[...]am Marti, Quam Mercurio.

The Ho.ble and learned Knight Sr. Walter Raleigh.

Ro: Vaughan sculp.

REMAINS of Sir Walter Raleigh; viz. Maxims of State. Advise to his Son: his Sons advise to his Father. His Sceptick. Observation concerning the causes of the Magnificencie and Opulency of Cities. His Letters to divers persons of qua­lity.

With The Prerogative of Parliaments, be­ing a Dispute between a Counsel­lour of State and a Justice of Peace.

LONDON, Printed for William Sheares Iunior, in Westminster Hall. 1657.

MAXIMS OF STATE. With Instructions to his SON, and the SONS advice to his aged FATHER. Whereunto Is added Observations touching Trade and Com­merce with the Hollander and o­ther Nations, Proving that our Sea and Land Commodities inrich and strengthen other Countries a­gainst our own.


LONDON. Printed for Will. Shears Junior at the Blue Bible in Bedford Street in Covent-garden. 1656,

The Contents.

  • OF Government. Page 1
  • Of Policie. 2
  • Of Monarchie. 3
  • Of Aristocracie, or Se­natorie State. 5
  • Of Free State, or Popular State. 6
  • Of Tyrannie. 7
  • Of Olygarchie, or the Government of a few. ibid.
  • Of a Common-wealth. 8
  • Of causes of States, and Common-wealths in generall. 10
  • Of Founding a State. ibid.
  • Of Causes preserving State or Common-wealth. 15
  • Of Mysteries or Sophisms. ibid.
  • Of Axioms or Rules of preser­ving a State. 1-9
  • [Page] Rules for preser­ving of a Kingdom Hereditarie 25
  • Rules for preser­ving of a Kingdom Conquered 25
  • Kingdoms hereditarie are preser­ved at home by the ordering of a Prince. ibid.
  • Kingdoms new gotten, or purcha­sed by force, are preserved by Rules. 10 35
  • Rules politick of Tyrants. 41
  • Sophisms of a barbarous and pro­fessed tyranny. 42
  • Sophisms of the sophisticall, or subtile Tyrant, to hold up his State. 46
  • Of preservation of an Aristocra­cie. 53
  • Of preservati­on of an Oly­garchie, by Sophisms ibid.
  • Of preservati­on of an Oly­garchie, by Rules. ibid.
  • Of Conversion of States in gene­rall. 59
  • Causes of conversions of States are of two sorts: Generall and Par­ticular. ibid.
  • Particular causes of Conversion [Page] of State, are of two sorts. 60
  • Of sedition. 61
  • Causes of sedition are of two sorts. ibid.
  • Of Alteration without violence. 64
  • A Method, how to make use of the Book before, in the reading of the storie. 67
  • Old age is not ever unfit for pub­lick Gouernment, ibid.
  • Example of the like practice in Charls the Fifth. 68
  • Of observation for the Affirma­tive and the Negative. ibid.
  • Of defence for David in marrying Abishag. 70
Politicall Nobility.
  • Of Ado [...]ijah aspiring to the King­dom 71
  • [Page]Of ways of such as aspire to the Kingdom, and marks to discern them. 73
  • Politicall Prince. 75

The TABLE of the Cha­pters containd in Sr WALTER RALEIGH'S INSTRUCTIONS to his SON.

  • CHAP. Page.
  • VIrtuous persons to be made choice of Friends.
  • Great care to be had in the choo­sing of a Wife.
  • Wisest men have been abused by flatterers.
  • Pr [...]v [...]e Quarrels to be avoi­ded.
  • Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate.
  • What sort of servants are most fit to be entertained.
  • Brave rags wear soonest out of fa­shion.
  • Riches not to be sought by evil means. ibid.
  • [Page]What Inconveniences happen to such as delight in Wine.
  • Let God be thy protectour and di­rectour in all thy Actions.
  • The Sceptick doth neither affirm, neither deny any Position but doubteth of it, and proposeth his Reason against that which is affirmed or denied, to justifie his not Consenting.
  • Observations concerning the cau­ses of the Magnificencie and O­pulencie of Cities.
  • Safetie for defence of the people and their goods in and near a Town.
  • Causes that concern the Magnifi­cencie of a Citie.
  • That the Seat of Government is upheld by the two great Pillars thereof, viz. Civile Justice, and Martiall Policie, which are framed out of Husbandry, Merchandise, and Gentry of this Kingdom.
  • Sir Walter Raleigh's letter to Mr [Page] Secretary Winwood before his Journey to Guiana.
  • To his Wife from Guiana.
  • To Sir Ralph Winwood.
  • To his Wife copied out of his own hand writing.
  • To his Wife after Condemnation.
  • To King James at his return from Guiana.
  • His third Letter to Secretary Winwood.
  • His Letter to Prince Henry touch­ing the modell of a Ship.
  • His Speech immediately before he was beheaded.
  • Sir VValter Raleigh Observa­tions touching Trade and Com­merce with the Hollander and other Nations, Proving that our Sea and Land Commodities in­rich and strengthen other Coun­treys against our own.



GOVERNMENT is of two sorts. 1. Private, of himself. Sobriety. Of his Family; called Oeco­nomy.

2. Publick, of the Common-wealth, called P [...]licy A man must first Govern himself, ere he be fit to Govern a Family: And his Family, e're he be fit to bear the Go­vernment in the Common-wealth.

Of Policie.

Policie is an Art of Government of a Common-wealth, and some part of it according to that State, o [...] form of Government, wherein it is set­led for the publick good.

State, is the frame or set order of Common-wealth, or of the Gover­nours that rule the same, especially o [...] the chief and Sovereign Governour that commandeth the rest.

The State of Sovereignty consisteth in five points.

  • 1. Making or anulling of Laws.
  • 2. Creating and disposing of Magi­strates.
  • 3. Power over life and death.
  • 4. Making of War, or Peace.
  • 5. Highest or last appeal.

Where these five are, either in one or in more, there is the State.

These five points of State, rest either in,

  • 1. One Monarchie or Kingdom.
  • 2. Some few chief men for virtue and wisdom, called an Aristocracie.
  • 3. Many, called a Free-State, or Popular State.

These three sorts of Government [Page 3] have respect to the common good, and therefore are just, and Lawfull States.

These 3. degenerate into 3. other Governments viz.

  • 1. Monar­chie into 1. Tyrrannie.
  • 2. Aristo­cracie, into 2. Oligarchie.
  • 3. Popular state, into 3. Common-wealth or Government of all the common and baser sort, and therefore called a Common-wealth by an usurped Nick-name.

These all respect their own, and not the publick good, and therefore are called Bastard Governments.

I Monarchie.

A Monarchie, or Kingdom, is the Government of a State by one head, or chief, tending to the com­mon benefit of all.


[Page 4] Monarchie, or Kingdoms, are of three sorts touching the right or possession of them, viz.

  • 1. Hereditary, by descent, as the English French, &c.
  • 2. Elective, by suffrage of the other Orders, of some of them, as the P [...]loni [...]
  • 3. [...], or of both kinds, viz. descent, yet not tied to the next bloud, as the ancient Jewish State.

Monarchies are of two sorts touching their power, or Authority, viz.

  • 1. Int [...]re. Where the whole power of ordering all State matters, both peace and war, doth by law & cust [...] appertain to the Prince, as in the [...] ­gest Kingdom, where the Prince hat [...] power to make Laws League, & Wa [...] To create Magistrates; to pardon life Of appeal, &c. Though to give a con­tentment to the other degrees, th [...] have a suffrage in making Laws, y [...] ever subject to the Princes pleasure nor Negative will.
  • 2. [...] or restrained, that ha [...] no full power in all the points or mat­ters of State, as the Military King that hath not the Sovereignty in time peace, as the making of Laws, & But in War only, as the P [...]loni [...] Kings.

II. Aristocracy, or Senatory State.

AN Aristocracie is the Government of a Common-wealth by some [...]ompetent number of the better sort, [...]referred for wisdom and other virtues [...]f the publick good.

1. Aristocracie are of three sorts, viz. There the Senatours are chosen, for Virtu, Riches, and the common good, as the Venetian.

2. Virtue, and the publick good without respect of wealth, as some­times the Roman, when some of the [...]enatours were fetched from the [...]ough, and some from the Schools

3. Vir [...]ue and wealth more respect­ing their private, than their publick good, which inclineth towards an Oli­garchie, or the Government of the Richer or Nobler sort, as in Rome to­wards the end.

III. Free-State, or Popular State.

THe Popular State is the Govern­ment of a State by the choisest sort of people, tending to the publick good of all sorts, viz. wth due respect of the better, Nobler, and Richer sort

In every Just State, some part of the Government is, or ought to be im­parted to the people; As in a King­dom, a voice or suffrage in making Laws; and somtimes also, in levying of Arms (if the charge be great, and the Prince forced to borrow help of his Subjects) the matter rightly may be propounded to a Parliament, that the tax may seem to have pro­ceeded from themselves. So consulta­tions, and some proceedings in Iudici­al matters, may in part be referred to them. The reason, least seeing them­selves to be in no number, nor of rec­koning, they mislike the state, or kind of Government: And where the mul­titude is discontented, there must needs be many Enemies to the pre­sent State. For which cause, Tyrants, [Page 7] which allow the people, no manner of [...]ealing in State matters) are forced to bereave them of their wits and wea­ [...]ons, and all other means whereby they may resist, or amend themselves, [...] in Rushland, Turkey, &c.

IV. Tyrannie.

A Tyrannie is the swerving, or di­storting of a Monarchie, or the Government of one, tending not the publick good, but the private be­nefit of himself, & his followers. As in the Russ & Turkish Government, where the State and Wealth of other orders, are employed onely to the uphold­ing of the greatness of the King or Emperour. This is the worst of all the [...]astard States because it is the perver­ing of the best Regiment, to wit, of a Monarchie, which resembleth the So­vereign Government of God himself.

V. Oligarchie, or the Govern­ment of a few.

AN Oligarchie is the swerving, or the corruption of an Aristocracie; [Page 8] or the Government of some few, that are of the Wealthier or Nobler sort, with­out any respect of the publick good. The chief end of these Governours, is their own greatness and enriching. And therefore their manner is, to pre­pare fit means to uphold their Estate. This State is not wholly so bad, as if the Tyrannie, and yet worse than the Common wealth, because it respecteth the good of a few.

VI. Common wealth.

A Common-wealth is the swerving of depravation of a Free, or popular State, or the Government of the whole multitude of the ba [...]e and poorer sort, without respect of the other Orders.

These two States, to wit; The Oli­garchie, and Common-wealth, are very adverse the one to the other, and have many bickerings between them. For that the Richer or Nobler sort, suppose a right or superiority to appertain unto them in every respect, because they are superiour, but in some respects onely to wit, in Riches, Birth, Parentage, &c. On the other side, the Common people suppose, there ought to be an equality [Page 9] in all other things, and some State mat­ters; because they are equall with the Rich or Noble, touching their Libertie, whereas indeed neither the one nor the other are simply equall or superiour, as touching Government and fitness there­unto, because they are such, to wit, be­cause they are Rich, Noble, Free, &c. But because they are Wise, Virtuous, Va­ [...]ant, &c. and so have fit parts to Go­vern a State.

The severall States are sometimes mixed, and inter-wrought one with the other, yet ever so, as that the one hath the preheminent predomination over the other, as in the humours and com­plexions of the body. So in the Roman State, the people had their Plebescita, and gave the suffrage in the election of Magistrates: Yet the Senate (as the State stood) for the most part swayed the State, and bare the chief rule. So in the Venetian State, the Duke seemeth to represent a Monarch, and the Senate to be his Councell: Yet the Duke hath no power in State matters, but is like a head set on by art, that beareth no brain. And so that State is Senatorica [...]l or Aristocraticall.

Causes of States and Common-wealths in general.

Causes of States, or of Common-wealths are of 3. sorts, viz.
  • 1. Founding, or setling a State where to be consi­dered.
    • 1. Measure.
    • 2. Parts, and their Qualities.
  • 2. Preserving a State.
  • 3. Changing, and altering a State.

Founding a State.

In founding a State are to be consi­dered 2. things.
  • 1. Proportion.
  • 2. Parts.

PRoportion, is a just measure or Me­diocritie of the State, whereby it is framed & kept in that Order, as that neither it exceed nor be defective in his kind, to wit, so that a Monarch be not too Monarchical, nor strict, or abso­lute, as the Russe Kings; nor Aristocra­tical, that is over [...]mated or eclipsed by the Nobilitie, as the Scottish King­dom, but ever respective to the other degrees. That Aristocracie be not to magnificent nor intire to it self, but [Page 11] communicate with the people some commodities of State or Government, the Venetians and sometimes the Ro­ [...] allowed the people to elect certain Magistrates out of themselves, to have a Tribune, to make Plebiscita, &c. So a Free State or Common-wealth that it is not over popular, viz. That it de­press not too much the richer, wiser, nor leaneder sort; but admit them to offi­ces with a Caution out of the rules and masteries of that State. That they seek no alteration of the present State. The reason, because the moderate States in their several kinds (as all other things that observe the mean) are best framed for their continuance, because they give less cause or grudge, envy, and affecting the Wealth, Honour, and [...], which they see in others that [...] the State; and so are less subject to stirs and commotions, and easiest kept in their present State wherein they are set.


THe parts of the State, or those Ma­gistrates that bear place or sway in the publick Government.

Parts or partakers of Publick Govern­ment, are

  • [Page 12]1. Councel or Senate, which consult­eth of all matters pertaining to War and Peace, Magistrates, &c. in admi [...] ­ting of whom there ought to be a mo [...] special care, that they may be men ex­pert in matter of Policie, because it i [...] their Trade and Vo [...]ation, as men use to chuse Pilots, and Masters of Ships, such as know the Art of Navigation, and no [...] Husband men, &c. And so the con­trarie.
  • 2. Magistrates and Officers, which are to be executioners of that which consulted, and found to be expedient for the Common-wealth, wherein are to be observed, the kinds of Magistrate than they be such as fit that kind of Government; The time of their conti­nuance, and the manner of their ele­ction or appointing, by whom, out t [...] whom, and in what manner they be chosen.
  • 3. Judges; To determine in Civil and Criminal matters, where are to be observed, out of whom they are to be chosen; what kinds are necessary, and the manner of Judgement and Judicial proceeding.
In Magi­strates are to be ob­served.
  • [Page 13]1. Kinds of Magi­strates.
    • 1. Civil.

      1. Superiour, which are to be such & of that kind as agree with the State, as Consuls for a year, and not perpetual Di­ctatours in a Senatorie State. Praetors & Cen­sors, that over-see manners & orders of the people.

      For a King­dom Lieutenant of Shires, Mar­shals, Masters of Horse, Ad­mirals, &c.

      Inferiour, as conservatours of Peace, Consta­bles, &c.

      Overseers of youth that take care for their education for civil and war­like exercise.

      [Page 14] Clarks of the Market that provide for the quantity, and price of victual.

      Ed [...]es for Buildings, Streets, Bounds.

      Questours, or Trea­surers, to keep and di­spence the publick Treasury.

      A [...]u [...]ies, or Recor­ders, which keep the publick Record.

      Goalers to keep pri­son and Prisoners.

      Surveyours of woods and fields, &c.

      • 1. As Bishops or Pa­stours, Elders, Wardens.
      • 2. Time of Magi­strates, whereof some are perpetual, some for a time, viz. for more years, a year, half a year, according to the necessity of the Com­mon-wealth, and not perpetual; or at least not Heredetary in a Kingdom. Yearly in an Aristocracie, or half [Page 15] yearly in a Free-State.
      • 3. Manner of choice, by whom and how to be chosen, where especially they are to be chosen by suffrage, and not by Lot.
    • 2. Ec­lesiasti­cal.

Causes preserving a State, or Common-wealth.

In pre­serving of States a things requi­red.
  • 1 Mysteries, or Sophisms
    • 1. General to all States.
    • 2. Particu­lar for eve­ry several State.
  • 2. Rules, or Actions.
    • 1. General, for all States.
    • 2. Particular, for every State.

Mysteries, or Sophisms.

MYsteries, or Sophisms of State, are certain secret practices, either for the avoiding of danger, or avert­ing such effects as tend to the preser­vation [Page 16] of the prefent State, as it is set or founded.

State Mysteries are of two sorts.

  • 1. Generall: That pertain to all States; as first to provide by all means, that the same degree, or part of the Common-wealth, do not exceed both in Quantity and Quality. In Quantity, as that the number of the Nobility, or of great persons, be not more, than the State or Common-wealth can bear. In Quality, as that none grow in wealth, Liberty, Honours, &c. more than it is meet for that degree; For as in weights, the heavier weights bear down he Scale: So in Common-wealths, that part of degree that ex­celleth the rest in Quality and Quan­tity, overswayeth the rest after it, where­of follow alterations, and conversions of [...]tate. Secondly, to provide by all means, that the middle sort of people exceed both the extreams, (viz.) of Nobility and Gentry, and the base rascal, and beggarly sort. For this maketh the State constant and firm, when both the Extreams are tied together by a middle sort, as it were with a band, as for any conspiracie of the rich and beg­garly sort together, it is not to be fear­ed. To these two points, the Particu­lar [Page 17] rules in Sophisms of every Common-wealth, are to be applied.
  • 2. Particular: That serve for pre­servation of every Common wealth, in that form of State wherein it is setled as in a Kingdom. That the Nobility may be accustomed to bear the Govern­ment of the Prince, especially such as have their dwelling in remote places from the Princes eye, it is expedient to call them up at certain times to the Princes Court, under presence of doing them honour, or being desirous to see, and enjoy their presence; and to have their children, especially their eldest, to be attendant upon the Prince, as of special favour towards them and theirs, that so they may be trained up in du­ty and obedience towards the Prince, and be as Hostages for the good heha­viour, and faithfull dealing of their Parents, especially, if they be of any suspected note. To that end serves the Persian practice, in having a Band, or Train of the Satrapa's children, and other Nobles to attend the Court; which was well imitated by our Train of He [...]r, if they were of the No­bler sort. Again, sometimes to borrow small sums of his Subjects and to pay them again, that he may after borrow [Page 18] greater sums and never pay: So in an Oligarchie, least it decline to a Popular State, they deceive the people with this and the like Sophisms, (viz. They compel their own sort, to wit, the rich men, by great penalties, to frequent their Assemblie, for choosing of Ma­gistrates, for provision of Armour, war­like Exercises, making an Execution of Laws, &. By that means seemin; to bear a hard hand over the richer, but to suffer the poorer, and meaner sort to be absent, and to neglect those Assemblies under pretence, that they will not draw them from their business, and private earnings: Yet withall to cite thither some few of them, (viz.) so many as are casily over-matched by the richer sort, to make a shew, that they would have the people or poorer sort, partakers likewise of those mat­ters, yet terrifying those that come to their Assemblies, with the tendiousnesse of consultations, greatnesse of Fines, if they should mis-do, to the end, to make them unwilling to come again, or to have to do with those Consultations, by which means, the richer sort do still, govern the State, with the peoples li­king, and good contentment.


Axioms or Rules of pre­serving the State are,

  • 1. General, that serve for all Common-wealths.
  • 2. Particular, that serve for every several State.

General Rules.

1. THe first and principal Rule of Policie to be observed in all States, is to profess, & practise, & maintain the true worship & Religio of Almighty God prescribed unto us in his word, which is the chief end of all Government. The Axiom, That God be obeyed simply without excep­tion, though he command that which seemeth unreasonable, and absurb to Humane policy; as in the Jews Com­mon-wealth: That all the men should repair yearly to one place to worship God four times, leaving none to de­fend their coast, though being beset with many Enemies. Not to sow the seventh year, but to suffer the ground to rest untilled without respect or fear of famine, &c.

[Page 20]2. To avoid the causes of Conversi­on, whereby States are over thrown, that are set down in the Title of con­versions; For that Common wealth (as naturall bodies) are preserved by avoid­ing that which hurteth the health and State thereof, and are so cured by con­trary medicines.

3. To take heed, that no Magistrate be created or continued, contrarie to the Laws and policie of that State. As that in a Se [...]at [...], there be not created a perpetual Dictaetor, as Caesar in Rome. In a Kingdom, that there be no Senate, or Convention of equall power with the Prince in State matters, as in Po­land.

4. To create such Magistrates as love the State as it is setled, and take heed of the contrarie practise, as to advance Popular persons in a Kingdom, or Ari­stocracie. And secondly, to advance such as have skill to discern what doth preserve, and what hurreth or altereth the present State.

5. To that end to have certain Offi­cers to pay abroad, and to observe such as do not live and behave themselves in fit sort, agreeable to the present State, but desire rather to bee under some other form, or kind of Government.

[Page 21]6. To take heed that Magistracies be not sold for money, nor bribe in their Offices, which especially to be observed in that Common wealth, which is governed by a few of the richer sort; For if the Magistrate gain nothing but his Common Fees, the common sort, and such as want honour, take in good part that they be not preferred, and are glad rather that themselves are suffe­red to intend private business. But if the Magistrate buy and sell matters, the common people are doubly grieved, both because they are debat'd of those preferments, and of that gain they see to grow by them, which is the cause that the German Oligarchies continue to firm for both they suffer the poorer sort to grow into wealth, and the rich­er sort are by that means freed, and se­cured from being under the poor.

7. To take heed that the State, as it is setled and maintained, be not over­strict, nor exceed in his kind; (viz.) That a Kingdom be not too Monarchi­call, nor a P [...]ul [...] State too P [...]u [...]ar: For which cause it is good, that the Ma­gistrates sometimes) yield of his right touching honour, and bahave them­selves familiarly with those that are equall unto them in other parts, though [Page 22] inferiour for place and office; And sometimes popularly with the com­mon people, which is the cause that some Common wealths, though they be very simply, and un kilfully set, yet continue firm, because the Magistrates behave themselves wisely, and with due respect toward, the rest that are with­out honour; and therefore some kind of Moderate Popularity is to be used in every Common-wealth.

8. To take heed of small beginnings, and to meet with them even at the first, as well touching the breaking and altering of Laws, as of other rules which concern the continuance of eve­ry severall State. For the desease and a teration of a Common-wealth, doth not happen all at once, but grows by degrees, which every common wit cannot discern, but men expert in POLICIE.

9. To provide, that that part be e­ver the greater in number and power, which favours the State as now it stands. This is to be observed as a very Oracle in all Common-wealths.

10. To observe a mean in all the de­grees, and to suffer no part to exceed, or decay overmuch. As first for pre­ferments, [Page 23] to provide that they be ra­ther small and short, than great and long; and if any be grown to overmuch greatness, to withdraw or diminish some part of his honour. Where these Sophisms are to be practised (viz.) to do it by parts and degrees; to do it by occasion, or colour of law, and not all at once. And it that way serve not, to advance some other, of whose virtue and faithfulness, we are fully assined, to as high a degree, or to a greater ho­nour; and to be the friends and fol­lowers of him that excelleth, above that which is meet. As touching wealth, to provide, that those of the middle sort (as before was said) be more in number; and if any grow high, and over charged with wealth, to use the Sophisms of a Popular State, viz to send him on Embassages, and Forreign Negotiations, or imploy him in some Office that hath great charges, and little honour, &c. To which end, the F [...]ful served in some Common-wealths.

11 To Suppress the Factions, and quarrels of the Nobles, and to keep other that are yet free from joyning with them in their partakings and Fa­ctions.

[Page 24]12. To increase or remit the Com­mon Taxes and Contributions; accord­ing to the wealth, or want of the Peo­ple and Commonwealth. If the people be increased in Wealth, the Taxes and Subsidies may be increased. If they be poor, and their Wealth diminish, spe­cially by dearth, want of Traffick, &c. to forbear Taxes and Impositions, or to take little. Otherwise grudge and discontentments must needs follow. The Sophisms that serve for imposit­ions, are these, and other of like sort, To pretend business of great charge, as War, building of Ships making of Ha­vens, Castles, Fortifications, &c. for the common defence; sometimes by Lotteries and like devises, wherein some part may be bestowed, the rest reserved for other expences; but Princely dealings needs no preten­ces.

13. To Provide that the Discipline & Training of youth of the better sort to such as agreeth with that Common­wealth: As that in a Kingdom, the sons of Noble men to be attendant at the Court, that they may be accustom­ed to obedience towards the Prince. In the Senatory State, that the sons o [...] the Senatours be not idly, nor over [Page 25] daintily brought up, but well instruct­ed and trained up in Learning, Langues, and nartiall exercise that they may be able to bear that place in the Com­mon-wealth, which their Father held, and c [...]nt any wise, in a Popular State.

14. To take heed, least their So­phisms, or secret practises for the conti­nuance and maintenance of that State, be not discovered; least by that means they refuse and disappoint themselves, but wisely used, and be with great se­crecie.

Particular Rules.

Rules and Axioms, for preserving of a King­dom.

  • Hereditary.
  • Conquered.

Kingdoms Hereditary, are preserved at home by the ordering.

1. HImself, viz. By the tempering and moderation of the Princes Answer and Prerogative. For the less and more Temperate their Power and State is the more firm, and stable is [Page 26] their Kingdom and Government; be­cause they seem to be further off from a Master like, and Tyrannte all Empire; and lesse unequall in condition to the next degree, to wit, the Nobility, and so lesse subject to grudge and en­vy.

2. Nobility, &c. By keeping that degree and due proportion, that nei­ther they exceed in number more than the Realm, or State can bear, as the Scottish Kingdom, and sometime the English, when the Realm was over­charged with the number of Dukes, Earls, and other Noble; whereby the Authority of the Prince was eclipsed, and the Realm troubled with their Fa­ctions and Ambitions. Nor that any one excel in Honour, power, or wealth, as that he resemble another King with­in the Kingdom, as the house of Lancaster within this Realm. To that end, not to load any with too much Honour or preferment, because it is hard even for the best, and worthiest men, to bear their greatnesse, and high Fortune temperately, as appeareth by infinit examples in all States. The Sophisms for preventing, or reforming this inconvenience, are to be used with great caution and wisdom. If any [Page 27] great person be to be abated, not do real with him by calumniation or forged [...]atter, and so to cut him off without desert, especially if he be gratious among the people, after the [...]chiav­ [...]an Place, which besides the injustice, an occasion many times of greater danger towards the Prince. Not to withdraw their Honour all at once, which maketh a desperate [...] in the party, and a commisera­tion in the people, and so greater love, he be gracious for his virtue, and pu­blick service. Not to banish him into Forreign Countries, where he may have opportunity of practising with Forreign States, whereof great danger may [...] [...]e, as in the example of [...]ortulanus, Henry the fourth, and such like. But to use these, and the like Sophisms, viz. To abate their greatnesse by degrees, as David Joabs, fa [...]a Bellisarius, &c. To advance some other men to as great, or greater Honour, to shadow, [...] over-mate the greatnesse of the other. To draw from him by degrees his friends, and followers by [...]vefer­ [...], rewards, and other good and lawfull means; especially, to be pro­vided that these great men be not im­ployed in great or powerfull affairs of [Page 28] the Common wealth, whereby they may have more opportunity to sway the State.

3. People, viz. So to order and be­have himself that he be loved, and re­verenced of the People. For that the Prince need not greatly fear home con­spirac [...]es, or forreign Invation, she be firmly loved of this own people. That reason, for that the Rebel can neither hope for any forces for so great enter­prise, not any refuge, being discovered & put to flight, [...]t the multitude affect their Prince: But the common people being once offended, hath cause to fear every moving, both at home and abroad. This may be affected by the Prince, the use means and art of get­ting the favour of the people, and avoid those things that breed have and contempt; viz. if he seem as Tutor, or a Father to love the people and to protect them, if he maintain the peace of his Kingdom; For that no­thing is more popular, nor more plea­sing to the people than is peace.

4. If he shew himself oftentime graciously, yet with State and Majestie to his people, and receive complaint of his suppliants, and such like.

[Page 29]5. If he sit himself sometimes in Open Courts, and place of [...]ustice that he may seem to have a care of I [...] ­stice among his people. If he bestow many benefits and graces upon that Citie, which he maketh the seat of his L [...], and to make it sure and faith­full unto him, which is fit to be in the middle of his Kingdom, as the heart in the middle of the body, or the Sun in the middle of Heaven, both to divide himself more easily into all the parts of his Dominions; and least the furthest parts at one end move, whilest the Prince is in the other. If he go in progress many times to see his Pro­vinces, especially, those that are re­mite.

6 If he gratifie his Cou [...]tiers and [...]ians in that sort, and by such means, as that he may seem not to pleasure them with the hurt & injury of his people, as with M [...]n [...]ol [...]es, and such like.

7 If he commit the handling of such things as procure envy, or seem grievous to his Ministers, but reserve those things which are gratefull, and well pleasing to himself, as the French Kings, who for that purpose, as may seem, have erected their Court at Pa­ris, [Page 30] which acquitteth the Prince from grudge and envy, both with the Nobles and the scope.

8. If he borrows sometimes sums of money of his people, though he have no need, and pay the same justly with­out defalcation of any part by his Ex­chequer, or other Officer.

9. If he avoid all such things as may breed h [...]tre [...] or contempt of his person which may be done, if he shew himself not too light, unconstant, hard, cruel, esteminate, fearfull, and [...]asterdly, &c. But contrariwise Religious, Grave, Just Valiant, &c. Whereby appeareth the false doctrine of the Machiavilian Po­licie, with far the better means to keep the people in obedience, than love, and reverence of the people towards the Prince.

10. If the Prince be well furnished with Warlike provision, which is to be rumoured, and made known abroad: if it be known, that he is reverenced, and obeyed by his peoples at home.

11. If he provide so much as lieth in him, that his neighbour Kingdoms grow not over much in power and Do­minior; which if it happen, he is to joyn speedily with other Princes, which [Page 31] are in like danger to abate that great­ness, and to strengthen himself and the rest against it. An oversight of the Christian Princes towards the King of Spain.

12 If he get him Intelligencers by reward, or other means, to detect or hinder the designs of that Prince, with whom he hath differences, if any thing be intended against his State. Or at least have some of his own Lydging abroad about that Princes Court, un­der colour of Embassage, or some other pretence; which must be men of skill and Dexterity to serve for that turn.

13. To observe the Laws of his Country, and not to encounter them with his Prerogate, nor to use it at all where there is a Law, for that it ma­keth a secret and just grudge in the peoples hearts, especially if it tender to take from them their comm [...]d [...]t [...]es, and to bestow them upon other of his COURTIERS and Mini­sters.

14. To provide especially, That that part, which favoureth the State as it standeth, be more potent, than the other which favoureth it not or desireth a change.

[Page 32]15. To make speciall choise of good and sound men to bear the place of Magistrates, especially of such as as­sist the Pr [...] on Cou [...]sels, and Poli­cie [...], and not to lean overmuch to his own advise, contrarie to the rule of Ma [...]li [...] who teacheth, That a Prince can have no good [...]sul, except it be in himself; his reason, [...] use if he use the [...] is in dang [...]r to be over w [...]d by him; and if he counsel with more, then he shall be [...] in opi­ [...]i [...]s. As if a Prince of great, or mean wisdom, could not take the Judgement of all his c [...]nc [...]llours in any point of Po [...], or of so many as he himself thinke he good, and to take it either by word, or in writing; and him­self then in private peruse them all, and so after good and mature deliberation, make choise of the best, without any distraction of binding himself to the di­rection of one. For the Proverb is true. that two eyes see more than one; and there­fore the advises, and Consultations of a Senatory State is compared by some to a Feast, or dinner, where many contribute to­wards the [...]t, by which means they have more variety of dishes, and so better fare: and yet every mean may make choice of [Page 33] that dish that serveth him best for his [...]e.

16. The Prince himself is to sit sometimes in place of publick ju­stice, and to give an experiment of his wisdom and equity, whereby great re­verence and estimation is gotten, as in the example of Sol [...]man, which may seem the reason, why our Kings of En­gland had their Kings Bench in Place of publick justice, after the manner of the ancient Kings that sate in the Gate; where for better performing of this Princely duty, some speciall causes may be selected, which may throughly be debated and considered upon by the Prince in Private, with the help and ad­vice o [...] his learned Councell, and so be decided publickly, as before is said, by the Prince himself; At least, the Prince is to take accompt of every Mi­nister of publick Justice, that it may be known, that he hath a care of ju­stice, and doing right to his people, which makes the Iusticers also to be more carefull in performing of their duties.

17. To be moderate in his Taxes, and in positions; and when need doth require to use the Subjects purse, to do it by Parliament, and with their [Page 34] consents, making the cause apparent unto them, and shewing his unwilling­nesse in charging them Finally, so to use it, that it may seem rather an offer from his Subjects, than an exaction by him.

18. To stop small beginnings; unto this end to compound the dissentions that rise amongst the Nobles, with caution, that such as are free be not drawn into parts, whereby many times the Prince is endangered, and the whose Common-wealth set in a combusti­on; as in the example of the Barons, War, and the late Wars of France, which grew from a quarrel betwixt the [...]o [...] Faction, and the other No­bility.

19. To stir up the people, if they grow secure, and negligent of Armour, and other provision for the Common­wealth, by some rumour or fear of dan­ger at home, to make more ready when occasion requireth. But this seldom to be used, least it be supposed a false Alarm, when there is need in­deed.

20 To have speciall care, that his children, especially, the heir apparent, have such bringing up as is meet for a King, viz. in learning, specially of [Page 35] matters pertaining to State, and in Mar­tiall exercise, contrary to the practise of many Princes, who suffer their chil­dren to be brought up in pleasure, and to spend their time in hunting, &c. which by reason of their defects, after­wards is a cause of mis-government and alteration of State.

II. Kingdoms new gotten, or purchased by force, are pre­served by these means.

FIrst, if they have been Subjects before to his Ancestours, or have the same tongue, manners, or fashions, as have his own Countrey, it is an easie matter to retain such Countries within their obedience, in case the Princes bloud of the said Countrey be wholly extinct. For men of the same qua­lity, tongue, and condition, do easily s [...]ole, and combine themselves together, so much the rather, if the people of that Countrey have served before, and were not accustomed to their own Li­berty, wherein especially is to be ob­served, [Page 36] that the Laws and customs of that purchased Countrey be not alte­red nor innovated, or at least it be done by little and little. So the B [...]r­gundians and oquitans were annexed to France. The reason, because part­lty they have been accustomed to serve, and partly, for that they will not easily agree about any other to be their Prince, if the Bloud Royall be cas [...] extinguished. As for the invasion of a forreign Countrey, where into the Prince hath no right, or whereof the right heir is living: It is not the part of a just Civil Prince, much less a Christian Prince to enforce such a countrey: and therefore, the Machiavillian practises in this case, to make sure work by extiguishing wholly the Bloud Royall, is lewd and impertinent: The like is to be said of murthering the Natives, or the greatest part of them, to the end he may hold the rest in sure possession. A thing not onely against Christian Reli­gion, but it is inhumane injustice, cruel, and barbarous.

2. The safest way is, (supposing a right) that some good part of the Natives be transplanted into some o­ther place, and our Colonies, consist­ing of so many as shall be thought [Page 37] meet, be planted there in some part of the Province, Castls, Forts, and Havens, seized upon, and more provided in fit places, as the manner was of the Baby­lonian Monarch, which Transplanted 10. Jews: And of the Romans in France, Tribes of the Germany, Britain, & other places. The reason:

  • 1. For that otherwise Forces of Horse and Foot, are to be main­tained within the Province [...], which cannot be done without great charge.
  • 2. For that the whole Province is troubled and grieved with re­moving and supplying the Army with victual, carriages, &c.
  • 3. For that Colonies are more sure and faithfull, than the rest.

As for the Natives that are removed from their former seats, they have no means to hurt, and the rest of the Natives being free from the inconvenience, and fearing that themselves may be so served if they attempt any thing rashly, are content to be quiet.

The Turks practise in Asia, where the chief grounds and dwellings are possessed by the Souldiers, [Page 38] whom they call Timari [...]tae.

That the Prince have his seat and his residence, in his new pur­chase, especially, for a time, till things be well setled; especial­ly if the Province be great and large, as the Turks in Greece: The reasons;

  • 1. Because the presence of the Prince availeth much to keep things in order, and get the good will of his new Subjects
  • 2. They conceive that they have re­fuge by the Princes presence, if they be oppressed by the Lieu­tenants, and inferiour Govern­ours: Where it will be conveni­ent for the winning the peoples hearts, that some example be made of punishing of such as have committed any violence or oppression.
  • 3. Because being present, he seeth and heareth what is thought & attempted; and so may quickly give remedy to it, which being absent he cannot do, or not do in time.
  • 4. If the Prince himself cannot be present to reside, then, to take heed that the charge of Governing, or new [Page 39] purchases be committed to such as be sure men, and of other meet quality, that depend wholly upon the Princes savour, and not to Natives, or other of their own Subjects, that are gracious for their Nobility, or Virtue; especially, if the Province be great, and some­what far distant, which may soon se­duce the unsetled affections of those new subjects, As for such Governours, as depend wholly upon the Princes sa­vour, being not born, but created No­ble, they will not so easily suffer them­selves to be won from their duty, and in case they would revolt, yet they are not able to make any great strength, for that the people obey them but as instruments and ministers, to keep them in Subjection, and not for any ill will
  • 5. To have the children of the chief Noble men, and of greatest Au­thority, Hostages with them in safe keeping, the more the bettter: For that no bond is stronger, than that of nature, to contain the Parents and Allies in obedience, and they the rest.
  • 6 To alter the laws but by degrees one after another, and to make other that are more behoovefull for the esta­blishing [Page 40] of the present Govern­ment.
  • 6. To keep the people quiet and peaceable, and well affected so much as may be, that they may seem by be­ing conquered, to have gotten a pro­tectour, rather than a Tyrant; For the Common-People, if they enjoy peace, and be not distracted nor drawn from their businesse, nor exacted upon beyond measure, are easily contained under obedience; Yet notwithstand­ing, they are to be dis-used from the practise of Arms, and other Exerci­ses which increase courage, and be weakened of Armor, that they have neither spirit, nor will to rebell.
  • 7. If there be any faction in the Countrey, to take to him the defence of the better and stronger part, and to combine with it, as Caes [...]r in Fr [...]nce.
  • 8. To look well to the Borders, and confining P [...]ovinces, and if any rule there of great, or equall power to him­self, to joyn leage with some other Borde [...], tho [...]gh of lesse strength, to hinder he at [...]empts: if any should be) by such neighbour Prince. For it hap­peneth, often, that a Countrey infested by one neighbour Prince, calleth in [Page 41] another, of as great, or greater power, to assist and rescue it from the other that invadeth it; So the [...]mans were call [...]d into G [...], by the AEt [...]ians; the [...]ns, by the Britai [...]s, the Danes, by the Saxon [...].
  • 9. To leave their Titles and digni­ties to the Natives, but the command and Authority, wholly to his own.
  • 10. Not to put much trust, nor to practise too often the S [...]p [...]sm of Poli­cie, especially those that appertain to a Tyrannicall State, which are soon de­tected by men of Iudgement, and so being discredit to the Prince, and his Policy among the wiser, and better sort of his Subjects, whereof must needs follow very ill effects.

The S [...] of Tyrants, are rather to be known, than practised, (which are for the supporting of their Tyrannicall States,) by wise and good Princes, and are these, and such like as follow.

Rules Politick of Tyrants.

Rules practised by Tyrants are of 2. sorts, viz.

  • 1. Barbarous, and Professed, which is [Page 42] proper to those that have got head, and have power sufficient of them­selves, without others help, as in the Turkish, and Russe Govern­ment.
  • 2. Sophisticall, and Dissembled; As in some States that are reputed for good and lawfull Monarchies, but in­clining to Tyrannies, proper to those which are not yet setled, nor have power sufficient of themselves; but must use the power and help of others, and so are forced to be Politick So­phisters.

I. Sophisms of a Barbarous and professed Tyranny.

TO expell and banish out of his Countrey all honest means, where. by his people may attain to learning, wisdom, valour and other virtues, that they might be fit for that estate, and servile condition. For that these two, learning, and martiall exercise, effect two things most dangerous to a Ty­ranny: viz Wisdom, and Valour. For that men of spirit and understanding, can hardly endure a Servile State. [Page 43] To this end, to forbid learning of li­berall Arts, and Martiall exercise; As in the Russe Government so Julian the Apostata dealt with the Christians. Contrariwise, to use his people to base occupations, and Mechanicall Arts, to keep them from idlenesse, and to put away from them all high thoughts, and manly conceits, and to give them a li­berty of drinking drunk, and of other base and lewd conditions that they may be sorted, and so made unfit for great enterprises. So the Egyptian Kings dealt with the Hebrews; So the Russe Emperour with his Russe peo­ple: And Charls the fifth with the Ne­therlanders, when he purposed to en­close their priviledges, and to bring them under his absolute Govern­ment.

2. To make sure to him, and his State, his Military men by reward, liberty, and other means, especially. his Guard, or Praetorian Band; That being partakers of the spoil and be­nefit, they make like that State, And continue firm to it; as the Turk, his Janizarie; the Russe, his Boyarens, &c.

3. To unarm his people of weapons, money, and all means, whereby they [Page 44] may resist his power; And to that end, to have his set and ordinary exactions &c. Once in two, three, or four years, and sometimes yearly, as the [...]rk and Russe; who is wont to say, that his peo­ple must [...]ed as his flock of sheep, viz. Their people taken from them, least it overlade [...], and grow too heavy; That they are like to his beard, that the more it was shaven the thicker it would grew. And if there be any of extraordinary wealth, to borrow of them in the mean while, till the Tax come about, or up­on some divised matter, to confiscate their goods, as the common practise is of the [...]uss [...] and Turk.

4. To be still in Wars, to the end, his people may need a Captain; and that his Forces may be kept in pra­ctise, as the Russe doth yearly against the Tartar, P [...]lonian, and Sweden, &c.

5. To cut off such as excell the rest in wealth, favour, or nobility; or be of a pregnant, or aspiring wit, and so are fearfull to a Tyrant; and to suffer none to hold Office, or any Honour, but onely of him; as the Turk his B [...]shae [...]; and the Russe, his R [...]zzes.

6. To forbid Guilds, Brotherhoods, Feastings and other Assemblies among [Page 45] the people, that they have no means or opportunity to conspire, or confer together of publick matters, or to main­tain love amongst themselves, which is very dangerous to a Tyrant, the Russes practice.

7. To have their Beagles, or l [...]stener in every corner, & parts of the Realm; especially, in places that are more suspect, to learn what every man saith, or thinketh, that they may prevent all at­tempts, and take away such [...]s mislike their S [...].

8. To make Schism, and Division among his Subjects, viz. To set one Noble man against another, and one Richman against another, that through Fact on & disagreement among them­selves they may be weakened, and at­tempt nothing against him, and by this means entertaining whispering, and complaints, he may know the secrets of both parts, and have matter against them both, when need requireth. So The Russe made the Faction of the Zem­sky, and the [...].

9. To have strangers for his Guard, and to entertain Parasites, and other base and [...]ervile fellows, not too wise, and yet subtile, that will be ready for reward to do and execute what he [Page 46] commandeth, though never so wicked and unjust. For that good men can not flatter, and wise men cannot serve a Tyrant.

All these practises and such like, may be contracted into one or two, viz. To bereave his sub­jects of will and power to do him hurt, or to alter the present State The use is Caution, not Imitation.

II. Sophisms of the Sophillicall, or subtile Tyrant, to hold up his State.

1. TO make shew of a good King, by observing a temper and medio­crity in his Government, and whole course of life; To which end, it is ne­cessary, That this subtile Tyrant, be a cunning Polititian, or a Machiavilian at the least, and that he be taken so to be, for that it maketh him more to be feared and regarded, and is thought thereby: not unworthy for to Govern others.

2. To make shew not of severity, but of gravity, by seeming reverent, [Page 47] and not terrible in his speech, and gesture, and habit, and other demean­our.

3. To pretend care of the Com­mon-wealth; And to that end, to seem loath to exact Tributes, and other charges; and yet to make ne­cessity of it, where none is: To that end to procure such War as can bring no danger toward his State, and that might easily be compounded, or some other chargeable business; and to con­tinue it on, that he may continue his exaction and contribution so long as he list. And thereof to imploy some in his publick service, the rest to hoord upon his Treasury, which is sometimes practised even by lawfull Princes, as Edward the fourth in his Wars against France, when have levied a great sum of money throughout his Realm, espe­cially of the Londoners, he went over Seas, and returned without any thing doing.

4. Sometimes to give an account by open speech, and publick writing, of the expence of such Taxes and Impo­sitions, as he hath received of his sub­jects, that he may seem to be a good husband and frugal, and not a robbe of the Common-wealth.

[Page 48]5. To that end, to bestow some cost upon publick buildings, or some other work for the Common good, especial­ly upon the Ports, Forts, and chief Ci­ties of his Realm, that so he may seem a benefactour, & have a delight in the adorning of his Country, or doing some good for it.

6. To forbid feastings, and other meetings, which increase love, and give opportunity to confer together of publick matters, under pretence of sparing cost for better uses, To that end the Curficu Bell was first ordain­ed by William the Conquerour, to give men warning to repair home at a cer­tain hour.

7. To take heed that no one grow to be over-great, but rather, many equally great, that they may envy, and contend one with another; and if he resolve to weaken any of this sort, to do it warily and by degrees; If quite to wreck him, and to have his life, yet to give him a lawfull tryal, after the manner of his Country; And if he proceed so far with any or great power and estimation, as to do him contumely, or disgrace, not to suffer him to escape, because contumely and disgrace, are things contrarie unto Ho­uour, [Page 49] which great spirits do most de­sire, and so are moved rather to a re­venge for their disgrace, than to any thankfulnesse, or acknowledging the Princes favour for their pardon or dis­mission: True in Ath [...]ists, but not in true Christian Nobility.

8. To unarm his people, and store up their weapons, under pretence of keeping them safe, and having them ready when service requireth. and then to arm with them such, and so many as he shall think meet, and to commit them to such as are sure men.

9. To make schism or division un­der hand among his Nobility, and be­twixt the Nobility and the people, and to set one Rich man against another, that they combine not together, and that himself by hearing the griefs and complaints, may know the secrets of both parts, and so have matter against them both, when it listeth him to call them to an account.

10. To offer no man any contume­ly or wrong, specially, about womens matters, by attempting the chastity of their Wives or Daughters, which hath been the ruin of many Tyrants, and conversion of their States. As of Tar­quinius, [Page 50] by Brutus, Appius, by Virgi­nius, Pisistratus, by Harmodius, Alexander Medices, Duke of Florence, Aloi­sus of Placen [...]a, Rodericus, King of Spain, &c.

11. To that end, to be moderate in his pleasures, or to use them close­ly that he be not seen; For that men sober, or watchfull, or such as seem so, are not lightly subject to contempt, or conspiracies of their own.

12. To reward such as atchieve some great or commendable enter­prize; or do any speciall action for the Common-wealth, in that man­ner as it may seem, they could not be better regarded, in case they lived in a Free-State.

13. All rewards and things grate­full, to come from himself, but all pu­nishments, exactions, and things un­gratefull, to come from his Officers, and publick Ministers; And when he hath effected what he would by them, if he see his people discontented withall, to make them a Sacrifice to pacifie his Subjects.

14. To pretend great care of Reli­gion, and of serving God, (which hath been the manner of the wickedest [Page 51] Tyrants) for that people do less fear any hurt from those, whom they do think Virtuous and Religious, nor at­tempt likely to do them hurt, for that they think that God protects them.

15. To have a strong and sure Guard of forreign Souldiers, and to bind them by good turns, that they having at least profit, may depend upon him and the present State; As Caeli­gula, the German Guard, where the Nobility are many and mighty. The like is practised by Lawfull Kings, as by the French King.

16. To procure that other great persons be in the same fault, or case with them, that for that cause they be forced to defend the TYRANT, for their own safe­tie.

17. To take part, and to joyn him­self with the stronger part; if the Common people, and mean degree be the stronger, to joyn with them; if the Rich and Noble, to joyn with them. For so that part with his own strengh, will be ever able to overmatch the other.

18. So to frame his manners and whole behaviour, as that he may seem, [Page 52] if not perfectly good, yet tolerably evil, or somewhat good, somewhat bad.

These Rules of Hypocriticall Ty­rants are to be known, that they may be avoided, and met withall, and not drawn into imi­tation.

Preservation of an Ari­stocracie.

RUles to preserve a Senatory State, are partly taken from the common Axioms, and partly from those that preserve a Kingdom.

Preservation of an Oligarchie, by • Sophisms. , and • Rules. 

1. IN Consultations and Assemblies about publick affairs, to order the matter, that all may have liberty to frequent their Common Assem­blies, and Councels; But to impose a Fine upon the richer sort, if they omit that duty. On the other side, to pardon the people, if they absent themselves, and to bear with them un­der [Page 53] pretence, that they may the bet­ter intend their Occupations, and not be hindered in their trades, and earn­ings.

2. In election of Magistrates, and Officers: To suffer the poorer sort to vow, and abjure the bearing of Office, under colour of sparing them, or to enjoyn some great charge, as incident to the Office, which the poor cannot bear. But to impose some great Fine upon those that be rich, if they re­fuse to bear Office, being Elect unto it.

3. In judiciall matters: In like man­ner to order, that the people may be absent from publick Trials, under pre­tence of following their businesse. But the Richer to be present, and to com­pel them by Fines, to frequent the Court.

4. In Warlike exercise and Arms: That the poor be not forced to have Armor, Horse, &c. under pretence of sparing their cost, nor to be drawn from their trades by Martiall exercises; but to compel the Richer sort to keep their proportion of Armor, Horse, &c. by excessive Fines, and to exercise themselves in War-like matters, &c.

[Page 54]5. To have special care of instruct­ing their children in liberal Arts, Poli­cy, and warlike exercise, and to ob­serve good order and discipline. For as Popular States are preserved by the frequency, and Liberty of the people, so this Government of the Richer, is preserved by discipline, and good order of Governours.

6. To provide good store of warlike furniture, especially of Horse & Horse­men, and of Armed men, viz. Pike, &c. which are proper to the Gentry, as shot, and light furniture are for a Popular Company.

7. To put in practise some points of a Popular State; viz. To lade no one man with too much preferment; To make yearly or half years Magistrates, &c. For that the people are pleased with such things, and they are better secured by this means from the rule of one. And if any grow to too much greatness, to abate him by the Sophisms fit for this State.

8. To comit the Offices and Ma­gistracies, to those that are best able to bear the greatest charges for publick matters, which both rendeth to the conservation of this State, and pleaseth the people, for that they reap some [Page 55] relief, and benefit by it.

9. To the same end, To contract marriages among themselves; the rich with the rich, &c.

10 In some things which concern not the P [...]i [...]ts, and matters of State, as Electing Magistrates, Making Laws, &c. to give an equality, or sometimes a preferment to the Common People, and not to do, as in some Oligarchies they were wont; viz. To swear against the People, to suppresse and bridle them but rather contrary, To mini­ster an Oath at their admission, That they shall do no wrong to any of the Peo­ple; and if any of the richer offer wrong to any of the Commons, to shew some example of severe punish­ment.

For other Atioms that preserve this State, they are to be bor­rowed from those other rules that tend to the preserving of a Popular, and Tyrannicall State; for the strict kind of Oligarchie is kin to a Tyranny.

[Page 56]Preservation of a popular State;

  • Sophisms.
  • Rules or Axiom.

1. IN publick Assemblies and Con­sultations about matters of State, creating of Magistrates, publick Iustice, & Exercise of Arms, to practise the contrary to the former kind of Go­vernment, to wit, an Oligarchie. For in Popular States, the Commons and meaner sort are to be drawn to those Assemblies, Magistrates, Offices, War­like Exercise, &c. By mulcts and re­wards, and the richer sort are to be spared, and not to be forced by fine, or otherwise, to frequent these Exer­cises.

2. To make shew of honouring and reverencing the richer men, and not to swear against them, as the manner hath been in some Popular State; but ra­ther to prefer them in all other mat­ters, that concern not the State and publick Government.

3. To elect Magistrates from among the Commons by Lot, or Ballating, and not to choose any for their wealths sake.

4. To take heed, that no man bear of­fice twice, except it be Military, where the pay, & salary, &c. is to be reserved in [Page 57] their own hands, to be disposed of by a Common Councel, &c. And to see that no man be too highly preferred.

5. That no Magistracy be perpe­tual, but as short as may be, to wit, for a year, half a year, &c.

6. To compel Magistrates, when their time expireth, to give an accompt of their behaviour and government, and that publickly before the Com­mons.

7. To have publick Salaries and al­lowance of their Magistrates, Judges, &c. And yearly dividents for the com­mon people, and such as have most need among them.

8. To make Judges of all matters out of all sorts, so they have some apt­ness to perform that duty.

9. To provide that publick Iudge­ments and Trials be not frequent; and to that end to inflict great Fines and other punishments upon Pettifoggers and Dilators, as the law of requital, &c. Because for the most part the richer and nobler, and not the Commons are indited and accused in this Common­wealth, which causeth the rich to con­spire against the State; whereby many times the popular State is turned into an Oligarchie, or some other Govern­ment. [Page 58] Hereto tendeth that Art of Ci­vil Law, made against Accusers and Calumniatours: Ad Senatus-consultum Tarpthanum, l. 1. de Calumniatoribus.

10. In such free States as are popu­lar, and have no revenue, to provide that publick Assemblies be not after: because they want salary for Pleaders and Oratours; And if they be rich; yet to be wary, that all the revenue be not divided amongst the Commons. For, that this distributions of the Common revenue among the multitude, is like a purse or barrel without a bottom. But to provide, that a sufficient part of the revenue be stored up for the publick affairs.

11. If the number of the poor en­crease too much in this kind of State, to send some abroad out of the Cities into the next Countrey places, and to provide above all, that none do live idely, but be set to their trades. To this end, to provide that the richer men place in their Farms and Coppie holds, such decayed Citizens.

12. To be well advised what is good for this State, and not to suppose that to be fit for a popular State, that seem­eth most popular; but that which is be for the continuance thereof: And [Page 59] to that end, not to lay into the Exche­quer or Common Treasury, such goods as are confiscate, but to store them up as holy and consecrate things, which except it be practised, confiscations, & fines of the Common people would be frequent, and so this State would de­cay by weakening the people.

Conversion of States in ge­neral.

COnversation of a State, is the decli­ning of the Common wealth ei­ther to some other form of Govern­ment, or to his full and last period ap­pointed by God.

Causes of conversions of States are of two sorts: General and Particular.

GEneral, (viz.) 1. Want of Religi­on: viz. of the true knowledge and worship of God, prescribed in his word; and notable sins that pro­ceed from thence in Prince and peo­ple, as in the examples of S [...]u [...], [...]lizz [...]ah, the Iewish State; the four Monarchies, and all other.

[Page 60]2. Want of wisdom and good Coun­cel to keep the State, the Prince, No­bles, and people in good temper, and due proportion, according to their se­veral order and degrees.

3. Want of Iustice either in admi­nistration (as ill Laws, or ill Magi­strates) or in the execution, as rewards not given where they should be, or there bestowed where they should not be, or punishments not inflicted where they should be

4. Want of power and sufficiency to maintain and defend it self, viz. Of provision, as Armor, Money, Captains, Souldiers, &c. Execution, when the means or provision is not used, of all used.

5. Particular: To be noted and col­lected out of the contraries of those rules, that are prescribed for the pre­servation of the Common-wealth.

Particular causes of Conver­sion of States, are of two sorts.

  • 1. FOrreign: By the over greatness of invasion of some forreign Kingdom or other State of meaner [Page 61] power, having a part within our own, which are to be prevented by the pro­vidence of the chief, and rules of po­licy for the preserving of every State: This falleth out very seldom for the great difficulty to overthrow a forreign State.
  • 2. Dome­stick.
    • Sedition or open violence by the stronger part.
    • Alteration without vio­lence.


SEdition is a power of inferiours op­posing it self with force of Armes a­gainst the superiour power, Quasi ditio secedens.

Causes of Sedition are of two sorts.

1. General
  • Liberty.
  • Riches.

    WHen they, that are of equal qua­litie in a Common­wealth, or do take themselves so to be, are not regarded e­qually in all or in a­ny of the these three. or, when they are [Page 62] so unequal in qua­lity, or take them­selves so to be, are regarded but e­qually, or with less respect than those that be of less de­fect in these three things, or in any of them.

  • Honour.
  • 1. IN the Chief: Couetousness or op­pression, by the Magistrate or higher Power, (viz.) when the Magi­strates, especially the Chief, encreaseth his substace & revenue beyond mea­sure, either with the publick or (private calamitie, whereby the Governours grow to quarrel among themselves as in Oligarchie) or the other degrees conspite together, and make quarrel against the Chief, as in Kingdoms: The examples of [...]at Tyl [...]r, Jack Straw, &c.
  • 2. In the [...]f: Injury, when great Spirits, and of great power, are greatly wronged & dishonoured, or take them­selves to be, as Coriolanus, Cyrus mi­nor, Earl of Warwick. In which cases the best way is to decide the wrong.
  • 3. Preferment, or want of prefer­ment; wherein some have over-much, [Page 63] and so wax proud and aspire higher or have more or lesse, than they deserve, as they suppose, and so in envy and dis­dain, seck Innovation on by open faction, so Caesar, &c.
  • 4. Some great necessity or calamity; So Xerxes after the foil of his great Ar­my. And Senacherib after the losse of 185. in one night.
  • 2. Particu­lar.
    • 1. ENvy, when the chief exceed the mediocri­ty before mentioned, and so provoketh the Nobility, and other degrees, to conspire against him; as Brutus Cassi­us, &c. against Caesar.
    • 2. Fear, viz. Of danger when one or more dispatch the Prince by secret practice or force, to prevent his own danger, as Artabanus did Xerxes.
    • 2. Lust or Lechery, as Tar­quinius, Superbus, by Brutus; Pisistrati [...]ae, by Armoaius; Appiu [...] by Virginiu [...].
    • Chief.
      4. Contempt, For vile qua­lity & base behaviour, as Sardana [...]alus, by [...]aces, Di­onysius the younger by Dion.
    • [Page 64]
      Other de­grees.
      5. Contumely; when some great disgrace is done to some of great Spirit, who standeth upon his honour and reputation, as Caligula by Chaereas.
    • Other de­grees.
      6. Hope of Advancement, or some great profit, as Mi­thridates, Anobar [...]anes

Alteration without violence.

CAuses of alteration without vio­lence are; 1.Excess of the State; when by degrees the State groweth from that temper and mediocrity wherein it was, or should have been setled, and exceedeth in power, riches, and absoluteness in his kind, by the ambition & covetousness of the chiefe immoderate taxes, and impositions, &c applying all to his own benefit, without respect of other degrees & so in the end changeth it self into another State or form of Government, as a Kingdom into a Tyrannie, an Oligarchy into an Aristocracy.

2. Excess, of some one or more in the Common-wealth; viz. When some one or more in a Common-wealth [Page 65] grow to an excellency or excesse above the rest, either in honour, wealth, or virtue; and so by permission and popu­lar favour, are advanced to the Sove­reignty: By which means, popular States grow into Oligarchies; and Oli­garchies and Aristocracies into Monar­chies. For which cause the Athenians and some other free States, made their Laws of Ostro [...]ismos, to banish any for a time that should excell, though it were in virtue, to prevent the alteration of their State; Which because it is an un­just Law, 'tis better to take heed as the beginning to prevent the means, that none should grow to that heigth and excellency, than to use so sharp and unjust a remedy.


A METHOD, How to make use of the Book before, in the reading of the Storie.

DAVID being seventy years of age, was of wisdome, Memory, &c. sufficient to govern his Kingdom; 1. Reg. Cap. 1.

Old age is not ever unfit for publick Government.

DAVID being of great years, and so having a cold, dry, and impotent body, married with Abishag, a fair maid, of the best complexion through the whole Realm, to revive his body and prolong his life, 1. Reg. Chap. 1. vers. 3.

Example of the like practise in Charles the Fifth.

DAvid being old and impotent of bo­die, by the advise of his Nobles and Phisitians, married a young maid called Abishag, to warm and preserve his old bodie.


WHether David did well in mar­rying a maid? and whether it be lawfull for an old decayed and impo­tent man, to marrie a young woman; or on the other side, for an old, worn, and decrepite woman, to marrie a young and lustie man.

For the Affirmative.

ARG. The end of marriage is So­ciety and mutual comfort; but there may be Societie and mutual comfort in a marriage betwixt an old, and young partie Ergo 'tis Lawful.

Answ. Societie and comfort is a cause & effect of marriage; but none of the princi­pal [Page 69] ends of marriage: which are:

  • 1. Procreation of children, and so the continuance of mankind.
  • 2.The avoiding of Fornication.

As for comfort and societie they may be betwixt man and man, woman and woman, where no marriage is, and therefore no proper ends of marri­age.

The Negative,

ARG 1. That conjunction, which hath no respect to the right and proper ends, for which marriage was ordained by God, is no lawfull marriage. But the conjunction betwixt an old impo­tent, and young partie hath no respect to the right end, for which marriage was or­dained by God. Therefore it is no law­ful marriage.

2. No contract, wherein the partie contracting, bindeth himself to an impos­sible condition, or to do that which he cannot do, is good or lawfull. But the contract of marriage by an impotent per­son with a young partie, bindeth him to an impossible condition to do that which he cannot do, viz. to perform the duties of Marriage; Therefore it is unlawfull,

[Page 70]For the same cause, the civil Law determineth a nullity in these marriages, except the woman know before the infir­mitie of the man, in which case she can have no wrong, being a thing done with her own knowledge and consent, because Volenti non fit injuria:—In legem Julian. de adulteriis leg. Si Uxor, &c.

It provideth further, for the more cer­tainty of the infirmatie, That three years be expired before the dissolution of the marriage, because that men that have been infirm at the first, by reason of sick­nesse, or some other accident, afterwards proved to be sufficient: De repudiis leg, in causis.

Defence for David, in mar­rying Abishag.

IT was rather a Medicine, than a mar­riage, without any evil, or disordered affection.

2. It was by the perswasion of his No­bles, and Physitians.

3. It was for the publick good, to pro­long the life of a worthy Prince.

4. It was with the knowledge and consent of the young maid, who was made [Page 71] acquainted with the Kings infirmity, and to what end she was married unto him; who if she di [...] it for the common good, and for [...]tes sake, having withall the gift of continency, she is to be commended; if for ambition, or some vain respect, it is her own, and not Davids fault.

Politicall Nobilitie. Adonijah aspiring to the Kingdom.

FIrst, took the advantage of Davids affection and kindnesse towards him, and make him secure of any ill deal­ing.

Secondly, of his age and infirmities, disabling his Father as unfit for Govern­ment.

Thirdly, blazed his title, and Right to the Crown.

Fourthly, got him Chariots, Hors-men, and Foot men, and a guard to make shew of State.

Fifthly, being a comly, and goodly Per­son, made a popular shew of himself, and his qualities.

[Page 72]Sixtly, joyned to himself in Faction Joab, the Generall of the Army, who was in displeasure for murthering of Abner, and Amaza, and feared that David would supply B [...]najah in his place, and so was discontented. And Abiather the high Priest, that was likewise discon­tented with David, for the preferment of Zadok.

Seventhly, bad meetings with them, and other his confederates under pretence of a vow, and offering at the Fountain of Raguel, in the confines of Judea.

Eigthly, made a shew of Religion by Sacrificing, &c.

Ninthly, made himself familiar with the Nobles and people, and entertained them with feasting.

Tenthly, drew into his part the chief Officers of the Court, and Servants to the King, by rewards, Familiarity, &c.

Eleventhly, disgraced and abased the Competitour, and such as he knew would take part with him, and con­cealeth his ambition, and purpose from them.

Twelfthly, had Ionathan a Favourite of the Court, and near about the King to give him intelligent, if any thing were discovered, and moved at the Court, [Page 73] whilest himself was in hand about his practise.

OBSERVATIONS. Ways of such as aspire to the Kingdom, and marks to discern them.

FIrst, they wind into the Princes fa­vour by service, officiousnesse, flatte­rie, &c. to [...]lant him in a good o [...]on of that loyaltie and faithfulnesse, hereby to make him him secure of their practises.

2. They take advantage of the Princes infirmities, age, impotencie, negligence, sex, &c. And work upon that be disa­bling the Prince, and secret detracting of his State, and Government.

3. They blaz their Title, and claim to the Crown, (if they have any with their friends and favourites.

4. They provide them in secret of ex­traordinarie forces, and furniture for the wars, make much of god Souldiers and have a pretence (if it be espied) of some other end, as for the Kings honour, or ser­vice, and to be in readinesse against for­reign enemies, &c.

[Page 74]5 They make open shew of their best qualities, and comlinesse of their persons (which though it be vain as a dumb shew, it is very effectuall to win the li­king of the popular sort, which according to the rule of the election of Kings, in the B [...]es Common wealth; think that For­ma est digna imperare) Activitie, Nobi­laie, Ancestrie, &c.

6 To have their blazers abroad to see out their virtues, and to prepare their friends in every Province.

7. To draw into their part, and make sure unto them of the chief Peers, and men of best quality, such as are mightiest and most gracious with the souldiers, and the Militarie men, and most subtile and politick, especially such as be ambitious and discontent with the State.

8. To have meetings for conference under some pretence of some ordinarie matter in some convenient place, not too near, nor too far off but where friends may best resort and assemble unto them without suspition.

9. To take up a shew, and pretence of Religion more than before, and beyond the practise of their former life.

10 They use popular courtesie (which in a great person is very effectuall) feast­ing, liberality, gaming, &c.

[Page 75]11. To be over liberal, & win to them by gifts familiaritie, &c. the chief Offi­cers of the Court, and Governours of State.

12. To have some near about the Prince, to keep them in credit, and common suspi­tion, if any arise.

13. To disgrace such as they know to be sure and faithfull to the Prince, & present State, or to the competitour, and to bring them into contempt by slander, detraction, and all means they can, and to conceal the designs from them, left they be discovered before they be too ripe.

14. To have some spie near about the Prince, to advertise them if any inckling suspition arise, whilest themselves are pra­ctising.

Note the practises of Absolom, 2 Sam. 16. And of Cyrus minor in Xeno­phon; [...]. cap. 1.

Politicall Prince.

David being a most worthy and excellent Prince for wisdom, valour, religion, [Page 76] and justice, and so highly deserving of the Com­mon-wealth, yet grown into age, grew withall in­to contempt, & had ma­ny both of his Nobles, & common people, that fell from him; first with Abso­lom, then with Adoniiab, who affected the King­dom, and rebelled against him: For remedie where­of, he stirred up himself to publick actions, which might shew his vigour & sufficiencie to manage the affairs of his Kingdom.

1. AFter the victorie against Abso­lom, he forced himself to forbes mourning, and shewed himself to his dis­contented Army, when all were like to fall from him, for his unreasonable sorrow and lamentation for his Son.

[Page 77]2. After the victorie, he caused a general convention to be assembled of the whole Nation, to bring him home with honour to Jerusalem, which was a re­nowing, and re-establishing of him, 2 Sam. 19. 12.

3. He gave an experiment of his power and authoritie, by deposing a person of great author [...] estimation, to wit Io­ab, General Captain of the Armie, and advancing Amasa to his place.

4 He sent kind pssages to Ierusalem, and to other chief and head towns, and special men of Iudea, his contributes, put­ing them of their alliance with him with these word, That they were of his own flesh and bloud, with protestarian of his special love and affection towards them, [...] them with the like kindness [...] towards him.

5. He [...]mbled a Parliament of his [...], and took occasion upon the [...]g [...]ing of his successour, to commend into them he succession of his house, into the con [...]inuance and maintenance of Gods [...]mor in and [...] good the establish­ed and gave a gr [...]ve and publick charge to his Su [...]cessour n [...]w designed, [...]uc [...]ing the manner of his government, and main­taining of religion, 1. Chron. 12. 13.

6. He feared his [...] and munifi­cence [Page 78] in congesting matter for building of the Temple, as gold, silver, brasse, &c. And caused it to be published and mad known to the Parliament and whole Nation, 1. Chron. 22. 13.

7. He revived the Church Govern­ment, and set it in a right order, assigning to every Church Officer his place and function.

8. He suppressed the faction of Adoni­jah, and ordained Solomon his Successor, 1 Kings 1. 21. By these means he retained his Majestie and Authority in his old age, as appeareth by the effect; for that being bed rid, he suppressed the faction of Adonijah, (which was grown mighty, and was set on foot) with his bare command­ment, and signification of his pleasure, and so be died in peace.



Corrected, & enlarged according to the Authours own Copie.

LONDON, Printed for W. Shears Junior, and are to be sold at the Blue Bible in Covent-Garden. 1656.

SIR Walter Raleigh, To His SON.

CHAP. I. Virtuous persons to be made choice of for friends.

THere is nothing more becomming any wise man, than to make choice of friends, for by them thou shalt be judged what thou art: let them therefore be wise and vir­tuous, and none of those that follow thee for gain; but make election ra [...] [Page 81] the of thy betters, than thy Inferiours, shunning always such as are poore and reedy: for of thou givest twenty gifts, and refuse to do the like but once, all that thou hast done will be lost, and such men will becom thy mortal ene­mies: Take also especial care, that thou never trust any friend or servant, with any matter that may endanget thme estate; for so shalt thou make thy felt a bond-slave to him that thou t [...] and leave thy self always, to his mercy: And be sure of this, thou shalt never find a friend in thy young years, whose conditions and qualities will please thee after thou comest to more discretion and judgement, and then all thou givest is lost, and all wherein thou shalt trust such a one, will be discovered. Such therefore as are thy inferiours, will follow thee but to eate thee out, and when thou lea­vest to seed them, they wil hate thee; and such kind of men, if thou preserve thy estate, will always be had: And if thy friends be of better quality than thyself, thou mayest be sure of two things: the first, That they will be more carefull to keep thy counsel, be­cause they have more to loethen thou hast: the second, They will esteem [Page 82] thee for thy self, and not for that which thou doest possesse; but if thou be subject to any great vanity or ill (from which I hope God will blesse thee) then therein trust no man; for every mans folly ought to be his great­est secret And although I perswade thee to associate thy self with thy bet­ters, or at least with thy Peers, yet re­member always that thou venter not thy estate with any of those great ones, that shall attempt unlawfull things, for such men labour for themselves, and not for thee; thou shalt be sure to part with them in the danger, but not in the honour; and to venture a sure estate in present, in hope of a better in future, is meer madnesse: And great men forget such as have done them service, when they have obtained what they would, and will rather hate thee for saying thou hast been a mean of their advancement, than acknow­ledge it.

I could give thee a thousand exam­ples, and I my self know it, and have tasted it in all the course of my life; when thou shalt read and observe the Stories of all Nations, thou shalt find innumerable examples of the like: Let thy love therefore be to the best, [Page 83] so long as they do well; but take heed that thou love God, thy Countrey, thy Prince, and thine own estate, before all others: for the fancies of men change, and he that loves to day, ha­teth to morrow; but let reason be thy School-mistresse, which shall ever guide thee aright.

CHAP. II. Great care to be had in the choosing of a Wife.

THe next and greatest care ought to be in the choice of a Wife, and the onely danger therein, is beauty, by which all men in all ages, wise and foolish, have been betrayed. And though I know it vain to the reasons or arguments, to disswade thee from being captivated therewith there be­ing few or none, that ever resisted that Witchery; yet I cannot [...]me to warn thee, as of other things, which may be thy ruin and destruction. For the present time, it is true, that every [...] prefers his fantasie in that [...] be­fore all other worldly des [...] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page 84] the care of honour, credit, and safety in respect thereof; But remember, that though these affections do not last, yet the bond of Marriage dureth to the end of thy life; and therefore better to be borne withall in a Mistress, than in a Wife, for when thy humour shall change, thou art yet free to chuse again (if thou give thy self that vain liberty.) Remember secondly, that if thou marry for Beauty, thou bindest thy self for all thy life for that, which perchance will neither last nor please thee one year; and when thou hast it, it will be to thee of no price at all, for the degree dieth when it is attained, & the affection perisheth, when it is satisfied. Remember, when thou wert a sucking Child, that then thou didst love thy Nurse, and that thou wert fond of her, after a while thou didst love thy Drie­nurse, and didst forget the other, after that thou didst also despise her; so will it be with thee in thy liking in elder years; and therefore, though thou canst not forbear to love, yet forbear to link, and after a while thou shalt find an alteration in thy self, & see an­other far more pleasing than the first, second, or third Love: yet I wish thee above all the rest, have a care thou [Page 85] dost not marry an uncomely Woman for any respect; for comelinesse in Children is riches, if nothing else be left them. And if thou have care for the races of horses, and other beasts, value the shape and comelinesse of thy Children, before alliances or riches: have care therefore of both together, for if thou have a fair Wife, and a poor one, if thine own estate be not great, assure thy self that Love abideth not with want; for she is thy companion of plenty and honour, for I never yet knew a poor Woman exceeding fair, that was not made dishonest by one or other in the end. This B [...]sh [...] taught her Son S [...]lomon; Favour is de [...]tfull, and Beauty is [...]an t [...]: she saith further, That a wise woman ove [...]seeth the ways of our Houshold, and cat [...]th use the bread of [...]lenesse

Have therefore ever more care, that thou be beloved of thy wife, rather than thy self besotted on her; and thou shalt judge of her love by these two observations: first, If thou perceive she have care of thy estate, and exer­cise her self therein; the other, If she study to please thee, and be sweet un­to thee in conversation, without thy instruction, for Love needs no teaching, [Page 86] nor precept. On the other side, be not sower or stern to thy wife, for cru­elty engendereth no other thing than hatred: Let her have equall part of thy Estate whilest thou livest, it thou find her sparing and honest; but what thou givest after thy death, remember that thou givest it to a stranger, and most times to an enemy, for he that shall marry thy wife, will despise thee, thy memory, and thine, and shall possesse the quiet of thy labours, the fruit which thou hast planted, enjoy thy love, and spend with joy and ease what thou hast spared, and gotten with care and travel: Yet always remember that thou leave not thy wife to be a shame unto thee after thou art dead, but that she may live according to thy estate; especially, if thou hast few Children, and them provided for. But howsoever it be, or whatsoever thou find, leave thy wife no more than of necessity thou must, but onely during her wi­dowhood; for if she love again, let her not enjoy her second love in the same bed wherein she loved thee, nor fl [...]e to future pleasures with those feathers which death hath pulled from thy wings; but leave thy estate to thy house and children, in which thou livest up­on [Page 87] earth whilest it lasteth. To con­clude, Wives were ordained to con­tinue the generation of men, not to transferre them, and diminish them, either in continuance or ability; and therfore thy house and estate, which liueth in thy son, and not in thy wife, is to be preferred. Let thy time of marriage be in thy young and strong years; for believe it, ever the young wife betrayeth the old husband, and she that had thee not in thy flower, will despise thee in thy fall, and thou shalt be unto her but a captivity and sor­row. Thy best time will be towards thirty, for as the younger times are un­fit, either to chuse or to govern a wife and family; so if thou stay long, thou shalt hardly see the education of thy Children, which being left to strangers, are in effect lost, and better were it to be unborn, than ill bred; for thereby thy posterity shall either perish, or re­main a shame to thy name and family. Furthermore, if it be late ere thou take a wife, thou shalt spend the prime and summer of thy life with Harlots, de­stroy thy health, impoverish thy estate, and endanger thy life; and be sure of this, that how many Mistresses soever thou hast, so many enemies thou shalt [Page 88] purchase to thy self; for there never was any such affection, which ended not in hatred or disdain. Remember the saying of Solomon, There is a way which seemeth right to a man, but the issues there­of are the wages of death; for howsoever a lewd woman please thee for a time, thou wilt hate her in the end, and she will study to destroy thee. If thou canst not abstain from them in thy vain and unbridled times, yet remember that thou sowest on the lands & dost mingle the vital bloud with corruption, and purchasest diseases, repentance, and hatred onely. Bestow therefore thy youth so, that thou mayest have comfort to remember it, when it hath forsaken thee and not sigh and grieve at the ac­count thereof: whilest thou art young thou wile think it will never have an end; but behold, the longest day hath his evening, and that thou shalt enjoy it but once, that it never turns again, use it therefore as the Spring time, which soon departeth, and wherein thou oughtest to plant, and sow all pro­visions for a long and happy life.

CHAP. III. Wisest men have been abused by flatterers.

TAke care thou be not made a fool, by flatterers, for even the wisest men are abused by these. Know there­fore, that flatterers are the worst kind of Traitours; for they will strengthen thy imperfections, encourage thee in all evil, correct thee in nothing, but so shadow and paint all thy vices, and fol­lies, as thou shalt never, by their will, discern evil from good, or vice from virtue. And because all men are apt to flatter themselves, to entertain the ad­ditions of other mens praises is most perillous. Do not therefore praise thy self, except thou wile be counted a vain glorious fool, neither take delight in the praises of other men except thou deserve it, and receive it from such as are worthy and honest, and will withall warn thee of thy faults; for flatterers have never any virtue, they are ever base, creeping, cowardly persons. A flat­terer is said to be a beast that biteth smiling, it is said by Isaiah in this man­ner: [Page 90] My people, they that praise thee seduce thee, and disorder th [...] paths of thy feet; and David desired God to cut out the tongue of a flatterer. But it is hard to know them from friends, so are they obsequious and full of protestations; for as a wolf resembles a dog, so doth a flatterer a friend. A flatterer is compa­red to an Ape, who because she cannot defend the house like a dog, labour as an ox, or bear burdens as a horse, doth therefore yee play tricks, and prouoke laughter: Thou mayest be sure that he that will in private tell thee thy faults, is thy friend, for he adventures thy mis­like, and doth hazard thy hatred; for there are few men that can endure it, every man for the most part delighting in self-praise, which is one of the most uniuersall follies which bewitcheth mankind.

CHAP. IV. Private quarrels to be a­voided.

BE carefull to avoid publick dispu­tations at Feast, or at Tables, a­mong [Page 91] cholerick or quarrelsom persons; and eschew evermore to be acquainted or familiar with Ruffians, for thou shalt be in as much danger in contending with a brawler in a private quarrel, as in a battel, wherein thou mayest get honour to thy self and safety to thy Prince and Countrey; but if thou be once engaged, carry thy self bravely, that they may fear thee after. To shun therefore private fight, be well advi­sed in thy words and behaviour, for honour and shame is in the talk, and the tongue of a man causeth him to fall.

Iest not openly at those that are simple, but remember how much thou art bound to God, who hath made thee wiser. Defame not any woman publickly, though thou know her to be evil; for those that are faulty can­not endure to be taxed but will seek to be avenged of thee, and those that are not guilty cannot endure unjust reproch. And as there is nothing more shamefull and dishonest, than to do wrong, so truth it self cutteth his throat that carrieth her publikly in every place. Remember the divine, say­ing, He that keepeth his mouth, keep­eth his life. Do therefore right to all [Page 92] men where it may profit them, and thou shalt thereby get much love, and forbear to speak evil things of men, though it be tru [...] (if thou be not con­strained) and thereby thou shalt avoid malice and revenge.

Do not accuse any man of any crime, if it be not to save thy self, thy Prince, or Countrey, for there is nothing more dishonourable (next to Treason it self) than to be an Accuser Notwithstand­ing I would not have thee for any re­spect loose thy reputation, or endure publick disgrace, for better it were not to live, than to live a coward, if the offence proceed not from thy selfe; if it do, it shall be better to compound it upon good terms, than to hazard thy self; for if thou overcome, thou art vnder the cruelty of the Law, if thou art overcome, thou art dead or dishonoured. If thou therefore con­tend, or discourse in argument; let it be with wise and sober men, of whom thou mayest learn by reasoning, and not with ignorant persons, for thou shalt thereby in trust those that will not thank thee, and utter, what they have learned from thee, for their own. But if thou know more that other men, utter it when it may do thee ho­nour, [Page 93] and not in assemblies of ignorant and common persons.

Speaking much also, is a sign of va­nity; for he that is lavish in words, is a niggard in deeds; and as Solomon saith, The mouth of a wise men is in his heart, the heart of a fool is in his mouth, because what he knoweth or thinketh, he uttereth: And by thy words and discourses, men will judge thee. For as Socrates saith, such as thy words are, such will thy affections be esteemed; and such will thy deeds as thy a [...]ct [...]s, and such thy life as thy deeds. Therefore be advised what thou dost discourse of, what thou maintainest; whether touching Religion, State, or vanity; for it thou erie in the first, thou shalt be accounted profane; if in the second, dangerous; if in the third, in­discreet and foolish: He that cannot re­frain from much speaking, is like a Ci­tie without walls, and lesse pains in the world a man cannot take, than to hold his tongue; therefore, if thou observest this rule in all assemblies, thou shalt seldom erre; restrain thy choller, hear­ken much, and speak little; for the tongue is the instrument of the great­est good and greatest evil that is done in the world.

[Page 94]According to Solomon, Life and death are in the power of the tongue: and as Euripide, truly affirmeth, Every unbrialed tongue, in the end shall find it self unfortunate; for in all that ever I observed in the course of worldly things, I ever found that mens for­tunes are oftner made by their tongues than by their virtues, and more mens fortunes overthrown thereby also, than by their vices. And to conclude, all quarrels, mischief, hatred, and destru­ction, ariseth from unadvised speech, and in much speech there are many er­rours, out of which thy enemies shall ever take the most dangerous advan­tage. And as thou shalt be happy, if thou thy self observe these things, so shall it be most profitable for thee to avoid their companies that erre in that kind, and not to hearken to Tale­bearers, to inquisitive persons, and such as busie themselves with other mens estates, that creep into houses as spies, to learn news which concerns them not; for assure thy self such per­sons are most base and unworthy, and I never knew any of them prosper, or respected amongst worthy or wise men.

[Page 95]Take heed also that thou be not found a liar; for a lying spirit is hate­full both to God and man. A liar is commonly a Coward; for he dares not avow truth. A liar is trusted of no man he can have no credit, neither in pub­lick nor private; and if there were no more arguments than thee, know that our Lord in S. John saith That it is a vice proper to Satan, lying being op­posite to the nature of God, which consisteth in Truth; and the gain of lying is nothing else, but not to be trusted of any, nor to be believed when we say the truth. It is said in the Proverbs, That God hateth false lips; and he that speaketh lips, shall perish. Thus thou mayest see and find in all the Books of God, how odious and contrary to God a liar is; and for the world, believe it, that it never did any man good (except in the extremity of saving life;) for a liar is of a base, un­worthy, and cowardly spirit.

CHAP. V. Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate.

AMongst all other things of the World, take care of thy estate, which thou shalt ever preserve, if thou observe three things; First, that thou know what thou hast, what every thing is worth that thou hast, and to see that thou art not wasted by thy Servants and Officers. The second is, that thou never spend any thing be­fore thou have it; for borrowing is the canker and death of every mans e­state. The third is, that thou suffer not thy self to be wounded for other mens faults, and scourged for other mens offences; which is, to be surety for another; for thereby millions of men have been beggered and destroy­ed, paying the reckoning of other mens riot, and the charge of other mens folly and prodigality; if thou smart, smart for thine own sins, and above all things, be not made an Ass [Page 97] to carry the burdens of other men: If any friend desire thee to be his surety, give him a patt of what thou hast to spare, if he press thee farther, he is not thy friend at all, for friendship rather chooseth harm to it self, than offereth it: If thou be bound for a stranger, thou art a fool; if for a merchant, thou puttest thy estate to learn to swim: if for a Church-man, he hath no inheri­tance: if for a Lawyer, he will find an evasion by a syllable or word, to abuse thee: if for a poor man, thou must pay it thy self: if for a rich man, it need not: therefore from Sureti­ship, as from a Man slayer, or Enchant­er, bless thy self; for the best profit and return wil be this, that if thou force him for whom thou art bound, to pay it himself, he will become thy enemy, if thou use to pay it thy self, thou wilt be a beggar; and believe thy Father in this, and print it in thy thought, that what virtue soever thou hast be it never so manifold, if thou be poor withall, thou, and thy quali­ties shall be despised: Besides, pover­ty is oft times sent as a curse of God, it is a shame amongst men, an impri­sonment of the mind, a vexation of [Page 98] every worthy spirit; thou shalt nei­ther help thy self nor others, thou shalt drown thee in all thy virtues, ha­ving no means to shew them, thou shalt be a burthen, and an Eye-sore to thy friends, every man will fear thy com­pany, thou shalt be driven basely to beg, and depend on others, to flatter unworthy men, to make dishonest shifts; and to conclude, poverty pro­vokes a man to do infamous and dete­sted deeds: Let no vanity therefore, or perswasion draw thee to that worst of wordly miseries.

If thou be rich, it will give thee pleasure in health, comfort in sickness, keep thy mind and body free, save thee from many perils, relieve thee in thy elder years, believe the poor, and thy honest Friends, and give means to thy posterity to live, and defend them­selves, and thine own fame, where it is said in the Proverbs, That he shall be sore vexed that is surety for a stranger, and he that hateth suretiship is sure. It is further said, The poor is hated even of his own neighbour, but the rich have many friends. Lend not to him that is mightier than thy self, for if thou lendest him, count it but lost; [Page 99] be not surety above thy power, for if thou be surety, think to pay it.

CHAP. VI. What sort of Servants are fittest to be enter­tained.

LEt thy servants be such as thou mayest command, and entertain none about thee but Yeomen, to whom thou givest wages; for those that will serve thee without thy hire, will cost thee treble as much as they that know thy fare: if thou trust any Servant with thy purse, be sure thou take his account ere thou sleep; for if thou put it off, thou wilt then after­wards, for tediousness, neglect it. I my self have thereby lost more than I am worth. And whatsoever thy servant gaineth thereby, he will never thank thee, but laugh thy simplicity to scorn; and besides, tis the way to make thy servants thieves, which else would be honest.

CHAP. VII. Brave Rags wear soonest out of Fashion.

EXceed not in the humour of rags and braverie; for these will soon wear out of Fashion: but money in thy Purse will ever be in Fashion; and no man is esteemed for gay Garments, but by Fools and Women.

CHAP. VIII. Riches not to be sought by evil means.

ON the other side, take heed that thou seek not Riches basely, nor attain them by evil means, destroy no man for his wealth, nor take any thing from the Poor; for the crie and complaint thereof will pierce the Hea­vens. And it is most detestable be­fore God, and most dishonourable be­fore worthy men, to wrest any thing [Page 101] from the needy and labouring Soul. God will never prosper thee in ought, if thou offend therein: But use thy poor neighbours and Tenants well, pine not them and their children, to adde superfluity and needlesse expen­ces to thy self. He that hath pitie on another mans sorrow, shall be free from it himself; and he that delight­eth [...]n, and scorneth the misery of an­other, shall one time or other fall in­to it himself. Remember this Precept, He that hath mercy on the poor, tenact unto the Lord, and the Lord will recom [...] wh [...] he h [...]h given. I do not understand those for poor, which are vagabonds and beggers, but those that labour to live, such as are old and cannot travell, such poor widows and fatherlesse children as are ordered to be relieved, and the poor Tenants that travell to pay their Rents, and are driven to poverty by mischance, and not by riot or carelesse expences; on such have thou compassion, and God will blesse thee for it. Make not the hungry soul sorrowfull, defer not thy gift to the needy, for if he curse thee in the bitternesse of his soul, his prayer shall be heard of him that made him.

CHAP. IX. What Inconveniences happen to such as delight in Wine.

TAke especiall care that thou de­light not in Wine, for there ne­ver was any man that came to honour or preferment that loved it; for it transformeth a man into a beast, de­cayeth health, poisoneth the breath, destroyeth naturall heat, brings a mans stomach to an artificiall heat, deform­eth the face, rotteth the teeth, and to conclude, maketh a man contempti­ble, soon old, and despised of all wise and worthy men; hated in thy ser­vants, in thy self and companions; for it is a bewitching and infectious vice, And remember my words, that it were better for a man to be subject to any vice, than to it, for all other va­nities and sins are recovered, but a Drunkard will never shake off the de­light of beastlinesse; for the longer it possesseth a man, the more he will de­light in it, and the elder he groweth, [Page 103] the more he shall be subject to it; for it dulleth the spirits, and destroyeth the body, as Ivie doth the old Tree; or as the worm that engendereth in the ker­nel of the Nut.

Take heed therefore that such a curelesse Canker possesse not thy youth, nor such a beastly infection thy old age; for then shall all thy life be but as the life of a beast, and after thy death, thou shalt only leave a shame­full infamy to thy posterity, who shall study to forget that such a one was their Father. Anacharsis saith, The first draught serveth for health, the se­cond for pleasure, the third for shame, the sourth for madnesse; but in youth there is not so much as one draught permitted; for it putteth fire to fire; and wasteth the naturall heat and seed of generation. And therefore, ex­cept thou desire to hasten thine end, take this for a generall rule, That thou never add any artificiall heat to thy body by Wine or Spice, untill thou find that time hath decayed thy natu­rall heat, and the sooner thou begin­ne [...] to help nature, the sooner she will forsake thee, and trust altogether to Art: Who have misfortune, saith So­lomon [Page 104] who have sorrow and grief, who have trouble wihout fighting, stripes without cause, and faintness of ey [...]? even they that sit or wine, and drain themselves to empty Ca [...]s: Plines saith, wine maketh the hand quivering, the eyes waterie, the night unquiet, lewd dreams, a stinking breath in the morn­ing, and an utter forgetfulness of all things.

Whosoever loveth Wine, shall not be trusted of any man; for he cannot keep a secret. Wine maketh a man not onely a beast, but a mad man; and if thou love it, thy own Wife, thy Children, and thy friends will despise thee. In drink men care not what they say, what offence they give, they forget comliness, commit disorders; and to conclude, offend all virtuous and honest company, and God most of all; to whom we daily pray for health, and a life free from pain: and yer by drunkenness, and gluttony, (which is the drunkenness of feeding) we draw on, saith Hesiod, a swift, ha­sty, untimely, cruel, and an infamous old age. And S. Augustine describeth Drunkenness in this manner: Ebrietas est blandus Doemon, dulce venenum [Page 105] suave peccatum; quam, qui habet, seip­sum non habet; quam qui facit, pec­catum non facit, sed ipsi est pec­catum.

Drunkenness is a flattering Devil, a sweet poison, a plea ant sin; which whosoever hath, hath not himself, which whosoever doth commit, doth not commit sin, but he himself is whol­ly sin.

Innocentius saith, Quid turpius ebri­oso cut sator in ore, tremor in corpore, qui promit stulta, promit occul [...]a, cui mens alienatur, facies transformatur, nullum secretum ubi regnat ebrie [...]as, & quid non aliud designat malum, foecundi cali­ces quem non fecere disertum?

What is filthier than a drunken man to whom there is stink in the mouth, trembling in the bodie; which uttereth foolish things, and revealeth secret things; whose mind is alienate, and face transformed? Whom have not plentifull cups made eloquent and talking?

When DIOGENES saw a house to be sold, whereof the owner was given to drink, I thought at the last, [Page 106] quoth Diogenes, he would spue out a whole house; Sciebam inquit, quod do­mus tandem evomeret.

CHAP. X. Let God be thy Protectour and Directour in all thy Actions.

NOw for the World, I know it too well, to perswade thee to dive into the practices thereof, rather stand upon thine own guard against all that tempt thee thereunto, or may practise upon thee in thy conscience, thy repu­tation, or thy purse; resolve that no man is wise or safe, but he that is ho­nest.

Serve God, let him be the Au­thour of all thy actions, commend all thy endeavours to him that must either wither or prosper them, please him with prayer, lest if he frown, [...]e confound all thy fortunes and [Page 107] labours, like the drops of Rain on the sandy ground: let my experienced advice, and fatherly instructions, sink deep into thy heart. So God di­rect thee in all his ways, and fill thy heart with his grace.




I Humbly beseech you, both in respect of the honour of God, your duty to his Church, and the comfort of your own soul, that you se­riously consider in what tearms you stand; and weigh your self in a Chri­stian ballance; taking for your coun­terpoise the judgements of God: Take heed in time that the word TEKEL, [Page 109] written of old against Belshazzar, and interpreted by Daniel, be not verified in you, whose exposition was, You have been poized in the scale, and found of too light weight.

Remember that you are now in the waining, and the date of your pil­grimage well nigh expired, and now that it behoveth you to look towards your Countrey, your forces languish­eth, your senses impair, your body droops, and on every side the ruinous Cottage of your faint and feeble flesh, threateneth the fall: And having so many harbirgers of death to premo­nish you of your end, how can you but prepare for so dreadfull a stranger. The young man may die quickly, but the old man cannot live long: the young mans life by casualty may be abridged, but the old mans by no phy­sick can be long adjourned, and there­fore if green years should sometimes think of the grave the thoughts of old age should continually dwell in the same.

The prerogative of Infancy is inno­cency; of Child-hood, reverence; of Man-hood, maturity; and of old age, wisdom.

[Page 110]And seeing then that the chiefest properties of wisdom, are to be mind­full of things past, carefull for things present, and provident for things to come: Use now the priviledge of na­tures talent, to the benefit of your own soul, and procure hereafter to be wise in well doing, and watchfull in the fore-sight of future harms. To serve the world you are now unable, and though you were able, yet you have little cause to be willing, seeing that it never gave you but an unhappy wel­come, a hurtfull entertainment, and now doth abandon you with an unfor­tunate fare-well.

You have long sowed in a field of flint, which could bring nothing forth but a crop of cares, and afflictions of spirit, rewarding your labours with re­morse, and affording for your gain, eternal danger.

It is now more than a seasonable time to alter the course of so unthri­ving a husbandry, and to enter into the efild of Gods Church, in which, sowing the seed of repentant sorrow, and watering them with the tears of humble contrition, you may hereafter reap a more beneficial harvest, and ga­ther [Page 111] the fruits of everlasting comfort

Remember, I pray you, that your spring is spent, your summer over-past, you are now arrived at the fall of the leaf; yea, and winter colours have long since stained your hoary head.

Be not carelesse (saith Saint Augu­stine) though our loving Lord bear long with offenders; for the longer he stays, not finding amendment, the sorer he will scourge when be comes to Iudgement: And his patience in so long forbearing, is only to lend us respite to repent, and not any wise to enlarge us leisure to sin.

He that is tossed with variety of storms, and cannot come to his desi­red Port, maketh not much way, but is much turmoyled. So, he that hath passed many years, and purchased lit­tle profit, hath a long being, but a short life: For, life is more to be measured by well doing, than by number of years; Seeing that most men by many days do but procure meny deaths, and others in short space attain to the life of infinite ages; what is the body without the soul, but a corrupt car­kasse? And what is the soul without [Page 112] God, but a sepulchre of sin?

If God be the Way, the Life, and the Truth, he that goeth without him, strayeth; and he that liveth without him, dieth; and he that is not taught by him, erreth.

Well (saith Saint Augustine) God is our true and chiefest Life, from whom to revolt, is to fall; to whom to return, is to rise; and in whom to stay, is to stand sure.

God is he, from whom to depart, is to die; to whom to repair, is to revive; and in whom to dwell, is life for ever. Be not then of the number of those that begin not to live, till they be ready to die: and then after a foes de­sert, come to crave of God a friends entertainment.

Some there be that think to snatch Heaven in a moment, which the best can scarce attain unto in the maintain­ance of many years; and when they have glutted themselves with worldly delights, would jump from Di [...]e Diet to Lazarus Crown, from the service of Satan, to the solace of a Saint.

But be you well assured, that God is not so penurious of friends, as to hold himself and his Kingdom sale­able [Page 113] for the refuse and reversions of their lives, who have sacrificed the principall thereof to his enemies, and their own bruitish lust; then onely ceasing to offend, when the ability of offending is taken from them.

True it is, that a thief may be saved upon the crosse and mercy found at the last gasp: But w [...]l (saith S. Au­gustine) though it be possible, yet it is scarce credible, that he in death should find favour, whose whole life deserved death; and that the repentance should be more excepted, that more for fear of hell, and love of himself, than for the love of God, and loathsomnesse of sin, crieth for mercy.

Wherefore, good SIR, make no longer delays; but being so near the breaking up of your mortall house, take time before extremity, to pacifie Gods anger.

Though you suffer the bud to be blasted, though you permitted the fruits to be perished, and the leaves to drie up; yea, though you let the boughs to wither, and the body of your tree to grow to decay, yet (alas) keep life in the root, for fear left the whole tree become fewel for hell fire; [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page 114] For surely where the tree falleth, there it shall lie, whether towards the South or to the North, to heaven, or to hell; and such sap as it bringeth forth, such fruit shall it ever bear.

Death hath alreadie filed from you the better part of your natural forces, and left you now to be Lees, and re­missalls of your wearyish and dying days.

The remainder whereof, as it can­not be long, so doth it warn you spee­dily to ransom your former losses; for what is age, but the Calends of death? & what importeth your present weak­ness, but an earnest of your approach­ing dissolution? you are now imbark­ed in your finall voyage, and not far from the stint and period of your course.

Be not therefore unprovided of such appurtenances as are behooveful in so perplexed and perrilous a Journey; death it self is very fearfull, but much more terrible in respect of the judge­ment it summoneth us unto.

If you were now laid upon de­parting bed, burthened with the hea­vie load of your former trespasses, and gored with the sting and prick of a fe­stered [Page 115] conscience; if you felt the cramp of death wresting your heart­strings, and ready to make the ruefull divorce between body and soul: If you lay panting for breath, and swimming in a cold and pale sweat, wearied with strugling against your deadly pangs, O what would you give for an hours re­pentance; at what rate would you va­lue a days contrition? Then worlds would be worth less in respect of a lit­tle respite, a short truce would seem more precious then the treasuries of an Empire, nothing would be so much esteemed as a short time of truce, which now by days, and months, and years, is most lavishly misspent.

Oh how deeply would it wound your woefull heart when looking back into your former life, you considered many hainous and horrible offences com­mitted, many pious works, and godly deeds omitted, and neither of both re­pented, your service to God promised, and not performed.

Oh how unconsolably were your case, your friends being fled, your sen­ses affrighted, your thoughts amazed, your memory decayed, and your whole mind agast, and no part able to per­form [Page 116] what it should; but onely your guilty conscience pestered with sin, that would continually upbraid you with many bitter accusations.

Oh what would you think then, be­ing stopped out of this mortall weed, and turned out both of service and house-room of this wicked world, you are forced to enter into uncouth and strange paths, and with unknown and ugly company, to be convented be­fore a most severe judge, carrying in your conscience your Inditement, written in a perfect Register of all your misdeeds, when you shall fee him pre­pared to give sentence upon you, against whom you have so often trans­gressed, and the same to be your Um­pire, whom by so many offences you have made your enemie, when not onely the Devil, but even the Angels would plead against you and your own self, in despight of your self, be your own most sharp appeacher.

Oh what would you do in these dreadfull exigents, when you saw the ghastly Dragon, and huge gulph of hell, breaking out with most fearfull flames, when you heard the weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth; the [Page 117] rage of those hellish monsters, the hor­rour of the place, the terr [...] of the company, and the eternity of all those torments.

Would you then think them wise that mould delay into weighty mat­ters, and idlely play away the time al­lotted, to prevent these intolerable ca­lamities? Would you then count it secure, to nurse [...]n your own bosom so many Serpents as sins? and to foster in your soul so many malicious accu­sers, as mortall and horrible offences? Would you not think one life too lit­tle to repent in for so many, and so great iniquities, every one whereof were enough to throw you into those unspeakable and intolerable torments.

And why then (alas!) do you not at the least devote that small remnant, and surplusage of those your later days, procuring to make an atone­ment with God, and to free your Soul and Conscience from that corrup­tion, which by your fall hath crept in­to it.

Those very eyes that behold, and read this discourse, those very ears that are attentive to hear it, and that very understanding that considereth [Page 118] and conceiveth it, shall be cited as certain witnesses of these rehearsed things. In your own body shall you experience these deadly Agonies, and in your Soul shall you feelingly find these terrible fears; yea, and your pre­sent estate, is in danger of the deepest harms, if you do not the sooner recover your self into that fold and family of Gods faithfull servants.

What have you gotten by being so long a customer to the World, but false ware, suitable to the shop of such a merchant, whose traffick is toyl, whose wealth is trash, and whose gain is mi­serie? What interest have you reaped, that might equall your detriment in grace and virtue? Or what could you find in the vale of tears, that was an­swerable to the favour of God, with losse whereof, you were contented to but it?

You cannot now be inveigled with the passions of youth, which making a partiality of things, sets no distance be­tween counterfeit and currant, for these are now worn out of force, by tract of time are fallen into reproof, by triall of their folly.

Oh let not the crazie cowardnesse of [Page 119] flesh and bloud, daunt the prowesse of an intelligent person, who by his wis­dom cannot but discern how much more cause there is, and how much more needfull it is to serve God, than this wicked world.

But if it be the ungrounded pre­sumption of the mercy of God, and the hope of his assistance at the last plunge (which indeed is the ordinary lure of the devil) to reclaim sinners from the pursuit of Repentance. Alas, that is too palpable a collusion to mislead a found and serviceable man, howsoever it may prevail with sick and ill-affected judgements: who would rely upon eternall affairs, upon the gliding slippe­rinesse, and running streams of our un­certain life? who, but one of distem­pered wits, would offer fraud to the Decipherer of all thoughts; with whom dissemble we may to our cost, but to deceive him, is impossible.

Shall we esteem it cunning to rob the time from him, and bestow it on his enemies, who keepeth tale of the least minutes, and will examine in the end how every moment hath been im­ployed. It is a preposterous kind of policie, in any wise conceit to fight [Page 120] against God, till our weapons be blunt­ed, our forces consumed, our limbs im­potent, and our best time spent; and then when we fall for faintness, and have fought our selves almost dead, to presume on his mercy.

Oh! no, no, the wounds of his most sacred body, so often rubbed, and re­newed by our sins and every part and parcel of our bodies so divers, and sun­dry ways abused, will be then as so ma­ny whet-stones and incentives, to edge and exasperate his most just revenge against us.

It is a strange piece of Art, and a ve­ry exorb tant course, when the Ship is sound, the Pylot well, the Marriners strong, the Gale favourable, & the Sea calm; to ly idlely at the road, burning so seasonable weather: And when the Ship leaketh, the Pylot sick, the Marriners faint, the Storms boysterous, and the Seas a turmoyl of outragious Surges, then to launch forth, (hoise up sail) and set out for a long voyage into a far Countrey.

Yet such is the skill of these evening Repenters, who though in the sound­ness of their health,and perfect use of their reason, they cannot resolve to [Page 121] cut the Cables, and weigh the An­chour that with-holds them from God.

Neverthelesse, they feed themselves with a strong perswasion, that when they are astonied, their wits distracted, the understanding dusked, and the bo­dies and souls wracked, and tormented with the throbs and gripes of a mortall sicknesse; then forsooth they will begin to think of their weightiest matters, and become sudden Saints, when they are scarce able to behave themselves like reasonable creatures.

No, no, if neither the Canon, Civil, nor the Common Law will allow that man (perished in judgement) should make any Testament of his temporall substance; how can he that is animated with inward garboyls of an unsetled conscience, distrained with the wringing fits of his dying flesh, maimed in all his ability, and circled in on every side with many and strange incumberances, be thought of due discretion to dispose or his chiefest Jewell, which is his Soul? and to dispatch the whole manage of all eternity, and of the treasures of Heaven, in so short of spurt?

No no, they that will loyter in seed­time, and begin to sow when others [Page 122] reap; they that will riot out their health, and beg [...]n to cast their accounts when they are scarce able to speak; they that will slumber out the day, and enter their journey when the light doth fail them; let them blame their own folly, if they die in debt, and be eternall beggers, and fall head-long in­to the lap of endlesse perdition.

Let such listen to S. Cyprian's lesson; Let, saith he, the grievousnesse of our sore be the measure of our sorrow; let a deep wound hive a deep and diligent cure; Let no mans Contrition be lesse than his Crime.


Sir Walter Raleigh's SCEPTICK.

The SCEPTICK doth neither af­firm, neither deny any Position: but doubteth of it, and opposeth his Rea­sons against that which is affirmed, or denied, to justifie his not-consent­ing.

HIs first Reason ariseth, from the consideration of the great difference amongst living Crea­tures, both in the mat­ter and manner of their Generations, and the several Consti­tutions of their bodies.

Some living Creatures are by copu­lation, and some without it: & that ei­ther by Fire, as Crickets in fornaces; or corrupt water, as Gnats; or slime, as Frogs; or dirt, as Worms; or herbs, as Canker-worms some of ashes, as Beetles; [Page 124] some of trees, as the Worms Psen [...] bred in the wild Fig-tree; some of living creatures putrified, as Bees of Bulls, and Wasps of Horses. By Copulation many creatures are brought forth a­live, as Man; some in the egg, as Birds some in an unshapen piece of flesh, as Bears. These great differen­ces cannot but cause a divers and con­trary temperament, and qualitie in those creatures, and consequently, a great diversity in their phantasie and conceit; so that they apprehend one and the same object, yet they must do it after a divers manner: for is it not absurd to affirm, That creatures dif­fer so much in temperature, and yet a­gree in conceit concerning one and the same object?

See­ing.But this will more plainly appear, if the instruments of Sense in the body be observed: for we shall find, that as these Instruments are affected and disposed, so doth the Imagination conceit that which by them is connex­ed unto it. That very object which seemeth unto us White, unto them which have the Iaundise seemeth Pale, and Red unto those whose Eyes are bloud-shot. Forsomuch then as living [Page 125] creatures have some white, some pale, some red eyes why should not one and the same object seem to some white, to some red, to some pale? If a man rub his [...], the figure of that which he be­holdeth seemeth long or narrow; is it then not likely, that those creatures which have a long and slanting Pupill of the eye, as Goats, Foxes, Cats, &c. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination, than those that have [...] Pupils do?

Who knoweth not, that a Glasse pre­senteth the outward, [...], or greater according to the making of the glasse? If it be hollow, the object seem­eth smaller than it is, If the glasse be crooked, then the object seemeth long and narrow. And glasses there be, which present the head of him that looketh in them, downwards, and the heels upwards. Now then, seeing the eye, which is the instrument of Sight, in some living creatures is more outward, in some more hollow, in some plain, in some greater, in some lesse; it is very probable, that Fishes Man, Lions, and Dogs, whose eyes so much differ, do not conceive the self same object after the [Page 126] same manner, but diversly, according to the diversitie of the eye, which offer­eth it unto the phantasie.

Touch­ing.The same reason holdeth in Touching; for seemeth it not ab­surd to think, that those creatures which are covered with Shels, those which are covered with Scales, those which are covered with Hairs, and those which are Smooth, should all be alike sensible in Touching? and every one of them conveigh the image, or q [...]ali [...]ie of the same object which they touch in the very same degree of heat or cold, of driness or moisture, rough­ness or smoothness, unto the imaginati­on?

Hearing.So might 't be shewed in Hear­ing: for how can we think that the Ear which hath a narrow passage, & the Ear which hath an open & wide passage, do receive the same sound in the same degree? or that the Ear whose inside is full of hair, doth hear in the same just measure, that the Ear doth whose inside is smooth? Since experi­ence sheweth, that if we stop, or half stop our Ears, the sound cometh not to us in the same manner & degree, that it doth if our ears be open.

[Page 127] Smel­ling.The like may be thought of Smelling: for man himself a­bounding with Fleagm, is otherwise af­fected in smelling, than he is, if the pu [...]s about the head be f [...]ll of bloud; and many things afford a delightfull smell to some living creatures, which smel to other living creatures seemeth not to be so.

Tas­ting.In the Tast the same reason ap­peareth; for to a rough and dri-tongue, that everything seemeth bitter (as in an Aga) which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so, [...]ivers creatures then having tongues drier, or moister, according to their severall tem­peratures, when they tast the same thing, must needs conceit it to be ac­cording as the instrument of their tast is affected, either bitter, or sweet, &c. For even as the hand in the striking of the Harp, though the stroak be one, yet causeth a found, sometimes high, some­times base, according to the quality of the string that is strucken: Even so one and the same outward object is diversly judged of, and conceited, according to the several and divers qualities of the instrument of Sense, which conveieth it to the imagination. Oyntment is plea­sing [Page 128] to Man; but Beetles and Bees cannot abide t. Oyl to man is pro­fitable; but it killeth Bees and Wasps. Cicuta feedeth Quails, & Henbane Sows; but both of these hurt Man. If a Man eat Ants he is sick; but the Bear being sick, recovereth by eating them.

If then one and the very same thing to the red eye seem red, to another pale, and white to another: If one and the same thing, seem not hot or cold, drie or moist, in the same degree to the severall creatures which touch it: If one and the self-same sound seem more thrill to that creature which hath a narrow ear, and more base to him that hath an open ear: If the same thing, at the same time, seem to afford a pleasant and displeasant Smell to di­vers and severall creatures: If that seem bitter in tast to one, which to ano­ther seemeth sweet, that to one hurt­full, which to another seemeth health­full: I may report how these things ap­pear divers to severall creatures, and seem to produce divers effects.

But what they are in their own na­ture, whether red or white, bitter or sweet, healthfull or hurtfull, I cannot tell. For why should I presume to pro­fer [Page 129] my conceit and imagination, in af­firming that a thing is thus, or thus, in its own nature, because it seemeth to me to be so, before the conceit of other living creatures, who may as well think it to be otherwise in each one nature, because it appeareth otherwise to them than it doth to me?

They are living creatures as well as I: why then should I condemn their conceit and phantasie, concerning any thing, more than they may mine? They may be in the truth and I in errour, as well as I in truth, and they err. If my conceit must be believed before theirs, great reason that it be proved to be truer than theirs. And this proof must be either by demonstration, or without it. Without it none will be­lieve. Certainly, if by demonstration, then this demonstration must seem to be true, or not seem to be true. If it seem to be true, then will it be a questi­on, whether it be so indeed as it seem­eth to be; and to alleadge that for a certain proof, which is uncertain and questionable, seemeth absurd.

If it be said, that the imagination of Man judgeth riuer of outward object, than the imagination of other [Page 130] living creatures doth, and there­fore to be credited above others, (besides that which is already said,) this is easily refuted by comparing of Man with other creatures.

It is confessed, the Dog excelleth Man in smell, and in hearing: and whereas there is said to be a two-fold discourse, one of the mind, another of the tongue and that of the mind is said to be exercised in chasing that which is convenient, and refusing that which is hurtfull in knowledge, justice, and thankfulnesse: This creature chuseth his food, refuseth the whip, fawneth on his Master, defer dath his house, reven­geth himself of these strangers that hurt him. And [...] mentioneth Are [...], the dog of U [...]y [...]ses, who knew his master, ha­ving been from home so many years, that at his return, all the people of his house had forgot him. This creature, saith Chr [...]sipp [...], is not void of Logick: for when in following any beast, he cometh to three severall ways, he smel­leth to the one, and then to the second; and if he find that the beast which he pursueth he not fled one of these 2 ways, he presently without smelling a­ny further to it, taketh the third way: [Page 131] which, saith the same Philosopher, is as it he reasoned thus, the Beast must be gone either this, or this, or the other way; but neither this nor this; Eage, the third: and so away he runneth.

If we consider his skill in Physick, it is sufficient to help himself: if he be wounded with a dart, he useth the help of his Teeth to take it out, of his Tongue to cleanse the wound from cor­ruption: he seemeth to be well ac­quainted with the Precept of Hipp [...]cra­tes, who saith, that the Rest of the Foot is the Physick of the Foot, and there­fore if his foot he hurt, he ho doth it up that it may rest: if he be sick, he gi­veth himself a Vomit by eating of Grasse, and recovereth himself. The Dog then we see is plentifully furnish­ed with inward discourse.

Now outward speech is not needfull to make a creature Reasonable, else a dumb Man were an unreasonable Crea­ture.

And do not Philosophers themselves reject this as an enemie to knowledge? and therefore they are silent when they are instructed; and yet even as Barba­rous and strange people of speech, but we understand it not, neither do we [Page 132] perceive any great difference in their words: but a difference there seemeth to be, and they do expresse their thoughts and meanings one to another by those words. Even so those creatures, which are commonly called unreasona­ble, do seem to parlie one with ano­ther; and by their speech to understand one the other. Do not Binds by one kind of speech call their young ones, and by another cause them to hide themselves? Do they not by their seve­rall voices expresse their severall passi­ons of joy, of grief, of fear in such man­ner, that their fellows understand them? Do they not by their voice fore­shew things to come? But we will re­turn to that creature we first did in­stance in. The Dog delivereth one kind of voice when he hunteth, another when he howleth, another when he is beaten, and another when he is angry. These creatures then are not void of outward speech.

If then these creatures excell Man in sense, and are equall to him in inward and outward discourse, why should not their conceits and imaginations con­veigh the outward object in as true a manner as ours? and if so, then seeing [Page 133] their imaginations are divers, and they conceit it diversly according to their divers temperaments, I may tell what the outward object seemeth to me; but what it seemeth to other creatures, or whether it be indeed that which it seem­eth to me, or any other of them, I know not.

But be it granted, that the Iudge­ment of Man in this case, is to be pre­ferred before the Iudgement of Beasts; yet in Men there is great difference; both in respect of the outward shape, and also of the temperature of their bo­dies: For the bodie of the Suth an dif­fereth in shape from the bodie of the [...]: the reason of it ariseth (say the Dogmaticks) from a predominan use of humours in the one more than in the other; and as severall humours are predominant, so are the phantasies and conceits severally framed and effected. So that our countrey-men delight in one thing, the Indian not in that, but in another which we regard not. This would not be, if their conceits and ours were both a like; for then we should like that which they do, and they would dis­like that which we would dislike. It is e­vident also, that men differ very much [Page 134] in the temperature of their bodies, else why should some more easily digest Bief than Shel-fish; and other be mad for the time, if they drink wine? There was an old woman about Arbeus, which drunk three drams of C [...]u [...] (every dream weighin, sixtie Barley corns, and eight drams to an ounce) without hurt. [...]sis, without hurt, took four drams of Popple; and [...], which was Gen­tleman-Sewer to Alexander, was very cold when he stood in the sun, or in a hot bath, but very hot when he stand in the shadow. Al [...] felt no pain if a Scorpion stung him. And the Psil­l [...] (a people in Ly [...], whole bodies are venom to serpents) if they be stung by serpents, or Asps, receive no hurt at all.

The Ethiopians, which inhabit the river Hynaspis, do eat serpents and scorpions without danger. [...] a Chirurgian, at the smell of a Sturge­on, would be for the time mad. A [...]dron of Argos, was so little thirstie, that without want of drink, he travelled through the hot and dry countrey of Lybia. Tiberius Caesar would see very well in the dark. Aristotle mentioneth of Thratius, who said, that the image [Page 135] of a Man went always before him.

If then it be so, that there be such differences in Men, this must be by rea­son of the divers temperatures they have, and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination; for, if one hate, and another love the very same thing, it must be that their phantasies differ, else all would love it, or all would hate it. These Men then, may tell how these things seem to them good, or bad; but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell.

If we will heathen to mens opinions, concerning one and the same matter, thinking thereby to come to the know­ledge of it, we shall find this to be im­possible; for, either we must believe what all men say of it, or what some men only say of it. To believe what all men say of one & the same thing, is not possible; for then we shall believe Con­trarieties; for some men say, that that very thing is pleasant, which other say is displeasant. If it be said, we must be­lieve onely some men, then let it be shewed who those some men are; for the Platonists will believe Plato, but the Epicures Epicurus, the Phytagorians Pythagoras, & other Philosophers the [Page 136] masters of their own Sects: so that it is doubtfull, to which of all these we shall give credit. If it be said, that we must credit the greatest number; this seemeth childish: for there may be a­mongst other Nations a greater number which denie that very point, which the greatest number with us do affirm: so that hereof nothing can certainly be affirmed.

This Argument seemeth to be fur­ther confirmed, if the differences of the Senses of Hearing, Seeing, Smelling, Touching, and Tasting be considered; for that the Senses differ, it seemeth plain.

Painted Tables (in which the art of Slanting is used) appear to the Eye, as if the parts of them were some higher, and some lower than the other, but to the Touch they seem not to be so.

Honey seemeth to the Tongue sweet, but unpleasant to the Eye: so Oynt­ment doth recreate the Smell, but it offendeth the Tast. Rain-water is pro­fitable to the Eyes, but it hurteth the Lungs. We may tell then, how these things seem to our severall senses, but what they are in their own nature we cannot tell: for why should not a man [Page 137] credit any one of his senses as well as the other?

Every object seemeth to be presen­ted diversly unto the severall instru­ments of Sense. An Apple to the Touch seemeth smooth, sweet to the Smell, and to the Eye yellow; but whether the Apple have one of these qualities onely, or more than these qua­lities, who can tell? The Organ hath many Pipes, all which are filled with the same blast of wind, varied accord­ing to the capacitie of the severall Pipes which receive it: even so the qualitie of the Apple may be but one, and this one quality may be varied, & seem yellow to the Eye, to the Touch smooth, and sweet to the Smell, by reason of the divers instruments of the Sense, which apprehend this one quality diversly.

It may be also, that an Apple hath many qualities besides; but we are not able to conceive them all, because we want fit means and instruments to ap­prehend them. For suppose that some Man is born blind, and deaf, and yet can touch, smell, and tast; this man will not think that there is any thing, which may be seen or heard, because he wanteth the Senses of hearing and [Page 138] seeing; he will onely think there are those qualities in the object, which by reason of his three Senses he concei­veth: Even so the Apple may have many more qualities; but we cannot come to know them, because we want fit instruments for that purpose.

If it be replied, that Nature hath ordained as many instruments of Sense, as there are sensible objects; I demand, What Nature? for there is a confused controversie about the very Essence of Nature. Some affirming it to be one thing, others another, few a greeing: so that what the quality of an Apple is, or whether it hath one qualitie or many, I know not.

Let a man also consider, how many things that are separated, and by them­selves, appear to differ from that which they seem to be, when they are in a mass or lump the scrapings of the Goats horn seems white, but in the horn they seem black, but in the lump white. The stone Toenaru, being polished, seemeth white, but unpolished & rough it seemeth yel­low. Sands being separated, appear rough to the Touch, but a great heap, soft. I may then report, how these things ap­pear, but whether they are so indeed, I know not.

Sir Walter Raleigh's OBSERVATIONS Concerning the Causes of the Magnificencie and Opulencie of CITIES.

THAT the onely way to civilize and reform the savage and barbarous Lives, and corrupt Man­ners of such people, is,

  • 1 To be dealt withall by gentle and loving Conversation among them, to attain to the knowledge of their Lan­guage, and of the multitude of their special discommodities and inconve­niences in their manner of living
  • 2 The next is to get an admired reputation amongst them, upon a so­lid and true foundation of Pietie, Iustice, and wisdom, conjoyned with fortitude and power.
  • [Page 140]3 The third is, discreetly to possess them with a knowledge of the condi­tion of their own estate. Thus O [...] ­phe [...] and Amph [...], were said to draw after them the beast of the field, &c.

And this must be first wrought by a visible representation, of the certain­tie, truth, and sinceritie of these, to­gether with the felicitie of a reformed estate.

All which is but to give foundation, bottom, and firm footing unto action, and to prepare them to receive whole­som and good advise, for the future profit and felicitie of themselves and their posteritie.

For the more commodious effecting of this Reformation in a rude and bar­barous people, they are to be perswa­ded to withdraw and unite themselves into severall Colonies; that by it an in­terchangeable communication and commerce of all things may more commodiously be had, and that they may so live together in civilitie, for the better succour and welfare of one another: And thereby they may more easily be instructed in the Christian Faith, and governed under the Magi­strates and ministers of the King, or o­ther [Page 141] superiour power, under whom this R [...]so that on is sought. Which course the [...], that [...] took, after he had taken upon him the Government of the [...], whereby he united all the people into one Citie, that before lived dispersedly in many Villages. The like is put in practice at this day by the [...]r [...]gales and Jesuits, that they may with less difficultie and hinder­ance reform the rough behaviour, and savage life of the people of Brazile, who dwell scattered and dispersed in cave, and cottages made of boughs & leaves of the Palm-trees.

Alexander the Great built more than seventie Cities: Selev [...]us built three Cities, called [...]pame [...], to the ho­nour of his wife; and five called L [...] ­ [...]ca, in memorie of his mother; and fire called Seleac [...], to the honour of himself.

Safetie for Defence of the People and their goods, in and near the Town.

Situa­tion for Safe­ty & Plenty.IN the Situation of Cities, there is to be required a place of Safetie, by some natural strength, commod ousness for Navigation, and Conduct, for the attaining of plentie of all good things, for the sustenance & comfort of mans life, and to draw trade and enter­course of other Nations; as if the same be situate in such [...]ort, as many people have need to repair thither for some natural commoditie or other of the Countrey, which by traffick and trans­portation of cōmodities, whereof they have more plentie than will supplie their own necessitie, or for receiving of things whereof they have carcitie. And much better will it be, if the place afford some notable commoditie of it self, from whence other Nations may more readily, and at better rate at­tain the same: Likewise, and withall, [Page 143] be so fertil, pleasant, and healthfull of it self, that it may afford plentie of good things, for the delight and con­fort of the inhabitants.

Multi­tude of Inhabi­tants.In former times great Nations, Kings and Potentates have en­dured sharp conflicts, and held it high Policie, by all means to increase then Cities, with multitudes of Inhabitants. And to this end the Romans ever furnished themselves with strength and power, to make their neighbour-People, of necessitie, willing to draw themselves to Rome to dwell, and overthrow their Towns and Vil­lages of mean strength, down to the ground.

So did they for this cause utterly destroy many Cities, bringing always the vanquished Captives to Rome, for the augmentation of that Citie.

Romulus, after a mighty fight with the Sabines, condescended to Peace, upon condition that [...]s their King should come with all their people to dwell at Rome: [...]at [...] did accept, and made choice of the Capitol, and the Mount Quirmalis for his seat and P [...]llace.

The same course h [...]ld Tamberlane [Page 144] the Great, whereby he enlarged the great Samar [...]anda, still bringing unto it, the richest and wealthiest Citizens he had subdued.

And the Ottoman [...], to make the Citie Constantinople rich and great, brought to it many thousand Families, especial­ly Artificers out of the subdued Cities; as Mahome [...] the great from Tr [...]bizond, Selim the First from Cairo, and Seli­man from [...]aurk.

Authoritie and necessitie, without the consideration of the conveniencies, and commodiousness of Situation a­bove mentioned, are of small moment in the foundation of a Citie; thereby onely it would be unlikely, either to grow or continue in Magnificencie or Opulencie: for it Profit, Height, and Delight go not companions therewith, no authoritie or necessitie can retain much People or Wealth.

But of the place whereupon a Citie is to be founded, be commodious for the aforesaid conveniences, which help greatly for the felicitie of this life; then, no doubt, the same is likely to draw much abundance of people and riches unto the same, whereby it may, by the help of Arts and Industrie, in [Page 145] time, become magnificent & glorious.

Unto the good estate, greatness, and glorie of a Citie, those things here­after mentioned do greatly avail, and are of much importance, viz.

Religi­gion.Religion, which is of such force and might, to amplifie Cities and Dominions, and of such attractive virtue to replenish the same with peo­ple and wealth, and to hold them in due obedience, as none can be more; for without adoration of some Dietie, no common wealth can subsist.

Witness, Jerusalem Rome, Constantino­ple and all other cities that have been famous for the prosession of Religion, or Divine worship And no marvel, for there is not any thing in this world of more efficacie & force to allure and draw to it the hearts of Men, than God. which is the [...]. He is carefully defined, and continually sought for of all creatures; for all re­gard Him as their last end and refuge.

Light things apply themselves up­wards, heavy things downwards; the Heavens to Revolution, the Herbs to flowers, Trees to bear fruit, Beasts to present their kind and Man in seeking his tranquilitie and everlasting glo­ry [Page 146] But forasmuch as God is of so high a nature as the sense and understanding of Man cannot conceive it, every man directly turns himself to that place where he leaves some print of his pow­er, or declares some sign of his assist­ance. And to such persons whom he seemeth more especially to have re­vealed himself.

Acade­mies.Academies, & Schools of Lear­ning with convenient immuni­ties and privileges for Scholars, and means for Recreation for Delight, are of great importance to enlarge and en­rich a citie: for asmuch as men long for honour and profit, and of Arts & liberal sciences some bring certain wealth to men, and some promotions & preterments to honourable functions: for by this means, not onely young men, & those that are desirous of Lear­ning and Virtue in the same Common­wealth, will be retained in their own Countrey, but also strangers will be drawn home to them. And the more will this be available if occasion be gi­ven to Scholars and students, to rise to degrees of Honour and preferment by their learned exercises, and that by the Policie of the same citie, good [Page 147] Wits be accounted of, and rewarded well: that the same Academies and Schools be stored with plentie of Doctours and learned men, of great same and reputation.

Courts of Ju­stice.Courts of Iustice, with due exe­cution of the same in a citie, do much enable, enlarge, & enrich it; for it fasteneth a great liking in a citie to virtuous men, and such as be wealthie, that therein they may be free, and in safetie from the violence of the oppressions of covetous and wicked men: and there will be rather resort thither to inhabit, or traffick there as occasions may minister unto them. And many others that have cause of suite will repair thither, whereas they may be sure to find Iudgement and Iustice duely executed, whereby the citie must needs be en­larged and enriched: for our lives, and all that ever we have are in the hands of Iustice: so that if Iustice be not administred amongst men, in vain is there any societie and com­merce, or any other thing can be profitable or safe; so much is love and charitie failed, and iniquitie increased upon the face of the earth.

[Page 148] Artifi­cers.The excellencie and multitude likewise of Artificers exercising their manuall arts and trades, do marvellously increase and enrich a State, whereof some are necessary, some commodious for a civil life, o­ther some are of pomp and orna­ment, and other some of delicacie and curiositie, whereof doth follow con course of people that labour and work, and current money which doth enrich and supply Materials for labourers, and work-men, buying and selling, transportation from place to place, which doth imploy and increase the ar­tificious and cunning parts of the wit of Man; and this art and exquisit­nesse of work manship and skill is so powerfull herein, that to far excels the simple commodities and materials that Nature produceth; and is alone suffi­cient of it self to make a Citie or State, both magnificient and glorious: and the daily experience we have in these our dayes, and in former times, doth manifestly approve the same, and make evident without all contradi­ction.

Some naturall benefits that a Citie also may have for the excellency of Art, [Page 149] or work manship of some special com­modities above any other place, ei­ther through the qualitie of the Wa­ter, or other matter whatsoever, or some hidden mysterie of the inhabi­tants in working thereof, may be a great help for the enlargement and en­riching of a citie.

The command of a Countrie that affordeth some proper commoditie, is of it self sufficient mightily to bring a Citie to great wealth, and to advance it to great power, and draweth there­by dependence and concourse, much advantageous also, as well for the pub­lick weal, as the private person.

A Citie also may be Lord of much Merchandize and traffick, by means of the commodious situation to many Nations, to whom it serveth and hath relation to, as Ware houses, Roomth and Store-houses, by reason whereof, the nations adjoyning do use to resort thereunto to make their provisions of such things. And this consisteth in the largenesse of the Ports, the fit­nesse of the gulphs and creeks of the seas, in the Navigable rivers and channels, and the plain and safe ways that leadeth to the Citie, [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page 150] or that come, our turn by or near it.

Priv­ledge.Priviledge and freedom from Customs and exactions', doth greatly increase the Trade, and draw inhabitants to a citie, whereby the same may become both rich and powerfull; whereof the Ma [...]ts and Fairs, and Mar­kets bear good witnesse, which are fre­quented with great concourse of peo­ple, Tradesmen and Merchants, for no other respect, but that they are there free and frank from Customs and exactions. And the cities in Flanders are lively testimonies here­of, where the Customs are very small.

By reason whereof, all such as have erected new Cities in times past to draw concourse of people unto it, have granted large immunities, and priviledges at the least, to the first in­habitants thereof

The like have they done that have restored Cities emptied with Plague, consumed with Wars, or afflicted with Famin, or some other scourge of God. In respect whereof, Freedom of Cities hath been often granted to such as would with their families, in­habit there, or would bring Corn [Page 251] and other necessaries for provision of victual.

The Romans, to increase their Cities, made the Towns that well deserved of them (which they after called Muni­ciple) to be partakers of their franchi­ses and priviledges.

The first devises of Rome to al­lure strangers as is Sanctuarie.The first means the Ro­mans used to allure peo­ple to make their habi­tations rather in Rome than else where, was the opening the Sanctuarie, & giving libertie and free­dom to all that would come unto them. In respect whereof, there flocked thi­ther, with their goods, numbers of peo­ple that were either racked with exacti­ons, thrust out of their habitations, or unsafe, or unsure for their lives in their own Countreys for Religion sake.

The very same reason in a manner hath increased so much the citie of Ge­neva: for as much as it hath offered en­tertainment to all commers out of France and Italie, that have either for­saken, or been exiled their Countreys for Religions sake.

Tri­umpsLikewise, triumphs, goodly buildings, battels on the water fights of sword-players, hunting of wild [Page 152] beasts, publick shows and sights, plays solemnized with great pomp and pre­paration, and many other such things do draw the curious people to a citie inspeakably, which leaves behind them much treasure, and for such cause will rather settle themselves to inhabit there, than in other places. This was also the devise of Rome in her infancy to enlarge herself.

The Causes that Concern the Magnificencie of a CITIE.

TO confirm a Citie in her Greatness, Justice, Peace, and Pleantie are the undoubted means: for Justice assureth every man his own Peace causeth all Arts and negotiation whatsoever to flourish: and Plentie of food and victu­all, that sustaineth the life of Man with ease and much contentment. To con­clude, All those things that cause the Greatnesse of a Citie, are also fit to conserve the same.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Seat of GOVERNMENT.

That the Seat of Government is up­ [...]y the two great pillars thereof, viz. Civile Iustice, and Martiall Poli­cie, which are framed out of Husban­drie, Merchandize, and Gentry of this Kingdom.

THey say, that the goodli­est CEDARS which grow on the high moun­tains of Liban [...]s, thrust their roots between the clifts of hard Rocks, the better to bear them selves against the strong storms that blow there. As Nature hath in­structed those kings of Trees, so hath Reason taught the Kings of Men, to [...]oot themselves in the hardie Hearts of their faithfull Subjects. And as those [Page 154] kings of Trees have large Tops, so have the Kings of Men large Crowns; whereof as the first would soon be bro­ken from their bodies, were they not underborn by many branches; o would the other easily tytter, were they not fastened on their heads, with the strong chains of Civil Justice and Mar­tial Discipline.

1. For the administration of the first, even God himself hath given di­rection, Judge and Officers shalt thou make, which shall judge the People with righteous judgement.

2 The second is grounded on the first Laws of the world and nature, that Force is to be repelled by Force. Yea Moses in the 10 of Exodus, and elsewhere, hath delivered us many Laws & Policies of War. But as we have heard of the neglect and abuse in both, so have we heatd of the de­cline and ruine of many Kingdoms & States long before our days: for that Policie hath never yet prevailed (though it hath served for a short sea­son) where the counterfeit hath been sold for the natural, and the outward shew and formalitie for the substance. Of the Emperour Charls the Fourth, [Page 155] the writers of that age witness, that he used but the name of Justice and good order, being more learned in the Law than in doing right, and that he had by far, more knowledge than consci­ence. Certainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untransparable bodie of Gold, every ordinarie wit can vitrifie, and make transparent pierce, and discern their corruptions; howsoever, because not daring, they cover their knowledge, but in the mean while it is also true, That constrained dissimulation, ei­ther in the proud heart, or in the op­pressed, either in publick estates, or in private persons, where the fear of God is not prevalent, doth in all the leisure of her lurking, but sharpen her teeth, the voluntarie being no less base, than the forced malitious. Thus it fared between the Barons of England and their Kings, between the Lords of Switzerland & their people, between the Sicilians and the French between the Dolphin and John of Burgoign, be­tween Charl the Ninth and the French Protestants, and between Henry the third, his successor, and the Lords of Guise, hereof in place of more particu­lars, [Page 156] the whole world may serve for examples.

It is a difficult piece of Geographie to delinate and lay out the bounds of Authority; but it is easie enough cō ­ceive the best use of it, and by which it hath maintained it self in lasting hap­piness, t hath ever acquired more ho­nour by perswading, than by beating; for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal, so do all other chains or cords, both rust [...]e & rot Noble parts of their own Royal and Politick bodies.

Huband men.But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Ci­vil Justice; for in respect of the first sort of Men, to wit, of those that live by their own labour, they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels, Meum & Tuum, Mine & Thine is all wherein they seek their certaintie & protection. True it is, that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land, which God in Deuteronomie comman­ded to be spared, they gather honey, and hardly enjoy the wax, and break the ground with great labour, giving the best of their grain to the easefull & idle.

[Page 157] Mer­chant.For the second sort, which are the Merchants, as the first feed the Kingdome, so do these enrich it, yea their trades, especially those which are forcible, are not the least part of our Martiall Policie, as hereafter proved; and to do them right, they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land, not onely with great sums of mo­ney, but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas. The second have seldome or never of­fended their Princes, to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditi­ons, hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other Nations, give them but the Commission of Re­prisal, they will either Right them­selves, or sit down with their own losse without complaint.

Gen­try.3. The third sort, which are the Gentrie of England, these being neither seated in the lowest grounds, and thereby subject to the biting of e­very beast, nor in the highest Moun­tains, & thereby in danger to be torn with tempest; but the Valleys between both, have their parts in the inferiour Iustice, & being spread over all, are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm.


Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Se­cretary Winwood, before his Iourney to Guiana.

Honourable SIR,

I Was lately perswaded, by two Gentlemen, my anci­ent Friends, to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine, made here­tofore for a Journey to Guiana, who were of opinion, That it would be bet­ter understood now, than when it was first propounded, which advice having surmounted my dispair, I have presu­med to send unto your Honour the Co­pies of those Letters which I then wrote, both to his Majestie, and to the Trea­surer Ceuill, wherein as well the rea­sons [Page 159] that first moved me are remem­bered, as the objections by him made are briefly answered.

What I know of the riches of that place, not by hear say, but what mine eyes hath seen, I have said it often, but it was then to no end: Because those that had the greatest trust, were resolved not to believe it, not because they doubted the Truth, but because they doubted my Disposition towards themselves; where (if God had blessed me in the enterprise) I had recovered his Majesties favour and good opinion. Other cause than this, or other suspition they never had any. Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in searching out the Nature of my offences, The Queens Majestie hath informed her self from the beginning. The King of Den­mark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocencie, they would otherwise ne­ver have moved his Majestie on my behalf.

The Wife, the Brother, and the Son of a King, do not use to sue for men suspect; but Sir, since they all have done it out of their charitie, [Page 160] and but with references to me alone. Your Honour (whose respect hath one­ly relation to his Majesties service) strengthened by the example of those Princes, may with the more hardnesse do the like, being Princes to whom his Majesties good estate is not lesse dear; and all men that shall oppugne it, no lesse hatefull, then to the King himself.

It is true Sir, That his Majestie hath sometimes answered, That his Coun­cel knew me better than he did; mea­ning some two or three of them, And it was indeed my infelicitie; for had his Majestie known me, I had never been here where I now am: or had I known his Majestie, they had never been so long there where they now are. His Majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruine, and his Majestie mis­knowing of them, hath been the ruine of a goodly part of his estate: but they are all of them now, some living and some dying, come to his Majesties knowledge. But Sir, how little soever his Majestie knew me, and how much soever he believed them, yet have I been bound to his Majestie both for my Life, and all that remains, of which, [Page 161] but for his Majestie, nor Life, nor ought else had remained. In this respect Sir, I am bound to yield up the same life, and all I have for his Majesties service; to die for the King, and not by the King, is all the ambition I have in the world.

Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to his Wife, from Guiana.

Sweet Heart,

I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand, for I have suffered the most violent Calenture for fifteen days, that ever man did, and lived: but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities, hath also now strengthened it in the hell fire of heat.

We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship, of which fourtie two have died, and there are yet many sick. but having recovered the land of Guiana, this 12 of November, I hope we shall recover them. We are yet two [Page 162] hundred men, and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong, strong e­nough I hope to perform what we have undertaken, if the diligent care at London, to make our strength known to the Spanish King by his Ambassa­dour, have not taught the Spanish King to fortifie all the enterances a­gainst us; howsoever we must make the adventure, and if we perish, it shall be no honour for England, nor gain for his Majestie to loose among many other, an hundred as valiant Gen­tlemen as England hath in it.

Of Captain Bayl [...]s base coming from us at the Canaries, see a Letter of Kemishes to Mr cory, & of the unnatu­ral weather, storms & rains and winds, He hath in the same letter, given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days, now hardly performed in fourtie days; God I trust, will give us comfort in that which is to come.

In passage to the Canaries, I stayed at Gomerah, where I took water in peace, because the Countrey durst not denie it me; I received there of an En­glish race, a Present of Oranges, Lem­mons, Quinces, & Pome-granates with­out [Page 163] which I could not have lived; those I preserved in fresh sands, and I have of them yet to my great refreshing. Your son had never so good health, having no distemper in all the heat under the Line. All my servants have escaped but Crab and my Cook, yet all have had the sickness. Crofts and March, and the rest are all well. Remember my service to my Lord Carew, and Mr Secretarie Winwood.

I write not to them, for I can write of nought but miseries: yet of men of sort, we have lost our Serjeant Major, Captain Pigott, and his Lieuetenant, Captain Edward Hastings, who would have died at home, for both his liver, spleen and brains were rotten. My sons Lieuetenant Payton and my cosin Mr. Hews, Mr. Mordant, Mr. Gar­diner. Mr. Hayward, Captain Jennings the Merchant, Kemish of London, and the Master Chyrurgion, Mr. Refiner, Mr. Moor the Governour of the Barmoudas. our Provost Marsh. W. Steed, Lieutenant Vescie, but to mine inestimable grief, Hammon and Talb [...]t. By the next I trust you shall hear better of us, in Gods [Page 164] hands we were, and in him we trust,

This bearer, Captain Alley, for his infirmitie of his head I have sent back, an honest valiant man, he can deliver you all that is past. Commend me to my worthy friends at Loathbury, Sr John Leigh and Mr. Bow [...]r, whose Ne­phew Knevil is well, and to my cosin Blundell, and my most devoted and humble service to her Majestie.

To tell you that I might be here King of the Indi [...]n, were a vanitie, but my name hath still lived among them; here they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the Countrey yields, all offer to obey me. Commend me to poor Carew my son.

From Galliana in Guiana, the 14 of November.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood.


AS I have not hitherto given you a­ny Account of our proceedings and passages towards the Indes, so have I no other subject to write of, than of [Page 165] the greatest misfortunes that ever be­fell any man: for whereas, for the first, All those that Navigate between Cape de Vera and America, do passe be­tween fifteen or twentie days at most, we found the wind so contrary, and which are also contrary to nature so many storms and rains, as we spent six weeks in the passage, by reason where­of, and that in so great heat we wanted water: for at the Isle Prano of Cape de vero, we lost our Anchours and Cables, and our water Casks, being driven from the Island with a Hu [...]icano, and were like all to have perished. Great sicknesse fell amongst us, and carried a­way great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land. The 17 of No­vember, we had sight of Guiana, and soon after came to Anchour in five de­grees at the River Gallian [...], here we staid till the fourth of December, land­ed our sick men, set up the Barges and Shallops, which were brought out of England in quarters, washed our Ships, and took in fresh water, being sed and cherished by the Indians of my old ac­quaintance, with a great deal of love and respect, my self being in the hands of death these 6 weeks, and was not a­ble [Page 166] otherwise to move than as I was carried in a chair, gave order to 5 small Ships to sail into Orinoque, ha­ving Captain Kemts for their Con­ductor towards the Mynes, and in those five Ships five Companies of 50 under the command of Captain Par­ker, and Captain North, brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North, valiant Gentlemen, and of in­finite patience for the labour, hunger, and heat which they have endured, my son had the third Company Captain Thornix of Kent the fourth Company, Captain Chidlez, by his Lieutenant, the fifth: but as my Sergeant Major Captain Peggot of the Low Countreys died in the former miserable passage, so my Lieutenant Sir Warham S. Let­ter lay sick without hope of life, and the charge conferred on my Nephew George Raleigh, who had also served long with infinite commendations; but by reason of my absence, and of Sir Warhams was not so well obeyed as the Enterprize required. As they passed up the River, the Spaniard be­gan the War, and shot at us both with their Ordinance and Muskets, whereupon the Companies were [Page 167] forced to charge them, and soon after beat them out of the Town. In the Assault, my son (more desirous of honour than safetie) was slain, with whom (to say truth) all the respects of this world have taken end in me. And although these five Captains had as weak Companies as ever followed valiant Leaders, yet were there a­mongst them some twentie or thirtie valiant adventurous Gentlemen, and of singular courage, as of my sons Companie, Mr. Knivet, Mr. Hammon, Mr. Longwirth, Mr. Iohn Pleasington; his Officers, Sir Iohn Hamden; Mr. Simon Leak Corporall of the Field, Mr. Hammon the elder Brother, Mr. Nicholas of Buckingham, Mr. Roberts of Kent, Mr. Perin, Mr. Tresham, Mr. Mullinax, Mr. Winter and his brother, Mr. Wray, Mr. Miles Herbart, Mr. Bradshavv, Capt. Hill, and others.

Sir, I have set down the names of these Gentlemen, to the end, that if his Majestie shall have cause to use their service, it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient Gen­tlemen. The other five Ships staid at Trinidads, having no other Port ca­pable for them near Guiana. The [Page 168] second Ship was commanded by my Vice Admirall Capt. John Pennington, of whom (to do him right) he is one of the sufficientest Gentlemen for the Sea that England hath. The third by Sir Warham S. Leiger, an exceeding valiant and worthy Gentleman. The fourth by Sr John Fern The fifth by Captain Chidley of Devon. With these five Ships I daily attended their Arma­do of Spain, which had they set upon us, our force divided, the one half in Orinoque, an hundred and fiftie miles from us, we had not onely been torn in pieces, but all those in the River had also perished, being of no force at all for the Sea fight; for we had resolved to have been burnt by their sides, had the Armado arrived: but belike, they staid for us at Ma [...]g [...]t, by which they knew we must passe towards the Indies: for it pleased his Majestie to value us at so little, as to command me upon my Alleageance, to set down under my hand the Countrey, and the River by which I was to enter it; to set down the number of my men, and burthen of my Ships, and what Ordinance eve­ry Ship carried, which being known to the Spanish Ambassadour, and by him [Page 169] to the King of Spain, a dispatch was made, and letters sent from Madrid, before my departure out of the Tha­mes; for his first letter sent by a Barque of Advise, was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid, which letter I have here inclosed sent to your Ho­nour, the rest I reserve, not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not. The second by the King, dated the second of May, sent also by a Co­ronel of Diego de Polo [...]eque, Gover­nour of Guiana, Elderedo and Trini­dado. The third by the Bishop of Po­rtricho, and delivered to Po [...]oni [...]que the 15 of July, at Trinidado. And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretary of his Customs in the Indies. At the same time, by that of the Kings hand, sent by the Bishop, there was al­so a Commission for the speedie levy­ing of three hundred souldiers, and ten pieces of Ordinance to be sent frō Portricho, for the defence of Guiana, an hundred & fiftie from Nuevo Rémo de Grando, under the command of Cap­tain Anthony Musica, and the other hundred and fiftie from Portricho, to be conducted by C. Franc. Laudio.

Now Sir, if all that have traded to [Page 170] the Indies since his Majesties time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken, being but Merchant men, what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us? certainly they have hitherto failed grosly, being set out thence as we were, both for number, time, and place.

Lastly, to make an Apologie for not working the Myne, (although I know his Majestie expects) whom I am to satisfie so much, as my self, having lost my son, and my estate in the En­terprise, yet it is true, that the Spani­ards took more care to defend the pas­sage leading unto it, than they did the Town, which by the Kings instructiōs they might easily do, the Countreys being Aspera & Nemosa.

But it is true, that when Capt. Ke­mish found the River low, and that he could not approach the Banks in most places near the Myne by a Mile, and where he found a discent, a volley of Muskets come from the woods upon the Boat, and slew two Rowers, and hurt fix others, and shot a vali­ant Gentleman of Captain Thornix, of which wound he languisheth to [Page 171] this day. He, to wit, Kemish, follow­ing his own advice, thought that it was in vain to discover the Myne; for he gave me this for an excuse at his return, that the Companies of English in the Town of S. Thome were not able to de­fend it, against the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards, that the pas­sages to the Mynes, were thick and un­passable woods, and that the Myne be­ing discovered, they had no men to work it, did not discover it at all: for it is true, the Spaniards having two gold Mynes near the Town, the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran, the second by Harmian Frotinio, the third of silver, by Captain Francisco, for the want of Negroes to work them: for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charls the Fifth, so the Spani­ards will not, nor can endure the la­bour of those Mynes, whatsoever the Bragadochio, the Spanish Ambassa­dor saith. I shall prove under the Proprietors hand, by the Custom-Book, and the Kings Quinto, of which I recovered an Ingot or two: I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it, how ea­sily those Mynes, and five or six more [Page 172] of them may be possessed, and the most of them in those parts, which never have as yet been attempted by any, nor by any passage to them, nor ever disco­vered by the English, French, or Dutch. But at Kemish his return from Orinoque, when I rejected his counsel and his course, and told him that he had un­done me; and wounded my credit with the King past recovery, he slew himself: for I told him, that seeing my son was slain, I cared not if I had lost an hun­dred more in opening of the Myne, so my credit had been saved: for I protest before God, had not Capt. Whitney (to whom I gave more countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet) run from me at the Granadoes, and car­ried another ship with him of Captain Woldestons. I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons, or have brought with me out of that or other Mynes, so much Gold oar, as should have satisfied the King. I propounded no vain thing; what shall become of me I know not, I am unpardoned in England, and my poor estate consumed, and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not. I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opini­no, to remember my service to my [Page 173] Lord of Ar [...]undel and Pembrook, to take some pity on my poor Wife, to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son; and beseech you to give a copie of this to my Lord [...]: for to a broken mind, a sick bodie, and weak eyes, it is a torment to write many Letters. I have found ma­ny things of importance for discovering the state and weaknesse of the Indies, which if I live, I shall here after impart unto your Honour, to whom I shall re­main a faithfull servant.

Walter Raleigh

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife, Copied out of his own hand writing.

I Was loath to write, because I know not how to comfort you, and God knows, I never knew what sorrow meant till now. All that I can say to you is, that you must obey the will and providence of God, and remember, that the Queens Majestie bare the losse of Prince Henry with a magnanimous [Page 174] heart, and the Ladie Harrington of her son. Comfort your heart (dearest Bess) I shall sorrow for us both, I shall for now the lesse, because I have not long to sorrow, because not long to live. I refer you to Mr. Secretarie Winwoods Letter, who will give you a copie of it, if you send for it, therein you shall know what hath passed; I have writ­ten that Letter, for my brains are bro­ken, and it is a torment for me to write, and especially of misery. I have desired Mr. Secretarie to give my Lord Carew a copie of his Letter. I have clensed my ship of sick men, and sent them home; I hope God will send us somewhat before we return. You shall hear from me if I live, from the New found land, where I mean to make clean my ships and revictual; for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord blesse and comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son

yours Walter Raleigh.
Yours Walter Raleigh.

I Protest before the Majestie of God, That as Sir Francis Drake, [Page 175] and Sir John Hawkins died heart bro­ken when they failed of their enter­prise, I could willingly do the like, did I not contend against sorrow for your sake, in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you. If I live to return, resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strength­ened my heart. It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the Myne, and meant it, but after my sons death, he made them believe he knew not the way, and excused himself upon want of water in the River, and coun­ter feiting many impediments left it unfound. When he came back, I told him he had undone me, and that my credit was lost for ever; he answe­red, That when any son was lost, and that he left me so weak, that he resolved not to find me alive, he had no reason to enrich a companie of Rascals, who after my sons death made no account of him. He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana, could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken, and therefore for them to passe through thick woods it was impossible, and more impossible to have victuall brought [Page 176] them into the Mountains And it is true, that the Governour Diego Polo [...]eqe, and other four Captains being slain, where­of Wat flew one, Plessington, Wa [...]s ser­vant, and John of Moroc [...]urs, one of his men, slew other two. I say five of them slain in the enterance of the Town, the rest went off in a whole bodie, and took more care to defend the passages to their Mynes (of which they had three within a League of the Town, besides a Myne that was about five miles off) than they did of the Town it self. Yet Kemish at the first was re­solved to go to the Myne; but when he came to the banck-side to Land, and had two of his men slain outright from the bank, and six other hurt, and Cap­tain Thornix shot in the head, of which wound, and the accident thereof, he hath pined away those twelve weeks.

Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which mo­ved him not to open the Myne, the one the death of my son, a second the weaknesse of the English, and their im­possibilities to work and to be victual­led; a third that it were a folly to dis­cover it for the Spaniards; and lastly my weaknesse and being unpardoned; [Page 177] and that I rejected all these his Argu­ments, and told him, that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State, he shut up himself into his Cabbin, and shot himself with a poc­ket Pistol which broke one of, his ribs, and finding that he had not prevailed, he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died. Thus much I have written to Mr Secretarie, to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth. I did after the sealing break open the Letter again, to let you know in brief the state of that business, which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland, and Silvanus Sco­ [...]y.

For the rest, there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was; for being commanded upon mine Al­leagiance to set down not onely the Coū-trey but the very River by which I was to enter it, to name my Ships number, men, and my Artillerie. This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain, the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies, especially to the Governour Palamago of Guiana, Elderado, and Trinidado, of which the [Page 178] first Letter bore date 19 of March 16 [...]7, at Ma [...]rill, when I had not yet left the Thames, which Letter I have sent ot Mr Secretarie. I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve, and one of the Councels. The King al­so sent a Commission to leave three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of [...]nie Regno de Granado è Portricho, with ten pieces of brasle Ordinance to entertain us; he also prepared an Ar­my by sea to set upon us. If were too long to tell you how we were pre­served, if I live I shall make it known; my brains are broken, and I cannot write much, I live yet, and I told you why. Witney for whom I sold all my Plate at Plymouth, and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet, ran from me at the Granadoes, and Wolleston with him, so as I have now but five Ships, and out of those I have sent some into my Fly boat, a sabble of idle Rascals, which I know will not spare to wound me, but I care not. I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done, that have slept so little, and travelled so much, my [Page 179] friends will not believe them, and for the rest I care not; God in heaven blesse you and strengthen your heart.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood.


SInce the death of Kemish, it is con­tessed by the Serjeant Major, and others of his inward friends, that he told them that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the Riverside; but because my son was slain my self unpardoned, and not like to live, he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King; they answered, that the King (though I were not pardoned) had granted my heart under the Great Sea. He replyed, that the grant to me was to no man, non [Page 180] Ens in the Law, and therefore of no force; this discourse they had, which I knew not of till after his death: but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour, he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne, I answered him I would not do it; but if my self could satisfie the King and State, that he had reason not to open it, I should be glad of it: but for my part, I must avow that he knew it, and that he might with loss have done it; other excuses I would not frame: he told me that he would wait on me presently, and give me bet­ter satisfaction: but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin, but I heard a Pistol go over my head, and sending to know who shot it, word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it; his boy going into his Cabbin, found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him, and looking in his face saw him dead; the Pistol being but little, did but crack his rib, but tur­ning him over found a long Knife in his bodie, all but the handle. Sir I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert (a very valiant honest Gentle­man) [Page 181] divers unworthy persons, good for nothing neither by sea nor land, and though it was at their own suit, yet I know they will wrong me in all that they can. I beseech your Honour, that the scorn of men may not be believed of me, who have taken more pains, and suffered more than the meanest Rascall in the Ship; these being gone, I shall be able to keep the Sea untill the end of August, with some four reasonable good ships. Sir, wheresoever God shall permit me to arrive in any part of Eu­rope, I will not fail to let your Honour know what we have done, till then, and ever I rest

Your Honours servant W. Raleigh.

Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S Letter to King JAMES, at his return from GVIANA.

May it please your most excel­lent Maiestie,

IF in my Journey outward bound, I had my men murthered at the Islands, & yet spared to take revenge, if I did discharge some Spanish Barks taken without spoil, if I so bear all parts of the Spanish Indies, wherein I might have taken twentie of their Downs on the sea coasts, and did one­ly follow the enterprize I undertook for Guiana, where without any dire­ctions from me, a Spanish Village was burnt, which was new set up within three miles of the Myne By your Ma­jesties favour. I find no reason why the Spanish Ambassador should com­plain of me. If it were lawfull for the Spaniards to murther twentie six En­glish [Page 183] men, tying them back to back, and then cutting their throats, when they had traded with them whole moneth, and came to them on the land without so much as one sword, and that it may not be lawfull to your Maje­sties subjects, being charged first by them, to repell force by force, we may justly say, O miserable English!

If P [...] and [...]e [...]m took Cam­pe [...] and other places in the Hondu­ras, seated in the heart of the Spanish Indies burnt towns, and killed the Spaniards, and had nothing said unto them at this return, and my self for­bore to look into the I [...]as; because I would not offend, I may as justly say, O miserable Sir Walter Raleigh!

If I have spent my poor estate, lost my son, suffered by sicknesse and other­wise a world of miseries; if I have re­sisted with manifest hazard of my life, the Robberies and Spoils, with which my Companions would have made me rich, if when I was poor, I would have made my self rich, if when I have got­ten my liberty, which all men and na­ture it self do much prize, I voluntari­ly lost it, if when I was sure of my life, I rendered it again, if I might else­where [Page 184] where have sold my ship and goods, and put five or six thousand pounds in my purse, and yet brought her into En­gland, I beseech your Majestie to be­lieve, that all this I have done, because it should not be said to your Majestie, that your Majestie had given libertie and trust to a man whose end was but the recoverie of his libertie, and who had betrayed your Majesties trust.

My Mutiniers told me, that if I retur­ned from England I should be undone, but I believed in your Majesties good­nesse more than in all their being arguments. Sure, I am the first that being free and able to enrich my self; yet hath embra­ced povertie and perill. And as sure I am, that my example shall make me the last: but your Majesties wisdom and goodnesse I have made my judges, who have ever been, and shall ever be,

Your Majesties most humble Vassal Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleighs's Letter to his Wife, after his Condemnae­tion.

YOu shall receive (my dear Wife) my Last words in these my Last lines; my love I send you, that you may keep when I am dead, and my counsell, that you may remember it when I am no more. I would not with my will present you sorrows (dear Bess) let them go to the grave with me, and be buried in the dust. And seing that it is not the will of God that I shall see you any more, bear my destruction patiently, and with an heart like your self.

First I send you all the thanks which my heart can conceive, or my words ex­presse, for your many travels and cares for me, which though they have not taken effect as you wished, yet my debt to you is not the lesse; but pay it I ne­ver shall in this world.

Secondly, I beseech you, for the love you bare me living, that you do not hide your self many days, but by your travels seek to help my miserable For­tunes, and the Right of your poor [Page 186] Child, your mourning cannot avail me that am but dust.

Thirdly, you shall understand, that my Lands were conveyed (bona fide) to my Child, the writings were drawn at Midsummer was twelve moneths, as divers can witness, and I trust my bloud will quench their malice who desired my slaughter, that they will not seek also to kill you and yours with extream poverty. To what friend to direct you I know not, for all mine have left me in the true time of tri­all. Most sorrie am I, that being thus surprised by death, I can leave you no better Estate, God hath pre­vented all my determinations, that great God which worketh all in all, and if you can live free from want, care for no more, for the rest is but a vanitie: Love God and begin betimes, in him you shall find true, everlasting, and endlesse comfort, when you have travelled and wearied your self with all sorts of worldly cogitations you shall sit down by sorrow in the end Teach your son also to serve and fear God whilest he is young, that the fear of God may grow up in him; then will God be an Husband to you, [Page 187] and a Father to him, an Husband and a Father, that can never be taken from you.

Baylie oweth me a thousand pounds, and Arvan six hundred; in J [...]rnesey also have much owing me. (Dear wife) I beseech you, for my Souls sake, pay all poor men. When I am dead, no doubt you shall be much sought unto for the world thinks I was very rich; have a care to the fair pre­tences of men, for no greater miserie can befall you in this life, than to be­come a prey unto the world, and af­ter to be despised. I speak (God knows) not to disswade you from Marriage, for it will be best for you, both in respect of God and the world. As for me, I am no more yours, nor you mine, death hath cut us asunder, and God hath di­vided me from the world, and you from me. Remember your poor Child for his Fathers sake, who loved you in his happiest estate. I sued for my life, but (God knows) it was for you and yours that I desired it: for, know it, (my dear Wife) your Child is the Child of a true man, who in his own re­spect despiseth Death and his misha­pen and ugly forms. I cannot write [Page 188] much, (God knows) how hardly I steal this time when all sleep, and it is also time for me to separate my thoughts from the world. Beg my dead body, which living was denied you, and ei­ther lay it in S [...]b [...]rn or in Exceter Church by my father and mother. I can say no more, Time and Death cal­leth me away. The everlasting God, powerfull, infinite, and inscrutable God Almightie, who is goodnesse it self, the true Light and Life, keep you and yours, and have mercy upon me, and forgive my Persecutors and false accusers, and send us to meet in his glorious kingdom. My dear Wife fare­well, Blesse my Boy, Pray for me, and let my true God hold you both in his Arms.

Yours that was, but now not mine own Walter Raleigh.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Prince Henry, touching the mo­del of a Ship.

Most excellent Prince,

IF the Ship your Highness intends to build, be bigger than the Victorie, then her beams, which are laid over­thwart from side to side will not serve again, and many other of her timbers and other stuff, will not serve, where­as if she be a size less, the timber of the old Ship will serve well to the building of a new.

If she be bigger she will be of less use, go very deep to water, and of mightie charge, our Channels decay­ing every year, less nimble, less man­nyable, and seldom to be used Gran­de Navio grande satica saith the Spa­niard.

A Ship of six hundred Tuns, will carrie as good Ordinance as a Ship of twelve hundred Tuns, and where the greater hath double her Ordinance, the less will turn her broad side twice, before the great Ship can wind [Page 190] once, and so no advantage in that over-plus of Guns. The lesser will go over clear where the greater shall stick and perish; the lesser will come and go, leave or take, and is yare, whereas the greater is slow, unmanyable, and ever full of encumber.

In a well conditioned Ship, these things are chiefly required.

  • 1. That she be strong built.
  • 2. Swift in sail.
  • 3. Stout-sided.
  • 4. That her Ports be so laid, as that she may carry out her Guns all weathers.
  • 5. That she hull and trie well.
  • 6. That she stay well, when board­ing, or turning on a wind is required.

To make her strong, consisteth in the care and truth of the work-man; to make her swift, is to give her a large Run, or way forward, and so after­ward, done by act and just proportion, and that in laying out of her bowes before, and quarters behind; the Ship-wright be sure, that she neither sink nor hang into the water, but lie clear and a [...]ove it, wherein Ship-wrights do oft­en fail, and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled.

[Page 191]That she be stout-sided, the same is provided by a long bearing floar, and by sharing off from above waters to the low [...]edge of the Ports, which done, then will she carry out her Ordinance all we [...]thers.

To make her to hull and to trie well, which i [...] called a good sea-Ship, there are two things principally to be regar­ded, the one that she have a good draught of water, the other that she be not overcharged: And this is seldom done in the Kings Ships, and therefore we are forced to lye, or trie in them with our main Course and mizen, which with a deep keel and standing streak, she would perform.

The extream length of a Ship makes her unapt to stay, especially if she be floatie and want sharpnesse of way forward. And it is most true, that such over-long Ships, are fitter for the narrow Seas in summer, than for the Ocean, or long voyages: and therefore an hundred foot by the Keel, and thir­tie five foot broad is a good proportion for a great Ship.

It is to be noted, that all Ships sharp before, not having a long floar, will fall rough into the sea from a [Page 192] billow, and take in water over head and ears; and the same quality have all narrow-quartered ships to sink after the tail. The high Charging of ships, is that that brings many ill qualities, it makes them extream Lee-ward, makes them sink deep into the seas, makes them labour sore in foul weather, and oft-times overset. Safety is more to be respected than shews, or nicenesse for ease; in sea journeys both cannot well stand together, and therefore the most necessary is to be chosen.

Two Decks and an half is enough, and no building at all above that, but a low Masters Cabbin. Our Masters and Mariners will say, that the ships will bear more well enough; and true it is, if none but ordinary Mariners served in them. But men of better sort, unused to such a life, cannot so well endure the rowling and tumbling from side to side, where the seas are ne­ver so little grown, which comes by high Charging. Besides those high Cabbin works aloft, are very dange­rous in sight, to tear men with their splinters.

Above all other things, have care that the great Guns be four foot clear [Page 193] above water when all lading is in, or else these best pieces are idle sea: for if the Ports lie lower, and be open it is dangerous; and by that default was a goodly Ship, and many gallant Gen­tlemen lost, in the days of Henry the Eigth, before the Isle of Wight, in a Ship called by the name of Mary-Rose.

Sir Walter Raleighs PILGRIMAGE.

GIve me my Scallop shell of Quiet.
My Staff of Faith to walk upon;
My Scrip of Joy immortall Diet;
My Bottle of Salvation.
My Gown of Glorie (Hopes true gage)
And thus Ile take my Pilgrimage.
Bloud must be my Bodies onely Balmer,
No other Balm will there be given
Whil'st my Soul, like a quiet Palmer,
Travelleth towards the Land of Heaven
Over the silver Mountains
Where springs the Nectar Fountains,
There I will kisse the Bowl of Blisse,
And drink mine everlasting fill
Upon every Milken hill.
My Soul will be a drie before,
But after, it will thirst no more.
Ile take them first to quench my Thirst,
And tast of Nectars suckets,
At those clear Wells
Where sweetnesse dwells,
Drawn up by Saints in Chrystal Buckets.
Then by that happy blestfull day,
More peacefull Pilgrims I shall see,
That have cast off their rags of clay,
And walk apparelled fresh like me,
And when our Bo [...]les and all we
Are fill'd with immortalitie,
[Page 205]Then the blessed Parts wee'l travell,
Strow'd with Rubies thick as gravell,
Sealings of Diamonds, Saphire flowers,
High walls of Coral, and Pearly Bowers.
From thence to Heavens bribeless Hall,
Where no corrupted voices brawl,
No Conscience molten into Gold,
No forg'd Accuser bought or sold,
No cause deferr'd, no vain-spent Iourny,
For there, CHRIST is the Kings Attorney,
Who pleads for all without degrees,
And he hath Angels, but no Fees:
And when the twelve Grand-million Iury
Of our Sins, with direfull furie,
'Gainst our Souls black Verdicts give,
Christ pleads his Death, & then we Live.
Be thou my Speaker [taintless Pleader,
Unblotted Lawyer, true Proceeder.]
Thou would'st Salvation even for Alms,
Not with a bribed Lawyers Palms.
And this is mine eternall Plea
To him that made Heaven, Earth & Sea,
That since my Flesh must die so soon,
And want a Head to dine next noon,
Iust at the stroak, when my Veins start & spread,
Set on my Soul an everlasting Head.
Then am I ready, like a Palmer fit
To tread those blest Paths which before I writ.
Of Death & Iudgement, Heaven & Hell,
Who oft doth think, must needs Die wel.

Sir Walter Raleigh's VERSES; Found in his Bible in the Gate-house at West­minster.

EVen such is Time, which takes in trust
Our Youth, our Ioye, and all we have,
And pays us nought but Age and Dust,
When in the dark and silent Grave:
When we have wandred all our ways,
Shuts up the storie o [...] our days:
And from which Grave, & Earth, & Dust,
The Lord shall raise me up I trust.

Sir W. RALEIGH, On the Snuff of a Candle The night before he died.

Cowards fear to Die, but Courage stout,
Rather than Live in Snuff, wil be put out.

Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S SPEECH Immediately before he was beheaded.

UPon Simon and Judes day, the Lieutenant of the Tow­er had a Warrant to bring his Prisoner to the Kings-Bench. W [...], where the Attorney Generall demanded Executi­on, according to the Iudgement pro­nou [...]ced against him at W [...], the Lord Chief Iustice caused the Indict­ment. Verdict and Iudgement to be read, and after asked him, what he could say, Why he should not die ac­cording to the Law; his answer was, That this fifteen years he had lived by the meer mercy of the King, and did now wonder how his Mercy was turned into Iustice, he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his Maje­sties [Page 198] displeasure, and did hope, that he was clear from that Iudgement by the Kings Commission in making him Ge­nerall of the Voyage to Guiana, for (as he conceived) the words, To his tru­sty and well beloved subject, &c. Did in themselves imply a Pardon. But Ma­ster Attorney told him, these words were not sufficient for that purpose. Whereupon he desired the opinion of the Court, to which the Lord Chief Iustice replied, it was no Pardon in Law.

Then began Sir Walter Raleigh to make a long description of the events and ends of his Voyage, but he was in­terrupted by the Chief Iustice, who told him, that it was not for any of­fence committed there, but for his first fact that he was now called in questi­on, and thereupon told him, That see­ing he must prepare to die he would not add affliction to affliction, nor ag­gravate his fault, knowing him to be a man full of misery; but with the good Samaritane administer oyl and wine for the comfort of his distressed Soul. You have been a Generall, and a great Commander, imitate therefore that noble Captain, who thrusting himself [Page 199] into the middest of a Battell, cried a­loud, Mors me Expect [...]t, & ego Mor­tem Expectabo, as you should not con­temn so to do, nor should you fear death, the one sheweth too much bold­nesse, the other no lesse cowardize, so with some other few instructions the Court arose, and Sir Walter was com­mitted into the hands of the Sheriff of Middlesex, who presently conveyed him to the Gate house in Westminster.

Upon Thursday morning this Cou­ragious, although Committed Knight, was brought before the Parliament-house, where there was a Scaffold ere­cted for his Beheading: yet it was doubted over-night that he should be hanged, but it fell out otherwise. He had no sooner mounted the scaffold, but with a chearfull Countenance and andaunted Look, he saluted the Com­panie. His Attire was a wrought Night-cap, a Ruff band, a hair-colou­red Sattin Doublet, with a black wrought Waste-coat under it, a pair of black cut Taffery Breeches, a pair of ash-coloured Silk Stockings & a wrought black Velvet Night gown; putting off his Hat, he directed his Speech to the Lords present, as followeth.

[Page 200]

My honourable Lords, and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die, Know, that I much rejoyce that it hath pleased God to bring me from darknesse to night, and in freeing me from the Tower, wherein I might have died in disgrace, by letting me love to come to this place, where though I lose my life, yet I shall clear some false accusations, unjustly laid to my charge, and leave behind me a te­stimony of a true heart, both to my King and Country.

Two things S [...] W. Ra­leigh accu­sed of.Two things there are which have exceedingly possest and provoked his Majesties indig­nation against me, viz. A Confederacie, or Combination with France, and disloyall and disobedient words of my Prince. For the first, his Majestie had some cause, h [...]gh groun­des upon a weak foundation, to suspect mine inclination to the French action, for not long before my departure from En­gland, the French Agent took occasion, passing by my house, to visit me, had some conference, during the time of his abode, onely concerning my voyage, and nothing else, I take God to witnesse.

Another suspition is had of me, be­cause I did labour to make an escape from [Page 201] Plymouth to France, I cannot deny, but that willingly, when I heard a rumour, That there was no hope of my Life upon my return to London, I would have e­scaped so the safeguard of my Life, and not for any ill intent or conspiracie against the State.

The like reason of suspition arose, in that I perswaded Sir Lewis Steakly, my Guardian, to flee with me from London to France, but my answer to this is, as to the other, That onely for my safeguard, and thought else, was my intent, as I shall answer before the Almightie.

It is alleadged, That I seigned my self sick and in art made my body full of bli­sters when I was at Salisbury. True it is, I did to; the reason was, because I hoped thereb [...] to defer my coming before the King and Councell, and so by delaying, might have gaine time to have got my Pardon. I have an Example out of Scrip­ture for my warrant, that in case of ne­cessity, and for the safeguard of my life, David seigned himself foolish and mad, yet it was not imputed to him for sin.

Concerning the second Imputation laid to my charge, that I should speak scanda­lous and reprochfull words of my Prince, there is no witnesse against me but onely [Page 202] one, and he a Chimicall French man, whom I entertained, rather for his Iests than his Iudgement: this man to incroach himself into the favour of the Lords, and gaping after some great reward, hath falsely accused me of Seditions speeches a­gainst his Majestie; against whom, if I did either speak, or think a thought hurt­full or prejudiciall, the Lord blot me out of the book of Life.

It is not a time to flatter or fear Prin­ces, for I am a subject to none but Death? therefore have a charitable conceit of me. That I know to swear is an offence, to swear falsly at any time is a great sin, but to swear false before the presence of Al­mightie God, before whom I am forth­with to appear, were an offence unpardo­nable; therefore think me not now rashly, or untruly to confirm, or protest any thing.

As for other objections, in that I was brought perforce into England, that I carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of England with me, more than I I made known; that I should receive Let­ters from the French King, and such like, with many Protestations he utter­ly denied.


The PREROGATIVE Of PARLIAMENTS In ENGLAND. Proved In a Dialogue between a Counsellour of State, and a Iustice of Peace.

Written by the worthy Knight. Sir WAL­TER RALEIGH.

Dedicated to that part of the Parliament now assembled. Preserved to be now happily (in these distracted Times) Published.

LONDON, Printed for William Sheares Iunior, in Westminster Hall. 1657.

To the KING.

Most gracious Soveraign:

THose that are supprest and helpelesse are com­monly silent, wishing that the common ill in all sort might be with their particular misfortunes: which disposition, as it is uncharitable in all men, so would it be in me more dogge-like then man-like, to bite the stone that strooke me: (to wit) the borrowed authority of my So­veraigne misinformed, seeing their armes and hunds that flang it, are most of them already rotten. For I [Page] must confesse it ever, that they are debts, and not discontentments, that your Majesty hath laid upon me; the debts and obligation of a friendlesse adversity, farre more payable in all Kinds, then those of the prospe­rous: All which, nor the least of them, though I cannot discharge, I may yet endeavour it.

And notwithstanding my re­straint hath retrenched all wayes, as well the wayes of labour and will, as of all other imployments, yet hath it left with me my cogitations, then which I have nothing else to offer on the Altar of my Love.

Of those (most gracious Soveraigne) I have used some part in the follow­ing dispute, between a Counsellour of Estate, and a Iustice of Peace, the one disswading, the other perswad­ing the calling of a Parliament. In all which, since the Norman Con­quest (at the least so many, as Hi­stories have gathered) I have in [Page] some things in the following Dialogue presented your Majesty with the contentions and successes.

Some things there are, and those of the greatest, which because they ought first to be resolved on, I thought fit to range them in the front of the rest, to the end your Majesty may be pleased to examine your own great and Princely heare of their acceptance, or refusall.

The first is, that supposition, that your Majesties Subjects give nothing but with adjuction of their own in­terest, interlacing in one, and the same act your Majesties reliefe, and their own liberties; not that your Majesties piety was ever suspected, but because the best Princes are ever the least jealous, your Majesty judging others by your self, who have abused your Majesties trust. The fear'd continuance of the like abuse may perswade the provision But this caution, how ever it seem­eth [Page] at first sight, your Majesty shall perceive by many examples follow­ing but frivolous. The bonds of Sub­jects to their Kings should alwayes be wrought out of Iron, the bonds of Kings unto Subjects but with Cobwebs.

This it is (most renowned Sove­raigne) that this trafficke of assu­rances hath been often urged, of which, if the Conditions had been easie, our Kings have as easily kept them; if hard and prejudiciall, either to their honours or estates, the Creditours have been paid their debts whith their own presum­ption.

For all binding of a King by Law upon the advantage of his ne­cessity, makes the breach it self lawfull in a King, His Charters and all other instruments being no other then the surviuing witnesses of unconstrained will: Princeps non subjicitur nifi sua volun­tate [Page] libera, mero motu & certa Scientia: Necessary words in all the grants of a King witnessing that the same grants were given freely and knowingly.

The second resolution will rest in your Majesty, leaving the new im­positions, all Monopolies, and o­ther grievances of the people to the consideration of the House, Provid­ed, that your Majesties revenue be not abated, which if your Majesty shall refuse, it is thought that the disputes will last long, and the is­sues will be doubtfull: And on the contrary if your Majesty vouchsafe it, it may perchance be stiled a yeelding, which seemeth by the sound to brave the Regalty.

But (mose excellent Prince) what other is it to th' eares of the Wise, but as the sound of a trumpet, ha­ving blasted forth a false Alarme, becomes but common aire? Shall the head yeeld to the feete? certainly it [Page] ought, when they are grieved, for wisdome will rather regard the commodity, then object the disgrace, seeing if the feet lye in fetters, the head cannot be freed, and where the feet feele but their own paines, the head doth not onely suffer by participiation, but withall by consi­deration of the evill.

Certainly the point of honour well weighed hath nothing in it to even the ballance, for by your Ma­jesties favour, your Majesty doth not yeeld either to any person, or to any power, but to a dispute onely, in which the Proposition and Minor prove nothing without a conclusion, which no other person or power can make, but a Majesty: yea this in Henry the third his time was called a wisedome incomparable. For, the King raised again, recovery his authority: For, being in that extremity as he was driven with the Queen and his Children, Cum [Page] Abbatibus & Prioribus satis humilibus hospitia quaerere & prandia: For the rest, may it please your Majesty to consider that there can nothing befall your Majesty in matters of af­faires more unfortunately, then the Commons of Parliament with ill successe: A dishonour so perswa­sive and adventurous as it will not onely find arguments; but it will take the leading of all enemies that shall offer themselves against your Majesties estate.

Le Tabourin de la paurete ne faict poinct de breuct: of which dangerous disease in Princes, the remedy doth chiefly consist in the love of the people, which how it may be had & held, no man knowes better then your Majesty; how to loose it, all men know, and know that it is lost by nothing more then by the defence of others in wrong doing. The onely motives of mi­schances [Page] that ever come to Kings of this Land since the Conquest.

It is onely love (most renowned Soveraign) must prepare the way for your Majesties following desires. It is love which obeyes, which suf­fers, which gives, which stickes at nothing; which Love, as well of your Majesties people, as the love of God to your Majesty, that it may alwayes hold shall be the continuall prayers of your Majesties most humble vassall,

Walter Ralegh.



NOW Sir, what think you of M. S. Iohns tryall in Star-Chamber? I know that the bruit ranne that he was hardly dealt with­all, because he was imprisoned in the Tower, seeing his disswasion from granting a Benevolence to the King was warranted by the Law.


Surely Sir it was [Page 2] made manifest at the hearing, that M. S. Iohn was rather in love with his own letter; he confessed he had seen your Lordships letter, before hee wrote his to the Major of Marleborough, and in your Lordships letter, there was not a word whereto the Statutes by Mr. Sr. Iohn alleadged, had refe­rence; for those Statutes did con­demn the gathering of money from the subject, under title of a free gift; whereas a fift, a sixt, a tenth, &c. was set down and required. But my good Lord, though divers Shires have given to his Majestie, some more, some lesse, what is this to the Kings debt?


Wee know it well e­nough, but we have many other pro­jects.


It is true my good Lord: but your Lordship will find, that when by these you have drawn many petty summes from the subjects, and those sometimes spent as fast as they are gathered, his Majesty being nothing enabled thereby, when you shall be forced to demand your great aide, the the Countrey will excuse it self in re­gard of their former payments.


What mean you by the great aide?

[Page 3]

I mean the aide of Parlia­ment.


By Parliament, I would fain know the man that durst perswade the King unto it, for if it should suc­ceed ill, in what case were he?


You say well for your self my Lord, and perchance you that are lovers of your selves (under pardon) do follow the advice of the late Duke of Alva, who was ever opposite to all resolutions in businesse of impor­tance; for if the things enterprised succeeded well, the advice never came in question; if ill, (whereto great un­dertakings are commonly subject) he then made his advantage by remem­bring his Countrey Councell: But my good Lord, these reserved Politi­tians are not the best servants, for he that is bound to adventure his life for his Master, is also bound to adventure his advice, Keep not back Councell (saith Ecclesiasticus) When it may do good.


But Sir, I speak it not in other respect then I think it dange­rous for the King to assemble the three estates, for thereby have our for­mer Kings alwayes lost somewhat of their prerogatives. And because that you shall not think that I speak it at ran­dome, [Page 4] I will begin with elder times, wherein the first contention began be­twixt the Kings of this land and their subjects in Parliament.


Your Lordship shall do me a singular favour.


You know that the Kings of England had no formal Parliament till about the 18. year of Hen. the first, for in his 17 year for the marriage of his Daughter, the King raised a tax upon every hide of land by the advice of his privy Councell alone. But you may remember how the subjects soon after the establishment of this Parlia­ment, began to stand upon termes with the King, and drew from him by strong hand and the sword the great Charter.


Your Lordship sayes well, they drew from the King the great Charter by the sword, and hereof the Parliament cannot be accused, but the Lords.


You say well, but it was after the establishment of the Parlia­ment, and by colour of it, that they had so great daring, for before that time they could not endure to hear of Sr. Edwards lawes, but resisted the con­firmation in all they could, although [Page 5] by those lawes the Subjects of this Iland were no lesse free than any of all Europe.


My good Lord, the reason is manifest; for while the Normans and other of the French that followed Conquerour made spoyle of the En­glish, they would not endure that any thing but the will of the Conquerour should stand for Law: but after a di­fcent or two when themselves were become English, and found themselves beaten with their own rods, they then began to favour the difference be­tween subjection and slavery, and in­sist upon the Law, Meum & tuum, and to be able to say unto themselves, hoc sac & vives: yea that the conquering English in Ireland did the like, your Lordship knowes it better than I.


I think you guesse a­right: And to the end the subject may know that being a faithfull servant to his Prince he might enjoy his own life, and paying to his Prince what be­longs to a Soveraigne, the remainder was his own to dispose. Henry the first to content his Vassals gave them the great Charter, and the Charter of Forrests.


What reason then had [Page 6] K. Iohn to deny the confirmation.


He did not, but he on the contrary confirmed both the Charters with additions, & required the Pope whom he had them made his superior to strengthen him with a golden Bul.


But your honour knowes, that it was not long after, that he re­pented himself.


It is rrue, and he had reason so to do for the Barons refused to follow him into France, as they ought to have done, and to say true, this great Charter upon which you in­sist so much, was not originally grant­ed Regally aud freely; for Henry the first did usurpe the Kingdome, and therefore the better to assure himself against Robert his eldest Brother, hee flattered the Nobility and people with those Charters. Yea King Iohn that con­firmed them, had the like respect for Arthur Duke of Britain, was the un­doubted heir of the Crown, upon whom Iohn usurped. And so to con­clude, these Charters had their origi­nall from Kings de facto but not de jure.


But King Iohn confirmed the Charter after the death of his Ne­phew Arthur, when he was then Rex de jure also.

[Page 7]

It is true, for he durst do no other, standing accursed, where­by few or none obeyed him, for his Nobility refused to follow him into Scotland, and he had so grieved the people by pulling down all the Parke pales before harvest, to the end his Deere might spoil the corn; And by seizing the temporalities of so many Bishopricks into his hands, and chief­ly for practising the death of the Duke of Britain his Nephew, as also having lost Normandy to the French, so as the hearts of all men were turn­ed from him.


Nay by your favour my Lord, King Iohn restored K. Edwards Laws after his absolution, and wrote his letters in the 15. of his reigne to all Sheriffes countermanding all for­mer oppressions, yea this he did not­withstanding the Lords refused to follow him into France.


Pardon me, he did not restore King Edwards Lawes then, nor yet confirmed the Charters, but he promised upon his absolution to doe both: but after his return out of France, in his 16. year he denyed it, because without such a promise he had not obtained restitution, his pro­mise [Page 8] being constrained, and not vo­luntary.


But what think you? was hee not bound in honour to performe it.


Certainly no, for it was determined the case of King Francis the first of France, that all promises by him made, whilest he was in the hands of Charles the fift his enemy, were void, by reason the Judge of ho­nour, which tells us he durst doe no other.


But King Iohn was not in prison.


Yet for all that, restraint is imprisonment, yea, fear it self is imprisonment, and the King was sub­ject to both: I know there is nothing more Kingly in a King than the per­formance of his word; but yet of a word freely and voluntarily given. Neither was the Charter of Henry the first so published, that all men might plead it for their advantage but a Charter was left (in deposito) in the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time, and so to his successours. Stephen Langthon, who was ever a Traytor to the King, produced this Charter, and shewed it to the Barons, [Page 9] thereby encouraging them to make war against the King. Neither was it the old Charter simply the Barons sought to have confirmed, but they presented unto the King other articles and orders, tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth, which when the King refused to signe, the Barons presently put themselves into the field, and in rebellious and outra­gious fashion sent the King word, ex­cept he confirmed them, they would not desist from making war against him, till he had satisfied them therein. And in conclusion, the King being betrayed of all his Nobility, in effect was forced to grant the Charter of Magna Charta, and Charta de Forestis, at such time as he was invironed with an Army in the Meadowes of Staynes, which harters being procured by force, Pope Innocent afterward disavowed, and threatned to curse the Barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their Soveraigne Lord, which when the Lords refused to o­bey, the King entertained an army of strangers for his own defence, where­with having mastered and beaten the Barons, they called in Lewes of France (a most unnaturall resolution) to be [Page 10] their King Neither was Magna Char­ta a Law in the 19. of Henry the 2d. but simply a Charter which hee con­firmed in the 21. of his reigne, and made it a Law in the 25. according to Littletons opinion. Thus much for the beginning of the Great Cbarter, which had first an obscure birth from usur­pation, and was secondly fostered and shewed to the world by rebellion.


I cannot deny but that all your Lordship hath said is true; but seeing the Charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by Parliament and made Lawes, and that there is nothing in them unequall or prejudi­cial to the King, doth not your Ho­nour think it reason they should be observed?


Yes, and observed they are in all that the state of a King can permit, for no man is destroyed but by the Lawes of the land, no man dissei­zed of his inheritance but by the Lawes of the land, imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the King hath cause to suspect their loyalty: for were it otherwise, the King should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or Treason against his Per­son or state, and being imprisoned, yet [Page 11] doth not any man suffer death but by the Law of the land.


But may it please your Lordship, were not Cornewallis, Sharpe, and Hoskins imprisoned, being no su­spition of Treason there?


They were; but it cost them nothing.


And what got the King by it? for in the conclusion (besides the murmure of the people) Cornewallis, Sharpe, and Hoskins having greatly overshot themselves, and repented them, a fine of 5 or 600 l. was laid on his Majesty for their offences, for so much their diet cost his Majesty.


I know who gave the ad­vice, sure I am that it was none of mine: But thus I say, if you consult your memory, you shall find that those Kings which did in their own times comfirme the Magna Charta, did not onely imprison, but they caused of their Nobility and others to be slain without hearing or tryall,


My good Lord, if you will give me leave to speak freely, I say, that they are not well advised that per­swade the King not to admit the Mag­na Charta with the former reserva­tions. For as the King can never lose [Page 12] a farthing by it as I shall prove anon: So except England were as Naples is, and kept by Garrisons of another Na­tion, it is impossible for a King of En­gland to greaten and inrich himself by any way so assuredly, as by the love of his people: For by one rebellion the King hath more losse then by a hun­dred years observance of Magna Char­ta, For therein have our Kings been forced to compound with Roagues and Rebels, and to pardon them, yea the state of the King, the Mouarchie, the Nobility have been endangered by them.


Well Sir, let that passe, why should not our Kings raise mony as the Kings of France do by their let­ters and Edicts onely? for since the time of Lewes the 11. of whom it is said, that he freed the French Kings of their wardship, the French Kings have seldome assembled the states for any contribution.


I will tell you why: the strength of England doth consist of the people and Yeomanry, the Pefants of France have no courage nor armes: In France every Village and Burrough hath a castle, which the French call Chasteau Villain, every good City hath [Page 13] a good Cittadell, the King hath the Regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay; yea the No­bility of France in whom the strength of France consists, doe alwayes assist the King in those leavies, because themselves being free, they made the same leavies upon ther Tennants. But my Lord, if you marke it, France was never free in effect from civill wars, and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the Spaniard, or to be cantonized by the rebellious French themselves, since that free­dome of Wardship. But my good Lord, to leave this digression, that wherein I would willingly satisfie your Lordship, is, that the Kings of England have never received losse by Parliament, or prejudice.


No Sir, you shall find that the subjects in Parliament have decreed great things to the disadvan­tage and dishonour of our Kings in former times.


My good Lord, to avoid confusion, I will make a short repititi­on of them all, & then your Lordship may object where you see cause; And I doubt not but to give your Lord­ship satisfaction. In the sixt year of [Page 14] Henry the 3d there was no dispute, the house gave the King two shillings of every plough land within England, and in the end of the same year he had escuage payed him (to wit) for every Knights fee two marks in silver. In the fifth year of that King, the Lords demaunded the confirmation of the Great Charter which the Kings Coun­cell for that time present excused, alleadging that those priviledges, were exhorted by force during the Kings Minoritie, and yet the King was pleased to send forth his writ to the Sheriffes of every Countrey, re­quiring them to certifie what those liberties were, and how used, and in exchange of the Lords demaund, be­cause they pressed him so violently, the King required all the castles and places which the Lords held of his, and had held in the time of his Father, with those Manors and Lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the Crown, which at that time (the King being provided of forces) they durst not deny, in the 14 year he had the 15. peny of all goods given him, upon condition to confirme the Great Charter: For by reason of the wars in France, and the losse of Ro­chett, [Page 15] he was them enforced to con­sent to the Lords in all they demand­ed, in the tenth of his reigne he fined the City of London at 50000. marks, because they had received Lewis of France, in the 11. year in the Parlia­ment at Oxford, he revoked the great Charter, being granted when he was under age, and governed by the Earle of Pembroke and the Bishop of Win­chester, in this 11. year the Earles of Cornewall and Chester, Marshall, Ed­ward Earle of Pembroke, Gilbert Earle of Gloucester, Warren, Hereford, Fer­rars, and Warwick, and others rebel­led against the King, and constrained him to yeeld unto them in what they demaunded for their particular in­terest, which rebellion being appeased, he sayled into France, and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporali­ty, and a disme and a half of the spi­rituality, and withall escuage of every Knights fee.


But what say you to the Parliament of Westminster in the 16th. of the King, where notwithstanding the wars of France and his great charge in repulsing the Welsh rebels, he was flatly denyed the Subsidy demanded.


I confesse, my Lord, that [Page 16] the house excused themselves by rea­son of their poverty, and the Lords taking of Armes; in the next year it was manifest that the house was prac­tised aganst the King: And was it not so, my good Lord, think you in our two last Parliaments, for in the first even those whom his Majesty trusted most, betrayed him in the union, and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter. But your Lord­ship spake of dangers of Parliaments, in this, my Lord, there was a deny­all, but there was no danger at all: but to returne where I left, what got the Lords by practizing the house at that time? I say that those that brake this staffe upon the King, were over­turned with the counterbuffe, for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority, he called all his exacting officers to accompt, he found them all faulty, he examined the cor­ruption of other Magistrates, and from all these he drew sufficient mo­ney to satisfie his present necessity; whereby he not onely spared his peo­ple, but highly contented them with an act of so great Iustice: Yea Hubert Earle of Kent, the chief Iustice whom he had most trusted, and most advan­ced, [Page 17] was found as false to the King as any one of the rest. And for conclu­sion in the end of that year at the as­sembly of the States at Lambeth, the King had the fortieth part of every mans goods given him freely toward his debts, for the people, who the same year had refused to give the King any thing, when they saw he had squeased those spunges of the Com­mon-wealth, they willingly yeelded to give him satisfaction.


But I pray you what be­came of this Hubert, whom the King had favoured above all men, betraying his Majesty as he did.


There were many that per­swaded the King to put him to death, but he could not be drawn to consent, but the King seized upon his estate which was great; yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion, and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times: For this Ma­jesty, though he tooke advantage of his vice, yet he forgot not to have consideration of his vertue. And upon this occasion it was that the King, be­trayed by those whom he most trust­ed, entertained strangers, and gave them their offices and the charge of [Page 18] his Castles and strong places in En­gland.


But the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that Mar­shall Earle of Pembroke moved war a­gainst the King.


It is true, my good Lord, but he was soon after slain in Ireland, and his whole masculine race, ten yeares extinguished, though there were five Sons of them, and Marshal. being dead, who was the mover and ring-leader of that war, the King par­doned the rest of the Lords that had assisted Marshall.


What reason had the King so to doe?


Because he was perswaded, that they loved his person, and only hated those corrupt Counsellors, that then bare the greatest sway under him, as also because they were the best men of war he had, whom if he destroyed, having war with the French, he had wanted Commanders to have served him.


But what reason had the Lords to take armes?


Because the King enter­tained the Poictovins, were not they the Kings vassals also? Should [Page 19] the Spaniards rebell, because the Spanish King trusts to the Neapolitans, Forta­gues, Millanoies, and other Nations his vassals, seeing those that are go­verned by the Vice-royes and depu­ties, are in policy to be well enter­tained & to be employed, who would otherwise devise how to free them­selves; whereas, being trusted and imployed by their Prince, they enter­tain themselves with the hopes that other the Kings vassals do, if the King had called in the Spaniards, or o­ther Nations, not his Subjects, the Nobilitie of England had reason of grief.


But what people did e­ver serve the King of England more faithfully then the Gascoynes did, even to the last of the conquest of that Duchie?


Your Lordship sayes well, and I am of that opinion, that if it had pleased the Queen of Eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the Irish Nobilitie into Eng. and by exchange to have made them good free-holders in Eng. she had saved above 2. mil­lions of pounds, which were consumed in times of those Rebellions. For what held the great Gascoigne firme to the [Page 20] Crown of England (of whom the Duke of Espernon married the Inheritrix) but his Earldome of Kendall in England, whereof the Duke of Espernon (in right of his Wife) beares the Title to this day? And to the same end I take it, hath Iames our Soveraign Lord given Lands to divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland. And if I were worthy to ad­vise your Lordship, I should think that your Lordship should do the King great service, to put him in mind to prohibite all the Scottish Nation to alienate and sell away their inheri­tance here; for they selling, they not only give cause to the English to com­plain, that the Treasure of England is transported into Scotland, but his Ma­jestie is thereby also frustrated of making both Nations one, and of as­suring the service and obedience of the Scots in future.


You say well for though those of Scotland that are advanced and enriched by the Kings Majesties will, no doubt serve him faithfully, yet how their heires and successors, ha­ving no inheritance to lose in England, may be seduced, is uncertain. But let us go on with our Parliament. And what say you to the denyall, in the [Page 21] 26th. year of his reigne, even when the King was invited to come into France by the Earle of March, who had married his Mother, and who promi­sed to assist the King in the conquest of many places lost?


It is true my good Lord, that a subsidie was then denied, and the reasons are delivered in English Histories, and indeed the King not long before had spent much Treasure in aiding the Duke of Britain to no purpose; for he drew over the King but to draw on good conditions for himself, as the Earle of March his fa­ther in law now did: As the English Barons did invite Lewes of France not long before, as in elder times all the Kings and States had done, and in late years the Leaguers of France enter­tained the Spaniards, and the French Protestants and Netherlands, Queen Elizabeth, not with any purpose to greaten those that aide them, but to purchase to themselves an advanta­geous peace. But what say the Histo­ries to this denyall? They say, with a world of payments there mentioned, that the King had drawn the Nobili­ty drie. And besides, that whereas not long before great summes of mo­ney [Page 22] were given, and the same appoint­ed to be kept in four Castles, and not to be expended but by the advice of the Peeres; it was beleeved, that the same Treasure was yet unspent.


Good Sir you have said enough; judge you whether it were not a dishonour to the King to be so tyed, as not to expend his Treasure but by other mens advice, as it were by their licence.


Surely, my Lord, the King was well advised to take the money upon any condition, and they were fooles that propounded the restraint; for it doth not appear, that the King took any great heed to those overseers: Kings are bound by their pietie, and by no other obligation. In Queen Maries time, when it was thought that she was with Child, it was propounded in Parliament, that the rule of the Realme should be given to King Philip, during the mi­noritie of the hoped Prince or Prin­cesse; and the King offered his as­surance in great summes of money, to relinquish the Government at such time as the Prince or Princesse should be of age: At which motion, when all else were silent in the House, [Page 23] Lord Da [...]res (who was none of the wi­sest) asked who shall sue the Kings Bonds? which ended the dispute, (for what other Bond is between a King and his vassals, then the Bond of the Kings Faith?) But, my good Lord, the King, notwithstanding the denyall at that time, was with gifts from par­ticular persons, and otherwise, sup­plyed for proceeding of his journey for that time into France; he took with him 30 Caskes filled with Silver and Coyne, which was a great Trea­sure in those dayes. And lastly, not­withstanding the first denyall, in the Kings absence he had Escuage grant­ed him (to wit) 20s. of every Knights Fee.


What say you then to the 28th year of that King, in which when the King demanded reliefe, the States would not consent, except the the same former order had bin taken for the appointing of 4 overseers for the treasure: as also that the Lord chief Iustice and the L. Chancelor should be chosen by the States, with some Barons of the Exchequer and o­ther officers.


My good Lord, admit the King had yeelded their demands, [Page 24] then whatsoever had been ordained by those Magistrates to the dislike of the Common-wealth, the people had been without remedie, whereas while the King made them, they had their appeal and other remedies. But those demands vanished, and in the end the King had escuage given him, with­out any of their conditions. It is an excellent vertue in a King to have pa­tience, and to give way to the furie of mens passions. The Whale when he is strucken by the fisherman, growes in­to that furie, that he cannot be re­sisted: but will overthrow all the Ships and Barkes that come into his way; but when he hath tumbled a while, he is drawn to the shore with a twin'd thred.


What say you then to the Parliament in the 29th. of that King?


I say, that the Commons being unable to pay, the King relieves him­self upon the richer sort: and so it like­wise happened in the 33. of that King, in which he was relieved chiefly by the Citie of London. But, my good Lord, in the Parliament in London in the 38th year, he had given him the tenth of all the revenues of the [Page 25] Church for 3 years, and three marks of every Knights Fee throughout the Kingdome, upon his promise and oath upon the observing of Magna Charta, but in the end of the same year, the King being then in France, he was denyed the aides which he re­quired. What is this to the danger of a Parliament? especially at this time they had reason to refuse, they had given so great a summe in the begin­ning of the same year. And again; be­cause it was known that the King had but pretended war with the King of Ca­stile, with whom he had secretly con­tracted an alliance, and concluded a Marriage betwixt his Son Edward and the Lady Elenor. These false fires do but fright Children, and it commonly falls out, that when the cause given is known to be false, the necessitie pre­tended is thought to be fained. Roy­all dealing hath evermore Royall suc­cesse: and as the King was denyed in the eight and thirtieth year, so was he denyed in the nine and thirtieth year, because the Nobilitie and the people saw it plainely, that the K. was abu­sed by the Pope, who as well in de­spite to Manfred bastard Son to the Emperour Frederick the second: as to [Page 26] cozen the King and to waste him, would needes bestow on the King the Kingdome of Sicily; to recover which the King sent all the Treasure he could borrow or scrape to the Pope, and withall gave him letters of cre­dence, for to take up what he could in Italy, the King binding himself for the payment. Now, my good Lord, the wisdome of Princes is seen in no­thing more then in their enterprises. So how unpleasing it was to the State of England to consume the Treasure of the Land, and in the conquest of Sicily so far off, and otherwise, for that the English had lost Normandie un­der their noses, and so many goodly parts of France, of their own proper inheritances: the reason of the de­nyall is as well to be considered as the denyall.


Was not the King also denyed a Subsidie in the fortie first of his reigne?


No, my Lord: for although the King required money as before, for the impossible conquest of Sicily, yet the House offered to give 52000 marks, which whether he refused or accepted, is uncertain: and whilst the King dreamed of Sicily, the Welsh [Page 27] invaded and spoyled the borders of England; for in the Parliament of London, when the King urged the House for the prosecuting the con­quest of Sicily, the Lords utterly di­sliking the attempt, urged the prose­cuting of the Welshmen: which Par­liament being proroged did again as­semble at Oxford, and was called the mad Parliament, which was no other then an assembly of rebels, for the royal assent of the King which gives life to all Lawes, form'd by the three estates, was not a royall assent, when both the King and the Prince were constrained to yeeld to the Lords. A contrained consent is the consent of a Captive and not of a King and there­fore there was nothing done their ei­ther legally or royally. For if it be not properly a Parliament where the sub­ject is not free, certainely it can be none where the King is bound, for all Kingly rule was taken from the King, and twelve Peeres appointed, and as some Writers have it 24. Peeres, to governe the Realme, and therefore the assembly made by Iack Straw and other rebels may aswell be called a Parliament as that of Oxford. Prin­cipis nomen habere, non est esse princeps, [Page 28] for thereby was the K. driven not on­ly to compound all quarrels with the French, but to have meanes to be re­venged on the rebell Lords: but he quitted his right to Normandy, An­jou and Mayne.


But Sir, what needed this extremity, seeing the Lords required but the confirmation of the former Charter, which was not prejudiciall to the King to grant?


Yes my good Lord, but they insulted upon the King, and would not suffer him to enter into his own Castles, they put down the Pur­veyor of the meat for the mainte­nance of his house: as if the King had been a bankrupt, and gave order that without ready money he should not take up a Chicken. And though there is nothing against the royalty of a King in these Charters (the Kings of England being Kings of freemen and not of slaves) yet it is so contrary to the nature of a King to be forced e­ven to those things which may be to his advantage, as the King had some reason to seek the dispensation of his oath from the Pope, and to draw in strangers for his own defence: yea jure salvo coronae nostrae is intended in­clusively [Page 29] in all oathes and promises exacted from a Soveraigne.


But you cannot be igno­rant how dangerous a thing it is to call in other Nations both for the spoil they make, as also, because they have often held the possession of the best places with which they have been trusted.


It is true my good Lord, that there is nothing so dangerous for a King as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals, for by that, Edward the second, and Richard the second lost their Kingdomes and their lives. And for calling in of strangers, was not King Edward the sixth driven to call in strangers against the Rebels in Norfolke, Cornwall, Oxford­shire and elsewhere? Have not the Kings of Scotland been oftentimes constrained to entertain strangers a­gainst the Kings of England: And the King of England at this time had he not bin diverse times assisted by the Kings of Scotland & had bin endanger­ed to have been expelled for ever.


But yet you know those Kings were deposed by Parliament.


Yea my good Lord being Prisoners, being out of possession, and [Page 30] being in their hands that were Princes of the blood and pretenders. It is an old Countrey Proverbe, (that Might overcomes Right) a weak title that weares a strong sword, commonly prevailes against a strong title that weares but a weak one, otherwise Philip the second had never been Duke of Portugal, nor Duke of Millayne, nor King of Naples & Sicily. But good Lord, Errores non sunt trahendi in exem­plum. I speak of regall, peaceable, and lawfull Parliaments. The King at this time was but a King is name, for Glo­cester, Leicester and Chichester made choise of other Nine, to whom the rule of the Realme was committed, and the Prince was forced to purchase his liberty from the Earle of Leicester, by giving for his ransome the Coun­tey Pallatine of Chester. But my Lord let us judge of those occasions by their events what became of this proud Earle? was he not soon after slain in Evesham? was he not left nak­ed in the field, and left a shamfull spectacle, his head being cut off from his shoulders, his privie parts from his body, and laid on each side of his nose? And did not God extinguish his race, after which in a lawfull Par­liament [Page 31] at Westminster (confirmed in a following Parliament of Westmin­ster) were not all the Lords that fol­lowed Leycester disinheried? And when that fool Glocester after the death of Leycester (whom he had for­merly forsaken) made himself the head of a second Rebellion, and cal­led in strangers, for which not long before he had cried out against the King, was not he in the end, after that he had seen the slaughter of so many of the Barons, the spoil of their Ca­stles, and Lordships constrained to submit himself, as all the survivers did, of which they that sped best, payed their fines and ransomes, the King reserving his younger Son, the Earledomes of Leycester and Derby.


Well Sir, we have dispu­ted this King to the grave, though it be true, that he out-lived all his ene­mies, and brought them to confusion, yet those examples did not terrifie their successors, but the Earle Mar­shall, and Hereford, threatned King Edward the first, with a new War.


They did so, but after the death of Hereford, the Earle Mar­shall repented himself, and to gain the Kings favour, he made him heir [Page 32] of all his Lands. But what is this to the Parliament? for there was never King of this land had more given him for the time of his raign, then Edward the Son of Henry the third had.


How doth that appear?


In this sort my good Lord, in this Kings third year he had given him the fifteenth part of all goods. In his sixt year a twentyeth. In his twelfth year a twentyeth, in his fourteenth year he had escuage (to wit) forty shillings of every Knights Fee, in this eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all moveable goods within the Kingdome, in his nineteenth year the tenth part of all Church livings in England, Scotland and Ireland; for six years, by agreement from the Pope, in his three and twentieth year he raised a taxe upon Wool and fels, and on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched, and all the trea­sure in them to be seized and brought to his coffers, excusing himself by lay­ing the fault upon his Treasurer, he had also in the end of the same year, of all goods of all Burgesses, and of the Commons the 10th part, in the 25th year of the Parliament of St. Ed­mundsbury, he had an 18th part of the [Page 33] goods of the Burgesses, and of the people in generall, the tenth part. He had also the same year by putting the Clergie out of his protection a fifth part of their goods, and in the same year he set a great taxe upon Woolls, to wit, from half a marke to 40s. up­on every sack, whereupon the Earle Marshall, and the Earle of Hereford refusing to attend the King into Flan­ders, pretended the greevances of the people. Put in the end the King ha­ving pardoned them, and confirmed the great Charter, he had the ninth penny of all goods from the Lords and Commons of the Clergie, in the South he had the tenth penny, and in the North the fift penny. In the two and thirtyeth year he had a subsedy freely granted. In the three and thir­tyeth year he confirmed the great Charter of his own Royall disposi­tion, and the states to shew their thankfulnesse, gave the King for one year, the fift part of all the revenues of the land, and of the Citizens the sixt part of their goods. And in the same year the King used the inquisi­tion called Trai le Baston. By which all Justices and other Magistrates were grievously fined that had used extor­tion [Page 34] or bribery, or had otherwise misdemeaned themselves to the great contentation of the people. This Commission likewise did enquire of entruders, barators, and all other the like vermine, whereby the King ga­thered a great masse of treasure with a great deal of love. Now for the whole raigne of this King, who go­verned England 35 years, there was not any Parliament to his prejudice.


But there was taking of armes by Marshall and Hereford.


That's true, but why was that? because the King, notwithstan­ding all that was given him by Parlia­ment, did lay the greatest taxes that ever King did without their consent. But what lost the King by those Lords? one of them gave the King all his lands, the other dyed in disgrace.


But what say you to the Parliament in Edward the Seconds time his successor: did not the house of Parliament banish Peirce Gaveston whom the King favoured?


But what was this Gaveston but an Esquier of Gascoine, formerly banisht the Realme by King Edward the first, for corrupting the Prince Edward, now raigning. And the whole [Page 35] Kingdome fearing and detesting his venemous disposition, they besought his Majestie to cast him off, which the King performed by an act of his own, and not by act of Parliament, yea Gavestones own father in Law, the Earle of Glocester, was one of the chief­est of the Lords that procured it. And yet finding the Kings affection to fol­ow him so strongly, they all consent­ed to have him recalled. After which when his credit so encreased, that he dispised and set at naught all the an­cient Nobility, and not onely per­swaded the King to all manner of outrages and riots, but withall tran­sported what he lifted of the Kings Treasure, and Iewels: the Lords ur­ged his banishment the second time, but neither was the first nor second banishment forced by Act of Parlia­ment, but by the forceable Lords his Enemies. Lastly he being recalled by the King, the Earle of Lancaster caused his head to be stricken off, when those of his party had taken him prisoner. By which presumptuous Act, the Earle and the rest of his company commit­ted Treason and murder: Treason by raising an Army without warrant, murder by taking away the life of the [Page 36] Kings Subject. After which Gaveston being dead, the Spencers got possession of the Kings favour, though the youn­ger of them was placed about the King, by the Lords themselves.


What say you then to the Parliament held at London about the sixt year of that King.


I say that King was not bound to performe the acts of this Parliament, because the Lords being too strong for the King, inforced his consent, for these be the words of our own History. They wrested to much beyond the bounds of reason.


What say you to the Parliaments of the White wands in the 13th of the King.


I say the Lords that were so moved, came with an Army, and by strong hand surprized the King, they constrained, (saith the story) the rest of the Lords and compelled ma­ny of the Bishops to consent unto them, yea it saith further, that the King durst not but grant to all that they required, (to wit) for the banish­ment of the Spencers. Yea they were so insolent that they refused to lodge the Queen comming through Kent in the Castle of Leedes, and sent her to [Page 37] provide her lodging where she could get it so late in the night, for which notwithstanding some that kept her out were soon after taken and hang'd, and therefore your Lordship cannot call this a Parliament for the reasons before alleadged. But my Lord what became of these Lawgivers to the King, even when they were greatest, a Knight of the North called Andrew Herkeley, assembled the Forces of the Countrey, overthrew them and their Army, slew the Earle of Hereford, and other Barons, took their generall Tho­mas Earle of Lancaster, the Kings co­zen germane at that time possessed of five Earledomes, the Lords Clifford, Talbort, Moubray, Maudiut, Willington, Warren, Lord Darcy, Withers, Knevill, Leybourne, Bekes, Lovell, Fitz williams, Watervild, and divers other Barons, Knights and Esquiers, and soon after the Lord Percy, and the Lord Warren took the Lords Baldsemere, and the Lord Audley, the Lord Teis, Gifford, Tucoet, and many others that fled from the battaile, the most of which past under the hands of the hangman, for constraining the King under colour and name of a Parliament. But this your good Lordship may judge, to [Page 38] whom, those tumultuous assemblies (which our Histories, falsely call Par­liaments have been dangerous, the King in the end ever prevailed, and the Lords lost their lives, and estates. After which the Spencers in their ba­nishment at York, in the 15th of the King, were restored to the honors and estates, and therein the King had a subsedy given him the sixt penny of goods throughout England, Ireland, and Wales.


Yet you see the Spencers were soon after dissolved.


It is true my Lord, but that is nothing to our subject of Parlia­ment, they may thank their own inso­lencie, for they branded and dispised the Queen, whom they ought to have honored as the Kings wife; they were also exceeding greedy, and built themselves upon other mens ruines, they were ambitious and exceeding malicious, whereupon that came, that when Chamberlain Spencer was hang'd in Hereford, a part of the 24th Psalm was written over his head: Quid glo­riaris in malitia potens?


Well Sir, you have all this while excused your self upon the strength and rebellions of the Lords, [Page 39] but what say you now to King Edward the third, in whose time (and during the time of this victorious King, no man durst take Armes or rebell) the three estates did him the greatest affront that ever King received or en­dured, therefore I conclude where I began, that these Parliaments are dangerous for a King,


To answer your Lordship in order, may it please you first to call to mind, what was given this great King by his subjects before the dispute betwixt him and the house happened, which was in his latter dayes, from his first year to his fift year, there was nothing given the king by his Subjects, in his eight year at the Parliament at London a tenth and a fifteenth was granted, in his tenth year he ceased upon the Ita­lians goods here in England to his own use, with all the goods of the Monkes Cluniackes and others, of the order of the Cistertians. In the eleaventh year, he had given him by Parliament a notable relief, the one half of the Woolls throughout England, and of the Clergy all their Woolls, after which, in the end of the year he had granted in his Parliament at Westmin­ster, [Page 40] forty shillings upon every sack of Wooll, and for every 30 wooll fels forty shillings, for every last of leatherne, as much, and for all other merchandizes after the same rate. The King promising that this years ga­thering ended, he would thenceforth content himself with the old custome, he had over and above this great aide the eight part of all goods of all Ci­tizens and Burgesses; and of other as of forreigne Merchants, and such as lived not of the gain of breeding of sheep and cattell the fifteenth of their goods. Nay my Lord: this was not all, though more then ever was gran­ted to any King, for the same Parlia­ment bestowed on the King the ninth sheaf of all the corn within the Land, the ninth fleece, and the ninth lambe for two years next following; now what think your Lordship of this Par­liament.


I say they were honest men.


And I say, the people are as loving to their King now, as ever they were, if they be honestly and wisely dealt withall, and so his Maje­sty hath found them in his last two Parliaments, if his Majestie had not [Page 41] been betrayed by those whom he most trusted.


But I pray you Sir, who shall a King trust, if he may not rust those whom he hath so greatly ad­vanced?


I will tell your Lordship whom the King may trust.


Who are they?


His own reason, and his own excellent Iudgement which have not deceived him in any thing, where­in his Majesty hath been pleased to exercise them, Take Councell of thine heart (saith the book of Wisedome) for there is none more faithfull unto thee then it.


It is true, but his Maje­sty found that those wanted no judge­ment whom he trusted, and how could his Majestie divine of their honesties?


Will you pardon me if I speak freely, for if I speak out of love, which (as Solomon saith) covereth all trespasses, The truth is, that his Majestie would never beleeve any man that spake against them, and they knew it well enough, which gave them boldnesse to do what they did.


What was that?


Even, my good Lord, to [Page 42] ruine the Kings estate so far as the state of so great a King may be ruin'd by men ambitious and greedy without proportion. It had been a brave in­crease of revenue, my Lord, to have raysed 50000l. land of the Kings to 20000l. revenue, and to raise the re­venue of wards to 20000l. more 40000l. added to the rest of his Maje­sties estate, had so enabled his Maje­stie, as he could never have wanted. And my good Lord, it had been an honest service to the King, to have added 7000l. lands of the Lord Cob­hams, Woods and goods being worth 30000l. more.


I know not the reason why it was not done.


Neither doth your Lord­ship, perchance know the reason why the 10000l. offer'd by Swinnerton for a fine of the French wines, was by the then Lord Treasurer conferr'd on De­vonshire and his Mistris.


What moved the Trea­surer to reject and crosse that raising of the Kings lands?


The reason, my good Lord is manifest, for had the land been rai­sed, then had the King known when he had given or exchanged land, [Page 43] what he had given or exchanged.


What hurt had been to the Treasurer whose Office is truely to informe the King of the value of all that he giveth?


So he did when it did not concerne himself nor his particular, for he could never admit any one peece of a good Manour to passe in my Lord Aubignes book of 1000l. and, till he himself had bought, and then all the remaining flowers of the Crowne were called out. Now had the Treasurer suffer'd the Kings lands to have been raised, how could his Lordship have made choice of the old [...]ents, as well in that book of my Lord Aubigne, as in exchange of Theobalds, or which he took Hatfield in it, which the greatest subject, or favo­rite Queen Elizabeth had never durst have named unto her by way of gift or exchange. Nay my Lord, so ma­ny other goodly Mannors have pas­sed from his Majestie, as the very heart of the Kingdome mourneth to remember it, and the eyes of the Kingdome shedde teares continually at the beholding it: yea the soul of the Kingdome is heavy unto death with the consideration thereof, that so [Page 44] magnanimous a Prince, should suffer himself to be so abused.


But Sir you know that Cobhams lands were entayled upon his Cofens.


Yea my Lord, but during the lives and races of George Prook his children, it had been the Kings, that is to say, for ever in effect, but to wrest the King, and to draw the in­heritance upon himself, he perswaded his Majestie to relinquish his interest for a pretty summe of mony; and that there might be no counterworking, he sent Prook 6000 l. to make friends whereof Lord Hume had 2000l. back again, Buckhurst and Barwick had the other 4000 l. and the Treasurer and his heires the masse of land forever.


What then I pray you came to the King by this great consi­scation.


My Lord, the Kings Maje­stie by all those goodly possessions, Woods and goods looseth 500l by the year which he giveth in pension to Cobham, to maintain him in prison.


Certainly, even in con­science they should have reserved so much of the land in the Crown, as to [Page 45] have given Cobham meat and apparell, and not made themselves so great gainers, and the King 500l. (per an­num) looser by the bargain, but it's past: Consilium non est eorum quae fieri nequeunt.


Take the rest of the Sen­tence, my Lord: Sed consilium versa­tur in iis quae sunt in nostra potestate. It is yet, my good Lord, in potestate Re­gis, to right himself. But this is not all my Lord; And I fear me, know­ing your Lordships love to the King, it would put you in a feaver to hear all, I will therefore go on with my Parliaments.


I pray do so, and a­mongst the rest, I pray you what say you to the Parliament holden at Ion­don in the fifteenth year of King Ed­ward the third?


I say there was nothing con­cluded therein to the prejudice of the king. It is true, that a little before the sitting of the house, the King dis­placed his Chancellour and his Trea­surer, and most of all his Iudges and Officers of the Exchequer, and com­mitted many of them to prison, be­cause they did not supply him with money, being beyond the Seas, for [Page 46] the rest, the States assembled, be­sought the King that the Lawes of the two Charters might be observed, and that the great Officers of the Crowne might be chosen by Parliament.


But what successe had these petitions.


The Charters were obser­ved, as before, and so they will be e­ver, and the other petition was re­jected, the King being pleas'd, not­withstanding, that the great Officers, should take an oath in Parliament to do Iustice. Now for the Parliament of Westminster, in the 17th year of the King, the King had three markes and a half for every sack of Wooll, transported; and in his 18th he had a 10th of the Clergie, and a 15th of the Laity for one year. His Majestie forbare after this to charge his Sub­jects with any more payments, untill the 29th of his reigne, when there was given the King by Parliament 50 for every sack of Wool transported for six yeares, by which grant, the King received a thousand markes a day, a greater matter then a thou­sand pounds in these dayes, and a 1000l. a day amounts to 365000l. a year, which was one of the greatest [Page 47] presents that ever was given to a King of this land. For besides the cheape­nesse of all things in that age, the Kings souldiers had but 3d. a day wages, a man at armes 6d. a Knight but 2s. In the Parliament at Westminster, in the 33th year he had 26s. 8d. for e­very sack of Wooll transported, & in the 42th year 3 dismes and 3 fifteens. In his 45th year he had [...]0000l of the Laity, and because the Spiritualty disputed it, and did not pay so much, the King chang'd his Chancellour, Treasurer, & Privy Seal being Bishops, and placed Lay men in their roome.


It seems that in those dayes the Kings were no longer in love with their great Chancellors, then when they deserved well of them.


No my Lord, they were not, and that was the reason they were well served, and it was the cu­stome then, and in many ages after, to change the Treasurer & the Chan­cellour every 3 years, and withall to hear all mens complaints against them.


But by this often change, the saying is verified, that there is no inheritance in the favour of Kings. He that keepeth the figge-tree (saith So­lomon) shall eate the fruit thereof; [Page 48] for reason it is that the servant live by the Master.


My Lord, you say well in both, but had the subject an inheri­tance in the Princes favour, where the Prince hath no inheritance in the Sub­jects fidelity, then were Kings in more unhappy estate then common persons, for the rest, Solomon meaneth not, that he that keepeth the figge tree should surfet, though he meant he should eat, he meant not he should break the branches in gathering the figs, or eat the ripe; and leave the rotten for the owner of the tree; for what saith he in the following chapter, he saith that he that maketh hast to be [...]ich, cannot be innocent. And before that, he saith, that the end of an inheri­tance hastily gotten, cannot be blessed. Your Lordship hath heard of few or none great with Kings, that have not used their power to oppresse, that have not growne insolent and hatefull to the people; yea, insolent towards those Princes that advanced them.


Yet you see that Princes can change their fancies.


Yea my Lord, when favo­rites change their faith, when they forget that how familiar soever Kings [Page 49] make themselves with their Vassals, yet they are Kings: He that provoketh a King to anger (saith Solomon) sinneth against his own soul. And he further saith, that pride goeth before distruction, and a high mind before afall. I say there­fore, that in discharging those Luci­fers, how dear soever they have been, Kings make the world know that they have more of Iudgement then of pas­sion, yea they thereby offer a satis­factory sacrifice to all their people, too great benefits of subjects to their king, where the mind is blown up with their own deservings, and to great benefits of Kings conferr'd up­on their Subjects, where the mind is not qualified with a great deal of mo­desty are equally dangerous. Of this later and insolenter, had King Richard the second delivered up to Iustice but three or four, he had still held the love of the people, and thereby his life and estate.


Well, I pray you go on with your Parliaments.


The life of this great King Edward drawes to an end, so do the Parliaments of this time, wherein 50 years raigne, he never received any affront, for in his 49th year he had a [Page 50] disme and a fifteen granted him free­ly.


But Sir it is an old say­ing, that all is well that ends well, Iudge you whether that in his 50th. year in Parliament at Westminster he received not an affront, when the house urged the King to remove and discharge from his presence the Duke of Lancaster, the Lord Latimer his Chamberlaine, Sir Richard Stur­ry, and others whom the King favour­ed and trusted. Nay, they pressed the King to thrust a certain Lady out of Court, which at that time bare the greatest sway therein.


I will with patience answer your Lordship to the full, and first your Lordship may remember by that which I even now said, that never King had so many gifts as this King had from his subjects, and it hath ne­ver grieved the subjects of England to give to their King, but when they knew there was a devouring Lady, that had her share in all things that passed, and the Duke of Lancaster was as scraping as shee, that the Chan­cellour did eat up the people as fast as either of them both. It grieved the subjects to feed these Cormorants. [Page 51] But my Lord there are two things by which the Kings of England have been prest, (to wit) by their subjects, and by their own necessities. The Lords in former times were farre stronger, more warlike, better followed, living in their Countries, then now they are. Your Lordship may remember in your reading, that there were many Earles could bring into the field a thousand Barbed horses, many a Ba­ron 5. or 600. Barbed horses, where­as now very few of them can furnish twenty fit to serve the King. But to say the truth my Lord, the Iustices of peace in England, have oppos'd the injusticers of war in England, the Kings writ runs over all, and the great Seal of England, with that of the next Constables will serve the turn to affront the greatest Lords in England, that shall move against the King. The force therefore by which our Kings in former times were troubled is vanisht away. But the necessities remain. The people therefore in these later ages, are no lesse to be pleased then the Peeres, for as the later are become lesse, so by reason of the trayning through England, the Commons have all the weapons in their hand.

[Page 52]

And was it not so ever?


No my good Lord; for the Noblemen had in their Armories, to furnish some them a thousand, some two thousand, some three thousand men, whereas now there are not many that can arme fifty.


Can you blame them? But I will onely answer for my self, be­tween you and me be it spoken, I hold it not safe to mantain so great an Armory or Stable, it might cause me, or any other Nobleman to be suspected, as the preparing of some Innovation.


Why so my Lord, rather to be commended as preparing against all danger of Innovation.


It should be so, but call your observation to accompt, and you shall find it as I say, for (indeed) such a jealousie hath been held ever since the time of the Civill wars, over the Military greatness of our Nobles, as made them have little will to bend their studies that wayes: wherefore let every man provide according as he is rated in the Muster Book, you un­derstand me.


Very well my Lord, as what might be replyed in the percei­ving [Page 53] so much; I have ever (to deal plainly and freely with your Lord­ship) more fear'd at home popular violence, then all the forreine that can be made, for it can never be in the power of any forraigne Prince, with­out a Papisticall party, rather to disor­der or endanger his Majesties Estate.


By this it seems, it is no lesse dangerous for a King to leave the power in the people, then in the Nobility.


My good Lord, the wis­dome of our own age, is the foolish­nesse of another, the time present ought not to be preferr'd to the poli­cy that was, but the policy that was, to the time present; so that the power of the Nobility being now withered, and the power of the people in the flower, the care to content them would not be neglected, the way to win them often practized, or at least to defend them from oppression. The motive of all dangers that ever this Monarchy hath undergone, should be carefully heeded, for this Maxime hath no posterne, Potestas humana ra­dicatur in voluntatibus hominum. And now my Lord, for King Edward, it is true, though he were not subject to [Page 54] force, yet was he subject to necessity, which because it was violent, he gave way unto it, Potestas (saith Pithago­ras) juxta necessitatem habitat. And it is true, that at the request of the house he discharged and put from him those before named, which done, he had the greatest gift (but one) that ever he received in all his dayes (to wit) from every person, man and woman, above the age of fourteen years 4d. of old mony, which made many Millions of Groats, worth 61. of our mony. This he had in generall, besides he had of every benificed Priest, 12d. And of the Nobility and Gentry. I know not how much, for it is not set down. Now my good Lord, what lost the King by satisfying the desires of the Parlia­ment house, for assoon as he had the money in purse, he recalled the Lords, and restored them, and who durst call the King to accompt, when the As­sembly were dissolued. Where the word of a King is, there is power (saith Eccle­siasticus) who shall say unto him, what doest thou! saith the same Author, for every purpose there is a time and judgement, the King gave way to the time, and his judgement perswaded him to yeeld to necessity, Consularius [Page 55] nemo melior est quam tempus.


But yet you see the king was forc'd to yeeld to their de­maunds.


Doth your Lordship re­member the saying of Monsier de Lange, that he that hath the profit of the war, hath also the honour of the war, whether it be by battaile or retreate, the King you see had the profit of the Parliament, and therefore the honour also, what other end had the King then to supply his wants. A wise man hath evermore respect unto his ends: and the King also knew that it was the love that the people bare him, that they urged the removing of those Lords, there was no man a­mong them that sought himself in that desire, but they all sought the king, as by the successe it appear­ed. My good Lord, hath it not been ordinary in England and in France to yeeld to the demaunds of rebels, did not King Richard the second graunt pardon to the outragious rogues and murtherers that followed Iack Straw, and Wat T [...]ler, after they had mur­thered his Chancellor, his Trea­surer, Chief Iustice, and others, brake open his Exchequer, and committed [Page 56] all manner of outrages and villanies, and why did he do it, but to avoid a greater danger: I say the Kings have then yeelded to those that hated them and their estates, (to wit) to perni­cious rebels. And yet without disho­nour, shall it be called dishonour for the King to yeeld to honest desires of his subjects. No my Lord, those that tell the King those tales, fear their own dishonour, and not the Kings; for the honour of the King is su­preame, and being guarded by Iustice and piety, it cannot receive neither wound nor stain.


But Sir, what cause have any about our King to fear a Parlia­ment?


The same cause that the Earle of Suffolke had in Richard the se­conds time, and the Treasurer Fartham, with others, for these great Officers being generally hated for abusing both the King and the Subject, at the request of the States were discharged, and others put in their roomes.


And was not this a disho­nour to the King?


Certainly no, for King Richard knew that his Grandfather had done the like, and though the [Page 57] King was in his heart utterly against it, yet had he the profit of this ex­change; for Suffolke was fined at 20000 markes, and 1000l. lands.


Well Sir, we will speak of those that fear the Parliament some other time, but I pray you go on with that, that happened in the troublesome raigne of Richard the se­cond who succeeded, the Grandfather being dead.


That King my good Lord, was one of the most unfortunate Princes that ever England had, he was cruell, extreame prodigall, and wholly carryed away with his two Minions, Suffolk, and the Duke of Ireland, by whose ill advice and others, he was in danger to have lost his estate; which in the end (being led by men of the like temper) he miserably lost. But for his subsedies he had given him in his first year being under age two tenths, and two fifteenes: In which Parliament, Alice Peirce, who was removed in King Edwards time, with Lancaster, Latimer, and Sturry, were confiscate and banished in his second year at the Parliament at Glocester, the King had a marke upon every sack of Wooll, and 6d. the pound upon [Page 58] wards. In his third year at the Parlia­ment at Winchester, the Commons were spared, and a subsedy given by the better sort, the Dukes gave 20 markes, and Earles 6 markes, Bi­shoppes and Abbots with myters six markes, every marke 35. 4d. and every Knight, Iustice, Esquire, Shrieve, Per­son, Vicar, & Chaplaine, paid propor­tionably according to their estates.


This me thinks was no great matter.


It is true my Lord, but a little mony went far in those dayes: I my self once moved it in Parliament in the time of Queen Elizabeth, who desired much to spare the Common people, & I did it by her Commande­ment; but when we cast up the subse­dy Books, we found the summe but small, when the 30l. men were left out. In the beginning of his fourth year, a tenth with a fifteen were grant­ed upon condition, that for one whole year no subsedies should be demand­ed; but this promise was as suddenly forgotten as made, for in the end of that year, the great subsedy of Poll mony was granted in the Parliament at Northampton.


Yea but there followed [Page 59] the terrible Rebellion of Baker, Straw, and others, Leister, Wrais, and others.


That was not the fault of the Parliament my Lord, it is ma­nifest that the subsedy given was not the cause; for it is plain that the bond­men of England began it, because the were girevously prest by their Lords in their tenure of Villenage, as also for the hatred they bate to the Lawyers and Atturneyes: for the sto­ry of those times say, that they de­stroyed the houses and Mannors of men of Law, & such Lawyers as they caught, slew them, and beheaded the Lord chief Iustice, which commotion being once begun, the head mony was by other Rebels pretended: A fire is of­ten kindled with a little straw, which oftentimes takes hold of greater tim­ber, & consumes the whole building: And that this Rebellion was begun by the discontented slaves (whereof there have been many in Elder times the like) is manifest by the Charter of Ma­numission, which the King granted in hec verba, Rich. Dei gratid &c. Sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ spirituali manumissi­mus, &c. to which seeing the King was constrained by force of armes, he revoked the letters Pattents, [Page 60] and made them voide, the same re­vocation being strengthened by the Parliament ensuing, in which the King had given him a subsedy upon Woolls, called a Maletot: In the same fourth year was the Lord Treasurer discharged of his Office, and Hales Lord of St. Iohns chosen in his place, in his fift year was the Treasurer a­gain changed, and the Staffe given to Segrave, and the Lord Chancellour was also changed, and the staffe given to the Lord Scroope: Which Lord Scroope was again in the beginning of his sixt year turned off, and the King after that he had for a while kept the Seal in his own hand, gave it to the Bishop of London, from whom it was soon after taken and bestowed on the Earle of Suffolke, who they say had abused the King, and converted the Kings Treasure to his own use. To this the King condiscended, and though (saith Walsingham) he deserved to loose his life and goods, yet he had the fa­vour to go at liberty upon good sure­ties, and because the King was but young, & that the reliefe granted was committed to the trust of the Earle of Arundell for the furnishing of the Kings Navy against the French.

[Page 61]

Yet you see it was a dishonour to the King to have his be­loved Chancellour removed.


Truly no, for the King had both his fine 1000l. lands and asub­sedy to boot. And though for the pre­sent it pleased the King to fancy a man all the world hated (the Kings passion overcomming his judgement) yet it cannot be call'd a dishonour, for the King is to believe the generall coun­sell of the Kingdome, and to preser it before his affection, especially when Suffolke was proved to be false even to the King; for were it otherwise love and affection might be called a frenzie and a madnesse, for it is the nature of humane passions, that the love bred by fidelity, doth change it self into hatred, when the fidelity is first chang­ed into falshood.


But you see there were thirteen Lords chosen in the Parlia­ment, to have the oversight of the government under the King.


No my Lord, it was to have the oversight of those Officers, which (saith the story) had imbezeled, lewdly wasted, and prodigally spent the Kings Treasure, for to the Com­mission to those Lords, or to any six [Page 62] of them, joyn'd with the Kings Coun­sell, was one of the most royall and most profitable that ever he did, if he had bin constant to himself. But my good Lord, man is the cause of his own misery, for I will repeat the sub­stance of the commission granted by the King, and confirmed by Parlia­ment, which, whether it had bin pro­fitable for the King to have prose­cured, your Lordship may judge. The preamble hath these words: Where­as our Sovereigne Lord the King percei­veth by the grievous complaints of the Lords and Commons of this Realme, that the rents, profits, and revenues of this Realme, by the singular and insufficient Councell and evill government, as well of some his late great Officers and others, &c. are so much withdrawen, wasted, given, granted, alienated, destroyed, and evill dispended, that he is so much impo­verished and void of treasure and goods, and the substance of the Crown so much di­minished and destroyed, that his estate may not honorably be sustained as apper­taineth. The King of his free will at the request of the Lords and Commons, hath ordained William Archbishop of Can­terbury and others with his Chancellour, Treasurer, keeper of his privy seal, to [Page 63] survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house, &c. as of all the rents, and profits, and revenues that to him appertaineth, and to be due, or ought to appertain and be due, &c. And all manner of gifts, grants, alienations and confirma­tions made by him of lands, tenements, rents, &c. bargained and sold to the pre­judice of him and his Crown, &c. And of his jewels & goods which were his Grand­fathers at the time of his death, &c. and where they be become.

This is in effect the substance of the commission, which your Lordship may read at large in the book of Sta­tutes, this commission being enacted in the tenth year of the Kings reigne. Now if such a commission were in these dayes granted to the faithfull men that have no interest in the sales, gifts nor purchases, nor in the keep­ing of the jewells at the Queens death, nor in the obtaining, grants of the Kings best lands, I cannot say what may be recovered, and justly re­covered; and what say your Lord­ship, was not this a noble act for the King, if it had been followed to ef­fect?


I cannot tell whether it were or no, for it gave power to the [Page 64] Commissiouers to examine all the grants.


Why my Lord, doth the King grant any thing, that shames at the examination? are not the Kings grants on record?


But by your leave, it is some dishonour to a King, to have his judgement called in question.


That is true my Lord, but in this, or whensoever the like shall be granted in the future, the Kings judge­ment is not examined, but their knave­ry that abused the King. Nay by your favour, the contrary is true, that when a King will suffer himself to be eaten up by a company of petty fellows, by himself raised, therein both the judge­ment and courage is disputed, And if your Lordship will disdain it at your own servants hands, much more ought the great heart of a King to disdain it. And surely my Lord, it is a greater treason (though it undercreep the law) to tear from the Crown the or­naments thereof: And it is an in­falliable maxime, that he that loves not his Majesties estate, loves not his person.


How came it then, that the act was not executed?

[Page 65]

Because these, against whom it was granted, perswaded the King to the contrary: as the Duke of Ireland, Suffolk, the chief Iustice Tre­silian, and others, yea, that which was lawfully done by the King, and the great Councell of the kingdome, was (by the mastery which Ireland, Suffolk, and Tresilian had over the Kings affections) broken and disa­vowed. Those that devised to relieve the King, not by any private inventi­on, but by generall Councell, were by a private and partiall assembly ad­judged traitors, and the most ho­nest Iudges of the land, enforced to subscribe to that judgement. In so much that Iudge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland, and the Earl of Suffolk, when he was constrain­ed to set his hand, plainly told these Lords, that he wanted but a rope, that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription. And in this Coun­cell of Nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the King, of the Iudges by them con­strained, of the Lords that loved the King, and sought a reformation, and of the King himself; for though the King found by all the Shrieves of [Page 66] the shires, that the people would not fight against the Lords, whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the King, when the Citizens of Lon­don made the same answer, being at that time able to arme 50000. men, and told the Major that they would never fight against the Kings friends, and defenders of the Realme, when the Lord Ralph Passet, who was near the King, told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands plea­sure, when the Lord of London told the Earle of Suffolk in the Kings pre­sence, that he was not worthy to live, &c. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate, lay ambushes to intrap the Lords, when they came upon his faith, yea when all was pacified, and that the King by his Proclamation had clear'd the Lords, and promised to produce Ire­land, Suffolk, and the Archbishop of Yorke, Tresiltan, and Bramber, to an­swer at the next Parliament, these men confest, that they durst not appear; and when Suffolk fled to Cal­lice, and the Duke of Ireland to Chester, the King caused an army to be leavied in Lancashire, for the safe conduct of [Page 67] the Duke of Ireland to his presence, when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords, ranne like a coward from his company, and fled into Hol­land. After this was holden a Parlia­ment, which was called that wrought wonders. In the Eleventh year of this King, wherein the fornamed Lords, the Duke of Ireland and the rest, were condemned and confiscate, the Chief Iustice hanged with many others, the rest of the Iudges condemned, and banisht, and a 10. and a 15. given to the King,


But good Sir: the King was first besieged in the Tower of London, and the Lords came to the Parliament, and no man durst contra­dict them.


Certainly in raising an ar­my, they committed treason, and though it appear, that they all loved the King, (for they did him no harm, having him in their power) yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the Kings commission, and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King, not attending the sequell. And it is so judged upon good reason, for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed [Page 68] to be accompanied with an ill intent. And besides, those Lords used too great cruelty, in procuring the sen­tence of death against divers of the Kings servants, who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Soveraigne Lord, in that he com­manded.


It is true, and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death, see­ing the principalls, Ireland, Suffolk, and York, had escaped them, And what rea­son had they to seek to enform the State by strong hand, was not the Kings estate as dear to himself, as to them? He that maketh a King know his errour mannerly and private, and gives him the best advice, he is discharged before God and his own conscience. The Lords might have [...]tired themselves, when they saw they could not prevail, and have left the King to his own wayes, who had more to lose then they had.


My Lord, the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law, but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under yeares, and being wholly governed by [Page 69] their enemies, and the enemies of the kingdome, and because by those evil mens perswasions, it was advised, how the Lords should have been murthered at a feast in London, they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular ene­mies. But we will passe it over & go on with our parliaments that followed, whereof that of Cambridge in the Kings 12th year was the next, there­in the King had given him a 10th and a 15th, after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged (saith H. Kinghton) his Treasurer, his Chancellour, the Iustices of either bench, the Clerk of the privy seal and others, and took the government into his own hands. He also took the Admirals place from the Earl of Arundell, and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the yeare following, which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wooll 14s. and 6d. in the gound upon other Mer­chandise,


But by your leave, the King was restrained this parliament, that he might not dispose of, but a third part of the money gathered.

[Page 70]

No my Lord, by your fa­vour. But true it is that part of this mony was by the Kings consent as­signed towards the wars, but yet left in the Lord Treasurers hands, and my Lord it would be a great ease, and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master, if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes, by which he might have 1000l. upon every 10000l. and save himself a great deale of clamour. For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained, and that those poor men as well Carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid, it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the recei­ving of so much as is called ordinary, then to discontent those poor men, who being made desperate beggars, may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the Kings estate. And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements, especially where the necessity of such as are to receive, cannot possible give dayes, his Majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expen­ces, he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for, and [Page 71] then dispose the rest at his pleasure. And my good Lord, how excellently and easily might this have been done, if the 400000l. had been raised as a­foresaid upon the Kings lands, and wards I say that his Majesties House, his Navy, his guards, his pensioners, his munition, his Ambassadors and all else of ordinary charge might have been defrayed, and a great summe left for his Majesties casuall expences and rewards, I will not say they were not in love with the Kings estate, but I say they were unfortunately borne for the King that crost it.


Well Sir, I would it had been otherwise, But for the assign­ments, there are among us that will not willingly indure it. Charity be­gins with it self, shall we hinder our selves of 50000l. per annum to save the King 20? No Sir, what will become of our New years gifts, our presents and gratuities? We can now say to those rhat have warrants for money, that there is not a penny in the Ex­chequer, but the King gives it away unto the Scots faster then it comes in.


My Lord you say well, at least you say the truth, that such are [Page 72] some of our answers, and hence comes that generall murmure to all men that have money to receive, I say that there is not a penny given to that nation; be it for service or otherwise but is spread over all the kingdome: yea they ga­ther notes, and take copies of all the privy seals and warrants that his Maje­sty hath given for the money for the Scots, that they may shew them in Parliament. But of his Majesties gifts to the English, there is no bruit though they may be tenne times as much as the Scots. And yet my good Lord, howsoever they be thus answer­ed that to them sue for money out of the Echequer, it is due to them for 10. or 12. or 20. in the hundred, abated ac­cording to their qualities that shew, they are alwaies furnished. For con­clusion, if it would please God to put into the Kings heart to make their as­signations, it would save him many a pound, and gain him many a prayer, and a great deal of love, for it griev­eth every honest mans heart to see the abundance which even the petty officers in the Exchequer, and others gather both from the king and sub­ject, and to see a world of poore men [Page 73] runne after rhe King for their ordinary wages.


Well, well, did you ne­ver hear this old tale, that when there was a great contentation about the weather the Seamen complaining of contrary windes, when those of the high Countreys desired rain, and those of the valleys sunshining dayes, Iupiter sent them word by Mercury, then, when they had all done, the weather should be as it had been, And it shall ever fall out so with them that complain, the course of payments shall be as they have been, what care we what petty fellows say? or what care we for your papers? have not we the Kings eares, who dares contest with us? though we cannot be revenged on such as you are for telling the truth, yet upon some other pretence, wee'le clap you up, and you shall sue to us ere you get out. Nay wee'le make you con­fesse that you were deceived in your projects, and eat your own words: learn this of me Sir, that as a little good fortune is better then a great deal of virtue: so the least authority hath advantage over the greatest wit, was he not the wisest man that said the battel [Page 74] was not the strongest, nor yet bread for the wise, nor riches to men of understanding, nor favour to men of knowledge: but what time and chance came to them all.


It is well for your Lordship that it is so. But Qu: Elizabeth would set the reason of a mean man, before the authority of the greatest Coun­cellor she had, and by her patience therein she raised upon the usuall and ordinary customes of London with­out any new imposition above 50000l a year, for though the Treasurer Bur­leigh, and the Earle of Leicester and Secretary Walshingham, all three pen­sioners to Customer Smith, did set themselves against a poor waiter of the Custome-house called Carwarden, and commanded the groomes of the privy Chamber not to give him ac­cesse, yet the Queen sent for him, and gave him countenance against them all. It would not serve the turn, my Lord, with her; when your Lordships would tell her, that the disgracing her great officers by hearing the com­plaints of busie heads, was a disho­nour to her self, but she had alwayes this answer, That if any men complain unjustly against a Magistrate, it were rea­son he should be severely punished, if just­ly, [Page 75] shee was Queen of the small, as well as of the great, and would hear their com­plaints. For my good Lord, a Prince that suffereth himself to be besieged, forsaketh one of the greatest regali­ties belonging to a Monarchie, to wit, the last appeal, or as the Trench call it, le dernier resort.


Well Sir, this from the matter, I pray you go on.


Then my Lord, in the Kings 15. year he had a tenth and a fifteen graunted in Parliament of London. And that same year there vvas a great Councell called at Stam­ford to vvhich diverse men vvere sent for, of diverse counties besides the Nobility, of vvhich the King took ad­vice vvhether he should continue the vvar, or make a finall end vvith the French.


What needed the King to take the advice of any but of his ovvn Councell in matter of peace or vvarre.


Yea my Lord, for it is said in the Proverbs, where are many coun­sellers, there is health. And if the King had made the vvarre by a generall consent, the Kingdome in generall vvere bound to maintain the vvarre, [Page 76] and they could not then say when the King required aid, that he undertook a needlesse vvarre.


You say vvell, but I pray you go on.


After the subsedy in the 15. yeare, the King desired to borrovv 10000l. of the Londoners, vvhich they refused to lend.


And vvas not the King greatly troubled there vvith.


Yea but the King troubled the Londoners soon aftar, for the king took the advantage of a ryot made upon the Bishop of Salisbury his men, sent for the Major, and other the a­blest citizens, comitted the Major to prison in the Castle of Windsor, and others to other castles, and made a Lord Warden of this citie, till in the end vvhat vvith 10000l. ready money, and other rich presents, instead of lending 10000l. it cost them 2000l. Betvveen the fifteenth yeare and tvventieth yeare, he had tvvo aides given him in the Parliaments of Winchester and Westminster: and this later vvas given to furnish the Kings journey into Ire­land, to establish that estate vvhich vvas greatly shaken since the death of [Page 77] the Kings Grandfather, vvho received thence yearly 30000l. and during the Kings stay in Ireland he had a 10th and a 5th granted.


And good reason, for the King had in his army 4000. horse and 30000. foot.


That by your favour, vvas the Kings savity: for great armies do rather devour themselves then de­stroy enemies. Such an army, (vvhere­of the fourth part vvould have con­quered all Ireland) vvas in respect of Ireland such an army as Xerxes led into Greece in this tvventieth yeare, vvhere­in he had a tenth of the Clergy, vvas the great conspiracy of the Kings un­kle, the Duke of Glocester, and of Moubrey, Arundell, Nottingham, and Warvvick, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Abbbot of West­minster, and others vvho in the one and tvventieth yeare of the King vvere all redeemed by Parliament, and vvhat thinks your Lordship, vvas not this assemble of the 3. states for the kings estate, vvherein he so prevailed, that he not onely overthrevv those popular Lords, but besides (the English Chro­nicle saith, the king so vvrought and brought things about, that he obtained [Page 78] the power of both houses to be grant­ed to certain persons, to 15. Noble­men and Gentlemen, or to seven of them.


Sir, whether the King wrought well or il I cannot judge, but our Chronicles say, that many things were done in this Parliament, to the displeasure of no small number of people, to wit, for that diverse right­full heires were disinherited of their lands and livings, with which wrong­full doings the people were much of­fended, so that the King with those that were about him, and chief in Counsell, came into great infamy & slander.


My good Lord, if your Lordship will pardon mee, I am of opinion that those Parliaments where­in the Kings of this land have satis­fied the people, as they have been e­ver prosperous, so where the King hath restrained the house, the contra­ry hath happened, for the Kings at­chievments in this Parliament, were the ready preparations to his ruine.


You mean by the generall discontentment that followed, and because the King did not proceed le­gally with Glocester and others. Why [Page 79] Sir, this was not the first time that the Kings of England have done things without the Counsell of the land: yea, contrary to the law.


It is true my Lord in some particulars, as even at this time the Duke of Glocester was made away at Call [...]ce by strong hand, without any lawfull triall: for he was a man so be­loved of the people and so allied, ha­ving the Dukes of Lancaster, and York his brethren, the Duke of Au­marle, and the Duke of Hereford his Nephewes, the great Earles of Arun­dell and Warwicke, with diverse o­ther of his part in the conspiracy, as the King durst not trie him according to the law: for at the triall of Arun­dell and Warwicke, the King was forced to entertaine a petty army about him. And though the Duke was greatly lamented, yet it cannot be denyed but that he was then a tray­tor to the King And was it not so my Lord with the Duke of Guise: your Lordship doth remember the spur­gald proverb, that necessitie hath no law: and my good Lord, it is the pra­ctice of doing wrong, and of generall wrongs done, that brings danger, and not where Kings are prest in this or [Page 80] that particular, for there is great dif­ference between naturall cruelty and accidentall. And therefore it was Machiavels advice, that all that a King did in that kind, he shall do at once, and by his mercies afterwards make the world know that his cruelty was not affected. And my Lord take this for a generall rule, that the immortall policy of a state cannot admit any law or priviledge whatsoever, but in some particular or other, the same is necessarily broken, yea in an Aristocratia or popular estate, which vaunts so much of equality and common right, more outrage hath been committed then in any Chri­stian Monarchy.


But whence came this hatred between the Duke and the King his Nephew.


My Lord, the Dukes con­straining the King, when he was young, stuck in the Kings heart, and now the Dukes proud speech to the King when he had rendred Brest for­merly engaged to the Duke Brittain, kindled again these coales that were not altogether extinguished, for he u­sed these words: Your grace ought to put your body in great pain to winne a strong hold or town by feats of armes, ere you [Page 81] take upon you to sell or deliver any town gotten by the manhood and strong hand and policy of your noble progenitors. Where­at, saith the story, the King changed his countenance, &c. and to say truth, it was a proud and maisterly speech of the Duke; besides that inclusively he taxed him of sloath and cowardise, as if he had never put himself to the adventure of winning such a place, undutifull words of a subject do often take deeper root then the memory of ill deeds do: The Duke of Biron found it when the King had him at advantage. Yea the late Earle of Es­sex told Queen Elizabeth that her con­ditions was as crooked as her carkasse: but it cost him his head, which his in­surrection had not cost him, but for that speech, who will say unto a King (saith Iob) thou art wicked. Certainly it is the same thing to say unto a La­dy, thou art crooked (and perchance more) as to say unto a King that he is wicked, and to say that he is a co­ward, or to use any other words of disgrace, it is one and the same er­rour.


But what say you for Arun­dell, a brave and valiant man, who had [Page 82] the Kings pardon of his contempt du­ring his minority.


My good Lord, the Parlia­ment which you say disputes the Kings prerogative, did quite contra­ry, and destroyed the Kings charter and pardon formerly given to Arun­dell. And my good Lord, do you re­member, that at the Parliament that wrought wonders, when these Lords compounded that Parliament, as the King did this, they were so mercilesse towards all, that they thought their enemies, as the Earle of Arundell most insolently suffered the Qu: to kneel unto him three houres for the saving of one of her servants, and that scorne of his manebat alto mente repo­stum. And to say the truth, it is more barbarous & unpardonable then any act that ever he did to permit the wife of his Soveraign to kneel to him being the Kings vassell. For if he had saved the Lords servant freely at her first request, as it is like enough that the Qu: would also have saved him, Miseris succurrens paria obtenibis ali­quando: For your Lordship sees that the Earle of Warwicke who was as farre in the treason as any of the rest, was pardoned. It was also at this Par­liament [Page 83] that the Duke of Hereford ac­cused Moubray Duke of Norfolke, and that the Duke of Hereford Sonne to the Duke of Lancaster, was banished to the Kings confusion, as your Lord­ship well knows.


I know it well and God knows that the King had then a silly and weak Councell about him, that perswaded him to banish a Prince of the bloud, a most valiant man, and the best beloved of the people, in generall of any man living, especially consi­dering that the King gave every day more then other offence to his sub­jects. For besides that he fined the in­habitants that assisted the Lords in his Minority (of the 17. shires) which of­fence he had long before pardoned, his blank Charters, and letting the Realme to farme to meon persons, by whom he was wholly advised, increased the peoples hatred towards the pre­sent government.


You say well my L. Princes of an ill destiny do alwayes follow the worst counsell, or at least imbrace the best after opportunity is lost, Qui consi­lia non ex suo corde sed alienis viribus colli­gunt, non animo sed auribus cogillant. And this was not the least grief of the subject [Page 84] in generall, that those men had the greatest part of the spoil of the com­monwealth, which neither by virtue, valour or counsell could adde any thing unto it: Nihil est sordidius, nihil crudelius (saith Anto: Pius) quamsi Remp. i [...] arrode, qui nihil in eam suo labore conferent.


Indeed the letting to farm the Realm was very grievous to the subject.


Will your Lordship pardon me if I tell you that the letting to farm of his Majesties Customes (the great­est revenue of the Realm) is not very pleasing.


And why I pray you, doth not the King thereby raise his profits every third yeare, & one farmer outbids another to the Kings advantage


It is true my Lord, but it grieves the subject to pay custome to the subject, for what mighty men are those Farmers become, and if those Farmers get many thousands every yeare, as the world knows they do, why should they not now (being men of infinite wealth) declare unto the King upon oath, what they have gain­ed, and henceforth become the Kings collectours of his Custome, did not [Page 85] Queen Elizabeth who was reputed both a wise and juft Princesse, after she had brought Customer Smith from 14000l. a yeare to 42000l. a yeare, made him lay down a recompence for that which he had gotten? and if these Farmers do give no recompence, let them yet present the King with the truth of their receivings and profits. But my Lord for conclusion, after Bullingbrook arriving in England with a small troop: Notwithstanding the King at his Landing out of Ireland, had a suffici­ent and willing army: yet he wanting courage to defend his right gave leave to all his Souldiers to depart, and put himself into his hands that cast him in­to his grave.


Yet you see he was de­pos'd by Parliament.


Aswell may your Lord­ship say he was knock't in the head by Parliament, for your Lordship knows that if King Richard had e­ver escaped out of their fingers that deposed him, the next Parliament would have made all the deposers trai­tours and Rebels, and that justly. In which Parliament, or rather unlawfull assembly, there appeared but one ho­nest man, to wit, the B. of Carlile, who [Page 86] scorned his life, and estate, in respect of right and his allegiance, and de­fended the right of his Soveraigne Lord against the Kings elect and his partakers.


Well I pray goe on with the Parliaments held in the time of his successor Henry the fourth.


This King had in his third year a subsedv, and in his fift a tenth of the Clergy without a Parllament; In his sixt year he had so great a subsedie, as the House required there might be no record thereof left to posteri­ty, for the House gave him 20s. of every Knights Fee, and of every 20l. land, 20d. and 12d. the pouud of goods.


Yea in the end of this year, the Parliament prest the King to annex unto the Crown all tempo­rall possessions belonging to Church­men within the land, which at that time, was the third foot of all England. But the Bishops made friends, and in the end saved their estates.


By this you see, my Lord, that Cromwell was not the first that thought on such a business. And if King Henry the 8. had reserved the Abbeyes, and other Church lands, which he had [Page 87] given at the time, the revenue of the Crown of England, had exceeded the revenue of the Crown of Spaine, with both the Indies, whereas used as it was, (a little enriched the Crown) served but to make a number of pettifoggers, and other gentlemen.


But what had the King in steed of this great revenue


He had a 15th of the Com­mons, and tenth, and a half of the Clergy, and withall, all pensions graunted by King Edward, and King Richard were made void. It was also moved that all Crown lands former­ly given (at least given by King Edw: and King Richard) should be taken back.


What think you of that, Sir? would it not have been a disho­nour to the King? and would not his Successors have done the like to those that the King had advanced?


I cannot answer your Lord­ship, but by distinguishing, for where the Kings had given land for services, and had not been over reached in his gifts, there it had been a dishonour to the King, to have made void the graunts of his predecessors, or his graunts, but all those graunts of the [Page 88] Kings, wherein they were deceived, the very custome and policy of England makes them voyd at this day.


How mean you that, for his Majestie hath given a great deal of Land among us since he came into England, and would it stand with the K. honour to take it from us again.


Yea my Lord, very well with the Kings honour, if your Lord­ship, or any Lord else, have under the name of 100l. land a year, gotten 500l. land, and so after that rate.


I will never believe that his Majesty will ever doe any such thing.


And I believe as your Lord­ship doth, but we spake e're while of those that disswaded the King from calling it a Parliament: And your Lordship asked me the reason, why any man should disswade it, or fear it, to which, this place gives me an opportunity to make your Lordship answer, for though his Majesty will of himself never question those grants yet when the Commons shall make humble petition to the King in Par­liament, that it will please his Majesty to assist them in his relief, with that which ought to be his own, which, if it will please his Majesty to yeild unto [Page 89] the house will most willingly furnish & supply the rest, with what grace can his Majesty deny that honest suit of theirs, the like having been done in many Kings times before? This pro­ceeding may good Lord, my perchance prove all your phrases of the Kings honour, false English.


But this cannot concern many, and for my self, I am sure it concerns me little.


It is true my Lord, & there are not many that disswade his Maje­stie from a Parliament.


But they are great ones, a few of which will serve the turn wel enough.


But my Lord, be they never so great (as great as Gyants) yet if they disswade the King from his ready and assured way of his subsistence, they must devise how the K. may be else­where supplied, for they otherwise [...]nne into a dangerous fortune.


Hold you contented Sir, the King needs no great disswasion.


My Lord, learn of me, that [...]here is none of you all, than can [...]erce the King. It is an essentiall pro­perty of a man truely wise, not to o­ [...]en all the boxes of his bosome, even [...]o those that are near'st & dear'st unto [Page 90] him, for when a man is discovered to the very bottome, he is after the lesse esteemed. I dare undertake, that when your Lordship hath served the King twice twelve years more, you will find, that his Majesty hath reser­ved somewhat beyond all your capa­cities, his Majesty hath great reason to put off the Parliament, at his last refuge, and in the mean time, to make tryall of all your loves to serve him, for his Majesty hath had good experience, how well you can serve your selves: But when the King finds, that the building of your own for­tunes and factions, hath been the di­ligent studies, and the service of his Majesty, but the exercises of your lea­sures: He may then perchance cast himself upon the generall love of his people, of which (I trust) he shall never be deceived, and leave as many of your Lordships as have pilfered from the Crown, to their exa­mination.


Well Sir, I take no great pleasure in this dispute, goe on pray.


In that Kings 5th year, he had also a subsedy, which is got by holding the house together from Ea­ster [Page 91] to Christmas, and would not suf­fer them to depart. He had also a sub­sedy in his ninth year. In his eleventh year the commons did again presse the King to take all the temporalities of the Church men into his hands, which they proved sufficient to main­tain 150. Earls, 1500. Knights, and 6400. Esquiers, with a hundred hospi­tals, but they not prevailing, gave the king a subsedy.

As for the notorious Prince, Henry the fift, I find, that he had given him in his second year 300000. markes, and after that two other subsedies, one in his fifth year, another in his ninth, without any disputes.

In the time of his successor Henry the sixt, there were not many subse­dies. In this third year, he had a subse­dy of a Tunnage and poundage. And here (saith Iohn Stow) began those payements, which we call customes, because the payement was continued, whereas before that time it was gran­ted but for a year two or three, ac­cording to the Kings occasions. He had also an ayde & gathering of mo­ney in his fourth year, and the like in his tenth year, and in his thirteenth year a 15th He had also a fifteenth for [Page 92] the conveying of the Queen out of France into England. In the twenty eight year of that King was the act of Resumption of all honours, towns, castles, Signeuries, villages, Manors, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, fees, &c. But because the wages of the Kings servants, were by the strictness of the act also restrained, this act of Resumption was expounded in the Parliament at Reading the 31th year of the Kings reigne.


I perceive that those [...] of Resumption were ordinary in for­mer times; for King Stephen resumed the lands, which in former times he had given to make friends during the Civill wars. And Henry the second resumed all (without exception) which King Stephen had not resumed; for although King Stephen took back a great deal, yet he suffered his trustiest servants to enjoy his gift.


Yes my Lord, and in after times also; for this was not the last, nor shall be the last, I hope. And judge you my Lord, whether the Parlia­ments doe not only serve the King, whatsoever is said to the contrary; for as all King Henry the 6. gifts & graunts [Page 93] were made void by the Duke of York when he was in possession of the Kingdome by Parliament. So in the time of K. H. when K. Edw. was beaten out again, the Parliament of West­minster made all his acts voyd, made him and all his followers traytors, and gave the King many of their heads & lands. The Parliaments of England do alwayes serve the King in posses­sion. It served Rich. the second to condemne the popular Lords. It served Bollingbrooke to depose Rich. When Edw. the 4. had the Scepter, it made them all beggars that had fol­lowed H. the 6. And it did the like for H. when Edw. was driven out. The Parliaments are as the friendship of this world is, which alwayes fol­loweth prosperity. For King Edw. the 4. after that he was possessed of the Crown, he had in his 13. year a subsedy freely given him: and in the year following he took a benevo­lence through England, which arbi­trary taking from the people, ser­ved that ambitious traytor the Duke of Bucks. After the Kings death was a plausible argument to per­swade the multitude, that they should not permit (saith Sir [Page 94] Thomas Moore) his line to raigne any longer upon them.


Well Sir, what say you to the Parliament of Richard the third his time?


I find but one, and therein he made diverse good Laws. For King Henry the seventh in the beginning of his third year he had by Parliament an ayde granted unto him, towards the relief of the Duke of Brittain, then assailed by the French King. And al­though the King did not enter into the warre, but by the advice of the three estates, who did willingly con­tribute: Yet those Northern men which loved Richard the third, raised rebellion under colour of the money impos'd, and murthered the Earle of Northumberland whom the King em­ployed in that Collection. By which your Lordship sees, that it hath not been for taxes and impositions alone, that the ill disposed have taken Armes; but even for those payments which have been appointed by Parlia­ment.


And what became of these Rebels?


They were fairly hang'd, & the money levied notwithstanding [Page 95] in the Kings first year he gathered a marvailous great masse of money, by a benevolence, taking pattern by this kind of levie from Edw. 4th. But the King caused it first to be moved in Parliament where it was allowed, be­cause the poorer sort were therein spared. Yet it is true that the King used some art, for in his Letters he declared that he would measure every mans affections by his gifts. In the thirteenth year he had also a subsedy, whereupon the Cornish men took Armes, as the Northern men of the Bishoprick had done in the third year of the King,


It is without example, that ever the people have rebelled for any thing granted by Parliament, save in this Kings dayes.


Your Lordship must con­sider, that he was not over much be­loved, for he took many advantages upon the people and the Nobility both.


And I pray you what say they now of the new impositions lately laid by the Kings Majesty? do they say that they are justly or unjust­ly laid?

[Page 96]

To Impose upon all things brought into the Kingdome is very ancient: which imposing when it hath been continued a certain time, is then called Customes, because the subjects are accustomed to pay it, and yet the great taxe upon wine is still called Impost, because it was imposed after the ordinary rate of payement, had lasted many years. But we do now a dayes understand those things to be impositions, which are raised by the command of Princes, without the ad­vice of the Common-wealth, though (as I take it) much of that which is now called custome, was at the first imposed by Prerogative royall: Now whether it be time or consent that ma­kes them just, I cannot define, were they just because new, and not justi­fied yet by time, or unjust because they want a generall consent: yet is this rule of Aristotle verified in respect of his Majestie: Minus timent homines in justum pati à principe quem cultorem Dei putant. Yea my Lord, they are also the more willingly borne, because all the world knows they are no new In­vention of the Kings. And if those that advised his Majestie to impose [Page 97] them, had raised his lands (as it was offered them) to 20000l. more then it was, and his wards to asmuch as afore­said, they had done him farre more acceptable service. But they had their own ends in refusing the one, and ac­cepting the other. If the land had been raised, they could not have se­lected the best of it for themselves: If the impositions had not been laid, some of them could not have their silks, other pieces in farme, which in­deed grieved the subject ten times more then that which his Majestie en­joyeth. But certainly they made a great advantage that were the advi­sers, for if any tumult had followed his Majesty, ready way had been to have delivered them over to the people.


But think you that the King would have delivered them if any troubles had followed?


I know not my Lord, it was Machiavels counsell to Caesar Bor­gia to doe it, and King H the 8. deli­vered up Empson and Dudley: yea the same King, when the great Car­dinall Woolsey, who governed the [Page 98] King and all his estate, had (by requi­ring the sixt part of every mans goods for the King) raised a rebellion, the King I say disavowed him absolutely, that had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk appeased the people, the Cardinall had sung no more Masse: for these are the words of our Story: The King then came to Westminster to the Cardinals Palace, and assembled there a great Councell, in which he protested, that his mind was never to aske any thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his Laws. Wherefore he then willed them to know by whose means they were so strictly given forth. Now my Lord, how the Cardinall would have shift­ed himself, by saying, I had the opi­nion of the Iudges, had not the re­bellion been appeased, I greatly doubt.


But good Sir, you blanch my question, and answer me by exam­ples. I aske you whether or no in any such tumult, the people pretending against any one or two great Officers, the King should deliver them, or de­fend them?


My good Lord, the people have not stayed for the Kings delivery, [Page 99] neither in England, nor in France: Your Lordship knows how the Chancellour, Treasurer, and Chief Iustice, with ma­ny others at severall times have been used by the Rebels: And the Marshals, Constables, and Treasurers in France, have been cut in pieces in Charles the sixt his time. Now to your Lordships question, I say that where any man shall give a King perilous advice, as may either cause a Rebellion, or draw the peoples love from the King, I say, that a King shall be advised to banish him: But if the King do absolutely command his servant to do any thing displeasing to the Common-wealth, and to his own perill, there is the King bond in honour to defend him. But my good Lord for conclusion, there is no man in England that will lay any in­vention ether grievous or against law upon the Kings Majesty: and there­fore your Lordships must share it a­mongst you.


For my part, I had no hand in it, (I think) Ingram was be that propounded it to the Treasurer.


Alas, my good Lord, eve­ry poor waiter in the Custome-house, or every promooter might have done it, there is no invention in these things, [Page 100] To lay impositions, and sell the Kings lands, are poor and common devices. It is true that Ingram and his fellows are odious men, and therefore his Ma­jesty pleas'd the people greatly to put him from the Coffership. It is better for a Prince to use such a kind of men, then to countenance them, hangmen are necessary in a common wealth: yet in the Netherlands, none but a hang­mans sonne will marry a hangmans daughter. Now my Lord, the last ga­thering which Henry the seventh made, was in his twentieth year, wherein he had another benevolence both of the Clergy and Laity, a part of which taken of the poorer sort, he ordained by his testament that it should be re­stored. And for King Henry the eight, although he was left in a most plenti­full estate, yet he wonderfully prest his people with great payments, for in the beginning of his time it was in­finite that he spent in Masking and Til­ting, Banquetting, and other vanities, before he was entred into the most consuming expence of the most fond and fruitlesse warre that ever King un­dertook. In his fourth yeare he had one of the greatest subsedies that ever [Page 101] was granted; for besides two fifteens and two dismes, he used Davids Law of Capitation or head money, and had of every Duke ten marks, of every Earl five pounds, of every Lord four pounds, of every Knight four marks and every man rated at 8l. in goods, 4. marks, and so after the rate: yea eve­ry man that was valued but at 401 paid 12d, and every man and woman a­bove 15. yeares 4d. He had also in his sixt yeare divers subsedies granted him. In his fourteenth their was a tenth demanded of every mans goods, but it was moderated. In the Parlia­ment following, the Clergie gave the King the half of their spirituall livings for one yeare, and of the Laity there was demanded 800000l, which could not be leavied in England, but it was a marvellous great gift that the king had given him at that time. In the Kings seventeenth yeare was the Re­bellion before spoken of, wherein the King disavowed the Cardinall: In his seventeenth yeare he had the tenth and fifteenth given by Parlia­ment, which were before that time paid to the Pope. And before that al­so, the moneys that the King borrowed [Page 102] in his fifteenth yeare were forgiven him by Parliament in his seventeenth yeare. In his 35. yeare a subsedy was granted of 4d. the pound of every man worth in goods from 20s. to 5l, from 5l. to 10l. and upwards of every pound 2s. And all strangers, denisens and others doubled this summe stran­gers not being inhabitants above 16. yeares 4d. a head. All that had Lands, Fees, and Annuities, from 20. to 5. and so double as they did for goods: And the Clergy gave 6d. the pound. In the thirty seventh yeare, a Benevo­lence was taken not voluntary, but ra­ted by Commissioners, which because one of the Aldermen refused to pay, he was sent for a souldier into Scot­land. He had also another great subse­dy of six shillings the pound of the Clergy, and two shillings eight pence of the goods of the Laity, and four shillings the pound upon Lands.

In the second yeare of Edward the sixt, the Parliament gave the King an aid of twelve pence the pound of goods of his Naturall subjects, and two shillings the pound of strangers, and this to continue for three yeares, and by the statute of the second and third of Edward the sixt, it may appear, [Page 103] the same Parliament did also give a se­cond aid, as followeth, (to wit) of eve­ry Ewe kept in severall pastures, 3d: of every weather kept as aforesaid 2d: of every sheep kept in the Common, 1d, ob. The House gave the King also 8d. the pound of every woollen cloath made for the sale throughout England for three years. In the third and fourt, of the King, by reason of the trou­blesome gathering of the poly money upon sheep, and the tax upon cloath, this act of subsedy was repeal'd, and other relief given the King, and in the seventh yeare he had a subsedy and two fifteens.

In the first yeare of Queen Mary, tunnage and poundage were granted. In the second yeare a subsedy was gi­ven to King Philip, and to the Queen, she had also a third subsedy in Annis 4. & 5.

Eliz. Reg, Now my Lord, for the Parliaments of the late Queens time, in which there was nothing new, nei­ther head money, nor sheep money, nor escuage, nor any of these kinds of payments was required, but onely the ordinary subsedies, and those as easily graunted as demanded, I shall not need to trouble your Lordship with a­ny [Page 104] of them, neither can I inform your Lordship of all the passages and acts which have passed, for they are not extant, nor printed.


No, it were but time lost to speak of the latter, and by those that are already remembred, we may judge of the rest, for those of the greatest importance are publick. But I pray you deal freely with me, what you think would be done for his Majesty, If he should call a Parliament at this time, or what would be required at his Maje­sties hands?


The first thing that would be required, would be the same that was required by the Commons in the thirteenth yeare of Hen. the eight (to wit) that if any man of the commons house should speak more largely, then of duty he ought to do, all such offences to be pardoned, and that to be of record.


So might every Compa­nion speak of the King what they list.


No my Lord, the reverence which a Vassall oweth to his Sove­raigne, is alwaies intended for every speech, howsoever it must import the good of the King, and his estate, and so long it may be easily pardoned, o­therwise [Page 105] not; for in Queen Elizabeths time, who gave freedome of speech in all Parliaments, when Wentworth made those motions, that were but sup­posed dangerous to the Queens e­state, he was imprisoned in the Tower, notwithstanding the priviledge of the house, and there died.


What say you to the Sci­cilian vespers remembred in the last Par­liament?


I say, he repented him heartily that used that speech, and in­deed besides that, it was seditious, this example held not: The French in Sci­cily usurped that Kingdome, they nei­ther kept law nor faith, they took a­way the inheritance of the Inhabi­tants, they took from them their wives, and ravished their daughters, committing all other insolencies that could be imagined. The Kings Maje­sty is the Naturall Lord of England, his Vassals of Scotland obey the Eng­lish Laws, if they break them, they are punished without respect. Yea his Majesty put one of his Barons to a shamefull death, for being consenting onely to the death of a Common Fen­cer: And which of these ever did or durst commit any outrage in England, [Page 106] but to say the truth, the opinion of packing the last, was the cause of the contention and disorder that happened.


Why sir? do you not think it best to compound a Parlia­ment of the Kings servants and others, that shall in all obey the Kings de­sires?


Certainly no, for it hath ne­ver succeeded well, neither on the kings part, nor on the subjects, as by the Parliament before-remembred your Lordship may gather, for from such a composition do arise all jealousies, and all contentions. It was practized in el­der times, to the great trouble of the kingdome, and to the losse and ruine of many. It was of latter time used by King Henry the eight, but every way to his disadvantage. When the King leaves himself to his people, they assure them­selves that they are trusted and beloved of their king, and there was never any assembly so barborus, as not to answer the love and trust of their King. Hen­ry the sixt when his estate was in effect utterly overthrown, and utterly impo­verished at the humble request of his Treasurer made the same known to the House: Or other wise, using the Treasurers own words. He humbly de­sired [Page 107] the King to take his Staffe, that he might save his wardship.


But you know, they will presently be in hand with those impo­sitions, which the King hath laid by his own Royall Prerogative.


Perchance not my Lord; but rather with those impositions that have been by some of your Lordships laid upon the King, which did not some of your Lordships fear more then you do the impositions laid upon the Subjects, you would never disswade his Majesty from a Parliament: For no man doubted, but that his Majesty was advised to lay those impositions by his Councell, and for particular things on which they were laid, the advice came from petty fellows (though now great ones) belonging to the Custome-House. Now my Lord, what prejudice hath his Majesty (his Revenue being kept up) if the imposi­tions that were laid by the generall Councell of the Kingdome, which takes off all grudging and complaint.


Yea Sir, but that which is done by the King, with the advice of his private or privy Councell, is done by the Kings absolute power.


And by whose power it is [Page 108] done in parliament, but by the Kings absolute power? Mistake it not my Lord: The three Estates do but ad­vise, as the privy Councell doth, which advice if the King imbrace, it becomes the Kings own Act in the one, and the Kings Law in the other, for without the Kings acceptation, both the pub­lick and private advices be but as empty Egg shels: and what doth his Majesty lose if some of those things, which concerns the poorer sort to be made free again, and the Revenue kept up upon that which is superfluous? Is it a losse to the King to be beloved of the Commons? If it be revenue which the King seeks, is it not better to take it of those that laugh, then of those that cry? Yea if all be conten to pay upon moderation & change of the Species: Is it not more honourable and more safe for the King, that the Subject pay by perswasion, then to have them con­strained? If they be contented to whip themselves for the King, were it not better to give them the Rod into their hands, then to commit them to the Ex­ecutioner? Certainly it is farre more happy for a Soveraigne Prince, that a Subject open his purse willingly, then that the same be opened by violence. [Page 109] Besides, that when impositions are laid by Parliament, they are gathered by the authority of the Law, which (as aforesaid) rejecteth all complaints, and stoppeth every mutinous mouth: It shall ever be my prayer that the King embrace the Councel of Honour and safety, and let other Princes imbrace that of force.


But good Sir, it is his Prerogative which the King stands up­on, & it is the Prerogative of the Kings, that the Parliaments do all diminish.


If your Lordship would pardon me, I would say then, that your Lordships objection against Parlia­ments is ridiculous. In former Parlia­ments three things have been supposed dishonour of the King. The first, that the Subjects have conditioned with the King, when the King hath needed them, to have the great Charter con­firmed: The second, that the Estates have made Treasurers for the necessary and profitable disbursing of those sums by them given, to the end, that the Kings, to whom they were given, should expend them for their own defence, & for the defence of the Common-wealth: The third, that these have prest the King to discharge some great Officers of the [Page 110] Crown, and to elect others. As touch­ing the first my Lord, I would fain learn what disadvantage the Kings of this Land have had by confirming the great Charter, the breach of which have served onely men of your Lord­ships rank, to assist their own passions, and to punish and imprison at their own discretion the Kings poor Sub­jects. Concerning their private ha­tred, with the colour of the Kings ser­vice, for the Kings Majestie take no mans inheritance, (as I have said be­fore) nor any mans life, but the Law of the Land, according to the Char­ter. Neither doth his Majesty imprison any man (matter of practice, which concerns, the preservation of his estate excepted) but by the law of the land. And yet he useth his prerogative as all the Kings of England have ever used to: for the supream reason cause to pra­ctise many things without the advice of the law. As insurrections and rebel­lions, it useth the marshall, and not the common law, without any breach of the Charter, the intent of the Char­ter considered truely. Neither hath a­ny Subject made complaint, or been grieved, in that the Kings of this land, for their own safeties, and preservation [Page 111] of their estates, have used their Prero­gatives, the great Ensigne, on which there is written soli Deo. And my good Lord, was not Buckingham in England, and Byron in France condemned, their Peers uncalled? And withall, was not Byron utterly (contrary to the custome & priviledges of the French) denyed an advocate to assist his defence? For where lawes forecast cannot provide remedies for future dangers, Princes are forced to assist themselves by their Prerogatives. But that which hath been ever grievous, and the cause of many troubles, very dangerous is, that your Lordships abusing the reasons of state, do punish and imprison the K. Subjects at your pleasure. It is you my Lords, that when Subjects have sometimes need of the Kings preroga­tive, do then use the strength of the Law, and when they require the law, you afflict them with the prerogative, and tread the great Charter (which hath been confirmed by 16 Acts of Parliament) under your feet, as a torn parchment or waste paper?.


Good Sir, which of us do in this sort break the great Charter? perchance you mean, that we have ad­vised the King to lay the new imposi­tious.

[Page 112]

No my Lord: there is no­thing in the great Charter against im­positions: and besides that, necessity doth perswade them. And if necessity do in somewhat excuse a private man à fortiori, it may then excuse a Prince. Again the Kings Majesty hath profit and increase of revenue by the impo­sitions. But there are of your Lord­ships (contrarie to the direct Letter of the Charter) that imprison the Kings Subjects and deny them the benefit of the Law, to the Kings disprofit. And what do you otherwise thereby (if the impositions be in any sort grievous) but Renovare dolores? And with all digg out of the dust the long buried me­morie of the Subjects former inten­tions with their Kings.


What mean you by that?


I will tell your Lordship when I dare, in the mean time it is e­nough for me, to put your Lordship in mind, that all the Estates in the World, in the offence of the people, have either had profit or necessity to perswade them to adventure it, of which, if neither be urgent, and yet the Subject exceedingly grieved, your Lordship may conjecture, that the House will be humble suitors for a re­dresse. And if it be a Maxime in policy [Page 113] to please the people in all things in­different, and never suffer them to be beaten, but for the Kings benefit (for there are no blows forgotten with the smart but those) then I say to make them Vassals to Vassals, is but to batter down those mastering buildings, erect­ed by K Henry the 7. & fortified by his Son, by which the people the Gentry of England were brought to depend upon the King alone. Yea my good Lord, our late dear Soveraign Q. Eliz. kept them up, & to their advantage, as wel repaired as ever Prince did Defend me, & spend me, faith the Irish Churle.


Then you think that this violent breach of the Charter will be the cause of seeking the conformation of it in the next Parliament, which o­therwise could never have bin moved.


I know not my good Lord perchance not, for if the House presse the King to graunt unto them all that is theirs by the Law, they cannot (in Iustice) refuse the King all that is his by the Law. And where will be the is­sue of such a contention? I dare not divine, but sure I am that it will tend to the prejudice both of the King and Subject.


If they dispute not their own liberties, why should they then [Page 114] the Kings liberties, which we call his Prerogative.


Among so many and so di­vers Spirits, no man can foretell what may be propounded, but howsoever, if the matter be not slightly handled on the Kings behalf, these disputes will soon dissolve for the King hath so lit­tle need of his Prerogative, & so great advantage by the Lawes, as the fear of imparing the one, to wit, the Preroga­tive, is so impossible, and the burthen of the other, to wit, the Law, so weigh­ty, as but by a branch of the Kings Prerogative, namely, of his remission and pardon, the Subject is no way able to undergo it. This my Lord is no matter of flourish that I have said, but it is the truth, and unanswerable.


But to execute the Laws very severely, would be very grievous.


Why my Lord, are the Laws grievous which our selves have re­quired of our Kings? And are the Pre­rogatives also which our Kings have reserved to themselves also grievous? How can such a people then be well pleased? And if your Lordship confess that the Lawes give too much, why does your Lordship urge the Prero­gative that gives more? Nay I will be bold to say it, that except the Lawes [Page 115] were better observed, the Prerogative of a Religious Prince hath manifold lesse perils then the Letter of the Law hath. Now my Lord, for the second & third, to wit, for the appointing of Treasures, and removing of Coun­cellors, our Kings have evermore laught them to scorn that have prest either of these, & after the Parliament dissolved, took the money of the Trea­surers of the Parliament and recalled & restored the Officers discharged, or else they have been contented, that some such persons should be removed at the request of the whole Kingdom, which they themselves out of their Noble natures, would not seem wil­ling to remove.


Well Sir, Would you notwithstanding all these arguments advise his Majesty to call a Parlia­ment?


It belongs to your Lord­ships who enjoy the Kings favour, & are chosen for your able wisedome to advise the K. It were a strange bold­nesse in a poor and private person, to advise Kings, attended with so under­standing a Councell. But be like your Lorpships have conceived some other way, how money may be gotten other­wise. If any trouble should happen, [Page 116] your Lordship knows, that then there were nothing so dangerous for a K as to be without money: A Parliament cannot assemble in haste, but present dangers require hasty remedies. It will be no time then to discontent the sub­jects by using any unordinary wayes.


Well Sir, all this notwith­standing we dare not advise the King to call a Parliament, for if it should succeed ill, we that advise, should fall into the Kings disgrace. And if the King be driven into any extremity, we can say to the King that because we found it extremely unpleasing to his Majesty to hear of a Parliament, we thought it no good manners to make such a Motion.


My Lord, to the first let me tell you, that there was never any just Prince that hath taken any advantage of the successe of Councels, which have been founded on reason, To fear that, were to fear the losse of the bell, more then the losse of the steeple, and were also the way to beat all men from the studies of the Kings service. But for the second, where you say you can excuse your selves upon the Kings own protesting against a Parliament, the King upon better consideration may encounter that fineness of yours.

[Page 117]

How I pray you?


Even by declaring himself to be indifferent, by calling your Lord­ships together, and by delivering unto you that he heares how his loving sub­jects in generall are willing to supply him, if it please him to call a Parlia­ment, for that was the common an­swer to all the Sheriffes in England, when the late benevolence was com­manded. In which respect, and because you come short in all your projects, & because it is a thing most dangerous for a King to be without treasure, he requires such of you, as either mislike, or rather fear a Parliment, to set down your reasous in writing, which you ei­ther mislike, or feared it. And such as with and desire it, to set down an­swers to your objections: And so shall the King prevent the calling or not cal­ling on his Majesty, as some of your great Councellers have done in many other things shrinking up their shoul­ders, and saying, the K. will have it so.


Well Sir, it grows late, & I will bid you farewell, onely you shall take well with you this advice of mine, that in all that you have said against our greatest, those men in the end shall be your Iudges in their own cause, you [Page 118] that trouble your self with reformation; are like to be well rewarded hereof you may assure your self, that we will never allow of any invention how profitable soever, unlesse it proceed, or seem to proceed from our selves.


If then my Lord, we may presume to say that Princes may be un­happy in any thing, certainly they are unhappy in nothing more then in suf­fering themselves to be so inclosed. A­gain, if we may believe Pliny, who tels us, that 'tis an ill signe of prosperity in any kingdome or state, where such as deserve well, find no other recompence then the contentment of their own con­seiences, a farre worse signe is it where the justly accused shall take revenge of the just accuser. But my good Lord, there is this hope remaining, that see­ing he hath been abused by them he trusted most, he will not for the future dishonour of his judgement (so well informed by his own experience) as to expose such of his vassals as have had no other motives to serve him, then simply the love of his person and his e­state) to their revenge, who have onely been moved by the love of their own fortunes, and their glory.


But good Sir, the King hath not been deceived by all.

[Page 119]

No my Lord, neither have all been trusted, neither doth the world accuse all, but believe, that there be a­mong your Lordships very just and worthy men, aswell of the Nobility as others, but those though most honour­ed in the Common-wealth, yet have not been most imployed: Your Lord­ship knows it well enough, that three or 4 of your Lordships have thought your hands strong enough to beat up alone the weightiest affairs in the Com­monwealth, and strong enough, all the Land have found them to beat down whom they pleased.


I understand you, but how shall it appear that they have onely sought themselves.


There needs no perspective glasse to discern it, for neither in the treaties of Peace and Warre, in matters of Revenue, and matters of Trade, any thing hath hapned either of love or of judgement. No my Lord, there is not any one action of theirs eminent, great or small, the greatnesse of themselves onely excepted.


It is all one, your Papers can nei­ther answer nor reply, we can. Besides you tell the King no news in delivering these Complaints, for he knows as much as can be told him.

[Page 120]

For the first my Lord, whereas he hath once the reasons of things de­livered him, your Lordships shall need to be well advised, in their answers there is no sophistry will serve the turn, where the Iudge, & the understanding are both supreme. For the second, to say that his Majesty knows, and cares not, that my Lord were but to despaire all his faithfull Subjects. But by your fa­vour my Lord, we see it is contrary, we find now that there is no such singular power as there hath been, Iustice is de­scribed with a Balance in her Hand, holding it even, and it hangs as even now as ever it did in any Kings dayes, for singular authority begets but gene­rall oppression.


Howsoever it be, thats nothing to you, that gave no interest in the Kings favour, nor perchance in his opinion, and concerning such a one, the misliking, or but misconceiving of any one hard word, phrase, or sentence, will give argument to the King either to condemne or reject the whole dis­course. And howsoever his Majesty may neglect your informations, you may be sure that others (at whom you point will not neglect their revenges, you will therefore confesse it (when it is too late) that you are exceeding sory [Page 121] that you have not followed my advise. Remember Cardinall Woolsey, who lost all men for the Kings service, & when their malice (whom he grieved) had out-lived the Kings affection, you know what became of him as vvell as I.


Yea, my Lord, I know it well, that malice hath a longer life, than ei­ther love or thankfulnesse hath, for as we alwaies take more care to put off pain, than to enjoy pleasure, because the one hath no intermission, & with the o­ther we are often satisfied, so it is in the smart of iniury & the memory of good turns: Wrongs are written in marble: Benefits are (sometimes) acknowledged, rarely re­quited. But my Lord, we shall do the K. great wrong, to judge him by common rules, or ordinary examples, for seeing his Majesty hath greatly enriched and advanced those that have but preten­ded his service, no man needs to doubt of his goodnesse towards those that shall performe any thing worthy re­ward. Nay, the not taking knowledge of those of his own vassals that have done him wrong, is more to be lamen­ted, than the relinquishing of those that do him right, is to be supected. I am therefore, my good Lo: held to my re­solution by these 2, besides the former. The 1, that God would never have blest [Page 122] him with so many years, and in so ma­ny actions, yea in all his actions, had he paid his honest servants with evill for good. The 2d. where your Lordship tels me, that I will be sorry for not fol­lowing your advice, I pray your Lord­ship to believe, that I am no way sub­ject to the common sorrowing of worldly men, this Maxime of Plato being true, Dolores omnes ex amore animi erga corpus nascuntur. But for my body, my mind values it at nothing.


What is it then you hope for or seek?


Neither riches, nor honour, or thanks, but I onely to seek to satisfie his Majesty (which I would have been glad to have done in matters of more importance that I have lived and will die an honest man.


The Authors Epitaph, made by himself.

EVen such is Time, which takes in wast
Our Youth, and Ioy's, and all we have,
And payes us but with age and dust,
Which be the dark and silent grave,
When we have wandred all our wayes,
Struts up the story of our dayes:
And from which Earth and Grave, & Dust,
The Lord shall raise me up I trust.

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