought over all the world, except Aegypt, brought corn to Athens, and taught the Eleusinian mysteries. Beholding this City hath beene to Aegypt for other kings; to wit, Aristoph. sch. pag. 79. Tzetz. in Lycoph. p. 23. Cecrops and Menestheus, for his father Petes was an Aegyptian. In the time of Diodorus Siculus, and before him, it was a received opinion, that Athens was peopled by the Aegyptians, Sais in that tongue answering to Athene in Greeke, as Tzetzes out of Carax. Nay that they should be of the inhabitants of Sais, they argue from this. Because that the Saitae and Athenians have divers customes alike. Witnesse Diodorus Siculus. But it pleases not me. I conjecture that first it was called Athens, when the people began more seriously to addict themselves to civill government, and study of good literature; know­ledge and art being ascribed to Minerva. [...], saies Polit. l. 8. c. 9. Aristotle. Nay her name being derived from thence, [...] thena in the Chaldy tongue signifying to study or learne: from which come thenaa, and with an article Hatthenaa, as In Aristar. Sac. Synt. 1. c. 1. p. 27. Heinsius the most learned. As for the conceit of Goropius Becan, from ana the number of three, which notes eternity; and so from hat-het-ana. Athena. But because wisedome doth contain eternity, let ut send it back into Germany. Loe now Athens named from learning, which was once the Isidor. shop of letters and the Muses, whereof it is now deplorably destitute, having lost the glory of former Athens, nay the name it self. For if we believe some they tell us, that now it is Salenos or Selines. To whom I accord not. Because that I have read Selines for Megara called Nisaea, which is not many miles from Athens. Furthermore in dis­course with a native of Peloponnesus, who lived many years in that City, I had no other appellation from him then Ateene, w^ch others write Satina, corrupted, as Portus & Meursius tru­ly think, for [...]. Nay In Hodoep. Byz. l. 3. Hugo Favolius who was there [Page 6] himselfe even to the same purpose names it Sethina.

CAP. II. Athenarum situs. [...]. Herbae lucentes, Mu­rus, Pelasgicus & Cimonius, Propylaea. Circuitus veteris urbis, & novae. [...]. Piraeei brachia. Murus Phaleri­cus. Portae. Aer. Laus passim apud scriptores. Cephissus Fl [...]ius.

GReece, saies In Panath. p. 171, 172. Aristides, is placed in the midst of the whole earth, and in the midst of it stands Attica; the navell whereof is Athens, by which all Greece, clo­seted in the wombe of time, receaved nourishment, before an happy birth had brought her forth into the light. She is seated upon a very high rock, which habitations doe en­compasse, as Lib. 9. pag. 396. Strabo: on the top of which stands that re­nowned fabrick even to this day, which Cecrops from him­selfe names Plin. Nat. hist. l. 7. c. 56. Cecropia; of old [...], the City, by a kind of ex­cellence, in a bravado of their antiquity, concerning which they were in perpetuall contention with the Argivi. Wit­nesse In Att. pag. 13. l. 16. Pausanias. Eunuch. act. 5. sc. 6. Terent, An in astu venit? Donat. Sic Athe­nienses urbem suam vocabant, unde ipsi incolae [...] vocantur. So, saith he, the Athenians called their City, whence the Citi­zens themselves are called astoi. After that they called it [...] Attic. p. 24. l. 43. Pausanias. Which in his time was called [...] or the high City, although it be often interpreted Arx a Castle; [Page 7] which ever were sacred to Minerva, as Orat. in Mi­nerv. Tom. 1. p. 21. Aristides. Who therefore is by Catullus in his Argonauticks named Diva re­tinens in summis urbibus arces. The Goddesse that keepes the Tur­rets of Cities. This onely now remaines, the succour and shelter of the barbarous Athenians, being strongly furnished with men and armes, in which alone dwell Janizaries, to the number of seven hundred thousand, as Christophero Angelo told me, and avouched it, I fearing least he had mistaken the number. As for the forces thereof Hodoep. Byz. l. 3. Hugo Favolius shall thus instruct you,

Upon the toppe of this Turret stand the fashions of Halfe Moones most rarely gilded, after the manner of the Ishmae­lites, who have the Moone in no small honour, as my much honoured M^r De Diis Sy­ris, Syn. 2. cap. 2. p. 288. Selden hath observed. Of which Lunulets thus speakes Favolius,

Neither may it passe obscurely which I have taken up, be­ing let fall from the mouth of an eye witnesse; namely, [Page 8] on the side of this hill, on which the Acropolis is built, grows a certain kind of hearb, that farre off, in the night season, gives a most shining and glittering light, to which when a man shall approach, he shall discern nothing but the hearb it selfe. Of which matter I seriously wish that I could testi­fy the truth. It was delivered to me, bona fide, with good cre­dit. The walls that environ this, are none now, saies Favoli­us, but in former time it hath beene well fenced; some part thereof erected by those two Tuscan brothers, who leaving their country, lived here under the Acropolis, called [...], Pelargi, Storkes, [...], for their wandring: Lib. 9. pag. 397. Strabo: Nat. hist. l. 7. c. 56. Pliny sayes their names were Euryalus and Hyperbius: the two that first built houses of brick at Athens, when former­ly they had Caves for dwelling places. But by the autho­rity of Pausanias, though the Printers and Scribes have done both that Author, and the persons wrong, in putting a false name upon one of them, I will doe them none. Read then Laterarias domus constituerunt primi Agrolas & Hyperbius fratres Athenis, &c. In Attic. p. 36. l. 34. Pausanias. [...]. From these was that part which they edified called Pelargicum. Aristophanes in Avibus.

The other part of the Acropolis which was left naked, Cimon the sonne of Miltiades clothed. Pausanias in the fore quoted place. These walls admitted no gate but one, so rarely beau­tified with that costly Propylaeum or porch, on which Pericles is discommended by Tull. Off. l. 2. Demetrius Phalareus for disbursing so great a summe of money.Val. Max. lib. 3. [...]. 1. For which he was not smally troubled how he might give up his accounts to the people; His Nephew Alcibiades therefore seeing him somewhat sad, and demanding the cause, to whom when his unkle replied, that it was about giving his accounts, seek rather, quoth he, how you may not give them. By which counsell the Atheni­ans were entangled with that neighbour war against the La­cedemonians, in which they found not vacancy for an audit. [Page 9] By the way it shal be fit to acquaint you with thus much, that it was not permitted to a dog to enter into the Acropolis, as [...]. p. 175. Plutarch [...] it may bee, for his heat in Venery and ill savour. Goats likewise, saies De re Rust. Varro, came not thither, unlesse for a necessary sacrifice once, least they should hurt the Olive which is said first to have sprung up there. The circuit of this Acropolis is said to be threescore stadia. Now a Stadium is about some Fine feet make a pace, and a thou­sand paces a mile. I [...]idor. Orig. lib. 15. c. 16. six hundred & twen­ty five feet, eight of which make a mile, it being the custome of the ancient Greeks, so to measure the length or distance of grounds, or Cities, by the [...]. The first City then is con­tained in seaven miles and an halfe. But at this were added more houses able to make a City of themselves. And so in­deed were they distinguished by [...]. The up­per and lower City. In Phoc. p. 549. l. 47. Plutarch, [...]. Note here moreover, in the reading of your Greek Authors, that when you meet with [...] in the description of a Countrey, you presently must conceive the higher part, if it be [...], Lib. 1. p. 6. a Thucidides. [...]. And they preyed upon each other, and among the rest who were not addicted to the sea, yet lived below, understand neare the sea, Schol. [...]. The [...] then, and [...] knit together made but one joynt corporation; both as it were uniting Piraeum unto themselves, tooke up, as Orat. 6. Di­on Chrysostome writes, two hundred Stadia, which is about five and twenty miles. Upon which place, Morellus produces a Scholiast testifying that the walls were [...] fifteen miles save one furlong. Where I wonder that the learned man had not eftsoon perceived the number to have been corrupt, and written [...] for [...], twenty five for fifteene. For so it ought to be. Neither is it strange that it had so large bounds. For consider that from Piraeum to Athens were reckoned five miles, as you may see in Nat. hist. l. 2 c. 85. Pliny, from Athens to Phalerum, and so to the other side of Piraeum foure miles [Page 10] and a quarter: The utmost wall of which Thucydides speakes in his second book consisted of five miles a quarter & halfe. The girdle of Piraeum and Munychia had seaven miles and an halfe more. All which being put together make up but twen­ty two miles one quarter and one furlong. But Dion Chryso­stom must be here understood; and it behoves us to conceive that he spake not barely of the naked wals, for then it cannot hold; but I suppose some houses to have been without Loco citato [...], as he saies, [...]. In which I appeale to more judicious heads. Neither can I silently passe by the opinion of Iohn Meursius, who reading in In Archad. p. 244. l. 37. Pausanias, these words, Att. Lect. l. 3. c. 4. [...], should presently obtrude to us, that Pausanias teaches, that the Att. Lect. l. 3. c. 4. wall called Phalericus is but twenty stadia or two mile and an halfe. When indeed he meant nothing lesse. For speaking of salt Springs, which he calls [...], he seems to involve a reason drawn from the neerenesse of the sea. For when he writes of this brackish well. Among the Athenians, the Sea which comes up neere Phalerus, is distant from the City but twenty Stadia at the most, quoth he. Where Amasaeus had thus strangely doted. Athenae à Phalero ab [...]unt stadia haud amplius XX. And that [...]his was the meaning of the Author, proves that which followes. He might have likewise considered that [...] with a Dative case signifies not only juxta [...]nd propè as I have translated it; but supra sometimes, which will now serve better. And Meursius indeed blames the number; but sees not into the words. Now it is not needlesse that the two walls, which joynes Pyreum and Athens at so long a distance, be somewhat spoken of, seeing they are reckoned by Lib. 31. Livie among the multa visenda, Many things worthy of sight at Athens. These are the [...], in Lib. 3. Eleg. 19. p. 192. Propertius,

—Theseae brachia longa viae. In bello Mith. p. 125. l. 9. Appian of Alexandria, [...], and Pag. 355. l. 10. Plutarch in Cimone. One lying towards the North, of which In Pe [...]icle. p. 115. l. 20. Plutarch. The other toward the South, [Page 11] in height about forty Cubits, as In Mith. p. 124. l. ult. Appian testifies. These are called [...] by Orat. 6. Dion Chrysostom, because Athens being at one end, and Piraeum at the other, these were drawne forth between. And when writers speake of [...], it may be conjectured that it is for distinction of that [...] in the Acropolis which Cimon built, In Attic. p. 19. l. 8. witnesse Pausanias Aristophanes seems to bring authority for an opinion that Themistocles built these. In P. 337. Equitibus.

Which his P. 338. A. co. 2. Scholiast affirmes. [...] For Themistocles added Piraeum to the City. we read in In Them. p. 27. Probus that he was the only agent in walling the City, & that he so hastned the accomplishing, that they were faine to be as it were sacrilegious, and make use of materialls for­merly consecrated to the edifying of Temples, and Monu­ments of the dead. But In Them▪ p. 87. l. 25. Plutarch gaine-saies this, and that he did only [...], conjoyne the City & Piraeum, and put the land to take acquaintance with the Sea. It seems somewhat forward be­fore. However, so fenny was the ground it was founded up­on, that the worke soon came to great reparation, which Plut. in Cim. p. 355. l. 14. Cimon the sonne of Miltiades undertook. For which stones of an huge weight and lime, he made the earth so firm that it could not give. Nay he was so liberall, that he did out of his own expences so great favours, to a people that some years after gratified him with exile. Neither did he only mend the breaches; but in after time Plut. p. 355. l. 12. unlesse [...] may have re­spect to Conon who after the victory at Cnidus erected these walls as Pausan. in Atticis p. 2. l. 14. I would neither de­ceive my selfe or the Reader. finished the whole work, so that he may truly be said to be the founder of them. Let us now come to the Gates of the City. Attic. Lect. initio. Meursius hath obser­ved tenne, but I feare they will scarce suffice to such a vast City. Take then these. Dipylon or Thriasia the fairest of all, velut in ore urbis posi [...]a, placed as it were in the front of the City, saies Livie, major aliquanto patentior (que) quam caeterae est, greater somewhat and wider then the rest.Dec. 4. l. 1. p. 11. A. Hence I suppose named Dipylon as if it were as big as two Gates. [...]. Pi­raicae. [Page 12] Neere the Temple of Chalcodoon. Here were buried some of those that died in fight with the Amazons in the time of Theseus. In Theseo. p. 9. l. 20. Plutarch. [...]. Hippades. Where the bones of Hyperides the famous Orator rest with his progenitors, who being racked under Antipater, chose rather to bite off his tongue, [...] p. 456. then to divulge the secrets of his Country. [...], Sa­crae. The sacred gate. We read of this in [...]. p. 45. Theophrastus Cha­racters but to my great admiration, that the Eagle-sighted Ca­saubon had not espied a fault For though it be true that there were such gates at Athens as [...], yet is there any that ever read [...], the dead to have bin carried out to buriall through the sacred gate? It makes not any thing that it was spoken to a stupid fellow, for they spak not as our vulgar doe, such as, When Christmas comes out of Wales. Write then [...] are the gates at which they went forth with their corps at the solemnizations of their obsequies, the reason of which shall be spoken hereafter. Pag. 715. num. 95. De­mosthenes, [...] The gate of Aegeus. It seemes to have been in Delphinium where he dwelt; whence the Her­mes or Image towards the East end of the Temple was called Plut. Thes. p. 4. l. 21. [...]. The statue at the gates of Aegeus [...] Melitides. Where lyes Thucydides the sonne of Olorus that wrote the Peloponnesian Warre, who after his re­turne into his Country from banishment, was treacherously murthered, his Sepulcher stands neere these gates. Atticis p. 21. l. 41. Pausani­as. [...] Ceramicae. These are called by Xenophon [...]. The Gates in Ceramicus, where many of the Lacedemonians were buried, which died in the seditious warre that Thrasybulus made against the Thirty Tyrants. [...] p. 279. l. 43. Xeno­phon. [...]. The Gates of Diochares. Of whom I have nought to speake. [...]. The Acharnan Gates. I suppose they were called so from that Towne or Village neere, named Acharnia, to which it is probable it looked. For so did the ancients dame their Gates from the Towne to which they were neere. The Romans their Porta Collatina [Page 13] from Collatia, Meursius hath added two l. toneae, & Scaae. in At­ticis which I never s [...]w un­till I had written this place as God and man is my witnesse I speake least a­ny sh [...]uld think [...]hat I have stoln out of him because we meet, a Burge not farre off. And happily it is so here, as also in [...] Diomaea; for Dionus is a people of Athens not any great matter distant from the Citty. [...] Thracia These are all that I ever met with named: others there are obscurely pointed at by Atticis p. 14. l. 1. Pausanias, as that neere the Gallery which from its various draughts they call Paecile, where is the effigies of Mercurie Ago [...]aeus in brasse. And others about the beginning of his Attica, of which I had better hold my peace then speake as good as nothing. Thus have we found twelve Gates; which being opened enter; sucke that sweet ayre, whose excellent purity brought forth such acute wits,Cassiod. Var. l. 12. & prepared with a most happy bounty under­standing judgements for contemplation. Whence Med [...]a p. 460.461. Euripides may well straine to this note, that Venus sitting neere, and adorning her selfe, sends forth continually Cupids of Learning [...]. Well may he blesse that clime stiling it [...], which hath been the Mother of the Muses (by the leave of Mnemosyne) or at least the Nurse to them, for there are they said to have travelled with Harmo­nia; as if there were no such melodious consent,Med. p. 459 as in the Sci­ences. Let not In Praf. ad Charact. Theophrastus assert all Greece to lye under the same temperature and disposition of the heavens, when at this day it may be spoken, as once Aristides did of it. Tom. 1. p. 173. No coast so truly void of all earthly dreggs, and participating more of the coelestiall and defecated ayre. Not unworthily hath Sophocles been lavish in expressions. Aia. p. 57. Famous, Oed. Col p. 258. The most Renowned, Oed. Col. p. 264. Happy ▪ Aia p. 71. Sacred Athens. Pindarus. p. 361. Wonder­full, p. 361. Much spoken of. p. 361. Nea [...], &c. To the making up of her delight comes to all the river Cephissus, which is able to bear vessells of a good burthen, as I have been informed, but the Turks fearing least it might be advātagious to any enimy that might invade thē, have cut it into many & sundry little streams, damming up with an innumerable quantity of stones the mouth of the river for a mile in length. Thinking they have sufficiently prevented, which they did but suppose could happen.

CAP. III. [...], Mores, & Ingenia. [...]. Quantum ho­d [...]erni differunt à veteribus; & qualem vitae rationem modum (que) habent.

THE Athenians by [...] p. 196 Dicaearchus are divided into two sorts, [...], Atticos, and [...]. Of which though there were no difference in latter times, yet certainly of old there was. Insomuch as one of the punishments, which the Athenians are said to inflict upon their women (for the appeasing of Neptune, bringing in an inundation upon their fields to their great dammage, in anger conceived for losse of the Title of the City) was this, Varro apud Aug. de Civ. Dei l. 18. c. 9, That none should after call them [...], Athenians, but [...] Atticas. A revenge I suppose opprobrious enough. For thus writes my Author. [...]. Curious Babblers, Deceitfull, Calumniators, Observers of the lives of strangers. [...]. A sufficient witnesse of this is Act. 17. S^t Luke, that saies, they did regard nothing more then to heare and speake novelty. To which end they often met in Barbers shops, where all the news, that was going in those daies, was currant. Hence say we verba in Tonstrinis proculcata: and in Greeke [...], In Pluto p. 38. Aristophanes.

They that sate in the Barbers shops did talke much that he was suddenly grown rich The Scholiast seems to take the meaning as if the Comaediā had quipped them for resorting to Barbers and neglecting Barber Chirurgions of better cre­dit· But I see no reason. They met in both to prattle. Var. hist. l. 3. c. 7. Aelian [...]. [Page 15] Sitting in a Chirurgions shop, scandalous, & thir­sty to speak ill by all meanes. [...] men Italianated, who can smile,Cap. [...]. even when they cut your throat. Such as Theophra­stus hath in his Characters drawn out, who can be affable to their enimies, and disguise their hatred in commendation, while they privily lay their snares; that salute with mortall embracements, and clasp you in those armes, which they meane to embrew in your dearest blood. In summe, faire without, but rotten within, like a wound which is healed a­bove and seemes sound, but putrifies under the skin. And so much the word doth import. [...]. Given to false accusations. The In Plut. p. 5. Scholiast of Aristophanes writes, that it be­ing forbidden to carry Figgs out of Athens, and some never­thelesse the decree being absolute against it, presuming so to doe, they set rogues in the gates that did appeach them, (as In Solone p. 65. Plutarch likewise) Hence came this word to be used for any crafty knave that gets his living by promooting, Xenophon. [...]. p. 271. l. 20. [...]. One that meddles in every mans affaires, and therefore Pluto p. 90. c. p. 91. b. Aristophanes hath fitly brought one upon the scene terming himselfe an Overseer both of private and pub­like matters. If then such a person had espied any tripping, and gotten him on the hip, he would as sure have fetched him over for his coyne, as any Summoner doth a person delin­quent towards the flesh, or any Lawyer a credulous client, & having well plumed him, afterwards gives him a dimissory▪ [...] (Sycophants) [...]. Xenophon. Such were many in Athens, insomuch that Aristotle being asked what Athens was, [...]. p. 272. l. 19. answered, [...], All beauti­full, [...] ▪ in a verse of [...]. Ho­mer in the description of Alcinous garden, but peares grew ripe after peares, & figges after figges, meaning a continuall succession of Sycophants. This made Isocrates the Orator to compare the City to a Curtezan, with whom few there were but would have to doe, yet none dare take to wife; affirming it to be the best place to sojourne in, but the worst to inhabit: [Page 16] By reason of their Sycophants & treacheries of nimble ton­gued Orators▪ [...]. I was once halfe in an opinion that these words were to have been, put to the former thus, [...], And I think the sence will runne well, Malitious observers of the lives of strangers. The Athenians were [...] and held hospi­tality sacred, and I doubt not but they had that Law. That Forrainers should receive no wrong, [...]. p. 428. [...]. Socrates in Xenophon. Now he discommends the [...] as ready to trouble and vex strangers in Law, duly marking & bearing an eye unto them to take them at an advantage: As for the Athenienses they were [...], Brave spirited, single dealing, and faithfull friends. But as the words were at length confounded, so did their manners degenerate, growing into [...], an Ir­regularity of nature. As Lib. 6. Polybius. No [...] afterwa [...]ds, but haughtinesse of spirit, magnanimity now fallen. And wh [...]n Dec. 4. p. 7. l. 1. Livy saies ex vetere fortuna nihil praeter animos servare, he means, they had nothing left but those proud spirits; which their ancient flourishing fortune had puffed up. No [...], or simplicity, no Aristoph. p. 694. Lamb like innocency, or mildnesse, but as [...]. p. 387. Plutarch speaks, People rashly angry, soone pittifull, rather in­clined sharpely to take opinion, then quietly to be enformed. And as they are ready to helpe base and abject Peasants, so friendly do they entertain childish and ridiculous [...]oyes, rejoy [...]ing in their own praises, and no­thing moved with scurrility, Fearfull and terrible even to their Go­vernours, humane towards their enimies. Not unfitly then Lib. 5. c. 3. p. 207. Valeri­us Maximus, Quantam ergo reprehensionem merentur, &c. How de­serve they to be blamed, who though they had just Laws, y [...]t had they most wicked disposition, and chose rather to take their own courses, then put in practise their statues? As for their impudence, so great was it, that to expresse a coun­tenance void of shame, the Comoedian hath put [...], an Athenian look ▪ in Pag. 189. g. Nubibus [...], so accoū ­ted in the time of Lib. 2. p. 47. Paterculus, that what was done in sincerity [Page 17] culus, that what was done in sincerity and faithfull trust, the Romans would say, it was performed fide Attica, with an Athenian loyalty. Fear and power might make them tru­sty, but how they brake their leagues, tooke part with o­ther Ilanders against confederates, and violated the lawes of armes, Historians are not dumb. As for their wrath, it was [...], ever mindfull, as Aeneid. 1. Virgil. memor ira. And the ha­tred they prosecuted the Barbarians withall was so un­quenchable, that it burned against Isocrat. in Pa [...]. p. 109. all Barbarians for the Persians sake; and they forbad them their sacrifices, as they used to doe murderers among them. Where you must note, that all that were not Grecians were called of them Barba­rians. But loe! How are they now become all Barbarous! whether or no people of Africa, or some of the Catelani, I cannot justly tell; Mahumedans all, poore and miserable, living by rapine, or fishing, or tilling the earth: Hod [...]ep. Byz. l. 3. Fa­volius,

CAP. IV. De populi divisione, [...]. Quid Atheniensibus cum Aegyptiis commune.

THere were at first but two kinds of people in Athens, So doth Dio­nysius Hali­carnasseus di­vide them into [...] & [...] lib. 2. n. 2. two orders quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortunae (que) aliquid interlucebat, in which there was a difference of dignity and fortune: such as at this day are in France, either Peers or Pea­sants; or as in Venice, Patricians and Plebeians. And although Pollux call them [...], three sorts, yet I make but two, because the [...] were not any way more gentile for bloud, surpassing for riches, or happy for life. But because he hath so set them, take them thus, as he speaks.Pollux l. 8. c. 9. p. 404. [...], Eupatridae, were such as were descended from the loynes of those He­roes famous in the Greek history, whose families were ever renowned, and posterity propagated to many generations; such as Praxiergidae, Eteobutadae, Al [...]moeonidae, Cynidae, Ceryces, &c. whom we may tearm Nobles, or men of good birth. [...], Geomori, may not seem unlike our Yeomen, who had lands of their own, and sustained themselves with the fruit and commodities of these their possessions. [...], Demi­urgi, were men of some handi-craft, Tradesmen, such as Tentmakers, Shoemakers, Carpenters, Masons, and the like. But Solon made another division. For when the Diacrii, which were those that lived in the upper part of the City, [...], saies In Solone. Diogenes Laertius; & the Pediaei, which likewise are [...], such as lived in the middle of the City, or the plain; and the Paralii who lived near the sea, were at contention about government: The Diacrii leaning to a Democracy, as Pag. 61. in Solonem. Plutarch writes; the Pediaei to an Oligarchy, and the Paralii between both, and had chosen Solon to arbitrate and deter­mine [Page 19] the matter; he made these four ranks. [...]. Pentacosiomedimnos, Equites, Zeugi­tas, Thetas. Plut. p. 65. Pentacosiomedimni were those who [...], could make five hundred measures in wet and dry commodities alike▪ What Possardus then brings out of Varro concerning modium, hath no place here; for he supposes that Pentacosiomedimnus was he that had as much ground as fifty Medimni could suffice to sow: but here I will confute him with a wet finger. [...]. For he seems to sow upon the wa­ters. This is he whom the Elzevirii printed at Leyden Anno 1635, under the name of Postellus, who was sometime a Pro­fessor of Tongues in France, and Author of the Treatise De Magistratibus Atheniensium▪ Equites were such as were of abi­lity to keep an horse, or had the quantity of three hundred measures in dry, and as many in wet: called likewise [...]. Zeugitae were such as could of wet and dry in all make but three hundred. Any of these three could beare office in the Commonwealth. A fourth rank which he cal­led Plutarch. loco praedi­cto. [...], Thetas, a name from servility, which had no power in the rule of the weal publique. But it had not been amisse if I had shewn how the Aegyptians had divided their people into three classes, as the Athenians did, as I have spo­ken above. For the first degree, or Eupatridae, addicted to lear­ning and study, who were had in greater honour, answer to the Aegyptian Priests. Plut. Thes. p. 8. l. 18. Nay those great houses in Athens had Priesthood by succession, as Eumolpidae, Ceryces, Cynidae: for out of the stock were chosen Priests; hence [...] in Pag. 741. num. 164. Demosthenes. The Geomori who had lands assigned to them for the maintenance of the warre, are not dislike them in Aegypt, who hold possessions on these tearmes, namely, to provide souldiers when need shall require to fight. The De­miurgi resemble those Plebeians, who skilfull in some art, did set out their labour to daily hire: as Diodorus Siculus can testifie.

CAP. V. Tribus quatuor sub Cecrope. Mutata earum nomina. Augentur à Clisthene: duae additae. [...]. Tribulum. [...].

IN Athens there were but foure tribes under the rule of Cecrops. Cecropis, Autocthon, Actaea, Paralia; which had o­ther names put to them, Cranais, Atthis, Mesogaea, Diacris. I suppose from the parts of Attica, it lying partly near the sea, thence Actaea; partly hilly, thence Diacris; partly Mediterrane, thence Mesogaea; the other name from the King that was then: Whether the King would honour the Tribe so much, or the Tribe glory in the name of the King, I know not: it is probable that it was an honour to their governour; for as Cecrops gave the first names, Cranaus the second, each assuming a title to himselfe, Ericthonius called them after the name of Iupiter, Pallas, Neptune, Vulcan. [...]. But when Ion came to rule, they were named after his foure sonnes, Geleontes, Aegicorcis▪ Argades▪ Hopletes, as In Terpsic. p. 137. Herodotus and In Ione ver­sus finem. Euripides; though Plutarch saies that they were so called In Solon. p. 65. [...], from the courses of life which they first took. But Clisthenes, a man factious and wealthy, is said by the Coun­cell of Aristides T. 1. p. 336. A. T. 3. p. 352. Apollo, Al [...]maeon being Archon, to make ten of them, changing the ancient titles, and taking new from some De­migods or Heroes born in that land, all except Ajax, whom, though a stranger, he puts to the rest, as a neighbour and companion In Terpsic. p. 137. Herodotus. These then were called [...]; as you would say, giving names; the word so signifies some­times; as Minerva is said by Dion Chrysostom [...], who gave the name to Athens. To these were erected Statues near the Councell place of the Senat. Their names are these as In At. p. 4.5 Pausanias hath them, Hippothoon, Antiochus, Ajax Telamo­nius, [Page 21] Leo, Erectheus that slew Immaradus the sonne of Eumol­pus in the Eleusinian warre, Aegeus, Oeneus, Acamas, Cecrops, Pandion. From these [...]. To which they put two more, one called after Antigonus, the other after Deme­trius his name, in gratuity to them for the favours receaved; which in processe of time they changed into Attalis, and Pto­lemais, as Stephanus writes, [...], having been curteously entreated by the These are reckoned a­mong the Epo­nymos in Paus. p. 5. who had Statues like­wise. Kings bea­ring that name. Which being so, let us take heed that Livie deceive us not, who at the time when Attalus did succor the Athenians against Philip, saies they first thought of adding that Tribe to the ten, in thanksgiving that the Rhodii rescu­ed four fighting ships of the Athenians taken by the Macedo­nians, and sent them home, Decad. 4. l. 1. p. 6. Tum primum mentio illata de tribu quam Attalida appellarent, ad decem veteres tribus addenda. Thus have we seene that there were twelve Tribes in all: Let us look back to the first institution. I suppose they were first or­dained for the better administration of civill government. In Il. b. pag. 181. Eustathius writes, that they were divided in imitation of the year; the four Tribes according to the four quarters; each Tribe into three Fraternities, which they call [...], or [...], answerable to the twelve Months; each [...], or [...], into thirty [...], or kindreds, equalizing the daies. For so many only had the year of old. Witnesse the Riddle of Laertius p. 63. l. 1. Cleobulus concerning the year,

One Father had twelve Sons, and each son thirty daughters, and every daughter black and white, meaning daies and nights. Over these were governours, [...], Kings of the Tribes, who sate upon controversies between party and party of their own Tribes. Each Tertian also had his over­seer, called [...], the Ruler of the Trittys or Phratria. The word may seeme to signifie a Society, Fellowship, or [Page 22] company. It skils not whether you derive it from [...], as Eustath, or [...], as Suidas, or [...], as others, which is a Well, because they drew water from the same well. For the place being scanty of springs where Athens was founded, there being but one well-spring in Athens, they were con­strained to use [...], digged wells, as In Solone p. 65. l. 33. Plutarch. [...] are the men of that society, called by Tully, Curiales, of the same Ward, speaking of Cimon, who gave command that his servants should afford what they had if any Laciades should come into his Farm. In description of which thing Plutarch uses [...], which then we are not to interpret Curialis, (For this is as much as [...] and [...]) but popularis. These at festivall daies in Athens met in a place called Phratrion, as Iliad. [...]. p. 181. & Il. [...]. pag. 629. Eustathius observes, and Lib. 3. c. 4. Pollux (where they brought their children to be engrossed in their books, as shall be hereafter spoken with the reasons thereof) from hence comes [...], Phratrizein, which is [...], to meet, for so Eustathius in another place, [...]. As for the [...], or kindreds, we must not think that they were of one bloud, but from that near conjunction which they had each with other, being admitted into this society. [...] (every [...] or kindred consisting of thirty, whence they were named [...]) [...] Not of affinity so called, but for their Synod; which the Grammarians call, [...], a Communicative familiarity, [...] being a participating in one thing, or having an equall share in the same priviled­ges. Great was their care of each other; great was their mu­tuall love; which that it might continue, Solon their Law-giver ordained certain feasts to be provided, wherein they should kindly entertain each other. [...], and [...]. Dipnosoph. l. 5. p. 185. d. Athenaeus. [...], &c. Of feasts celebrated at this day the Law-makers have appointed Phyletica for Tribes, Demotica for the people [Page 23] or popular. Moreover, Thiasos for Colledges (as Philosophers for the death of their Grand Masters) and Phratrica for the same Ward. Hence [...], and [...]. Of which in due time. The reason of this the Dipnosophist gives, saying, that wine hath [...], an at­tractive and perswading force to procure love, and friend­ship.

CAP. VI. Graecia vicatim habitata. [...], quid? Atheniensibus proprium habere [...]. Quot? Templa & sacra pagatim.

ALL Greece was inhabited [...], as Lib. 1. Thucydides speaks, by Villages, before there were any Townes; from whence comes the word Comoedie. Donat. in Praef. in Ter. At verò nondum coactis in urbem Atheniensibus, cum Apollini Nomio, id est, Pasto­rum vicinorúm (que) praesidi Deo, constructis aris in honorem divinae r [...]i circum Atticae vicos, villas, & compita festum carmen solenniter can­tarent: orta est Comoedia [...], quod est, commessatum ire cantantes. The Athenians being as yet not gathered into Corporations, when they sung sacred hymns to Apollo Nomius, that is, the President of the sheepheards and neighbours, about the villages, houses and crosse waies of Attica, altars being built in honour of the celebrity, sprung up a Comoedy, [...], from revel­ling and singing. Others will have it derived from an anci­ent custome they had, when any were injured, among them, for the party wronged to come to the street where the of­fender lived, and in the night time to cry aloud, Thomas Magister. [...]. Such a one doth wrong, and commits such and such outrages, although there be Gods and Lawes, by which these abuses were reformed. But the Anonymus in a preface to Aristophanes saies, [...], that they were not called [...] or villages by the Athenians, but [...], which they [Page 24] slate Populos, better in my minde oppida or Townes. Cicero ad Lib. 7. Ep. 3. Atticum. Venio ad Piraeea in quo magis reprehendus sum, quod homo Romanus Piraeea scripserim, non Piraeeum (sic enim om­nes nostri locuti sunt) quàm quod M addiderim. Non enim hoc ut oppido praeposui, sed ut loco: & tamen Dionysius noster, qui est no­biscum, & Nicias Cous, non rebatur oppidum esse Piraeea, sed de eo videro. Nostrum quidem si est peccatum, in eo est, quod non ut de op­pido locutus sum, sed ut de loco▪ secutus (que) sum non dico Caecilium, Mane ut ex portu in Piraeeum (malus enim auctor Latinitatis est) sed Terentium cujus fabellae propter elegantiam sermonis putabantur à Caio Laelio scribi. Heri aliquot adolescentuli coimus in Pi­raeeum, & idem, Mercator hoc add [...]bat captam de Sunio. Quod si [...] oppida volumus esse, tam est oppidum Sunium quam Piraeeus. If so be we will have [...] to be Townes, Sunium as well as Piraeeus is a Towne. These were formerly King­domes as Atticis. p. 33. l. 42. Pausanias testifies. [...]. Moreover, I have written, that some of the townes were governed by a King before the raigne of Cecrops: And no marvell, for some of them farre surpassed other Cities, as In Panath. T. 1. p. 326. Aristides affirmeth. These were most peculiar to the Athe­nians, anciently called [...], as Nub. pag. 225. e. Aristoph. Schol. or [...], as L. 8. p. 430. Pollux, twelve belonging to every Tribe. But Clisthenes changed them into [...], as out of Aristotle the Schol. of Aristoph. The number of them is, as In Il. b. pag. 215. Eustathius out of Strabo, and In Athenae­um l. 6. [...]. 9. Casaubon, an hundred seventy foure. Some whereof having the same name, are distinguished according to their situations, [...] and [...], as we may say the upper and the lower Wakefield, &c. All of them divi­ded into Greater and Lesser. The Pausan. Att. pag. 30. [...], or lesse, are these, Alimusii, Zoster, Prospaltii, Anagyrasii, Cephale, Prasieis, Lam­preis, Phlyeis, Myrrinusii, Athmoneis, Acharnae, Marathon, Brau­ron, Rhamnus. The rest were greater. Take them promis­cuous according to their Tribes.

CAP. VIII. [...]. Atheniensium status mutatio [...] [...].

THe ancients had but three sorts of government▪ Tyran­nis, Democratia, Oligarchia, as In C [...]esi­phontem p. 4 Aeschines, which Polybius cals [...]. where although the one names it a Tyrannis or Tyrany, the other [...] the rule of a King, yet must we understand the same. For in old time all Kings were called Tyrants, as Servius on Virgil hath ob­served. A word taken up by the Grecians about the time of Archilocus, which neither Homer nor Hesiod knew; and therefore are the Poets noted, as [...], for cal­ling the Kings, or [...] before the Trojan wars, Tyrants or Tyrannos. [...] or a Kingdome, is where obeisance is free, yeelded rather out of a good advice, then for feare or might. [...] an Aristocratie, when most wise and just men are fitly chosen to sit at the Helme of the Weale pub­like. [...] a Democratie, when the Lawes and cu­stomes of the Country, in matters belonging both to Gods and men, are truly observed; and that rules the rost, which shall be approved of by the greater part, [...] saies, Polibius; as that may be said at a banquet to please all, which doth relish well with the most. But the grave Histo­rian hath odserved changes in such goverment, as they use to be inclining to the worst Mornachies being turned into Tyrannyes; as when the people are led away by the perswa­sions of some pleasing Aristot· l. Pol. l. 5. c. 4. popular man, & are as it were, wil­lingly constrained to take the yoke that his usurping autho­rity shall lay on them;Probus in Militide. a Tyrant indeed said, Viconsecutus, who gets it by violence, Probus ibid. p. 17. Omnis autem & habentur & dicun­tur Tiranni, qui potestate sunt perpetua in ea civitate, quae li­bertate [Page 29] usa est. But all are accounted and called Tyrants, who have perpetuall authority in that City, which formerly hath enjoyed liberty. The deprivation of which causing mur­muring and rebellion, brings forth an Aristocratie, or gover­ment of the best men, such as are well brought up, & exerci­sed in virtue▪ The end of an Aristocratie being, as Pol. l. 4. c. 9. Aristotle hath it, Vertue, which of no long continuance doth soone de­generate, Polyb· l. 6. [...], naturally encli­ning to an Oligarchie, or rule of few. These few being chosen according to their riches. And because that many in a state cannot be wealthy, therefore the number of them cannot be great. These are great Lords & little Kings, whose power swaies all, and not the Lawes; who unjustly favour those that are pertially theirs, and oppresse them that would defend their liberty against them. All things being administred Aeschines in [...]s. [...], by their presidents. Such dominion is ta­ken away by the people set on a rage, & not bearing [...], the injuries of their rulers. Hence comes in a Democratie, which Sophocles calls [...], the power of a multitude; whose end is freedome; when all can epually partake of the same priviledges & immunities, who are true citizens: whence Terence stiles it aequam libertatem; for which the Greeke Oratours have properly used the word [...], as In Demosth. p. 59. Vlpian observeth. But the vulgar for the most part strangely insolent, prone to wrong, and ready to trespasse a­gainst the Lawes bring in by a miserable proceeding, the worst kinde of goverment an Ochlocratie, the rule of Rascali­ty. All these in their times did Athens feele, for they were governed by Kings four hundred eighty seaven years: the last of which was Codrus, who in a fight between the Dori­enses and Athenians offered himselfe willingly to be slaine, it being foretold by the Oracle of Apollo that the Dorienses should be conquerours unlesse the Athenian King were kil­led; he therefore clothing himselfe familiari veste ne posset ag­nos [...]i, saies Tusc. Q. l. 11 Cicero, with a servants habit least he should be [Page 30] knowne, put himselfe among the enimies, by one of which in a brawle he was murthered. After whom none enjoyed the name of King, Iustin. l. 2. quod memoriae nominis ejus tribulum est, which was done in memory to his name. For after that, Archontes or Iudges ruled; in the Title, [...] Archontes, but in power Kings, whese authority was for tearm of life. These continu­ed three hundred and fifteene yeares. These being ended, it pleased the State to choose a man, whose office should con­tinue but tenne yeares; seaven succeeded eath other, & made up the number of seventie yeares; who, because they abused their power, were made but for one yeare, called therefore Iustin. l. 2. annui Magistratus, yearely Magistrates. These continued untill Pisistratus, for a fained feare of the seditious, begged a guard of the people for his safty, For when the faction sprung up. Of which I have spo­ken in the fouth Chapter, he cutting himselfe with la­shes, and the Mules which drew his Charot, went into the place of meeting, [...], and beseeching the people to afford him some defence against their violence, who did (but did not) assault him, procured a company of chosen Citizens who armed with clubs, not weapons, possessed the Castle, and so Tyrany came in, which Pisistratus enjoyed Heraclides in Pol. thirty yeares, and deceased leaving behind him two sonns, Hippar­chus, and Hippias, whom Heracledus calls Thessalus. Hippar­chus was slaine by Aristogiton, after whose death the Athe­nians lived under a tyrany Herodotus l. 5. p. 135. foure yeares, from which they were delivered by the help of the Lacedaemonians, the of­spring of Al [...]maeon corrupting the Oracle, to the end that whensoever they came for councell he should wish them to free the Athenians of that servitude. The Democratie came in eight hundered sixty eight years after Cecrops, established by Solon, who excluded the fift rank of plebeitie from office or honour by a law, afterwards abrogated by Aristides. After this Pericles brought in an Ochlocratie by weaking the power of the Areopagites. Then after the overthrow in Sici­ly [Page 31] the [...] or foure hudred tooke upon them state, de­ceaving the people, as Ptol. l. c. 57. Aristotle and Lib. 8. Thucydides affirme. For perswading them that they should reconcile Tissaphernes and Alcibiades unto themselves by that meanes, and that the Persian Monarch would afford supply for the war, they most willingly condescended to this motion in the one & twen­ty yeare of the Peloponensian warre. These Princes were cal­led Plat. in Al­cyb. p. 148. [...], Five thousand, though not exceedeng foure hundred. The reason is, because they boasted that none should be rewarded, but who beare armes; nor any admitted to publique power but five thousand, such as with person and estate could be beneficiall to the Repub­lique. Their authority was granted by an Xen. [...] 274. l. 38. Act of the people, to which Theramenes was very forward, but after they were inducted, none more ready to drive out; whereupon they ter­med him [...] Cothurnum, from a kind of start-up which did fit both feet.Xen. p. 275. [...]. The word may sute with a Jack of both sides. These [...] were constrained for feare of Iustin. l. 5. Alcibiades to resigne the right unto the people, and to goe into wilfull banishment. But when Lysander had overcome Athens (the Arist. Pol. l. 5. c. 7. Lacedemonians ever affecting an Oligarchie, as the Atheni­ans a Democracie) he ordained these thirty to be chiefe. Xen. [...] p. 270. Po­lyarches, Critias, Melobius, Hippolochus, Euclides, Hiero, Mnesilochus, Chremo, Theramenes, Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaerileos, Anaetius; Piso, Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, O­nomocles, Theognis, Aeschines, Theogenes, Clomedes, Erasi­stratus, Phido, Dracontides, Eumathes, Aristoteles, Hippoma­chus, Mnesithides. These began at first to put to death the worst and most abhorred, saies In Catil. Consp. Salust, without triall of law; but afterwards the good and bad alike; Xen. p. 272. some for envy, o­thers for riches. These to make their party firme chose a­bout three thousand to whom alone they permitted to have weapons, disarming all the rest, to the end they might easily command their lives. But by their Lawes (for they made [Page 32] some, stiled Xen. p. 275. [...], which were nullified by a decree, as wee shall speake hereafter) none was to suffer [...], who was registred in the list of three thousand. So cruell were they, that the people fled into Dem. p. 467 Phyle a castle in the Athenean borders; and making an head under the conduct of Thrasybulus, at last shooke off this yoke, and remained free un­till the death of Alexander even fourscore years, whom Antipater succeeded; who in battle at the City Lamia gave the Athenians an overthrow; and gave them quarters on these termes that they should submit to a few Peers, whose revenewes amounted to two thousand Drachm'es at least, the chiefe of whom was Demetrius Phalerius; that they should like­wise receave a garrison into Munichia for the asswaging of riots and uproares. But foure yeares after, Antipater dying, the City fell into the power of Cassander, of whom they of­ten strove to acquit themselves; but in vaine. For he brought them to such an exigency, that they were glad to come to composition. And indeed he dealt fairely with them, giving them their City, Territories, Tributes, and all other things, so that they would be confederates to him, that none whose revenewes come not to tenne minae or pounds, should under­goe any function in the Common-weale; and he should be their overseer whom he would be pleased to nominate. The man appointed was Demetrius Phalarius, Vide Laert. in vita, & Strabonem. who made the City to shine in her full lustre, insomuch that they erected in honour of him three hundred Statues. He wrott a Treatise of the Athenian Republique, which, had not time devoured, would have given no small light to my poore endeavours. After he in trouble & vexation had spent fourteeene yeares he was put out by Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus surna­med Polioreetes, who restored the ancient customes to them againe. To them they ascribed such worship, as also to his fa­ther, that they changed the name of their Iudge from Archon into Plu. in De­merito. [...] The Priest of the Gods that saved them, calling the yeare after his name, and adding Pollux. l. 8. two Tribes to [Page 33] the Tenne, whence the Senate consisted of six hundred, but five before, as In Berenice, Stephanus, But when Cassander had over­throwne the sonne and father, such was the ingratitude and levity of the Athenians, that they forbad Demetrius to ap­proach nere their City. After this Lacharis plaid the Tyrant, and was expelled by Demetreus; whom they utterly cast off, assuming againe the title of Archon. Demetrius dying Anti­gonus Gonatas succeeded, who in the ninteenth yeare of his reigne put in presidiarie souldiers to the City, which tenne yeares after he tooke out. The Macedonians still kept some of the Athenians forces in this space. Demetrius Antigoni Gon. F. & Antigonus Dosôn, out of whose hands Plut. in vita Aratus the Sicy­onian rescued the City, and made it stand by it selfe untill Phillip, the last king of the Macedonian Monarchy except one, did somewhat shake it, as you may read in Decad. 4. l. 1 Livie But he was expelled by the Romans, who tooke the Athenians into league with a maintaining their ancient right. So they re­mained untill the warre between the Mithridates and the Ro­mans. For by feare they were driven to receive Vide Appi­anum Alex. in Methridatio, circa pag. 122 123. &c. Archestra­tus, Mithridates his Generall, within their walls; against which Sylla laid siege, and captivated the City, whence pro­ceeded [...], a mercylesse slaughter, saies Appian, that the Plut. in vita p. 335. streets did runne with blood. But the Lawes were not much altered by this Conquerour; and therefore they li­ved in a nere resemblance of their former state; in favour with the Roman Emperours, Iulius Caesar, Adrian, Antonius; Gallienus, in whose successours time, Claudius, the [...]econd of the name, this City was ransacked by the Gothes, who when they had heaped up [...]nnumerable companies of bookes to burne, were dehorted by this reason, Cedrenus Baptis [...]a [...]g­natius. [...]om. Prin. 1. that the Greekes, spen­cing their time in reading of them, might be made more un [...]it for war. Constantine the Great likewise had this City in high esteeme, taking to himselfe the Title [...], as In Orati [...]ne Constantium Iulian saies, which in the word, of Nicephorus Gregoras is Hist. [...]om. l. 7. p. 166. [...] ( [...]) the Grand Duke, whom simply after­wards [Page 34] they called the Hist. Rom. l. 7. p. 16 [...]. Duke of Athens, in that Historians time. Emperours have taken them Wives Citizens of this place; and the Nic. Greg. lib. cita. daughters of their Dukes have beene desired by that eminent ranke. And indeed no marvell. For they were potent. Rainerius Acciajolus is said to have taken the City from the Spaniards that inhabit Arragon, Calcochon. [...] [...]; who having no Issue male of his wife Eubois but an illegitimate named Antonius, by an other woman, be­queathed by will Boeotia and Thebes to him, but Athens to the In the time of Pietro Za­ni came Am­bassadors from Athens to d [...]e hamage to the Venetian Se­nate. M▪ Leu­kenor in history and lives of the Venetian Princes. Venetians, from whom his sonne recovered it agane. Nerius succeeded him in the Dukedome who thrust out Chal­cocondilas his father. After him came in Antonius Nerius brother to the former Nereus. Now about this time we must know that Mahomet the sonne of Amurat the second got Athens, Chalcocon. l. 9. p. 299. whose beauty and building he held in admiration; which when he had made his owne, he continued the Title. For an other Nerius from those above named dying, leaving one sonne an Infant, his mother in the Childs Title exercised Tyranny. This woman loved a Venetian Noble man (sonne to Petrus Palmerius, to whose Goverment the City Naupli­um was committed, he is called by Chalcocondilas Priamus) who came thither for merchandize. Him by discourse and flattery she intised into her love, promising that she would take him to her husband, and give up the Princedome of A­thens unto him. But upon condition, that he would devorce his owne wife. Whereupon the young man going to Venice slew his wife, swelling with ambition and thirsty of honour. Which being done, he returnes to Athens, marries this wo­man, enjoyes the goverment of the City; who being hated of the Athenians, & complained of at the Court, to avoid envy termed himselfe the Childes Tutor And not long after taking the boy with him, went to the Court; where Francus Acci­a [...]olus, waited, expecting to be promoted to the Dukedome. When the Emperour therefore understood the folly of the woman, he gave the title to him. Who being enstalled, im­prisoned [Page 35] the woman at Megara, and afterwards (by meanes not knowne to the Chalcocon p. 300. Author slew her. This Francus in time was taken away from men by Zogan governor rf Pe­leponnesus, Mahomet having intelligence that the Athenians would have delivered the City to the Prince of Boeo­cia. He was the last Duke.

CAP. I. Duodecem Dii Aih [...]niensium Idololatria septifariam commissa. Dii Adscriptitii. [...].

HErodotus in Pag. 48. Terpsichore is of opinion that the Greekes derived their religion from the Ae­gyptians. But In Tractu [...]. p. 669. Plutarch doth stoutly deny it. And not without good testimony may I affirme that it seemes to be a falsitie. For Orpheus is thought to have brought the mysteries of piety into Greece; who was himselfe a Thracian, from whom the word Sch. Eurip. in Alcest. pag. 661. [...] is supposed to be drawne, which signifies devotion. [...], saies [...]. in Stel. 1. Nonnus. They called [...], to worship God, &c. Ap­positely to which Pag. 260. Aristophanes [...].

[...]. Orpheus shewed us sacrificies and to abstaine from slaughter. Neither is Pag. 281. Euripides disagreeing in Rheso.

[...]—O [...]pheus revealed the hidden mysteries. Herodotus names not the Gods, the worship of whom the Gseekes might borrow from the Aegyptians; Twelve in [Page 37] number they were, quoth he, but these only are reckoned. Iu­piter, Bacchus, Hercules, Apollo, Mars, Pan, Diana, Isis or Ceres, Sais or Minerva, Latona, as I have gathered, which all at once to have been made knowne to the Greekes, and that by the Aegyptians is too hard a taske for me to prove. The Athenians I am sure had twelve Gods in especiall ho­nour, whose Paus. Attic. p. 3. l 18. pictures they had drawne out in Gallery in C [...]ramicus; and had an Altar erected, called Plut. in Ni­cia. pag. 387. l. 26. [...], on which a litle before the Sicilian warre, a man dis­membred himselfe with a stone; which was accounted pro­digious. By these twelve would they sweare in common dis­course. Aristop. Equ. p. 300. A [...]. The heathens thinking that they did honor those Gods, by whom they sware; as I have else­where spoken. But they were not confined to so small a num­ber as twelve. For how could it be, when they ran through the seaven sorts of Idolatry? First worshipping the Sonne, & punishing with death the neglect thereof; as you may read in Vide Bod­num in De­monologia. Plutarch in the life of Pericles. Secondly defying the ef­fects of God as Bread &c. For Clemens Alexandrinus inter­prets [...], Ceres, [...], corne or food. Thirdly the poeti­call Gods. Furies and revengers of wickednesse, as Alastores, Palamnaei. Fourthly, the Passions, as Love, Pittie, Injury like­wise, and Impudence, to whom Epimenides built an Altar at Athens. Fiftly the accidents of grouth and nourishment, hence Auxo, and Thallo two deityes, [...], to increase, & [...] to flourish; to which may be put Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos, the three fatall sisters, and [...] Necessitie, taken sometime for death it selfe. 6^ly, the Theogonie or pedigree of their Gods, able to make up the summe of which Homer speakes. [...], &c. Three thousand. Seaventhly an ig­norance of the providence & bounty of God towartd them, [...]ained Hercules the rep [...]ller of evill, and Aesculapius the God of Physick. And if this serve not, I can adde an eighth way, namely hospitality & good entertainement of strange Gods. [...] [Page 38] [...]. saies Pag. 471. Strabo. as the Athenians love forrai­ners, so forraine Gods. [...], &c.In Panath. T. 1. p. 188. Aristides. For they serve not only the most anci­ent Deities in a peculiar manner above all their followers, but have assumed adventitious ones; such as Strab. p. 587 Orthane, Conis­salus, and Tychon. So prone were they to conceive superstiti­on, that when Act. Apost. c. 17. v. 18. Paul preached Iesus and the Resurrection of the Dead; they forthwith deemed Anastasin, or resurrection to be a God And least they should omit any, they erected Altars unto the unknowne Gods, of which In Att [...]. p. 1 l. 35. Pausanius. Neither may we doubt of it the Scripture bearing witnesse. The cause of this they say to be a fearefull vision appearing to Philippides, sent Ambassador to the Lacedaemonians concerning aid against the Persians, and complaining that he (Vide Eurip. Sch. in Med. p. 482. Pan from whom [...] à spectrum) was neglected and other Gods worshipped; promising likewise his help, they therefore being victorious, and fearing the like event, built a Temple, & Altar TO THE UNKNOWEN GOD. Another opinion is, that a plague being at Athens hot, and the people finding no help from the Gods they implored, surmising some other power to have sent the desease, whereupon they set up this Altar, on which was written ΘΕΟΙΣ] [...]. TO THE GODS OF ASIA, EUROPE, AND AFRICA, TO THE UNKNOWNE AND STRANGE GOD. As Iustin Pag. 137. Martyre and Oecumenius. much may be said of their Tutelar Gods, both for their Ci­ties and houses, much of their Heroes or Demigods. We will view them in order.

CAP. II. Iupitér [...]. Mo­dii salis edendi, Tessera hospitalis seu Symbolum. Apollo [...]. Poean, & ejusdem verbi origo. Mercurius [...].

ABove other of their Gods Iupiter was had in high e­steeme. And that commanded by the Oracle. For when the Athenians were bidden to dissolve their kingdomes, they were charged to make choise of Iupiter, Sch. Aristop p. 122. [...]. And so by In Nubibus Aristophanes he is called [...]. Him they worshipded as President of Law and Iustice, under the name of Iupiter Dem. in Mid. p. 251. Nemius (different from that of Corin [...]h named [...]) Him as God of supplicants, hence Ulpian in Dem. p. 273. Paus. p. 18. l. 40. Who thinkes Sylla to bee eaten with lice by a judgment, that slew Ari­stion suppli­antly flying to the Temple of Minerva. [...], Him as Protector of Cities, hence [...]. Him as Governor and director of their Councells, hence [...]. Him as cheife of their Societies, hence [...], and of their frendshipe too, hence [...]; & of kindred likewise, hence [...]. To him they a­scribed Thunder, hence Aristoph. A­vib. p. 626, [...], as much as comming downe in thuder. To him they thankfully acknowledged their delivery from the Persians, wrought by Themistocles, hence Plut. & Paus. [...]. Him they confessed the greatest of all, hence Pausan. [...]. Him the overseer of their buying and selling, hence Aristoph. p. 917. [...]. To him stood an Altar sacred in the courts of their houses, hence Iupiter Her [...]êus, from [...] a wall, as if hee were the watch and defender of the house. Phavorius. [...]. There was also an Altar to him before the gates, of which Metamorph Ovid.—Ante aedis stabat Iovis Hospitis ara, hence Iupiter Xenius, as if he were the God of strangers and hospitality So solemne were they in their entertainements, [Page 40] that they would not receive a stranger without great cere­monies such as giving the right hand each to other Eustath. in Il. [...]. [...], a most certaine signe of fidelitie, and security; as also washing & clensing with salt, or salt water, as pag. 27. But Eustath saies that they did set salt before any other meat to stran­gers. Tzet­zes on Lycophron; whence it is caled [...]. Salt they highly esteemed of, ever upbrading violated hospitalty with Demosth. p. 241. [...], &c. where is the salt? And yet it may be thought to be said of the community of the table Tzetzes in Lycoph. p. 28 [...], customes shewing that fellow-commoners, and as feed of the same table must not injure one an other, to which the old saying may well a­greeCic. de A­micitia. Eu­stath saies that it beto­kens love per­manent. For salt preserves And as it is made of many lettings in of water, so they who come from divers places by hospitality are made one. In [...] p100 multos modios salis simul edendos esse, ut Amicitiae munus expletum sit, Men must eat many bushells of salt together, be­fore they can be perfect friends; meaning that frendship is not so soone established. But I take salt, of the lustration, to which also they added fire, as you may see in In Acharn. p. 414. vide Sch. Aristopha­nes. Neither was this all, for they sacrificed moreover, calling Iupiter to witnesse, and using these words in the time of sacri­fice▪ Eustath. in [...], [...]. Let my trespasse be against Iupiter Xenius, if I offend, contemne, or neglect stran­gers. And for the continuation of this even to their posterity they were wont to cut an hucle bone in two, the one partie keeping one peece, the other party the other halfe, that when occasion or necessity should make either of them stand in need of other, Eurip. Sch. pag. 446. [...], bringing with them their halfe huckle bone they might re­new their hospitallity. This they call [...] Symbolum a to­ken, which somtimes they would send to their acquain­tance in others behalfe, as Iason in Euripides offers to Medea to doe. [...]. And to send a Symbolum or token to strangers that shall courteously enter­taine you. But of this enough, as also of Iupite [...], whom cele­brated in As [...] Aristophan. [...]. Pausan. &c. other Epithits I know by the Athenians. Apollo was next in request to Iupiter, invocated in danger or sudden events, hence Aristophan. [...]. p. 86. [...], from [...], to turne away, as if [Page 41] he should deliver them from eminent evill, for which reason he is called Alexicacus. Macrob. Sat. 1. p. 253. Apollinem aspellentem mala intelli­gas, quem Athenienses [...] appellant. He was one of the first Gods they had, hence he is termed Aristoph. Nub. p. 203. [...], but Aristop. Sch. p. 611. g. others thinke because he was the father of Ion. Satur. 1. p. 257. Macrobius is of o­pinion, because the Sun the same with Apollo is the Author of progenerating all things quod sol humoribus exsiccatis pro­generandis omnibus prebuit causam. To him stood Altars in their streets hence is he [...], as if he were set over their waies Macrob. Sat. 1. c. 9. Illi enim vias, quae intra pomaeria sunt, [...]. This A­gyeus was a sharpe pillar. Schol. Eurip Phae. p. 322. [...]. Al­though the Greekes, Sat. 1. c. 9. as Macrobius saies, did worship him as [...], exitus & introitus potentem, one that kept the dores of their houses, yet I find no monument of that Title in Pausanias. famous he was for the name of Paean, of which though I have taken occasion to speake elsewhere, yet this is a most proper place. I will not trouble you with the triviall derivations of the Greekes, which you read in In fin. lib. 14. Dip. Athenaeus When the Athenians asked helpe of the Oracle at Delphos against the Amazons, in the daies of Theseus, The God bid them implore his succour in these words [...]. Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 17. pag. 253. Hanc vo­cem, id est [...], confirmasse sertur Oraculum Delphicum A­theniensibus, petentibus opem Dei adversus Amazonas, Theseo regnante. Namque inituros bellum jussit his ipsis verbis semetip­sum auxilliatorem invocari, hortarique. I doubt not but the words are changed somewhat, especially if we consider the ancient Io Paean. Paean, saies the In Plut. p. 68. Scholiast of Aristophanes is a song or hymne praying for the ceasing of a plage, or war nay for the preventing of apparent hurt. The originall of Io Graec. Trag. Scaliger hath already found, Iao, & Io being contracted by the Greekes for Iehovah; Paean then comes from [...] to look, so that Io Paena is in force Iehovah Penoh, LORD LOOKE. UPON US, it being a craft of the Divell to come as neere as possible he may to God, so to bereave him of his deare ho­nour, if he could. The remnants of these words the Vide Sir Fr. Drake. Symerons [Page 42] a people of the West-Indies use, who in their fighting, dance, and leap and sing [...] Peho, at this day. Mercury is hallowed by the name of Aristophan. [...]. p. 120. Ach. p. 410. [...] or [...], demed to be the God whose favour could enrich Merchants and Tradesmen. He is the God of craft, so by consequence he that is cunning to cheat may soone grow rich, wherfore this God is termed Aristophan. [...]. p. 266 [...], Very profitable, from [...], an augmenting word, and [...] to profit. He had a statue erected to him in the Market place caled Aristop. 304 [...]. The entry of their houses was sacred to him; from which he is named Paus. p. 20. l. 59. [...], as like­wise [...] from [...], to turne, because he was set up be­hinde the dore to keep away theeves, that were wont to lurk thereabout, and then afterward commit their villany. More of his names you may read in Pag. 110. Aristoph. Schol.

CAP. III. De Sa [...]rno, Vulcano, Neptuno, Marte, Hercule. [...].

SAturne was worshipped by the Athenians, witnes the feasts kept in honor to him called [...]: witnesse a Paus. p. 16. l. 32. Tem­ple which he had in Athens. Of his antiquity I cannot much affirme any thing, He seemes to have beene of old, as I con­jecture out of Aristophan. [...]. p. 61 [...], Saturninae animae, put for dotag proverbially. Vulcan likewise had his honor there, and a Temple, of which P. 536. n 26 Demosthenes; where was one of the A­thenian prisons some controversies in law in it decided, as I gather out of [...]. Demosthenes. Neptune was an ancient Pa­tron of this City, which he loved even to strife. He was fea­red for security in navigation, hence Aristop. p. 403. [...]. Mars also had his worship,Paus. p. 7. l. 27. and Temple, and Hercules too, who in a dream appeared to Sophocles revealing unto him the sacri­ledge of one who had stollen a golden cup out of his Tem­ple: caled therefore [...] as Index Hercules, as De divinati­one l. 1. Tully. [Page 34] Neither were they contented with such a quantity, but ca­nonized more daily, as the sonnes of Tyndarus, Castor and Pollux, naming them [...]. Plut. The▪ p. 11. l. 25. [...]. For they who have a care & watch of any thing doe diligent­ly observe it [...]. For which Kings perhaps are called [...], as keepers of their people. In Hipp ol. p. 507. The Scholast of Euripi­des teaches us that [...] properly signifies a Saviour. So Pan is said to be [...], the Tutelar God of Cylene. And Apollo in Illiad. a. Homer. [...]. The word is simply put for God in In Avib. pag. 578. Aristophanes, Eurip. Sch. p. 507. [...]. To these may be put Harm [...]dius and Aristogiton. Ly­cus, Theseus, Alon, Hesychus, Aristomachus the Physitian. Celeus and Metanira. And many more (of whom see In Athen. Att. l. 3. c. 1. & 7. Me­ursius) made of Men, as Selanion and Paerrhasius that made the statue of Plut. in Th· p. l. 14. Theseus.

CAP. IV. De Minerva, [...]erere & Proserpina, Baccho▪ Venere, Eumenidibus, Hecate Iunone, Prometheo, &c.

MInerva the especiall deity of the Athenians, had the Festivals called Panathenaea, of which you may fully read in In Panath. Meursius. Next to her Ceres and Proserpina, whose rites longe maximis & occultissimis ceremon [...]is continentur, In Verum. 5 saies Cicero, were greatest and most hidden: therefore cal­led mysteria from Nonnus ad Naz. [...] [...], to hide Vide Plut. in Alcib. death and curse lying on him who should disclose those abominable secrets. See Meursius in his Cap. 7. Eleusinia, of the initiation into these stews. They were of two sorts. Aristop. Sch. p. 85. Greater to Ceres, lesse to Proser­pina. Bacchus also the sonne of Ceres had his Temple allotted and a double tide holy to him. Dionysia Arist. p. 222. parva and Idem. p. 123 Magna Venus had her honor, and sacrifice in which they offered to her Clem. Alex. p. 19. mony the price of an whore Vide Aesch. in Eumen. & Sch. Soph. in Oed. Col. Eumenides were first a­dored [Page 44] by Orestes after he escaped the Iudgement at Athens in Areopagus for killing his mother Clytemnestra. These by In Theogo­nia. Hesiod are called Erinnyes, by the Athenians [...], the venerable Goddesses.Paus. p. 27. l. 3. To these they offered drink offerings, without wine though at mid-night, a custome peculiar to them alone, as In Eumen. p. 275. Aeschylus witnesseth, though I am Igno­rant that Aristoph. p. 228. Bacchus his feasts were kept in the night, whence he is called Nictelius. But the Tragoedian·

Scholiast: [...]. By In Oedipo. Col. p. 271. So­phocles the manner of oblation is set downe. First having cleane hands & pure, the worshipper ought to draw out of a running fountaine water, and having filled three cups with water and honey (hence termed Aeschylus loco praed. [...]) the mouthes & eares of which are to be covered with the wooll of a young sheep, turning himselfe towards the East, he pow­red out some of two of them, but the third wholy; then with both hands setting thrice nine branches of Olive on the place where he casts his [...], he uttered his conceaved supplicati­ons. Other sacrifices they had as shall be shortly spoken. Vide Interp. Hor. in illud Diva trifor­mis. Hecate was worshipped by them in triviis, where three wayesmet, supposed to be the Moone in Heaven, Diana on earth, and Hecate below. Aristop. Sch. p. 63. To her the richer sort every new Moone made a feast in the crosse wayes setting bread & o­ther provision, which the poore greedily fed on, and were so ravinous after, that Pag. 64. Penia in Aristophanes complaines, that they snacht it, before it could be laid downe. Reference to this hath [...], to eate the cates of Hecate, in In Orat. [...]. p. 693. n. 59. De­mosthenes, which he seemes to object, as a sordid or wicked thing, Indeed [...], which signifies on that privily ta­keth away any of the sacrifices from the altar, imports some­times impious, [...]. Schol. In Nubes p. 176. Aristoph. And yet the same Scholiast tels us that the needy sustained themselves by the sacrifices. In Plut. 63. [...]. Iunoes rites [Page 45] were performed in great pomp with hair over their shoul­ders & downe the back, in a vesture that swept the ground, their armes bedecked with glorious bracelets, their paces so minced, that Vide Schot­tum in Pro­verb. Isaa [...]um Casaub. in Athen. l. 12. c. 5. p. 388. p. [...], Iunonem incedere is to goe state­ly. Prometheus was worshiped in a kinde of Torch-dance, or running with likes or lamps, it may be in memoriall of the fire, which superstitiosly they believed him to have stolne out of Heaven. To say more of their Gods were needlesse ei­ther for you to read or me to write. More they had, among whom Pan was of latter making, introducted by Cl. Alex. 22. Philippi­des, and Plut. Arist. p. 240. l. 30. [...]. Sphragitides Nymphae after the Persian overthrow.

CAP, V. [...]. Phacasiani Dii.

THE Athenians before their dores erected statues which they called Vide Hesy­chium, & Di­onysium Pe­tavium in Themislium. [...], because they were exposed to the Sunne. Neither had they these alone, but certaine others sacred to Mercury, named from Hermes Hermae Mercurialls. The fashion of them was divers. For first they were not [...], porrecto veretro, but made after to that forme by the Athenians, who receaved it from the Palasgi, as In Euterpe p. 48. Herodotus ▪ Neither did they want legges, untill the Athenians made them [...], according to In Atticis p. 22. l. 14. Pausanias. The manner was this, A face of Mercury set upon a pilar of four corners the head on­ly and necke were shapen, and therefore it was called truncus Hermes, Sat. v. 852. Iuvenal,

For which reason likewise the Greekes name them Vide Ulpi­an in Dem: p. 332. & G. Lang [...]aine in Notis ad Longinum. [...]. [...], without limbs. On the lower pars of them were certaine ver­ses engraven, containing the praises of some well deserving [Page 46] men; but the Hermae on which they wrote the exploits of those that had merited, seeme to me to have beene set up in that gallery, which from the number of these images was commonly knowne by [...] the gallery of Mercurials. At the consecration of these they used some ceremonies, and sacrificed a kinde of gruell which was of no great preparati­on; Because they would not stand long about it. Hence [...] may be said to sacrifice with that which costs but litle. Pag. 693. Aristophanes. [...]; Schol. [...]. in Pace. Now to the erecting of their Images it will not be unseasonable to add something of the forme of their Gods; whom they made standing with their hands upward as if they were more willing to receave then bestow any thing. To which Concion. p. 747. Aristophanes alludes saying, [...]. Even the Gods you shall know by their hands and statues. For when we pray them to give us some great thing they stand with their hands upward, as if they would send downe nothing but rather take oblation. To tell you likewise that these I­dols were clothed, is no news doubtlesse to on meanely ver­sed in the Greeke antiquities. To say that they werae shooes to is probable, whence they are named Dii Phaecasiani, from [...], a kind of low shooes which the Athenians called [...], from [...], dust, and [...], the foote because they were nere the ground. [...], saies Paed. l. 2. c. 11. p. 152. Clemens Alexandrinus. But more sure I am rhat the were pictured with them on their feet. Sat. 3. v. 217 Iuvenal.

CAP. VI· De Superstioione Atheniensium, & vaticinis.

LOng since were the Athenians taxed by the Apostle for superstition, which though it properly signifies Donat. in Ter. p. 67. a wor­shipping of the Gods too much, yet under it these follies are comprehended. Purification after fearefull dreames, in Ranis p. 274 vide & Aesch. in Per [...]s. Ari­stophanes [...]. In which sence some understand Persius. Noctem flumine purgare. Wearing of rings against witchcraft as a spell, called Aristop. Pl. p. 88. f. [...]. Thoph. Ch. p. 49. Spitting into their bosomes thrice at the sight of a mad man, or one troubled with an Epilepsie. Of which also Theocritus ▪ [...]. I know not whether the custome of our silly people have reference to this foppery, who use to spit at the naming of the Divell. Certaine it is that anciently they did spit in defiance, hence [...] is put for [...] and [...] to contemne or set little by, as the Antigonen. Scholi­ast of Sophocles on these words, [...]. Wash­ing with water the head as often as he shall goe into the streets [...]; Charact. Theophrastus. Anointing of stones, divers it seemes from those heaps sacred to Mercury, termed [...]. This hath beene of old. Done indeed as a token of thankfullnesse by Gen. 28.18. Iacob in Bethell, where he tooke the stone that he put for his pillowes, & set it up, & powred oyle on the top of it, in his journy to Padan Aram. Hennes crow­ing, the bold entrance of a black dog into their houses, Ser­pents seene [...], saies Theophratus, of which In Phor. Ac. 4. Sc. 4. Terence Introit in aedes ater alienus canis. Anguis per impluvium deci­dit de tegulis. Gallina cecenit. Put to these a [...]. Theop. Cat or Weesel (the word signefieth both) crossing his way, the Mouse eating his salt bag. Not unlike them now adaies, whose clothes the Rats or Mice shall chance to eat, deemed not long after like to live by our ignorant, or that he shall have great ill betide [Page 48] him. Adde the avoiding of obsequies for feare of pollution. Antiquity was of opinion that sacred persons were de [...]iled with the sight of the dead, as Chemnitius hath observed, and In Hip. p. 603. vide etiā Eu [...]tath. in [...]. Euripides brings in Diana speaking that it is not lawfull for her to behold dying Hippolytus. Nay the standing upon a grave was a great religion▪ [...]. Furthermore observing of daies good & bad, of which [...]. Hesiod [...], that one is a stepdame▪ another a mother. Pl [...]t. Nici 2. p. 123. l. 35. Amazement at the Eclipse of the Sunne, as also the Plut. Nicia. p. 392. l. 21. Moone; not knowing the reason why she did loose her light, at that time, when shee was in her full lustre. Buying of Medicines or enchan­ted stones for the quicker delivery in child-birth, in Aristo­phanes. [...]. Of the virtue I speake nought. Lib. 4. c. 11. Boemus relates that in Darien in America the women eat an hearb when they are great with child which makes them to bring forth without paine. Joine to this the sneezing over the right shoulder, or the right side, Plu [...]. Them p. 85. l. 23. [...]. obser­vation of [...], or sudden stormes, as the In Ach. p. 379. & p. 424 Sch. of Aristo­phanes interprets it, snow, haile, or the like. Paus▪ Att. p. 35. l. 31. vide Eust. in Il. B. Cutting off their haire, and sacrificing it to rivers, as Cephissus. Marking the flight of the owle, whence came the proverb, Aristop. Ve­spis. p. 508. [...], The Owle hath fled. And [...] for good lucke▪ The Owle being a token of victory to the Athenians. Zenobius. [...]. They ever accounting it so since the warre at Salamis, where the Greekes seeing an Owle tooke courage and beat the Barbari­ans. Appendix Vaticana. [...]. Other madnesse of theirs was slee­ping in the Aristop. pp. 44, 66. T. 438 Temple of Aesculapius, who were ill at ease, supposing the deity to give, or shew them a remedy, Petronius. for which in gratulation they were wont to offer him a cock. If I mistake not.Aelian. [...]. l. 5. c. 17. What shall I say of putting him to death who should cut downe an Oake or an Holme (so Ilex which in Greeke is [...] may be taken, I thinke it an Holme) in the Heroum; And punishing Atarbes capitally who being distra­cted [Page 49] had slaine a sparrow sacred to Aesculapius? thus farre have we gone. Let us proceed to their vaticinations or pro­phesyings. Aeschylus brings Prometheus on the stage, vaun­ting how first he taught men Vide Sch. pag. 32. [...]. All which were practised among the Atheni­ans, as you may read in [...]. initio. Xenophon. [...], the interpreta­tion of dreams, is a resolution of those doubts, which we con­ceive of things offered to our fancy in sleep, as that of Hecu­ba dreaming that she should bring forth a firebrand; & that of Atossa before the fall of her sonne Xerxes, whom she saw striving to yoke the Barbarian and Greeke Woman, one of which overthrew him. This the ancients termed [...], Aeschylus, ascribing much to the truth of them, suppo­sing them to be sent from a Deity— [...]. Iliad. 1. Homer. The skill in them is [...] to truly tell the event.Aeschy. Pro. p. 33. Which was no small art, certain Books written of that subject. Eust. in Il. a. p. 36. [...] as Artemidorus his Onirocritica. [...], Soothsaying by birds when such or such flie either before or behind him, at the right or left hand, to shew what it doth prognosticate. Pag 33. Aeschylus. [...]. It was formerly stiled Aristides T. 3. p. 25. [...], which the mind doth suggest to the opinion. It is put for a­ny divination in Greek writers, but most properly [...], which Nonus [...]. l. 5. [...]. Telegonus is related to have found according to Nonnus, but according to Nat. hist. l. 7 c. 56. Plinie, Car; whence it is called Caria: [...], looking into the Liver or entrals, like the Latines extispicium, observing the colour of them. A [...]sch. loco citato. [...]; as likewise the soundnesse, hence taken as a prodigie [...], in Pag. 357. l. 31. Plutarch, the extremity of the liver (like the outmost parts of the vine leafe, saies Isi­dor) not to be seen, or rather that which they call the head, [Page 50] Ovid, caesumque capút reperitur in extis. [...], in marking the flame of the sacrifice burnt, Aesch. loco. citato. [...], the Tragoedian calls them, by which they could fortell events. More doubt­lesse had they wayes of witchcraft, as the other Greekes. [...], as when one shall meet you carrying such or such things, then this shall befall you. Aeschylus termes them [...] Sch. [...]. See Scaliger in Tibullum, on these words Puer è triviis. The Scholiast of In An. p. 574 Aristophanes on [...], They made, quoth he, whom they met first as it were tokens of good hap. Whence it may be came up the sa­lutation which In Oed. Tyr. initio. Sophocles calls [...], wish­ing luck, as [...] among the Greekes, & the Latines Ovid. Fast. Esto bo­nis avibus visus &c. [...] is put likewise for sneesing, or the conjecturing at them. Sterm tamentum being accounted a Deity by the Romans, but sacred to Sch. Aristop loco citato. Ceres, as the Greekes, whence proceeded that [...], which we intimate in our God helpe you, as often as we see any man so purging his head. which not to have proceeded from any deadly disease, is sufficiently evinced by Casaubon on Athenaeus. [...], at the sight of a Mouse. Serpent, Cat or the like in the house, or when the oyle cruse is dry, honey, wine, water is spent, to guesse at future things. On this Nonnus in Naz. Xenocrates wrote. [...], Palmistry, when by the length of the hand, or lines of the table, they can judge of freenes in housekeeping, of mar­riage & posterity, of which Nonnus. Helenus once left a monument. [...], gather'd out of the shaking of the parts of the body as the shoulder, thigh, or right eye, in which kind Posidonius was an author exposed to the world. [...], as that wherein the Witch of Endor was experienced, out of the low­er parts of whose belly the Divell spake. The first that pra­ctised this among the Athenians was Eurycles: hence they who are possessed with this spirit of prophecying, are called [...] Euriclitae, as the In Vesp. pag. 503. Schol. of Aristoph. who calls this art Ib. p. 502. [...], the divining of Eurycles [...], where after solemne sacrifices they were wont to call up the [Page 51] soules of the deceased, demanding of them what afterward should befall. As De Magis Inf. l. 2. c. 11. Wierus. And no wonder, for they held the spirits of their parents and kinred for Gods, quibus sacri­ficabant (saies Bodin) & ad quorum sepulchra comedebant, Daemono­maniae l. 2. c. 3. in quos scriptura invebens ac detestans, inquit, & comederunt sacrificia mortuorum, to which they sacrificed, and at whose sepul­ehers they fed; against whom the Scripture inveighing and detesting speaketh, And they a [...]e the Oblations of the dead. Of this In Avib. p. 613. a. Aristophanes makes mention, and Homer in his Odysses. This is that which most properly is called [...] from [...] la­mentation,Lib. [...]. by Wierus termed dirae execrationes, Nonnus in Naz. for with greate mourning they invocated [...], wicked Gods for the accomplishment of their devilish designes. It may most fitly have the name of Nigra Magia Vide Bodin for so the Wizards divide them into the black and white Magick. [...], from whence the word Magick is derived, seemes to have been found by the Medes and Persians, whose Priests were called Magi great Philosophers,Vide No [...]. as In Pro [...]em. Nonnus. Laertius is wit­nesse. This is supposed to be the good Magick. ^e [...], is a giving of philtrum, a medicine for the procurement of love, or rather enraging of lust, by bewitching something and gi­ving it to be eaten; which to have power over swine is cre­dibly reported. [...] Tricks with a paire of sheeres and sive, of which Theocritus. Vide Odys. [...],. to take coun­cell of an hachet, taking it & laying it on a peece of timber flatwaies, which did the feat by turning round. Like to which is that naughty use of a key [...]ible. [...], by the casting of the dice to aske the number of wives, children, farmes, &c. which answer to the quantity of a chance. Vide Theo­crit. in Phar. [...] & [...], done by corne. Delrio Dis­qui. Mag. l. 4. c. 2. q. 5. sec. 7. [...], by taking the letters of the name, as when two were to fight & by the value of them to judge the conquest: As they said of Hectors being overcome by Achiles. [...], ma­king a circle they divided it into foure and twenty parts, [Page 52] and on each part made a letter, and putting wheat upon the letters they brought in a Cock, and observing from what letters he took up the graine, they at last joyned them toge­ther, and so knew their successors, husbands, &c. [...], opening a book of Homer and by the first verse that they lighted upon, to divine, as that of the death of Socrates, who so foretold it, meeting with that verse of Homer, which speakes of the arrivall of Achilles within three daies at Thes­saly ▪ Wie [...]. de Magis Inf. l. 2. c. 13. Et quoniam poemata pro vaticiniis, &c and because po­ems were accounted Prophesies, as Poets Prophets, they were most busy in them. Hence in publique causes had the Romans recourse to the Sibylline Oracles, & the private Gre­cians to the verses of Homer. And that Sors was put for the writing of Oracles, is manifest out of the words Sortes Del­phicae, for fore-telling or divination. Vide Sch. Arist. in Plut. I know the shee Priest of Apollo being inspired with a kind of holy fury spake to those who asked counsaile. Whence the word Aristid. T. 3 pag. 25. [...] at this time read for Soothsaying, was anciently called [...] mad­nesse. And yet that their cunning men had a kind of lottery, is as cleere as day, the In Hippol. p. 580. Scholiast of Euripides testifying▪ done it seems in matters of question, so [...] may intimate as much as to undergoe triall. Predictions there were, In Il. a. p. 36 saith Eustath, out of signes and wonders, as also of the noise that leaves make when they are burned. To which some adde [...] or divination by the ayre, quoting for it Aristo­phanes in Nubibus, which I now remember not.

CAP. VII. De Templis & Asylis.

THeir Churches were of two sorts; sacred to their Gods in Greek [...], or [...]. And sacred to their Demi-gods most properly [...]. But the word is promiscuously used by the Tragoedians▪ Clemens Alexandrinus is of opinion that the [Page 53] first originall of their Temples was the erecting of an edifice to the honour of the deceased. Vide p. 22. [...]. Cecr [...]ps buried in the Acropolis, Ericthonius in the Temple of Miner­va Polias, the daughters of Celeus in El [...]usiis, &c. They were divided into two parts, the sacred and prophane, this called [...], the other [...] ▪ In Theop. Charact. Casaubon tels us that [...] was that holy water set at the door of the Tēple, with which every one that entred into the Temple besp [...]inkled himselfe, or was besprinkled by those that sacrificed; of which in the next Chapter. But others have written that it stood at the entrance of the Adytum, into which i [...] was not lawfull for any but the Priests to come. The In Oed. Ty­rannum. Schol. of So­phocles thus describes the Church. [...], quoth he, is the place where the Altar stāds. [...], the Altar on which they offered their oblations, [...], where they placed the Idol which they worshipped; in ancient time a rude table or stock,Protreptic. p. 23. [...] Clemens Alexandrinus calls it, as that of Iuno Samia, after­ward made in the magistracy of Procles to be a statue. At first named Idem. [...], from the shaving of it; but when art began to be so expert, as to make it resemble a man, they termed it [...], from [...] mortolis, whose shape it bare. At the setting up thereof they used these ceremonies: That a Woman neatly trimmed & deckt in a purple vesture, should bring on her head a pot of sodden pulse, as beanes, pease, and the like, which they sacrificed in thankfulnesse for their first food, Schol. Arist. p. 115. [...]. For as much as I conceive out of Pollux, they prayed not where this was cōsecrated, or did divine honours, but in the [...] or [...], the body of the Church, framing, as may be gathered, their gesture towards it. Lib. 1, c. 1. [...]. [...], &c. Farthermore belonging to their Temples there was a kind of Vestry, in Greeke [...] by some tran­slated summum templum, as if it were at the upper end. This seemes to have been a Treasure both for the Church, and [Page 54] any soever, who fearing the security of his wealth would commit it to the custody of the Preist, as Laertius in vita. p. 122. vide ad eum locum Cas. Xenophon is repor­ted to have done at the Temple of Diana in Ephesus. Marti­al points at this when he saies,

So reverently did they esteem of these houses of their Gods, that to doe those offices of nature, I meane venting of excre­ments, too shamlesly seen among us in the Church-yards, as I may call them, was an abomination; punished severely by Pisistratus. For when he had taken tribute of all that the At­tick ground had brought forth, they so hated him for that taxation, as they made the [...] of the Temple of Apollo Pythius a Jakes; which although for bidden never was redres­sed. And yet so secretly was it done, that he could apprehend none, save at last one stranger whom he caused to be whipt, with this proclamation, THAT BECAUSE HE CONTEMNED THE EDICT HE SHOULD DIE. Hence to a man that sound­ly smarted for his wickednes, they were wount proverbially to say, He had better have eased himselfe in the Pytheum, or if there were more, in the plurall number. [...]. Nay so honourable held they these Chur­ches, that to them they granted priviledge of Sanctuary, to which who should fly, might not from thence be drawne out under a trespasse upon religion. Of this kinde was the Tem­ple of Minerva, & Theseus, the altars of the Eumenides, & Mercy, Vid. Rosin. whose image they would not have erected any where in their City, although in the midst thereof shee had a Grove. Polyd. Virg. in Eurip. they are presented sitting neere the Altar. T. [...]. p. 472. The first Asylum among the Heathens is held to have beene in Athens, built by the Heraclidae.

CAP. VIII, De Sacerdotiis.

OF holy orders among them I conceive to have beene di­vers sorts, [...], Parasiti, a word had in later times in great derision, exagitated almost in every Comoedy, put for a shark or smel-feast, Terent. Edax Parasi [...]us. But held once in good esteeme. For when they had set aside such a parcell of land as they thought the revenews thereof would suffice for the sa­crifices of such & such Gods, they chose certaine men who should receive or gather the harvest. Secun. Att. Dialecti. apud Athen. p. 235 Crates, [...]. With the incoms of this were the char­ges of those publique sacrifices defraied. Hence [...] Introitus magni, great yearely substance, is used for great sacrifice in Avib. p. 581. Aristophanes. Scholiast. [...]. 'Ceryces, the same signifies a cryer, but in sacred functions a Minister, who slew and offered the victim. Apud Ath▪ l. 14. p. 661. Anthenio the Comoedian ascribes much honour to them, as if they had first taught men to seeth victuals, the flesh of sheepe and oxen, while before they devoured each o­ther raw. They take their name from Vide Salm. in Inscripti. Pollucem. l. 8 Ceryx the sonne of Mercury and Pandorus. But In Athen. lib. 15. c. 23. Casaubon. [...]. A­praestantiore parte muneris quod [...]bi [...]ant, sic dicti. Idem namque & hostias mactabant, adolebantque &c. They in the time of di­vine rites craved the silence of the people in these words, [...]. Be whist all ye people. Good words, for so Casaub. in Theophrast. p. 321. [...] signifies, as well as to say nought, which Horace fitly interprets, when he saies Malè ominatis Parcite verbis. When sacrifice was ended they dismissed the con­gregation with these words [...]. To which custome [...]e unfitly looked, who derived the Masse from Missa est, ite, better fetcht in my minde by In lib. quem scripsit de Sa­crament. Wechelius from Masath the Hebrew, which availes as much as to praise. [...], the [Page 56] same with Meursius E­leusin. in c. 13 [...], who initiated them who desired to be admitted into the society of the superstitiously zealous (who after they were entred, were not under a yeare compleate, permitted to see their Bable)In Stel. 1. p. 63. Schol. Naz. [...]. Hierophantae so called from [...], o­pening the holy things. [...]. L. Mountac. of Chichest. The learned Bi­shop upon that place of Nazianzen, notes that Moses among the Israelites was an Hierophanta, shewing unto them what they were to do in those sacred businesses. [...], they who lighted the fire at the Altar, whose office made them safe in warre & danger. Hence of bloody fight we say [...], Ne ignifer quidem, there escaped not he that served at the Al­tar. [...]. The Priests in the Great Mysteries, tenne in number, [...] whom In Alexiph. p. 144. Nicander calls [...] from Arist. &c. p. 125. [...], to be decent, because they kept the Temples cleane, and swept them, as Ion in T. 2. p. 621. Euripides speaks. These were the [...], whose charge it was to preserve that which was found in the Church, and to see that repaired which went to ruine, saies In Politic. Aristotle. And yet we read that the Parasiti did sometime look to the mending of it. There being a Law enacted, that what they laid out should be re­stored again. [...] in In Plut. p. 71 Aristophanes likewise termed [...]. These are the Priests ever waiting on the Gods, Casaub. in Theoph. whose prai­ers the ancient required at their sacrifices; out of which they had a fee, Arist. p. 481. the trotters and skinnes, as the Arist. p. 101 Ceryces the tongues. And indeed there was no necessity, For there being tables in their Temples, as Casaubon teaches us, whereon they might lay their oblations, (& perhaps sometimes depart) of which the Priest according to his stomack did share. Well known to In Plut. p. 71 Aristop. who relates the like of the Priest of Aes­culapius. It was requisite to this function, that they who un­dertook it, should be sound both wind and limb, they being asked [...] before their Creation, whether they were whole in every member: which ceremony to have been used among holy orders of latter daies is well known, their [Page 57] neighbours wives bearing record, saies In Aristop. Christianus, that they have not taken into their societies quid mutilum. There were moreover shee Priests as the [...], in Demosthenes, and the [...] whom in all things Antiq. l. 2. n. 3. Dionysius Halicarnas­seus compared to the vestall Nunnes.

CAP, IX. De Sacrificiis.

THE father of Philosophy is of opinion that Sacrifices first begā after the ancients had ended their harvest. For then being free from care, they found time for mirth & jol­lity. In which they offered their first fruits called [...], from whence [...] is read generally to doe any sacrifice. Neither doth [...] import lesse. For Vide Schol. Eur. in Phaen. p. 291. [...] signifies the bend, or great chest of the garnet, wherein they laid up the harvest thresht & winnowed; [...], the first or beginning, as if when they began to treasure up their store, they first of all liberally paid some devotion to their Gods. The Attick obla­tions, even to Draco, were nothing else but the earths benefi­cence, but before Solons age, burnt offering, who willed in his lawes,Plut. p. 65. l. 26. they call­ed their leane sacrifices [...], hornes & haire, as if naught else, Arist. p. 584. that they should be [...], chosen and selected sacrifices. The rites performed in them were not different from those in the daies of Homer, but somewhat reformed. It behoved them that would take in hand these holy things to purify themselves some certain daies before, Demosth. pp. 400.476. [...], the number of them is not set downe. I take [...] here to abstaine from carnall delights. Tibuli-Disce­dite ab aris Quos tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus) To which purpose Theano being asked when it might be lawfull for a woman, frō the company of a man to goe to sacrifice; answe­red, from her own at any time, but a stranger never. Being thus prepared they came and stood round the Altar, having with them a basket in which was the knife hid (covered [Page 58] with flower and salt, in In pace. p. 695. Aristophanes [...] in [...]. with these [...] the Greeks ever began sacri­fice, the Ro­mans Far. Dionys. Hal. l. 2. n. 4. Homer [...]) with which they cut the throat of the victime. Then they purified the Altar going about it with the right hand towards it. Loco laud. Aristophanes ▪ [...]. This lu­stration was made with meale & holy-water sprinkled there­on. This water is called Athen. l. 9. p. 409. [...] in which they quenched a firebrand taken from the Altar; with which they bedewed the standers by, accounting it a kinde of clensing▪ (Hence Sophocles Oed. Tyr. [...] was forbidden him whō they took for a pol­luted and forlorne rogue) Then they cast some of the flower on them. And having thus expiated, they cried out Aristoph. p. [...]; Who is here? to which they made reply, [...]. Many and good. Then they prayed. [...]. Homer [...]. Among the latter they spake with a loud voyce [...], before they began. Let us pray. Supplications ended they drew the victime so as (if it were to the Gods above) the head might look upwards, which [...]. Homer [...]. Eust. [...]. If it were to the Heroes or Demi-gods, with his throat downewards. Then they slew him & skin'd him, & cutting out the [...]. huck shin­bones & hanch, they covered them with fat, which is called [...] (hence the Gods of the heathen are deciphered by In Stel. Nazianzen, [...], rejoycing in the fat) to the end that they might burne all out in a great flame. Eustath. p. 101. [...]. [...] For the Grecians accounted it unlucky if it did not so consume, and thought that it was not [...]: upon the [...] they cast small pieces of flesh cut from every part of the beast, begin­ing with the shoulder (which is in Greeke [...]) hence this is called [...]. The reason Eustathius gives, Loco laud. [...]. that they might seeme to consume all, which the Athenians did not, being commanded by law to carry some of the sacrifice home. By [Page 59] reason of which injunction, they did so strain curtesy of their Gods, that the illiberall or nigardly sort of people would sel that which was left, and so make gain of their devotion.Th. Charac. [...]. [...] saies Theophrastus, Where Pag. 336. Casaubon notes. Coxam ferè offerebant, aut intestina, aut aliud non magnae rei persaepe. They offered the hanch bone or the entrals, or somewhat of no great worth. Where by entrals, you are to understand the spleene, the liver, and the heart, which Homer calls [...], for though the word be taken for the bowels, yet it signifies the heart too, in which sence we say [...], a pusillanimous man, & [...] a couragious, as the In Aiacem Lorarium. Scholiast of Sophocles teaches us, & so [...] the bowels of compassion These the anci­ents did divide among them at sacrifice to feed on, and after­wards cut out the rest to rost▪ For whē they had finished their devotions, they let the reyns loose to all manner of voluptu­ousnes, gluttony, and drunkennesse. For oft times they left nothing of their sacrifice, especially when they offered to Ve­sta, whence the proverb, [...], is to eat up all, like the Roman Lari sacrificare. To say that publikely they begun to Vesta were more then I could well prove; but that they did so is plaine. In their houses they had Altars, & so I supposed once [...] to be taken, but this was done in Liba­minibus, in their drink offerings, as he on Vide p. 582 Aristophanes. As for their meat offerings it was required that they should be Vide Pollu­cem. l. 1. sound and without blemish, whether it were an oxe, sheep, goat, swine, calfe: to sacrifice they simply termed [...] which our Latines have interpreted fitly, Facere. In Bucolicis Virgil, cum faciam vitula. Whose poverty was so great that he could not afford a sheep, or the like, they thought the Gods would be well pleased if he offered Molas, which the Greekes call Casaub. in Theop. p. 237. [...] meale, which by the richer was mingled with oyle and wine, as the Pag. 701. D. Scholiast of Aristoph. The more wealthy in­steed of this, did cast frank incense on the Altars. For the sa­crifices of Pallas the tithes were set a part, as Pag. 378. Demosthenes. In [Page 60] their oblations the [...] or cooks gave the Schol. Arist. p. 204. 10 part to the Prytanes. So [...], put for [...] where the Gods cannot have their allowance. Scho. Aristop. on [...], &c.

CAP. X. De Anno Attico.

THE ancient Greek yeare consisted of three hundred and sixty daies, each moneth consisting of thirty▪ Rude anti­quity ignorant of celestiall contemplations, deeming the Moone to finish her course in that space. Which according to De Doct. Tēp. l. 1. c. 1. Petavius seems false. Lunaris enim non fuit, sed ejus menses tricenis diebus constabant singuli. By which reckoning, had they not used intercalations, they had soon found a maine difference in the times, when they ought to have celebrated their festivals. They made therefore a Tetraeteris, in which when they found seaven daies deficient, they supplied them by adding Negat Peti­tus Miscel. l. 8 p. 192. Petav. assirmat. two to every end of the yeare, called [...], M. Seldeu. in Apparat. ad Graeco Epoc. Chro. eò quod per illud biduum Athenae Magistratibus carebant, Because for those two daies Athens was without Magistrates. But the last of these foure had but 359 daies, besides the two [...], in respect to the Olympick games, ever kept in the Olympick games, ever kept in the id est, The fifteenth day. full moone, which could not have happened, had they not began the Tetraeteris with a new Moone. Neverthelesse the Sunne and Moone appearing 14 daies oddes in a Tetraeteris, they made every eighth yeare an interjection of one Month,De D. Tem. T. 1. p. 4. that this time being ended, the course might still returne the same. This all Greece observed, saies Petavius, by the Athenians termed [...], by the people of Etis an Olypiad. What kind of Lunary yeare was in use among the Grandfires of Greece, is [Page 61] not truly known; by Eclog. Chr. p. 225. Petav. goes not so home. Lib. de doct. Temp. 1. c. 6. Petitus delivered to be of D. 347. eve­ry Month 29 D: except one, which like our February had but 28 D. Every two years one month was inserted, once of 29 D. another time of 28 D: But because in two years this each of these two years se­verally taken was called ver [...]tens, joyned annus mag­nus. magnus annus surpassed the Moone 15 D. ita (que) Tetra [...]teridae fecerunt. This consisted of 1445 D: 723. & 722. make 1445. So many daies 354. foure times doubled hath,Loco laud. if you please to adjoyne 29. Of this sort of calculation doth he understand El [...]m. Astro. c. 8. p. 36. Geminus [...]. That must be fitly understood, quoth he, for they did number the Months as if they were 30 D. when notwithstan­ding they had but 29. In Auctario Petavius is otherwise conceited, who takes the Scholiast of Arist [...]phanes in that sence, as meaning 29 D: full ones, when indeed exactly taken according to Loco citato Gemiuus you may account 29. ½, 1/33. and In Arg. O­rat. contra. A [...]d p. 380. Vlpian, [...] 29 ¼· And yet are we not destitute of authority, that a Month was supputed 29 D: In A [...]ati Di­osem. p. 74. Th [...]on. [...]. But that the fragments were left out, the words are plaine, [...]. He meanes a day the space of a night and a day, for according to such Months did they administer iheir civil affaires. And now it is in re­quest among many of the Greekes. But of this enough. Soone was the Tetraeteris found faulty; therefore was made a Ka­lander of eight years, in which doubling eight times the dif­ference of the Sunne, to wit, 11 D: ¼. made up three Months, inserted every third, fift, and eight year. But the scruples comming short in sixteen years 3 D: they intercalated three. And seeing still they could not make it even. Geminus p. 38. Wh [...]m I follow. Not ig­no [...]ant that Meton was the first that made the Ci­cle of 19. years. Hence [...]. Me­tans yeare is put for a long time proverbi­ally. Eucte­mon and Philippus made an Almanack for nineteene years, which by Callippus was produced to 76 Months 940. of them 28. [...], saies Geminus. This was the progresse of their reformation. [Page 62] But we must look back againe & consider that they counted their year two waies. First of Then were al [...] the m [...]nths of 30 D. as you may see in Schol. Aristop. Ach. p. 412. c. CCCLX, as hath been already spoken, next CCCLIIII, when they made the Months in­terchangeably [...], full and deficient, that is, one 29. the other 30 daies, yet both Lunary. For that is proved even by the names of their daies. The first, wherein the Moon appeared new, called by a Synalaepha or contraction of the words [...]. The second [...]. The eight [...], or halfe full: the full [...]. The last [...],Gem. p. 32. [...], because that in the daies of Thales Milesius, Laertius in vita. who was the author of that terme, the Moneth had 30, & no more, but ended, whence I suppose Pollux l. 1. [...], signi­fy the dead, the period of whose life hath Been come to. Though Diogenian gives other reasons. And by the way we must not think, that they had no regard to the course of the Sunne; Petit. E [...]cl. Chro. p. 215. sed tamen ut annus fieret Solaris, &c. But neverthelesse that the yeare might be correspondent to the Sunne, they put five daies, called [...] epacted, to the last Month Scir­rophorion, for the supplying of the defect. And so the year had 365 D. which was the true and just measure. But he might have added, sometimes 366, by reason of that ¼ which Geminus acknowledges the Greekes to have reckoned, al­though they accounted their Months but 30 D. This is that annus implicitus, which In [...]. p. 78. Aratus stiles [...]. To this point the Greeke Authors, telling the years by seed time. In Antigon. p. 213. Sophocles— [...] ▪ For the ancients, saies In Aratum p 78. Theon took the year three waies, either by the Sunne; or seasons; as spring, summer, autumne, winter, In Oedipo Tyran. p. 183 (Sophocles. [...]—) or thirdly by the Moone: whose irregularity Solon is reported by In vita pag. 66. l. 15. Plu­tarch first to have marked. Observing therefore that shee on the same day overtook and surpassed the Sun,Plutarch. [...], he caused that to be called Laert. in vit [...] the old and new, because that remnant, which was before the conjunction, he thought belonging to [Page 63] the precedent Month; & that remnant which was after the conjunction, appertaining to the subsequent. (These peeces In Diosem. p. 125. Aratus calls [...]) in which matter hee is thought to have had Homer in sight, who in his [...]. pag. 164. Odysses termes the thirtieth day, as Didymus expounds it, [...]. Where we may note that then they had no [...], but counted from one to twelve in the ordinall numbers, used by Contra Ti­mocratem. p. 446. n. 39. Demosthenes in one Orati [...]n, [...]. Then putting the lesser to the greater they said [...], the third above ten, the fourth upon tenne, and so to twenty, Vide Plu­tarch. loco nuper laud. But when at the one and twentieth day they perceived the wan [...] of the Moone to be great, & the light almost lost, they changed the order and used [...], &c. the tenth of the de­crease, the ninth of the decrease, and so to the twenty nine, [...], the second of the decrease, or from the end, going lower in number stil, as the splendor of the Moon was dimi­nished, but the thirtieth they called [...] for the cause a­bove. Here likewise they take the reason by the Month en­ding was [...] Ulpian in Dem. p. 210. [...]. Because the daies and Moones doe as it were dye, according to that of Horace. Novae (que) pergunt interire Lunae. Macrobius Sat. l. 1. c. 16. Macrobius, quid aliud nisi illum [...] dicit [...]ujus pa [...]la [...]im deficien [...]is supputatio in nomen desinit secuturi: & [...] illum, qui praece­dit numerum successurus priori in defectum meanti. [...] standing to supply the place of the departing Month; fixed and still waiting untill the Moone shall have journied to the compleating & ending of the precedent time. Thus the last day of our lives is said to stand Virgil, Aeneid. 10, p. 330. Stat sua cui (que) dies, as unto which we must passe through all the rest, and once ap­proach. Thus squared they their times and state matters to the Moone. Hence read we [...], to count the Month as they do, who manage politick businesses, or belonging to government. In which course they made their year of CCCLIIII daies, which divided into tenne parts make ten [Page 64] times 35, which space each Argum. Or. Dem. contra Androt. pag. 380. [...] ruled in its turne, the foure that abounded were called [...], in which they chose Magistrates, being for that time destitute of them. The yeare thus dsposed, the Months must of necessity be [...] cavi & pleni, as Elemen. A­strono. p. 31. Geminus. [...]. If a month have 29 D: ½, two have 59. Because therefore the two halfes might be made one whole, they so ordered it that now it should be 29 D. then 30 D. The Athenians counted their day from the setting of the sun on this day,Macrob. l. 1. Sat. c. 3. Plin. nat. hist. l. 2. c. 77. untill the going downe of the next. In respect to which In. Theriac. Nicander may be thought to say of noone sleep,— [...] To take rest at the beginning of the even. I know that the ancients wrought but six houres in the day. Lib. 4. Ep. 8. Martial, sexta quies lassis septima finis erit. Which In Ιλ: ad [...]. Eustath affirmes in his Commentary on Homer. And there­fore Z. H. Θ. I. were the notes of the 7.8.9.10. houres, which joyned make [...], as if they should have said to the Labou­rers, Rest. The beginning of the yeare was Casaub. in Athen. p. 921 Hecatombaeon, Iuly, the eight, saies Chronol. Petitus. They ever accounting that to be the first Month. In which order I have found them set downe in a In 40 num. 24. p. 264. Manuscript in our publique Library, only Maemacterion is to be put above Pyanepsion.

In which table although Hecatombaeon be compared to the Iulian Month Ianuary, yet it appears not that Hecatombaeon was ever so removed out of his place, as Eclog. Chr. p. 214. Petitus will have it, Epiphanius contradicting of which by & by. Indeed when the Christians in honour of their Easter, began the yeare in April, they called April Hecatombaeon, as Loco laud. he himselfe testi­fies. But that Hecatombaeon was alwaies the first Month, is not probable. For when the Athenians under the dominion of Alexander the Great's successors changed the head of the year from Iuly to the seaventh of October it is like that they began at Maemacterion according to this Ex MS. Bib­lioth. Bod­leianae in 80 n. 8. rule.

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• [...].
• [...].
• [...].
• [...].
• [...].
• [...].
• [...].
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Vide Petav. in Epiphan. p. 138. Certain it is that the same Attick Months are sometimes Lunary, and sometimes not, but of 30 D: or Iulian; When they are Lunary they have no sure seat, but are now at this time, then at another. And this hath bin the reason why the same Months have not been suited to the Iulian, by writers. [Page 66] Vlpian on Demosthenes parallels Hecatombaeon to Pag. 21. Ianuary, and in the Oration for Ctesiphon, to March, and againe to Pag. 163. A­pril. In Olymt. 3 March he calls Boedromion, which also he interprets Pag. 148. Iune▪ Elaphebolon Pag. 140. November, Pag. 167. Sep [...]ember (in the margin February) and Pag. 120. December. Pag. 167. Thragelion [...], April. Munychion Ianuary. Scirrophorion, March. Which errors are cursorily no­ted by Eclog. chr. l. 1. c. 6. p. 213. Petit in part, to no great satisfaction. But when by the decree of Augustus Caesar they were charged to conform their yeare to the Iulian, they Vide Petav. in Epiphan. pag. 139. thus numbred.

But of this, so much only. We must handle their Lunary year because according to them were their feasts kept. From whence sometimes they would count, as Aristoph. p. 806. c. [...] ▪ So much and as long since the Bac hanals; speaking of the age of a girle. For a more compendious way of com­prehending their holy daies view this Almanack.

CAP. XI. De Tragoedâ, Satyricâ, & Comoediâ.

IT is taken for grant among the Ancients, that Homer who lived Vid. Can. Chro. ad Gr. Epoch. Mar. Arund. p. 97. 907 years before Christ, was the first that taught Hermog. de Eloq. Meth. p. 561. c. 33. Eustath. in Praef. ad Iliad [...], to speak in Tragoedie; comprehending great and weighty matters in few words and very concisely, being more large & using circumlocution in matters of lesse con­sequence, which Hermogenes acknowledges to be the pro­perty of a Tragoedian. This foundation being laid, following ages still built (though rudely) a structure to small perfecti­on. Nam post illius tale tantum (que) documentum, &c. saies Tract. de Trag. & Co­moed. praef. Terentio. Donat. For after that Homer by the Iliads had represented a Tragoe­dy, by the Odysses a Comoedy, most ingenious imitators took those Poems and set them in order, & divided them, which at that time were inconsiderately, & without judgement writ­ten, impolisht, & in the first rudiments not so neat and trim, as in processe of time they were made. For Poesy was a great while in her minority, and very rude, after the first publish­ing of plaies. For we see little or nothing of Marmo. A­rundel. & ad ea Seld. CL. Praefixa etiā Aristophan. [...] Susarion, the first Comoedian, worth our time: some few verses only, & so few, as may but witnesse such an Author. The originall of the word Comoedy is supposed to be taken from divers reasons: First, because in their revelling, kept in honour to Bacchus, they sung them, & so it may be derived from [...], commes­satio;Sch. in Naz. [...]te [...]. b. p. 106. [...], signifying [...], to sing basely at the cup. Secondly from [...], sleep; because when any of the Attick husbandmen had been injured, it was the custome (as before hath been spoken) for the party abused, to come in [Page 81] the night season into the streets, and with a loud voice cry, such and such rejoyce in wrong, and commit such outrages, though there be Gods & Lawes. And after that, proclaimed the parties name, who on the morrow was sought out by the husbandmen & much shamed; by which these wrongs were redressed. Thirdly from [...], a street, because when the old Athenians would note a wicked mans life out to the world, meeting merrily in the streets & high waies, they laid open every mans life, and concealed not his name, Donatus de Tra. & Com. In vicos & compita ex omnibus locis laeti, alacref (que) veniebant: ibi (que) cum no­minibus singulorum vitam publicaban [...]. These verses were first sung Idem ibid. in the green Meddowes,In Synopsi vitae Aristop. Th. Magister. about the beginning of the spring, When the husbandmen kept the festivals of Bac­chus the God of Wine, to whom they sacrificed a Goat, be­cause his biting is an enemy to the vine, the skin of which they took and sowed up close, filled with wine, and anointed it with oyle to make it slippery, and so hopped with one leg upon it, making themselves laughter at the falls they often took. This sport they call [...] from [...] a skin, and [...], to leap,Plut. p. 108. Aristophanes. [...]. Geor. 2. p. 71. Virgil hath fitly set it out.

After Susarion, sprang up Thespis, the first that made Tragoe­dies, which by Horace are termed Lachrymosa poemata, sad poems; because they represent humane miseries, the misfor­tunes of Kings and great men especially, there being no place for a poor man, but only to dance, as In Epictes p. 95. Arrian hath observed. Which thing gave an occasion to Aelian Var. l. 2. c. 11. Socrates, when he saw the most worthy & rich put to death under the thirty Tirants to say to Antisthenes, doth it not repent thee that we in our lives never did some famous exploit? So in Tragoedies we marke [Page 82] that such as Atreus, Thyestes, and Agamemnon are slaine; but what Poet was yet so impudent as to bring a base fellow on the stage sacrificed? Not supernumerary is that of Euripides for K: Archelaus, desiring that he would write a Tragoedy of him, who prayed that nothing proper to a Tragoedy might happen to him; meaning sorrow and lamentation. For so is [...] used, as Athen. l. 3. p. 90. [...] for joy and mirth, and glee con­ceits. The first Tragoedy that Thespis taught was that of Al­cestis repriving her husband from death by her owne, as Ad Marm. Arund. M^r Selden hath conjectured: Tis Thespis was forbidden by So­lon to act his Tragoedies, as Laert. in Solone. p. 40. [...], a fruitlesse lying: Horace of him thus speakes:

Upon which words some have written that his Poems were so voluminous, that he was constrained to bring them upon waines: But alas a poore conceit! In Horatii Poeticen. Franciscus Lusinius Vti­censis is of opinion that Thespis carried his Scene upon carres: and Acron; That the Chorus carried about in waines acted Tragoedies: Chori plaustris circumducti Tragoedias agebant▪ Schol. Arist. p. 142. I avouch that at the first the Poets acted alone their own Fables; And to mee it seems a ground for to stand on, the Greek Authors by the word [...], intimating a Poet. [...], &c. The ancients, saies In Demost. p. 40. Vlpian, called the Poets Hypocritas actors, which we now terme Tragoedi, such as Euripides, Aristophanes, &c: The place in which they sung their Poems, was a Scene upon a waine drawn in procession to the honour of their God Bacchus, as among the Greekes the custome was,Stel. [...]. p. 107. saies the Scholiast of Nazianzen: Of the manner in those ancient times, [...]. p. 343. Plutarch shall thus informe you: [...], &c: A pot of wine & a vine twigge, then one drawing a Goat, next another with a basket of figs, and last of all the Phallus: In which solemnity the Poets in waines following the pomp, might without controle laugh, scorne, and deride any they met, saies Antiq. Rom: l▪ 7. Dionysius Halicarnas­saeus; [Page 83] or were wont, as the Loco la [...]d. Schol: of Nazianz: to rayle upon each other, whence [...], is as much as to convitiate im­pudently, (though in a good sence sometimes Hermog. Meth. de Elo­quentta, c▪ 2. p. 519. to celebrate the pomp, or go in procession in honour to the festivall) and Dem. pro Coron. p. 134 [...], a scandall or reproach, [...]. Whence like­wise came the Greek proverb, Schol. Arist: p. 142. [...], tanquam ex plaustro loqui, and Vlpian. in loc. cit: Dem. [...], tanquam ex plau­stro convitiari ▪ to give reines to the tongue, to be free in abuse: Which that they might doe the better without shame, or blushing, sometimes would they anoint their faces amurca, olei faece, with the dregs of oyle, saies Donat, or of wine (for so I interpret [...]) from which Poets by Nubibus p▪ 141. Aristophanes are called [...]. Horace—P [...]runcti foecibus ora. Sometimes would they put on vizards, Vlpian: in Dem: p▪ 254, which least they should hurt the head, were defended from the skinne with a wollen cap, na­med [...]: A word elegantly used by De falsa Legatione. Demosthenes, in a Metaphor drawn from the liberty and impunity of the per­sons that wrote it: [...]. Think not to es­cape scot-free for such villanie, though you get a pileum on your head. We may apply it in threatning to any slanderer, of whō we surely intend to be revenged. But I seem to for­get the Poet, while I speake of the stage, I will therefore re­turne to him. Thespis, as I said, was the first that invented Tragoedies; so called, as Donat tels, because (least there should be rewards wanting, by which good wits might be stired up to write, and men encouraged to get them tunable voyces ad dulcedinem commendationis) they gave the Actors a Goat. Ca­per nam (que) pro dono his dabatur. [...] is a Goat, and [...] a song. Horace, Carmine qui Tragico vilem certavit ob hir [...]um. Before that time some say that Epigenes the Sicyonian made Tragoedies, but the most received opinion is this which Ho­race hath set downe of Thespis. Before him there was no art of poesy Tragicall, but at their festivalls, when they ascribed all their mirth & delight to their Gods, they did it especial­ly [Page 84] to Bacchus (and so afterward, when Actors are called [...], and [...] simply by Orat. [...]. p. 242. Demosthenes, by Donat Artifices. The word is used for Juglers, and such as Hokus Po­kus in Charact. vi. Casaub. Theophrastus) they would feast, and afterward scoffe and deride each other, which grew afterward a part of their solemnity. They would moreover dance at rude Musick, and from thence suppose they the Chorus to have sprung up. They would likewise cast forth [...], as they terme them,Georg. 2. in Virgils language, versus incomptos, Casub. de Sat. Poesi. l. 1 Numeros innu­meros eo tempore fundi solitos & sine arte. For they had of old but two sorts of verses, Heroicks, in which they sung the praise of Gods & Noble men, and from this in a short time, with small care grew a Tragoedy; the other sort was Iam­bicks as toying and lascivious as the Phallica, but biting too, & from hence came a Comoedy. At first small was the diffe­rence between a Tragedy and Comedy, Casaub. ib. constat sane, pri­mis temporibus ignoratum fuisse discrimen inter Tragoediam & Comoediam, and the reason is, because even Tragoedies had their wantonnesse and petulancy. At first they sung in ho­nour to Bacchus Dithyrambicks, and afterwards neglecting him they praised their Demi-gods, which when the people saw they cried downe, with [...], whence our proverbial adverb is fitly used [...], for nothing to the purpose. But to give content to the people, the Satyrs did praeludere. But after that, when a Tragoedy took state they excluded the Satyrs, and were only for sad and serious persons; by which mournfull Poems the people were wont to be cast down, sympathizing with the persons represented, therefore to cheere them a Chorus of wanton Satyrs were brought in by Thespis as De arte Poet. Horace.

In a Satyrick play, Satyrs have a Chorus place, or else the [Page 85] persons are Satyrick and ridiculous, and for the easing of the mindes of the spectators, they would bring in Satyrs for sports sake; and many of their Tragoedies had some mixture of Satyrick sport, saies P. 129. de Sat. Poesi. Casaubon. Fuisse aliquando pluribus Tragicis Dramatis interjectas Satyricas Fabulas. Of this I say Thespis was the first inventer, who likewise eo ease the Cho­rus (Laert. p. 220 for that acted only) brought one actor upon the stage, to whom Aeschylus added one, and Sophocles another, so the number was three, Aeschylus's is [...] Sophocles his [...], a word put for an obscure and base fellow in 184. Demosthenes, Vlpiau, [...], speaking of Aeschines, if I remember, Tully calls them Actors secunda­rum & tertiarum partium. In divina [...]. Vt in actoribus G [...]aecis fieri videmus, saepe illum qui secundarum & tertiarum partiam, cum possit al [...] ­q [...]anto clarius dicere, quam ipse primarum, multum summitt [...] ­re, ut ille princeps quam maxime excellat. But let mee speake what I have to say of a Tragoedy. Plutarch in vita X Rhet. p. 452. B. None was permitted once to act Aeschylus, Euripides, or Sophocles his Tragoedies, but they were to be recited by the Scribe, that the Actors might (as I conceive) repeat them. [...]. And to this purpose by a law of Lycurgus the Orator were they commanded to be transcribed, and kept under cu­stody [...]. Yet the Iuxta finē. Author of the life of Aeschylus writes that the People made a decree, that he should receive such a summe of gold, that would [...], the places of Aeschylus after his death. I put the word [...], docere. Be­cause Tragoedians as well as the Comoedians were said [...], to labour in teaching the people. And for this end did the Ancients say out so much mony upon their Theaters. Heinsius Poleg. ad A­ristarchum Sacrum. Sed immane quos quantos (que) sumptus, in Theatra, in Comoediarum ac Tragoediarum repraesentationem fece­rit antiquitas. Cum non mores tantum ab utris (que) emendari, ac pru­dentiam conferri, sed & scripta antiquissim [...], & formas Reipub­licae, ac vitam Magistratuum, cum summo spectatorum fructu, [Page 86] in Comoedia examinari, factiones componi, ac gravissima subin­de publico suppeditari crederent consilia. Not unfitly therefore did the Poet reply to the people that carped at him in the Theater. I came hither to teach you, not to be taught by you. Hence of a Tragoedy or Comoedy the Greeke writers say, Athenaeus Dip. l: 6. pag: 268. vide Ca­saub. [...], docetur fabula, and [...], docere, as sometime [...], as you may see in Pag. 270. Atheneus. The following Poets did not alwaies represent their own Fables, but oft-times their predecessors; so saies Lib: 10. Quintilian, the people permitted the works of Aeschylus to be dealt with, because in many places his verses were not set in order. He brought great grace to the stage, & first taught [...], the painting of the Scenes; which some think Horace to ayme at, when he saies, Modicis instravit pulpita cignis: Which because it was perfected by Sophocles, is thought (nay spoken affirmatively by some) to have been invented by him: Sophocles indeed did [...], bring in many new things: such as leaving out the actiō of the Poet (for before the Poet himselfe acted) by reason of the badnesse of his own voyce; he found out white shoos, which the Actors and Dancers wore; he made the number of Dancers fifteen, before but twelve; he fitted likewise his Tragoedies to the natures of the Actors, &c: but that he invented [...] I cannot find: Somewhat like­wise was added by Euripides: T: Magister: as to set out the Argument of the Fable in the beginning of the Tragoedy, as you may ob­serve, leading the Auditor, as it were, by the hand to the last and principall point of that one action which he would re­present, which by the glory of our Nation, In the de­fence of Poesy. S^r Philip Sidney, is not past by, as frivolous, without noting: These three were the Princes of Tragick stile, who exhibited ro the People e­very year at some certain solemnities their Poems, striving who should get the victory by the approbation of Judges, chosen for that purpose, called Heinsius in Proleg: ad A­ristarchum sacrum. [...], & Aeschines cont: C [...]esip: [...]; Tenne in number, think some, at first, gathe­ring out of Plutarch, in the life of Cimon, authority for it. Be­cause [Page 87] when he had brought the Reliques of Theseus out of Scyrus, Aphepsion the Archon, in gratulation to him, chose not the Judges as soone as the Theater was filled, and spectators placed; but presently after Cimon entred the Theatre with nine more of his fellow Captaines, of each Tribe one, after accustomed Sacrifice he swore them Judges, who gave the victory to Sophocles, but then young; for which Aeschylus grie­ving went into Sicily, where he died, and was buried neere Plut: Cimo­ne p. 352. l. 39. Gelas. But out of this place we cannot prove that the num­ber of these Critick Judges was alwaies Tenne. This we ac­knowledge done in testimony of high acceptation of Cimons service. And yet in judgment upon Tragoedia [...]s, the number might be so great. For there seemes to be a difference be­tween the Judges of Tragoedies and Comoedies. The num­ber of Tragick Judges, grant we haply to be such as we speak; the power incontrolable, as from whom there was no appeal to others. Heinsius loco laudato. Cum ne (que) provocatio ab iis esset, ne (que) de quibus illi judicarent, magistra [...]us caeteri sententiam pronunciarent. The Comick Judges were in number but five, from whence came the Greek proverb, Zenobius. [...]. sub quin (que) Iudicibus lis est. The Ad Aves p. 562. Scholiast of Aristophanes speakes some­what uncertaine. Judges, quoth he, passe censures upon the Comoedians, & they who had five voyces were happy. Those were all. For if there had been tenne of them too, it would have made nothing to the Poets felicity to have had equall voices: For the odde gave a great stroak. Hence wishes the Chorus in the behalfe of the Poet— [...], to be Victor by one voyce only. Another difference is that, whereas the Tragick Judges had free liberty of suffrages be­yond the power of the people, the Comick had not: For whē Aristophanes taught his [...], they so much took the peo­ple, that they applauded the Poet, cried him up Conqueror, [...], saies Var. H: l: 2. Aelian, and commanded the Judges to write Ari­stophanes uppermost (as the fashion was, which Avib: p: 762 Aristopha­nes [Page 88] cals [...], the most excellent first, the next to him second, and next to him third (which was no small praise, according to that of Quintilian, as I remember, Hone­stum est in secundis tertiisve consistere) and no other. For which cause I suppose the Poets before reciting, were wont to sacrifice, and pray for the favour of the Judges and spe­ctators. Loco laud. Aristophan.

[...]—Where the Scholiast interprets [...] truly as it is to be understood, [...], to supplicate. And good reason. For if they pleased not the people in reci­ting, they were overwhelmed with stones. To which use [...]anis p. 248 A­ristophanes points, saying— [...]; nay sometime would they hisse them, which they terme [...] and [...], some­time stamp them out of the Theater, which they call [...], by Lib. 6. c. 19. p. 203. Pollux interpreted [...]. Ano­ther difference is that Aeschines contra C [...]e­siph. p. 98. the Comick Judges were punished if they judged not right, the Tragick not so And for these rea­sons have some conjectured, nay positively written, that their Judges were of two sorts, old and new, in which matter, if there be place for a conjecture, mine is, that they confounded both, making no odds between the Critick Judges of Tra­goedies and Comoedies But of this, Reader, you may deter­mine as your Authors shall afford authority. Before Judges, as I said, the Poets in emulation presented their labours, and they who in their opinion lost the day, were said Heintsius Prolegom· [...], by Sat. Poesi. Casaubon interpreted non stare. The time of exhibiting their Tragoedies, were the holy daies of Bacchus called Diony­sia in agris, or Lenaea, in the month Posideon, on the Anthesteria, or Dionysia in Lymnis, in the month Anthesterion, on Diony­sia in urbe in the month Elaphebolion, to which I finde added the Panathenaea by Thrasylus in Platone p. 220. Laertius, which some deny, yet the same write that when Sophocles exhibited but one, it was at this festivall. I say but one, because it was a custome among the Poets of ancient daies to entertaine their people [Page 89] with more plaies then one. Mos autem Tragicorum Graeco­rum fuit Athenis, ut modo singulas committerent fabulas, modo plures, saies De Satyrica Poesi p. 131. Casaubon: Sometime in the same yeare three, and then was it called [...]: sometime foure, & then they stiled it [...], Laertius loco citato. [...] ΤΕΤΡΑ­ΛΟΓΙΑ. Whereof, saies mine Author, the fourth was a Saty­ricall play, the three other now treating of the fortunes of one and the same man, as those of Aeschylus, named therefore Orestia, to wit, [...]. Which are all extant; the fourth was Proteus Satyricus. At other times they were not of the same subject, as that of Euripides. Medea. Philoctetes. Dictys. The fourth was [...], saies the Author of the argument to Medea. Where the interpreter seems to me not to reach to the expression of the Greek word [...]; Messores, Satyros; he ought to have rendred it thus, Messores, Dramma Satyricum. For that the word bears this sence is sufficiently delucidated by Lib. laudat. Casaubon. That the grea­test task of action lay on the Chorus, is as apparent as the Sun at noone. The number of them in Comoedies were twenty foure, and six juga (each jugum consisting of foure; but [...] foure, each [...] six men) in Tragoedies fifty, untill the time of Aeschylus his Eumenides, the number of which so terrified the People, Author vi­tae Aeschyli. that the children and younger sort fainted, and the women suffered abortion; for which reason, saies Pollux, the number was lessened (which some deny) by law. They were by the Act brought to fifteene, five juga: I say juga, be­cause they were divided into [...], and [...] was when the Chorus entred by three, & then it was called [...], by file [...], when they came on the stage in ranke five at a time; & this they terme [...]. Sometime one of them entred alone, which they say [...]. Of interlocutors the ancients for the most part never had above three; but if a fourth spake, that they named [...]; and if the Chorus supplied the part of a fourth actor, it was stiled [...]. To speak of the severall verses of Tragoedies, is actum agere; [Page 90] and I had rather speak of the action, then the art in cōposing & yet not much, only this of their motions, termed [...] & [...], saies the Scholiast of Pindar, is a turning frō the right hand to the left, in analogy to the motion of the u­niverse [...], from the East to the West; because Homer calls the East the right hand, the West the left: Contrary to the Hebrews, who terme the South Iamin, which signifies the right hand, and the North they counted the left. [...] was a turning from the West to the East, that is from the left hand to the right, as the Planets move▪ Another posture they had in their Epodes, for (if it be so in Tragoedies, as in Lyrick Musick, which I believe) to expresse the immobility of the earth they stood still. They used Epodes for the most part at the end of the Acts, when the Players avoided the stage. Thus much of Tragoedies; the authors of which were highly of old esteemed of; insomuch as after the dismall discomfeit of the Plut. in fine vitae Niciae. Athenians in Sicily, they were relieved, who could repeat somewhat of Euripides. Nay, by a Law made by Plut. in vit. x. Resp. Paus. Atticis. p. 18. Lycurgus, & established in Athens, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides had statues erected in brasse for the continuation of their memo­ry. After Tragoed [...]es had proceeded to perfection, Comoe­dies were with great applause taught, as De arte Po­etica. Horace,

He saies, vetus Comoedia, because a Comoedy was divided in­to three, or if you please so to speak, two sorts, the Old and New. I said three sorts, because Grammat. [...]. the old was different f [...]om it selfe. The meaning is, that the old Comoedy, of which Su­sarion (by some named Sannyrion,) was author, tended only to laughter, being without order and decency. For the Cho­rus now walking, now dancing about the smoaking Altars, sung simplex carmen, some naked verse, saies Donat. Which by Cratinus was redressed; for he ordained three Actors, and mingled with his sport, profit, I mean for instruction. For un­der the Democracy it was lawfull to exagitate and propose [Page 91] for a laughing stock Captains & corrupt Judges, Citizens gi­ven to bribery, and such as lead a dissolute life, naming the men upon the stage, and fitting the Actors with vizards, bea­ring the shape of those whom they intended to deride. But as the state grew to an Oligarchie, that licence was taken a­way, Eupolis being cast into the sea by those, against whom he wrote his Comoedy Baptae, and so drowned▪ Nay, there was a law enacted not Hermog. Partiti. p. 76. [...], to name any whom they wrote the Comoedy of▪ Of which Horace,

But when Alexander of Ma [...]edon grew potent and a terror to Greece, the Poets fearing least any of the abusive wit might displease the great Macedonian, they changed the Ar­gument of their plaies, & insteed of abusing states & people, they fell upō ancient Poets, or some part of History not truly written, personating the Actors so as to be most ridiculous: Donat. Ge­neraliter ad omnes homi­nes qui medi­ocrib. fortu­nis agunt, &c. sometimes scoffing on the stage at meane men, & this they termed [...], the new Comoedy. But afterward it was a piece of the Athenian policy to forbid that the people should be tossed on the stage, unlesse they would themselves, saies Athen. Rep. Xenophon; knowing that none were wont to be brought thither but the wealthier sort, [...]. Some are of opinion that no Player came on the stage untill thirty or forty; I dispute not the matter; sure I am that So­phocles taught his fi [...]st Tragoedy at twenty eight▪ in which doubtlesse himselfe came on the stage. It being among the Athenians no disgrace, as the Romans accounted it, to appeare there. Praesatione ad vitas p. 2. Aemilius Probus. In scenam verò prodire, & populo esse spectaculo nemini in eisdem gentibus (Graecis) fuisse turpi­tudini: quae omnia apud nos partim infamia, partim humilia, a [...] (que) ab honestate remota ponuntur. The place where the people beheld these plaies and pastimes was in the market place, Meurs. A [...]t. Lect. l. 4 c. ult where they nailed scaffolds to a black poplar tree. For in [Page 92] ancient time they had no Theater of stone, only of wood, which they call [...]. Thesmoph. p. 787. Aristophan.

These were built by some, who upon some consideration of mony admitted any to a seat, named therefore Casaub. in Theoph. p. 245. [...]. Once it seems places were not hired. But there grew great enormities and abuses. For striving to get places, there rose wrangling and brawles, and fights; wherefore the Attick Se­nate ordained that each place should be hired for two oboli: (in the Consulship of Diophantus, a Dra [...]hme, say some, whence rose the Proverb, Zenobius. [...]; because at the establishing of it, there fell hail) This mony they called [...], from [...]: because with it they did [...], buy a seat to behold the shew exhibited. Now because the poor people had not to give, & so were deprived of the spectacle, Pericles desiring to be popular, made a law that they should receive out of the Cities revenues two oboli each man. Cont. Leo­cha. p. 617. n. 50.51. For the right of exacting which mony, they were to produce the authority of the Lexiarchicall Rolles, as appeares out of De­mosthenes. For the distribution of this were certaine officers appointed, named [...]. But afterwards Apollodorus strove that in warre and publike necessity, these summes might be imployed in military affaires, but he endeavoured in vaine; Eubulus in flattery to the people, enacting it capi­tall for any that should attempt that which Apollodorus did; Which makes Olymth. 1. p. 7. Demosthenes desist, willing, yet not daring to perswade to convert the mony to the use of the Armie. But see the folly of them! Lacon. apud Plut. Mor. p. 421. For they spent as much on these sports as in obtaining the Mastery and liberty of Greece. And the end was miserable for they became effoeminate, and so put their necks under the Macedonian yoake. Lib: 6▪ fine. Iustin of the death of Epaminondas. Siquidem amisso, quem aemulari consue­verant, in segnitiem torporemque resoluti, non ut olim in classem exercitusque, sed in dies festos apparatusque ludorum, reditus [Page 93] publicos effundunt: & cum auctoribus nobilissimis, poetis (que) theatra ce­lebrant, freqentius scenam, quam castra visentes. Versificatores Ora­tores (que) meliores, quam duces laudantes. Tunc vectigal publicum, quo antè millites & remiges [...]lebantur, cum urbano populo dividi coep [...]um est. Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Graecorum, sordidum & obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret, &c. Of the Theater I will say little, as also of the stage: Only that the places in the Theater were not promiscuous. For there was a distin­ction betweene Senatours and yonger sort. The Senatours was named Aristoph. p. 578. [...], among which it is probable the Judges had the first place, as Lib. 4. c. 19. p. 202. Pollux The seates of the youth were called [...]. One part of the stage was Orchestra, in which was [...] either a Tribunal or an Altar. That upon all their stages there was an Altar sacred to Bacchus, is appa­rent out of Donat: he saies it stood on one side of the stage, before the dores, Pollux: who names it [...]. There was more over a Table called [...], on which before the time of Thespis some body ascending in the Poets place, did an­swer the Chorus. D [...] Musica p. 441. Plutarch thinks [...] to be derived from [...], because that before the building of Theaters the anci­ents embracing Musick only for institution of youth and praiese of their Gods, sung the commendation of good men and honour of their Deities in Temples.

CAP. I. De Legum latoribus Atticis. [...]. De sanciendis Legibus.

AS Lib. 2. p: 27. Iustin hath been too forward in relating the mutation of the Athenian government, passing by the perpetuall and decennal Con­suls, and naming only the yearely: so hath he erred in the originall of their Lawes, ma­king Solon the Father of them, but it seems otherwise. For, as Arist. Plut. pap. 67. Gerardus hath observed, Theseus gave Lawes to the Athenians. And In Theseo p. 8. l. 2. Plutarch witnesseth, that when he congregated the Attick people, and constituted a Democracy, he reserved only to himselfe the government of warre & custody of Lawes. [...]. Adde to this, that before the knowledge of letters & writing, it was a cu­stome among the ancients to sing their laws, least they might forget them, used in the daies of Problem. [...]. fol. 189. b. Aristotle by the Agathyrsi, a people neere to the Scythians. Whence afterwards the [Page 95] rules of Musick, for the true keeping of time, singing, & play­ing, are supposed to be called [...]. Neither may it be thought otherwise, because all the notes of the Vide Alypi­um in Isagoge Musica. Lydian, Hy­polydian, &c. Dorick, Hypodorick, &c. Phrygian, Hypophry­gian, Ionick, &c. songs were distinguished by the Alphabet. Yet In libro de Musica. Plutarch is of opinion, that they derived the word from those bounds, which the Musitians of old prescribed, for the tuning of voices or instruments, least they might be confoun­ded, and therefore he calls it [...]. Loco citato pag: 437. Idem. [...]. The Greekes, saies De leg. lib. 1. fol. 16. b. Cicero, think the cause of this word, jus suum cui (que) tribuendo, intimating [...] ▪ which signifies to distribute, because the Law gives every man his due. Thus see we, that there were Lawes of yor [...]; let Loco laud. Iustin say, Nullae civit [...]ti leges tunc erant, quia libido regum pro legibus habebatur; That the Citty was without Law, be­cause the wills of Kings were Lawes. In succeeding ages, and before Solon too, Draco gave Lawes, living about the three Clem. Alex. p. 226. hundred and ninth Olympiad. His Acts, saies Variae hist. l. 8. c. 10. Aelian, were called [...]. Now [...], by Arg. orat. con. Lepti. Vlpian is interpreted [...]. A Law giving in precept how to make a Law. And yet Poli. 2. c: 10 Aristotle calls them [...], giving them this commendation, that they are not worth remembrance, but for their great se­verity. Which gave occasion to Arist. Rhet. l. 2. c. 44. Herodicus to say, that they were not the Lawes of man, [...], in a double sence of the word, which is also put for a Dragon. And Plut. in So­lon. p. 63. l. 2. Demades, that they were not written with black, but bloud For he pu­nished every peccadyllo almost with death, those that were convicted of idlenes, or stealing of pothearbs, alike the sacri­legious and man [...]slayers. Wherefore were they made of none effect by Solon. For he abrogated all, except those which concerned murther, intituled Demosth. p. 70. ΦONIKOI NOMOI. Him succeeded His lawes [...]ontinued 100 years saies Plutarch in strength. In Solone. p. 66. & afterward by little and little decayed. Aelian. Var. hist. l. 2. c. 22. If any speake against them, he had corpo­rall punish­ment. Solon, a man so well tempered, and equall be­twixt the Commons and the Peeres, that he was beloved of [Page 96] both, having still a care, least while he should side with one, he might displease the other. Whom, for his uprightnesse, Sat. 10. vers: 274. Iuvenal stiles Iustum, and for the care of the Republique, which [...]. pag. 390. Demosthenes averres he had in all his Lawes, Pag. 190. Ari­stophanes termes, [...], a lover of the people. In Timaeo. Plato brings him learning his Lawes from a Barbarian: And In Solone p. 66. l. 31. Plu­tarch tels us that he travelled afterwards into Aegypt. But it seemes by Lib. 22. Ammianus Marcellinus, that in the making of his Lawes he had the approbation and judgement of the Ae­gyptian Priests. Et Solon adju [...]us sententiis Aegypti Sacerdo­tum, latis justo moderamine legibus, Romano qu [...] (que) Iuri maxi­mum addidit firmamentum. Bibliothec. Diodorus Siculus relates two things brought from thence to the Athenians by him. First, that all the Aegyptians were compelled to bring to the go­vernours of the countries their names written, and by what meanes they sustained themselves; wherein if any were found false, or that lived by unjust gain, he fell into danger of life. Secondly, it was a custome among thē, that payment should be made only with the goods of the debtor, and that the body should not suffer. For they thought the estate alone to be subject to the creditor, the body addicted to the Cities in which they lived. Neither was it fit that Souldiers, who were to undergoe hazard for their country, should for usury be committed to prison, or the country be in jeopardy for the avarice of some one man. Which induced Solon to make the first decree, as Initio vitae Solonis. Laertius and In Solone p. 62. l. 8. Plutarch say, of freeing the bodies; which, if there were not wherewithall to satisfy the craving loaner, were compelled to serve. He therefore out off all use, Plutarch. p. 62. as some write, or else Androtio. lessened the burthen of it making it more moderate by his Law [...]: so called from [...], to shake off, and [...], an heavy weight: Forgi­ving himselfe first, Loco laud. as Laertius, seaven talents; or, as Pag. 62. fif­teene saies Polyzerus Rhodius. Plu­tarch, five. But this seems to have been done for the avoi­ding of the aspersion cast upon him as accessary to the inju­ries of some, who having an inkling of his intent, borrowed [Page 97] much mony with hope of never making restitution. Laert. p. 14. Casau­bon conceited that this was not his first exploit, but long af­ter he had sate at the sterne of the Weale-publique. Yet it seemes probable. There being no more compendious way to make a man popular, then to give liberty to the common people. which he to bring in an innovation of Lawes did willingly invent, and they afterwards lovingly accepted. For in testimony of their approbation, they kept a Festivall na­med Plutarch. p. 62. l. 43. [...]. Here likewise you may observe the ancient flattery of the Athenians towards their owne vices, putting gilded names on those things, which themselves were asha­med of, calling Plutarch. loco laudato. [...] &c. as our blades name drunkenness, good fellowship; whores, she sinners; and niggardise, thrifti­nesse; springing from this root of Solons, who called [...]. Dem. p. 477. To these Lawes two ends were pro­posed, mutuall commerce. and direction of behaviour to­wards the state. Idem p. 484. To curb wickednesse, and injustice▪ & to punish offenders that they might be bettered. And although they were the ordinances of Draco and Solon, yet may we fitly call them the Athenian Civill Law. Each City, as Institut. l. Tit. 2. Sed jus quidem civile ex unaquaqu [...] civitate appel­latur. veluti A­theniensium. Iu­stinian teaches, giving a denomination unto her Statutes. Nam si quis velit Solonis vel Draconis leges appellare jus civile A­theniensium, non erraverit. They were engraven in tables of wood called Sch. Apollo. Rho. Argo. 4. [...], triangular, if we may beleeve the In Avibus pag. 604. Scholiast of Aristophanes, who quotes Aristotle and Apol­lodorus, witnessing that they were called [...] also [...] frō the elevation.Vi [...]e▪ Plut. p. 66. Some are of opinion that the Rites pertaining to the Gods & their wor­ship were written in the Cyrbes, and Lawes belonging to men in the Axones. Apollodorus sayes that all decrees are called Cyrbes, because they were written in stone, and so set up, [...]. which from their standing were termed [...]. I know that decrees, merites, praise & dispraise too, were written in stone. whence Vide Non­num in Naz. [...]. [...] may be put for a Treatise [Page 98] tending to a mans disgrace. But this by the way. These Ta­bles were kept in the Acropolis, translated afterwards to the Pry [...]an [...]um by Ephialtes, where to the daies of In Solone p. 66. Plutarch, some reliques of them were to be seene. The Antegraphon or coppy written with his owne hand was not removed, but those that were transcribed by them. Because in matters of doubt and controversie they might have recourse unto them. Pollux lib. 8. p. 408. For the distinction of which, some think that [...] is used in Demosthenes for that in the Prytaneum. Others for the Law in the l [...]wer part of the table; but to mee it seemes improbable for then the number of the table ought to be ci­ted; and indeed, one Table sometimes could not containe a Law. For we read in Solone pag. 63. l. 37. Plutarch, that the eighth Law was cut in the thirteenth. I am not averse from the guesse of Petitus, who supposes the Oratour to mean the Law which afterward he quotes▪ nor ignorant of the opinion of some, who think that it is to be understood of the under line. For the Lawes being written [...], converso sive retrogrado literarum ordine, saies In Pausani­am. p. 426. Silburgius; which In Eliacis p. 174. Pausanias ex­plaines, [...], from the right hand to the left, Eodem lib. pag. 165. more significantly, [...]. When the second verse begins at the end of the former, as in the race which they call Di­dulus, or if I shall speak nearest to the word, as husbandmen turne their Oxen when they plough, as for example: ‘ΕΚ ΔΙΟΣ ΑΡ ΧΟΝΕΣΘΑ’ ‘See those that have written of divers waies of writing.’ They therefore take the lower, that is turned, [...], After this manner were the Lawes written, and doubtlesse there were some customes as strong as Lawes. For although the Lacedemonians governed by tradition of custome, & the Athenians by written statutes, as Contra Ap­pionem. Vide Justinianum. Inst. l. 1. tit. 2. Iosephus, yet surely had their customes great force, insomuch as In Avibus pag. 576. Aristophanes uses [...] for [...]. Pag. 577. Scholiastes [...],Vide Justini­anum. So did the Greekes [Page 99] divide their Lawes into [...], wri [...]ten and un­written. The unwritten, sine scripto jus venit, quod usus ap­probavit, use. The In Ajacem Locarium. Interpreter of Sophocles thus [...]. A Law is a written custome, and a custome an unwritten Law. Besides these there were decrees which they termed [...], Psephis­mata, a word used by In O [...]at. pro Flacco. Cicero, nothing different, [...]. Cont. Lept. p. 296. Demosthenes. who meanes in vertue and power. For they differ much. A Law maintaines justice once found,Aristides. Tom. 2. p. 30. common for ever. A Psephisma followes the necessity of the time, as it differs in events: it directs not warlike affaires, but is applied unto the occasion of armes, & as Lawes can be abrogated, so decrees chanced. And here ought we to note, Demosthen. [...]. p. 417. that no decree is greater then a Law. Of decrees there were two sorts; h [...], such as the Senate by it selfe established, which were but of twelve months continuance; to the confirming of which, the people were not convocated, or their consent required, termed Ulp. in Dem. p. 418. [...], which Demosthenes proves to be [...], Vlpian. [...]. Like to the edict of the Roman Praetors which lasted but a yeare In Vetr. 1. Cicero. Qui plurimum tribuunt edicto▪ Praeteris edictum legem annuam esse dicunt. In other decrees the opinion and good liking of the people was asked, for the giving of the authority unto them, which endured in force a longer time. Ulpian. loco laudato. [...]. And therefore we may easily know a problema from a de­cree of the peoples confirming, by this observation, [...] onely, gives us to wit, that it is a problema. [...], in the beginning of a decree, shews it to be [...]. The Senate alwaies sate in consulta­tion about that which was to be enacted, whether any dam­mage might accrew to the State by it or no, the Law com­manding that no decree should goe forth without delibera­tion. Ulp. in Arg. Orat. And. p. 181. Vide Dem. p. 182. [...]. Which done the Pritaneis tooke certaine Tables and wrote on them [Page 100] Such or such a day, about such a time there should be an assembly to consult of these and those affaires: and this they called Sch. in Naz. [...], pag. 55. vid. Ulp. in Dem. p. 240. [...]. When then they were assembled, and the people pu­rified, the decree was read; which if the people allowed of, stood; if not▪ decayed. It was forbidden that any should raze out a Decree of any table. And he was brought in question of life, who should presume in making a decree to pretend a fallacie. Now because future time might haply perceive some inconveniences to arise by oversight in their Law­g [...]ver, and that as abuses should happen, which in his daies were not discerned, so there would be a necessity of making new statutes: It was ordained therefore that every yeare there should be [...], wh [...]ch Demosth. p. 445. Vlpian expounds [...]. A consideration of what ought to be done concerning the Lawes. Vid. Dem. loco cit. The manner was this. Every eleventh day of July in the assembly after the Cryer had made his prayers, as his fashion was, & shall anon be spoken of, the Lawes were read over in order. First those which concerned their Senate, next the we [...]le publique, and thirdly the 9. Archons, & afterwards the other Magistrates. Then was it demanded if there were Lawes enough for the Senate, and so for the Common-wealth, &c. If any of the Lawes in force were to be abrogated, it was adjourned until the last of the three daies of the three Cōvocations; on which the Prytanes, appointed for the revising and reciting of the Lawes, were to take the matter in hand. The Preedri chiefe of the Assembly, were to [...] Demosthen. Ulp. expounds [...], to report. acquaint them with it. Five men at the first meeting, were chosen out of all the Athenians, who should patronize the Law to be abolished; and accor­ding to the judgment of the Nomothetae, chosen out of the Councell of five hundred, was the businesse carried, that the Lawes should be of none effect, or full strength. Whosoever should bring in a new Law, was to write in a Table, Cont. Ti­mocr. p. 446. [...], Demosthenes, the forme thereof, and set it up at the Sta­tues of the Heroes before spoken of, Demost. p. 297. [...], [Page 101] which standing in a place conspicuous, that some certaine daies before the Sessions, any Citizen might read what was to be handled; & if any so pleased, he might at the proposall of the Law declare his mind either for, or against it, as at the preferring of Ulp. in Dem. p. [...]97. Bill in our High Court of Parliament, where it is not denyed any Burges or Knight of a shire, to speak his opinion pro or con, either with any whole Bill or some part thereof, or in opposition to it, or some one clause. Provided likewise, that he, who attempted to enact a new Statute, should take care for the disanulling of the old, that might contradict it, otherwise hee came within the compasse of [...], a writ of Transgression of the Lawes: which was of two sorts. First, when time is not observed in writing them, Ulp. in Dem. p. 297. [...]. Next when one is made that is adverse to a former. And if it so hapned, that any perswad­ed the people to make a Law that was not commodious to the weale-publike, he might be questioned within Dem. Orat. Arg. cont. Lep­tinem. a yeares space; Dem. p. 419. but if the time was expired, he could not. Idem p. 468. Nay, they slew Eudemus, a Cydiathenian, for bringing in a Law they liked not; scarce different in that one example from the Locri; among whom, he that would propose a Law, should do it, his neck adorned with a halter, that if his request plea­sed not, he straight way powred out his soule under the hands of the hangman. Their Orators, which are called Gellius l. 3. c. 13. Is. Cal­listratus Athe­nis Orator fu­it, quos illi [...] appellant. L [...]vie Dec. 4. of Athens, ubi Oratio pluri­mum pollet, fa­vore multitudi­nis alitur. Ulpian. [...]. [...], because they lead the people with their Rhetoricke and flattery, wrote Lawes and decrees, as we learne out of Pag. 468. n. 225. Demosthenes; and therefore are they deciphered by Dipnos. l. 12 A­thenaeus, [...].

CAP. II. De Comitiis. [...] & [...]. &c.

THe Assemblies were called by the Prytaneis foure times in five and thirty daies. Pollux l. 8. c. 9. Sect. 7. p. 398. In the first they confir­med [Page 102] the Magistrates in their offices, if all things were mana­ged well by them, otherwise they put them o [...]t▪ They heard publique causes, looked into confiscate goods▪ & possessions left by inheritance. In the second, any one with leave might freely speake of private and publique affaires. In the third they gave audience to Ambassadour [...], who before ought to deliver their letters to the P [...]ytaneis. In the fourth they trea­ted of holy things, such as belong to their gods and worship of them. The first meeting was the eleventh day of the Pry­tanea; the second the twentieth; the third the thirtieth; the fourth the three and thirtieth. I find a difference betweene the In Achar. p. 371. Scholiast of Aristophanes and Vlpi [...] in the daies on which they came together, one making the first day of the moneth to be the day on which the first assembly was,In Dem. p. 445. the other the eleventh of the Prytanea, which seemes truest▪ And whereas they both write that every moneth there were three lawfull assemblies, to wit, on the first, tenth, thirtieth; or tenth, twentieth, thirtieth, we are not so to reckon them, but according to the Prytanea, it being the Prytanes charge to congregate the people. They seem to have been called [...], because in them they did [...], establish decrees, as the In Achar. Scholiast of Aristophanes. Other assemblies there were which are termed Ulp. & Sch. Arist. loc. laud. [...], when warre, or any sudden accident troubled the State, then the people were cal­led together over and above those foure times in a Pritanea. They are styled [...] because the people of their own ac­cord met on the other daies; but when they would have a Convocation some went about the Citie and called them. There is likewise [...],Poll. p. 405. when they were summoned out of the fields to goe to the assembly. It seems to me that the Cryer in the streets on their lawfull assemblies gave some token when they should hasten; and so much In concio­nantib. p. 725. Aristophanes witnesses, bringing in the woman speaking, that it is high time to be stirring because the Cryer— [...], had cryed the second time. And indeed need was there of some [Page 103] warning, and compulsion too; for so slow were they in com­ming to assemblies, that the L [...]gista were faine to tho [...]g them to the meetings, as the Schol. of Aristoph: on these words, In Achar. p. 406, [...], Sometimes they tooke a [...]ope, and dying it with red earth, they sent two slaves into the market place, who should one of the one side of the way, & the other of the opposite, pursue the people, & to whose chance it fell to be marked with the paint, paid a certaine peece of money. Hence in the Aristoph. A­char. p. 371. Com [...]edian— [...]. Up and dow [...] they shun the cord slained with Ve [...]lion. And againe— [...]. Iupiter, the red earth which flew about made laughter. Schol. Arist loco laudato. Sometimes would they take hurdles, and barracado all the streets except those that led the Ecclesia: Sometimes take away all their [...]aleable wares which they brought into the market, least people, intent on their traf­fique, should absent themselves from the Assemblies. When they had met oft times the company would be dismissed at some prodigious signe, as thunder, lightning, tempest, and the like, which they called Vide Arist. p. 379. [...]: Plut. p. 386. l 7. & 384. l. 34. and earthquakes, or o [...]ther occasions, deferring the Assemblies meeting untill the next day. When they were come together, and the Senate ready to sit, one man sacrificed which rites were called Demost. [...] p. 241. [...], because they were done at the entry of the Councell. Vide & Ulp. p. 351. Vlpian, [...]. I will not justly say that it was the purification made with a young pig, before the bench was sate; and yet I may presume to averre it, the Grammarian that interprets In Concion. p. 728. A. Aristophanes witnesseth that immediately preceeding the Sessions this cu­stome was observed by one, whom they named [...], from [...], which signifies cleansing, because by that he purged the Assembly, Theater, and congresse of the people. After they were sate, Demosth. [...]. 213. the Cryes did pray for the good of the people, Id. p. 418. & cursed those who should offer to de­ceive the Senate or people. After this, he spake with a lowd [Page 104] voice, Alcidamus Aristoph. p. 372. Diod. Sic. l. 15. [...]; who will make a speech▪ where­upon one of the Demosth. p. 29. Aeschines contr. C [...]es. initio. Elders arose that gave his verdict, it being not permitted to any to utter his opinion, before the reve­rend hoary head had spent his judgment. Whence by Philippic. 1. De­mosthenes they are stiled [...], those that were wont to orate. After they had finished their sayings, others had leave to declare themselves. Neither must we omit the fashion they had to exclude all private men from their assemblies sometimes, when the Senate alone sate, or the Areopageticall Councell; sometimes to debarre all servants, strangers, and men deprived of their liberties from their convents, which at other times they admitted, and then was it called Plut. p. 552. L. 11.17. [...], an open Theater to all comers. The place of meeting was called [...], Pnyx, [...], from the frequent concourse of people there. It stood on a rock, and therefore by Aristophanes is called [...] ▪ 345. Sch [...]. There was a stipend for them that came to assemblies, as you may see in Demost. contra Timoc. And [...]. Because they might be at leasure without dammage. Aristot. Pol. 1. c. 13. They assembled also in Pir [...]eus. Vlp. in Dem.

CAP. III.

CAP. III.

CAP. III.

CAP. III.

CAP. III.

CAP. IV. De Nominibus Iudicialibus.

HAving thus treated of the Attick Courts, it followes that I speak of the Termes of lawe, Writts, Accu­sations. These were of two sorts, private and publique. The publique were properly termed [...], saies Descrip. Reip. Arh. p. 41. Emmius. Of [Page 137] [...], there were divers sorts. [...] saies In Demost. pro Corona. p. 159. Vlpian, is [...], of any trespasse against the Law, by which the Sta­tutes of the Commonwealth are violated; & most properly, Orat. contra Lept. p. 296. quoth he, else where, it signifies an accusation made accor­ding to the Law; or to come nearer, it is the same which in English we call a Sir T. Smith Com. Wealth of Engl. l: 2. c. 10. Writ or Right, in Latine Actio or Formu­la, as in In Vitelio. Sueton, Injuriarum formulam intendere, to serve a man with a writ. Pollux l. 8. p. 387. [...] is a kinde of an Information made against any for abuses in the Mines, or, Custome houses, for converting Tribute money to a mans owne use, or the like. Which offences were brought to the Archon in witing, with the names of the accuser & accused, and the fine which the parties convinced should undergoe, to be paid to him to whom the wrong was offered. But if the informer had not the fift part of the suffrages, he was to lay downe the sixt part of the fine; which the Demosten. cont. Caricl. p. 699. n. 6. cont. Everg. & Mnesib. p. 646. n. 90. cont: Steph. [...]. A. p. 622. n. 9. con [...]tra Onetora. [...]. p. 528. n: 19. cont: Aphob. [...]. p. 508, n. 97. Orators call [...], from [...], because it signifies the sixt part of a Drachme. At the end of the accusatiō, the informer was to subscribe the names of the witnesses that were present. In generall, all discoveries of private injuries are called [...], which in Latine you may name delationes. For which the Romanes allotted the fourth part of the forfeit, whence they are stiled Quadruplatores but among the Athenians not so, if Onomast. l: 8. c: 6. p▪ 387. Pollux say right. [...]. The amercement fell to the persō injured, although another accused for him. If the fine were writen down a thousand Drachmes, & the Accuser had not the fift part of the voyces: he payd two hundred and one Drachme; if it exceded; a thousand, foure hundred and one. [...] is a Writ against those that owe to the City Treasury, and yet goe about to beare office, saies In Demost. p. 391, Vlpian, which by the Attick Law was ut­terly fo bidden. The Scholiast of Aristophanes, takes it for the accusing of any that did amis in publique affaires;In Equit. p. 303. & the Pag. 469. Interpreter of Demosthenes in another place, [...] [Page 138] for men disfranchised. But Onom. lib. 8. p. 388. Pollux teaches us that it is a de­claration made to the Archon against one taken in the maner; which the Greekes terme [...] In Stelit. 1. Schol. Nazianz, [...], Pollux expresses by [...], when the offence is confessed. Because men so apprehended were for­ced to condemne themselves; no further evidence required then frō their owne mouthes. By which acknowledgement of their giltinesse, without greater triall, they received their doome Sir T. Smith Commonw: of Engl. l. 2. c. 26. p. 281. as among us whē a prisoner arraigned, confesses his inditement to be true, noe twelve men goe upon him: there resteth but the Judges sentence of the paine of death. Whence grew our proverb, Confesse and be Hanged Loco laud. Pollux [...]. He that thus made his declaration, was to subscribe his name, y^t if he were false, he might be liable to the writ, [...] The declaratiō was against men who were not present. [...], is a carrying of a mā before the Magistrate, being taken in the fact, whō otherwise he was to accuse by declara­tion in his absence. By which a thousand Drachmes were en­dangered. In this [...]; they brought not all offenders to the same Magistrates, but according as they were made Iudges of such and such offences;Vlp. in Dem▪ p. 389. sometimes to the eleven, some­times to the Idem p. 407 Thesmothetae, somtimes to the Archon. Now if a mā had found out any indebted to the publique treasu­ry, or bound for those places or countries where it was not permitted for him to goe, or one who had committed mur­ther, if by reason of weaknes he durst not venture to appre­hend the person, & [...], he would perhaps fetch the Ar­chon to the house where such a party lay hid, which the Attick Lawyers terme [...], is when a fellon hath committed murther, & flies for succour to any; (Dem. p. 416 as the Law suffered any to receive him) if the kindred of the slaine or others had required the malefactor to be delivered to thē & the protector would not, it was lawfull to enter into his house & carry a way any three persons, as some translate it, [Page 139] or all save three [...], as others,Idem con [...] ▪ Arist. p. 415. who were to answer for the outrage done. But who so entred unjustly was not to escape unpunished. [...], saies In Dem. p. 58. Vlpian, is accusa­tion concerning great and publique matters, such asEund. p. 453. else­where he speakes of, to wit, the disolution of the Democra­cie; or if an Oratour had spoken what was not for the benefit of the weale publique; if any went to wars before they were sent, or betrayed a Garison, A [...]my or fleet. In other ac­cusations, if the accuser had not the fift part of the suffrages he was fined a thousand drachmes, & lost the priviledges of a Citizen, in this he was uncontrolable. But in after time, be­cause men would accuse presently for none, or small offen­ces; therfore was there a law enacted, that whosoever accu­sed by [...], & had not the fift part of voices on his side, was fined a thousād drachmes, although he lost not the pri­viledges of a Citizen. This [...] contained no written crimes but was only by bare word of mouth; & as the accu­sation was given, so was the defence made according to the Law called [...]. The Senate was Iudge, (Pollux saies that Solon made a thousand to sit on this, and Phalereus 1500. Where the interpreter erres. For [...] is 500 to them, as [...], in Demosthenes, and somewhat more) and whom they found delinquent, if in small faults, they fined; but if the offence were heinous, they committed him to pri­son. Thus much for publique actions; private were these that follow, more properly calid [...].

[...] is an action against a man, who when two shall scuffle,Dem. p. 410. vide Vlp. ibid & Arg. Orat. cont. Everg. p. 637. gives the first blow, which they Greekes call [...]. Sch. Arist. Conc. p. 745. The matter was heard before the Judges; and though the Law ordained not any set some of money for dammages, yet it was permitted for the party smitten to to write downe what he thought fitting. Dem. cont. Con. p. 690▪ The reason why these actions were so strictly looked into, was least any not able to defend himselfe with his hands, should seeke to re­venge himselfe with stones or any other hurt full weapon.

[Page 140] Idem ibid. [...]. Some what neere our proviso of giving the lye, least by taunting & reprochfull words, men be provo­ked to blowes. [...] ▪ Is when any man receives dam­mage and hurt in estate by another man. Arg. Orat. Dem. contra Calliclem. As to turne water into his ground, by which it is anoyed;Dem: cont: Callip: p: 680. n: 20. to refuse to pay mo­ney where it is required, or to give it to an other. Dem. cont. Tim. p. 659. n. 25. to promise to beare witnes in a suit, and then not be present, by which the case falls, & the like. [...]. About pawnes, I supose, which men that needed mony mere wont to leave with the userers, Sch: Aristo: 137. E. as clothes houshould stuffe, &c. Or about money put to the banck, which exchangers did employ to the advantage of the owners, as I gather out of Cont: Phor: p: 555. n. 7.8. Demosthe­nes ▪ The word importes both. [...]. Of divorce. Vide Cuja­cium. Observ: l: 6: c: 15. for they were wont to put a way their wives, in former time, upon discontent or hope of greater portions; which di­vorse they called [...], & as Lysias [...] on the hus­bands side, and on the wives [...]; for he did as it were turne her away, she was said to forsake him. [...]. Of ill usage of parents, as not relieving them if they were poore. Of wives against husbands, of Pupils against Tutors. [...] of theft, after what manner soever. Which if it were by day, was not capitall, but by night was deadly. [...]. Such as our Act of Parlament hath allotted for extortion, it being by This is rec­koned among the Lawes▪ which were made for pri­vate men. Vlp in Dem: p: 481. Law provided in Athens that none should take too much use, although once allowed by Solon, that any might make the best of his money: which he termes Vi Casub: in Theoph. p: 191. Char: [...] [...]. Of usury I shall speake more in Chap. of mony. [...]. When men had bargained and would not stand to it, Polit: l: 2: c: 3 Aristotle. [...]. When men broke the Articles which they made to each other, about deviding of inheritance be­tweene man & man; or betweene Citty & Citty, concerning free trading, as that of the Carthaginians with the Romans. Arist. Pol. 3. c. 6. or the like. Dem: p: 651 n: 13. These [...] were usually confirmed by oath to each other. [...]. Ulp: in Dem p: 62. & 310. A conten­tion [Page 141] about bearing office, in which they seeke to have a time appointed, when a man shall enter into it. For the discharge whereof they are to prove him fit. [...]. When pa­rents died & left their daughters inheritrices, the kindred was wont to sue each other to make it appeare who was nearest joyning in blood, that he might mary her. Hence a Virgin to whom an inheritance falls,Pollux l: 3. c: 3. p: 136. is called [...], that is Contro­versa. [...]. About letting of houses. (For He­rodotus termes that [...], which other Greeke writers [...], it is as well to set to hire, as to take to rent, [...] & [...], to let out. Which they ofetē did for want of mony which that they might obteine the quicker, they wrote over their dore as we use doe, This House is to be let ▪ which custome Menedemus in Heut: Act: 1. Sc: 1: Terence expresses—Inscrpsi ilico, AEDES MERCEDE.) This Writ was properly against Guardians of Orphans (not concerning men of years, such as immediately is before spokē) who having takē the charge upon thē of Tuition, were to imploy for the benefit of their Pupils what was left them: they therefore made knowne to the Archon that such a house was to be let, he then put it out upō some pledge for security. But if the house were let un­der the yearely rent it could bring in, or was suffered to re­maine void of a Tenant, to he losse of the Pupill, then was it lawfull for any mā to sue the Guardian in the Archon's court Upon a writ of [...]. I have observed it to have beene a custome among the Anciens, when they per­ceived themselves to draw neere to death, to call for some one to whose care they would cōmit thier children, & deli­vering them into their hands, beseech them to have a tender ey over thē & to provide for them what should be most con­venient: such as Odipus in Odip: Col: p: 314. Sophocles entreats of Theseus in the behalfe of his daughters - [...]. Not unlike is that of the Ter: Andr: Act: 1. Sc: 5▪ Comoedian under [Page 142] the person of Chrysis, committing Glycerium to the Tuition of Pamphylus.

But among the Atheneans the use was to nominate in their Testaments and last wills, whom they would have to bee Guardians. Which office after they had undertaken, if they should defraud the Orphans of their patrimony, or any part thereof, they were sued with a Writ [...], as Plut. in vita eius. Demosthe­nes did sue his as soone as he came to age. But if the matter were not questioned within five years after the pupil was admitted among the number of men, by the Demosth. p. 724. n. 22. Law the Guar­dian could not be taxed. [...], Of a Master against a servant ingratefull for his manumission, not doing his duty to his Master. Because, as Pag. 465. Demosthenes witnesses, it was the nature of servants once made free, not only to be ingrateful but also to hate their Masters most of all men, as those who had been conscious to their servitude. It was enacted there­fore that whosoever was convicted of ingratitude should a­gaine be made a bondslave. Lib· 2. c. 1. p. 670. Valerius Maximus. Age, quid il­lud Institutum Athenarum, quam memorabile? Quod canvictus à patrono libertus ingratus, jure libertatis exuitur. The Ro­mans did not onely acquit them of the liberty of the Citie, [Page 143] (which the Athenians gave not) but made them also slaves, which punishment they terme Justin. Ins [...]. l. 1. T. 16. Maximam capitis diminutio­nem. [...]. If any man put away his Wife he was to restore her portion againe; if he refused he was [...], that is, every month for one pound to pay nine o­boli, which the Atticks terme Demost. p. 733. [...], the revenew of her Dowry. The Writ whereby he was sued was [...] for the repayment. Dem. pag. 655. n. 58. [...], If any went to Law, as clay­ming title to an house, he was first to serve him that dwelled in it with a Writ [...], by which he demāds his rent for the time the defendant had the house: if it were for any parcell of land, there was a Writ [...] given out, for the provent & fruit thereof; afterwards (in both cases alike) they procee­ded to an [...], in which they claimed right & title to the house or land. Although in all these trials the defendant were cast, yet could he keep justly either house or land: but if in a 3^d triall, which they call [...], he were overthrown, he was compelled to relinquish his possessiō. This [...] al­so is a Writ against those that would cast an inhabitant out of his house, it being termed frō [...], to throw forth.Vlp. in dem▪ p. 340. It is also a Writ of Execution against any overthrown in the Court, & fined a thousand drachmes, which at such a day he was to pay; & if he laid it not downe upon the naile, there went forth a Writ [...], to make enter upon the lands and possessions of him so cast. It is also a Right against any who will not suffer him, who hath bought any thing of the pub­like to reap the fruit thereof. Who either withholds any thing frō the owner, or violently takes from any, &c. [...], when two had bin partners in estates, & one of them would have a dividence made, if the other refused, he might be restrained to it by the Writ. [...]. Because the Market place among the Greeks was the fittest to cheat & cosen in, as Apud Laer. p. 74. Anacharsis was wont to say, therefore the Athe­nians enacted that none should buy in the market place; (to which the Scythian wise man poynted likewise, saying, that [Page 144] they forbad to speake false, & yet did [...]) if any man had bargained for any thing, & another sued and doubted of the right of it, Pollux l. 8. c. 6. p. 385. he might require the seller to confirme the lawfulnesse of the thing sold, and maintain it against all controversy, otherwise the seller was liable to [...]. For although in Athens they bought for the most part Graecâ fide with redy mony; as In Auson. Lect. l. 2. c. 6. Scaaliger & In Theoph. Char. p. 312. Ca­saubon truly interpret it, Adversario­rum l. 4. c. 13. Turnebus, Repraesentatâ pecuniâ: yet somtime gave they Earnest onely to make the thing sure, which the Greekes and Latins call Don. Quod prius datur, ut reliquum reddatur. in Ter. Heaut. Act. 3. Sc. 3. [...], from the Vide Dasq. in Basil. Sel. He­brew [...]. This seemes to me to have been the hundreth part of mony which was to be paid for the thing bought, as Sermone 42 Stobaeus out of Theophrastus. Where you may read likewise that it was the custome, when any thing was to be sold, to bring a note thereof to the Magistrate some threescore daies before. [...], For the laying open of any thing, concerning which was a suit in law, by Onomast l. 8. c: 6: p. 384. Pollux his words I may conjecture, goods or mony privily taken away [...]. When any should offer to take another mans servant and make him free against the will of the Master, which the Greekes terme Demost. p. 718. n. 29. [...] is a suit about neerenesse of blood, in matter of inheritance, when a mā dies without issue of his owne body. [...], When a man went to prove that he was to challenge the inheritance of right, as neere of bloud; or upō some other conditions: from [...]; because he laid downe the tenth part of the inheritance, which if he were cast in Law, he was to pay, if the cause were private, saies Pand. Prio. p. 100. Budaeus: but if publique, the fift. Dem. p. 620 n: 78. Here follow­eth the termes promiscuous, private and publique, which are pub­lique and law­full for any to prosecute: see Polux, pag. 386. [...]. When any shall protest that an inheritance doth hang in contro­versie, & is [...], as a true heire being still alive, of which thing chiefely treats the Oration of Demosthenes against Leo­chares. [...] When any shall try to falsifie the [...]. When men went to Law about kindred, as to prove themselves of such and such houses.

[Page 145] [...], All strangers in Athens were compelled by the Law to get them Patrons (as my most worthy Schoole­master the glory of his time in Epist. Dedic. suo Euchaitensi praesixa ad Richar. Can­tuariensem Archiepisco­pum. Mr Mathew Bust hath obser­ved, whom for honours sake I name) or else they might be questioned, and if they were convicted their goods were sold and put into the Citty Treasury. [...] of ingratitude a­gainst those who shewed not themselves thankfull to those who had well deserved of them. [...] the same with [...], when any will reckon himselfe among the num­ber of Cittizens who had never been made free, by which he purchased imprisonment untill such times as there was a Court kept, and then he was sold. [...] when a man is eye witnesse of a matter. [...], When another witnesses from the report of him that saw it. [...] falsewitnesse, which to prosecute in Law they terme [...], when one was eye­witnesse & promised to testify, yet would not appear at the appointed time; which they were wont to compell them to doe, which they call [...], after which citation the par­ty was to be at court, or forswear that he saw not the mat­ter, or was not present; otherwise he was to pay a thousand Drachmes, in which summe to be fined the Atticke Lawyers give the appellation [...], When the Judges were corrupted with bribes. [...] against those that did corrupt them. [...] of a man convinced of idle­nesse, which once taken Draco punished the elinquent with losse of the Citty priviledges, Solon not unlesse he were thrice delinquent. [...], When any of the marriners ran away from their ships. [...], When the Marri­ners that staied in the ships would not fight, if occasion re­quired. [...] when any would falsely accuse, there was likewise against them a writ [...] Against those that unjustly cite to the Court. [...] when any is accused of encroaching into the number of Cittizens, and gives gifts to escape free. [...] when [Page 146] any was accused of making a decree or Law contrary to former statutes. This accusatiō was called [...]; because the accuser swore that it was against the Lawes, or unjust, or inconvenient for the Common wealth [...], was an examination of the Magistrates whether they were fit to go­verne, or no. Whether the Orators were not giuen to Lust, and incontinency, whether they had not spent their patri­monies, or dealt unkindly with their parents, or lead a life any other waies blameable, whereupon they were discarded the priviledges of the Citty, and not suffered to plead, or speake publikely. [...], An account of publique offices borne, laying out of mony, and dispaching Ambassages, made to the Tenne Logistae (for the breach of which went out a Writ [...], Rationem reddere) if con­cerning injuries given to the judges. [...], an accusati­on against those who are ill affected toward the Common­wealth, made by the decree of the people, and such as are wellwillers to the state. [...] likewise are accusations against men injurious, [...],Lib. Arg. in Midianam. & such as are delinquēt against their festivalls, as the oration of Demosthenes against Midias. [...], An oath which the accuser tooke that he would justly accuse.Vlpian in Dem. 226. [...], The defendants oath that he had done no wrong. [...], an oath of Ambassa­dors, or men chosen for state service, that by reason of sick­nes they cānot give attēdance. They may do it by a proxie, if they please. It is likewise the oath of one called to wit­nesse, wherein he sweares that he knowes nothing of the businesse. [...], When others shall sweare that pretended weaknesse was only a shift to put of the burthen of pub­lique office which the state laid on them. [...], an accu­sation of a Law or decree unprofitable, against the motio­ner, as above said. [...], & [...], when a man shall object a case not to be entred rightly that the writ ought to be such, & such, and not as it is. ex. gr for a man that runnes away from the Army, which is [...], and I accuse him [Page 147] of leaving his ranck, to wit [...], or objection of the time past within which space the suit was to be commen­ced, or that it should be handled in such a Court, and not in such; as wilfull murther in Areopagus, not Palladium: by which evasion if the case fell, it was termed [...], when he that is sued puts in a bill against the plaintif in like manner. But if the defendant (I call [...] so) were cast, he payed [...]. Vlpian in Dem. 334. [...], when a man is summoned to answer before the Arbitri a controversy, if he swear that he is sick, or pretends a journey from home, and appears not at the day appointed, he was cast in [...], Eremodicio, as if he scorned to come, or were obstinate, he ought within tenne daies to sue out [...], wherein he re­proved the sentence, and made it of no effect, so as it came to its first state againe. But if he could not obtaine a [...], having before sworn that he would stād to the award of the Judges, their determination stood in full strenth and power, & he was constrained to pay a thousand drachmes (as In Dem. p. 340. Vl­pian) which was the mulct appointed by the law: for the dis­charge whereof he put in good security. [...], When any was absent from the Court, or heard not his name called by the Crier to answer thereunto, he was fined, as conscious of Eremodicium, and if within the space of two Moneths he did not renew the suit (which is [...]) he was sure to pay the fine. [...], when a­ny man will challenge out of goods forfeited, & publiquely sold, somewhat as debt to him, or say that part belongs to him, the state would narrowly search into it, which thing they terme [...], is a citing of one before the Archon in controversy about inheritance, or a Virgin left inheretrix. Now if the plaintif did not warne the defendant [...], the suit died, and such actions are called [...]. Dem p. 623 [...], is as letting a case fall, or dissol­ving it upon some witnesse, oath, confession extorted by tor­ments, and the like. [...], is an appeal from one court to [Page 148] the other, as from the Senate to the people, and from the people to the Senate againe, or from their Judicatories at home to some forrainers in another country▪ [...] when there is no more fine laid upon a man then what his adversary did [...], write downe at the lower end of his inditement: of which custome somewhat hath before been spoken. [...], Against such as stole Oxe dung out of their neighbours lands; whence of those that are put in the court for triviall matters the proverb Aristoph: Sch. p. 3.28. Laertius in vita. [...] of impiety against their gods, as Aristotle for his hymn on Hermias, Tyrant of the Acharnenses, which he engraved on a statue at Delphos. For revealing mysteries, or imitating them as Alcibiades. Of which if a man were convicted he was put to death; as on the contrary the accuser if he got not the better▪ [...], of being false to the state, the punish­ment was death, and after that, that they should be cast out of the Territories of Athens unburied. Dem. cont. Theocr. pag. 7.13. n. 76.77. [...], If any owed to the Citty Treasury, and his name were registred, and before the discharge of the mony his name were blotted out, they sued him before the Thesmotheta [...], but if his name were never entred, he vvas prosecuted by an [...] proper only to such as dealt in the Mines, like to the Stanneries in the County of Cornwall my Coun­try, and Devon-shire her sister. Dem. con. Pantae. p. 567. n. 51.52▪ Lyable to this Court vvere they vvho should thrust any man from his vvork, who should dig vvithin another mās liberties, vvho should bring vveapons thither, I suppose to take avvay Mineralls by vio­lence, vvho should kindle any fire in the Mines &c. Who should offer to take avvay the props that upheld the vveight of the incumbent earth, vvhich to doe vvas death, as In vitis De­cem. Rhet. p. 453. Plutarch tells us. There vvas likevvise [...] against the labourers in the Mines, who if they intēded to begin a new work were to acquaint the overseers apointed for that end by the people, that the foure and twentieth part of the new coine might come to the publike Treasury. Now if any presumed [Page 149] to work who had not made it known to the officers it was lawfull for any to accuse him [...] About mony put out to the mony changers. Argum. Phorm. Orat. p. 554. For [...] among the Atticks is the same that [...] in the Lawyers of latter time, in Iure Graeco, Rom. Sometimes indeed they used [...] for meanes, and sustenance Sch. Eurip. [...] & [...] have this difference, Med. p 368. that Vlpian in Med. p. 368. [...] is the Judge that gives sentence, [...] is he that put in the controversy, to be the meanes that the sen­tence past against the defendant. Idem in Dem. p. 450. [...] is when a man deeply indebted pretends that he is not able to discharge all and therefore desires the people that a part thereof might be remitted.

CAP. I. De Venere, & Cupidine.

THE People of Athens, had their habitation too neare the Sea, to keep their affections farre from her that rose of the Foame. For that they were devoted to the service of Venus, the two Temples wherein she was courted, and the o­ver favourable name of [...] will sufficiently testify. One of those Temples was for Venus' [...] (Pausanias. si diis placet) a name better becomeing one of the Muses, [...], a play so called. or the play with the ball, then her: and the other, for Venus [...]. Which two names put me in mind of an excellent saying in Achil­les Tatius concerning [...], & [...]. A saying good enough for a Christian, and a Bi­shop, such as Suidas reporteth him to have been. But, à di­verticulo. The Sacrifices of the first Temple, were [...], with a little more state, and chastity then became her; but [Page 151] those of the last, [...], as easy, and as wicked as her selfe: For every farthing-strumpet, might by Solon's own appointment prostitute her body in the very Temple, as well as in the [...], Pausanias. or the [...], (those [...]) or any other or the places abused to lust. Nay those sinkes Clo [...]cae. besides places for the purpose, they had garments al­so for the purpose, and flowers on the Garments too, [...], storidas vestes, apparell fit for such flora's as wore them. The Rites of her service the Athenians are said to have re­ceived from the Phaenicians, the Phaenicians frō the Cyprians, the Cyprians from the Assyrians. Fides penes Authorem Coel. Rh [...]d. sit. The fashion of her Picture they had from the Cyprians. (viz.) with a head, and all like a man as farre downe as the girdle, and all the rest like a woman▪ (to shew she had a place in the Ditches Inter Socra­ticos notissima fossa cinaedos Juven. Sat. 2.too as well as in the Sinkes, and pa­troniz'd lust to either of the Sexes,) Insomuch, that many have been scrupulous whether they should call her Deum, or Deam: for there is one that saies

Which Macrobius himselfe commends for the best, and therefore in Virgill. Aen. 2. v, 632. reades

Expedior—and not Deâ, and so Aristophanes calls her [...], in the masculine gender. But, now this makesmore worke, & therefore (to plaister two walls with one pot full of plaistring) they made it a custome, ei sacrificiū Philochorus, cited by Macro­bius· facere vi­ros cū veste muliebri, Mulieres cū virili▪ Quod eade & Mas, & Foemina aestimaretur, for the men to Sacrifice to her in womens apparell & women in mens. If it be so▪ you may say Aphro­ditus for Hermaphroditus, if you please. I read of no such thing concerning Minerva: only the Aristophanes Act. 5. s [...]. 2. Poet (because she was such a Virago) honours t [...]e Man-hood of the Goddesse, with a [...]; as Theocritus in [...]. 5. does Hecate ▪ with [...]; an appellative of the masculine gender: Nor is it enough, that the Mother is thus religiously wood, and adored: but [Page 152] the blind paultry Boy will be crying for a Temple too And if Her due be a Cow, certainly His cannot be lesse then a Calfe, neither was it.

saies Theocritus: and Amori Litari to sacrifice to Amor or Cupid is common in Apuleius. Me thinkes he might have been content to sit still in his Mothers Temple (where hee was lovely Pourtraicted by Zeuxes and crown'd with flow­ers) and have soard Alatus. with his wings no higher. But the Temples of [...] and [...] in the way to the Academy, and the famous title of [...], doe more then whisper what cause he had to be so proud, and hovv amorous this People has been.

CAP. II. De Paederastiâ.

TO omit the [...], and the Abomination of the Wo­men one vvith another changing [...] Ep [...]ad Rom. c. 1. v. 26. [...], the naturall use into that which is against nature; give me leave to speak a little of their [...], or [...], and the [...],Ibid. v. 27. practised by the Men upon their ovvn Sexe. The first that ever taught

(if vve may believe Ovid) vvas Orpheus, Hovv good a Schol­er of his the Roman was, Lippis & Tonsoribus notum. And for the Greeks, 'tis reported by Herodot [...], that the Persians deriv'd the infection from them; vvhich I am apt enough to believe, vvhen I read those vvords of Cornelius Initio lib· de Excell. Imp. Nepos, Lau­di in Graecia ducitur adolescentulis▪ quam plurimos habere Ama­t [...]res, in one place, & those concerning Alcibiades in another Ineunte adolescentiâ amatus est à multis more Graecorum, not to tell you hovv he himselfe aftervvard vvas more then Pathieus in that double-Cappa-rougery as vvell as Aemil. Prob. Pausanias or Socratici [...]. Socrates, or any of his Wag-tail Plato in Symp. Sectaries. The Cretians (vvhatever Strabo commends of that goverment) if Aristot. say true, made a lavv for a toleration of it. The Athenaeus. Megarenses [Page 153] had their Kissing-matches, when he that could kisse sweetest was led away in pompe Corollis onustus. only thus much is said in commendation of the Lacedemonians, & the Athenians, that they confined the Lust to the person of a slave. Nay L. 3. Var. Hist. c. 12. Aelian (who makes bold to vary from other authors in severall re­lations) goes farther, and saies, [...]. but how true that is, I know not, I am sure their [...] and [...] tell in plain song what they loved: though I confesse, I have found no such feats among them, as that of Lycoph. Achilles in Murthering Troilus for refusing to submit to his lust. One word more and I have done. He that was inspired with such a love as this, (as if they had used the trick of Pyramus In (que) vices fuerat capta­tus an [...]elitus oris. and Thisbe) among the Lacedemonians had the name of [...], or [...], or rather [...] as Cal­limachus hath it.

By which word (saith the Etymologicall Dictionary) is deno­ted, [...], (or rather [...]) [...]. one in­spired, shall I say, or belov'd, for so signifieth the word at Sparta (viz.) to love a boy so perdite as to blow in his lower end, (as we say) or spit in his mouth, or give him Mansum ex [...]re, take the Authors own words for't in the place above quoted. [...], and so Hesychius saies of [...] too. [...]. This was all (as he saies) or (as I say) it should have beene all: for a man may love his house well enough, though he doe not ride upon the ridge. However, I must confesse they had so much care still of the Common-wealth, notwithstanding their private pleasures, as not to give a voyce to one whom they knew to be guilty of so Much Mollities, as to scratch his head with one finger. Insomuch that if a man had sued for an Office, to give a testimony of his virtue, and Manlike disposition, he was faine to lift up his Armes, and shew his haire in his Arme-pits.