Tam-Marti, Quam Mercurio.

The Ho.ble and learned Knight S. Walter Raleigh.

Ro: Vaughan Sculp[?]


And OBSERVATIONS of the Magnificency and Opulency of CITIES.


And LETTERS to the KINGS Ma­jestie, and others of Qualitie.

Also his Demeanor before his EXECUTION.

LONDON, Printed by W. Bentley, and are to be sold by W. Shears, at the sign of the Bible, over against the North door of S. Pauls. 1651.

Sir Walter Raleigh's SCEPTICK.

The SCEPTICK doth neither affirm, neither denie any Position: but doubteth of it, and opposeth his Reasons against that which is af­firmed, or denied, to justifie his not Consenting.

HIs first Reason a­riseth, from the consideration of the great diffe­rence amongst living Crea­tures, both in the matter and manner of their Genera­tions, [Page 2] and the several Con­stitutions of their bo­dies.

Some living Creatures are by copulation, and some without it, and that either by Fire as Crickets in fornaces; or corrupt water, as Gnats; or slime, as Frogs; or dirt, as Worms; or herbs, as Can­ker-worms: some of ashes, as Beetles; some of trees, as the Worms Psenas bred in the wild Fig-tree; some of living creatures putrified, as Bees of Bulls, and Wasps of Horses. By Copulation many creatures are brought forth alive, as Man; some in the egg, as Birds; some in an [Page 3] unshapen piece of flesh, as Bears. These great diffe­rences cannot but cause a di­vers and contrary tempera­ment, and qualitie in those creatures, and consequently, a great diversitie in their phantasie and conceit; so that they apprehend one and the same object, yet they must do it after a divers manner; for is it not absurd to affirm, That creatures dif­fer so much in temperature, and yet agree in conceit con­cerning one and the same object?

But this will more plainly appear,Seeing if the instruments of Sence in the body be obser­ved: for we shall find, that [Page 4] as these instruments are af­fected and disposed, so doth the Imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it. That very object which seemeth unto us White, unto them which have the Jaundise, seemeth Pale, and Red unto those whose Eyes are bloud-shot. For so much then as living creatures have some white, some pale, some red eyes, why should not one and the same object seem to some white, some red, to some pale? If a man rub his eye, the figure of that which he beholdeth seemeth long, or narrow; is it then not likely, That those creatures which have a long [Page 5] and slanting Pupil of the eye, as Goats, Foxes, Cats, &c. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination, than those that have round Pupils do do?

Who knoweth not, that a Glass presenteth the out­ward object smoother, or greater, according to the making of the glass? If it be hollow, the object seemeth smaller than it is, if the glass be crooked, then the object seemeth long and narrow. And glasses there be, which presenteth the head of him that looketh in them, down­wards, & the heels upwards. Now then, seeing the eye [Page 6] which is the instrument of Sight, in some living crea­tures is more outward, in some more hollow, in some plain, in some greater, in some less; it is very proba­ble, that Fishes, Men, Lions, and Dogs, whose eyes so much differ, do not conceive the self same object after the same manner, but divers­ly, according to the diversi­tie of the eye; which offereth it unto the phantasie.

The same reason holdeth in Touching;Touching. for seemeth it not absurd to think, that those creatures, which are covered with Shels, those which are covered with Scales, those which are [Page 7] covered with Hairs, and those which are Smooth, should all be alike sensible in Touching? and every one of them conveigh the image, or qualitie of the same ob­ject which they touch, in the very same degree of heat or cold, of driness or moist­ure, roughness or smooth­ness unto the imaginati­on?

So might it be shewed in Hearing,Hearing. for how cā we think that the Ear, which hath a narrow passage, and the Ear, which hath an open & wide passage, do receive the same sound in the same degree? or that the Ear; whose inside is full of hair, doth hear in the [Page 8] same just measure, that the Ear doth whose inside is smooth? Since experience sheweth, that if we stop, or half stop our Ears, the sound cometh not to us in the same manner and degree, that it doth if our ears be open?

The like may be thought of Smelling,Smel­ling. for man him­self abounding with Fleagm, is otherwise affected in smel­ling, than he is, if the parts about the head be full of bloud; and many things af­ford a delightfull smell to some living creatures, which smel to other living creatures seemeth not to be so.

In the Taste the same rea­son appeareth;Tast­ing. for to a rough [Page 9] and drie tongue, that very thing seemeth bitter (as in an Ague) which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so. Divers creatures then ha­ving tongues drier, or moist­er according to their seve­ral temperatures, when they tast the same thing, must needs conceit it to be accord­ing as the instrument of their tast is affected, either bitter, or sweet, &c. For even as the hand in the striking of the Harp, though the stroak be one, yet causeth a sound, sometimes high, sometimes base, according to the quali­tie of the string that is struck­en. Even so one and the same outward object is di­versly [Page 10] judged of, and con­ceited, according to the seve­ral and divers qualities of the instrument of Sence, which conveieth it to the imagination. Oyntment is pleasing to Man; but Beetles and Bees cannot abide it. Oyl to man is profitable; but it killeth Bees and Wasps. Cicuta feedeth Quails, and Henbane Sows; but both of these hurt Man. If a Man eat Ants he is sick; but the Bear being sick, recovereth by eating them.

If then one and the very same thing to the red eye seem red, to another pale, and white to another: If one and the same thing, seem [Page 11] not hot or cold, drie or moist, in the same degree to the several creatures which touch it: If one and the self same sound seem more shrill to that creature which hath a narrow ear, and more base to him that hath an o­pen ear: If the same thing, at the same time, seem to afford a pleasant and displeasant Smell to divers and several creatures: If that seem bit­ter in tast to one, which to another seemeth sweet, that to one hurtful, which to ano­ther seemeth healthful, I may report how these things ap­pear divers to several crea­tures, and seem to produce divers effects.

[Page 12]but what they are in their own nature, whether red or white, bitter or sweet, health­full or hurtfull, I cannot tell. For why should I presume to profer my conceit and ima­gination, in affirming that a thing is thus, or thus, in its own nature, because it seem­eth to me to be so, before the conceit of other living creatures, who may as well think it to be otherwise in each one nature, because it appeareth otherwise to them than it doth to me?

They are living creatures as well as I, why then should I condemn their conceit and phantasie, concerning any thing, more than they may [Page 13] mine? They may be in the truth and I in errour, as well as I in truth, and they err. If my conceit must be belie­ved before theirs, great rea­son that it be proved to be truer than theirs. And this proof must be either by de­monstration, or without it; without it none will believe; Certainly, if by demonstra­tion, then this demonstrati­on must seem to be true, or not seem to be true; if it seem to be true, then will it be a question, whether it be so indeed as it seemeth to be; and to alleadge that for a certain proof, which is un­certain and questionable, seemeth absurd.

[Page 14]If it be said, that the ima­gination of Man judgeth tru­er of the outward object, than the imagination of other li­ving creatures doth, & there­fore to be credited above o­thers, (besides that which is already said) this is easily re­futed by comparing of Man with other creatures.

It is confessed, the Dog excelleth Man in smell, and in hearing, and whereas there is said to be a twofold di­scourse, one of the mind, an­other of the tongue, and that of the mind is said to be ex­ercised in chusing that which is convenient, and refusing that which is hurtfull in knowledge, justice, & thank­fulnes: [Page 15] This creature chuseth his food, refuseth the whip, fawneth on his Master, de­fendeth his house, revengeth himself of those strangers that hurt him. And Homer mentioneth Argus, the dog of Ulisses, who knew his ma­ster having been from home so many years, that at his re­turn, all the people of his house had forgot him. This creature, saith Chrysippus, is not void of Logick; for when in following any beast, he cō ­eth to three several ways, he smelleth to the one, & then to the second, and if he find that the beast which pur­sueth be not fled one of these 2 ways, he presently without [Page 16] smelling any further to it, taketh the third way, which, saith the same Philosopher, is as if he reasoned thus, the Beast must be gone either this, or this, or the other way; but neither this nor this, Ergò, the third: and so away he runneth.

If we consider his skill in Physick, it is sufficient to help himself; if he be wound­ed with a dart, he useth the help of his Teeth to take it out, of his Tongue to cleanse the wound from corruption; he seemeth to be well ac­quainted with the Precept of Hippocrates, who saith, that the Rest of the Foot is the Physick of the Foot, and [Page 17] therefore if his foot be hurt, he holdeth it up that it may rest; if he be sick, he giveth himself a Vomit by eating of Grass, and recovereth him­self; the Dog then we see is plentifully furnished with in­ward discourse.

Now outward speech is not needfull to make a crea­ture Reasonable, else a dumb Man were an unreasonable Creature.

And do not Philosophers themselves reject this as an enēie to knowledge? & there­fore they are Silea when they are instructed; and yet even as Barbarous ans strange people of speech, but we un­derstand it not, neither do we [Page 18] perceive any great difference in their words: but a differ­ence there seemeth to be, and they do expres their thoughts and meanings one to another by those words. Evē so those creatures, which are com­monly called unreasonable, do seem to parlie one with another; and by their speech to understand one the other. Do not Birds by one kind of speech call their young ones, and by another cause them to hide themselves? do they not by their several voices express their several passions of joy, of grief, of fear in such manner, that their fel­lows understand them? Do they not by their voice fore­shew [Page 19] things to come? But we will return to that creature we first did instance in. The Dog delivereth one kind of voice when he hunteth, ano­ther when he howleth, ano­ther when he is beaten, and another when he is angry. These creatures then are not void of outward speech.

If then these creatures ex­cel Man in sence, & are equal to him inward & outward discourse, why should not their conceits & imaginations conveigh the outward ob­ject in as true a manner as ours? and if so, then see­ing their imaginations are divers, and they conceit it diversly according to their [Page 20] divers temperaments, I may tell what the outward object seemeth to me; but what it seemeth to other creatures, or whether it be indeed that which it seemeth to me, or any other of them, I know not.

But be it granted, that the Judgement of Man in this case, is to be preferred before the Judgement of Beasts; yet in Men there is great diffe­rence; both in respect of the outward shape, and also of the temperature of their bo­dies: For the bodie of the Scythian differeth in shape from the bodie of the Indian, the reason of it ariseth (saith the Dogmatiques) from a [Page 21] predominancie of humours in the one more than in the other; and as several hu­mours are predominant, so are the phantasies and con­ceits severally framed and effected. So that our coun­trey men delight in one thing, the Indian not in that, but in another which we re­gard not. This would not be, if their conceits and ours were both alike, for then we should like that which they do, and they would dislike that which we would dislike. It is evident also, that men differ very much in the tem­perature of their bodies, else why should some more easily digest Bief than Shel-fish? [Page 22] and other be mad for the time, if they drink wine? There was an old woman a­bout Arbeus, which drunk three drams of Cicuta (every dram weighing sixtie Barley corns, and eight drams to an ounce) without hurt. Lysis, without hurt, took four drams of Poppie; and Demo­phon, which was Gentleman-Sewer to Alexander, was very cold whē he stood in the sun, or in a hot bath; but very not when he stood in the sha­dow. Athenagoras felt no pain if a Scorpion stung him. And the Psilli (a people in Lybia, whose bodies are ve­nom to serpents) if they be stung by serpents, or [Page 23] Asps, receive no hurt at all.

The Ethiopians, which inhabit the river Hydaspis, do eat serpents and scorpi­ons without danger. Lo­thericus a Chyr [...]gian, at the smell of a Sturgeon, would be for the time mad. Andron of Argos, was so little thirstie, that with­out want of drink, he tra­velled through the hot and drie countrey of Lybia. Tyberius Cesar, would see very well in the dark. A­ristotle, mentioneth of Thratius, who said, that the image of a Man went always before him.

If then it be so, that there [Page 24] be such differences in Men, this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have, and divers disposition of their conceit and imagina­tion; for, if one hate, and an­other love the very same thing, it must be that their phantasies differ, else all would love it, or all would hate it. These Men then, may tell how these things seem to them good, or bad; but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell.

If we will hearken to mens opinions, concerning one and the same matter, thinking thereby to come to the knowledge of it, we shall [Page 25] find this to be impossible; for, either we must believe what all men say of it, or what some men onely say of it. To believe what all men say of one and the same thing, is not possible; for then we shall believe Con­trarieties; for some men say, That that very thing is plea­sant, which other say is dis­pleasant. If it be said we must believe onely some men, then let it be shewed who those some men are; for the Platonists will believe Plato, but the Epicures Epi­curus, the Pythagorians Py­thagorus and other Philoso­phers, the masters of their own Sects: so that it is doubt­full, [Page 26] to which of all these we shall give credit. If it be said, that we must credit the greatest number, this seem­eth childish, for there may be amongst other Nations a greater number which denie that very point, which the greatest number with us do affirm: so that hereof no­thing can certainly be af­firmed.

This Argument seemeth to be further confirmed, if the differences of the Sences of Hearing, Seeing, Smelling, Touching, and Tasting be considered; for that the Sences differ, it seemeth plain.

Painted Tables (in which [Page 27] the art of Slanting is used) appear to the Eye, as if the parts of them were some higher, and some lower than the other, but to the Touch they seem not to be so.

Honey seemeth to the Tongue sweet, but unplea­sant to the Eye: so Oynt­ment doth recreate the Smell, but it offendeth the Tast. Rain-water is profi­table to the Eyes, but it hurteth the Lungs. We may tell then, how these things seem to our several sences, but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell: for why should not a man credit any one of his sences as well as the other?

[Page 28]Every object seemeth to be presented diversly unto the several instruments of Sence. An Apple to the Touch seemeth smooth, sweet to the Smell, and to the Eye yellow; but whether the Ap­ple have one of these quali­ties onely, or more than these qualities, who can tell? The Organ hath many Pipes, all which are filled with the same blast of wind, varied according to the ca­pacitie of the several Pipes which receive it: even so the qualitie of the Apple may be but one, and that this one qualitie may be varied, and seem yellow to the Eye, to the Touch smooth, and [Page 29] sweet to the Smell, by reason of the divers instruments of the Sence, which appre­hend this one quality di­versly,

It may be also, that an Apple hath many qualities besides, but we are not able to conceive them all; because we want fit means and in­struments to apprehend them: for suppose that some Man is born blind, and deaf, and yet can touch, smell, and tast; this man will not think that there is any thing, which may be seen or heard, be­cause he wanteth the Sences of hearing and seeing, he will onely think there are those qualities in the object, which [Page 30] by reason of his three Sen­ces he conceiveth: Even so the Apple may have many more qualities; but we can­not come to know them, be­cause we want fit instru­ments for that purpose.

If it be replied, that Na­ture hath ordained as many instruments of Sence, as there are sencible objects; I demand, What Natures? for there is a confused contro­versie about the very Essence of Nature. Some affirming it to be one thing, others an­other, few agreeing: so that what the qualitie of an Ap­ple is, or whether it hath one qualitie or many I know not.

[Page 31]Let a man also consider, how many things that are seperated, and by themselves appear to differ from that which they seem to be, when they are in a mass or lump; the scrapings of the Goats horn seems white, but in the horn they seem black, but in the lump white. The stone Taenarus, being polished, seemeth white, but unpolish­ed and rough, it seemeth yel­low. Sands being seperated, appear rough to the Touch, but a great heap, soft. I may then report, how these things appear, but whether they are so indeed, I know not.

Sir Walter Raleigh's OBSERVATIONS Concerning the Causes of the Magnificencie and Opulencie of CITIES.

THAT the onely way to civilize and reform the savage and bar­barous Lives, and corrupt Manners of such people, is,

  • 1 To be dealt withall by gentle and loving Conversa­tion among them, to attain [Page 34] to the knowledge of their Language, and of the multi­tude of their special discom­modities and inconvenien­ces in their manner of li­ving.
  • 2 The next is to get an admired reputation amongst them, upon a solid and true foundation of Pietie, Justice, and wisdom, conjoyned with fortitude and power.
  • 3 The third is, discreetly to possess them with a know­ledge of the condition of their own estate. Thus Or­pheus and Amphion, were said to draw after them the beasts of the field, &c.

And this must be first wrought by a visible repre­sentation, [Page 35] of the certaintie, truth, and sinceritie of these, together with the felicitie of a reformed estate.

All which is but to give foundation, bottom, and firm footing unto action, and to prepare them to receive wholesom and good advise, for the future profit and fe­licitie of themselves and their posteritie.

For the more commodi­ous effecting of this Refor­mation in a rude and barba­rous people, they are to be perswaded to withdraw and unite themselves into several Colonies; that by an inter­changeable communication, and commerce of all things [Page 36] may more commodiously be had, and that they may so live together in civilitie, for the better succour and wel­fare of one another: And thereby they may more easi­ly be instructed in the Chri­stian Faith, and governed under the Magistrates and ministers of the King, or o­ther superiour power, under whom this Reformation is sought; which course the Stoick tells, that Thesius took, after he had taken up­on him the Government of the Athenians, whereby he united all the people into one Citie, that before lived dispersedly in many Villa­ges. The like is put in pra­ctice [Page 37] at this day by the Por­tugalls, and Jesuits, that they may with less difficultie and hinderance reform the rough behaviour, and savage life of the people of BraZeel, who dwell scattered & dispersed in caves and cottages made of boughs and leaves of the Palm-trees.

Alexander the Great, built more than seventie Cities; Seleucus built three Cities, called Appanice, to the ho­nour of his wife; and five called Laodicea, in memorie of his mother; and five called Seleuciae, to the honour of himself.

Safetie for Defence of the People and their goods, in and near the Town.

Scituation for Safety, and Plenty.IN the Scituation of Ci­ties, there is to be requi­red a place of Safetie, by some natural strength, com­modiousness for Navigation, and Conduct, for the attain­ing of plentie of all good things, for the sustenance and comfort of mans life, and to draw trade and entercourse of other Nations, as if the same be scituate in such sort, as many people have need to repair thither for some natu­ral commoditie, or other of [Page 39] the Countrey, which by traffick and transportation of cōmodities, whereof they have more plentie than will supplie their own necessitie, or for receiving of things whereof they have scarcitie. And much better will it be, if the place afford some no­table commoditie of it self, from whence other Nations may more readily, and at better rate attain the same. Likewise, and withall, be so fertil, pleasant, and healthfull of it self, that it may afford plentie of good things, for the delight and comfort of the inhabitants.

Multi­tude of Inhabi­tants.In former times, great Na­tions, Kings and Potentates [Page 40] have endured sharp conflicts, and held it high Policie, by all means to increase their Cities, with multitudes of inhabitants. And to this end the Romans ever furnish­ed themselves with strength and power, to make their neighbour-People, of neces­sitie, willing to draw them­selves to Rome to dwell, and overthrow their Towns and Villages of mean strength, down to the ground.

So did they for this cause utterly destroy many Cities, bringing always the van­quished Captives to Rome, for the augmentation of that Citie.

Romulus, after a mightie [Page 41] fight with the Sabynes con­descended to Peace, upon condition, that Tacius their King should come with all their people to dwell at Rome: Tacius did accept and made choice of the Ca­pitol, and the Mount Quiri­nalis for his seat and Pal­lace.

The same course held Tamberlain the Great, whereby he enlarged the great Sarmacauda, still bringing unto it, the richest and wealthiest Citizens he had subdued.

And the Ottomans, to make the Citie Constantino­ple rich and great, brought to it many thousand Fami­lies, [Page 42] especially Artificers out of the subdued Cities, as Mahomet the Great from Trabizond, Selim the First from Caïro, and Soliman from Tauris.

Authoritie and necessitie, without the consideration of the conveniencies, and com­modiousness of Scituation above mentioned, are of small moment in the found­ation of a Citie, thereby onely it would be unlikely, either to grow or continue in Magnificencie or Opulencie: for if Profit, Height, and Delight, go not companions therewith, no authoritie or necessitie, can retain much People or Wealth.

[Page 43]But if the place whereup­on a Citie is to be founded, be cōmodious for the afore­said conveniences, which help greatly for the felicitie of this life; then, no doubt, the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same, whereby it may, by the help of Arts & Industrie in time, become magnificent and glorious.

Unto the good estate, greatness, and glorie of a Citie, those things hereafter mentioned do greatly avail, and are of much importance, viz.

Religion,Religi­on. which is of such force and might, to amplifie [Page 44] Cities and Dominions, and of such attractive virtue to replenish the same with peo­ple and wealth, and to hold them in due obedience, as none can be more; for with­out adoration of some Die­tie, no Common-wealth can subsist.

Witness Ierusalem, Rome Constantinople, and all other cities that have been famous for the profession of Religi­on, or Divine worship. And no marvel, for there is not any thing in this world of more efficacie and force to allure and draw to it the hearts of Men, than God, which is the summum bonum. He is carefully desired, and [Page 45] continually sought for of all creatures; for all regard Him as their last end and refuge.

Light things apply them­selves upwards, heavy things downwards; the Heavens to Revolution, the Herbs to flowers, Trees to bear fruit, Beasts to present their kind, and Man in seeking his tran­quilitie and everlasting glo­ry. But forasmuch as God is of so high a nature, as the sence and understanding of Man cānot conceive it, every man directly turns himself to that place where he leaves some print of his power, or declares some sign of his as­sistance. And to such persons whom he seemeth more e­specially [Page 46] to have revealed himself.

Academies,Acade­mies. and Schools of Learning, with conveni­ent immunities and privi­ledges for Scholars, and means for Recreation for Delight, are of great import­ance to enlarge and enrich a citie: forasmuch as men long for honour and profit, and of Arts and liberal sci­ences some bring certain wealth to men, and some promotions and preferments to honourable functions: for by this means, not onely young men, and those that are desirous of Learning and Virtue in the same Com­mon-wealth, will be retained [Page 47] in their own Countrey; but also strangers will be drawn home to them. And the more will this be available if occasion be given to Scho­lars and students, to rise to degrees of Honour and pre­ferment by their learned ex­ercises, and that by the Poli­cie of the same citie, good Wits be accounted of, and rewarded well: and that the same Academies & Schools be stored with plentie of Doctours and learned men, of great fame and reputa­tion.

Courts of Justice,Courts of Jus­tice. with due execution of the same in a citie, do much enable, en­large, and enrich it; for it [Page 48] fasteneth a great liking in a citie to virtuous men, and such as be wealthie, that therein they may be free, and in safetie from the violence of the oppressions of covet­ous and wicked men: and there will be rather resort thither to inhabit, or traffick there as occasions may mi­nister unto them. And ma­ny others that have cause of suite will repair thither, whereas they may be sure to find Judgement and Justice duely executed, whereby the citie must needs be en­larged and enriched[?]: for our lives, and a [...] ever we have are in th [...]ds of Ju­stice: so that if Justice be not [Page 49] administered amongst men, in vain is there any societie and commerce, or any other thing can be profitable or safe; so much is love and charitie failed, and iniquitie increased upon the face of the earth.

The excellencie and mul­titude likewise of Artificers exercising their manual arts and trades,Artifi­cers. do marvellously increase and enrich a State, whereof some are necessary, some commodious for a ci­vil life, other some are of pomp and ornament, and o­ther some of delicacie and curiositie [...]reof doth fol­low co [...]se of people that labour and work, and [Page 50] current money which doth enrich & supply of Materials for labourers, & work-men, buying & selling, transport­ation from place to place, which doth imploy and in­crease the artificious and cunning parts of the wit of Man; and this art and exqui­sitness of work-manship and skill is so powerfull herein, that it far excels the simple commodities and materials that Nature produceth; and is alone sufficient of it self to make a Citie or State, both magnificent and glorious: and the daily experience we have in these our days, and in former times, doth mani­festly approve the same, and [Page 51] make evident without all contradiction.

Some natural benefits that a Citie also may have for the excellencie of Art, or work-manship of some spe­cial commodities above any other place, either through the qualitie of the Water, or other matter whatsoever, or some hidden mysterie of the inhabitants in working there­of, may be a great help for the enlargement and enrich­ing of a citie.

The command of a Coun­trie that affordeth some pro­per commoditie, is of it self sufficient mightily to bring a Citie to great wealth, and to advance it to great power, [Page 52] and draweth thereby de­pendencie and concourse, much advantagious also, as well for the publick weal, as the private person.

A Citie also may be Lord of much Merchandize and traffick, by means of the commodious scituation to many Nations, to whom it serveth and hath relation to, as Ware-houses, Roomth and Store-houses, by reason whereof, the nations adjoyn­ing do use to resort thereun­to to make their provisions of such things. And this consisteth in the largeness of the Ports, the fitness of the gulphs and creeks of the seas, in the Navigable rivers [Page 53] and channels, and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the Citie, or that come, or turn by or near it.

Priviledge and freedom from Customs and exacti­ons,Priledg doth greatly increase the Trade, and draw inhabi­tants to a citie, whereby the same may become both rich and powerfull; whereof the Marts and Fairs, and Mar­kets bear good witness, which are frequented with great concourse of people, Tradesmen and Merchants, for no other respect, but that they are there free and frank from Customs and exacti­ons. And the cities in Flan­ders are lively testimonies [Page 54] hereof, where the Customs are very small.

By reason whereof, all such as have erected new Cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it, have granted large immuni­ties, and priviledges at the least, to the first inhabitants thereof.

The like have they done that have restored Cities emptied with Plague, con­sumed with Wars, or afflict­ed with Famin or some other scourge of God. In respect whereof, Freedom of Cities hath been often granted to such as would, with their fa­milies, inhabit there, or would bring Corn and other [Page 55] necessaries for provision of victual.

The Romans, to increase their Cities, made the Towns that well deserved of them (which they after called Mu­nicipia) to be partakers of their franchises and privi­ledges.

The first means the Ro­mans used to allure people to make their habitations ra­ther in Rome than else where,The first [...] of Rome to al­lure stran­ges, was Sanctuarie. was the opening the Sanctu­arie, and giving libertie and freedom to all that would come unto them. In respect whereof, there flocked thi­ther, with their goods, num­bers of people that were ei­ther racked with exactions, [Page 56] thrust out of their habitati­ons, or unsafe, or unsure for their lives in their own Countreys for Religion sake.

The very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the citie of Geneva: forasmuch as it hath offered entertainment to all com­mers out of France and Ita­lie, that have either forsaken, or been exiled their Coun­treys for Religious sake.

Likewise, triumphs,Tri­umps. good­ly buildings, battels on the water, fights of sword-play­ers, hunting of wild beasts, publick shows and sights, plays solemnized with great pomp and preparation, and [Page 57] many other such things do draw the curious people to a citie inspeakably, which leaves behind them much treasure, and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there, than in o­ther places. This was also the devise of Rome in her in­fancie to enlarge her self.

The Causes that Concern the Magnificencie of a CITIE.

TO confirm a Citie in her Greatness, Iustice, Peace, and Plentie are the un­doubted means: for Iustice assureth every man his own. Peace causeth all Arts and [Page 58] negotiations whatsoever to flourish: and Plentie of food and victual, that sustaineth the life of Man with ease and much contentment. To con­clude, All those things that cause the Greatness of a Ci­tie, are also fit to conserve the same.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Seat of GOVERNMENT.

That the Seat of Govern­ment is upheld by the two great pillars thereof, viz. Civil Justice, and Martial Policie; which are framed out of Husbandrie, Mer­chandize, and Gentrie of this Kingdom.

THey say, that the goodliest CEDARS which grow on the high mountains of Libanus, [Page 60] thrust their roots between the clifts of hard Rocks, the better to bear themselves a­gainst the strong storms that blow there. As Nature hath instructed those kings of Trees, so hath Reason taught the Kings of Men, to root themselves in the hardie Hearts of their faithfull Subjects. And as those kings of Trees have large Tops, so have the Kings of Men large Crowns; whereof as the first would soon be broken from their bodies, were they not underborn by many branch­es; so would the other easily tytter, were they not fasten­ed on their heads, with the strong chains of Civil Iu­stice, [Page 61] and Martial Discipline.

1. For the administration of the first, even God himself hath given direction, Judges and Officers shalt thou make, which shall judge the People with righteous judgement.

2. The second is ground­ed on the first Laws of the world and nature, that Force is to be repelled by Force. Yea Moses in the 20 of Ex­odus, and else where, hath delivered us many Laws and Policies of War. But as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both, so have we heard of the decline and ruine of many Kingdoms and States long before our days: for that Policie hath [Page 62] never yet prevailed (though it hath served for a short season) where the counter­feit hath been sold for the natural, and the outward shew and formalitie for the substance. Of the Emperor Charls the Fourth, the wri­ters of that age witness, that he used but the name of Iu­stice and good order, being more learned in the Law than in doing right, and that he had by far, more know­ledge than conscience. Cer­tainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a sollid and untrasparable bodie of Gold, every ordina­rie wit can vitrifie, and make trasparant pierce, and di­scern [Page 63] their corruptions; how­soever, because not daring, they cover their knowledge, but in the mean while it is also true, That constrained dissimulation, either in the proud heart, or in the op­pressed, either in publick estates, or in private persons, where the fear of God is not prevalent, doth in all the leisure of her lurking, but sharpen her teeth, the volun­tarie being no less base, than the forced malitious. Thus it fared between the Ba­rons of England and their Kings, between the Lords of Switzerland & their people, between the Sicilians and the French, between the Dol­phine [Page 64] and Iohn of Burgoign, between Charls the Ninth and the French Protestants, and between Henry the third, his successor, and the Lords of Guise, and hereof in place of more particulars, the whole world may serve for examples.

It is a difficult piece of Geographie, to delineate and lay out the bounds of Au­thority; but it is easie enough to conceive the best use of it, and by which it hath main­tained it self in lasting happi­ness, it hath ever acquired more honour by perswading, than by beating; for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal, so do all other [Page 65] chains or cords, both rustie and rot Noble parts of their own Royal and Politick bo­dies.

But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Civil Iustice;Hus­band­men. for in respect of the first sort of Men, to wit, of those that live by their own labour, they have never been dis­pleased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels, Meum & Tuum, Mine and Thine is all wherein they seek the certaintie and prote­ction. True it is, that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land, which God in Deute­ronomie commanded to be [Page 66] spared, they gather honey, and hardly enjoy the wax, and break the ground with great labour, giving the best of their grain to the easefull and idle.

For the second sort, which are the Merchants,Mer­chant. as the first feed the Kingdom, so do these enrich it, yea their trades, especially those which are forcible, are not the least part of our Martial Policie, as hereafter proved; and to do them right, they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land, not onely with great sums of money, but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the [Page 67] seas. The second have sel­dom or never offended their Princes, to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions, hath ever con­tented them for the injuries received from other Nati­ons, give them but the Com­mission of Reprisal, they will either Right themselves, or sit down with their own loss without complaint.

3. The third sort, which are the Gentrie of England, Gentry these being neither seated in the lowest grounds, & there­by subject to the biting of every beast, nor in the high­est Mountains, and thereby in danger to be torn with tempest; but the Valleys be­tween [Page 68] both, have their parts in the inferiour Justice, and being spred over all, are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm.


Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood, before his Iourney to Gui­ana.

Honourable SIR,

I Was lately per­swaded, by two Gentlemen, my ancient Friends, to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine, made heretofore for a Jour­ney to Guiana, who were of [Page 70] opinion, That it would be better understood now, than when it was first propound­ed, which advice having sur­mounted my dispair, I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote, both to his Majestie, and to the Treasurer Cecill, wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered, as the objections by him made, are briefly answer­ed.

What I know of the rich­es of that place, not by hear­say, but what mine eyes hath seen, I have said it of­ten but it was then to no end: Because those that had [Page 71] the greatest trust, were re­solved not to believe it, not because they doubted the Truth, but because they doubted my Disposition to­wards themselves; where (if God had blessed me in the enterprise) I had recover­ed his Majesties favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or other suspition they never had any. Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in searching out the Nature of my offences, The Queens Majestie hath informed her self from the beginning, The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my in­nocency, [Page 72] they would other­wise never have moved his Majestie on my behalf.

The Wife, the Brother, and the Son of a King, do not use to sue for men suspect; but Sir, since they all have done it out of their charitie, and but with refe­rences to me alone. Your Honour (whose respect hath onely relation to his Maje­sties service) strengthened by the example of those Princes, may with the more hardness do the like, being Princes to whom his Maje­sties good estate is no less dear, and all men that shall oppugne it, no less hatefull, than to the King himself.

[Page 73]It is true Sir, That his Majestie hath sometimes an­swered, That his Councel knew me better than he did; meaning some two or three of them. And it was indeed my infelicitie; for had his Majestie known me, I had never been here where I now am: or had I known his Majestie, they had never been so long there where they now are. His Majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruin, and his Maje­sties misknowing of them, hath been the ruin of a goodly part of his estate: but they are all of them now, some living and some dying, come to his Majesties know­ledge. [Page 74] But Sir, how little soever his Majestie knew me, and how much soever he be­lieved them, yet have I been bound to his Majestie both for my Life, and all that re­mains, of which, but for his Majestie, nor Life, nor ought else had remained. In this respect Sir, I am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have for his Majesties ser­vice; to die for the King, and not by the King, is all the ambition I have in the world.

Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleighs's Let­ter to his Wife, from Gui­ana.

Sweet Heart,

I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand, for I have suffered the most vi­olent Calenture for fifteen days, that ever man did, and lived: but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities, hath also now strengthened it in the hell-fire of heat.

We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship, of which fourtie two have died, and there are yet many sick, but having reco­vered the land of Guiana, [Page 76] this 12 of November, I hope we shall recover them. We are yet two hundred men, and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong, strong e­nough I hope to perform what we have undertaken, if the diligent care at London, to make our strength known to the Spanish King, by his Ambassadour, have not taught the Spanish King to fortifie all the enterances a­gainst us; howsoever we must make the Adventure, and if we perish, it shall be no honour for England, nor gain for his Majestie to loose among many other an, hun­dred as valiant Gentlemen as England hath in it.

[Page 77]Of Captain Baylies base coming from us at the Ca­naries, see a Letter of Ke­mishes to Mr Skory, & of the unnatural weather, storms and rains, and winds. He hath in the same letter, given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days, now hardly performed in fourtie days; God I trust, will give us comfort in that which is to come.

In passage to the Canaries, I stayed at Gomerah, where I took water in peace, because the Countrey durst not de­nie it me; I received there of an English race, a Present of Oranges, Lemons, Quinces, and Pome-granates, without [Page 78] which I could not have li­ved; those I preserved in fresh sands, and I have of them yet to my great re­freshing. Your son had ne­ver so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the Line. All my ser­vants have escaped but Crab and my Cook, yet all have had the sickness. Crofts and March, and the rest are all well. Remember my service to my Lord Carew, and Mr Secretarie Winwood.

I write not to them, for I can write of nought but mi­series: yet of men of sort, we have lost our Serjeant Ma­jor, Captain Pigott, and his Lieuetenant, Captain Ed­ward [Page 79] Hastings, who would have died at home, for both his liver, spleen, and brains were rotten. My sons Lieue­tenant Payton, and my co­sin Mr. Hews, Mr. Mordant, Mr. Gardner, Mr. Haward, Captain Iennings the Mer­chant, Kemish of London, and the Master Chyrurgion, Mr. Refiner, Mr. Moor the Go­vernour of the Barmoudas, our Provost Marsh. W. Steed, Lieuetenant Vescie, but to mine inestimable grief, Ha­mon and Talbot. By the next I trust you shall hear better of us, in Gods hands we were, and in him we trust.

This bearer, Captain Al­ley, for his infirmitie of his [Page 80] head I have sent back, an honest valiant man, he can deliver you all that is past. Cōmend me to my worthy friends at Loathbury, Sr. John Leigh and Mr. Bower, whose Nephew Knevit is well, and to my cosin Blundell, and my most devoted and humble service to her Majestie.

To tell you that I might be here King of the Indians, were a vanitie, but my name hath still lived among them; here they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the Countrey yields, all offer to obey me. Commend me to poo [...] Carew my son.

From Galliana in Guiana the 14 of November.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood.


AS I have not hitherto given you any Account of our proceedings and pas­sages towards the Indies, so have I no other subject to write of, than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befel any man: for whereas, for the first, All those that Na­vigate between Cape de Verd & America, to pass between fifteen or twentie days at most, we found the wind so contrary, and which are also contrary to nature, so many storms and rains, as we spent six weeks in the passage, by [Page 82] reason whereof, and that in so great heat we wanted wa­ter: for at the Isle Prano of Cape de verd, we lost our Anchors and Cables, and our water Casks, being dri­ven from the Island with a Hurlicano, and were like all to have perished. Great sickness fell amongst us, and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land. The 17 of No­vember, we had sight of Gui­ana, and soon after came to Anchor in five degrees at the River Galliano, here we staid till the fourth of De­cember, landed our sick men, set up the Barges and Shal­lops, which were brought out [Page 83] of England in quarters, wash­ed our Ships, and took in fresh water, being fed and cherished by the Indians of my old acquaintance, with a great deal of love & respect, my self being in the hands of death these 6 weeks, & was not able otherwise to move than as I was carried in a chair, gave order to 5 small Ships, to sail into Orinoque, having Captain Kemis for their Conductor towards the Mynes, and in those five Ships five Companies of 50 under the command of Ca­ptain Parker, and Captain North, brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North, valiant Gentlemen, [Page 84] and of infinite patience for the labour, hunger, and heat which they have endured, my son had the third Com­pany, Captain Thornix of Kent the fourth Company, Captain Chidley, by his Lieutenant, the fifth: but as my Sergeant Major Captain Piggot of the Low Countreys died in the former miserable passage, so my Lieuetenant Sir Warham S. Leiger lay sick without hope of life, and the charge conferred on my Nephew George Raleigh, who had also served long with infinite commendati­ons; but by reason of my ab­sence, and of Sir Warhams was not so well obeyed as [Page 85] the Enterprize required. As they passed up the River, the Spaniard began the War, and shot at us both with their Ordinance & Muskets, whereupon the Companies were forced to charge them, and soon after beat them out of the Town. In the assault, my son (more desirous of honour than safetie) was slain, with whom (to say truth) all the respects of this world have taken end in me. And although these five Captains had as weak Com­panies as ever followed vali­ant Leaders, yet were there amongst them some twentie or thirtie valiant adventu­rous Gentlemen, and of sin­gular [Page 86] courage, as of my sons Company, Mr. Knivet, Mr. Hammon, Mr. Langworth, Mr. Iohn Pleasington; his Officers, Sir Iohn Hamden, Mr. Symon Leak Corporal of the Field, Mr. Hammon the elder Brother, Mr. Nicholas of Buckingham, Mr. Roberts of Kent, Mr. Perin, Mr. Tre­sham, Mr. Mullinax, Mr. Win­ter and his brother, Mr. Wray, Mr. Miles Herbart, Mr. Brad­shaw, Capt. Hall, & others.

Sir, I have set down the names of these Gentlemen, to the end, that if his Maje­stie shall have cause to use their service, it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient Gentle­men. [Page 87] The other five Ships staid at Trinidado, having no other Port capable for them near Guiana. The second Ship was commanded by my Vice-Admiral Capt. Iohn Pennington, of whom (to do him right) he is one of the sufficientest Gentlemen for the Sea that England hath. The third by Sir Warham S. Leiger, an exceeding va­liant & worthy Gentleman. The fourth by Sr Iohn Fern. The fifth by Captain Chid­ley of Devon. With these five Ships I daily attended their Armando of Spain, which had they set upon us, our force divided, the one half in Orinoque, an hundred [Page 88] and fiftie miles from us, we had not onely been torn in pieces, but all those in the River had also perished, be­ing of no force at all for the Sea-fight; for we had resol­ved to have been burnt by their sides, had the Armando arrived: but belike, they staid for us at Margarita, by which they knew we must pass to­wards the Indies: for it plea­sed his Majestie to value us at so little, as to command me upon my Alleageance, to set down under my hand the Countrey, and the River by which I was to enter it, to set down the number of my men, and burthen of my Ships, and what Ordinance [Page 89] every Ship carried, which being known to the Spanish Ambassador, and by him to the King of Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from Madrid, before my de­parture out of the Thames; for his first letter sent by a Barque of Advise, was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid, which letter I have here inclosed sent to your Honour, the rest I reserve, not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not. The second by the King, da­ted the second of May, sent also by a Coronel of Diego de Polonieque, Governour of Guiana, Elderedo, and Trini­dado. The third by the Bi­shop [Page 90] of Porericho, and deli­vered to Polonieque the 15 of Iuly, at Trinidado. And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretarie of his Customs in the Indies. At the same time, by that of the Kings hand, sent by the Bi­shop, there was also a Com­mission for the speedie levy­ing of three hundred souldi­ers, and ten pieces of Ordi­nance to be sent from Por­tricho, for the defence of Gui­ana, an hundred and fiftie from Nuevo Remo de Grando, under the command of Ca­ptain Anthony Musica, and the other hundred and fiftie from Portricho, to be con­ducted by C. Franc. Laudio.

[Page 91]Now Sir, if all that have traded to the Indies since his Majesties time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken, being but Mer­chant men, what death and cruel torment shall we ex­pect if they conquer us? cer­tainly they have hitherto failed grosly, being set out thence as we were, both for number, time, and place.

Lastly, to make an Apo­logie for not working the Myne, (although I know his Majestie expects) whom I am to satisfie so much, as my self, having lost my son, and my estate in the Enterprise, yet it is true, that the Spani­ards [Page 92] took more care to de­fend the passage leading un­to it, than they did the Town, which by the Kings instructions they might easi­ly do, the Countreys being Aspera & Nemosa.

But it is true, that when Capt. Kemish found the Ri­ver low, and that he could not approch the Banks in most places near the Myne by a Mile, and where he found a discent, a volley of Muskets came from the woods upon the Boat, and slew two Rowers, and hurt six others, and shot a vali­ant Gentleman of Captain Thornix, of which wound he languisheth to this day. He, [Page 93] to wit, Kemish, following his own advice, thought that it was in vain to discover the Myne; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return, that the Companies of Eng­lish in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it, a­gainst the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards, that the passages to the Mynes, were thick and un­passable woods, and that the Myne being discovered, they had no men to work it, did not discover it at all: for it is true, the Spaniards having two gold Mynes near the Town, the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran, the second by Harmian Frotinio, [Page 64] the third of silver, by Ca­ptain Francisco, for the want of Negroes to work them: for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charls the Fifth, so the Spa­niards will not, nor can en­dure the labour of those Mynes, whatsoever the Bra­gadochio, the Spanish Am­bassador saith. I shall prove under the Proprietors hand, by the Custom-Book, and the Kings Quinto, of which I recovered an Ingot or two: I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it, how easily those Mynes, and five or six more of them may be pos­sessed, and the most of them [Page 95] in those parts, which never have as yet been attempted by any, nor by any passage to them, nor ever discover­ed by the English, French, or Dutch. But at Kemish his return from Orinoque, when I rejected his counsel and his course, and told him that he had undone me, and wound­ed my credit with the King past recoverie, he slew him­self; for I told him, that seeing my son was slain, I ca­red not if I had lost an hun­dred more in opening of the Myne, so my credit had been saved: for I protest before God, had not Capt. Whitney (to whom I gave more countenance than to all the [Page 96] Captains of my Fleet) run from me at the Granadoes, and carried another ship with him of Captain Wolle­stons. I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons, or have brought with me out of that or other Mynes, so much Gold-oar, as should have satisfied the King. I propounded no vain thing; what shall become of me I know not, I am unpar­doned in England, and my poor estate consumed, and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not. I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opini­on, to remember my service to my Lord of Arrundel and [Page 97] Pembrook, to take some pitie on my pour Wife, to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son; and beseech you to give a copie of this to my Lord Carew: for to a broken mind, a sick bodie, and weak eyes, it is a torment to write many Let­ters. I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weakness of the Indies, which if I live, I shall hereafter im­part unto your Honour, to whom I shall remain a faith­full servant.

Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife, Copied out of his own hand-wri­ting.

I Was loath to write, be­cause I know not how to comfort you, and God knows, I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and providence of God, and re­member, that the Queens Majestie bare the loss of Prince Henry with a magna­nimous heart, and the Ladie Harrington of her son. Com­fort your heart (dearest Bess) I shall sorrow for us both, I shall sorrow the less, because [Page 99] I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. I refer you to Mr. Secretarie Winwoods Letter, who will give you a copie of it, if you send for it, therein you shall know what hath passed; I have written that Letter, for my brains are broken, and it is a torment for me to write, and especially of misery. I have desired Mr. Secretarie to give my Lord Carew a copie of his Letter. I have clensed my ship of sick men, and sent them home; I hope God will send us somewhat before we return. You shall hear from me if, I live, from the New-found land, where I mean to make clean [Page 100] my ships and revictual; for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord bless and comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of your valliant son.

yours Walter Raleigh.

I Protest before the Ma­jestie of God, That as Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Iohn Hawkins died heart­broken when they failed of their enterprise, I could will­ingly do the like, did I not contend against sorrow for your sake, in hope to pro­vide somewhat for you and [Page 101] to comfort and releive you. If I live to return, resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strength­ened my heart. It is true that Kemish might have gone di­rectly to the Myne, & meant it, but after my sons death, he made them beleive he knew not the way, and ex­cused himself upon want of water in the River, and coun­terfeiting many impediments left it unfound. When he came back, I told him he had undone me, and that my credit was lost for ever; he answered. That when my son was lost, and that he left me so weak, that he resolved not to find me alive, he had [Page 102] no reason to enrich a compa­nie of Rascals, who after my sons death made no account of him. He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana, could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken, and therefore for them to pass through thick woods it was impossible, and more impos­sible to have victual brought them into the Mountains. And it is true, that the Go­vernour Diego Polenego, and other four Captains being slain, whereof Wats slew one, Plessington, Wats servant, and Iohn of Moroccoes, one of his men, slew other two. I say five of them slain in the en­terance [Page 103] of the Town, the rest went off in a whole bodie, and took more care to de­fend the passages to their Mynes (of which they had three within a League of the Town, besides a Myne that was about five miles off) than they did of the Town it self. Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Myne; but when he came to the banck side to Land, and had two of his men slain outright from the bank, and six other hurt, and Captain Thornix shot in the head, of which wound, and the accident thereof, he hath pined away these twelve weeks.

Now when Kemish came [Page 104] back and gave me the for­mer Reasons which moved him not to open the Myne, the one the death of my son, a second the weakness of the English, and their impossibi­lities to work and to be vi­ctualled; a third that it were a follie to discover it for the Spaniards; and lastly my weakness and being unpar­doned; and that I rejected all these his Arguments, and told him, that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State, he shut up himself into his Cab­bin, and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs, and finding that he had not prevailed, he [Page 105] thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died. Thus much I have written to M. Secretarie, to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth. I did after the sealing break open the Letter again, to let you know in brief the state of that bu­siness. which I pray you im­part to my Lord of Nor­thumberland, and Silvanus Scory.

For the rest, there was ne­ver poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was; for being commanded upon mine Al­leageance to set down not onely the Countrey but the very River by which I was to enter it, to name my [Page 106] Ships number, men, and my Artillerie. This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain, the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies, especially to the Go­vernour Palamago of Guia­na, Elderado, and Trinidado, of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 1617, at Madrill, when I had not yet left the Thames, which Letter I have sent to Mr Se­cretarie. I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve, and one of the Councels. The King also sent a Commission to leavie three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of unie Re­gno [Page 107] de Granado è Portricho, with ten pieces of brass Or­dinance to entertain us; he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us. It were too long to tell you how we were preserved, if I live I shall make it known; my brains are broken, and I can­not write much, I live yet, and I told you why. Witney for whom I sold all my Plate my Plymouth, and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet, ran from me at the Grana­does, and Wolleston with him, so as I have now but five Ships, and out of those I have sent some into my Fly­boat [Page 108] a rabble of idle Ra­scals, which I know will not spare to wound me, but I care not. I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done, that have slept so little, and travelled so much, my friends will not believe them, and for the rest I care not; God in heaven bless you and strengthen your heart.

Yours Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Win­wood.


SInce the death of Kemish, it is confessed by the Ser­jeant Major, and others of his inward friends, that he told them, that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the River side; but because my son was slain, my self unpardoned, and not like to live, he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King; they answered, that the King (though I were not pardon­ed) had granted my heart [Page 111] under the Great Seal. He replyed, that the grant to me was to no man, non Ens in the Law, and therefore of no force; this discourse they had, which I knew not of till after his death: but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour, he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne, I answered him I would not do it; but if my self could satisfie the King and State, that he had reason not to open it, I should be glad of it: but for my part, I must avow that he knew it, and that he might with loss have done it; other excuses I would not frame: he told me [Page 110] that he would wait on me presently, and give me better satisfaction: but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin, but I heard a Pistol go over my head, and sending to know who shot it, word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it; his boy going into his Cabbin, found him lying up­on his bed with much bloud by him, and looking in his face saw him dead; the Pistol being but little, did but crack his rib, but turning him over found a long Knife in his bo­die, all but the handle. Sir, I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert (a ve­ry [Page 112] valiant honest Gentle­man) divers unworthy per­sons, good for nothing nei­ther by sea nor land, and though it was at their own suit, yet I know they will wrong me in all that they can. I beseech your Honour, that the scorn of men may not be believed of me, who have taken more pains, and suffered more than the mean­est Rascal in the Ship; these being gone, I shall be able to keep the Sea until the end of August, with some four reasonable good ships. Sir, wheresoever God shal permit me to arrive in any part of Europe, I will not fail to let your Honour know what we [Page 113] have done, till then, and ever I rest

Your Honours servant W. Raleigh.

Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S Letter to King JAMES, at his return from GUIANA.

May it please your most excellent Majestie,

IF in my Journey outward bound, I had my men [Page 114] murthered at the Islands, and yet spared to take re­venge, if I did discharge some Spanish Barks taken without spoil, if I forbare all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have taken twentie of their Downs on the sea-coasts, and did onely follow the enterprize I un­dertook for Guiana, where without any directions from me, a Spanish Village was burnt, which was new set up within three miles of the Myne. By your Majesties favour, I find no reason why the Spanish Ambassador should complain of me. If it were lawfull for the Spa­niards to murther twentie [Page 115] six English men, tying them back to back, and then cut­ing their throats, when they had traded with them a whole moneth, and came to them on the land without so much as one sword, and that it may not be lawfull for your Majesties subjects, being charged first by them, to re­pell force by force, we may justly say, O miserable Eng­lish!

If Parker and Metham took Campeach and other places in the Honduraes, seat­ed in the heart of the Spanish Indies, burnt Towns, and killed the Spaniards, and had nothing said unto them at their return, and my self for­bore [Page 116] to look into the Indies; because I would not offend, I may as justly say, O misera­ble Sir Walter Raleigh!

If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered by sickness and otherwise a world of miseries; if I have resisted with manifest hazard of my life, the Robberies & Spoils, with which my Com­panions would have made me rich, if when I was poor, I would have made my self rich, if when I have gotten my libertie, which all men and nature it self do much prize, I voluntarily lost it, if when I was sure of my life, I rendered it again, if I might elsewhere have sold [Page 117] my ship and goods, and put five or six thousand pounds in my purss and yet brought her into England, I beseech your Majestie to believe, that all this I have done, be­cause it should not be said to your Majestie, that your Ma­jestie had given libertie and trust to a man whose end was but the recoverie of his li­bertie, and who had betray­ed your Majesties trust.

My Mutiniers told me, that if I returned for Eng­land I should be undone, but I believed in your Majesties goodness more than in all their arguments. Sure, I am the first that being free and able to enrich my self, yet [Page 118] hath embraced povertie and peril. And as sure I am, that my example shall make me the last: but your Majesties wisdom and goodness I have made my judges, who have ever been, and shall ever be,

Your Majesties most humble Vassal Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleighs's Let­ter to his Wife, after his Condemnation.

YOu shall receive (my dear Wife) my Last words in these my Last lines; my love I send you, that you may keep when I am dead, & my counsel, that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not with my will present you sorrows (dear Bess) let them go to the grave with me, and be buried in the dust. And see­ing that it is not the will of God that I shall see you any more, bear my destruction patiently, and with an heart like your self.

[Page 120]First I send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive, or my words ex­press, for your many travels and cares for me, which though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the less; but pay it I never shall in this world.

Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bare me li­ving, that you do not hide your self many days, but by your travels seek to help the miserable Fortunes, and the Right of your poor Child, your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust.

Thirdly, you shall under­stand, that my Lands were [Page 121] conveyed (bona side) to my Child, the writings were drawn at Midsummer was twelve moneths, as divers can witness, and I trust my bloud will quench their ma­lice who desired my slaugh­ter; that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extream povertie. To what friend to direct you I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of triall. Most sorrie am I, that being thus surprised by death, I can leave you no better Estate, God hath pre­vented all my determinati­ons, that great God which worketh all in all, and if you can live free from want, care [Page 122] for no more, for the rest is but a vanitie; Love God, and begin betimes, in him you shall find true, everlast­ing, and endless comfort, when you have travelled and wearied your self with all sorts of worldly cogitations, you shall sit down by sorrow in the end. Teach your son also to serve and fear God whilest he is young, that the fear of God may grow up in him; then will God be an Husband to you, and a Fa­ther to him, an Husband and a Father, that can never be taken from you.

Baylie oweth me a thou­sand pounds, and Aryan six hundred; in Jernesey also I [Page 123] have much owing me. (Dear wife) I beseech you, for my Souls sake, pay all poor men. When I am dead, no doubt you shall be much sought un­to, for the world thinks I was very rich; have a care to the fair pretences of men, for no greater miserie can be fall you in this life, than to be­come a prey unto the world, and after to be despised. I speak (God knows) not to disswade you from Marri­age, for it will be best for you, both in respect of God and the world. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine, death hath cut us asun­der, & God hath divided me from the world, & you from [Page 124] me. Remember your poor Child for his Fathers sake, who loved you in his happi­est estate. I sued for my life, but (God knows) it was for you and yours that I desired it: for, know it, (my dear Wife) your Child is the Child of a true man, who in his own respect despiseth Death and his misshapen & ugly forms. I cannot write much, (God knows) how hardly I steal this time when all sleep, and it is also time for me to seperate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead bodie, which living was denied you, and either lay it in Sherborn or in Exeter Church by my fa­ther [Page 125] and mother. I can say no more, Time and Death calleth me away. The ever­lasting God, powerfull, infi­nite, and inscrutable God Almightie, who is goodness it self, the true Light and Life, keep you and yours, and have mercy upon me, and forgive my Persecutors and false accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom. My dear Wife farewel, Bless my Boy, Pray for me, and let my true God hold you both in his Arms.

Yours that was, but now not mine own Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Prince Henry, touching the model of a Ship.

Most excellent Prince,

IF the Ship your Highness intends to build, be bigger than the Victorie, then her beams, which are laid over­thwart from side to side will not serve again, and many other of her timbers and o­ther stuff, will not serve, whereas if she be a size less, the timber of the old Ship will serve well to the build­ing of a new.

If she be bigger she will be of less use, go very deep to water, and of mightie charge, our Channels decay­ing [Page 127] every year, less nimble, less mannyable, and seldom to be used Grande Navio, grande fatica, saith the Spa­niard.

A Ship of six hundred Tuns, will carrie as good Ordinance as a Ship of twelve hundred Tuns, and where the greater hath dou­ble her Ordinance, the less will turn her broad side twice, before the great Ship can wind once, and so no ad­vantage in that over-plus of Guns. The lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish; the les­ser will come and go, leave or take, and is yare, whereas the greater is flow, unmany­able, [Page 128] and ever full of encum­ber.

In a well conditioned Ship, these things are chiefly required.

  • 1. That she be strong built.
  • 2. Swift it sail.
  • 3. Stout-sided.
  • 4. That her Ports be so laid, as that she may carry out her Guns all weathers.
  • 5. That she hull and trie well.
  • 6. That she stay well, when boarding, or turning on a wind is required.

To make her strong, con­sisteth in the care and truth of the work-man; to make her swift, is to give her a [Page 129] large Run, or way forward, and so aftward, done by art and just proportion, and that in laying out of her bowes before, and quarters behind, the Ship-wright be sure, that she neither sink nor hang in­to the water, but lie clear and above it, wherein Ship-wrights do often fail, and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled.

That she be stout-sided, the same is provided by a long bearing floar, and by sharing off from above wa­ter to the lower edge of the Ports, which done, then will she carry out her Ordinance all weathers.

To make her to hull and [Page 130] to trie well, which is called a good sea-Ship, there are two things principally to be re­garded the one that she have a good draught of water, the other that she be not over­charged: And this is seldom done in the Kings Ships, and therefore we are forced to lye, or trie in them with our main Course and mizen, which with a deep keel and standing streak, she would perform.

The extream length of a Ship makes her unapt to stay, especially if she be floa­tie and want sharpness of way forward. And it is most true, that such over-long Ships, are fitter for the nar­row [Page 131] Seas in summer, than for the Ocean, or long voy­ages and therefore an hun­dred foot by the Keel, and thirtie five foot broad is a good proportion for a great Ship.

It is to be noted, that all Ships sharp before, not ha­ving a long floar, will fall rough into the sea from a billow, and take in water over head and ears; and the same qualitie have all nar­row-quartered ships to sink after the tail. The high Cargeing of ships, is that that brings many ill quali­ties it makes them extream Lee-ward, makes them sink deep into the seas, makes [Page 132] them labour sore in foul weather, and oft-times over­set. Safetie is more to be re­spected than shews, or nice­ness for ease; in sea-journeys both cannot well stand toge­ther and therefore the most necessarie is to be chosen.

Two Decks and an half is enough, and no building at all above that, but a low Masters Cabbin, Our Ma­sters and Mariners will say, that the ships will bear more well enough; and true it is, if none but ordinarie Mariners served in them. But men of better sort, unused to such a life, cannot so well endure the rowling and tumbling from side to side, where the [Page 133] seas are never so little grown, which comes by high Cargeing. Besides those high Cabbin-works aloft, are very dangerous in fight, to tear men with their splin­ters.

Above all other things, have care that the great Guns be four foot clear a­bove water when all lading is in, or else these best pieces are idle at sea; for if the Ports lie lower, and be open, it is dangerous; and by that default was a goodly Ship, and many gallant Gentle­men lost, in the days of Henry the Eigth, before the Isle of Wight, in a Ship called by the name of Mary-Rose.

Sir Walter Releigh's PILGRIMAGE.

GIve me my Scallop shell of Quiet,
My Staff of Faith to walk upon;
My Scrip of Joy immortal Diet;
My Bottle of Salvation.
My Gown of Glorie (Hopes true gage)
And thus Ile take my Pilgrimage.
Bloud must be my Bodies onely Balmer,
No other Balm will there be given
Whil'st my Soul, like a quiet Palmer,
Travelleth towards the Land of Heaven.
Over the silver Mountains
Where springs the Nectar Fountains,
There I will kiss the Bowl of Bliss,
And drink mine everlasting fill
Upon every Milken hill.
My soul will be adrie before,
But after, it will thirst no more.
Ile take them first, to quench my Thirst.
And tast of Nectars suckets,
[Page 136]At those clear Wells
Where sweetness dwells,
Drawn up by Saints in Chrystal Buckets.
Then by that happy blestfull day,
More peacefull Pilgrimes I shall see,
That have cast off their rags of clay,
And walk apparelled fresh like me.
And when our Bottles and all we
Are fill'd with Immortalitie.
Then the blessed Paths wee'l travel,
Strow'd with Rubies thick as gravel,
Sealings of Diamonds, Saphire flowers,
High walls of Coral, and Pearly Bowers.
From thence to Heavens bribeless Hall,
Where no corrupted voices brawl,
No Conscience molten into Gold,
No forg'd Accuser bought or sold,
No cause deferr'd, no vain-spent Journey,
For there, CHRIST is the Kings Attorney;
Who pleads for all without degrees,
And he hath Angels, but no Fees:
And when the twelve Grand-million Jurie
Of our Sins, will direfull Jurie,
'Gainst our Souls black Verdicts give,
Christ pleads his Death, and then we Live,
[Page 137]Be thou my Speaker [taintless Pleader,
Unblotted Lawyer, true Proceeder.]
Thou would'st Salvation even for Alms,
Not with a bribed Lawyers Palms.
And this is mine eternal Plea
To him that made Heaven, Earth, and Sea,
That since my Flesh must die so soon,
And want a Head to dine next noon,
Just at the stroak?, when my Veins start and spread,
Set on my Soul an everlasting Head.
Then am I readie, like a Palmer, fit
To tread those blest Paths which before I writ,
Of Death and Iudgement, Heaven and Hell,
Who oft doth think, must needs Die well,

Sir Walter Raleigh's VERSES; Found in his Bible in the Gate-house at West­minster.

EVen such is Time, which takes in trust
Our Youth, our Joys, and all we have,
And pays us nought but Age and Dust,
When in the dark and silent Grave:
When we have wandred all our ways,
Shuts up the storie of our days:
And from which Grave, & Earth, & Dust,
The Lord shall raise me up I trust.

Sir W. RALEIGH, On the Snuff of a Candle the night before he died.

Cowards fear to Die, but Courage stout,
Rather than Live in Snuff, will be put out.

Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S SPEECH Immediately before he was beheaded.

UPon Simon and Iudes day, the Lieuetenant of the Tower had a War­rant to bring his Prisoner to the Kings-Bench in Westmin­ster-Hall, where the Attor­ney General demanded Exe­cution, according to the Judgement pronounced a­gainst him at Winchester, the Lord Chief Justice caused the Indictment, Verdict, and [Page 140] Judgement to be read, and after asked him, what he could say, Why he should not die according to the Law; his answer was, That this fifteen years he had li­ved by the meer mercy of the King, and did now won­der how his Mercy was turned into Justice, he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his Maje­sties displeasure, and did hope, that he was clear from that Judgement by the Kings Commission in making him General of the Voyage to Guiana, for (as he conceived) the words, To his trustie and welbeloved subject, &c. Did in themselves imply a Par­don. [Page 141] But Master Attorney told him, these words were not sufficient for that pur­pose. Whereupon he desi­red the opinion of the Court, to which the Lord Chief Ju­stice replied, it was no Par­don in Law.

Then began Sir Walter Raleigh to make a long de­scription of the events and ends of his Voyage, but he was interrupted by the Chief Justice, who told him, that it was not for any offence com­mitted there, but for his first fact that he was now called in question, and thereupon told him, That seeing he must prepare to die, he would not add affliction to afflicti­on, [Page 142] nor aggravate his fault, knowing him to be a man full of miserie; but with the good Samaritane admini­ster oyl and wine for the comfort of his distressed Soul. You have been a Ge­neral, & a great Command­er, imitate therefore that no­ble Captain, who thrusting himself into the middest of a Battel, cried aloud, Mors me Expectat, & ego Mortem Expectabo, as you should not contemn so to do, nor should you fear death, the one sheweth too much boldness, the other no less cowardize, so with some other few in­structions the Court arose, and Sir Walter was commit­ed [Page 143] into the hands of the She­riff of Middlesex, who pre­sently conveyed him to the Gate-house in Westminster.

Upon Thursday morning this Couragious, although Committed Knight, was brought before the Parlia­ment-house, where there was a Scaffold erected for his Be­heading, yet it was doubted over-night that he should be hanged, but it fell out other­wise. He had no sooner mounted the scaffold, but with a chearfull Counte­nance, and undaunted Look, he saluted the Companie. His Attire was a wrought Night-cap, a Ruff band, a hair-coloured Sattin Dou­blet, [Page 144] with a black wrought Waste-coat under it, a pair of black cut Taffety Breech­es, a pair of ash-coloured Silk Stockings, & a wrought black Velvet Night-gown; putting off his Hat, he di­rected his Speech to the Lords present, as follow­eth.

My honourable Lords, and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die, Know, that I much rejoyce that it hath pleased God to bring me from darkness to light, and in freeing me from the Tower, wherein I might have died in disgrace, by letting me live to come to this place, where though I lose my life, yet I [Page 145] shall clear some false accusati­ons, unjustly laid to my charge, and leave behind me a testi­monie of a true heart, both to my King and Countrey.

Two things Sir W. Raleigh accu­sed of.Two things there are which have exceedingly possest and provoked his Majesties indig­nation against me, viz. A Confederacie, or Combination with France, and disloyal and disobedient words of my Prince. For the first, his Ma­jestie had some cause, though grounded upon a weak founda­tion, to suspect mine inclina­tion to the French faction, for not long before my departure from England, the French Agent took occasion, passing by my house, to visit me, had [Page 146] some conference, during the time of his abode, onely con­cerning my voyage, and no­thing else, I take God to wit­ness.

Another suspition is had of me, because I did labour to make an escape from Ply­mouth to France; I cannot de­nie, but that willingly, when I heard a rumour, That there was no hope of my life, upon my return to London, I would have escaped for the fafe­guard of my Life, and not for any ill intent or conspiracie a­gainst the State.

The like reason of suspition arose, in that I perswaded Sir Lewis Steukly, my Guar­dian, to flee with me from [Page 147] London to France, but my Answer to this is, as to the o­ther, That onely for my safe­guard, and nought else, was my intent, as I shall answer before the Almightie.

It is alleadged, That I feigned my self sick, and by art made my bodie full of bli­sters when I was at Salisbury. True it is, I did so; the reason was, because I hoped thereby to defer my coming before the King and Councel, and so by delaying, might have gained time to have got my Pardon. I have an Example out of Scripture for my warrant, that in case of necessitie, and for the safeguard of life, David feigned himself foolish and [Page 148] mad, yet was it not imputed to him for sin.

Concerning the second Im­putation laid to my charge, that I should speak scandalous and reprochfull words of my Prince, there is no witness a­gainst me but onely one, and he a Chimical French-man, whom I entertained, rather for his Jests than his Iudge­ment: this man to incroach himself into the favour of the Lords, and gaping after some great reward, hath falsly ac­cused me of Seditious speeches against his Majestie; against whom, if I did either speak, or think a thought hurtfull or prejudicial, the Lord blot me out of the book of Life.

[Page 149]It is not a time to flatter or fear Princes, for I am a sub­ject to none but Death; there­fore have a charitable conceit of me. That I know to swear is an offence, to swear falsly at any time is a great sin, but to swear false before the presence of Almightie God, before whom I am forthwith to ap­pear, were an offence unpar­donable; therefore think me not now rashly, or untruly to confirm, or protest any thing.

As for other objections, in that I was brought perforce into England, that I carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of England with me, more than I made known; that I should receive Letters [Page 150] from the French King, and such like, with many Prote­stations he utterly denied.


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