THE HISTORY OF INFAMOUS IMPOSTORS. OR, THE Lives & Actions Of Several Notorious Counterfeits, Who from the most Abject, and Meanest of the People, have Usurped the Titles of Emperours, Kings, and Princes.

Written by The Sr. J. B. de Rocoles, Historigrapher of France and Brandenbourg.

And now Done into English.

London, Printed for William Cademan, at the Pope's-Head, in the Lower-Walk of the New-Exchange, in the Strand, MDCLXXXIII.


THE Intention of this Preface, is not to make any Apo­logy for the ensu­ing Treatise, since it needs none: My Author being well qualified for the Underta­king, and having Learnedly and Judiciously Collected these Lives, from most Authentick Historians, except that of Don Sebastian, wherein he has assisted himself, with part of the Fancy and Tale, from the curious Pen of Mada­moiselle des Jardins, as he there ac­knowledges: All the rest, are back't with good Authority; for I have taken the pains to in­spect many of the Authors here­in [Page]in cited, and sometimes made bold a little to Enlarge or Ex­plain, as the Passages required.

But I was glad to have the oc­casion in the Reading this small Piece, to observe and expose how restless a Passion Ambition is, and what different Ways it treads to compass its Designes; Though amongst all the Methods that are used, none is more Plau­sible, and in a fairer way of Success, than this kind of Artifice, where the Impostor, upon his own Fund of Confidence, by personating A­nother, sets up for Himself, and a Kingdom: And with such Art and Subtilty, puts on his borrowed Plumes, that the Fraud has not been soon, or perhaps never ful­ly discovered: But the End has generally proved Unfortunate.

Here are represented almost all that History furnishes of this kind, except the late Demetrius's [Page]of Russia, and very few more; which may possibly be added to This hereafter, in Case it be worthy of another Edition. But what Volumes might be made, should an Historian undertake to Describe the Arts and Tricks of our Modern Impostors, who to ar­rive at their Ambitious Ends, far out-do the villanies related in this Book.

Where can we parallel such an Impostor? Who had been long sensible of the warm Influence of Royal Favour, and had all his former Crimes buried in Oblivi­on; and yet that he should re­turn to his Vomit, by anima­ting his Princes greatest Enemies to his Destruction; and most ungratefully, when the Snuff of his detested Life is almost extinct, still delude the VVorld with his borrowed Shapes and Disguises; seducing his Country-men from [Page]their Duty and Allegiance, with groundless Fears and Jealousies: And then, with the specious Pretences of Liberty and Property, so charm the Multitude, that he becomes not only the Idol of the Clowns, but of many others, who are ready to raise Altars to Him, having made Medals in his Honour; till, at last, he hurries them into Riot, Sediti­on, and their dismal consequen­ces. Strange Contradiction! That Vigour, and Decrepit Old Age, should consist for Rebellion: And when Life is on Tilt, New Plots should be tapping, to stum the Nation, and intoxicate the weaker Sort to their Ruine.

Nor can I less admire the Im­posture of his Clyents, who being a Scandal to Debauchery, cry out, Great is Diana of the Ephesi­ans! Our Religion! Our True Prote­stant Religion! To follow the [Page]Scent, and to keep up the Chase, One can even prostitute his Wife to another, and be basely bran­ded vigilanti stertere naso: And to give a Specimen, that All things should be in Common, in an Ho­nourable way, make bold with a Sister. Who cannot easily de­tect such an Impostor, that would make us believe, he can be just to Oaths and Sacraments, when he has abused them, and mimickt the most Sacred Mystery, with the Diversion of a Christmass Fire? And who in the Fraud of an Employ­ment, by the Letting out of Priso­ners, foretold he would be a Pa­triot for the Liberty of the Subject?

Lord, how it shocks me! to think, that a Publican, and a Sin­ner, One that from Leathern Bree­ches should by indirect means, so fill his Canvas, with the Stamp of Majesty, that he should aim at a Peereage, and missing of it, should [Page]then forget his Allegiance to Cae­sar. Sure, 'tis no small Artifice must make this Man appear a Saint, and an Assertor of his Country's Rights. And that a Wise City, worthy of Bedlam, should fancy him the Chast Guardian of Widdows and Orphans, who us'd to make private Assignations, with their Wives and Daughters in Moore-fields; and then, at last, modestly abscon­ded, hoping to defraud them of their Portions.

But those who most raise my Admiration, move in a Low­er Orb; yet are no less Eminent in their proper Sphere, than the Former; These, like the Moon, though enlightned from ano­ther, yet have great Influence, and are very Instrumental in the Flux and Reflux of our Troubled Wa­ters. Great Zealots for a Religion, which is yet to be chosen. Hypo­crites, always stigmatized for A­theism: [Page]Cowards to every one, but God, and their Prince; both whom, they dare Lampoon in Ta­verns, and impudently Defie; because, they know, their great­est Attribute is MERCY. 'Tis a mad World, my Masters! When One sets up for a Protestant Pillar, who by his Bulk perhaps might be thought so, to hear him mouth out PROPERTY and RELIGION; whose Estate, like his Poetry, lies in Terra In­cognita; and his Piety such, that he scarce ever Names his Maker, but to Profane Him. One, worse than a Pharisee, neither Clean within, nor without,; who bauls for a Dole, and is chosen by his Worthy Patrons, not for his Brains, but his Lungs. The Devils Maxim holds true; That no Man serves God for nought; and he, to invert the Case, serves not his Masters for nought: [Page]Though, when these Distracti­ons shall be quite Composed, and the Delirium of the Nation abated, his Patrons may discard their Tool; which being without an edg, rather Bruised than Cut: And so at length, in imitation of a Play-House, retrench their Ex­pences, and deprive their Lum­ber-of-a-Writer, of his Pension. This Man was a Papist by his E­ducation; a most scandalous Li­bertine, in course of Life; and a profest Atheist is his Conversa­tion: No doubt therefore, but he must be a fit Champion for the Protestant Religion, and the Laws, against Popery, and Arbi­trary Government.

And since we are in, let us not forget another Impostor, whom Nature never designed for a Man, but said, Be thou always a Boy. A strange Mixture of a Creature, who learnt in his Fa­ther's [Page]Shop to be Pragmatical and Fantastick; and thinks it as easy a Task to Cleanse, and take off all the Stains and Spots, which he with his False Glass can repre­sent in the Face of the Established Government, as for his Sire, in a Checquered Apron, on a Saturday Night, to scowre the Face of a Plowman. Sure, in all reason, 'twas enough for him to have imitated Soap-Bladders in Poetry, and not to have been set on work about Trimming up a New Successor; where, like his own Rockets on a Pope-Night, he Ram­bles extravagantly, and Whisks this, and that way, to no pur­pose; and his best Reasons, as once his Squibbs, destroy themselves, and endanger no Body so much as their Author. If he could possi­bly be made capable of Good Ad­vice, I would counsel him only to play the Fool in Bartholomew-Fair; [Page]there let him be Laureat to King Oberon; and at his own Booth, be Zany and Poet. But let not his own Life and Manners be the Subject of his next Pup­pet-Show; lest it Debauch the Rabble, his great Admirers.

These, and many other Scrib­lers, have been Selected, as the Propogaters of the Cause; but they are generally so Vile and Inconsi­derable, that I chuse to despise them, and scorn to do them the credit of Remarking.

I would stop here; but, Diffi­cile est Satyram non Scribere; as fast as I cut off, New Heads arise from my Hydra; Legion, of Old, left Man for Swine, and now for Swine enters Man again. Such Impostors have appeared amongst us of late, that it is incredible to think, that our Senses and Un­derstandings should have been so much imposed on, as they [Page]have. Wretches, most profligate in all sorts of Wickedness; as Cheating, Thieving, Forgery, Coyn­ing, Lying, Perjury; nay, Sodomy; have on a suddain been enter­tained and credited, as most Pi­ous, Sober, Virtuous Christians, and True Protestants. What greater Prodigy, than that such Spirits of Darkness, should pass for Angels of Light? Yet in respect to the Sense and Justice of my Coun­try, I will keep in bold Truths, and spare even the Impostor with a Witness. But when any Man shall think it convenient, in proper Colours, to draw the true Lineaments of some of these Counterfeits, the History of their Lives, though writ with the greatest Impartiality, will appear as improbable as Rablais his Ga­ragantua. In the mean time, let them be tormented with their Secret Crimes; and in their Consci­ences, [Page]which are as a Thousand Wit­nesses, confess,

—Ambiguae si quando citabere Testis
Incertae (que) rei. Phalaris licet imperet, ut sis
Falsus, & admoto dictet perjuria Tauro.
Summum crede nefas, vitam praeferre pudori,
Et propter vitam vivendi perdere causas.
Juvenal Sat. 8.

I could have Paraphrased this into English, but will content my self with Doctor Holliday's Translation.

When in a Doubtful Cause, thou needs must stand
A Witness, should Phalaris bid thee be
False, shew his Bull, and dictate Perjury.
Life, before Vertue, count it lewd to choose;
Do not, to save Life, th' Ends we live for loose.

A TABLE OF THE Histories contained in this Book.

  • Chap. I. THe False Smerdis, only Bro­ther of Cambyses King of Persia, and of the Medes. Pag. 1.
  • Chap. II. The False Nero. Pag. 26.
  • Chap. III. The False Messiah, called Bencochab, Chief of the Re­volted Jews. Pag. 30.
  • Chap. IV. The False Moses. Pag. 33.
  • Chap. V. John Bulchold, King of the Anabaptists, called John of Leyden. Pag. 35.
  • Chap. VI. The False Clotaire, called Gondoald. Pag. 38.
  • [Page]Chap. VII. The False Baldwin, Empe­rour of Greece, and Earl of Flanders. Pag. 58.
  • Chap. VIII. The False Richard, Duke of York, and pretended Son of Edward the Fourth King of England, called Perkin War­beck. Pag. 76.
  • Chap. IX. The False Don Sebastian, King of Portugal. Pag. 113.
  • Chap. X. The False Voldemar, Mar­quis and Elector of Branden­bourg. Pag. 139.
  • Chap. XI. The False Mustapha, Son of Bajazet, the First of that Name, Emperour of the Turks. Pag. 154.
  • Chap. XII. The False James Heraclides, Despot of Moldavia and Wal­lachia. Pag. 179.

A LIST OF INFAMOUS Impostors: OR THE LIVES Of Several Notorious Counterfeits, who from the most Abject, and Meanest of the People, have usurped the Titles of Emperours, Kings, and Princes.

CHAP. I. Of the False Smerdis.

ONE of the most Profligate Im­postors I can write of, is the Counterfeit Smerdis, who was a Magus; which, taking the word in its most favourable Acceptation, signifies a Scholar, an Astrologer, or Philoso­pher: [Page 2]But I am more inclin'd to believe he was a Magician; who for some Crime, escap'd the Justice of Cyrus, with the loss of his Ears. The Frenzy and Distraction into which Cambyses, King of Persia, and Son of Cyrus the Great, fell, gave this Im­postor an Opportunity to shew himself; and, for eight Months, to ascend the Throne of one of the Greatest, and most Potent Empires in the Universe. For the King, when fallen into this Distemper, caus'd his only Brother to be put to Death, he be­ing then Governour of Persia: Whose Per­son this Magician so acted, as obtain'd him the Quality and Empire of Smedis. The untimely Death of this Prince, gave him the Opportunity of being so great an Im­postor; the Distraction of Cambyses, was the cause of his Death; and the Sacrilege of Cambyses, in mortally wounding the God Apis, of Epaphus, the Occasion of that Pu­nishment. This Apis the Aegyptians blind­ed with Idolatory, ador'd in the Figure of a Calf. The Fable of this Divinity is known to proceed from Jupiter's loving the Prin­cess Jo, Daughter of Inachus, King of Phoe­nicia; Juno contrived to surprize him with her: wherefore Jupiter turn'd her into an Heifer, to secure her against the Revenge and Jealousie of the Goddess: But that [Page 3]was not sufficient to extinguish her Jea­lous suspitions, which prompted her to beg that beautiful Cow of Jupiter, who could find no excuse to deny her. Juno committed her to the keeping of Argus with his hundred Eyes; at which, Jupiter being extreamly vext, sent Mercury his Bastard, and stole her away while Argus slept: This so engaged Juno, that her Re­venge fell on Jo, whom she commanded the fury Erinnys to make distracted, and possess with wild Fancies, which made her wander about the World; untill grown weary and Faint, she stopt in Aegypt, where she was restor'd to her former Shape and Person, and brought to Bed of Epaphus; The Egyptians Worshipping both her, and her Son. Ovid tells this Story at the end of his first Book of Metamorphosis.

Cambyses, although the eldest Son, and Successor to so great a King, and in the Possession of such mighty Provinces as the Persiaen Empire contain'd, burn'd with an unlimited Ambition to extend his Con­quests, which he did over Aegypt; strip­ping Psalmneticus the King, Son of Amasis the Usurper, of all Regal Power: But this not being enough for his vast Thoughts; he undertook three great Wars, at the same time, though very unseasonably, and to [Page 4]his disadvantage; making the Carthagini­ans, the Aethiopians; and the Arabians his Enemies. Against each of these he had ill Success: He could not attack the Car­thaginians, but by Sea; and the Phoenici­ans, his only Subjects that could assist him with Ships, mutin'd, and refused to lend him any; belleving it unnatural to contri­bute towards the Ruin of the Carthaginians, who proceeded from them. To advance towards Aethiopia, the Army had vast De­serts to march over; and this young un­advised King took so ill Measures, and made so small Provisions, that he hardly got the Fifth Part of the way, ere his Ar­my wanted, and were forced to eat their own Horses, and Camels; and afterward, by Decimation and Lot, to feed on every Tenth Man; till at last, he, with the Wrack of this miserable Army, got back to Thebes in Aegypt. The Third, which was of Fifty Thousand Men, was comman­ded to waste the Country round the Tem­ple of Jupiter Hammon, and to burn that famous Temple, with the Statue of Jupi­ter. When they had advanc'd as far as the City Oasis, seven days Journey beyond Thebes, being the mid-way to the Town of Dasis, (the Country they were to at­tack) they halted in a Valley; where an [Page 5]impetuous Wind, blowing Mountains of Sand from all parts, buried them together, not one escaping; so that Cambyses could have no other News, but only the proba­bility of this Accident.

The God Apis, so much ador'd by the Aegyptians, shew'd himself that Year, which he had not done along time before. These blind People, when they found a Calf of extraordinary Largeness and Beauty, made it their False God, using all Shews of pub­lick Joy they could express. Cambyses, being angry, and ill humour'd with his late Di­sasters, believed they rejoyced at his ill For­tune, and took a Pretext to do it for the Apparition of their God. He was then at Memphis; where he commanded the Magistrates to come before him, and give an Account, why they took so ill a Con­juncture for their Mirth and Feasting. No Excuses would serve, nor no Submissions prevail; but he caused them all to be put to Death. He also commanded the Priests of Apis to be brought, with the Calf they ador'd; which was black, and had a large square Spot in his Fore head; another in the resemblance of an Eagle on his Back; a Cross under his Jaws; and at the End of his Tail, a thick forked Tuff of Hair. Cambyses drew his Sword, and woun­ded [Page 6]him in the Ham, though his intenti­on was to have kill'd him; calling the Priests contemptuous Names, saying, You deserve no better Gods, than Flesh and Blood, that can feel and smart with a Wound. Then, in derision, caus'd them to be cruelly bea­ten, commanding his Guards to kill who­ever they found rejoycing on that Occasi­on. This severe Order soon put an end to their Feasting: The God Apis was car­ried into the Temple, where he languish't till he died, and was privately buried by his Priests. Heaven, as the Aegyptians be­lieved, punish'd Cambyses for these Sacri­ledges, taking away his Reason, and ma­king him distracted. One of the saddest Effects of his Frenzy, was, the Death of his own Brother Smerdis, a very accom­plish'd Prince, and of so extraordinary Strength, that it caused his Brother's Jea­lousy so far, as to deny him Access to his Person, by sending him into Persia while he remain'd in Aegypt. His Ambassadors, or rather his Spies in Aethiopia, amongst other Rarities, brought home with them a Bow, of so large a size, that no Persian had strength enough to bend it, but Smerdis only, who did it with two Fingers; which was the first subject of his Disgrace, as that which follows was the cause of his Death.

Cambyses dream't, that a Courrier came in great haste, & brought him news, that Smer­dis sat on his Throne, & that his Head reacht Heaven. This made him resolve his Death; and gave Prexaspes, one of his Officers, Orders to see it done; which he did near Susa, as he accompany'd him a Hunting: Others say, It was by throwing him in­to the Red-Sea, as he walk'd on the Cliffs. I need but mention the other Cruelties of Cambyses; The Murthering one of his Si­sters, whom he had Marry'd, kicking her many times on the Belly, when she was with Child, of which she died: The Oc­casion she gave him, was wittily reproach­ing him of his Killing Smerdis. He shot the Son of Prexaspes with an Arrow, and then rip't him open; so paying his Father for Murthering Smerdis. He put twelve of his great Lords to a cruel Death, burying them alive, with their Heads downwards; and would have kill'd the best of his Coun­sellors, the wise and famous Croesus; who lost his Kingdom of Lydia, with his im­mense Riches; on whom Cyrus, his Father, had pity. These were the Praeludes, or rather the Causes, which preceded and encourag'd this Impudent Impostor, of whom we treat.

During the time Cambyses committed these Excesses of Cruelties, and that his [Page 8]Frenzy made him more hated, than a wild Beast; there were two Brothers, by Pro­fession Magicians; One of them, called Pa­tazithes, was an Officer of his House: These conspir'd against him. Patazithes, knowing the Death of Smerdis, which was hid from the Persians, had Insolence e­nough to undertake this Enterprize, which follows: He had a Brother of the Age and Features of Smerdis, and of his Name also; him he contrived to set on the Throne, and instructed him in all the Arts he should use. He sent Heralds into Aegypt, com­manding the Officers of the Army, for the future, to obey Smerdis, the Son of Cy­rus; and no longer to own Allegiance to Cambyses: These Heralds so well acquit­ted themselves of their Commission, that one of them met Cambyses with his Army at Echatana in Syria, to whom he boldly shewed his Order; who was astonish'd at his Resoiution; and turning towards Pre­xaspes, spoke to him in these words: Is it thus, you have executed the Commands I gave you? No, Sir, (replyed Prexaspes) it is not true, that your Brother can ever Rebel, or Fight more or less against your Authority; for with my own Hands I obey'd your Orders: And if those who are out of the World can fight, you have more reason to apprehend A­styages, [Page 9] King of the Medes; but if your Majesty have no cause to think of him, you have no other to fear your Brother Smerdis. I beseech you, Sir, (continued he) grant me some of your Guards, to pursue this Herald, and bring him back, that you may learn from him, if he have seen, or spoke to Smerdis. This Advice pleased the King: The He­rald was brought back, and ask't, If he received his Orders from the Mouth of Smer­dis, or from some of his Ministers only? He ingenuously confest, he had not seen him, since the War Cambyses made in Aegypt; but had his Orders from the Magician, whom his Majesty made Intendant of his Affairs in Persia; who said in these words: Smerdis, the Son of Cyrus, commands this to be done. Cambyses was satisfied by this Answer, that Prexaspes had obey'd him; whom he otherwise had certainly put to Death. He ask't him, If he could con­jecture, who were the Authors of this Re­bellion and Imposture? I doubt (said Prexaspes) they were the Magicians Pataz­thes, Governour of the Houshold, and Smer­dis his Brother. When Cambyses heard the Name of Smerdis, he seem'd Thunder­struck, remembring the Truth of his Dream; and knowing too late his fatal Error, wept bitterly for his double Mur­ther, [Page 10]of his Brother and Sister: In this tran­sport of Grief, hastily mounting his Horse, to chastise the Rebels at Susa, the Scab­bard of his Sword dropt off, and he found himself wounded in the same Place, with the Point, where he hurt the God Apis. It surpriz'd him more, when they told him, He was in Echatana in Syria: The O­racle of Butis having foretold he should die in Echatana, he believed it the great City of that Name in Media; where he kept his Treasure, and commonly resided: Flattering himself he should end his days there, in his old Age; but troubled at the Imposture of the Magician, and grieved for the Excesses of his past Life, his Wound having made him languish twenty days, he sent for the most considerable Officers, and spoke thus to them: Fate will, that Cambyses, the Son of Cyrus, die here; and now I am constrain'd (my dear Persians) to discover what I have hid from you hither­to. When I was in Aegypt I dreamt a Dream, which made me fear my Brother should usurp my Crown: This Fear made me act with more Precipitancy, than Reason; (I find Man has not the Power to hinder what shall hap­pen) I too rashly sent Prexaspes to kill Smer­dis at Susa: After which Crime, I thought my self secure; not imagining, when he was [Page 11]out of the World, any mortal Creature dar'd to rise up against me: But I see I am miserably abused, and have been, to no purpose, my Brother's Murtherer: For, notwithstanding I am rob'd of my Empire, it was this Smer­dis the Magician, the Doemon shew'd me in my Sleep; and 'tis he, was to take Arms a­gainst me. Think not, when I am gone, to have Smerdis, the Son of Cyrus, for your King: They are two Magicians, would have the Empire; One I made Governour of my House; the Other is Smerdis, his Brother. But, Oh deplorable unhappiness! He that should have revenged his Insolence, is basely murthered by his nearest Relations. Next, I conjure you in the Name of the Gods, in whose Protection Crown'd Heads are, and which I hope to obtain of you, my most dear Ac­kemenides, since the Kings of Persia pro­ceed from you; never suffer such a Meanness of Spirit, as may let the Empire, and Sove­reign Power return to the Medes: If they obtain it by Fraud, or Force, use the same Methods to tear it from them; and if in this you obey my Orders, I beseech the Gods, your Fields, your Wives, and your Cattle may be fruitful: But if you do not as I com­mand; on the contrary, may all Miseries fall on your Heads, and your Ends be unhap­py as mine.

Having ended this Discourse, he wept abundantly, deploring his so early Fate: The Persians that were by, found his griefs so moving, they tore their Garments, and shed many Tears, crying out for sorrow. His pain augmented till the Wound gan­green'd, & perish't the Bone: Death giving a Period to his Reign, which was Seven Years, and Five Months, without any Children.

The truth of the Imposture, and Usur­pation of the Magicians, could not enter in­to the minds of the Persians; it seem'd in­credible to them; They thought the Death of Smerdis, of which Cambyses informed them, was only a Pretext to make the Name of the Persians odious, and believed firmly that Smerdis, by this Rebellion, had placed himself on the Throne: Which o­pinion they continued in the longer, by Prexaspes's utterly denying the Murther, though if he had own'd it, he had certain­ly been destroy'd, when Cambyses was Dead, who authorized and avow'd it; for the Persians would have been very rigo­rous with him, that had dar'd to shed the Blood of that Great King Cyrus.

The Magician, after the Death of Camby­ses bearing the Name of Smerdis, Reign'd without trouble or contradiction, Seven [Page 13]Months together; during which time, he exercised his Liberality and Munifi­cence, to the Subjects of the Empire; which were so extraordinary, that after his Death, the People of Asia, (except the Persians) lamented his loss extreamly. He sent his Proclamations through all the Provinces, to exempt the People from Taxes, promi­sing them Peace, and Rest; Declaring he he would List no Souldiers for the War, in three Years: But in Eight Months his Vil­lany was in this manner detected.

Otanes, Son of Pharnaspes, who was one of the greatest Lords of Persia, suspected the Magician not to be Smerdis, the Son of Cyrus, and his suspition was grounded on his recluse way of Living; for he never came out of the Palace, nor gave Audi­ence or access to any Persian Lord. This just doubt made him send a faithful Ser­vant to Phedina his Daughter, who with the rest of the Wives of Cambyses, was in the possession, and enjoyment of the Magi­cian, to ask what kind of Man lay with her, if it were Smerdis the Son of Cyrus, or some other? She sent him word by the Messenger, she could not resolve him, be­cause she had never seen Smerdis, nor could she describe what kind of Man he was, that had access to her. Upon this, her Father [Page 14]desir'd, she would ask Attossa, the Sister and Wife of Cambyses, and now in the Num­ber of those, in the Possession of the Usur­per. To which she reply'd, She could not speak to Attossa, nor any other Woman the King lay with; for this Man, whatever he be, since he became King, keeps us all in diffe­rent Apartments.

Otanes being confirmed in his suspicion, by these Answers, sent his faithful Servant a third time, to propose what follows; That she being of a Noble Family, should not fear exposing her self in a danger her Father advi­sed her to; for if this Man were not Smerdis, the Son of Cyrus, but he whom he suspected, she ought not to be enjoy'd by him, nor he pos­sess the Soveraignty he Ʋsurp't over the Per­sians, but be punished as his Insolence deser­ved: Therefore she should endeavour to feel his Head, when he was asleep, and if she found his Ears, he was undoubtedly Smerdis the Son of Cyrus; if not, he must as certainly be Smer­dis the Magician. Phedina could not dis­semble her apprehensions of the danger; for if he surpriz'd her in that curiosity, she could expect nothing but Death: never­theless she promised to venture, and obey her Father. Cyrus had cut his Magicians Ears off, for some Villany committed in his time; and she feeling when he was a­sleep, [Page 15]found he had none, and early in the Morning gave her Father notice. Otanes inform'd Aspathines and Gobrias of this af­fair, who before extreamly suspected it; therefore were easily perswaded of the Truth: 'Twas their opinion, each of them should choose a Colleague, able to Act, and advise with them. Otanes took Intaphernes; Gobrias, M [...]gabysus; and Aspathines chose Hydarnes. They were six in Number, when Darius arrived from Susa, the Metropolis of Persia, of which Hystaspes his Father, was Governour: They joyn'd him to their Number, being now seven of the Greatest Lords in the Persian Empire; They con­sulted, and reciprocally gave their Faith to each other. When it came to Darius his turn, he spoke in this manner. For my part, I believ'd no body knew the Magician Reign'd; but my self; and that Smerdis, the Son of Cyrus, was not in the World. I came hither on purpose to exterminate this Impostor; but since I find you are all equally inform'd of it, I think it convenient now to agree, what is to be done, and not defer it a moment; for there can be no advantage in long debates. Ota­nes reply'd, My Dear Son, thou speakest like the Son of Hystaspes, a Man of Gallantry and Honour, with whom thou dost equally possess Prudence and Courage; however let us not pre­cipitate [Page 16]the Execution of such an affair, but with mature deliberation let us undertake and proceed in it. Then Darius replying, said; Know my Lords here present, that if you fol­low the opinion of Otanes, you are all ruin'd: For some body, for his particular intent, will discover this matter to the Ʋsurper: and therefore you that first began to execute the bu­siness, because you have thought sit to trust se­veral Persons, and me also, let us go through with it this Day: For know, that if you re­solve to pass it, I will prevent my being the Sacrifice of another Mans Peace, and first dis­cover to the Magicians, what will destroy you all.

Otanes, considering the determination of Darius, said, Since you so much resolve to ha­sten this affair, tell us how we shall get arm'd into the Palace, and attack the Impostor? You know (at least, by Fame) the Guards a­bout his Person are very strong; How then shall we make our way to him? Darius an­swer'd, There are many things, (my dear Otanes) that are more easily executed than projected; as there are also several, which seem plain in the discoursing of whose Success is doubtful. You may reasonably suppose, we shall find no great difficulty in passing his Guards, being so many of the chief Persons in the Empire; we shall meet no Man dare stop [Page 17]us; but rather give us place, either for Fear, or Respect. I have, at least, a pretention not to be deny'd: I came now from Persia, and can tell them, I have Affairs of the greatest consequence to acquaint the King with, from my Father, who is Governor there: A Ficti­on may be allowed, when Necessity requires it: Truth and Falshood have oft' the same end; For who uses the former, aims at their own Advantage, and the latter serves to perswade what we desire. As to the Guards of the Pre­tended King; If they let us pass quietly, and without resistance, they will have no occasion to repent it; and we shall have an opportunity to reward them, as they merit: But if any resist our intent, we must use them like Enemies; and being entred, resolve to execute our great de­sign.

Gobrias extreamly approved this Dis­course; and further added, My Dear and Honoured Friends, It will be much more glori­ous for us, to tear the Empire from this Ʋ ­surper, or if we can't, to die in so noble an A­ction; than for us Persians to obey a Mede, whose Ears have been cut off for his Crimes; especially if we call to our remem­brance, what Cambyses recommended to us on his Death-bed, with all the Imprecations ima­ginable; if we suffered such an Ignominy, and lost the Empire to the Medes. We then belie­ved [Page 18]not whathe said, we could not perswade our selves, neither of his Brothers Murther, nor of the Magitians insolence, to gain the Crown by so base an Imposture. I am now convinced by Dari­us; and am of the Opinion, That immediately, and without separating, we should go from this place to the Palace, and execute our designe.

They all agreed to what Gobrias propo­sed. But while these seven Illustrious Per­sian Lords were consulting, the Magicians Patizithes and Smerdis, were thinking how they might strengthen their Usurpations, by obtaining the Friendship of Prexaspes, in whom they believed great dispositions towards it. Cambyses having shot his Son with an Arrow; his excess of Cruelty not satisfied with that, used him yet more barbarously, ripping him open, to shew his skill in shooting through his Heart, boast­ing his nimbleness and dexterity. Prexas­pes onely had the certain knowledge of Smerdis's death, having murther'd him with his own hands, to obey the impious and unnatural Cruelty of Cambyses, which made; him odious to all the Persians that suspected it. They sent for him to the Palace, pro­mising him Wonders, and obliging him to take an oath of Secrecy, not to discover how they had Usurpt the Persian Monarchy. Prexaspes promised them all they desired. [Page 19]The Magicians finding him so much inclin'd to their purpose, told him their Intention to assemble the Persians, at the foot of the Ca­stle, and that he should go with them, and from the top of a Tower assure the People, no other than Smerdis the Son of Cyrus, was their present King. They chose him ra­ther than any other, because of his Autho­rity, and his often Protesting, on several oc­casions, he had not kill'd Smerdis, as he was suspected to have done; even this also he promised them. They assembled the Per­sians, ordering he should ascend the Tower, to make his Speech, as they had agreed: But he forgot, on purpose, what the Magi­cians desired him to say, and discours'd of Achemenis, the first of the Persian Line; de­claring the Progress and the Particulars of that Illustrious Family; and coming to Cy­rus, he shew'd them the great things he had done for the Persian Nation. After this, he told them the truth of all, alleadging for his Excuse, the fear he had of Death, if he had open'd his lips; but being then forced to speak, he declared the real truth, that he had murthered Smerdis, the Son of Cyrus, by the most express Command of Cambyses; and that those who now possest the Rega­lity, were Magicians, and Impostors, calling for Curses on the Persians heads, if they did [Page 20]not tear it from them, and take Vengeance on their deceit. After which he threw himself down from the Tower on the Pave­ment. To give him his due, he was a man of extraordinary Merit, excepting his guil­ty Obedience to Cambyses.

These seven Lords resolved, to attack the Magicians immediately, after having recom­mended the Success of their Enterprize to their Gods. They knew nothing that had arrived to Prexaspes, till by the way, they heard the surprizing Catastrophe; and go­ing to a private place, a little out of the street, discoursed what was to be done, since this last Conjuncture: Those who had been of the same Opinion with Otanes, persisted in their first Sentiments to defer the busi­ness, because of this Accident; But they who agreed with Darius, persevered that there was no time to be lost; but immedi­ately to advance to the Palace, and finish their Resolutions in so just a designe. While they were in this Debate, they observed seven Faulcons pursuing two Vultures: This they took for a good Augury of the hap­py Execution of their Enterprize, and went boldly to the Palace. When they came to the outward Gate, it happened, as Darius had foreseen; The Guards having so much re­spect for the great Lords of the Empire, sus­pected [Page 21]no Accident from those who appear'd in so much Pomp and Majesty; not so much as asking, If they were sent for? or, What they desired? When they entred the Court of the Palace, they met several Eunuches that went on Messages, and introduced those who had any affairs in the Court: These demanded the occasion of their coming, chiding the Porters, and threatning a severe Punishment for suffering any to pass; and at the same time, putting themselves in a posture, to hinder their advancing further. Whereupon these Illustrious Confederates gave each other the Signal, and drawing their Swords from under their Vests, soon laid the Eunuchs on the Ground, running with all the hast imaginable to the Magici­ans Apartment; where they found them together, consulting on the last Accident of Prexaspes. When hearing the Crys of the Eunuchs, and perceiving what was done, they made a Vertue of Necessity, and stood upon their Defence; one seizing a Bow, and the other a Lance: The first was useless against men that were so near, and aimed at their heads; the other defended himself valiantly with the Lance, or rather a Hal­beard, with which he wounded Aspathynes in the Thigh, and struck out one of Inta­phernes his Eyes; but none of these seven [Page 22]Lords were kill'd. He that could not use the Bow, sled into a Chamber, where he lay endeavouring to barricade the Door; but Darius and Gobrias, entering at the same time with him, prevented his Intentions. The Room was dark, and the Windows shut; this pretended King affecting ob­scure places. Gobrias closed with him, and Darius fear'd to run his Sword into the Ma­gician, lest he should kill his Friend by mi­stake; but Gobrias calling to him, chid him for his delay, chusing rather to be kill'd him­self, than save the Impostor. Darius either by his Voice, or his own good Fortune, took his measures so well, that he onely woun­ded the Magician, with that stroak laying him on the Ground.

Five of these Lords, Deliverers of their Country, went out with the Heads of the Magicians, leaving Aspathynes and Intapher­nes wounded in the Palace, to secure that, whilst they shew'd the People what they had done, telling the reason of their Exploit, and killing all the Magicians they met. The Persians were Ravisht for Joy of his Hero­ick Action, being inraged at the same time against all they thought Magicians, they de­stroy'd many; and had not the Night hin­dered them, none would have escapt. Af­terwards they kept that day a Festival, cal­led [Page 23] Magophonia, or The Destruction of Ma­gicians; which Day none of them durst appear in publick, but shut themselves up in their Houses.

This History is taken out of Herodotus, one of the ancientest Historians, whose Works have been preserved and transmit­ted to our Times; and who flourished a­bout the Year of the World 3573. This is in his Third Book, Entituled Thalia. 'Tis 2213 years since it happened, counting to this present year 1682. and 5655 years since the Creation of the World, accor­ding to the Chronology of Conradus Fun­ctius: For almost all Chronologists vary about the number of Years, counting either some few more or less. And this was in the year of the World 3442. that this Im­postor, the Magician, thus shewed him­self.

I might have begun my History long be­fore, and have spoken of the famous Semi­ramis, Wife of Ninus, the Son of Belus, the second King of the Assyrians, or Caldeans. Some there are that confound him with his Father Belus, since this crafty Queen had the subtilty to disguise her Sex, and usurp the Throne of her Son Nynias; so that she might pass for an Impostor. Nevertheless, [Page 24]because she had been the Wife of a mighty Monarch, and that she made her self as fa­mous, as any other of the Kings of Assyria, by her Victories in Asia, Media, Persia, Aegypt, Lybia, Ethiopia, and the Indies, during her long Reign of Forty two years; which began in the year of the World 1959. and also by the memorable Building of Brick, which encompassed the City of Babylon of 480 Stadia or Furlongs: And that I have not undertaken to speak of any but Infamous Impostors, who being descended from Base and Contemptible Parentage, have aspired to the Dignity of Princes and Soveraigns, to make themselves the Possessors of their Estates; and which Imposture of theirs, has been punished with some Ignominious Death.

Nor will I less rank, among these Noto­rious Impostors, the Patriarch Jacob, Father of the Twelve Tribes of Israel, the Person in whom were deposited the great Blessing which God had promised to his chosen Peo­ple; though he feigned to be Esau, cover­ing his Hands and Neck with the Skin of a Kid; and although he had told more than one Untruth, That he came from Hunting, where he had kill'd Venison, and that he was his Brother Esau: For in the bottom, Rhe­becca his Mother, who had put him upon [Page 25]practising this deceit, did not sin in the main; and, by consequence, he was no Impostor. An eminent Action, when it is Just and Honourable, ought not to be con­demned, for one that is small and imperfect. So the Body ought not to be rejected, be­cause one Member is out of order. The promise of God must have been accompli­shed, That the Elder Brother must serve the Younger.

Herodotus gives an Account immediate­ly after this History, of the Consultation what Government should be establish'd in Persia; Otanes spoke in favour of Demo­cracy, for the People; Megabysus for Oli­garchy, or the Nobles; and Darius for Mo­narchy, whose Opinion prevail'd; as also his Fortune: for the Choice fell on him.

CHAP. II. THE Counterfeit NERO.

THE Emperour Nero, that Monster of Cruelty, the Horrour and Aver­sion of Mankind, believing himself con­demn'd, by the Senate, to a Cruel and Igno­minious Death, though not proportionable to his Crimes, found one of his Free Men, call'd Epaphroditus, to encourage and assist him to chuse one more milde; which he gave himself in the Thirtieth Year of his Age, and of the World 4033; of our Lord the Seventy first.

About two Years after, when Otho bore the Name of Emperour, an Impostor ap­peared in the East, who had Insolence and Ambition enough, to perswade the People, he had a Title to the Imperial Crown; which he said, was torn from him by the unjust and villanous Attempts of the Senate. Cornelius Tacitus gives us this Relation in the Second Book of his History; whom I will endeavour to follow.

When Otho govern'd Rome, both Greece and Asia were alarm'd with the Apprehen­sions of Nero's being alive; many and dif­ferent were the Stories of his death; some reporting, others, believing he was yet li­ving.

A Slave who came from Pontus in Asia, or (as others say) an Italian Free-Man, who could sing, and play on the Harp; which, with the Resemblance of his Face, did not a little serve to perswade the World he was the true Nero. He gathered many Fugitives, and Vagabonds, that knew not where to go, o'recome with Want and Po­verty, to whom he made mighty Promises. Taking shipping with them, he was driven by a Storm on the Isle of Cynthus, or Delos; where the Mountain Cynthus was consecra­ted to Apollo, or to Diana. There he got more Souldiers, who were coming from the East; destroying those who refused his Service. He plundered all the Merchants in the Island, giving Arms to the most vi­gorous Slaves he could find. But he try'd by all possible means, to gain Sisenna, a Centurian in the Syrian Army, and sent part of that Army to Rome, to make a Trea­ty of Union with the Pretorian Cohorts, or Regiment of the Guards; carrying with [Page 28]them, for the Symbole of that Unity they desired, the Figure of Right Hands joyn'd together. This Captain he try'd so many ways to make of his Party, as obliged him to steal privately out of the Island, for a­voiding the Violence and Danger that threatned him. These Proceedings car­ried the Terrour and Fear of the supposed Nero very far; many unquiet Minds taking this occasion of disturbance; some through the desire of Novelty, others in dislike of the present Government, dispersing the News of Nero's Return.

The Emperour Galba had given the Go­vernment of Galatia and Pamphilia, to Cal­purnius Asprenas, and two Gallies were ordered to conduct him. These casting Anchornear this Island, the Impostor much desired to be Master of; which, not being able to effect openly, he try'd to accomplish by Art; and putting himself into a small Vessel, not knowing any thing of a Roman Governour, desired he might come on Board and transport himself into Syria or Egypt. Standing on the Prow of his Ship, looking sad and disconsolate, he admonished the Souldiers to think of the Oath of Fide­lity, they had sworn to him heretofore. Then directing himself to the Pilots, they made some difficulty to receive him, saying, [Page 29] They were not Masters, but would ask their Commander; doing this for an Amusement, that they might the better surprize him. They informed Asprenas of what had past, who considering the Vessel the Impostor was in, not to be of any great Force, imme­diately commanded to attack her; but he took her not without a smart dispute, the false Nero Valiantly fighting till he dyed. His Body, remarkable for his fine Hair, and great Eyes, but above all, for the Fierce­ness of his Countenance, was carried to Asia and Rome, where it lay expos'd to e­very ones Admiration, and to consider his Insolence, that durst attempt to usurp the greatest Emprire of the World.

CHAP. III. THE False MESSIAS, CALLED Benchochab, Head of the Revolted Jews.

ADrian having succeeded Trajan the Emperour, in the 4080th Year of the World, and of Jesus Christ, the 118th, found the same Dispositions of Revolting in the minds of the Jews, that his Predecessors had done. So he recall'd Jul. Severus from Britain, who was reputed one of the Wisest, and most Valiant Captains of his time, in the Roman Empire; and him the Emperor sent into Syria, to quell the Mutineers: But he found them so well on their Guards, and so strongly fortified, as made him avoid co­ming to a Battle, or hazarding his Troops unequally, against such desperate Vaga­bonds. [Page 31]Therefore spent time, and prolong­ed the War; which gave the Jews oppor­tunity to augment their Strength.

The better to increase their Army, and heighten their Courage, they took Religion for a pretence; the Head of the Seditious calling himself the Messiah; and to make the nearer Allusion to the Prophecy in the 24th of Numbers, where the great Legislator (Moses) says, A Star shall come out of Ja­cob, he took the Name of Benchochab, Son of the Star, or (as some will) Barcochab; but 'tis all one: for Ben and Bar both signifie a Son. This Impostor possest, for six years to­gether, fifty Castles besides four hundred and eighty Towns and Villages. He forti­fied so strongly the Castle of Bethoron, sei­tuated by the Tribes of Benjamin, and E­phraim; which Castle Solomon chose to make a strong Fortress, that it held a Siege of three years and a half. The Emperour Adrian coming in person against it; 'tis hardly to be believed what Resistance the Besieged made, how many Sallies, and what Blood was spilt: We find written, that three hundred thousand Jews were slain, besides vast numbers who perisht by Plague, and Hunger; 'Tis said to the number of 500000 Men, if we may believe Carion's Chronicle. Bencochab was kill'd in a Sal­ley, [Page 32]after whose Death Bethoron was taken. The Jews, instead of Bencochab, call him Benscosba, or the Son of Deceit, having falsly call'd himself the Messiah. The Emperour writ excellent Letters on this occasion, of his Victory, as equal with the greatest had ever been obtained, since it gave Peace to all the East. This Impostor had such an inveterate hatred to the Christians, that all those who fell under his power, he put to cruel Deaths.

The Emperour Adrian, having razed the City of Jerusalem, resolved to rebuild it, calling it Elia Adriana; he forbad entrance into it, or habitation there, to the Jews; but allowed both to the Christians.

Thus ended this Impostor, who did just contrary to the true Messiah, whose Name he usurpt, viz. Led the people into Servitude and Misery.

CHAP. IV. THE Counterfeit MOSES.

IN the time of Theodosius the Emperour, who Reigned from the year 412, until 454, a wicked Jewish Impostor appeared in Candia, calling himself Moses; promising the Jews, who were in great numbers in that Insulary Kingdom, he would lead them through the Sea on foot, without the help of Ships, into their old Country Judea, as he had formerly done their Fathers, in the time of Pharaoh King of Aegypt, and by the same means, deliver them from Servitude; that he had already done it, in the year of the World 2454, being 2050 years before this Counterfeit appeared; the present Story happening in the 4420th year of the World.

He further perswaded them, he was the same Prophet Moses, whom God had sent from Heaven, to be their Guide. He went about the Island for a year together, incul­cating [Page 34]these Perswasions into the People, and assign'd them a certain Day to begin their Journey. He pretended to prophecy, and gathered Money on all hands; and at the day appointed, led Multitudes of Peo­ple to the Sea-side; where commanding se­veral to leap in, their Folly and Blindness was so great, to obey him; many of them being swallowed by the Waters: and if some Fisher-men had not been near, and charitably saved several with their Barques, calling to those on the Shore, not to ven­ture, they had many of them perisht, who by their means were saved. The Impostor escapt, and I find not what became of him; but his Villany opened the Eyes of many of those poor People, who embraced the Chri­stian Religion.

Socrates a Greek Author, writes this Hi­story.

CHAP. V. John Bulchold, KING of the Anabaptists.

THE Conformity of this Impostor, with those two preceding, per­swades me to break the Order of Time I had prescribed my self. This Wretch, of whom the last Age talkt so much, was a Hollander, born at Leyden, a Taylor by his Profession: He appear'd at Munster in the year 1534. and took the Name of King of the Anabaptists, saying, He was sent by God to Extirpate all other Princes, and Poten­tates of the Earth. John Sleidan, in his Tenth Book of his History touching the State of Re­ligion, declares the Excess, Extravagance, and Cruelty of this Impostor. He caused two Crowns to be made of massive Gold, a Sword, a Chain, and Scepter, with other Jewels, and Marks of Royalty. He appeared in publick, accompanied with his Officers, and Gentlemen of his Court, having two [Page 36]Pages on Horse-back; One carried his Crown, and a Bible; the Other, his Sword. He caused a Throne to be built in the most publick place, hung with Cloath of Gold, on which he sate, as in his Court of Justice. He created twelve Judges, to whom he gave so many Imaginary Kingdoms. He married several Women, who were drest like so many Queens. He sent twenty eight Disciples, Teachers of his Law, about [...] World, who were all executed and put [...], but one, who cunningly made his [...] [...]rd [...]ppe [...]doling, who be­ [...] [...] C [...]nsul, or Magistrate of the [...], would needs be the Executioner: He [...]mitted many Cruelties, and Extrava­ [...]ncies, and the King as many in his turn, [...] heading People himself, not sparing one [...] his Wives, who was grieved to see the [...]eries, the poor People endured by the [...]tremity of Famine, the City being be­ [...]ged by Francis Count of Waldeck, their [...]hop, assisted by the Circles of the Em­ [...]re.

His False Doctrine was, To deny Infants [...]otism: To Rebaptize those who had been so already: To have all things in common: [...]o marry several wives: He denied that Jesus Christ took Humane Nature from the Vir­ [...]n Mary: He denied the Pardon of Sin­ners, [Page 37]abolisht Magistracy, took Others Goods by Force, and Extirpated those who believed not his Foolish Doctrine.

The 24th of June 1535. the City was taken by the skill of two Fugitives, who did that good Service for the Bishop, and the Besiegers. John Bulchold, the Impostor King, Bernard Knipperdoling, both Magistrate and Hangman, and Crechtineh, were all three Executed the 25th of Jannary 1536. being torn to pieces with Red-hot Pincers. Bulchold repented, and implored the Mercy of God. Their Bodies were bound in Iron-Frames, and hung on the highest Tower of the City; the pretended King being placed in the middle, a mans heighth above the rest.


THis Impostor appeared a second time in France, under the Kings of the first Race, in the year 586. calling himself the Son of Clotaire, the first King of Soissons, and by consequence Grandson to Clovis the Great.

I will observe what two Historians say of him; those are, Robert Guaguin, and Paulus Aemilius, both having writ the Hi­story of France. His Mother Educated him from a Child, like the Son of a King; above all things preserving his Hair, which was a Mark of the Royal Family, amongst the Old French-men. Clotaire his pretended Father would not own him when his Mo­ther [Page 39]brought him to Soissons; which per­swades me, that he was Illegitimate: But Childebert, his Uncle, King of Paris, who had no Child, took pity of him, and bred him in his Court; At which Clotaire was angry, and writ to him in these terms.

Send back to me Gondoald, that I may take care of him my self, and breed him up, if I find him my Son: for if he be not, the Edu­cation of a Prince, which you give him, may be the occasion of Errour, and Illusion, in the World, who may shew him those Honours, which are not his due.

Clotaire, when he had him in his power, shaved his Head, and shut him up in a Monastery. This pretended Father dying in the year 564. Cherebert, or Childebert, King of Paris, his elder Brother, took a Kindness to him, and was careful of him for some time: But Cherebert was an Effe­minate Prince, abandoning himself to De­bauchery and Women, which extreamly altered his Health; so that Gondoald's Hap­piness had but a short date: For after the Death of this generous Brother of Clotaire, which was in the year 565. Sigebert, ano­ther of his Brothers, King of Austrasia, the Country which is now called Lorrain, sent for him to his Court, without saying, how he intended to treat him, and leaving him [Page 40]altogether in uncertainty; which he ne­vertheless construed to his own advantage. And this unhappy man no sooner arrived at the Court, but he shaved him a second time, and put him into a Monastery at Collein: So that finding himself thus tost about, he made an Escape, and fled into Italy; where Narses, that famous Eunuch, General of the Emperour Justinian's Army, with admirable success, made War against the Goths. This was no small advantage to Gondoald, to make a Friendship with one of the most Valiant and most Illustrious Captains mentioned in History. Totila, that Generous and Magnanimous King of the Ostrogoths, whom Bellisarius, the inde­fatigable General for the same Justinian, could not entirely overcome, lost both his Diadem and his Life, by the Conduct of this Little Old Man of three Cubits stature, who wanted one of the most Essential Parts of a Man.

I will onely use the words of Paulus Jo­vius, in his Elogies of Illustrious men, speak­ing of him; Narses, says he, deserves an Admiration extraordinary, and above all o­ther men; who being born a Slave in Persia, and bred in the Seraglio or Apartment of the Empresses Women, being but half a Man, de­prived of that Part which both Sexes most va­lue; [Page 41]became the Imperial Treasurer, and was the only accomplisht General, not only for all Mili­tary Vertue, but likewise for his good Fortune, whoever suffered so great a Deprivation. E tanta ereptae virilitatis calamitate unicus prope cum Virtute, tum fortuna Imperator extiterit. It had been incomparably a greater Ad­vantage, if Gondoald could have been with this Captain, in the heighth of his Favour: for at that time, viz. in the year 566. Ju­stin the Second succeeded his Maternal Grandfather, the Emperour Justinian, who extreamly loved Narses, for his Merit, and the good Service he had done him; having Extirpated two powerful Kings of the Ostro­goths, Totila and Teias, and defeated an Army of Seventy two thousand French­men, commanded by one Bucelin, General for Theodobert, King of Mets. Gornandes, Archbishop of Ravenna, and born a Goth, is mistaken in his History, when he reckons Two hundred thousand men kill'd, and at­tributes the Victory to Bellisarius.

Sometime after Gondoald's Arrival, the Empress Sophia, perswaded by the Enemies of Narses's Glory, recalled him into Italy, and also treated him with great Scorn and Contempt; saying, He was sitter to distri­bute Wooll to her Women, and to the Maids of her Seraglio to spin, than to command an [Page 42]Army. Which Expressions he so much resented, that he called Alboin his Friend, King of the Lombards, out of Hungary, to come into Italy; who made such a Progress there, that this most wise Empress was not able to put a stop to. Gondoald hoped considerable Assistance from Alboin, with which he designed to take from his Bro­thers, Sigebert, Chilperic, and Gontran, who bore the Titles of Kings of Mets, Paris, and Orleans (the Cities where they lived, and kept their Courts) a more considerable Kingdom, than either of them possest. Narses being naturally Merciful, and Reli­gious, was perswaded by the Entreaty of Pope John the Third, who came to meet him at Naples, how pernicious the conse­quence must be, of Alboin's coming into I­taly, and conjured him to countermand and hinder it all he could. When the Pope and he were returned to Rome, and considering how they might remedy this Misfortune, Narses died, whose body was carried to Con­stantinople, and there magnificently buried.

Gondoald, after this Accident, crossed the Sea, and made his Court to the Emperour Justin, and the Empress Sophia his Wife, an Ambitious and Airy Princess: His good Meen and Intriguing Humour made him extreamly considered in that Court. Ve­nerationem [Page 43]sibi ac Majestatem conciliarunt; says Paulus Aemilius. He remained at Con­stantinople all the time of Justin the Second, a pusillanimous Prince, who suffered his Wife to govern the Empire, contrary to his Honour and Interest.

During the Reign of Tiberius, which was seven years, he made several Cam­paigns in the Wars of Persia, under Mau­ritius, who was after chosen Emperour, and Successor to Tiberius: for Gondoald dared not to venture himself in the Court of France, where he had been so ill treated, having many sad Examples of his Relati­ons Cruelty, even to their own Blood. Clotaire, his Father, without Pity or Mer­cy, burnt Cramnus or Granus, his own Son, with his Wise, and Children, in a House where they Fled for Refuge: He overcame, & kill'd in Battle Senabut, Duke of Britain: He Burnt Conobald, Duke of Guienne, in the Chappel of S. Martin, where he ran for safe­ty; because he had assisted Granus, in his Revolt; to whom he Married his Daughter.

This Clotaire also was Guilty of that abo­minable parricide, of dipping his hands in the Innocent Blood of his two young Nephews, Theobald and Gontier, Sons of Cladomir, his Brother, King of Orleans. Gondoald, consi­dering he had little Reason to expect a bet­ter [Page 44]Treatment from his Fathers Brothers, Sigebert and Chilperic, chose rather to Live quietly in Justin's Court: But when he was Informed how matters went in France; he resolved to hasten thither, encouraged by the Empress Constantina, and the Empe­rour Mauritius, Son-in-Law to Tiberius; who promis'd him their Assistance. His two Sisters-in-Law, Brunechilde, the Daugh­ter of Athanagilde, King of the Wisigoths in Spain, Married to his Brother Sigebert, and Fredegonde, Woman of the Bed-cham­ber to the Queen Galsond, Wife to Chil­peric, his other Brother, King of Paris, who first became Mistress, and then Wife to that King. These two Women disturbed all France; Their Husbands having been Traitorously Murthered, which was the occasion of his Return, after having been Twenty Years in the East. He Landed at Marseilles, with a splendid Equipage; where Theodore, Bishop of that Diocess, received him with much Honour, it being reported he brought Vast Riches along with him, and was able to give great Re­wards, having made the best Advantage of his Happiness in the Eastern Court; besides the finding a mighty Treasure, hid by Narses the Eunuch. His Royal Quali­ties, and Majestick Person, were admired; [Page 45]The Fame of his Actions having gain'd him the Reputation of a good Captain, & Schol­ler, to the Incomparable General Narses. Didier, who absolutely Commanded the Countrys adjacent, to Tholouse; Mummol; much talkt of for his Service in the Wars against the Greeks and Lombards, and thought one of the best Souldiers in his time, (besides many Lords both Visigoths, and Romans, who kept the Frontiers of Spain) declared for him. Thus having ac­quir'd such powerful Friends, and reduced to his Obedience, a great part of the Peo­ple, and Cities of Guienne, the Peregordins, and Bourdelois, those of Tholouse and Anjou, followed his Fortune.

Childebert, King of Mets, the Nephew of Gondoald, was then angry with his Uncle Gontran, King of Orleans, for refusing to de­liver into his hands, his Mother-in-Law, Queen Fredegonde, the Murtheress of King Sigebert his Father; which reason perswad­ed him to declare for Gondoald, sending him Ambassadors, and stiling him King, to give him the more Majesty, for the obtaining the Hearts of the French; advising him to take the Name of Clotaire, his Father. The oc­casion of Gontrans refusing to deliver to him the Queen Fredegonde, was, that young King Clotaire the Second, her Son, was un­der [Page 46]his Tutelage; and he thought it below a Generous Prince, to give up the Mother of him, whom he intended to make his Suc­cessor. Gontran was a Prince extreamly Good, Pious, and Charitable: I can find no other Reason, why he preferr'd Clotaire his Nephew, who was but Four Months Old, when his Father Chilperic, was Assassinated, by the Infidelity of Fredegonde his Wife; Gondoald, having before so much cause to doubt whether Clotaire were Lawfully be­got or no, his Mother being of a very scan­dalous Life, in her Husbands time, aban­doning her self to the Maire or Stewards of the Pallace, Londry de la Tour. Unless he thought the Decision of the Laws sufficient, that Filius est quem nuptiae demonstran; That Child is Legitimate who is Born of a Wo­man who hath a Husband. He hoped to give good Impressions to the young Prince, being like soft Wax, capable of any he would make. But Gondoald's Humour he extreamly apprehended, for his fierceness, and resentment of the usage he received in his younger Days. That Divine Quality, so Admirable in a Prince, to forget Injuries received, when 'tis in his Power to Revenge them, never having been exercised by Clo­taire his Father, who always prefer'd his own private Resentments. This made him [Page 47]not acknowledge Gondoald, that came from the Court of Constantinople, when the Gre­cian Artifices, Treachery, and Cruelty, were much in use.

The Affection, and tenderness he had for the Innocent Child, prevail'd over his aver­sion to the Vices, and conduct of Fredegon­de his Mother. Raymond, Bishop of Paris, a Person of an Exemplary Life, first spoke to the good King, in Favour of this young Prince; he having before, saved Fredegon­de from the Fury of the People, inraged by the Death of their King Chilperic; of which she and her Gallant Landry, were shrewdly suspected, he giving her with her Son, and Treasure, refuge in his Church. The Mer­ciful King continued his Clemency to his Death, which happened the 28th. of March, 594. Still assisting the Queen, with his Councel and Protection; He perswaded her by his remonstrances, with the fear and respect she had to offend him, to Live a more retir'd Life; He caused what the Courtiers, and Domesticks of his Brother Chilperic, had unjustly taken from several particular Persons, to be restored; He did many Favours to the Church, making those dues to be paid, which Chilperic had sup­prest, or diverted; and largly assisting the Poor. All which he had reason to believe, [Page 48] Gondoald would not do, being greedy of Money, wanting all the Treasure he could get to recompence his Creatures, and sup­port the Luxury he had Learnt at Constan­tinople. I will not stop to relate the Encomi­ums, which Gregory of Tours, and Fredega­rius, in their Chronicles give this King Gon­tran; only say, it was the greatest misfor­tune, or if you please, an effect of Gods Judgment, to want his protection, and be rejected by him. Though Gondoald did all he could to obtain his Favour; He chose two Priests of Cahors (as Guaguin Relates) of the most Pions he could find, hoping for that quality they would be well received, by his Brother King Gontran, he gave them his Letters, written on Tablets cover'd with Wax, and Directed to the chief Men of France. These Priests were surprized by Gontrans People, who understood by the Contents, and the Confession of the Bear­ers, what Gondoalds Thoughts, and Cor­respondence intended.

He left not off for this misfortune, but persisted in his indeavours, to gain the kind­ness of Gontran; He sent Ambassadors to him, carrying Olive Branches, that with the Symbole of Peace they might pass eve­ry where, and get admittance; Being brought to his Presence, after he had de­manded [Page 49]their Names and Country, they made this Speech.

We are come towards your Majesty from Gondoald the Son of Clotaire, who with Ju­stice demands a part of his Inheritance, which if your Majesty refuse, he is resolved to do him­self Right by force of Arms: He has already a numerous Army in Guienne, and Childebert will joyn him with considerable Troops. Gon­tran was so displeased with their Discourse, that he violated the Law of Nations, igno­miniously using the Ambassadors, causing them to be tied with their Bellies to two Horses, and whipt through the Streets. The Persons of Ambassadors have always been Sacred, they came desiring Peace, and carryed the Symbole of it. The Renowned Aeneas received the first marks of Friend­ship in Italy.

Jamque Oratores aderant ex urbe Latina, Velati ramis Oliae.

Antiquity allowed none but the Gods to use it, and their right devolved to Kings, who are their Images; for which reason, as a Note of Dignity it was called Jus Regi­um. The Injuries received by Ambassadors have ever been esteemed done to the Per­sons that sent them; all Nations agreeing [Page 50]to Revenge a common injury. Si Civis Pul­satus actio est Injuriarum, si Magistratus Maje­statis, si Legatus bello & Jure gentium agitur.

It is no wonder, after this Procedure of Gontrans, if they both made War with the extremity of violence. Paulus Aemilius, in an excellent Stile, writes of the dismal Examples of Wars Domestick and For­reign; Civil Wars filling the minds of Men, with Distractions. But Gontran soon delivered his Subjects from those Alarms, by adopting Childebert for his Heir, who was a Young Ambitious Prince, desirous to augment his Dominion. The Good Old man had no Children Legitimate, nor na­tural, so chose this way to make him de­pend, in hopes of the Succession.

Gontran called an Assembly, or Parlia­ment, to Celebrate this Solemn Action, of Adopting his Nephew Childebert, the bet­ter to seperate his Interest from Gondoald. I can hardly believe what Guaguin, the same Author that writes the cruel affront done to Gondoalds Ambassadors, reports; which is, that he made them be brought into this Assembly, and shew their Commissions, as they had done to him already, where they owned and confirmed the Truth of a Report, had been discoursed before; which was, that Gondoald had robbed the Princess [Page 51] Rigonde, Daughter of the Deceased King Chilperic, taking away her Money, and Jew­els, as she went to her new Husband in Spain: And that some of Childeberts Cour­tiers were in the Action, who absconded from the Assembly on that Occasion. How­ever Gontran proceeded to effect what he intended, Adopting his Nephew Childebert, and using certain ceremonies, presenting the point of a Lance to his Breast, giving him advice to make his Kingdom Flourish, and at the same time, Restoring those Towns and Places, his Uncle Chilperic had taken from him.

The Allies of Gondoald, Didier, Momol, Landase, Valden, and Sagittaire Bishop of Gap, a Turbulent Man, who had been Ba­nisht from his Diocess, being Informed of the Agreement between the Uncle and the Nephew, and knowing that by this Adop­tion, he would quit the Interest of Gondoald, resolved all to do so at the same time; Yet his unhappiness made him not loose Cou­rage, he retired to Comminges beyond the River of Dordogne, caressing the Citizens, Living Familiarly with them, and making great Protestations of Friendship, he per­swaded them to carry all their Riches into the Castle, for fear of loosing them, if the Town were Besieged, but the Castle he [Page 52]esteemed Impregnable. Sometime after, making them believe that the Enemy was near; he caused them to take Arms, open­ing the Gates, and incouraging them to make a Sally; but as soon as they were gone, he shut them out, driving their Bi­shop after them, because he was of the contrary Party. The Lords, of whom we spoke, still kept fair with him, though they intended to leave him, they had not yet broken all measures.

This place was so strongly sci [...]uated, and so well provided of all things, that Gontran dispaired to take it by force, and therefore had recourse to an Artifice; he perswaded the Queen Brunechilde, Mother-in-Law of Childebert, whom he had newly Adopted, to write to Gondoald, as if she were still for his Interest, advising him to leave that Place, and strengthen himself in Bourdeaux, which was the Metropolis of a great Coun­try, and had an excellent Harbour; per­swading him to carry his Treasure with him. Gondoald was deceived by her, whom he believed advised him heartily. It was a strange oversight to trust a Woman, and of so ill Fame. However he sent his Equi­page, with his Money and other Treasure to Bourdeaux. But the Men whom Gontran had laid in Ambush beyond the River Gironde, [Page 53]eased his Mules of their Burthen, and car­rying off this Rich Booty, rejoyn'd the Ar­my which Marched strait to Comminges.

Landegesille, General of Gontrans Army, Invented a sort of Chariots covered with large Oziers, which defended those that dig­ged Mines, for the better taking the Town; they also cut down great quantities of Wood in the Forrest there abouts, and endeavoured to fill the Ditch. The Besieg­ed on the other side, with Boats, great Stones, Pitch, and Firebrands, endeavour­ing to burn the Wood, and hurt the Besieg­ers. These attacks taking small effect, Lan­degesille Tryed another way to accomplish his Designe, he desired to speak with Mo­mol, and giving him a Friendly reproof, for quitting the Service, and interests of King Gontran, to assist Gondoald, assured him if he would cause the Town to fall into the Power of the King his Master, he would for certain liberally acknowledge that Ser­vice, and pardon all that was past. Momol desired time to consider this Proposal, and declared it to the Bishop Sagittaire, Landase, and Valden his intimate Friends, shewing them the eminent danger they were in, if the place should fall by force into the Pow­er of Gontran, and that therefore they ought to think of their safety. They all [Page 54]gave attention to Momol's advice, and fol­lowed it; Resolving to fire a Church, and while the People should run to quench it, take that opportunity to deliver one of the Gates, and receive Landegesille into the Town. They made Carulfe their confident, who was one of the richest Citizens there, and their Landlord. After this Resolution taken, and the Day pitched upon, on which the Church was to be burnt, and the Town to be delivered to Landegesille; Momol went privately to Landegesille, and shewed him the places where his Men should enter, provided he kept his word, and promise with him, and obtained him the Kings Fa­vour. Landegesille overjoyed to take so strong a place, and save the effusion of more Blood, confirmed all he had said with an Oath, and that at least if he could not im­mediately gain the Kings Pardon, he would, in the mean time, procure him a Church for his refuge, till he had compassed his Mercy. Things being thus agreed, Momol changed his Intention of burning the Church, and went to Gondoald with great deceit, and artifice, assuring him that his Fidelity, and zeal to serve him, were not in any sort diminished; which obliged him to represent, the deploreable Condition his affairs were reduced to, from which he [Page 55]could conjecture no hope; That this had perswaded him to sound the Inclination of Landegesille, whom he found extreamly well disposed to serve him, and to indeavour a good Peace between him and King Gontran, his Brother; That nothing shockt him more, than to perceive he had not that Trust and Considence he desired, in the Tenderness and Generosity of the King, and that if he could have so good an Opinion, without difficulty to meet Landegesille, he did not doubt to give him all satisfaction Imaginable; And, continued he, 'Tis my Opinion, that you should deliver your self from all these Miseries and troubles, and let us go together to King Gontran. Gondoald distrust­ed the Fraudulent Discourse of Momol, yet so great was his Unhappiness, he did not give himself Power to help it, believing it impossible, to avoid the Malice and Treason of those Persons, he had so long trusted and confided in.

While these things were agitating; Lan­dase, one of the Conspirators against the unhappy Gondoald, put Fire to the Church, and while the People ran to quench it, went secretly out of Town where Bolo, and Bolon, Count of Bourges, stood ready with their Men before the Gates, to seize Gondo­ald, as soon as he should be delivered to [Page 56]them; which Momol, being the stronger Man, did not fail to do, & gave the wretch­ed Gondoald into his Power, he re-entring the Town immediately, and causing the Gates to be shut. The Prisoner, Gondoald, was abused by the Souldiers that Guarded him, who carryed him to a Descent be­tween the Town, and the Camp of the Be­siegers. Belon, one of the Generals, tumbled him down the Hill, and Boson barbarously knockt out his Brains, as he rowled to his Feet. So dyed this Unhappy Prince, or this bold Impostor, who persisted to mount the Throne of France, in spight of those who had Power to grant him that Advantage.

Momol did not prosper in his Treason and Avarice; for while he plundred the Equi­page and Mony of Gondoald, pillaged and fined the Citizens; the Souldiers of the Army, inraged at their losses before the Town, through the long and vigorous Re­sistance of the Inhabitants, forced the Gates, and put all to Fire and Sword, without di­stinction of Age or Sex. The Walls were razed, and the City intirely Burnt. Momol thinking he had done great Service by his Conduct, came to the General Lendege­sille his Quarter; who commanded him to go out of his Tent, and retire some where else, till the Souldiers rage against his Per­son, [Page 57]was appeased: He perceived, if he went out, he should dye, the incensed Souldiers flock't about him, giving him revi­ling Language; therefore he resolved to de­fend himself so long as he was able, and sell his Life dearly. The General being through­ly Informed of the Kings Pleasure, who commanded that he should have no Quar­ter, made a Signe for the Souldiers to dis­patch him: Momol valiantly defending him­self a great while, Fought like a Lyon; but could not avoid falling under such a Multi­tude, all covered with wounds; so recei­ving the reward of his double Treasons. And for the Bishop Sagittaire, a Souldier perceiving him Fly, cut off his Head with his Sword, not knowing who he was. The Riches Momol had gotten, were carried to Gontran, where he found a Thousand Pound weight of Gold, in that Coyn which they called Besans, and 250 Pound of Silver. Gon­tran giving a good part of it to the Poor, di­vided the rest, with his Nephew Childebert. Among the Spoyls of Momol, there was led a Gyant three foot higher than ordinary Men, as Robert Guaguin, from whom I have taken great part of this Story, says. After this War, according to Paulus Aemilius, the Limosins, those of Quercy, and Auvergne, received Earls for their Governors.

CHAP. VII. THE Counterfeit Baldwin, Earl of Flanders.

THis Impostor pretended to no less than the Empire of the East, with the Earldoms of Flanders, and Haynault. Zeal for the Christian Religion, and a Desire to drive the Infidels out of the Holy-Land, per­swaded many generous Princes of Christen­dom, to forsake their Countrys, and expose their Lives in this Enterprize. Of which Number was Theobald, Count Palatin of Champagne, (who dyed by the way); Bald­wyn, Earl of Flanders; Boniface, Marquis of Mount-ferrat; Lewis, Earl of Blois; John, Earl of Brienne, and Guy Earl of St. Paul; with the Bishops of Soissons and Troys. Pope Innocent the Third, of the House of Signia, show'ring his Indulgences, and Incourage­ments on their design.

In the beginning of this War, (which was in the Year, 1203.) a Young Grecian Prince, of 23 years of Age, called Alexis, Implor'd the Assistance of these Christian Argonautes, while they were Besieging the City Zara, in Dalmatia, which the Hunga­rians possest, and they undertook in lieu of their expences at Venice, before their De­parture. Isaac Angelo, of the House of Com­nenes, Emperor of Constantinople, was the Father of this Prince Alexis, and Father-in-Law to Philip, Emperor of Germany, by his Daughter Irene. He was deposed from his Empire, deprived of his Sight & Liberty, by his only, (though unnatural, and ungrate­ful) Brother Alexis; to whom he had al­ways shewn the Marks of a more than Bro­therly kindness. After the taking of Zara, restor'd through the Valour of the Confede­rates, to the Obedience of St. Mark's Lyon; the Generous Warriors embarkt on 250 Ships, in which were 20000 Foot, and 8000 Horse. Henry Danduli, the Doge or Duke of Venice, though almost blinded by the cruelty of the Grecian Emperor Emanu­el Commenes, who caused a burning Plate of Copper to be held to his Eyes, went in the Head of many Noble Venetians, per­swaded by the same Zeal, which made them equip a Fleet for this Expedition.

They drove the Usurper Alexis from Con­stantinople, taking the old Emperor Isaac out of Prison, and Establishing him with his Son, the young Alexis in the Throne. But the old Prince died in a few Days, not being able to suffer so great a change of Life and Fortune, without a mortal Alteration of his Body, thro' excess of Joy, for so unexpected a Fe­licity. A Villain called also Alexis Ducas, sir­named Murzuphle, from his large spread eye­brows, suddenly seiz'd the Person of young Alexis; and, after having twice made him swallow Poyson without effect, strangled him with his own hands; reporting he had destroy'd himself; when he had Reign'd Six Months, and Eight Days. The French and Venetian Army, by Land and Sea, con­tinued in the Neighbourhood, expecting the effect of young Alexis Promises; which he not being able to perform in the time a­greed on, too earnestly endeavouring to raise the Money, fell into the hatred of the People, and was thus deprived of his Dia­dem and Life. So bloody a Regicide, de­served the Chastisement our Warriours in­tended him; who, drawing their Army down, Besieged Constantinople for 72 Days. Geofry de Vilhardouin, writ the Story of this Siege, and the particular Actions of the Heroes. Murzuphle fled with his Trea­sures, [Page 61]abandoning the City, which was taken the 12th. of April, 1204.

The Princes, and other Lords, resolved to choose an Emperor amongst them: The Earl of Flanders, with the Count of St. Paul, named Five, to give their Suffrages: The Marquis of Montferrat, and the Earl of Sa­voy, other five: The Venetians choosing the like Number: In all, 15 Voyces. The Plurality were for Baldwyn. This Prince was very powerful, and a Great Souldier; of which he had given many Proofs, in the Siege: He was Uncle, by the Mothers Side, to Lewis, design'd Successor to Philip the August, King of France. He was Crown'd by Thomaso Morosini, newly created Patri­arch of Constantinople. Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, had from young Alexis, for a Recompence, the Island of Candia; which he sold the Venetians, for a great Sum of Money, and was nevertheless made King of Thessaly. Godfry, Lord of Champagn, was made Duke of Athens, and Prince of Achaia; John, Earl of Brienne, was sometime after made King of Jerusalem. Baldwin had scarcely possest this new Dignity a Year, before he went to Besiege Adrianople, three Days Journey from him, and possest by his Enemies, who very much annoyed him. That Success he had in the beginning, did [Page 62]not accompany him in this Affair; since by the profound Secrets of the Divine Pleasure, being attackt with great Numbers of his Adversaries, Greek Fugitives, Bulgarians, and Tartars, he was defeated, and supposed to be kill'd in the Plaines of Orestes. A nostris pro Mortuo deploratus est, says Paulus Aemi­lius; His Brother Henry Succeeding him in the Empire. This Disaster happened in the Year 1205, though some Chronologists an­tidate it, two or three Years.

Twenty Years after, This Famous Impo­stor, calling himself by the Name of this Emperour, appeared in Flanders: Jane, el­dest Daughter of this Baldwin, by Mary, the Daughter of Henry Earl of Champagne, was at that time Countess of Flanders, and Married to Fernando, Infant of Portugal. She had great Wars, her Husband having been taken Prisoner, at the Famous Battle of Bovines, which King Philip the August, gained over the Emperour Otho the 4th, in year 1214. And was long a Prisoner in the Louvre at Paris. Although this had been some Years past, she still felt her losses, and that great Consternation. Robert Son of Pe­ter de Courtenay, Earl of Auxerre, and Prince of the Blood of France, and Yolente only Daughter and Inheritrix of the Emperour Henry Earl of Flanders, then possest that [Page 63]Throne, to which this Impostor pertended.

One would have thought, he should first have gone to the place, where he was ta­ken Prisoner; but he could hope no assist­ance from the Greeks: On the contrary Theodore Lascaris, who resided at Nice, and always took upon himself the Title of Em­perour of Constantinople, would have used him worse than the Bulgarians, if he had fal­len into his hands. As for Robert de Courtnay, whose Mother Yolente, was his pretended Niece; he was no ways inclin'd to yield him the Empire; he had too much diffi­culty in obtaining it. His Father, the Em­perour Peter, falling into the Hands of The­odore, was cruelly put to Death by him: So that, this Impostor thought his Affairs would advance better, and he be more kindly received in his Native Country. The Earldome of Haynault was his first Inheri­tance; for this Baldwin, was Son to an Earl of Haynault, of the same Name, Sirnamed The Magnanimous, and of Margaret of Al­sace, Heiress of Flanders. For this Reason he was Joyfully received there, and with more satisfaction to those Martial People, who hated the Dominion of a Woman: Besides, it was Independant on the Kings of France. The Flemings received him very coldly, seeing but a small Train with him, nor [Page 64]would they own him for their Earl, or Em­perour of Greece.

This Impostor affected an extraordinary Gravity in his Meine, the better to draw Veneration, and acquire the Majesty of an Emperour. The Countess Jane refused to see him; but was advised to interrogate him, for the better discovery of his Practi­ses. The President of her Councel of State, summon'd him to appear, ask'd him many troublesome Questions, Gravibus fa­tigare percontationibus ausus est; and spoke to him in this manner:

If it be true, that you are the Earl Bald­win, and assume not a False Title to the Em­pire of Greece; I demand of you, Why you have abandon'd your Subjects in that Country? Even those poor People, laden with Miseries, whom the Divine Providence, by the Suffra­ges of so many brave Men, had committed to your Protection? Why forsake you them in their greatest need of your Conduct and Care; having so many Generous, and Experienc'd Captains, to whom you owed the last and grea­test Obligations, for chusing you among the most principal Men in the World, to be their Chief, and set the Imperial Diadem upon your Head? Why have you thus neglected them, exposed to the rage of Barbarous Nations? For this rea­son, although you were the true Baldwin, [Page 65] we have sufficient Cause to dissemble our know­ledge of you; sure then we shall not own you, who are but a false and a counterfeit Badlwin. Why, when the Affairs of all the East were laid on your shoulders, to be supported, and sustain­ed by you; when they were in disorder, and lost by your misfortune, have you feign'd to be dead, and conceal'd your being alive? What could you expect from so strange a Deceit? Or what could be the reason of such a supposition and imposture? If you would so long dwell a­mong the Dead, why should we now believe you are alive, not having appear'd in any place these twenty years? And had you been what you pretend now, why did you not come in the time of Philip the August, your Bro­ther in Law, (who Married Alix, one of your Sisters) and in the life time of so many per­sons of Honour, who might either have proved your Imposture, or authorized your Title? Why came you not sooner out of the Grave? In what darkness have you hid that Glorious Face, known to the whole World? And with what new one do you pretend to Enchant the eyes of Men, after so many years? I ask, if you believe your self, that we ought to give faith to a Man, who after so vast an Interval, shall say, I am the Emperor Baldwyn. Have we never seen nor heard, that there have been Im­postors, who have falsly Ʋsurpt the Quality [Page 64] [...] [Page 65] [...] [Page 66]of Kings and Emperors? Haynault has suf­fer'd many Revolutions and Calamities, since the departure of the true Baldwyn: And Flan­ders has done the same. We have all been op­prest with misery; have you given us any assistance in our Wars, or any help in our Afflictions? Ought this Countrey to own you for their Prince, since in their trouble you have not consider'd them, who gave you Birth, and Nurst you in your tender years?

This Man heard, with attention, these Remonstrances, shewing a great assurance and courage, speaking in his turn; but not as if he would answer these Reproaches, but reprove and condemn them; dissem­bling by this procedure, his boldness and grandure of mind: And told them ‘That his Country-men and Subjects were more Inhumane than his Enemies; that Fight­ing before Adrianople, for the glory of that Country, which now disown'd him, being over-power'd, and made Prisoner by the unequal number of his Enemies, as often arrives in the chance and for­tune of War; yet notwithstanding he had not suffer'd so much Contempt, nor so extraordinary Opprobry, either by rea­son of the Majesty of his Person and Name, or else in consideration of his Sub­jects in Flanders, but was kept and main­tain'd [Page 67]moderately; till by length of time, his Guards were not so strict, but he found an opportunity to save himself, by the extraordinary favour of Heaven: And that returning to his Country, he had been retaken by other Barbarians, who did not know him, nor to whom he did not discover himself; they carryed him into Asia, and used him like a mi­serable Slave; sold him to the Syrians, where he dwelt two years in a Barn, with other Captives, sometimes driving the Plow, and breaking the Clods of Earth with those hands with which he had held the Scepter; till during a Truce be­tween the Christians and the Barbarians of Asia, some German Merchants Tra­velling by the place where he was at work, he spoke to them in the German Tongue, and made himself known to them, telling them his unhappy and mi­serable Adventures; who bought him at a common price: And that now after this good fortune, his own Subjects af­fronted him, so as neither the Greeks nor the Inhabitants of Thrace, their cruel Neighbours the Scythians, nor the Bar­barians of Syria, had ever used him. As to Flanders it was never more happy, nor more flourishing, than when he possest [Page 68]the dignity of Earl. Their glory had ne­ver been greater at home nor abroad, than when they own'd him for their Prince. He always stil'd himself August, Chosen or Elect of God, and used a Seal of massive Gold. He termed them ungrate­ful Subjects, and Country-men, to re­proach him with provoking questions, after having suffer'd so many Vexations and Miseries: Surely they had changed their Inclination, and degenerated from the Virtue and Justice of their Fathers, by whom he was made Sovereign and Emperor of Greece, and had made and given Laws to all the People of the East. But he wondred not that Flanders had fallen into all these disorders, and had re­nounced the good and commendable qua­lities of their Fathers, to embrace those which were new and pernicious; that on the contrary, in his Government, they were extraordinary flourishing.’ He would have continued speaking much longer, and made them greater Reproaches, if the Lord Treasurer, who was also Presi­dent of the Counsel, had not broke it up; saying, It was not fit for them to conclude any thing in Affairs of that Importance, without knowing the good pleasure and de­termination of their Countess. This Prin­cess [Page 69]had an extream aversion to this Pre­tender, whether it might not be because she really thought Baldwyn her Father was dead; but she effectively sent into Greece, John Bishop of Mutelan, (that, without doubt, which is now called the Isle of My­telene) and Albert, a Religious man of the Order of St. Bennet, both of the Greek Na­tion, to enquire and inform themselves, if Baldwyn were dead or alive: The Annals, or Histories of Flanders, written by Jaco­bus Meyer, Adrianus Barlandus, and others, which furnish me with the greatest part of this Story, observe; That it was not cer­tainly known, whether in the unhappy Battel of Adrianople he was kill'd or taken, only that he could not be found; but these two Envoys were upon the place, and be­ing Arrived in Bulgaria, they made so exact an enquiry, that they were inform'd of his being taken by John, King of that Country, and was by his order carryed to the Queen his Wife, to the Town of Cernoa; who following the nature of an inrag'd Barba­rian, cruelly put him to death, chopping his Limbs to pieces, and throwing them to the Fowls of the air. Meyer writes these circumstances in the 8th. Book of his An­nals of Flanders.

Besides she that had been accustomed to command, and had long been Mistress, must needs think with much grief, of delivering the Sovereign Power to another, of which she had so long thought she should never be deprived, but by Death. Notwith­standing all this, a great part of the Flemish Nobility received this Man for their Sove­raign, and Emperor of the East, and sub­mitted to his Obedience; and the more readily by his subtilty in Authorizing their Cognizance of him, and the Veneration they had to his Person, by his telling them their Names and Extractions, which he readily did to a great part of the Nobility of Flanders, with the glorious Actions of their Ancestors; shewing their Arms, Blasons, and Devices of their Families, and all their Genealogies. He understood the Countrey very well, having lived several years a Hermit in the Forrest of Glaucone, near Valenciennes. He appeared in a strange habit, like the Armenians, wearing a great rufled beard. The common People, who being Ignorant, and love Novelty, believed his Impostures; and the rather, for his be­ing of the same Stature, and having severall features, like the true Baldwyn. He found himself so well assisted, that he designed to seize the Countess Jane, and wanted very [Page 71]little of surprizing her in Quenoy; but she was fled to a strong Castle, and had sent Ambassadors to Lewis the 8th. King of France for assistance. The Historian Gua­guin (who was a Subject of this Princess, and born at Preaven near Cassel, and gives her the Character of a very Wise Princess) says, she came in Person to the King for suc­cour, against the Insolence of this unknown Impostor, intreating his Favor and Assi­stance in this Conjuncture, as Soveraign of Flanders, and she one of the Nobles Feuda­tories of the Crown of France; to which she was so nearly related. The King came as far as Campagne, where he appointed the Impostor to meet him, who came extraordinarily accompanied: He was Cloath'd in Scarlet, having a white staffe in his hand: When he was Introduced to the King, he saluted him very slightingly; to whom the King said; I know not in what manner I should Salute you, nor what Title to give you: Baldwin, Earl of Flan­ders and Haynault, was my Ʋncle, and a most Generous Prince; He was also Empe­rour of Greece: Whose Death I have lamen­ted, when I was in my Youth. When first the unhappy News arrived, his Son Henry, a Va­liant Prince, succeeded him in the Empire, and his Eldest Daughter Jane, in his Earl­dom [Page 72]of Flanders. Their Country holds of me, and is a Feudatory of my Crown, as the Earl is a Peer of my Kingdom. I wish, I could alter the Course of Nature, and that what has happened, had not been; that my dear Ʋncle, the Father of my Cousin-German, whose Name and Memory is of admirable Ve­neration in Greece, could return to Life. But I cannot lightly be perswaded, from the belief I have of his death, and the report which hath been confirmed, through the course of so many Years: Most humane things, especially Empires, subsist by the Testimony of men. Tell me then, for whom you would be received? If for my Ʋncle, shew it us, by some authentick proof; and because the thing is unexpected, it will be so much the more agreeable, and give me trans­ports of joy and satisfaction; when I am con­vinced I have wept for my Ʋncle without cause, and for a false Opinion; whilst he that I should Reverence like a Father, is restor'd to me. I am glad that a few short questions will make your self judge, and witness in your own Cause, which the World must needs know, is of the greatest Importance. I ask you then, If my Father King Philip, treated you as his Homager, and whether he gave you the In­vestiture of the Earldom of Flanders? In what place; at what time; in what manner; and before what Witnesses did he gird on your [Page 73]Sword, and made you a Knight? And of what Order was it? Who was the Wife you Married in France? Who treated the Match? In what place, and with what Ceremonies did you Marry her? for the true Baldwyn can­not be ignorant of these matters.

I have exactly made a Recital of all the Questions, from Paulus Aemilius, that ad­mirable Historian.

It is very strange, that he, who had so well studied the Genealogies of the Flemish Lords, could not tell what Wife he Marri­ed, which was Margaret, Daughter to the Earl of Champagne. The Annals of Flanders say, it was the Bishop of Beauvais, President of the Kings Counsel, that askt him all these questions; which may be reduced to three. 1. In what place he did Homage for his Earldom of Flanders? 2. By whom, and in what Place he was made a Knight? 3. In what Place, and on what Day he Married Margaret of Champagne? But this Impostor, as surprized with all these Questions, askt three days to answer them: Perhaps one might excuse a Man for not remem­bring several Circumstances of the prin­cipal Actions of his Life: Besides, such an August Assembly, before so Great a King, and Magnificent a Court, a Subject of such consequence, before an Audience no ways [Page 74]favourable, with the Apprehension of the Danger, might distract him, and hinder his answering pertinently. Guaguin says, That speaking Haughtily, to the Points in question, without sufficient Proofs of what he pretended to be, the King commanded him to go out of his Realm, in three days; but doing him no hurt, because he had given him his safe Conduct. This Im­postor being thus shamefully Driven away, retir'd to Valenciennes in Haynault; where being abandon'd by those, whose hopes of advantage by this Novelty, had made them promise him great assistance, he disguis'd himself, like a Trades-man, intending to have past into Burgundy, hoping to find countenance and support there; but he was watcht, and taken on his way by a Burgun­dian Gentleman, Erard Castenac, who sold him to the Countess Jane for four hundred Marks: She put him to the torture, and forc'd him by his torments, to Confess his Imposture: He said he was Born in Cham­pagne, and his name was Bertrand de Rayns; he was led through all the Cities of Flan­ders, and Haynault, where after having been shew'd to the People, he was pub­lickly hang'd at Lisle in Flanders.

Famâ ancipiti, jurene an injuriâ.

The greatest part of Europe, was in doubt whether the Countess justly put this Impostor to Death. The example of Peter Courtney, Successor of the true Baldwyn, and Henry, in right of his Wife Yolante, per­suaded the possibility of so straight a Prison, as might not give him Opportunity to in­form his Subjects and Friends what misfor­tune had befallen him. The Catastrophe of this false Baldwyn happen'd in the year of Christ, 1225. and of the World, 5186.

CHAP. VIII. Perkin Warbeck, OR, THE COUNTERFEIT Duke of York. Son of Edward the Fourth, King of England.

THis Impostor continued longer than a­ny of the rest, and had more Chan­ces, and happy Hours. The Cruelty of Richard Duke of Glocester, Son of Richard Duke of York, and Brother of Edward the Fourth King of England, gave Henry Earl of Richmond, Grand-son of Owen Tudor, and Catharine of France, a Pretension to Arm a­gainst him, for the Recovery of the King­dom of England, which Edward the Fourth, before Duke of York, and Head of the Red-Rose, had usurp't from Henry the Sixth. [Page 77] Richard Duke of Glocester, had also usurp't the Crown from Edward the Fifth, a young Prince of Twelve years old, Eldest Son and Successor to King Edward the Fourth; as likewise from his Brother Richard Duke of York, his two Nephews, whom he unnatu­rally and cruelly murthered in the Tower of London, in the year 1483. It was the Per­son of this last Richard Duke of York, and only Brother of King Edward the Fifth, that this Impostor, Peter Warbeck, com­monly called Perkin Warbeck, so artfully imitated, for Five or Six Years time, from 1494 untill 1499, putting all England into combustion, and perplexity on that Subject: and giving much trouble to the new Con­queror, Henry the Seventh, who was before Earl of Richmond.

Margaret, Sister to King Edward the Fourth, Widow of Charles the Hardy, Duke of Burgundy, and Soveraign of the Seven­teen Provinces of the Lower Germany, pro­duced, and instructed this Counterfeit, to take the Crown of England, (if she could have effected, what she had often endea­voured) from Henry the Seventh, Chief of the House of Lancaster, or the White-Rose, whom she mortally hated. This is the Truth of the Story, as Polydore Virgil, Hi­storiographer to Henry the Eighth, relates [Page 78]it, in the Twenty-sixth Book of his History of England.

This Princess, (a Woman of an Ambiti­ous and Intriguing humour) had conceived a great Aversion to Henry the Seventh, Ex­terminator of the Usurper Richard Duke of Glocester. The principal cause of her Ha­tred proceeded from the long Enmity be­tween his Family of Lancaster, and her's of the House of York; which made her conti­nually endeavour, by all means imaginable, his extirpation, with the satisfaction of her own Revenge, in the removal of the Crown to One of her own Party: But finding all her endeavours miscarried, and those of John Earl of Lincoln were come to nothing, her old Inveterate temper prompted her with new Expedients, more difficult for Henry to prevent.

She met a young man at Tourney, who was handsom, of a subtle with and quick Ap­prehension, his name was Peter Warbeck, but the English, in Derision, after called him Perkin. He understood English, and some other Languages, was very little known, being of the meanest Birth, and in extream Poverty. He had Travel'd through divers Countrys like a Beggar and a Vaga­bond. Him, the Dutchess Margaret, thought a sit Instrument, to Counterfeit the Duke [Page 79]of York, second Son of Edward the Fourth. She hid him in her House, and instructed him in the affairs of England, and the parti­cular Interests of the House of York, till he perfectly understood his business; Im­printing her Maxims in his memory, and talking properly of them, persuading all that he was the Real Prince of that Illustri­ous Family. Persons of that Quality and Birth have an Instinct not to be described, to follow the steps of their Glorious An­cestors, that they may deserve the same admiration, and even in this she had in­formed him. And now she, understanding that King Henry was raising Men for France, to assist Francis Duke of Brittain, (his old Benefactor) believing this a favourable oc­casion to set her Engins at work, and cause a disturbance in England, she sent Perkin privately into Ireland, that so this young and well-instructed Adventurer, might sow the Seeds of Rebellion amongst those unciviliz'd People, who were always in­clin'd to Mutiny.

When he Landed in Ireland, he so well imploy'd his time and favour there, that ma­ny of the principal Irish believed his deceit, and gave him the same Honour, as if he had really been what he pretended, pro­mising to Arm, and follow him with all Ne­cessaries for the War.

This News being spread abroad, Francis, the Eighth King of France, invited him to his Court, that he might oppose him to Henry his declared Enemy, who was then ready to Land in France. Perkin overjoy'd at this News, believing himself Blest, to enter into the Familiarity of Kings, re­passed the Sea, and came to the French Court, where he was Magnificently re­ceived, and had a Train of Guards appoin­ted him: But suddenly after, a Peace was concluded between France and England, and the King finding him no longer useful for his Purpose, dismist him the Court. Being thus disappointed of his hopes, he went to the Dutchess Dowager, into Flan­ders.

This Princess longed to know how he had been Received and Entertained, but the disappointment sensibly afflicted her; yet she Treated him, as if she had never seen him before; which she cunningly en­deavoured to persuade, being overjoy'd to see him; publickly Congratulating his happy return, and taking a singular plea­sure to hear him tell, how nearly he escaped in several Countrys, which he Travell'd. This she did, the better to persuade the World, he was the true Son of Edward the Fourth, her Brother; and shew'd him ex­traordinary [Page 81]Respect, as likewise did the Flemish Lords on her account. The Deceit being hid under so much appearance of Truth, as persuaded them that he escap'd death by the particular Providence of Hea­ven; and when he was in the Power of his Uncle Richard, a faithful Servant of his Fa­thers had convey'd him privately beyond Sea, so Rescuing him out of his cruel hands, and that now he would attempt to regain the Kingdom of his Ancestors. The Story of so strange an Adventure was soon spread over all the Country, flying into England, where it past for Truth, not only among the common People, but even with several of the Nobility.

When the News came that Richard Duke of York was alive, the number of the Seditious increas'd abundantly. They, whose Crimes or Debts made them ab­scond, or whose Poverty hoped advan­tage, fled into Flanders to Perkin; and soon after, many of the most considerable Lords entred into the Conspiracy, and be­lieved the Impostor; swayed by their own rashness, or by a false persuasion that this young Man was Prince Richard, Son of King Edward, and having a blind affection for the House of York; Others through Dis­gust, believing themselves ill rewarded by [Page 82] Henry the Seventh, whom they had ven­tured their Lives for, to set him upon the Throne: Many through Avarice, and a desire of change, were driven into this Conspiracy. Thus the News of Richard Duke of Yorks being alive, divided Eng­land. Hopes and Fears filled the minds of all men, none were exempted from Trou­ble, each measuring his Danger or Ad­vantage according to his Interest, Fancy, and particular Opinion.

It was an extraordinary astonishment, to the King, and his Friends, that there should be any Man in the World, who had the Impudence to invent and discourse so Pernicious an Imposture; which was not only improbable, but lookt impossible; and under the colour of Truth, concealed a most Subtle and Implacable piece of Malice, which he already knew many great Men in the Kingdom had a mind to give Credit to, (though he dissembled his Informa­tion:) And he foresaw this Fable might indanger the Ruin of the State, if it were not early discovered to the Nation, for no other than a fictitious, most wicked, and dangerous Counterfeit.

Those who delighted in War and Trou­ble, embrac'd these Novelties, persuading themselves there was no deceit in them, [Page 83]and that the News was all true; believing they should reap both Honour and Profit, by Fomenting the Hopes of their Party: And this being a Point of so much Impor­tance, the Conspirators sent into Flanders to the Dutchess Dowager, to know of her, when she thought fit that Richard Duke of York should pass over into England, that they might the sooner Advertise their Friends, and have them ready to give him all necessary Assistance.

Sir Robert Clifford, and William Barklay, were deputed for this, by the general Con­sent of the rest; They gave the Dutchess Margaret an account what the Creatures and Favourers of this New Duke had a­greed to do, which gave her an extream pleasure: She assured them, all that had been advantagiously discoursed of Richard Duke of York, was really so, shewing them the Impostor, who Counterfeited the Per­son of Richard to a wonder: Then she ex­toll'd his Vertues to the Skies, and made admirable Report of his Princely Inclina­tions, which were to imitate the Actions of his glorious Ancestors. When Clifford had seen the Youth, he really believed him of the Blood Royal, and so writ to his Cor­respondents in England: And the better to make himself be believed, he assured them, [Page 84]he perfectly remembred his Face. After the delivery of these Letters, they con­trived a new Motive, to excite the People to favour their Party: They assured them nothing could be more True, than the News of Richard Duke of York; and this they so cunningly spread, that no Author could be produced for the Report.

The King perceiving these Deceits, not to diminish in the Peoples minds, thought hims [...]lf absolutely obliged to provide for the Public Safety, in which his own Interest was so deeply ingaged: He knew where this design was laid, and understood Clif­fords Secret Departure, sending Officers with some chosen Men, and approved Soul­diers, to the Sea-Coasts, for the preventing any Mens Landing in, or going out of the Kingdom, except with good Passes, and to hinder all great Assemblies. For the better disabusing the English from their false opi­nions; he sent his subtlest Spies through all the Towns of Flanders, to understand the Birth and Original of this Counterfeit, pro­mising large Recompence to those that could discover it; Writing to his Friends on the same Subject. These Emissaries exactly obeyed their Orders, some of them coming to Tournay, found the false Richard was Born there, of the Meanest of the [Page 85]People, his name being Peter Warbeck, of which they brought very authentick At­testations.

Upon this the King sent a solemn Em­bassy to young Earl Philip in Flanders, of which Sir Edward Poinings, and William Warham, Dr. of Laws, were chief: The latter of these was also a Church-man, of extraordinary Parts and Modesty: He made a Speech to the Lords of the Young Princes Counsel, who was not of Age yet to take the Government upon himself. He laid the impiousness of the Impostor before them, putting them in mind of the like hap­pening in their Country, about 250 years be­fore, in the time of their Countess Jane: Likewise telling them, that the Effects of the King his Masters Friendship, to Maximilian, Father of the Prince, in the War of France, should not be so quickly blotted out of their memory; sharply reflecting on the Conduct of the Dutchess Margaret, who brought forth in her elder Years, not a Child at nine Months, but a Prodigy of nine score Months old. The Councel, after a long Debate, reply'd, That to gratifie the King, their Earl would give no assistance to Perkin: But for the Dutchess Dowager, She was Mistress of her Joynture, and her Actions; and they would neither prescribe, nor forbid her any thing. The [Page 86]Ambassadors being return'd, Henry sent divers Emissaries; some to discover the Names of the Conspirators, by feigning to enter into the design; others to endeavour the persuading Sir Robert Clifford, and Wil­liam Barklay to return, with the assurance of their Pardon. Clifford was prevailed on; but Barklay continued obstinate, not returning till two Years after, and till he was certain of the Kings Mercy. Some of the Kings Messengers came back, after ha­ving discovered many of the Conspirators: Others staid longer, to accompany Clifford, whose coming home, so much discounte­nanced the Plotters, that they knew not whom to trust.

The King being informed, who several of the Conspirators were, caused them to be Seized and Committed to Prison in London; the Chief were John Ratclif, Lord Fitz-Walter, Sir Simon Montfort, and Sir Tho­mas Thwaites, Knights; William Dawbeney, Robert Ratclif, Richard Lacy, with divers others: Some Priests: William Richeford and Thomas Ponys, Dominican Fryers; William Sutton, Robert Laybourn, and Wil­liam Worsley Dean of St. Pauls. The rest finding their practises were discovered, fled to several places of Refuge: They were all Condemned as Traytors, but only these [Page 87]Principal were Beheaded, Robert Ratclif, William Dawbeney, and Simon Montfort. John Ratclif, Lord Fitzwalter, was carried to Calais, where for endeavouring to make his Escape, he lost his Head likewise: The rest the King Pardoned.

Not long after Sir Robert Clifford Ar­rived, and the King chose to speak with him in the Tower, that in case he accused any Great Men about his Person, he might secure them there. Much discourse there was touching Cliffords Conduct; some thought him all along to have been im­ploy'd by the King, to discover the rest. This was occasioned by the ready obtaining his Pardon, and his Return made him e­qually decry'd by both Parties; his Friends believing him a Cheat, but the small con­sideration the King had of him generally, convinced People, he acted as he thought, through his Inclination to the House of York, being deceived into the persuasion it was the true Prince. He threw himself at the Kings Feet, giving an account what passed in Flanders, and naming amongst his Accomplices Sir William Stanley: It much astonished the King, he being his Lord Chamberlain, to whom he trusted his most Important Affairs, and who had gain'd him the Crown, which was wore [Page 88]by his assistance, in the Battel against Rich. the Third, the Usurper. Clifford pretending to know his ill will to the King, from the be­ginning, he having declared, He would ne­ver bear Arms against that Young Man, if he were convinced he was the Son of King Edward. Polydore Virgil says, his Resent­ment proceeded from his not being reward­ed, as he thought he had deserved to be. Be­nesicium post hominum memoriam Maximum, per quod Henricus a periculo vitaeliberatus, con­servatusque Regnum sibi quaesivit. For when the King was over-power'd at the Battel of Bosworth, and like to be torn in pieces by that Squadron where his Enemy Richard was; Sir William Stanly, by order of his Brother Thomas, who Commanded the Re­serve, effectually helping where he found most need, charging Richard, he disingaged the King, and gave him the Victory.

These Considerations made him in some suspence, but the consequence of the Ex­ample prevail'd, and he was Beheaded as the rest were. The King was under a neces­sity to use that Rigour, for hindring the In­solent discourses of the common People, who talkt Maliciously, and Cursed him at their little Meetings; saying aloud, They expected every day the Duke of York, and to see him on the Throne. But these Execu­tions, [Page 89]and the Method he used in his Af­fairs, extinguished great part of those Heats, and restored many People to their Duty. Giles Lord Dawbeney, whose Pru­dence and Fidelity, the King was well assu­red of, possest the Place of Lord Chamber­lain, Vacant by the Death of Sir William Stanley.

The Irish more than ever persisting in their rash unadvisedness, it was resolved to endeavour to crush those Seeds of Sedition Perkin had sown amongst them, the pre­cedent Years: For which Intent, the King sent Henry Denny Abbot of Langton, a Wise and Contriving Man, whom he de­signed to make Chancellor of that King­dom, making Sir Edward Poynings, his Colleague, who was to command the Army. These two Persons representing the two Arms of Justice, one holding the Scales, the other the Sword; shewing above the Cheats of an Impostor, the Majesty of a Lawful King, Non solum Armis decoratam, sed & Legibus armatam. They had order to go where he had been, and take an exact account, who they were, that resolved to assist him, and to Arm all they could, to pursue the Accomplices.

Ireland was divided into two sorts of In­habitants, the one Civilized through the [Page 90]converse with other Nations, but especi­ally the English: The others Wild and Sa­vage, as any upon Earth, living by Theft, enclin'd to Rebellion and Novely, destroy­ing one another, according to the Incli­nations and Avarice of those they follow. Perkin knowing the Genius and Turbulent Spirits of the latter, addressed himself to them: These Sir Edward Poynings attackt chiefly, knowing them most Guilty; but they would never stand the shock, always flying to their Boggs and Mountains. The other Irish did not obey his Orders, nor send him Succours as they promised, which made him give over the Pursuit, believing the old Governour Gerald Earl of Kildare favoured them underhand; wherefore he cunningly seized his Person, and brought him to the King; before whom, this Earl so pleaded his Cause, that he was sent back, and restored to his Government, being thought the most prudent way in that Con­juncture, because of his great Interest and Authority with the Irish.

While these things were transacting in England, Warbeck was extreamly grieved, his Conspiracy was discovered, and many of his chiefest Friends Executed: Yet he, notwithstanding, resolved to cross the Sea, accompanied by a great number of Vaga­bonds, [Page 91]such Fugitives as would follow him. 'Tis true he had some Lords, and good Cap­tains in his Train, to strengthen his hopes of the Crown. His Fleet came upon the Coast of Kent, where the weather being calm, he Landed some of his Men, for the better securing or persuading the Country People to his Party: But the Impostor was already known every where, and they had suffered much Misery and Desolation in the late Wars. They knew the Soldiers of this false Richard were all Strangers, who would make no distinction of Friends or E­nemies, where they were strong enough to Plunder and Pillage, nor have respect to Churches, or Places Sacred; believing God had left them, since several of their Party had been put to shameful, deaths, as a punishment of their Guilt. Wherefore these Inhabitants endeavoured to destroy this Counterfeit, by persuading him to Land all his Men; promising to give notice to their Neighbours, and make a conside­rable body, while he prepared for his March. Perkin distrusted their Intentions, know­ing the common People use no Ceremony in their Emotions, but run on without Reason or Deliberation: Therefore he re­solved not to Land himself, but to venture part of his Men, who were no sooner out [Page 92]of sight, when the Country People Charged them; driving them back to the Sea, so that only the most Nimble and most Cowardly escaped, the Stoutest and Robust were killed or wounded: The latter were not treated as Prisoners of War, but like Pirats and Thieves, 150 being Hanged along the Shore. The King him­self was on his March from London, against these Vagabonds; till meeting the news of their Defeat, he returned; sending only Sir Richard Guilford to thank the Kentish­men for their Loyalty, and assure them of his Grace and Favour; incouraging them to persist in the same Fidelity and Zeal for his Interest.

Though this ill success troubled Warbeck, and his Friends, who returned to Flanders, they gave not over for it, taking new Re­solutions of Landing in Ireland, and Levy­ing Men there, for the Invading the We­stern parts of England: And if that failed, to go for Scotland; which Nation had never Peace long with the English: His Aunt giving him Money for the equipping a Fleet, and making some Levies. He Sayled with good Weather, to the Irish Coasts, where he soon found the inequa­lity between those unarmed, unexperienced People, and the, English Forces; yet not [Page 93]daring to expose his Men to the Slaughter, he rather chose the other Project of passing into Scotland, where James the Fourth was not displeased at the Arrival of a Person so much discours'd of through all Europe, out of the Aversion his People had for the English, giving him Access to his Royal Person, where Polydore Virgil says, he made this Speech.

I know (Great Prince) you cannot be Ig­norant what Calamities have late befallen the Family of Edward the Fourth, King of Eng­land, whose Son (I assure your Majesty) I am; having by a Miracle escaped Death. My Father, e're he dyed, made Richard Duke of Glocester my Uncle, Guardian to Edward my Elder Brother, and my self; hoping the great kindness he always favoured him with, would oblige him to more tenderness of us: But alas! how was he deceived, for our Guar­dian became our Murderer: Transported by his Ambition of Reigning, he gave his posi­tive Commands for our Destruction. The Person he instructed with his Orders, frighted with the horror of the Crime, obey'd but half his Instructions: For after he had taken away my Brother's, sparing my life, he suffered a faith­ful Servant to convey me out of the Kingdom, who left me not till I was past all danger. By these Methods my Ʋncle Richard seized the [Page 94]Crown, as if it had been the Reward of his Crimes, whilst I (after this Deliverance) wandring about the World, almost forgot who I was. At last coming to my Aunt Margaret, Widow of that most excellent Prince, Charles, late Duke of Burgundy; she received me with unspeakable joy, as risen from the dead: But that Princess having only her Joynture in Flanders, and not able to assist me with Force enough, for the recovery of my Kingdom, I have been constrained to have Recourse to o­ther Princes: And by her advice, I am come to Your Majesty, though slenderly accompany­ed: Yet knowing your Princely Generosity, which has filled the World with your Glory; particularly for your Inclination to protect the Ʋnhappy, Dispossessed of their Rights; who becoming Objects of the Cruelty of wick­ed Men, are so much the greater of Your Roy­al Clemency. This encourages me, to implore Your Majesty's Assistance, for this Ʋnhappy Prince here before You, for the Recovery of his antient Kingdom: And I assure you, I and my Successors will so acknowledge Your Majesty's Grace and Favour, that this Crown will not repent the Kindness; though, to say truly, it is above all we can do, to express our Gratitude as we ought.

King James answer'd his Speech very ci­villy, [Page 95]exhorting him to take Courage; and assure himself, he should not repent his coming thither. He Assembled his Coun­cil, who were much divided in their O­pinions; some taking him for an Impostor; others (whose Advice prevailed) affirming, that if he were the true Duke of York, both He and all his Posterity must acknowledge this Favour, and for it, be obliged to Scot­land: Or although he should prove a Counterfeit, this Pretence of War would make the English treat with more inclina­tion, to grant what they desired, for the dis-engaging the Scots from his Interest. This last Advice was followed by the King, who shewed Perkin extraordinary Respects, stiling him Highness, and Duke of York: And to advance his Credit, he married him to his Kinswoman Katharine, Daughter of Alexander Earl of Huntley; a Lady of in­comparable Beauty and Vertue, whose O­bedience to the King, rather than the Am­bition of having her Head Crowned one day with a Royal Diadem, o're-came the Repugnance she had in her Heart, to mar­ry a Man so unknown, whom many called an Impostor. The Motives which perswaded the King to this Match, were for a specious Pretext of War, and breaking the Truce with the English; He being by this obli­ged [Page 96]to protect his new Kinsman and Ally, without being accounted rash in his Assist­ance, if the Deceit should be discovered; for this Marriage must needs perswade the World, he thought him the true Duke of York.

King James raised Men, and formed an Army; which, you will suppose, gave the Impostor great Satisfaction. And now his Senses were charmed with the Sound of War-like Musick, as well as with the sof­ter Concerts of his Wedding. Courriers were sent into England, to observe what Preparations were making for Resistance. But all being quiet; the Scotch Army, with their King at the Head, entred Northum­berland; where they pillaged, burnt, ra­vished, and killed, sparing neither Age nor Sex; behaving themselves, without Humanity: Till the Soldiers, laden with Plunder, refused to March further, preten­ding no English joyned them. The Coun­terfeit Richard, one day hearing the Crys of the poor plunder'd English, seemed much afflicted; saying, Oh! how wretched am I, and my Heart as hard as Steel, not to be trou­bled at the Misery of my People! Intreat­ing the King, to prevent the Cruelty of the Soldiers, and not suffer them to destroy his unhappy Country; feigning great Com­miseration [Page 97]and Tenderness: Who answe­red him very coldly; He might concern him­self with his own Affairs, and not with other Mens; calling England his Country and Peo­ple; where none came to his Assistance, though a War was undertaken for his Cause. So chiding this Mock-King's Dissimulation, and changing from that time, his Respect to him; Neglecting, and contemning him, when he found neither his Actions, nor the Event of things, correspond with his former Promi­ses.

King Henry prepared to meet, and repell the Scotch-Men, at the News of this their Cruelty and Infidelity; when the Lords on the Marches, informed him of their Retreat; They having done the best they could, by In­trenching & Fortifying themselves, with an Intent, as they did, by their frequent Allarms and Skirmishes, to wast and tire out the E­nemy. Just before this Advice, he Summons a Parliament at London, where several good Laws were made, for the Publick Safety: But Money being the Sinews of War, they concluded on the Methods of raising it. Giles Lord Dawbeney, who was General of the Army, had Orders to begin his March for the Frontiers of Scotland: But he had scarce set forward, when the Cornish Men took up Arms, alledging for their Pretence [Page 98]great Taxes laid on them (as they said) for an Inconsiderable Scotch-War, which was ended already; when indeed it was but just begun: And then their Barren Land, and hard Labour of Mineing, making them Incapable to pay them. Thomas Flammock, a Country-Lawyer, and Michael Joseph a Farrier, two bold Fellows, being at the Head of the Rebels, they Marched to­ward London, and demanded the Heads of John Morton, Arch-Bishop of Canterbu­ry, and Sir Reynald Bray, both Privy-Coun­sellors; And at Wells, they were Joyned by James Twichet, Lord Awdley, and some other Gentlemen. King Henry consider­ing these Troubles should be first appeased, recalled the Lord Dawbency, with his Ar­my, sending Thomas Howard, Earl of Sur­ry, in his stead, a most experienced Soul­dier; To whom he had given his Life and Liberty, after the Famous Battle of Bos­worth-Field, which he had won of Richard the Usurper; afterwards honouring him with the Office of Lord High Treasurer of England, upon the Death of John Lord Din­ham. This Earls Commands were, to raise what Men he could, about the County of Durham, and oppose the Incursions of the Scots, till Giles Lord Dawbeney should have Dissipated, and Chastized the Rebels of [Page 99] Cornwall, and Joyn'd him with his Army. Polydore Virgil Names the Lords, and the Gentlemen, who met the Royal Army, commanded by Dawbeney, increasing it with their Tennants.

About this time, Charles the 8th. of France, sent an Ambassador to give the King an Ac­count of his Conquering the Kingdom of Naples, and to renew his Allyance with England: Henry sent some Lords to meet them, so soon as he knew they were arrived at Calais, and also to amuse them at Dover, that they might not understand the Revolt in the West, till it was supprest: in which he was exactly obey'd.

In the mean time, the Rebels decamped from Wells, Marched to Salisbury, and so to Canterbury, hoping those People would Joyn with them; but they were much de­ceived; for they found them Armed, and ready to oppose them; being Command­ed by George Earl of Kent, and John Lord Brook, with Fifteen or Sixteen other Lords. The Resolution, and Fidelity, of these Men, so astonisht the Rebels Army, that ma­ny abandoned them, Running from their Camp in the Night: But they were too far advanced for a Retreat; so continued their March to Black-Heath, near London; where they drew up themselves, in Order to a [Page 100]Battle, upon the Hill. Thither, the King sent, Henry Bourcheir Earl of Essex, Ed­mund dela Pool Earl of Suffolk. Sir Richard Thomas, and Sir Humphrey Stanly, all Great Souldiers, with detached Parties, to en­compass them, and hinder their Flight; whilst he March't streight to charge them, with Dawbeney, followed by the best Men of his Army: Commanding Sir Richard Thomas, to attack them, at the same time, from his Post; which was so vigourously executed, that notwithstanding all their re­sistance, the Rebels were broken and lost Two Thousand Men, besides vast Numbers of Prisoners; the King missing but Three Hundred: He pardon'd those wretched People, only making their Chiefs, Exam­ples; among whom was the Lord Audley, who was drawn from Newgate to Tower-Hill, and there beheaded; Thomas Flam­mock, and Michael Joseph, were Hanged and Quarter'd, and their Heads and Limbs set up in London, and several places of Cornwall; for the Terror and Example of others. They admired the Constancy of Michael the Smith, who contented himself, that he should always be talked of: A Deo (says Polydore) Medios ac insimos viros, pe­rinde ut Summos, Gloriae cupiditas incendit.

The Scotch King, taking Advantage by [Page 101]these Disorders, entred the County of Dur­ham, giving his Men all manner of Licence: With some of his Troops he Besieged Nor­ham, a Castle of Great Importance, on those Frontiers; into which Richard Fox, the Vigilant Bishop of Durham, had put a strong Garrison, and well fortified the Place, having foreseen the Siege: He then advertised Thomas Earl of Surry, who had already raised a considerable Army in York­shire; and hearing the distress that Nor­ham was in, he Marched with all speed, having a Great number of Gentlemen, and Knights with him, and a Body of near Twenty Thousand Men, besides a conside­rable Fleet at Sea. King James informed of his Advancing, being within Two Days March, Hastily raised his Siege, and re­tired into Scotland, where he was follow­ed by the Earl; who being in the Enemies Country, plundred all he could and took several Towns: But having no oppor­tunity to furnish himself with Provisions, he returned into the County of Durham.

During the War, about this time, Pe­ter Hyalas, a wise and prudent Man, came Ambassador, and Mediator from Ferdinand, and Isabella of Spain, a most Incomparable Princess. King Henry appointed for his Ambassador, Richard Bishop of Durham, [Page 102]who was near the Place of Treaty; where they met the King of Scotlands Privy Coun­sellors, and treated of the Conditions of Peace. The greatest difficulty arose con­cerning Perkin Warbeck; Henry Positively persisting, to have him delivered up, as being the Disturber of his Kingdoms Peace, and the Occasion of so many Rebellions. The King of Scotland could not in Honour, yeild to deliver up a Man to Death, whom he had raised, and made his Kinsman. So, at last, it was agreed, that he should quit his Interest, and command him out of his Dominions. These Articles were agreed on, and a Peace was made between them in the Year, 1498. Henry King of England, sent home this Spanish Ambassador, Loaden with Presents, and with great Thanks to his King and Queen.

Then was the Marriage projected of Prince Arthur, the Kings Eldest Son, and Katharine the Infanta, afterwards Marryed to Henry the VIII. his Second Son; whose Famous Divorce, caused so many Revoluti­ons in the Kingdom. About the same time, King Henry Received two other Embassies; One, from the King of France; the Other, from Prince Philip, Earl of Flanders, Son to the Emperour Maximilan, who renew­ed his Alliance with Him. The King of [Page 103] Scotland exactly observed the Articles of Peace, touching Perkin Warbeck; being wholly disabused concerning him. He sent for him, and told him in short, what he had done in his Favour; but he found him­self obliged to conclude a Peace with England; and now was no longer in Circumstances to give him assistance, or allow him his Court for a Re­treat: Therefore, advised him to retire, and hope a better Fortune. Though this was a Fatal Blow to Warbeck, it came not unfore­seen by him, who wanted not Understand­ing, but extreamly thanked the King; as­suring him, he could never acknowledge his Favours as he ought, and desired ac­quiescing in his Orders.

After this, with his Wife he went for Ireland, with Intention either to go for Flanders, to his Aunt; or head the Cornish Malecontents: But resolving on the latter, he found the Minds of those People, irrita­ted by their Losses, and easily engaged them to Mutiny. He then gave out his Commissi­ons, and Formed his Army, with Design to surprize some considerable Towns; which might serve for a Refuge, in case of ill Success. With this intent, he Besieged Exeter, using all Endeavours, to carry it by Assault, and trying to seize the Gates; for Petards nor Rams were not then in Use; [Page 104]he brought Great Stones, and Axes, in­stead of those Engins; which not taking effect, he employ'd Fire; and heaping Wood against the Gates, indeavoured to burn them: The Besieged used the same Expedient, Fireing great quantity of Wood, within their Gates; by Flames preventing their Danger by Fire. He then raised his Scaling Ladders, and commanded the At­tack to be made, which was better repul­sed, many of his Men being left dead un­der the Walls, the very Women throwing Stones, and Scalding Water on the Be­siegers.

King Henry being Informed, what Dan­ger the Besieged were in, advanced with great Marches to their Assistance; sending Detached Partys, to declare His Coming. In the mean time, several Men of Quality got into the City, with supplyes. Amongst whom, was Edward Courtney, Earl of De­vonshire, and several of his Family; Peter Edgcomb and William St. Maure and other Men of Noto: This extreamly perplexed Perkin; he could not cover his Men in any strong Place; who for the most part of them, were ill provided of Armes, as well Offen­sive as Defensive; and considering he was not able to resist so Powerful Enemies, as were advancing towards him; he raised [Page 105]the Siege, and Marched to Taunton; where he Muster'd his Men, and drew them up in Battalia; of which the King hearing, di­rected his March that way; many Lords Joyning Him, and giving Demonstrations of their Zeal, to express and Signalize their Loyalty on that Occasion. The King Com­manded my Lord Brook, my Lord Dawbe­ney, and Sir Richard Thomas, with a Party of chosen detached Men, to begin the Charge; but both his Orders, and their Resolutions were needless: For Warbeck, through his own Natural Cowardize, or believing himself betray'd, ran away, and left his Army; flying into the Monastery of Beaulieu. His Officers seeing themselves abandonned, lost their Resolution, and try­ed to save themselves by Flight. The wretched Multitude, being left without a Head, knew not what to do; whether to resolve to dye Fighting, or to Implore the Kings Mercy: But choosing the latter, they threw down their Armes, and on their Knees, begged Pardon; which the King granted them: For certainly, if their Of­ficers had not left them, it would have cost him very dear, they being resolved to over­come or dye. Partyes of Light-Horse were sent every way, for the Apprehension of Warbeck, and the Chief of his Gang: But [Page 106]though they missed him, they took most of the others his Accomplices: Some of the Searchers found Katharine Huntley, Wife of Perkin, with her Women; Her they brought to the King; who was much fur­prized to see so Beautiful a Lady; extream­ly pittying her Misfortune: And consider­ing such a Noble Prize, was not fit to be the Souldiers Prey, but worthy an Empe­ror; He sent her to London, where he pre­sented to the Queen this unfortunate Lady, so unhappily Sacrificed to the Humour, or Interests of the King her Uncle: & Match't to a Villain, and Impostor, instead of a Le­gitimate Prince, whom she justly Merited, and not the extream Grief, of seeing this Counterfeit, her Husband, suffer the de­served Reproaches, and Calumny, of the Ba­sest Profligates.

The King Encompast the Monastery of Beaulieu, with his Army, for the better securing Perkin: Not being willing to Vi­olate the Sanctuary; he himself having been protected the same manner in Bretagn, when Richard the Usurper, demanded him. Besides, such was the Custome of those days. Wherefore, he sent him word by the Religious Men of the Monastery, that he would spare his Life; assuring him of his Clemency: yet nevertheless, at Exeter, [Page 107]he beheaded several of the Principal Rebels, punishing many of the rest, which were taken in their Flight; thanking that City for their Zeal and Fidelity. With War­beck in his Power, he return'd for London, where the People, in Multitudes, Flock't to see Perkin, with astonishment; admi­ring, that a Forreigner, of so mean Birth, should undertake by his Impostures, the Overthrow of so great a Kingdome; and perswade so many Princes, Lords, and People, (to the Destruction of many) of the Truth of those Falsehoods, he till then spread abroad, both of his Person and Birth.

There is no doubt, but that the King kept him close Prisoner, and justly punish't those remarkable Rebels of Cornwall, Devon, and Sommersetshire; for which Service, he sent Thomas Lord Darcy, Sir Anyas Paw­let, and Robert Sherburn Dean of St. Pauls, with his Commission into the West, where they soundly Fined, & Amerced every one, that had Assisted or Favoured the Rebels, be­fore or after their Defeat at Black-heath: But yet with consideration of such Persons, who either through Fear, or by Force were com­pell'd to do it.

There happened about this time, a Quar­rel between the English and Scotch, that [Page 108]had like to have renewed the War. Some Scotch were observed to walk under the Walls of Norham, which a little before they had Besieged; and the next day do­ing it again, the English Garrison, fearing they had some Design, sent out to know their Reasons, and whether they came not as Spies. From Words, they soon came to Blows; which put the Scotch, who were fewer in Number, to Flight, leaving several Dead on the Place. At this, the King of Scotland was incensed, demanding the Violaters of the Peace, in his Letters, where he highly complain'd of them. The King of England tryed to appease Him, promising exemplary Punishment on the Aggressors. Richard Fox, Bishop of Dur­ham, (being extreamly displeased, that the Garrison he had placed there, should give Occasion of Variance, between those two Monarchs, who with so great Difficulty, were brought to an Accord,) sent his Let­ters to King James; assuring him, he might expect all possible Satisfaction. This Prince, who very much esteemed him, honoured him with an Answer, and an Invitation to come, and discourse of Matters. The Bi­shop immediately informed the King, his Master; who permitted him to go. It was in this Visit, that King James told him, [Page 109] If He did not fear a Denyal, he would ask the Prin­cess Margaret, his Master's Eldest Daughter, in Marriage. The Bishop encouraged his Hopes, undertaking to sound the Affair, without ingaging His Honour in it. King Henry rejoyced at the Overture, and accepted it with all His Heart. It was from this Mar­riage of the Princess Margaret, to James the Fourth King of Scotland, that James the Sixth of Scotland, and since King of Eng­land, as next Heir, Inherited the Crown of England, after the Death of Queen Eli­zabeth, in the Year 1603.

Now, we will declare the Catastrophe, and Death of the Impostor Perkin; toge­ther with that of the Unfortunate Prince Edward, Earl of Warwick.

Warbeck's Turbulent Spirit, ill brooking so strait an Imprisonment, endeavoured to make his Escape; and finding his Guards to abate something of their first strictness, got out of Prison, directing his Flight to­wards the Sea-side, for Shipping off pri­vately; which in England, after Procla­mation to the contrary, is very difficult. He was quickly miss'd, and every way pursued: He carefully watching, hid him­self in Ditches, and behind the Hedges; till the Horsemen that sought him, were [Page 110]past: When despairing to get out of the Island, and finding himself reduced to the utmost Distress, he waited the Obscurity of the Night, and got to a Monastery; where asking for the Prior, and throwing his Arms about his Neck, he declared his Misfortune. The Father touched with his Misery, promised to speak to the King; which accordingly he did; whose Piety granted his Life, without other present Pu­nishment; provided he no more attempted to escape.

The Counterfeit was then led in Chains to London; where before Westminster-Hall, he was, in a pair of Stocks, exposed a whole Day, to the Scorn and Mockery of the People. The next day, enduring the same in the City; where he declared his Parentage, the Place of his Birth, and all the Passages of his Life; and by what Means he was induced to make this Attempt: and from thence he was con­veyed into the Tower.

As for Young Edward, Earl of Warwick, he had been a Prisoner from his Cradle; bred up out of the Sight of Men or Beasts: So that he could not distinguish a Goose from a Hen, and incapable of doing any thing worthy of death: He was nevertheless brought to it by the Crimes of Others.

That Age being Fruitful in Impostors, an Augustine Monk, called Patrick, suborned a Youth, whose Name we find not, with Promises of Raising him to the Crown, and to better Fortune than Perkin Warbeck's, provided he would pass for the Earl of Warwick, and but leave him alone to Act the rest. Ambition had such Charms with the Young Man, that he undertook it, and hazarded all was desired of him. So they came to Canterbury, where they told their forged Adventure: The Fryar declaring how dextrously he had got the Earl of Warwick out of Prison; and some credu­lous People believing the Story: But be­fore they had time to cheat the World, the King sent, and apprehended the Two Sparks; Hanged the Youth, and Immured the Monk; according to the Custom of those Times.

Perkin continued still the same, contri­ving and endeavouring to break loose once more; and having corrupted some of his Guards, design'd to Murther the Lieute­nant of the Tower, and carrying the Earl of Warwick with him, to get out by Force; which being discovered, he was by the Judges condemned for this last Action on­ly; and a few days after, hanged accor­dingly.

As for the Earl of Warwick, he lost his Head, for listening to him, and intending to Escape with him. This Unhappy Prince bearing the Iniquity of his Father, George, Duke of Clarence, who was the Barbarous Murtherer of Prince Edward, only Son, and design'd Successor of Henry the Sixth.

You may imagine the Astonishment and Affliction the Dutchess Margaret was in, for the Unfortunate End of her Pretended Nephew, whom she had taken such Pains to set on the English Throne, by so many Impostures.


THe first Prince, that gave Beginning to the Royal Family of Portugal, was Henry, who Married Teresa, or Tare­sia, Alphonso King of Castile's natural Daughter, in the Year 1090, having the Earldom of Portugal, for her Portion. The King hoping he would make as Vigorous a War against the Moors, as his Brother Hugh Duke of Burgundy, had done; gi­ving him that Country for a Bulwark, to defend his own from those Infidels; to­wards whom, it was the Frontiers. He was the Son of another Henry Duke of Burgundy, Grand-son of Robert Duke of the same, who was Grand-son to Robert, [Page 114]King of France, Successor to Hugh Capet. I do not mind the Opinions of several Histo­rians, who are much perplext to find out of what Family, and Country this Henry was. Theod. Godefroy, one of the most Learned, and most Curious Persons of his Time, first discovered this Original of the Kings of Portugal; and those Famous Twins, Scevola, and Lewis de St. Martha, have Au­thorized it, in their Genealogical History of the House of France.

The Princes of this Race, have held the Royal Dignity, and Signaliz'd their Con­duct by many Victories, over the Unbe­lievers, even beyond our Hemisphere: But to give an Account of their Actions, is no part of my Subject; therefore, I will only say, They have generally held the Scepter with Great Glory, and without a­ny Interruption, in the Royal Family, to this very Don Pedro, who now Reigns with the Title of Prince Regent; no Obje­ction being to be made, except two or three suspicions of Illegitimacy; so that it has always been supported by the same Blood Royal.

Don Sebastian, whose misfortune we treat of, (which gave an opportunity for an Impostor to aspire, and pretend to his Diadem, perswading the World he Esca­ped [Page 115]from the Unhappy Battle of Alcazer) at three Years Old, which was in the Year, 1557. Succeeded Don John the Third, his Paternal Grand-Father: He was Grand-son to the Emperor, Charles the Fifth, by his Mother Jane. In his Youth, he had been under the Tutulage of Donna Catharina of Austria, his Paternal Grand-mother, Sister to the same Emperor; and of the Cardinal Henry, his Great Uncle.

A Desire to Augment his Glory, by set­ting a Moorish Prince on the Throne of Fez in Africa, (imitating Alexander the Great, who at his Age passed the Hellespont, for the Conquest of Asia) Perswaded him to do the same over the Straights of Gibraltar, for the Subjugating Africk; his Ancestors having shewed the way, especially King Don E­manuel; whose Heroick Vertues, frequent Prosperities, and Signal Victorys, had van­quish't, and made Tributary several Kings, in those Extream Parts of the World: Chiefly by the Conduct of the Famous Don Alphonso Albuquerque; and also through his Care to plant the Christian Faith, which Justly made him esteemed one of the Greatest, and most Happy Princes, in the World. The same Motives of Religion, and Glory, with the Hopes that Muley Mahomet, or Muley Hamet, King of Fez, [Page 116]whom he undertook to re-establish in the Throne, would according to his Promise, embrace the Christian Religion; perswad­ed him to this most Unhappy Enterprize; and, as the Marquis of Pisani, then Am­bassador for the Crown of France, in the Spanish Court, declares, That he was also push't on to this Engagement, by the Ʋnsound and Pernicious Counsels of the Jesuites. I have Read in their Catechism, That this Prince, being a Jesuite in his Heart, would not Marry; they having often sollicited him, to make a Law, That for the future, none should be King of Portugal, but a Jesu­ite; and Elected by their Order, as the Pope is by the Cardinals: And because this young Prince could not, or to say truely, durst not condescend to it, (though Superstitious enough) they assured him, that God had so ordained it, as he should understand by a Voice from Heaven, when he came to the Sea-side, so that he several times ex­pected it; but these good Apostles, (for so they called them in Portugal) could not so well carry on their Mummery, to procure the Voice: However, they so followed these Impressions, as carryed him into this unhappy War, in the Flower of his Age, being about Twenty Two Years Old.

This Disaster, one of the most terrible, [Page 117]that ever the Sun beheld, was presa­ged the Year before it happened; that is, in 1577. by the Appearance of a Prodigi­ous Comet, seen in the Ayr, when all Por­tugal was in Armes: Nunquam visus Terris impune Cometes; if you believe the Poet. I will not leave my Subject, to seek further any Reasons of the War, That having been at large declared by Giovanni Botero Bene­se, Abbot of St. Michael de la Chiusa, in his first Volume of his General Description of the World, which was augmented by Pier­re Daviti of Tournay, and continued by Me in the Year 1660.

Cherif Xeque, King of F [...]z. and Morocco, gave his Kingdoms to his Sons Successively, excluding his Grand-sons. Abdalla, Succes­sor of Xeque, to Frustrate his Fathers Will, put all his Brothers to Death, who were very Numerous, being born of many Wives, after the Mahumetan Fashion: On­ly Muley Moluc, or Abdelmeleck, and Ha­met, sled to Constantinople, for the saving their Lives: and for a better Expectation of the Crown, to exclude their Nephews, the Sons of Abdalla, according to their Fa­ther's Establishment. Muley Mahomet, the Son of Abdalla, tryed to secure his Fathers Scepter, to the Prejudice of the Substitu­tion, made in his Uncles Favour: And in [Page 118]truth, Justice was on his side, it being the Natural Order of Succession. However, his Uncle Muley Moluc, or Abdelmeleck, as­sisted by the Turks; beat him three several times.

This made him Cross the Sea, to Im­plore the Assistance of King Don Sebastian, who, moved with hopes of converting the Moores, through more Zeal than Prudence, and heightned by his Desire of Glory, heard the Affrican Kings Protestations; from whom he promised himself great Advan­tages, for the Christian Religion, for the Reputation of his Name, and the Utility and Profit of his Subjects. With these No­tions, he passed the Seas, at the Head of a very Powerful Army; and joyning with Muley Mahomet, he gave Battle to Muley Abdelmeleck, near the City Alcazer, on the Plains of Tamista, in the Year 1578. where, to his great Unhappiness, his Army was defeated, with an extream Slaughter; and he, doing the Office of a Valiant Captain, was there kill'd: Though the Portuguezes have always believed, and yet affirm, his Escape from the Fight, into Italy, where many saw him as we shall after declare. Muley Moluc, or Abdelmeleck, in the Be­ginning of this Action, was taken with an Appoplexy, and carryed to his Tent, where [Page 119]he dyed, just when his Enemies were upon the Point of Flying: Hamet, his Brother, Reaping the Sole Fruit of this Victory. Ma­homets Body was carefully sought for, by his Order; and being found, his Skin was slayed off, and stufft with Straw, to be car­ryed before him, at his triumphant Entry into the City of Fez.

This Mahomet left a Son called Chirissi, whom his Uncle Albequerin brought into Spain, where turning Christian, by the Munificence of Philip the Second, he was made Commendator of the Order of S. James, though commonly called the Prince of Mo­rocco.

Some years after this, King Don Sebasti­an came back out of Affrica: But whe­ther he were the True, or an Impostor, the World seems yet divided in their Opinions. Daniel Hawley, an Irish Man, of the Order of St. Dominick, called Arch-bishop of Goa; when he was Ambassador in France, from Alphonso, the Sixth King of Portugal, told me in Paris, That he was fain to refuse the Licensing a Book, which said, This King Don Sebastian, had lost his Life in that Bat­tle of Alcazer, till he had Obliged the Au­thor, to change his Language and Opinion. And, at this present, to say, That he was an Impostor, and not the true Don Sebasti­an, [Page 120]that returned from Affrica, is forbid­den, and Criminal in Portugal.

Peter Math [...]a, in his History of Henry the Great, in the Third Book; and Made­moiselle des J [...]as▪ in the Seventh Part of her A [...]nales Gallantes, in the Eighth Histo­ry, tells, by what good Fortune, this young Prince got from among the Dead, and how he wandred from the Field of Battle. I will not determ [...]ne any thing on the likelyhood, or real Truth of the Action. She says, That this King, though he were promised and engaged, to Many the Princess Mary, his near Kinswoman, Daughter of Edw. Duke of Braganza, and Isabel one of the Daugh­ters of King Don Eman [...]eb, fell so much in Love with Xerine, Daughter of Muley Moluc, who being born of a Greek, was much whiter than Affricans commonly are, that he promised to Marry her, and underhand bring what Obstacles he could, against the Dispensation to Marry his Cou­sin German.

This Moorish Princess, understanding Don Sebastians Defeat, whom she dearly Loved, despiseing the Crowns of Fez and Morocco, for the Hopes of that of Portugal, and Transported with a Grief, even to De­spair, Rann, ere the Day-brake, to the Plains of Tamista, only accompanyed with Laura, [Page 121]a Christian Slave, her Confident; resol­ving to Sacrifice her self, with her own Hand, on the Body of her Loved Sebasti­an; whom she sought amidst the Horrid Numbers of the Dead and Dying, with which the Plain was covered. Some of the Wounded Men, who had yet a Glimmer­ing of understanding left them, told the Place where Don Sebastian Fought; and carefully observing those Bodys, she espy­ed one extreamly resembling her Lover; and with great Crys, she embraced, and moved him, resolving to Dye there; when the supposed Dead Man came to him­self, a little opening his Eyes, and spake a few words imperfectly.

Xerine, being Transported with Joy, by the help of her Slave, carryed him to the Bank of the River Mucazen, which runs through those Plaines; where she wash't, and bound up his Wounds, sending Laura to a little house hard by, for some body to re­move him from thence. A Mariner did that good Office, carrying him with his Boat into a small Island, but Inhabited, at the Mouth of the River; for which she well rewarded him.

The Allyance, which Don Sebastian had with Muley Mahomet, made his Death neces­sary to the Peace of the new King Hamet; so [Page 122]the Xerine fear'd equally the Life, & Liber­ty of her Lover, if he fell into his hands: she tended, and drest him, till his Recovery; One Day saying to him; Heaven will not deprive Portugal of it's King; But has made your Xerine happy, in saving her Dear Don Sebastian's Life. The Wounded Man soon found the Princesses Error, without intend­ing to undeceive her; but using his Endea­vour to confirm her mistake, from which he foresaw such happy Consequences: Therefore, gave her Infinite Thanks, de­siring she would inform him, how she distin­guish't him among the Dead; of which she told him the Particulars. This shewed him Xerine's Birth, and Engagement with Don Sebastian, whom he studyed to perso­nate, which he might with Impunity; for he resembled him much (a Prodigious and incredible thing!) even to several Moles, and Natural Marks on his Body.

Xerine, understood by those, whom she had sent to enquire for News, that King Sebastian was drowned, in his endeavour­ing to save himself; but none could find his Body. This Truth she thought an Error; as she believed her own Error true; promi­sing her self no less, than to be Queen of Por­tugal; and thinking her Care, kind Words, and obliging Promises, well bestowed on that Subject.

The Portugueze having spirit enough, to support this Caprice of Fortune, soon per­ceived by the Princesses Discourse, that Muley Boabdelin, a Prince of the Blood Roy­al of Morocco, had always been a Friend to Don Sebastian: He sent him word, that the King of Portugal was not dead; and if he would come to the Island of Mucazen, he should hear of him. Maley Boabdelin came in great haste, with the Envoy Xerine sent, leaving the farthest Part of the Province Hoscore, whither he was sled, to avoid the Tyranny of Muley Moluc, generally called Abdelmeleck: When he Arrived, he was deceived by the resemblance, as the Prin­cess had been. There was great Embracing, caressing, and mutual kindness betwixt them: By him, the False Sebastian was in­formed, That his Uncle, the Cardinal Don Henry, Reigned in his stead, by the consent of the People. This News much disturbed him; believing it very difficult to dispos­sess him. Muley Boabdelin was of his Opini­on; they both concluded it proper to sound the Inclinations of the Portuguezes, and try to Oblige the Principal Ministers of State, to Assert and Maintain their Monarch's Right, before he should expose himself to the Policies of the New King, This Moor­ish Prince, at the same time, offering Xe­rine, [Page 124]and her Lover, a retreat in Hoscore, where he was so well fortified, that he had no occasion to fear any thing.

They all agreed not to Publish any re­port of Don Sebastian's being alive, till he were in a Condition of Possessing his Crown: But to Authorize what the Prin­cess had done in his. Favour, Muley Advi­sed him to marry Xerine, which she also wish't; believing by that tye, her hopes secured. This Effect of his likeness to Don Sebastian, made him desirous to taste the Fruit of it; he was charmed with the Beau­ty, and Passion of the Princess; and had Reason to be so: Therefore fulfilled her desire, with as much Joy, as Speed: By this becoming Victorious, and the most happy of Mankind. But when he had thus made what Advantages he could, the private Negotiation of Portugal seemed too slow; so he resolved to go, and manage his Af­fairs there in Person: Upon which, Xeri­ne and he had many Discourses. Europe, (said she, one day to him) Asia, or Affrick, are all equal to me, provided I have you with me: Do not then refuse me the Pleasure of following you: 'Tis a Debt to my Love: Let me not be so unhappy, to find any other thing more Powerful in your Soul; since I have the Glory of Contributing to your Establishment, [Page 125]when Pretentions had been Vain, without me.

These tender Expressions seemed Re­proaches to Sebastian; they offended him, which troubled Xerine, at last they differ'd, and that Difference gave him an opportuni­ty which he lookt for: He had Learned from her, the most Particular Affairs of the true Sebastian; and in these Transports of their Love, he ask her, What Part of his Con­duct, had most sensibly touch't her; that, (as he said) he might often repeat, what he had Practised with Success? The Princess inge­nuously told him, It was the slighting Ma­ry of Portugal, whom he refused to Marry, for her sake: Besides (said she) that Prin­cess was very Beautiful, and Loved you much, as you did her, before you knew me.

He well might Love her, for she was a Princess of Infinite Wit, whose Body and Mind were equally Admirable; her Meen was modest, and yet Majestick; she was of a most accomplish't Beauty; and indeed, the most admirable of that Age. I cannot Read her Character, in Fam. Strada's History of the Wars of Flanders, without being charmed with the Merit and Ver­tue of this Princess; whom, in the absence of Don Sebastian, the King of Spain, Philip the Second, gave to her Cousin-German in Marriage, being Brother and Sister's Chil­dren: [Page 126]This was that Great and most Re­nowed Souldier of his Time, Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, the King's Ne­phew; who did him those Eminent Servi­ces, as Governour of the Low Countrys. This Princess spake Latine Elegantly, understood the Greek Tongue, was perfectly Mistress of the Mathematicks, a Great Judge of Phi­losophy, and Familiar in the Holy Scriptures, of both Testaments: And with all this, was of an admirable Innocence of Manners, and a Holy Life. Of all which, the said Stra­da gives us the Relation.

The Pretended Sebastian, being furnish­ed with these Instructions, and above all, with those he had cunningly drawn from Xerine; took an Opportunity to cross the Sea, about Fourteen or Fifteen Years after the Battle of Alcazer, Landing in Italy; where the Princess was then a Widdow; The Hero, her Husband, dying at Arras, in the Six and Fortieth Year of his Age, the Second Day of December, 1591. People of this Sebastian's Character, use not to be ig­norant of any Circumstance or thing, which concerns their Relations. He came to Parma, where he sent the Dutchess word, that a Gentleman of Portugal had some­thing to tell her, which he could declare to none but herself.

The Dutchess had lately received an ac­count by a Courrier from Lisbone, of the Death of the Cardinal Don Henry, who last filled that Throne, which she now de­manded for her Son Rainuccio; she being the Daughter of Edward, one of the Sons of King Don Emanuel.

There were also other Pretenders to this Crown of Portugal, such was Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, by his Mother Beatrix, a Daughter of King Don Emanuel. Katharine, the Sister of Mary, joyned her Right, with that of the Duke of Braganza, a Prince of the Blood Royal of Portugal, for her Son Theodosio; and who indeed, by the Law of Lamega, which (as they affirm) excludes a Forreigner from the Throne of Portugal, had the most just Pretence to it. Catharine de Medicis, Queen of France, claimed it, though at greater distance. And Pope Paul the Fourth, came in with his Title; saying, That Crown was a Fief of the Holy-See, and therefore at his Disposal. Philip the Second, King of Spain, was Son of Isabel, Daughter of the same King Don Emanuel, and Mary his Wife, was yet near­er, being Daughter of Don John the Third, Son and Successor to Don Emanuel. He was the nearest in Blood, the nighest Neighbour, and the most Potent; so got Possession of [Page 128]the Crown; but not without fighting for it, by Sea and Land. The Naval-Fight, which his Admiral, the Marquis de Santa Cruz, obtained of Peter Strozzi, a Floren­tine, and Marshal of France; who under­took by Force, to dispute the Title of Ca­tharine de Medicis, his Mistress, and kins­woman, was no small Part of Philip's good Fortune.

The Three Estates of the Kingdom of Portugal, were Assembled, to determine this great Controversy, when Don Sebastian ap­peared in Italy.

The Dutchess of Parma had also her mind filled with these things; but when she perceived Him, she gave a shrieck, and ran to the Other end of her Closet, much astonished. I bring you (Madam, said he, approaching her) Extraordinary news, which will much surprize you; the King Don Se­bastian is alive, and not far from hence, not much distant from you, for he now speaks to you. What Madam, (continued he, with­out hesitating) does then Don Sebastian Fright you? He hoped, that a better Recepti­on would have been the reward of those pains, he has endured to find you. At the tone of his Voice, the Dutchesses trouble was so great, she could neither speak, nor move out of her place. Recollect your self, my dear [Page 129]Cozen (said he, with a Passionate Air) I am no Phantasme, but the same Don Sebastian, you once honoured with your Favour; and now returned, as full of your Idea, as I was before I went to Affrica.

With these Discourses, the Dutchess came to her self, and suffer'd the False Don Sebasti­an to approach nearer, giving him her hand; and when she was assured, that this pre­tended Monarch, was a Man, and no Ghost; Ah, my Lord! (said she) Whence are you come? where have you been so long hid? And by what Miracle are you among the Living? When you are in a Condition to hear me (re­plyed Don Sebastian) I will answer you all this: But first, be not so disturbed; and be­lieve, that I am really the King of Portugal, and if neither my Stature, nor my Face assure it, let the Passion of my Eyes convince you. I have now recovered my Spirits (said the Princess, sitting down by him) and confess your Sight did affright me, above my Power of com­manding my Disturbance: But, Sir, all is now dissipated: Therefore, pray tell me, to what Wonder we owe your Life, and return to Love. Madam, (answered Sebastian) a Passion, that had once made me touch your Heart, must needs defend me from all Accidents. Then he told her, how Xerine found him among the Dead, his getting into the Isle of Mucazen, [Page 130]and his Living at Hoscore; but carefully concealed, how Don Sebastian had Loved Xerine, before that Action; and more, his Marriage to her, in Affrica: Though that Princess used her utmost Power with Muley Boabdelin, her Cozen, and a Prince of the Blood Royal, to oblige him to it, by assuring him, the Princess Mary was Mar­ried to the Duke of Parma: But said, that sometime after, being informed she was a Widow; He escaped (as he pretended) with difficulty, out of Prison, and came to lay himself at her Feet, so full of Love, that he had Lived on the very Thoughts of being esteemed by her. Why then (said the Dutchess) did you not Write to me? That I did many times (reply'd he); and doubtless, Xerine, who hoped that from my Misfortunes, which she could not expect from my Re-esta­blishment, gave such Orders, as prevented their coming to your hand. My Restraint was very severe; I was treated like a Valued Lo­ver, and had no Opportunity, or Liberty to deliver my self from that Title.

The Dutchess must needs be Transpor­ted at the Recital of a Constancy, so well invented. She Ordered an Apartment for him, whom she thought the King (her Cou­sin) together with an Equipage, in all re­spects sutable; and sent for the most Intel­ligent [Page 131]Persons, to depute to the Estates of Portugal, on his behalf; which Deputati­on extreamly surprized them. They sent Six of the Chief in their Assembly (of whom some had been Ministers to Don Se­bastian) to see their Monarch. Their Eyes assured them, he was the same; they ask't him several Questions, which they thought Don Sebastian only could Answer: But he was so well instructed by Xerine, as con­vinced the Ambassadors, that none but He in the World, could so reply: Insomuch, that they assured the Estates, he was really their King. Those who were interested a­gainst him, accused him of being a Coun­terfeit, and Practizer of Deceit, requiring this Sebastian to go, and be present in Per­son, at the General-Assembly of Estates, to be Interrogated there in Form concerning his Pretentions: While those who were af­fectionate to the Memory and Person of Don Sebastian, thought there was no Se­curity in that Demand. The Kingdom was hereupon divided; Those were called Roy­alists, who adhered to the King; and Those who declared for the several Princes, pre­tending to the Crown, Leaguers.

During these Disorders, he that caused them, lived at Parma, expecting an Army should take the Field for his Interest: At [Page 132]the Head of which, he intended to de­mand, what he said was his Right.

This supposed Prince, after some time, fell into disgrace with the Dutchess of Par­ma; I know not whither or no, by the Ac­cident, which Mademoiselle des Jardins re­lates on this manner: That one Day, walk­ing with her by the side of that Canal, which is one of the most Beautiful Things, belonging to the Palace of Farnese, she ob­served the Ribbon of a Letter-Case hanging out of his Pocket, which she softly pulled out; wherein she found Letters, and Verses, that discovered his Love, some of them ha­ving the Greatest Liberties of his Marriage with Xerine, for their Subject. This so possest the Dutchess with Rage, and Jea­lousy, that she destroy'd all she had before done for him, and declared him an Impostor.

Xerine came soon after into Portugal, to sollicite the Establishment of her Husband; purely moved by her own Conjugal Affecti­on, notwithstanding his Ingratitude; and had she come before he had left the Dutch­ess, her Resentment might have been more Fatal. Mademoiselle des Jardins, contrary to the Idea that Strada gives of her, says, Her anger was the more Justifyable, having granted this Counterfeit Sebastian, many innocent Favours, which this Accident [Page 133]made her think Criminal.

Her Aversion bearing a Proportion to her Former Kindness, made her fly from one Extream to another. She sent, and de­clared to the Estates, That he was a Coun­terfeit, which she had discovered by the many Contradictions, and different Stories, she found him in; Making a Voyage into Portugal, more to raise him Enemies for his Perfidiousness, than for the obtaining her Son Rainuccio that Crown. And as her An­ger saw plainer, than her Love; so it was more Active.

The Circumstances of the true Sebasti­ans Death, were examined by the Assem­bly of the Estates: His defeat at Tamista, was not so general, but that several Per­sons of Note could give an Account of their Princes Fate. They all affirmed, They had followed him to the Side of the River Muca­zen: Some added, They saw him drown­ed there: And others said, They had like to have perish't, by endeavouring to Save him. This Story no way agreed with what Xerine affirmed, of finding him in the middle of the Battle. But that which made most against him, was, the Account she gave of the Cloths he was wounded in. The King's Officers affirming, that they were no way like those he had on that Day. [Page 134]But Nature had made the Subject, so like the Prince, and he so supported the Resem­blance by his Wit, and Courage, that they knew not what to resolve. The more they examined, the greater Difficulties arose. It was a horrid Crime, to refuse their Law­ful Prince, his Crown: And it could be no less, to give it to an Impostor. But the Death of the Counterfeit, determined the Matter.

The Politicians look't on this Union, of Don Sebastian with the Moors, as very dan­gerous to Portugal: He had Married Xeri­ne, by a most Signal Infidelity, charmed with her Beauty, before he came to Affrica: She drew him from among the Dead, and was Married to him, before the Old Prince Boabdelin, at Hoscore; and it was impossi­ble to bring any Obstacle, by reason of the Difference of Religion; she having promised to become a Christian, and kept her word as soon as she Landed in Portugal. Mademoi­selle des Jardins, says, The Pretended Se­bastian was, with an Army raised in his Fa­vour, upon the Frontiers of Portugal, where it is separated from the Kingdom of Oviedo; and that, being obliged to Fight, his Am­bition made his Courage so rash, that he was made a Prisoner, and carried to Lis­bon; where his Adversaries talked of no [Page 135]less, than punishing his Insolence by a shameful Death. But this supposed King died in Prison, leaving great Suspicions, that his Death was hastened. He desired to see Xerine, before he dyed; and the last Breath being a Touch-Stone, to the Artin­ces of Life, he confest to this Princess of Morocco, That he was not the King of Por­tugal; and Conjured her, not to disturb the Election, after his Death.

This Declaration he found necessary, for the Peace of his Conscience; Xerine having had a Son by him, who might have caused much disturbance. He could not make such a Confession, without great Signes of Remorse; Crying, Ah, Madam! I have deceived you more ways than one; yet I can but weakly reproach my self for the Deceit, which made me your Husband: I should do it more, not to have used it, when in my Power, than I can think my self Guilty, for the accept­ing so great a Glory. But Madam, That which makes me Dye in Despair, is, That once I ceased to Love you, for the hopes of a Crown, which I obtained not; and which a Thousand Accidents might take from me, if I had gain­ed it: I was on the point of Renouncing a Heart, that all the Diadems upon Earth could not justly Merit [...] Afflict not your self, (said the Generous Princess) with [...] too late, and [Page 136]unuseful Repentance: I Loved the Person of Don Sebastian, more than the Splendour of his Condition. I thought, I had met that Person in you: Those charmes, which first touch't me, have lost none of their Priviledge, because they were not placed in a Monarch: though I confess, I should never have observed them in an Ordinary Man: Neither my Spirit, nor my Birth, would have permitted me to Consi­der whom I had not thought a Prince; but my Error became dear to me; and is so still, for all it is Fatal to my Peace. The Name of Husband is so sacred to a Woman truely Ver­tuous, that it wipes out any Stain, which accom­panies it: Therefore, try to overcome your Ill­ness, my dear Prince, (pardon that Name!) Fortune, (said she, lifting her Eyes to Hea­ven) might have given it, where she gave me. Rescue your self from the Arms of Death, if it be possible; it may be, we may find you a Happiness more serene and easy; than that which is denied you in Portugal.

He was so moved with this Excess of Generosity, that he could no longer suffer the Transports of it: But expired in the Arms of the Passionate Xerine, whose Soul, with much difficulty, staid behind.

This Man had, in the highest Degree, abused the Princesses mistakes; and the un­constancy which followed the first Fault, [Page 137]was more Injurious, than the Crime it self. But Xerine truely Loved the Counterfeit Don Sebastian, and religiously fulfilled his Desire, as soon as her Grief permitted; re­tiring into Affrica, without giving the least Disturbance to the Competitors of the Crown.

I acknowledge to have borrowed the most agreeable Part of this Relation, from Mademoiselle des Jardins, her Annales Gal­lantes. P. Mathieu, in his History of Henry the Great, says, That Sebastian wandred through many of the Courts of Italy, till he fell into the hands of the Viceroy of Naples; who sent him to Philip the Second King of Spain: By an Effect of whose Policy, he dyed in Prison, out of the sight of the World, and without Witnesses. He pas­sed through all Christendom, except in Portugal, since the late Revolutions in 1639. for an Impostor.

CHAP. X. THE LIFE OF THE COUNTERFEIT Voldemar, Elector and Marquis of Bran­denbourg.

THis Man has past for an Impostor, in the Opinion of most Historians; as Hen. the Monk of Rebdorff, in his Chronicle; John Cuspinian, in his Lives of the Emperors; Nicholas Lutinger in his Life of Frederic, the First of that Name, Elector of Branden­burg; and John Leunclavius, in his Pan­dects [Page 139]of the Turkish History, &c. For my own Part, after examining the Circum­stances of his Story, I am apt to conclude in his Favour, and pity this Princes Dis­after, in losing his Country, and being de­cryed by so many Pens, for a Counterfeit, and placed in the number of Notorious Im­postors, whose Lives we treat of. But this is the true History.

Voldemar the Second, Marquis and Ele­ctor of Brandenburg, was the Thirteenth descended in a Right Line, from Albert de L'Ours, of the Family of the Earls of As­cagne, who bore that Dignity: From which Albert, are also descended the Dukes of Sax­on Lavemburg, and the Princes of Anhalt.

Voldemar was the Son of Henry, stiled Without Land, who dyed in 1313. and of Agnes, or as others say, Matilda de Sanger­huse; the two Electors, John the Third, and Voldemar the First, who preceded him, were his great Uncles, whom he Succeeded.

He had scarcely been three years Elector, when a Fit of Devotion, according to the Custom of those Times, perswaded him to go a Pilgrimage, to the Holy Land. He left his Brother John the Fourth in Posses­sion of his Country; and discharged all [Page 140]his Servants, except two, whom he reser­ved for his Voyage; not giving his Brother, his Relations, nor Subjects, any Account which way he travelled, nor what adven­tures befell him in his Journey. For indeed, there were then no Posts in use, it being difficult sending from Forreign Countrys, unless by express Messengers.

Voldemar believed he had taken suffici­ent Care of the Succession, his Brother be­ing only left alive, of the Eldest Branch; though in a short time, there had been Nineteen Persons of the same; who by Wars, and Inveterate contentions, for Ava­rice and Ambition, drew God's displeasure on the Family, and were suddenly scattered, like the Dust of the Earth. He obliged his Subjects, not to receive the Princes of An­halt, who were of their House of the Counts of Ascagne, for this Sovereigns, in Case his Brother and He should dye without Heirs. This their Subjects had Sworn justly to o­bey and execute: But it not being Autho­rized by the Electors, nor approved in the Empire; the Emperor Lewis thought he had Power to dispose of it, when he should receive News of Voldemar's Death.

He left his Country in the Year, 1322, and appeared not till Three and Twenty Years after, being in 1345. His Brother, [Page 141]who govern'd in his Absence dyed Four and Twenty Days after he departed: I know not whether by Sickness or Poison. However, Lewis of Bavaria, then posses­sing the Empire, disposed of the Electorate, investing in it his Eldest Son Lewis, by his First Wife Beatrix of Poland, as a vacant Fief of the Empire.

Most of the German Histories tell this much in Favour of the House of Bavaria, as follows.

Rodolph, Duke and Elector of Saxony, design'd to take the Electorate of Branden­bourg, from Lewis of Bavaria, Son to the Emperor Lewis the Fourth, who had In­vested him in it, after the Death of John the Fourth, State-holder, and Governor of Brandenburg, in the Absence of Voldemar, his Elder Brother. Rodolph pretended, that being of the House of Ascagne, of which Voldemar was the Head, He ought to pos­sess it, before any Other; or, at least, some Prince of his Family, since Two Electorates could not possibly be in one, and the same Person.

The better to compass his Design, he re­ported his Cousin, the Elector Voldemar, was alive, who had not appeared in Twen­ty Three Years; Till understanding how matters went, after many Pilgrimages to [Page 142]Holy Places, like an ordinary Man, and having escap't from the Captivity, and Im­prisonment of the Infidels, he was now re­turned to his Country; and to personate this Prince, he brought on the Stage, for a Principal Actor in this Tragedy, a Miller of Landrestaw, or as others say of Beltztize, called James Rebok, a Cunning Fellow, and a Subtle Lyer, being near the Age of Volde­mar, with something of his Meen, & Shape; as much as so many years absence, the chan­ging of his Hair, the Misery and Trouble he had suffered, with the Weakness of Age, could allow or perswade. He had Lived many Years in Saxony, where he was throughly instructed, in the Life and Fa­mily of Voldemar. His Application and Ad­dress, made his Deceit very Successful; for to all Persons he seemingly gave emi­nent Proofs, that he was no Counterfeit, but the true Marquis Voldemar.

The noise of his Return from Palestine, and Turky, where he had so many Years been detained, spread through the Coun­try, and all Germany over; he being assist­ed by the Emperor Charles the Fourth, who was also King of Bohemia, Grand-son of the Emperor Henry the Seventh, who brought that Dignity into his Family, of Luthzel­burg. This Prince recommended him to the [Page 143]Cyrcles of the Empire, and severely treat­ing many of his Enemies. The Occasion of his Enmity to Lewis the Elector, was, be­cause he got from his Brother Henry, Mar­garet Countess of Tyrol, with her vast For­tune.

His other Friends were the Dukes of Brunswick, Pomerania, and Mekelbourg, the Arch-Bishop of Magdebourg, Primate of Germany, besides Fifteen others: The most Zealous for his Interest, being those of his own Family, the Duke of Saxony, and the Princes of Anhalt; so that he wan­ted very little, of expelling the Elector Lew­is of Bavaria.

Voldemar▪ presently Summoned an As­sembly, in the Year 1348. The Circle, and near all the Nobility of the Marquisate, ac­knowledging him for their Prince, reitera­ted their Loyalty and Homage, being trans­ported with Joy to see their Antient Ma­ster.

His Old Subjects, either touched with the Misfortunes, and Calamities, which he had suffred; or pleased with Novelty, being weary of the Bavarian Dominion; after having Experimented the Glory and Justice of Voldemars Family, the space of One Hundred and Eighty Years; They lent him Mony, to acquire his Right, and [Page 144]drive out Lewis. All the Citys in the Mar­quisate declaring for him except Francfort on the Oder, Spandaw, and Brizack.

Lutinger observes in the Two and Twentieth Book of his Commentarys of Bran­denburg, that the Family of Lockhow, one of the Greatest in the Marquisate, continued on Lewis's Side; having the Principal Com­mands in his Army, during the War, which lasted Nine Years, with various Success, according to the Chance of Fortune.

Voldemar King of Denmark, whose Name seemed a good Augury to Voldemar the E­lector, was nevertheless quite contrary; for Carion, in the Fifth Book of his Chroni­cle, says, He was the First that stop'd the Course of his Victorys, and prevented his absolute Repossessing his Country.

Cassimir, King of Poland; Lewis, called the Roman, for his being Born at Rome, Brother by a Second Venter to the Elector Lewis; the Duke of Stetin, (that Dutchy being then separate from Pomerania) with many Lords of Poland and Silesia, then as­sisted Lewis: Notwithstanding which, Vol­demar the Assailant, gain'd a very Signal Battle, absolutely defeating the Army of Lewis his Rival, commanded by Lewis the Roman his Brother; who very hardly him­self escaped: The Duke Rodolph, Palatin [Page 145]of the Rhyne, with Seventy nine Gentle­men, bearing Shields of Arms; of which number were Forty of Poland; Fourteen being of the Family of Lettizia, he ma [...]e Prisoners of War, and Trophies of his Vi­ctory.

This Blow extreamly lessened Lewis's Courage, and reduced his Affairs to such a Point, that many Cities opened their Gates to the Governour.

Lewis, tired with the War, (which, ac­cording to Carion, in his Life of the Em­perour Lewis of Bavaria, lasted Nine whole Years; though Lunclavius, in his German History, mentions Three only) went into his Earldom of Tyrol, which he had had by his Wife Margaret, Daughter of Hen­ry Duke of Carinthia, and Earl of Tyrol, leaving the Marquisate and Electorate of Brandenbourg to his Brothers, Lewis of the same Name, sirnamed the Roman, with Otho his Youngest: The Emperour Charles the Fourth confirming by his Letter Pat­tents at Budissine, in the Year 1350. his Transferring the Electorate to his two said Brothers.

This Emperour Charles had (as we may say) extreamly longed for the Electorship; being vext, that the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria had been more Fortunate than he, [Page 146]in disposing it to his Eldest Son, when the Death of Voldemar was reported. Lewis, the Eldest of the Three Brothers, in Posses­sion of Brandenbourg, deceased in 1361. and Maynard, his Eldest Son, left the World before he was Fourteen Years old, though Married, yet having no Heirs: He was born in 1349. and dyed in 1363. The Two remaining Brothers, the Roman and Otho, consented by their Agreement with the Emperour Charles, to exclude their nearest Relations, if they dyed without Heirs Male; and substitute Winceslaus, his Eldest Son, Elector: But if neither He, nor the Emperour left a Son, then it should pass to John, Marquis of Moravia. They allowed Winceslaus to use the Arms and Title of Marquis of Brandenbourg; obli­ging their Subjects to swear Allegiance to him. This Agreement was signed at Nu­remberg, in 1363. where it is still to be seen.

Now the Roman dying without Chil­dren, in 1366. left in possession hereof O­tho his Brother, Son-in-law to the Empe­rour, by the Marriage of his Daughter Ag­nes; who being also without Children, consented to sell the Marquisate and Electo­rate of Brandenbourg, in his Life-time, for Two Hundred Thousand Hungarian Du­cats, [Page 147]to the same Emperour Charles, his Fa­ther-in-law, and to his Eldest Son Wince­slaus; there being delivered to Otho seve­ral Towns in Bohemia, as Pawns for a Se­curity till Payment of the whole Sum.

Thus the Electorate of Brandenbourg, af­ter having (with various Fortune) been One and Fifty Years possest by Voldemar, and his Party; was, by the Three Sons of the Emperour Levis of Bavaria, conveyed into the Family of Lutzelbourg; where it remained Four and Forty Years, being go­verned by State-holders, in the Reigns of the Emperours, Winceslaus and Sigismond; which last sold, and absolutely disposed of both this Marquisate and Eleotorate to his Favourite Fredrick de Zoltern, the Burg­grave of Nuremberg, whom he had before made Governour: Giving him the Investi­ture, at the Council of Constance, with great Ceremony, the last Day of April, being the Eve of St. Philip and Jacob, and the Year 1415. Since which time, the Heirs-Male, descended in a Right Line, from the before-mentioned Frederick, have justly pos­sest, and gloriously governed the Countries of the Marquisate and Electorate of Branden­bourg.

But let us return to Voldemar. What Lunclavius says of his being Condemned, [Page 148]and Burnt alive for his Imposture, is not true; though he affirms it in the Chronicle of Germany, Translated by him: But it is most certain, that he died of a Natural Death; not at a Place called Korckei, or at Stendeil, in 1322; but at Dessaw, in 1354, Nine Years after his Return; and was bu­ried in the Chappel called The Holy-Ghost, which is the ordinary Place of Sepulture for the Princes of Anhalt, as is testified by the Chronicle of Magdebourg.

The Reasons, which oblige me to believe he was the True Voldemar, contrary to the Opinion of those Historians whom we have cited, are the Attestations of the Princes of his Family, who then were the Electors of Saxony, the Dukes of Lavembo [...]rg, and the Princes of Anhalt; which two last Bran­ches are still in being.

These Princes would not have so much abused themselves, to give such Honours to an Impostor, nor have mingled his Ashes with Theirs; who, without doubt, are one of the most Illustrious Sovereign Houses of Europe. I have heard John George, Head of the House of Anhalt, Earl of Ascagne, Lord of Zerbst and Bernberg, Governour of the Provinces of the Marquisate of Bran­denbourg, say, That he kept his Seal, and believed him the True Elector.

Secondly, The Arch-bishop of Magdebourg, Primate of Germany, a Man of great Ver­tue, would never have owned him; there being no Advantage in doing it, and gi­ving an ill Example to so many People: Nor would the Emperor Charles the Fourth, (of whom we have been speaking) and those other Princes, have exposed their Lives, and caused the Effusion of so much Blood for an Impostor.

Thirdly, The ill Agreement where this pretended Counterfeit was born: Some­times he was a Miller of Landreslaw; at other times, of Beltzize: which convin­ces me, it is rather an Imposture to per­swade it.

And further, There was a Letter from the Electoral Colledge, writ to the Pope, at that time, who had been a Cisterian Monk, named James Tournier, but then Bennet the Twelfth, born at Saverdun, in the Earldom of Foix. This Letter was sent Sixteen Years after his Absence, and Seven before his Re­turn; in which his Name is with the rest of the Electors▪ Henry, Arch Bishop of Mayence, Dean of the Electoral-Colledge, is the first after him; Baldwin Arch-Bishop of Treves, Walram of Collen, and this Vol­demar, the First of the Secular Electors; that is, before Rodolph Palatine, and Ro­dolph [Page 150]Duke of Saxony, contrary to the com­mon Method of Precedence; for sometimes the Younger let the Elder precede them, out of Respect, as the Elector of Saxony did to Joachim, the Second Elector of Bran­denbourg, whom he always called Father. Though there is no Date to this Letter, it declares, That they agreed on the Fifteenth of July 1338, to meet at Rinsse on the Rhyne, near Franckfort, and treat of Affairs of Importance; which was to advertise the Pope, that neither He, nor his Successors, could have any thing to do in the Election of Emperors, either by their Consent, Approbation, or Con­firmation, or any other Matter belonging to it: as likewise, to oblige him to revoke his Excommunication against the Emperour Lew­is. This Letter is to be seen in the Archives of the Elector Palatine. The ingenious Mar­quard Freherus, one of his Councellors, has inserted it in a Volume of the German Hi­story, from Charlemaine to Frederick the Third.

It is to be observed, that the Family of the Palatinate, is the same with Bavaria, and made War to extirminate Voldemar, as an Impostor: Therefore there was much Contradiction and Absurdity in these Ele­ctor's Proceedings; who writ to the Pope, in favour of the Emperour Lewis of Bava­ria, [Page 151]who had given the Electorate of Bran­denbourg to his Son, as vacant by the Death of Voldemar, in putting his Name to this Letter, if they believed him Dead; for that was doing a notable Prejudice to Lew­is, Son of this Emperour, who then pos­sest the Dignity of Elector, and the Mar­quisate, to own in his Place the absent Vol­demar, whom they believed was dead. They knew, that Lewis bore a mighty Ha­tred to the House of Ascagne, the two Ele­ctors of that Family, Rodolph Duke of Saxo­ny, and Voldemar the First, having opposed his Election, declaring for Frederick of Au­stria, his Rival in the Empire, in the year 1313, at the Diet of Franckfort. Voldemar the First starving Nicholaas Booch, his En­voy, in Prison, for falsifying his Letters of Procuration, razing out the Name of Fre­derick, to insert that of Lewis, contrary to his Master's Intention and Pleasure.

All these Considerations make me rea­sonably conclude, they either thought him Living, and had some News of him; or were perswaded, the Emperour Lewis on­ly gave his Son the Administration of the Marquisate and Electorate of Brandenbourg, till he returned, or his Death was better confirmed.

It is almost impossible, he should die in a strange Country, and tell no Body who he was; as likewise, that the Emperour Lewis of Bavaria should send no Messen­gers, to be assured. of the Place and Cir­cumstances of his Death, when it would have saved him so much Trouble, and se­cured so rich a Prize.

How many Examples are there, of Prin­ces, who have quitted their Country, thro' the same Motives that Voldemar did? Wil­liam Duke of Guienne, and Earl of Portou, whose eldest Daughter and Heiress, Elenor, was repudiated by Lewis the Seventh, King of France, called the Young, and Married to Hen y the S cond, King of England, in the year 1152; also of the Old Blood of the Earls of Anjou: which Lady became the occasion of most cruel Wars between those Martial Nations, while her Father went on Pilgri­mage to St. James of Galicia, feigning him­self Dead; he, in the mean time, travelling like a miserable, unknown Wretch, about the World, that he might exercise those rude Pennances for his Crimes; after his Death being made a Saint, to eternize his Memory.

Fiacre, Son of Eugenius, the Fourth King of Scotland, lived a Hermite, unknown to all, near Meaux in France; chusing a Spade [Page 153]before a Scepter: Him also they made a Saint.

Julius Sabinus, an Illustrious Gaul, near Langres; who boasted, that he was descen­ded from Julius Caesar; and in the time of the Civil War between Vitellius Otho, and Vespasian, caused himself to be proclaimed Emperour, by several Legions; but ha­ving the worst in Fight, lived Nine Years in a [...]ave, with his dearly beloved Wife Eponina; where, in the greatest Extremi­ty to Poverty, he had several Children by her; but could not so conceal himself, to avoyd Death by the Cruelty of the Empe­rour Vespasian, who destroyed him, with his Wife and Children.

The Proverb says, Ill gotten Goods are soon lost: Which was verisied in the Poste­rity of Lewis of Bavaria, Marquis of Bran­denbourg; for neither He, nor his two Bro­thers, Lewis the Roman, nor Otho, ever pos­sest it quietly; but were constrain'd to a­bandon it to the Emperour Charles the 4th.

Thus (as Carion concludes in the Fifth Book of his Chronicle) the Bavarians were deprived of this Electorate and Marquisate of Brandenbourg, by the same Deceits which they had used to frustrate the Princes of Anhalt, after the Absence and Death of Vol­demar, who were justly the next Heirs.

CHAP. XI. THE False Mustapha. SON of BAJAZET, (The First of that Name,) Emperor of the Turks.

THere's none can be so ignorant in History, as not to have heard of Tam­berlain, Emperour of the Tartars, and of the Victory he gain'd over Bajazet, the First of that Name, Emperor of the Turks. In the Turkish Annals, these two Monarchs are called, the one Temir Can; and the o­ther, Gilderum Can. The Title Can, which signifies King or Lord, being commonly u­sed to any other Tartar Prince, or Turkish [Page 155]Lord. But the Name of Tamberlain or Tamerland, was given him because he was Lame; which Land expresses in the Persi­an Tongue: Some called him Temir Cuth­lus, signifying in the Tartarian Language, a Fortunate Sword. His Sirnames were, The Terrour and Desolation of the East, Ter­ror & Clades Orientis. He also stiled him­self the Wrath of God, or the Instrument of his Indignation. As for Bajazet, he was Named Gilderum, or (as others say) Hil­drim; which, in the Language of the Tar­tars, signifies the Terrour of Thunder and Lightning. The Greeks called him Lelapa; that is, a Violent Torrent. The Imposture of this False Mustapha, who called himself the true Son of Bajazet, (certainly believed to have been killed in this great Battle, where his Father was defeated, and made a Prisoner) obliges me to look backward, and tell you of Bajazet, with the Subject and Circumstances of the War.

Bajazet was a most Cruel, and Bloody Parricide; being the First, who taught the Princes of his Family, to Imbrew their Hands in the Blood of their nearest Relati­ons; he causing his Brother Jacup or Ja­cob to be strangled, whom Paulus Jovius calls, Solyman. His Ambition was so great, [Page 156]that without having any right, but the sharper Scymitar, he drove many Soveraign Princes out of their Countrys: As Techrin, Prince of Erzingue, or Erzrum, in the Greater Armenia, whom some call Scander, and make him King also of Armenia; to­gether with the Prince of Germian, the Duzinon, or Lord of Adem, and others, sadly experimented. He had also much Af­flicted Constantinople, and made great De­vastations, in the Countrys of Emanuel, Emperour of the East.

These expelled Princes being thus cruel­ly used, went in Person to implore the Pro­tection of Tamberlain, against the Tyranny and Injustice of Bajazet: The same Greek Emperour groaning under the severe Yoak of this Tyrant, paying him Three Hun­dred Thousand Crowns Tribute every Year; (Tres myriadas Auriorum, as Carion has it in his Chronicle) was constrained to surrender up the City of Philadelphia to him, which the Tyrant had so often Besieg­ed in vain; giving him also Hostages, and being Obliged to furnish such number of Souldiers for his Wars; this made him also send Ambassadours, to represent his mise­rable condition.

Axalla, the bravest of Tamberlain's Ge­nerals, was a Christian of Genoese Extracti­on, [Page 157]born at Copha in Taurica Chersonesus, which was then a City, and Collony, un­der the Dominion of that State of Genoa. This generous Man endeavoured also by his entreaties, to perswade his Master to re-establish these Persecuted Princes, and beat down the Pride and Insolenc [...] of Baja­zet. Tamberlain was pleased to hear him express what Glory it would be to his Re­putation, if he should deliver the Empe­rour of Constantinople, and the other Princes, from so unjust a Tyranny. The Tartar was so sensibly touched with their Misfortunes, that he dispatched away a Herald, to re­quire Justice on their behalf from Bajazet; at the same time, sending a very Rich Vest, which is always by them presented from a Superior to an Inferior.

This so enraged the Turk, that a War was soon declared; Bajazet bringing an Army of Eight Hundred Thousand Men in­to the Field, (Paulus Jovius says a Million.) where in a bloody Fight, he was absolute­ly defeated, and taken Prisoner. The Tur­kish Annals mention not the numbers of ei­ther Army, only that Bajazet's was as nu­merous as Tamberlain's. And that the Oc­casion of Bajazet's defeat proceeded from the generosity of the Tartars, in freeing of Diest, and other Nations, as Germian, Men­tez, [Page 158]&c. which Bajazet had subjugated, whose Princes were in Tamberlains Army.

There was none but Bulcis or Bulcogli, for so they called George, Son of the Despot of Servia, who followed not the good Ex­ample, endeavouring to exterminate the Tyrant, by abandoning him as the rest did. His Men behaved themselves so well (to the Glory of the Christians) that Tamberlain cry'd to those about him, See how valiant and resolute those Dervices are! Proh quam feroces & truculenti; sunt isti Dervisii; till some of his Great Officers told him, They were Christians, and not that sort of Religious Turks, called Dervices & Turlacks. The Vi­ctory fell on Tamberlain's side, One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Men being Killed upon the Place. This Battle was Fought in the Year 1399, and according to the most probable Opinion, in the great Plain called Cassobe, or Descanards, near Mount Stella; Memorable for the Famous Defeat, that Pompey the Great gave there to Mithridates King of Pontus.

I find very different Accounts of this Action; but follow the Turkish Annals, which say, that Zelebis, or the Noble Musta­pha, (the Name of Zelebis being given to all the Children of the Turkish Emperor) was killed in this Fight: And he being the [Page 159]Subject of this Discourse, who must ap­pear, and pretend to the Ottoman Empire, and dispute it with his Brothers, and with Amurath the Second, his Nephew; It seem­ed necessary to dispose the Reader, for the History and Adventures of this Impostor, by the recital of what preceded it, to give him a more full Idea and clear knowledge thereof.

The Disasters of his Father Bajazet, be­ing so annexed to his Death, I will say something farther concerning them, with­out resting on what several Authors report of Tamberlains being the most Inhumane, and Bloody of Mankind; and of his Extra­ction from the meanest of the People; ha­ving been very well informed by that Ex­cellent Book of this Conqueror's Life, Writ­ten by Monsieur Sainctyon, which was ta­ken from an Arabian Historian, called Al­hacent; who was an Occular Witness of his Actions, and Military Expeditions, and fa­miliar with him, (which Life is very diffe­rent from that Written by one Acamed, Son of Gueraspes, a Creature of the Ottoman Fa­mily, and by consequence an Enemy to Tamberlain.)

He was the Son of the Potent Monarch Og, King of Saketay (or the antient P [...]shia) nearly related, and Successor to the Great [Page 160] Cham of Tartary: He had two Sons Cham Sentrokius, (which signifies the Love of Mankind) and Letrokius, whose Variance occasioned the Desolation of their Country. But he, for the Goodness of his Life, his Royal Vertues, and above all his Justice and Victories, might be equal'd with Alexander the Great: So far was he from those Vices of Cruelty, Barbarity, and Rage, which Paulus Jovius accuses him of, Feritatem, truculentiam, ore truculento recedentibusque Occulis semper minaci.

And the Turkish Annals call him Inhu­mane, for this reason, that when Gilder­um, or Bajazet was taken, and brought to him, he conducted him to his Tent, recei­ving him on foot with great Honour: Gilde­rum was on Horse-back, because of his Wounds, supported by Tamberlain's Peo­ple; and being brought in, they both sate down, and eat together: Tamberlain say­ing thus to him; Prince, we ought to give God infinite thanks, and to sing Hymns of Praise to him, that he has given me, who am a poor Lame Man, so vast an Empire; exten­ding from the furthest Parts of India, to the Gates of Sivas, which is Sebaste: And to Thee, from the Walls of this same City, to the Con­fines of Hungary. God having thus disposed so great a Part of the World between us, what [Page 161]can such a Cripple as I, desire of him more? 'Tis for this his great Goodness, that we ought to make him our Acknowledgments: It may be, thou hast not done this heretofore, as thou oughtest; but hast been ungrateful to his Boun­ty: for which Reason, this misfortune is come upon thee. Philip Camerarius, in the 54th. Chapter of his Historical Meditations, makes him continue it further, as follows: Can we think the Soveraign Disposer of the World, thought us the most worthy, to Com­mand so many Millions, who are wiser and stronger than we? That it should please Him, that Thou, who art almost blind, shouldest be Emperor of the Turks? And I, who am a Tartar, and Lame, be the Soveraign of so many People? No certainly, it was not our Merit, but a pure Effect of his Grace and Bounty.

Tamberlain sent him Doggs and Hawks, either to divert him in his Trouble, or reproach his extraordinary Delight in those Creatures. The Turkish History saying, that Gilderum kept Seven Thou­sand Faulconers, and Six Thousand Dogs. He talked so insolently to Temir on this Oc­casion, that he exposed him to the Con­tempt of his Army, setting him on a Mule, and commanding him to be led through it: Thus enduring the Mocks of [Page 162]the Souldiers, and causing his Wife, the Daughter of Eliazar, the Despot of Servia, whom he passionately Loved, to wait half naked at his Table.

One Day Temir, or Tamberlain, asked him, and desired him to Answer ingenu­ously, If he had fallen into his Power, how he would have used him? Gilderum, or Baja­zet, who was a Man of a terrible and cru­el Temper, answered him in a Rage thus; To say the Truth, if Fortune had given me the Victory, and made me thy Master, I would have shut thee up in an Iron Cage, and so carried thee about with me. Tam­berlain was not ignorant of the Lex Talio­nis, nor of that natural Law, which the Em­peror Alex. Severus (as saith Lampridius) so often repeated, Do to another, what you would have done to you: Following the Law of the Twelve Tables of the Romans, and of that fa­mous Edict mentioned by Aulus Gellius, in the First Chapt. of his Noctes Atticae; where the Curious Discourse is between Sextus Cecilius the Lawyer, and Phavorinus the Philosopher. And therefore accordingly, he shut him up in an Iron Cage: Yet the Turkish Annals say, He still continu­ed his Humanity; always before he de­camped, going to see, and civilly salut­ing his Prisoner: He assured him, he [Page 163]would [...]ere long grant what he should desire: But telling him, he would first carry him to Samarcand, where he kept his Court; and from thence send him to his own Country.

Bajazet was so afflicted with this, that he killed himself in the Fourteenth Year of His Reign, and the Fourth of his dreadful Imprisonment, in the Year 1403. and of the Hegira, or Flight of Mahomet, 804. Theod Spandugin relates these Cir­cumstances of it; That having no other way to end his Life, filled with Rage and Despair, he frequently and with such violence beat his Head against the Bars of his Cage, that he broke his Skull, and died distracted.

This Emperor left Five Sons, of whom Mustapha Zelebis, the Eldest, was lost at the Battle; The Annals say, Amissus fuit in Temiriano praelio. The others escaped, who were Lemir Solyman, Isa Zelebis, Zultan Muchemet, and Casan Zelebis, who was then very young: I will not med­dle with the Accidents, Wars, and Mur­ders, which happened amongst them; on­ly relate, how after the Death of Lemir So­lyman, in the Year of Christ 1423. which is of the Hegyra 824, Amurath his Son being newly Placed on his Throne, Twenty [Page 164]Years after Tamberlain's Famous Victory; a certain Man, called Dusmes Mustapha, pretending to be the Son of Can Gilde­rum or Bajazet, appeared in Romania. And although Mahomet the First, and Amurath the Second, was assured, that he was killed at Mount Stella; yet the Gre­cian Emperor Emanuel Paleologus, would never believe it; but always thought him the true Mustapha; and by giving him his utmost Assistance, pulled many Un­happinesses on his own Head. Amurath offered him great Advantages, not to meddle with their Quarrel; but to let them determine it among themselves, with their own Arms.

Carion, in his Chronicle, speaks not of Mustapha, as an Impostor; but says, that the Greeks perceiving Amurath to raise the Ottoman Name and Power, after that Fa­tal Overthrow at Mount Stella, where his Grandfather lost both his Glory and Liberty; and that he attacked all the little Christian Princes, who had depen­dance on the Eastern Empire, to extirmi­nate one after another; by their Spoils, seeking to repair his own Losses; though they most Religiously observed the Peace with his Father. Wherefore the Greeks then brake it also, taking out of Lemnos, [Page 165]his Uncle Mustapha, whom they had kept there under a sure Guard, as a Rival, capable of frustrating his Designs; for which purpose, they gave him all Imagi­nable Assistance, that he might disposess Amurath, and obtain the Empire for him­self.

This Prince, whither True or False, is uncertain, lived sometimes at Verdari, a little City of Thessaly, bearing the Name of a River, which runs by it; where severall Lords of the Family of the Eu­renoses, took his Party: Assisted with whose Forces, he Besieged the City Serra, which, with its Fortress, he forced to a Surrender. This great Success exalted his Hopes, and gave him Courage to attempt Adrianople, then Capital of the Ottoman Empire; whose Inhabitants had a Favo­rable Opinion, both of his Person and Title; opening their Gates at his Approach, and swearing Fidelity to him. All Ro­magna followed their Example, and sub­mitted to his Government; yet he still continued his Residence at Verdari.

Sultan Amurath thinking on little, but his Pleasures at Bursa, where he then kept his Court or Port, heard what Progress Mustapha had made, and sent against him Bassa Bajazet, with a considerable Army; [Page 166]but when he came before Adrianople, this Trayterous Bassa abandoned his Consci­ence, and his Honour, joining with Musta­pha's Army; for Recompence of which Treason, he was made Vizier; which is like Chancellor, or Prime Minister of State.

Zunaites, Prince of Smyrna, who had been Prisoner with the Impostor Mustapha, in the strong Fortress of Monemuasia, which was the antient Epidaurus, armed also for him. The Turks call'd this Man Chusines. He raised a considerable▪ Body of Men, composed for the most part of Azapes, being foot, who fight with Bows and Arrows: Laonicius supposes these to have been an Auxiliary of Strangers. He gave great privi­ledges to all those, who took up Arms in his Favour, and that freely embraced his Party.

Having raised this Army, he left Adria­nople, and Marched streight to Bursa; and on the way, finding his new Vizier, the Bassa Bajazet, was conspiring against him; he caused him to be Excecuted publickly, as a Traytor, within one days Journey of Bursa: Thus paying with an Ignomi­nious Death, his double Treason.

In the mean while, Amurath advised with his Bassa's, how he might best de­fend himself from the Storm that threat­ned him. They counsell'd him to release out [Page 167]of Prison, Mechemet Beg, Chief of the Michalogli; of whom Lunclavius, in the Twenty Seventh Chapter of his Pandects, gives this account.

Osman, one of the Chief Heads of the Ottoman-Family, the better to Establish his Greatness, made a Friendship and Ally­ance with Three little Princes; by whose Assistance, he extraordinarily advanced his own Affairs, and gained many great Victo­ries over the Christians. One of these Prin­ces was called Michael; another, Mark; both of the Eastern Imperial Family; and the Third, a Turk, named Aurami: From which Three, were descended the most Considerable Persons then in the Ottoman-Empires: Still retaining the Names of the Son of Michel, Mark, and Aurami; or Michalogli, Marcalogli, and Auramogli; the Turkish Pronounciation calls the last Eure­nosogli, whom Mustapha had on his side: as Amurath had the Micaloglis, and above all, Beg Mechemet, the Instrument of his Good Fortune, who extirminated his Ri­val, in this manner.

Amurath recalled him to the Port from Nisar, the antient Nicocesaria, often called also Tocat, the Chief City of Capadocia; where he was under Restraint, kept like a Prisoner; giving him, with his Liberty, [Page 168]the Command of his Army: Mechemet, without staying at Bursa, March't to Lu­padi, or Ʋlabat, a considerable Town in Natolia; encamping near the Bridge. Dus­mes Mustapha likewise advanced with his Army, on the other side of it, opposite to him. Mechemet apprehending the Dan­ger of a Battle, saw that Dusmes his Army was no way to be forced, thought on a Stratagem more for his purpose: He then in Disguise went to the Enemy's Guards; and being one of the greatest Men among the Turks, made himself known to them, desiring to speak with the Officers, that were his Friends; to whom, with Substantiall Evidence, he re­presented, and proved the Imposture of Dusmes Mustapha, with the Interest the Greeks were able to make of their Divi­sion, by indeavouring to set up a base, un­known Impostor, and Creature of theirs, on the Ottoman Throne: Telling them also, what Recompences Amurath would give them. Mechemet, with the Sentiment of the Christian Religion, had also renoun­ced and disclaimed the Blood of the Im­perial Family of Greeks, of whom he was descended. By this, and other Arts, he drew to his Master Amurath's side, the most considerable Lords and Souldiers in [Page 169] Dusmes Army, (as Laonicius reports at large) which over-threw all his Affairs, without Hopes of any Re-establishment; reducing him to the utmost Extremities. Dusmes Mustapha, and Amurath, both sent Ambassadors to the Emperor of Constan­tinople, Johannes Paleologus, to obtain his Assistance, making great Offers, and sol­liciting his Ministers with mighty Pro­mises.

This Affair was much debated in the Councel of State; The Reasons of both Sides being considered, the Emperor de­clared for Mustapha, who was his Crea­ture, whom he had begun to oblige, when he was in Prison: And therefore promised himself more from his grati­tude, than Amurath would ever do. This had great Reason to fright Amurath's Par­ty; and doubtless, had it been known, the greater part of his Captains would have declared for his Enemy: But his Ambassadors, foreseeing the danger of such a Report, returned with speed af­ter this denyal, to give the Army an Ac­count of their Expedition; but Mechemet, the Michalogli, who was a cunning Soul­dier, and a Greek, though he had abju­red his Country, with his Faith, caused it to be reported, that the Greeks were [Page 170]for them, and were sending vast Suc­cours to their Army. This False News soon got into Mustapha's Camp, where it put them in such a Consternation, and Disorder, that before their Ambassadors could give them the True Account of their Alliance with the Empire, and the Assistance he was preparing, most of the chief Officers, and European Souldiers, deserted him, getting over the River Lu­padi in the Night, into Amurath's Camp; others, by various ways, flying into their own Countries. Mustapha, seeing himself thus unhappily forsaken, and incapable to resist his Enemies, (a Memoral [...] Ex­ample, shewing the Power of True or False News, spread oppo [...]ly through an Army) fled with his Baggage toward the City Baga or B [...], bearing the Name of the River, on whose Banks it stands; whither he was so closely pursued, that he very narrowly escaped the danger of being taken; but by the Favour and As­sistance of the Cady, or Judge of the Place, to whom he gave a round Sum of Mo­ney, he there got shelter.

Zunaites, Prince of Smyrna, who had al­ways followed Mustapha's Fortune, both before, and since his Captivity, being as much afrighted as the least Souldier in [Page 171]the Army could be, stole away secretly in the Night, with all his People; and by his Example, drew those after him, who had any remains of Affection to the supposed Prince Mustapha. Amurath putting all those Troops that remained, to the Sword; while Mustapha only thought of saving his Life, flying with very few followers; and being favoured by the Greeks, passed the Channel or Straights of Gallipoly into Romania, or antient Thrace; seizing all the Ships, and Vessels he found in the Ports, or on those Coasts, to hinder Amurath from pursuing him; but could neither foresee nor help a Genoese-Ship, that cast anchor on that Shoar; having for its Fraight of Turks, at two Duckets the Head, paid to the Ma­ster of the Vessel.

Historians differ about this Infamous Avarice of the Genoeses, so prejudicial to Christendom, by their helping the Turks for Money into Europe; some mistaking it for the first time, which was long before, when the Turks were fled over from A­sia, at that narrow Neck which is near to the Fortress of Asty or Maitos, former­ly called Cheronesus, at the Mouth of the Hellespont; and took Zemenicum, at the same time, sirnamed Chirocastron, or the [Page 172] Town of Widows; because according to Nicolaides, they destroyed all the Men, and only kept the Women for their Use. And others mistake it, for that, in a few Years after, when Pope Eugenius, having Absolved Ʋladistaus King of Hungary, and Poland, of his Oath, given to Amurath, for the Observation of the Truce, made in the Year 1444. obliging him to de­clare War; which proved Fatal to him­self; That deluded King losing his Life, and a Great Army, at the Memorable Battle of Varna; The Grecian Emperor John Pa­leologus, with the Venetians; and other Christian Princes of Italy, seconding his Intentions, promising to keep the Straights, and hinder the Turks from coming into Europe, while Ibraltem, Prince of Carama­nia, held him employed in a Fierce War in Asia.

This was one of the deepest Wounds, that Christendom er'e received from the Turks; their Army being Eighty Thou­sand Men, composed of several Nations, as Hungarians, Germans, Bohemians, Po­landers, Italians, and Walachians: besides a Train of Four Hundred Pieces of Ar­tillery. The Peace, after a Defeat of the Turks, had been concluded for Ten Years; and, for the Security of it, Lunclavius (in [Page 173]his Pandects, (Numb. 116.) affirms upon the Authority of several Christian Writers, particularly Cuspinian, and many others; That this Young King Ʋladislaus, by the Impious Advice of some Counsellors, or Ministers of State, gave into the Hands of Amurath, a Consecrated Host, which he thought his God, pawned for the inviola­ble Observation of the Truce, and solemn­ly sworn upon the Holy Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ: Amurath swearing also by his Prophet Mahomet.

But notwithstanding these sacred Con­clusions of this Affair, the Pope of Rome, Eugenius the Fourth, never left off, when Amurath was retired into Asia with his Ar­my, till he had broke the Peace, sending the Cardinal Juliana Cesarini, his Legate a latere, to dispence with, and absolve the Christian Princes of their Faith and Oath, which they had plighted to the Turk, for the Observation of this Truce: Which Car­dinal so acquitted himself of his unjust Mes­sage, by his Prayers and Intreaties, added to the Papal Commission, that he broke the Peace, notwitstanding the Repugnancy of the most Consciencious Opposers.

Amurath finding himself obliged to re­turn our of Asia, and meet Ʋladislaus his Army, came, bringing the greatest Strength [Page 174]he could so suddenly raise: And when the Fight was begun near the City of Varna, in a Marish Ground, by the Mar Maggiore, or Pontus Euxinus, he saw the Beglerbeg of Romania killed by the Hands of the Valiant John Huniades, and the two Wings of his Army put into great Disorder; he then absolutely despairing of Victory, drew out of his Bosome the Consecrated Host, with the Articles of the Truce, which the Christians had made; and lifting up his Hands and Eyes towards Heaven, said these words, or to this effect: O Jesus Christ! if thou art God, as the Christians affirm to us, revenge the Perfidiousness of thy Followers, who have pawned Thee in my Hands; see the Injury they do Thee, after having sworn in Thy Name, and on Thy Ho­ly Gospel; violating by an execrable Crime, that Peace so holily and solemnly sworn be­tween us.

After he had made this Prayer, the Suc­cess of the Battle soon alter'd: For Amu­rath, rallying his Routed Troops, and with Fury charging this half Victorious Army, in a short space defeated, and ruined it en­tirely.

Thus did God shew his Judgment on the Christians, for having abused and violated, contrary to Justice, their Faith given in his [Page 175]Name; as both the Christian and Turkish Histories agree. Though Callimachus says, This matter was so secretly done, that the Publick could never know certainly, that any such Gage was put into Amurath's Hands.

The Circumstances of this Great Dis­aster, makes us observe, That the Prote­ction, which the Emperour gave to the False Mustapha, and the Avarice of the Genoese-Merchant, who sold a Passage into Europe, to Amurath's Troops, were two dreadful blows to Christendome; which has often endured its greatest Losses by the blameable Conduct of Christians them selves. But to return to our Story.

Amurath having passed the Straight, encamped with his Army upon the Plain Ezea, which is near to Maitos, on the side of Thessaly. Mustapha finding himself so pressed, took his March towards Bolai­ris or Bolerus (This plain of Azea, is sometime confounded with Bolairis) from thence he sled into Adrianople; where, being abandoned by his Men, and his Dis­asters encreasing, he endeavoured to save himself in some other Place; but was ta­ken, and brought back to Adrianople: which Amurath, by this time, had seized. Here the miserable Impostor was Hanged [Page 176]over the Battlements of the City-Wall.

For certain, Death is always equally the Punishment, or the Misfortune of those, who of the Ottoman Family aim at, or seem to have any pretence to the Scepter. 'Tis neither the Innocence of Age, the Merit, the Proximity of Blood, the Sincerity, nor Justice of the Cause, can ever preserve them, if they fall into the Hands of the Conqueror.

I have taken this Lamentable End of Mustapha, word for word, out of the Turkish Annals, and the Pandects of Lun­clavius, with the History of that War, and its Accidents. Indeed, till Sultan A­murath was delivered from this conside­rable Opponent, he could not think him­self secure, nor fast settled in his Throne: Which happened in the Year of Christ, 1425, and of the Hegira, or Mahome­tan Computation, 827. It is true, that one of his Brothers, also named Mustapha, who was in Natolia, gave him much Trouble, but he overcame it; and get­ing him into his Power, caused him to have his Throat Cut: Others say, to be Strangled at Nizar, or Nicea, where he was delivered into his Hands by his own Governour. Which seems to have [Page 177]been a mistake, occasioned by the Con­formity of the Names of the two Musta­pha's.

Du Verdier writing the Adventures, and Death of our Mustapha, believes him no Im­postor; and tells his last Flight, and mise­rable Catastrophe in another manner, as follows: After he found himself (says he) deserted, he cryed out, Oh, how hard it is to preserve a Great Heart against the Power of Fortune! There were many Proofs of his Courage; His Pretension to the Em­pire, was no weak Mark of it. But a Crown was then no longer in Controver­sie: The Question was, How to save his Life? For which purpose, when his Troops left him, he no more thought of Glory, Honour, nor Interest: but only fled, quit­ting all his Pretensions, for the Hopes of Life; which, for a little while, he preser­ved, by the Assistance of the Greeks, who received him kindly into their Vessels, and gave him the Opportunity of gaining the Fortress of Gallipoli. But all this, only ser­ved to ruine him more shamefully; for Amurath pursued him so obstinately, that he besieged him in the Place he chose for his Retreat; compelling him to get out of it in mean Equipage; and at last, find­ing him hid in a Bush on the Mountain To­ganum, [Page 178]he caused him to be strangled in his Presence, that he might be sure he had of him no Competitor left.

Lunclavius, in the 83. Chap. of his Pandects, makes a Parallel between this Mustapha and Voldemar; saying, That Two Eggs were ne­ver more alike, than these two Men were: Whom he puts in the Rank of Imposters. Both of them had mighty Allies; Musta­pha having for him, John Paleologus, the Grecian Emperor; and Voldemar had Charles the Fourth, Emperor and King of Germany, whose Empire was more Flou­rishing than the Others.

CHAP. XII. IAM. Heraclides. THE FALSE DESPOT OF Moldavia & Wallachia.

LƲnclavius, in his Supplements to the Turkish Annals, brings in this Man, whom, he affirms, he both saw and knew. He says, That he had a Noble Meen, was of a middle Stature, had a Body strong and nervous; that he was discreet in his Dis­course, and used four Languages very well; to wit, the Latin, Greek, French, and Ita­lian. He was called James Heraclides and Baziliquez, pretending to be of the Race of the Antient Despots, or Waywoods of Walla­thia and Moldavia, Lord of the Isle of Sa­mos, and Marquis of Paros, in the Archipe­lago. [Page 180]He found some Lords in Poland cre­dulous enough to believe him no Impostor, who were so much affected with his Per­son, that with an Army they Establish't him Despot of Moldavia and Wallachia.

The Principal of these Polish Lord, were A [...]ere Lasens, Philiponischy, and Lassotchy. whose Army was much Inferior in Number to that of Alexander the Despot, whom they indeavoured to expel, for the putting this Impostor into his place. However the Vi­ctory fell on their Side; Alexander was dri­ven out, and James Establish't Despot; and confirmed in his Principality by the Turkish Emperor Soliman. This was effected by the influence of his Presents, which he sent the Bassa's of the Port. The Victory gain'd by this Impostor, happen'd the 18th. of No­vember, in the Year 1561. But yet, three Years after, though he governed his Sub­jects gently enough they suspected him to be an Impostor, and the Wallachians Mur­thered him in cold Blood.


Some Books Printed for William Cademan, at the Popes-Head in the Lower-walk of the New-Ex­change, in the Strand.

  • AN Institution of General History; or, the History of the World. By William Howel, L. L. D. in Two Volumes.
  • Historical Collections; or, an Exact Account of the Proceedings of the Parliaments in Queen Eli­zabeth's Reign.
  • A Journey into Greece, by George Wheeler Esq; in Compuny of Dr. Spon of Lyons. In Six Books Containing 1. A Voyage from Venice to Con­stantinople. 2. An Account of Constantinople, and the Adjacent Places. 3. A Voyage through the Lesser Asia. 4. A Voyage from Zant through seve­ral Parts of Greece to Athens. 5. An Account of A­thens. 6. Several Journeys from Athens, into Attica, Corinth, Boeotia, &c. With variety of Sculptures.
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  • An Historical Heroick Poem on the Life of the Right Honourable Thomas, Earl of Ossory, (with his Picture neatly engraven on a Copper-Plate) Writ­ten by Elkanah Settle.
  • A Protestant Plot no Paradox; or, Phana­ticks under that Name Plotting against the King and Government.
  • [Page]The English Jeroboam, or, the Protestant Re­forming Magistrate, and what the Church of Eng­land may expect from such a one.
  • Considerations Offered to all the Corporations of England, containing Seasonable Advice to them in their Future Elections of Burgesses to serve in Parliament.
  • An Historical Relation of the First Discovery of the Isle of Madera.
  • The Protestant Religion is a Sure Foundation, &c. By the Right Honourable Charles Earl of Derby.
  • The Jesuits Policy to Suppress Monarchy. By a Person of Honour.
  • A Warning Piece for the Unruly, in Two Visi­tation Sermons, by Seth Bushel, D. D.
  • The Great Efficacy and necessity of Good Exam­ple, especially in the Clergy, in a Visitation Sermon at Guilford, by Thomas Duncomb, D. D.
  • A Sermon Preached before the King, by Miles Barn, Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty.
  • A Sermon Preached at the Assizes at Lancaster, by Henry Piggot, B. D.
  • Praise and Adoration, a Sermon on Trinity Sunday, before the Ʋniversity at Oxford, 1681. by Thomas Manningham, M. A. late Fellow of New-Colledge in Oxford.
  • A New-years-gift for the Anti-prerogative Men; or, a Lawyers Opinion, in Defence of His Majesties Power-Royal, of Granting Pardons as he pleases; wherein is more particularly discussed the Va­lidity of the Earl of Danby's Pardon.
  • The Spanish History; or the Differences that hapned in the Court of Spain, between Don John of Austria, and Cardinal Nitard: with all the Let­ters, and Politick Discourses, relating to those Af­fairs.
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  • The Wits Paraphrais'd; or, Paraphrase upon [Page]Paraphrase. In a Burlesque on the late several Translations of Ovid's Epistles.
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  • Machiavel Redivivus; being an Exact Discove­ry or Narrative of the Principles and Politicks of our Bejesuited Modern Phanaticks.
  • The Present State of Geneva; with a brief Des­cription of that City, and the several Changer and Alterations it hath been subject to, from the First Foundation thereof.
  • Amarillis to Tityrus; being the First Heroick Harangue of the Excellent Pen of Monsieur Scude­ry; a Witty and pleasant Novel, Englished by a Person of Honour.
  • The Amours of the Count Du Noy; a witty Novel.
  • The Penitent Hermit; or, the Fruits of Jealou­sy; a Novel.
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  • History of the Pollas Royal; or, the Amours of the French King, and Mademoiselle de la Valiere.
  • The Amours of Madam, and the Count de Guiche.
  • The Novels of Queen Elizabeth, in Two Parts.

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