THat the Ark of Noah, was the first Ship, because the Invention of God himself, although some men have believed, yet it is certaine, That the world, being planted before the Flood, the same could not be performed with­out [Page 2] some transporting vessels; It is true, & the successe proves it, That there was not any so capacious nor so strong to defend it self against so violent, and so continued a powring down of raine, as the Arke Noah, the Invention of God himself, or of what fashion or fabrick soever, the rest withall mankind peri­shed, according to the Ordnance of God. And probable it is that the An­chors, whereof Ovid made mention of, found on high Mountains: Et in­venta est in montibus Anchora Summis; were remaining of Ships wrackt at the generall flood.

After the Flood, it is said, that Mi­nos, who lived two discents before the War of Troy, set out Ships to free the Grecians Seas of Pyrats, which shews, that there had beene either trade, or Warre, upon the Waters before his time also.

The expedition of the Argau­ants was after Minos, Pindar. And so [Page 3] was the plantation of Tyrene in Afri­ca, by Battus, who was one of Iasons Companions, And that the Tyrians had Trade by Sea, before the Warre of Troy, Homer tells us.

Others give the first Do­minion upon the Waters to Neptune, D: Sic. Lib. 6. who, for the great exploits he did in the service of Saburne, was, by after ages, called the God of the Seas. But the Corinthians ascribe the inven­tion of Rowing vessells, to a Citizen of their owne called Amaenocles, And that the first Navall Warre, was made betweene the Samiens and Cor­cyriens. Lib Ger. 1. Cap. 1.

Ithicus History changed into La­tine by St. Hierome, affirmes that Gri­phon the Scythian, was the inventor of long Boats, or Gallies, in the Nor­therne Seas; And Strabo gives the ad­vise of the Anchor, with two Hookes to the Scythian Anacharsis, but the Greeks to Eupolemus.

[Page 4]It is also said, that Icarus invented the saile, and others other pieces, and parts of the ships and Boats, whereof the certaine knowledge is of no great moment, This is certaine, that the Sons, and Nephews of Noah, who peo­pled the Isles of the Gentiles, and gave their owne names to many of them, had vessells to transport themselves, long before the daies of Minos; And for my own opinion, I doe not thinke that any one Nation (the Syrian excepted) to whom the knowledge of the Arke came, as the story of the creation did, soone after Moses, did find out at once, the device either of ship or Boate, in which they durst venture themselves upon the Seas: But being forced by necessity to passe over Rivers, or Lakes, they first bound together certaine Reeds or Canes, by which they tran­sported themselves: Calamorum falces (saith D: Siculus) admodum ingentes inter se conjungunt.

[Page 5]Others made Raffes of Wood, and other devised the Boate of one tree called the Canoa, which the Gaules up­on the River of Roan, used in assisting the transportation of Hannibals Ar­my in his enterprise of Italie: Primum Galli inchoantes cavabant Arbores (saith Livie) But Polydor Virgil, Livie 1. Lib. Dec. Polidor Lib. 3. gives the invention of those Canoas, to the Germains in­habiting about the River of Danubius, which kind of Hollow trees, Isidor calls Carabes.

The Brittains had Boats made of Willow Twigs and covered on the out side with Bullock hydes, and so had the Venetians; of which Lucan primum ca­na salix, &c. Malefacto, &c. And Iulius Solinus Navigant autem Vimineis al­veis quos circundant ambitione tergorum Bubalorum:Isidor Orig. 9. de Navig. Cap: 1. The same kind of Boats had the Germains (saith Isidor) who in his time committed many Robberies in [Page 6] them: But whosoever devised the Ca­noa among the Danubians, or among the Gaules, sure I am, that the Indians of America, never had any trade with ei­ther of these Nations, And yet from Fuobushers straits, to the straits of Ma­galaine, those Boats are found, and in some parts of that length, As I have seene them rowed with twenty Oars of a side.

The truth is, that all Nations how remote soever, being all reasonable creatures, and enjoy one and the same Imagination and fantasie, having de­vised according to their means and materialls the same things.

The Eastern people, who have had from all Antiquitie, the use of Iron, have found out the Sawe, And with the Sawe, they have sundred Trees, in Boards and Plancks, And have joyned them together with Nayles, and so made Boats and Gallies safe and por­table, So have they built Cities, and [Page 7] Townes of Timber and the like in all else.

On the contrary, the West-Indies and many Nations of the Africans, wan­ting means and materialls, have been taught by their own necessities to passe Rivers in a Boate of one Tree, and to tye unsquared Poles together, on the top for their houses, which they co­ver with large leaves, yea the same Boats, and the same buildings, are found in Countries, two thousand miles distant, debarred from all com­merce, by unpassable Mountains, Lakes, and Deserts; Nature hath taught them all to choose Kings and Cap­tains for their leaders, And Judges. They all have lighted on the invention of Bowes and Arrowes, All have Tar­gets and woodden Swords: All have instruments to encourage them to fight: All that have Corne beate it in Morters, and make Cakes, baking them upon Slatestones: All devised [Page 8] Lawes without any grounds had from the Scriptures, or from Aristotles Po­litiques, whereby they are governed: All that dwell neere enemies impale their villages to save themselves from surprize, yea besides the same inven­tions, All have the same naturall im­pulsions, They follow nature in the choice of many wives, and there are every where among them, which out of a kind of wolvish ferocitie, eate mans flesh; yea most of them beleive in a second life, and they are all of them Idolaters in one kind or other.

For the Northerne parts of the world, It was long ere they grew to any perfection in Shipping, For wee read that Hingest, and Horsa, Came over into this Land in long Boats, in which for the first being called in by the Brittains, they transported five thousand souldiers. And that after they came with a supply of ten thou­sand more Shipt in thirty vessels, [Page 9] which the Saxons call Keeles, And our old Historians Cogiones, And in Cae­sars time, the French Brittains who were then esteemed the best Brittaine Sea men, had very untoward Tubs in which they made Warre against him. For they tooke the winds in Sailes of Leather, heavy and unplyable, And they fastned their ships to the ground, and rid at Anchor with Cables of I­ron Chains, having neither Canvas, nor Cordage. In so much as the best of them which were of Vannes, are de­scribed with high heads raised up de­formedly above the rest of the buil­dings, to which kind of forme that they were constrained, the reason is manifest. For had their Cables of I­ron chains held any great length, they had been unportable, And being short, the Ships must have sunck at an An­chor, in any streame of weather or Countertyde, And such was their simplicitie in those dayes, As in­stead [Page 10] of accommodating their furni­ture to their Ships, they formed their ships to their furniture; Not unlike the Courtiers of this age who fit their Bodies and their Feet to their Dou­blets and Shooes, and not their Dou­blets and Shooes to their Bodies, and Feete.

The Pomerlanders inhabiting the South part of the Baltick, or Eastland Sea, used a kind of Boate, with the prowe at both ends, so as they need not to wend or hold water, But went on and returned indifferently, of which:Tacitus de mo­ribus German: Tacitus Suionum hinc Ci­vitates ipso in oreceano prae­ter viros armaque Classi­bus valent; forma navium, eo differt, quod utrinque prora paratam semper ap­pulsui frontem agit: Nec velis mini­strantur; nec remos in ordinem lateri­bus adiungant. Solutum ut in quibus­dam fluminum & mutabile ut res pos­sit hinc vel illinc remigium:

[Page 11]Next are the Cities of the Suionum which are mighty at Sea, not only in men and armes, but in Fleete: The forme of their vessels differ in this, That a Prowe at each end enables them to row forward either way alike: Neither use they Sayles, nor place their oars in order upon the sides, but car­rying the oare loose, They shift it hi­ther and thither at pleasure, as is the manner in some Rivers, Yea at this time both the Turkes and Christians use these kind of Boats upon the River of Danubius, and call them Nacerne.

True it is, that before Caesars Inva­ding of this Land, we doe find that the Brittains had not any shipping at all, other then their Boats of Twigs co­vered with hydes as aforesaid.

The Saxons when they were drawne in by the Brittains, came hither by Sea. And after that time finding that without Shipping they could neither defend themselves nor exercise any [Page 12] Trade, They began to make some pro­vision for a Navy, such as it was, which being first considered of by Egbert, Alfred, Edgar, and Etheldred, augmen­ted it, and how true it is, I know not, but it is written of Edgar, that he in­creased the Fleete, he found, two thou­sand six hundred saile: After whom Etheldred made a Law, That whoso­ever was Lord of three hundred and ten hide Land, should build and fur­nish one ship for the defence of their Country.

Notwithstanding all these provisi­ons, the Danes invaded them, and ha­ving better ships then they had, made their way for a new conquest.

The Normans grew better Ship­wrights then either of both, and made the last conquest of this Land, a Land which can never be conquered, whilst the Kings thereof keep the Dominion of the Seas, which Dominion I doe not find, that it was ever absolute, till [Page 13] the time of Henry the Eight, But that we fought sometime with good, sometime with ill successe, as we shall shew hereafter more particularly.

But omitting the dispute of the first Navigators, Certaine it is, that the In­vention of the compasse was had from our Northerne Nations, were it from the Germans, Norvegians, Brittanes, or Danes, for even to this day, the old Northerne words are used for the di­vision of winds upon the quarter of the compasse, not only by the Danes, Germans, Swedes, Brittanes, and all in the Ocean, that understand the termes and names of the winds in their owne language: But the French and Spanish called the sun rising winds, East or East, and the sunne setting winds West, the rest North and South, and so by the same termes, In all the Divisions of Southeast, Northeast, Southwest, Northwest, and the rest.

And if we compare the marveilous [Page 14] great transportations of people by the Saxons, Angles, Danes, Gothes, Swedes, Norwegians, especially and other. And how many Fleets for supplies, have been set out by them, with the swarmes of Danes aswell in our Seas, as when they invaded and conquered Scicilie, together with the Colonies, planted by the Tyrians in Africa, as else where, and of the Carthaginians the Sons of the Tyrians in Spaine.

Its hard to judge which of these Nations have most commanded the Seas, though for priority Tribullus, and Ovid give it the Tyrians.

Prima ratam Ventis crede­re docta Tyros, Tribull E­leg: Strab: Lib: 16. And Ovid, Magna minorque fere quarum Regis altera Gratias; altera Sydonias uterque sicca rates.

And it is true, that the first good Ships were among the Tyrians, and they good and great Ships, not long after the Warre of Troy, and in Solo­mons [Page 15] time, they were of that account as Solomon invited Hiram King of Tyre, to joyne with him in his Jour­ney into the East-Indies, for the Israe­lites till then, never traded by Sea, and seldome if ever after it, and that the Tyrians were the chiefe in that enter­prise, It appears in that they were cal­led Nautas peritos maris, in the He­brew (saith Iunius) homines navium, Junius. 1. King. Cap. 9. And in our English Marriners.

It is also written in the second of Chronicles the eight. That Hiram sent Solomon Ships, Et servos peritos maris, And servants skilfull of the Sea, where­by it is probable, that the Tyrians had used the Trade of East-India before the dayes of Solomon, or before the Raigne of David, when themselves commanded the Ports of the Red Sea, But the Edumaeans being beaten by David, and the Port of Ezion-Ge­ber, [Page 16] now subject to Solomon, the Ty­rians were forced to make Solomon the cheife of that expedition, and to joine with him in the enterprise. For the Tyrian had no passe to the Red Sea, but through the territory of Solomon, and by his sufferance.

Whosoever were the inventers, we find that every age, had added some­what to ships, and to all things else. And in my owne time the shape of our English ships, hath been greatly bettered. It is not long since the stri­king of the Top-mast (a wonderfull great ease to great ships both at Sea and Harbour) hath been devised, toge­ther with the Chaine pumpe, which takes up twice as much water as the ordinary did, we have lately added the Bonnett, and the Drabler. To the cour­ses we have devised studding Sayles, Top gallant Sayles; Sprit stayles, Top stayles, The weighing of Anchors by the Capstone is also new. We have [Page 17] fallen into consideration of the length of Cables, and by it we resist the ma­lice of the greatest winds that can blow, Witnesse our small Milbrooke men of Cornewall, that ride it out at Anchor, half Seas over betweene Eng­land and Ireland, all the winter quarter, And witnesse the Hollanders that were wont to ride before Dunkirke, with the wind at Northwest, making a Lee shoare in all weathers: For true it is, that the length of the Cable, is the life of the Ship in all extreamities, and the reason is, because it makes so many bendings and waves, as the Ship riding at that length it is not able to stretch it, and nothing breaks that is not stretched. In extreamity, we carry our Ordnance better then we were wont, Because our Netheroverloops are raised commonly from the water, to wit, betweene the lower part of the Port and the Sea.

In King Henry the eights time, and [Page 18] in this present, at Portsmouth the Marie Rose, by a little sway of the Ship in ca­sting about, her Ports being within sixteene Inches of the waters, was o­verset and lost, and in her that worthy Knight Sir George Carew, Cozen Ger­maine to the Lord Carew, and with him (besides many other Gentlemen) the Father of the late renowned, Sir Richard Greenevile.

Wee have also raised our second Decks and given more vent thereby to our Ordnance, tying on our Nether-overloope.

We have added crosse pillars in our Royall ships to strengthen them, which be fastned from the Kelson to the beams of the second Decke, keepe them from setling or from giving way in all distresses.

We have given longer Floares to our Ships, then in elder times, and better bearing under water, whereby they never fall into the Sea, after the head [Page 19] and shake the whole body, nor sinck sterne, nor stoope upon a wind, by which the breaking loose of our Ord­nance or the not use of them, with ma­ny other discommodities are avoided.

And to say the truth a miserable shame and dishonour it were for our Shipwrights, if they did not exceed all other, in the setting up of our Royall Ships, the Errors of other Nations being farre more excusable then ours. For the Kings of England have for ma­ny years been at the charge to build and furnish a Navy of powerfull Ships, for their owne defence, and for the Wars only.

Whereas the French, the Spaniards, the Portugalls, and the Hollanders (till of late) have had no proper Fleete be­longing to their Princes or States.

Only the Venetians for a long time have maintained their Arsenal of Gal­lyes, & the Kings of Denmark, and Swe­den, have had good Ships for these last [Page 20] Fifty years, I say that the forenamed Kings, especially the Spaniards and Portugalls, have ships of great bulke, but fitter for the Merchant then for the man of Warre, for burthen then for Battaile: But as Popelinire well observeth, the forces of Princes by Sea, are Marquess de Grandeux d' Estate, Are markes of the greatnesse of an E­state: For whosoever commands the Sea, Commands the Trade: whoso­ever Commands the Trade of the world: Commands the Riches of the world and consequently the world it selfe: yet can I not deny, but that the Spaniards being afraid of their Indian Fleets, have built some few very good ships, but he hath no ships in Garri­son, as his Majestie hath, and to say the truth, no sure place to keepe them in; But in all Invasions he is driven to take up of all Nations, which comes into his Ports for Trade.

The Venetians while they attended [Page 21] their Fleets, and imployed themselves in their Easterne Conquest, were great and powerfull Princes, and Com­manded the Maritimate parts of Croatia, Dalmatia, Albania, and Epirus, were Lords of Peloponesus, and the I­slands adjoyning, of Cyprus, Candia, and many other places, but after they sought to greaten themselves in Italie it self, using strangers for the Com­manders of their armies; The Turkes by degrees beate them out of all their goodly Countryes, and have now con­fined them (Candia excepted) to a few small Grecian Islands, which with great difficulty they enjoy.

The first honour they obtained, was by making Warre upon the Istrii by Sea, and had they been true to their spouse, to wit the Seas, which once a yeare they marry, the Turks had never prevailed against them, nor ever been able to be siege any place of theirs, to which he must have transported [Page 22] his armies by his Gallies.

The Genowaies were also exceeding powerfull by Sea, and held many pla­ces in the East, and contended often with the Venetians for superiority, de­stroying each other in a long conti­nued Sea Warre, Yea the Genowaies were the most famous Mercenaries of all Europe, both by Sea and Land for many years.

The French assisted themselves by Land with the Crosbowers of Genoa against the English, namely at the Battaile of Cressie, The French had 12000 Crosbowers Genowaies by Sea. With their great ships called the Car­recks of Genoa, they alwayes strength­ned their Fleets against the English, But after Mahomet the second had taken Constantinople, they lost Caffa, and all Taurica, Chersonesus with the whole Trade of the Euxine Sea, and although they sent many supplies by the Hellespont, yet having often felt [Page 23] the smart of the Turks Cannon, they began to slack their succours, and were soone after supplanted: yet doe the Venetians to this day, well mainetaine their estate by their Sea forces, and a great losse it is to the Christian Com­mon-weale in generall, that they are lesse then they were, And a precipitate Counsell it was of those Christian Kings their Neighbours, when they joined in League against them, seeing they then were, and they yet are, the strongest Rampiers of Europe against the Turks.

But the Genowaies have now but a few Gallyes being altogether dege­nerate, and become Merchants of mo­ny, and the Spanish Kings bankers.

But all the States and Kingdomes of the world have changed forme and pollicy.

The Empire it selfe, which gave light to all principallities, like a Pha­ro's, or high Tower to Seamen, is now [Page 24] sunck downe to the levell of the soyle. The greatnesse which it gave to the Church of Rome as before proved, was it which made it selfe little in hast, And therefore truely said; Imperium amore Religionis seipsum, Exhausisse, The Empire being also elective and not successive, The Emperors in be­ing made profit of their owne times, and sold from the Empire many Sig­niories depending on it, and at so easy a rate, as Lucca freed it self for ten thou­sand Crownes; and Florence for six thousand Crowns; The rest, the Popes; then the Hauses, and lastly the Turks have in effect ruined. And in which severall Inundations many pieces have been recovered by other Princes and States. As Basill, Zurick, and Bearne, by the Switzers (omitting many o­thers) Metz Tholouse, Verdum, by the French, Groigne Aix la Chapple, Zu­phen, Deuenter, Newengen, in Gilder­land, Wesell, Antwerpe, And many [Page 25] other places by the Spaniards; and by the States, Dantzick and other townes of importance by the Polack. Inso­much as it is now become, the most confused estate of the world, ‘Con­sisting of an Empire in title with territory, who can ordaine nothing of importance but by a dyet or as­sembly of the Estates of many free Princes, Ecclesiasticall and Tem­porall; in effect of equall force, di­vers in Religion and faction, and of free Cities and Hanstownes, whom the Princes doe not more desire to Command, then they scorne to obey,’ Notwithstanding being by farre lesse then they were in number and lesse in force and Reputation, as they are not greatly able to offend others, so have they enough to doe (being seated farre asunder) to defend themselves, of whom hereafter more particularly.

The Cassilians, in the meane while are growne great, and by mistaking e­steemed [Page 26] the greatest, Having by Mar­riage, Conquest, practize, and pur­chase, devowred all Kingdomes with­in Spaine, with Naples, Sicilie, Mil­laine, and the Netherlands, And many places belonging to the Empire and the Princes thereof. Besides the In­dies East and West, The Islands of the West Ocean, and many places in Barbary Guiena, Congo and else where.

France hath also enlarged it self by the one half, and reduced Normandy, Brittaine, and Aquitaine, withall that the English had on that side the Sea, together with Languedocke Foix, Ar­mignac, Beerne, and Dolphine.

For this Kingdome of great Brit­taine: it hath had by his Majesty a strong addition, The posterne by which we were so often heretofore en­tered and surprised, is now made up; and we shall not hereafter need the double face of Ianus to looke North and South at once.

[Page 27]But there is no stare growne in hast, but that of the united provinces, and especially in their Sea forces, and by a contrary way to that of France, or Spaine, the latter by Invasion, the for­mer by oppression; For I my self may remember when one ship of her Ma­jesties, would have made forty Hol­landers strike sayle, and to come to Anchor. They did not then dispute De mari libero, but readily acknow­ledg'd the English to be Domini maris Brittanici: That we are lesse power­full then we were, I doe hardly be­leive it, For although we have not at this time 135 ships, belonging to the subjects, of 500 tuns each ship, as it is said we had in the 24. yeare of Queen Elizabeth, at which time also upon a generall view and muster, there were found in England of all men, fit to beare armes, eleaven hundred and sea­venty two thousand, yet are our Mer­chants ships, now farre more warlike [Page 28] and better appointed then they were, and the Navy Royall double as strong as then it was, For these were the ships of her Majesties Navy at that time.

• 1. The Triumph.
• 2. The Eliz: Ionas.
• 3. The white Beare.
• 4. The Phill: and Mary.
• 5. The Bonaventure.
• 6. The Golden Lion.
• 7. The Victory.
• 8. The Revenge.
• 9. The Hope.
• 10. The Mary Rose.
• 11. The Dreadnaught.
• 12. The Minion.
• 13. The Swiftsure.

• 14. The Antelope.
• 15. The Foresight.
• 16. The Swallow.
• 17. The Handmaide.
• 18. The Gennett.
• 19. The Barque of Bullen
• 20. The Ayde.
• 21. The Achates.
• 22. The Falcon.
• 23. The Tyger.
• 24. The Bull.

We have not therefore lesse force then we had, the fashion and furni­shing of our Ships Considered: For there are in England at this time 400. saile of Merchants fit for the Wars, which the Spaniards would call Gal­lions; to which we may adde 200 saile of Crumsters, or hoyes of Newcastle, [Page 29] which each of them will beare six De­miculverins, and foure Sakers, nee­ding no other addition of building, then a slight spar Decke, fore and afte as the Seamen call it, which is a slight Decke throughout, the 200, which may be chosen out of 400, by reason of their ready staying and tur­ning, by reason of their windward­nesse, and by reason of their drawing of little water, And they are of ex­treame vantage neere the shoare, And in all Bayes and Rivers to turne in and out: These, I say, alone, well manned, and well Conducted, would trouble the greatest Prince of Europe to en­counter in our Seas, For they stay and turne so readily, As, ordering them in­to small squadrons, three of them at once, may give their broad sides, upon any one great ship, or upon any Angle or side of an enemies Fleet, They shall be able to continue a per­petuall volley of Demiculverins with­out [Page 30] intermission, And either sinck or slaughter the men, or utterly disorder any Fleet of crosse sailes, with which they encounter.

I say then if a Vanguard be ordei­ned of these hoyes, who will easily re­cover the wind of any other ships, with a Battaile of 400 other warlike ships, and a Reare of thirty of his Majesties ships to sustaine, relieve and counte­nance the rest (if God beat them not) I know not what strength can be ga­thered in all Europe to beat them. And if it be objected, that the States can furnish a farre greater number, I an­swer that his Majesties 40 ships, added to 600 before named, are of Incompa­rable greater force, then all that Hol­land and Zeeland, can furnish for the Wars. As also that a greater num­ber would breed the same confusion, that was found in Zerxes Land Ar­my of seaventeene hundred thousand souldiers: For there is a certaine pro­portion [Page 31] both by Sea and Land, beyond which, the excesse brings nothing but disorders and amazement.

Of those hoyes, Carvills, or Crum­sters, Call them what you will, there was a notable experience made in the yeare, 1574. in the River of Antwerpe, neere Rummerswaell, where the Ad­mirall Boysett with his Crumsters o­verthrew the Spanish Fleet of great Ships Conducted by Iulian Romero, So contrary to the expectation of Don Lewis, the great Commander and Lieutenant of the Netherlands for the King of Spaine, as he came to the bancks of Bergen to behold the slaugh­ter of the Zelanders. But contrary to his expectation, he beheld his Arma­do, some of them sunck, some of them thrust on the shoare, and most of the rest mastered and possessed by his ene­mies. Insomuch, as his great Cap­tain Romero, with great difficulty, some say in a skiffe, some say by swymming, saved himselfe.

[Page 32]The like successe had Captaine Werst of Zeeland, against the Fleet which transported the Duke of Medi­ni Coeli, who was sent out of Spaine by Sea, to governe the Netherlands, in place of the Duke of Alva, For with twelve Crumsters or Hoyes of the first troope of 21. sayle, he tooke all but three, and he forced the second (being twelve great ships filled with 2000. souldiers,) to run under the Ra­makins, being then in the Spaniards possession.

But whence comes this dispute? Not from the increase of numbers, Not because our Neighbours breed more Marriners then we doe, Nor from the greatnesse of their Trade in all parts of the world, For the French creepe into all corners of America, and Africa, as they doe, and the Spa­niards, and Portugalls, imploy more ships by many (fishing trades excep­ted) then the Netherlands doe. But it [Page 33] comes from the detestable covetous­nesse of such particular persons as have gotten Licences, and given way to the transporting of the English Ordnance. Fuit haec Sapientia quon­dam, publica privatis secernere, Sa­cra profanis. And that in so great a­bundance, as that not only our good friends the Hollanders, and Zealanders, have furnished themselves, and have them lying on their Wharfes to sell to others; but all other Nations have had from us, not only to furnish their Fleets, but to Garnish all their Forts and other places, fortifying their Coasts; without which the Spanish King durst not have dismounted so many pieces of Brasse in Naples and else where, therewith to Arme his great Fleete in 88. But it was directly proved in the Lower House of Parlia­ment Anno of Queene Elizabeth. That there were landed in Naples a­bove 140. Culverins English, since [Page 32] [...] [Page 33] [...] [Page 34] which time also, and not long since, It is lamentable that so many have beene transported into Spaine. But those that belike then determined it, and the transporters, have now forsaken the Country, and though the procurers remaine, I am resolved that they also have forsaken the care of his Majesties Estate, And the honour of this Nation. I urge not this point as thinking it unfit, to furnish his Ma­jesties good friends and Allyes, who have had with us one common enemy for many yeares; But all politique E­states have well observed this precept: Ut sic tractarent amicum; tanquam ini­micum futurum: For what are all the Ships in the world to be valued at, other then a company of floating tubs, were they not furnished with Ord­nance, either to offend others, or de­fend themselves? If a Ship of a thou­sand runs had in her a thousand Mus­kateers, and never a great Gun; with [Page 35] one Crumster, carrying ten or thirteene Culverins, she may be beaten to pie­ces, and her men slaughtered. Certain­ly the advantage which the English had by their Bowes and Arrowes in former times, was never so great, as we might now have had by our Iron Ordnance, if we had either kept it within the Land, kept it from our e­nemies, or imparted it to our friends, moderately; For as by the former we obteined many notable victories, and made our selves masters of many parts of France, so by the latter we might have Commanded the Seas, and there­by the Trade of the world it selfe. But we have now to our future prejudice, and how far to our prejudice I know not, forged Hammers and delivered them out of our hands, to breake our owne Bones withall.

For the conclusion of this dispute, there are five manifest causes of the upgrowing of the Hollanders and Ze­landers.

[Page 36]1. The first is, the favour and assi­stance of Queene Elizabeth, and the Kings Majesty, which the late worthy and famous Prince of Orange, did alwayes acknowledge, and in the yeare 1582. when I tooke my leave of him at Antwerpe, After the returne of the Earle of Leicest: into England, And Monsieur's arrivall there, when he delivered me his Letters to her Maje­sty; He prayed me to say to the Queen from him, Sub umbra alarum tuarum protegimur: for certainly they had wi­thered in the Bud, and sunck in the beginning of their Navigation, had not her Majesty assisted them.

2. The second cause was, The im­ploying of their owne people in their Trades and Fishings, and the enter­taining of strangers, to serve them in their armies by Land.

3. The third is, the fidelity of the house of Nassawe, and their services done them, especially of that Re­nowned [Page 37] Prince Maurice, now living.

4. The fourth, the withdrawing of the Duke of Parma twice into France, while in his absence he recovered those strong places of Zealand, and Friz­land, as Deventer Zuphen, &c.

5. And the fifth, the imbarging and confiscating of their Ships in Spaine, which constrained them and gave them courage to Trade by force into the East and West Indies, and in A­frica, in which they imploy 180 Ships, and 8700 Marriners.

The successe of a Counsell so con­trary to their wisdome that gave it, as all the wit, and all the force the Spa­niards have, will hardly (if ever) reco­ver the damage thereby received.

For to repaire that ruine of the Hol­landers trade into both Indies the Spa­niards did not only labour the truce: But the King was content to quit the Sovereigntie, of the united Provinces, and to acknowledge them for free [Page 38] States, neither holding nor depending on the Crowne of Spaine. But be their estates what it will, let not them de­ceive themselves in believing that they can make themselves masters of the Sea, For certainly the shipping of England, with the great squadron of his Majesties Navy Royall, are able in despight of any Prince or State in Europe, to Command the great and large Field of the Ocean. But as I shall never thinke him a Lover of this Land, or of the King, that shall perswade his Majesty from imbracing the amity of the States of the united Provinces: (For his Majesty is no lesse safe by them, then they invincible by him:) So I would wish them, (Because af­ter my duty to mine owne Soveraigne, and the love of my Country, I honour them most) That they remember and consider it, that seeing their passage and Repassage, lyes through the Brit­tish Seas, that there is no Port in [Page 39] France, from Callice to Flushing, that can receive their ships, that many times outward by Westerly winds, and ordinarily homewards, not only from the East Indies, but from the Straits, and from Spaine, all Southerly winds (the Brises of our Clymate) thrust them of necessity into the Kings ports, how much his Majesties favour doth concerne them, for if (as themselves confesse in their last treaty of Truce with the Spaniards) They subsist by their trades, the disturbance of their trades (which England can only di­sturbe) will also disturbe their subsi­stance. The rest I will omit, because I can never doubt, either their grati­tudes or their wisdomes. For our New-castle trade, (from which I have digres­sed) I refer the Reader to the Author of the trades increase, a Gentleman to me unknowne, But so far as I can judge, he hath many things very con­siderable, in that short treaty of his; [Page 40] yea both considerable and praise wor­thy, and among the rest, the advise which he hath given for the mainte­nance of our Hoyes, and Carvills of Newcastle, which may serve us, besides the breeding of Marriners for good ships of Warre, and of exceeding ad­vantage, and certainly I cannot but ad­mire, why the Impositions of five shillings should any way dishearten them, seeing there is but one Compa­ny in England, upon whose trade any new payment are layd, But that they on whom it is laid raise profit by it, The Silkemen, if they pay his Maje­sty twelve pence upon a yard of Sat­tin, they not only raise that twelve pence, but they impose twelve pence or two shillings more upon the sub­ject, so doe they upon all they sell of what kind soever: as all other Retay­lers doe, of what quality or profession soever: And seeing all the Maritimate provinces of France, and Flanders, all [Page 41] Holland and Zealand, Embden and Breame, &c. Cannot want our New-castle, or our Welsh Coales, The Im­position cannot impoverish the trans­porter; but that the buyer must make payment accordingly; And if the Im­positions laid on these things, where­of this Kingdome hath no necessary use, as upon Silkes, Velvets, Gold and Silver Lace, and cloaths of Gold, and Silver, Cut works, Cambricks, and a world of other trumperyes, doth in nothing hinder their vent here: But that they are more used, then ever they were, to the utter impoverishing of the Land in generall, and of those Pop­pinjayes that value themselves by their out sides, and by their Players coats, Certainly the imposing upon Coales, which other Nations cannot want, can be no hinderance at all to the New­castlemen, but that they may raise it againe upon the French and other Na­tions, as those Nations themselves [Page 42] doe, which fetch them from us with their owne shipping.

For conclusion of this Chapter, I say that it is exceeding lamentable, that for any respect in the world, seeing the preservation of the State and Monar­chie, doth surmount all other respects, that strangers should be permitted to eat us out, by exporting and impor­ting both our owne Commodities, and those of Forreigne Nations: For it is no wonder we are overtopped in all the trades we have abroad and far off, Seeing we have the grasse cut from under our feet in our fields and pastures.

THe ordinary Theme and Argument of History is War, which may be de­fined the exercise of vio­lence under Soveraigne Command, against withstanders force, Authority and [Page 2] resistance, being the essentiall parts thereof, violence limited by autho­rity is sufficiently distinguisht from Robbery and the like outrages: yet consisting in relation towards others, It necessarily requires a supposition of resistance, whereby the force of War becomes different from the violence inflicted upon Slaves, or yeilding Ma­lefactors; as for Armes, Discipline, and whatsoever else belongeth to the ma­king of War prosperous, they are only considerable in degree of perfection, since naked savages fighting disorder­ly with stones, by appointment of their Commanders, may truly and ab­solutely be said to War.

Neverthelesse, it is true, that as the Beasts are armed with fierce teeth, pawes, horns, and other bodily instru­ments of much advantage against un­weaponed men, so hath reason taught man to strengthen his hand with such offensive Armes, as no creature [Page 3] else can well avoid or possibly resist. And it might seeme happy, if the sword, the Arrow, the Gun, with ma­ny terrible Engines of death, could be wholly imployed in the exercise of that Lordly rule, which the Lord of all hath given to mankind over the rest of living things. But since in humane reason there hath no meanes been found of holding all mankind at peace within it self: It is needfull that a­gainst the wit and subtilty of man, we oppose not only the bruit force of our bodyes, (wherein many Beasts exceed us,) but helping our strength with art and wisdome, strive to excell our ene­mies in those points wherein man is excellent over other Creatures.

The necessity of War, which a­mong humane Actions is the most lawlesse, hath some kind of affinity, and neere resemblances with the necessity of Law. For there were no use at all, either of War or of Law; [Page 4] If every man had prudence to con­ceive how much of right were due both to and from himselfe, and were withall so punctually just, as to per­forme what he knew requisite, and to rest contented with his owne. But seeing that no conveyance of Land can be made so strong, by any skill of Lawyers, with multiplicity of clauses, and provisoes, That it may be secure from contentious Avarice, and the malice of false seeming Justice: It is not to bee wondered, that the great Charter,Gen. Cap. 1. ver. 28. whereby God be­stowed the whole earth upon Adam, And confirmed it unto the Sons of Noah, being as breife in word, as large in effect, hath bred much quarrell of interpretation.

Surely howsoever the Letter of that Donation, may be unregarded by the most of men, yet the sense thereof is so imprinted in their hearts, And so passionatly imbraced by their greedy [Page] desires, As if every one laid claime for himself unto that, which was confer­red upon all.

This appeared in the Gaules, who falling upon Italy under their Cap­taine Brennus, told the Roman Am­bassadours plainly that prevalent arms were as good as any title, and that va­liant men might account to be their owne as much as they could get; That they wanting Land therewith to su­steine their people, And the Tuscanes, having more then enough, It was their meaning to take what they needed by strong hand, if it were not yeilded qui­etly. Now if it be well affirmed by Lawyers, that there is no taking of possession more just, then In vacuum venire, to enter upon Land unhabited, As our Countrymen have lately done in the Summer Islands: Then may it be inferred, that this demand of the Gaules, held more of reason then could be discerned at the first view.

[Page]For if the title of occupiers be good in a Land unpeopled, why should it be bad accounted in a Country Peopled over thinly? should one fa­mily or one thousand hold possession of all the Southerne, undiscovered continent, because they had seated themselves in Nova Guiana, or about the Straits of Magalane? why might not the like be done in Africk, in Eu­rope, or in Asia? If this were most ab­surd to imagine, Let then any mans wisdome determine by lessening the Territory, and increasing the number of Inhabitants, what proportion is re­quisite to the peopling of a Region in such manner, That the Land shall be neither too narrow for those whom it feedeth, nor capable of a greater mul­titude; Untill this can be concluded and agreed upon, one maine and fun­damentall cause of the most grievous Warre that can be imagined, is not like to be taken from the Earth. It [Page] were perhaps enough in reason to suc­cour with victualls and other helps, a vast multitude compelled by necessity to seeke a new feare, or to direct them unto a Country able to receive them: But what shall perswade a mighty Nation to travaile so farre by Land, or Sea, over Mountaines, Deserts, And great Rivers, with their Wives and Children, when they are, or thinke themselves, powerfull enough to serve themselves neerer hand, and inforce o­thers into the Labour of such a Jour­ney? I have briefely shew­ed in an other worke,Generall Hi­story Lib 2. Cap. 2.28. S. 4. T 3. that the miseries accompaning this kind of War, are most extreame. For as much as the Invaders cannot otherwise be satisfied then by rooting out or expelling the Nation upon which they fall.

And although the uncertainty of te­nure, by which all worldly things are held, minister very unpleasant medita­tion; [Page] yet is it most certaine that with­in 1200. yeares last past, all or the most of Kingdomes to us knowne, have throughly felt the calamities of such forcible trasplantations, being either over whelmed by new Collonies that fell upon them, or driuen, as one wave is driven by an other, to seeke new seates, having lost their owne.

Our Westerne parts of Europe in­deed have cause to rejoyce, and give praise to God, for that we have been free about 600 years, from such Inun­dations, As were those of the Gothes, Humes, and Vandalls, yea from such as were those of our owne Ancestors, the Saxons, Danes, and Normans, But how­soever we have together with the fee­ling, lost the very memory of such wretchednesse, as our Fore-fathers en­dured by those Wars, of all other the most cruell. Yet are there few King­domes in all Asia that have not been ruined by such overflowing multi­tudes [Page] within the same space of these last six hundred yeares.

It were an endlesse labour to tell how the Turks, and Tartars falling like Locusts upon that quarter of the world, having spoiled every where, and in most places Eaten up all, as it were by the roots, Consuming together with the Princes formerly Reigning and a world of people, the very names, lan­guage and memory of former times. Suffice it that when any Country is overlaid by the multitude which live upon it, there is a naturall necessity compelling it to disburthen it self and lay the Load upon others, by right or wrong. For (to omit the danger of Pe­stilence often visitting those which live in a throng) there is no misery that urgeth men so violently unto des­perate courses, and contempt of death, as the Torments or Threats of famine whereof the Warre that is grounded upon this generall rem [...]dilesse neces­sity, [Page] may be tearmed the generall, the Remedilesse, or the neces­sary War.First Warre. Against which that our Country is better provided (as may be shewed hereafter) Then any civill Nation to us knowne, we ought to hold it a great blessing of God, And carefully retaine the advan­tages which he hath given us now.

Besides this remedilesse or necessary Warre, which is frequent, There is a Warre voluntary,Second Warre. and Customeable, unto which the offering party is not compelled. And this Customary Warre, which troubleth all the world, giveth little respite or breathing time of peace, doth usually borrow pretence from the necessary to make it self appeare more honest. For Covetous Ambi­tion thinking all too little which pre­sently it hath, supposeth it self to stand in need of all which it hath not.

Wherefore if two bordering Prin­ces [Page] have their Territory meeting on an open Champaigne, the more migh­ty will continually seeke occasion, to extend his limits unto the further border thereof.

If they be divided by Mountaines they will fight for the mastery of the passages of the Tops, And finally for the Towns that stand upon the roots.

If Rivers run between them, they contend for the Bridges, And thinke themselves not well assured untill they have fortified the further banck.

Yea the Sea it selfe must be very broad, barren of fish, and void of little Islands interjacent, else will it yeild plentifull argument of quarrell to the Kingdomes which it severeth.

All this proceeds from desire of ha­ving, and such desire from feare of want.

Hereunto may be added, That in these Arbitrary Wars, there is com­monly to be found, some small mea­sure [Page] of necessity, though it seldome be observed, perhaps, because it exten­deth not so far, as to become publique. For where many younger sonnes of younger Brothers, have neither Lands nor means to uphold themselves, and where many men of Trade or usefull possessions, know not how to bestow themselves for lack of Imployments, there can it not be avoided that the whole body of the State (howsoever otherwise healthfully disposed) should suffer anguish by the greivance of those ill affected Members.

It sufficeth not that the Country hath wherewith to susteine even more then live upon it, if means be wanting, whereby to drive convenient partici­pation of the generall store unto a great number of well deservers.

In such cases there will be complai­ning, Commiseration, and finally mur­mur (as men are apt to lay the blame of those evills whereof they know the [Page] ground upon publike misgovernment) unlesse order be taken for some re­dresse by the sword of Injury, suppo­sed to be done by Forreigners, whereto the discontented sort give commonly a willing eare. And in this case I think it was, that the great Cardinall Fran­cis de Amiens who governed Spaine in the minority of Charls the fift, hea­ring tell that 8000. Spaniards were lost in the enterprise of Algier, under Don Diego de Vera, made light of the matter: Affirming, that Spaine stood in need of such evacuation, forreigne Warre serving (as King Fardinard had been wont to say) like a potion of Rubarbe, to wash away Choler from the body of the Realme.

Certainly among all Kingdomes of the earth, we shall scarce find any that stands in lesse need then Spaine, of having the veines opened by an e­nemies sword: The many Colonies which it sends abroad so well preser­ving [Page] it from swelling humors.

Yet is not that Country thereby dispeopled, but mainteineth still grow­ing upon it (like a tree, from whose plants to fil a whole Orchard,) have bin taken as many, as it can well nourish.

And to say what I think, if our King Edward the third, had prospered in his French Wars and peopled with Eng­lish the Towns which he won, As he began at Calice driving out the French, the Kings his Successors, holding the same course would by this time have filled all France, with our Nation, without any notable emptying of this Island.

The like may be affirmed upon like suspition of the French in Italy, or al­most of any others, as having been ve­rified by the Saxons in England, and Arabians in Barbarie; What is then become of so huge a multitude as would have over spread a great part of the Continent? surely they dyed not [Page] of old age, nor went out of the world by the ordinary wayes of nature. But famine and contagious diseases, the sword, the halter, and a thousand mis­chiefs have Consumed them.

Yea many of them perhaps were ne­ver borne: for they that want means to nourish Children will abstaine from marriage, or (which is all one) they cast away their bodies upon rich old women: or otherwise make un­equall or unhealthy Matches for gaine, or because of poverty they thinke it a blessing, which in nature is a curse, to have their wives barren.

Were it not thus, Arithmeticall pro­gression might easily demonstrate, how fast mankind would increase in mul­titude, overpassing as miraculous (though indeed naturall) that example of the Israelites, who were multiplyed in 215. yeares, from seaventie unto 600000. able men. Hence we may ob­serve, that the very propagation of our [Page] kind, hath with it a strong insensive, even of those daily Wars, which af­flict the earth. And that Princes ex­cusing their drawing the sword by de­vised pretences of necessity, speake of­ten more truly then they are aware, there being indeed a great necessity, though not apparent, as not extending to the generality, but resting upon pri­vate heads.

Wherefore other cause of Warre meerly naturall there is none, then want of roome upon the earth, which pinching a whole nation, begets the remedilesse Warre, vexing only some number of particulars, It draws on the Arbitrary: But unto the kindling of Arbitrary Warre, there are many o­ther motives. The most honest of these is, feare of harme and preventi­on of danger. This is just and taught by nature, which labours more strong­ly in removing evill, then in pursuite of what is requisite unto her good. [Page] Neverthelesse, because Warre cannot be without mutuall violence: It is manifest, that allegation of danger and feare serv [...]s only to excuse the suf­fering part, the wrong doer being car­ried by his owne will. So the Warre thus caused proceeds from nature, not altogether but in part.

A second motive is, Revenge of in­jury susteined; This might be avoided if all men could be honest; otherwise not. For Princes must give protecti­on to their Subjects and adherents, when worthy occasion shall require it, else will they be held unworthy, and unsufficient: then which there can be to them no greater perill.

Wherefore Caesar in all delibera­tions where difficulties and dangers threatned on the one side, and the o­pinion that there should be in him Parum Praesidii little safeguard, for his friends, was doubted on the other side, alwayes chose rather to venture u [...]on [Page] extreamities then to have it thought that he was a weake protector. Yea by such maintenance of their dependants, Many Noblemen in all formes of Go­vernment, and in every mans memo­ry have kept themselves in greatnesse with little help of any other vertue. Neither have meere Tyrants been al­together carelesse to mainetaine free from oppression of strangers, those Subjects of theirs, whom themselves have most basely esteemed and used, as no better then slaves. For there is no master that can expect good service from his bondslaves, if he suffer them to be beaten and daily ill intreated by other men: To remedy this, it were needfull that Justice should every where bee duly ministred aswell to strangers as to Denizons. But contrarie­wise we find, that in many Countreys (as Muscovie and the like) the Laws or the Administration of them are so far from giving satisfaction, as they [Page] fill the generall voice with complaint and exclamation.

Sir Thomas Moore said, (whether more pleasantly or truely I know not) that a trick of Law had no lesse pow­er then the wheele of fortune, to lift men up, or cast them downe.

Certainly with more patience men are wont to endure the losses that be­fell them by meere casualty, then the damages which they susteine by means of injustice, Because these are accom­panied with sense of indignity, whereof the other are free: when Robbers break open a mans house and spoile it, they tell the owner plainly that money they want, and money they must have: But when a Judge corrupted by reward, hatred, favour, or any other passion, takes both house and Land from the rightfull owner, And bestowes them upon some friend of his owne, or of his favorite, He saies, that the rules of Justice will have it so, that it is the [Page] voice of the Law, the Ordinance of God himselfe. And what else doth he herein, then by a kind of Circum­locution tell his humble suppliants that he holds themselves Idiots or base wretches not able to get releife; must it not astonish and vex withall, any man of a free spirit when he sees none other difference betweene the Judge and the Theefe, then in the manner of performing their exploits? as if the whole being of Justice consisted in point of formality. In such case an honest Subject will either seeke reme­dy by ordinary courses, or awaite his time untill God shall place better men in office, and call the oppressors to ac­count. But a stranger wil not so, he hath nothing to do with the affairs of Barba­ry, neither concerns it him what officer be placed or displaced in Taradante, or whether Mulisidian himself can con­temne the Kingdome, his Ship and goods are unjustly taken from him, [Page] and therefore he will seeke leave to right himselfe if he can, and returne the injury ten fold, upon the whole Nation from which he received it. Truth it is, that men are sooner wea­ry to dance attendance at the Gates of forreigne Lords, then to tarry the good leisure of their own Magistrates; Nor doe they beare so quietly the losse of some parcell confiscated abroad, as the greater detriment which they suffer by some prowling Vice- Admi­rall, Customer, or publique minister at their returne.

Whether this proceed from the Reverence which men yeild unto their proper Governour, I will not here de­fine, or whether excesse of trouble in following their causes far from home, or whether from despaire of such re­dresse, as may be expected in their owne Country, in the hoped reforma­tions of disorders, or whether from their more unwillingnesse to disturbe [Page] the Domesticall then the forreigne quiet by loud exclamations, or whe­ther perhaps their not daring to mut­ter against the Injustice of their owne Rulers, though it were shamefull, for feare of faring worse, and of being punished for Scandalum Magnatum: As slanderers of men in authority, wheresoever it comes; As there can be but one Allegeance, so men are apt to serve no more then they needs must. According to that of the Slave in an old Comoedie: Non sum servus pub­licus, my Master bought me for him­self, and I am not every mans man.

And this opinion, there is no Prince unwilling to mainetaine in his owne Subjects. Yea such as are most Rigo­rous to their owne, Doe never find it safe to be better unto strangers, be­cause it were a matter of dangerous Consequence, that the People should thinke all other Nations to be in bet­ter case then themselves. The breife [Page] is, Oppression in many places weares the Robes of Justice, which Dominee­ring over the naturalls, may not spare strangers, And strangers will not en­dure it, but cry out unto their owne Lords for releife by the Sword. Wherefore the Motive of Revenging Injuries is very strong, though it meer­ly consist in the will of man, with­out any inforcement of nature.

Yet the more to quicken it, there is usually concurrent therewith, A hope­full expectation of gaine. For of the amends recovered, Little or nothing returns to those that had suffered the wrong, but commonly all runs into the Princes Coffers. Such examples as was that of our late Queen Eliza­beth of most famous memory, are ve­ry rare. Her Majestie when the goods of our English Merchants were attached by the Duke of Alva, Anno Domini 1569. in the Netherlands, And by King Philip in Spaine, arrested, [Page] Likewise the goods of the Low dutch here in England, that amounted unto a greater value: Neither was she con­tented that her Subjects should right themselves as well as they could, upon the Spaniards by Sea,Anno. 1573. But ha­ving brought King Philip with­in foure or five years, to better reason, though not so far as to Resti­tution; She satisfied her owne Mer­chants to the full, for all their losses out of the Dutchmens goods, and gave back to the Duke what was remay­ning. This among many thousand of her Royall Actions, that made her glorious in all Nations, though it caused even strangers in their speech and writing to extoll her Princely Ju­stice, to the skies: yet served it not as a President for others of lesse vertue to follow.

It were more costly to take patterne from those Acts, which gave Immor­tall renowne to that great Queen, then [Page] to imitate the thirsty dealing of that Spanish Duke, in the self same busines, who kept all to his owne use, or his Masters, Restoring to the poore Dutch Merchants not one penny. It falls out many times indeed, that a Prince is driven to spend far more of his trea­sure in punishing by War the wrong­ers of his people, Then the losse of his People did amount unto. In such cases it is reason, that he satisfy him­self, and let the people (whereto com­monly they are apt) rest contented with the sweetnesse of revenge.

But when victory makes large a­mends for all, it Royally becomes a Prince, to satisfy those for whose sa­tisfaction he undertooke the Warre. For besides the purpose it were now, to teach how victory should be used, or the gaines thereof Communicated to the generall content. This being only brought into shew, that the pro­fit thereby gotten, is a stirring pro­vocation [Page] to the redresse of Inju­ries by the sword. As for the redresse of Injuries done unto Princes them­selves, it may conveniently (though not alwayes, for it were miserable in­justice to deny leave to Princes of mainetaining their owne honour) be referred unto the third motive of Ar­bitrary Warres, which is meere Am­bition.

This is and ever hath been that true cause of more Wars, then have troub­led the world upon all other occasions whatsoever, though it least partake of nature, or urgent necessity of State. I call not here alone by the name of Ambition, that vaine glorious hu­mour which openly professeth to be none other, and vaunts it selfe as an imperiall vertue (for the examples are not many of that kind:) But where occasion of Warre is greedily sought, or being very slight is gladly entertai­ned, for that increase of Dominion [Page] is hoped thereby, we should rather impute the Warre to the scope at which it aimeth: then to any idle cause pretended.

The Romans feared lest they of of Carthage by winning Messana should soone get the mastery over all Sicilie, And have a faire entrance at pleasure into Italy: Which to pre­vent they made a Warre upon the Car­thaginians; this feare I call Ambiti­on, Had they not trusted in their own Armes, hoping thereby to enlarge their empire, but being weaker, and more afraid indeed, they would have feared lesse.

For Colour of this Warre they tooke the Mamertines, A Crewe of Theeves, and cut throats into their protection; Whom being their asso­ciats they must needs defend. But had not their Ambition been mightier then their Justice, they would have en­deavoured to punish these Mamer­tines, [Page] and not to protect them. Innu­merable are the like examples: Know ye not (said Ahab) that Ramoth Gilead is ours? He knew this before, and was quiet enough, till opinion of his forces, made him looke into his right. And of this nature (though some worse then other in degree) are claims of old forgotten tribute or of some acknowledgements due perhaps to the Ancestors of a vanquished King, And long after challenged by the Heirs of the Conqueror, broken titles to King­domes or Provinces, Mainetenance of friends, and Partizans, pretenced wrongs, and indeed, whatsoever it pleased him to alleadge that thinketh his owne sword sharpest: But of old time (perhaps before Helen of Greece, was borne) Women have been the common Argument of these Trage­dies. As of late Ages in our parts of the world, since the names of Guelf, and Ghibeline, were heard, The right [Page] of St. Peter, that is the Popes Reve­news and Authority.

This last and other of the same kind I know not, how patiently they will endure to be ranged among Ambiti­ons quarrels: For the Warre that hath such foundation, will not only be re­puted, free from worldly Ambition, Just, and honourable, But holy, and meritorious: having thereto belonging Pardon of Sins, Release from Purga­tory, And the promises of the life to come, As may be seen in the Popes Crociata.

The truth is, that the Saracenes, af­firme no lesse of the Warres, which either they make against Christians, or which arise between themselves from difference of Sect. And if every man had his due, I thinke the honour of devising first this Doctrine: That Re­ligion ought to be inforced upon men by the sword, would be found apper­taining to Mahomet the false Prophet, [Page] sure, it is, that he and the Caliphes fol­lowing him obteined thereby in a short space a mighty Empire, which was in faire way to have inlarged, un­till they fell out among themselves. Not for the Kingdome of Heaven, But for Dominion upon Earth. And a­gainst these did the Popes, when their authority grew powerfull in the West, incite the Princes of Germany, England, France, and Italie. Their chiefe en­terprise was the Recovery of the Holy Land. In which worthy, but ex­treamely difficult action, it is lamen­table to Remember, what abundance of noble Blood hath been shed, with ve­ry small benefit unto the Christian State.

The Recovery of Spaine (whereof the better part was then in Bondage of the Saracens,) had been a worke more availeable to the men of Europe, more easily mainetained with supply, more aptly serving to advance any fol­lowing [Page] enterprise upon Kingdomes further removed, more free from ha­zard, and Requiring lesse expence of Blood. But the honourable piety of the undertakers could not be terrified by the face of danger, nor diverted from this to a more commodious busi­nesse, by any motives of profit or faci­lity, for the Pulpits did sound in eve­ry Parish Church with the praises of that voyage, as if it were a matter, o­therwise far lesse highly pleasing unto God, to beare Armes for defence of his truth against prosecutors, or for the Deliverance of poore Christians op­pressed with slavery, then to fight for that selfe same Land, wherein our Blessed Saviour was borne and Dyed: By such perswasions a marvellous number were excited to the Conquest of Palestina which with singular vertue they performed (though not without exceeding great losse of men) and held that Kingdome some few generations.

[Page]But the Climate of Syria, the far di­stance from the strength of Christen­dome, And the neer Neighbourhood of those that were most puissant a­mong the Mahometans, caused that fa­mous enterprise, after a long continu­ance of terrible War, to be quite a­bandoned.

The care of Ierusalem being laid a­side, it was many times thought need­full to represse the growing power of the Turke by the joint forces of all Christian Kings and Common­wealths, And hereto the Popes have u­sed much perswasion and often pub­lished their Crociata with pardon of sins to all that would adventure in a worke so Religious. Yet have they effected little or nothing, and lesse perhaps are ever like to doe. For it hath been their Custome so shame­fully to misuse the fervent zeale of men to Religious Armes by conver­ting the Monies, that have been Lea­vyed [Page] for such Wars, to their owne services, and by stirring up Christians one against an other, yea against their owne naturall Princes, under the like pretences of serving God and the Church, that finally men waxed weary of their turbulent spirits, And would not believe that God was carefull to mainetaine the Pope in his quarrells, or that Remission of sins past, was to be obteined by Committing more and more grievous, at the instigation of his suspected holinesse.

Questionlesse there was great reason, why all discreet Princes should be­ware of yeilding hasty beliefe to the Robes of Sanctimonie.

It was the Rule of our Blessed Sa­viour, By their works you shall know them, what the works of those that occupied the Papacie, have been since the dayes of Pepin and Charlemaine who first enabled them with Tempo­rall donation, The Italian writers [Page] have testified at large. Yet were it need­lesse to Cite Machiavell, who hath Re­corded their doings, and is therefore the more hatefull, or Guicciardine, whose works they have gelded, as not endu­ring to heare all that he hath written, though he spake enough in that which remains. What History shall we Read (excepting the Annales of Cae­sar Baronius, And some books of Fry­ars, or Fryarly Parasites) which men­tioning their Acts doe not leave wit­nesse of their ungodly dealing in all quarters.

How few Kingdomes are there (if a­ny) wherein by dispensing with others, transferring the right of Crowns, Ab­solving Subjects from alleageance, and cursing or threatning to curse as long as their curses were regarded, they have not wrought unprobable mischiefs?

The shamelesse denyall hereof by some of their friends, And the more shamelesse justification by their flat­terers, [Page] makes it needfull to exemplifie, which I had rather forbeare, as not lo­ving to deale in such contentious ar­guments, were it not follie to be mo­dest in uttering what is knowne to all the world. Pitty it is, that by such demeanour they have caused the Church (as Hierome Savanarola, and before him Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne prophecied) to be refor­med by the sword. But God would have it so. How farre the Popes bles­sing therefore did sanctifie the enter­prise upon Ierusalem it rests in every mans discretion to Judge.

As for the honourable Christians which undertooke that conquest to justifie their Warre, they had not only the redresse of injuries and pro­tection of their oppressed Brethren, But the repelling of danger from their owne Land, threatned by those mis­beleivers when they invaded.

If the Popes extortions (which were [Page] not more forcible then those of Peters the Hermits) added spirit unto the action: yet altered they not the grounds of the Warre, nor made it the more holy. Let the Indulgences of Pope Leo, the tenth, beare witnesse of this, who out of politick feare of the Turkes violence urged a Religious con­tribution towards a Warre to be made upon them. The necessity of that which hee propounded was greater doubtlesse then any that had perswa­ded the Conquest of Palestina.

But too foule and manifest was the unholinesse of obtruding upon men Remission of sins for money, That the Sums which Pope Leo there­by raised and converted to his owne uses, have made his Successers loosers by the bargaine even to this day.

Pius the Second, formerly well knowne by the name of Aeneas Sil­vius, was discernedly reckoned among the few good Popes of latter ages, [Page] who neverthelesse in a Warre of the same Religious nature, discovered the like (though not the same) imper­fection.

His purpose was to set upon Ma­homet the great, who had newly won the Empire of Constantinople and by carrying the Warre over into Greece, to prevent the danger, threatning I­talie.

In this action highly Commen­dable, he intended to hazard his owne person, that so the more easily hee might win adventurers, who else were like to be lesse forward, as not unac­quainted with such Romish tricks; Yet was not his owne devotion, so zealous in pursuit of this holy busi­nesse, but that he could stay a while, and convert his forces, against Mala­testi Lord of Rimini, letting, Scander­beg waite his Leisure, who had alrea­dy set the Warre on foote in Greece. For (said he) we first subdue the little [Page] Turke, before we medle with the great, He spake reason if we regard policy. But attending one to Religion find we not, that he held the Chastisement of one which molested the Sea of Rome, a like pleasing to God, as would have been the holy Warre, against the Common Enemy of our Christian Faith? So thought all the rest of those Bishops. And so much more (upon their severall occasions) decla­red themselves to thinke it, by how much they were commonly worse men then this Aeneas Silvius. And good reason was there that they should be of such beliefe, or Endeavour to make the Christian world believe none otherwise. For the naturall Constitution of their estate (I meane since the age of Pepin and Charl­maine, or the times not long forego­ing, hath urged them all hereto; though peradventure some few Popes may have been overlewd, by their own pri­vate [Page] natures, and thereby have swa [...] ­ved from the rule of policy. To speake in generall, whosoever hath dominion absolute, over some, and authority lesse absolute over many more, will seeke to draw those that are not whol [...]y his owne into intire subjection.

It fares with politick bodies as with the physicall; each would convert all into their owne proper substance, and cast forth as Excrement what will not so be changed.

We need not Cite Philip the Fa­ther of Alexander, nor Philip the Fa­ther of Perseus, Kings of Macedon for examples. Of which the former brought the Thessalians, the latter would have brought the Acheans and many estates in Greece from the con­dition of followers and dependants unto meer vassallage.

Philip the second of Spaine is yet fresh in mind, who attempted the self same upon the Netherlands.

[Page] Exceptions may be framed here a­gainst one, of the honest, quiet, or ti­merous disposition of some Princes, yet that all, or the most are thus incli­ned, both reason and experience teach: yea even our Cities and Corporati­ons here in England, such as need the protection of great Men, Complaine otherwhiles of their patrons over­much diligence, either in searching into their private estates, or behaving themselves master-like in point of go­vernment, But never hath authority better means to enlarge it self, then when it is founded upon devotion. And yet never doth authority of this kind, worke to raise it self unto meere dominion, untill it fall into the hands of those whose piety is more in see­ming, then indeed.

The Leviticall Priests, in the old Law never arrogated unto themselves, any Temporall or Coactive power Nor advanced their Miters against the [Page] Crowne of Israel. They well under­stood what authority God had com­mitted unto them and rested there­withall content. Some wrangling hereabout hath been of late; The Popes flatterers labouring to prove, That the high Priests of old were not meer­ly Subject unto the Kings of Iuda, and men of better spirit and learning having shewed the contrary.

But whatsoever befell in those dayes, when there was no King in I­srael, that is, before the Reigne of Saul, or after the Captivity of Babel, sure it is that the sons of Aaron were alwaies obedient unto the sons of Da­vid, And acknowledged them their Lords. As for the race of the Macca­bees, that held both the Kingdome and the Priesthood at once, It falls not within this Consideration; the first thereof (of whom I read) that used the advantage of honour given to him in matter of Religion towards the [Page] getting of Temporal possession, was (if nor Mahomet himselfe) Abubachar the Successor unto Mahomet, This man having obteined by help of his friends, the miserable happinesse of being chosen heire unto that foole Impostor in his dignity of a Prophet, made it one of his first works to dispoile poor Aliffe the Nephew of Mahomet, and heire of his great riches, taking al from him by this pretence, That unto whom belonged the Succession in wisdome, unto him also belonged the Succes­sion in wealth. And this grew pre­sently to be a famous question among the Doctors of the Saracen Law. But howsoever it were then decided, we see now the Muphti of high Prelate, who is the only Oracle among the Turkes in Spirituall matters, lives and holds all that he hath at the discretion of the great Sultan.

Neverthelesse it should seeme that the doctrine of Abubachar, hath not [Page] lost all force, for the examples are many in all Saracen Lands, of Pro­phets or deceivers which got that name, that never rested untill they be­came Kings.

The Seriph in Barbarie, was one of the last: who having once acquired the opinion of an holy Man, after­ward found means to become a Cap­tain, and Lord of a small Territory; And finally increased his followers, and withall his bounds so fast and so far, as having made himself King of Morocca, he had the grace to tell the King of Fessy, (lately his Soveraigne) that both Fesse and all Kingdomes in those parts were belonging to his own holinesse; and this he made good by winning all sooner after.

Whether the claime which the Popes laid to a Supremacie over all Kingdomes and estates, had not affini­ty with the principle of Abubachar, Let other men Judge that their practi­ses [Page] to mainetaine it, have been sutable to those of Seriffo, all Historians doe testifie.

For when Pope Gregory the second, procured the Citie of Rome, and some other places in Italie to Rebell against the Emperour Leo, the third, what o­ther colour used he, then that himself had Excommunicated Leo, as an un­godly Prince, for breaking downe I­mages, that were worshipped in Chur­ches, when for this treason Paul the Exarch, Leiutenant unto the Empe­rour, besieged Rome with the assistance of Lueitpraud King of the Lumbards, by what other art did the Pope re­move the siege, then by perswading the Lumbard with a Tale of Peter, and Paul, that had consecrated the Citie of Rome with their pretious blood. Thus was devotion made the Cloake for treason? And thus did the Popes first slip their necks out of the Empe­rours coller. Within very few years [Page] after this, by the like Religious pre­text were those Princes of France, Charls Martell, Pepine, and Charle­maine, won to assist the Papacie, a­gainst the Lumbards, yea, to give un­to St. Peter, the most of those Lands which the Pope now holds in Italie, And not restore them to the Empe­rour, from whom the Lumbards had gotten them. And thereunto Pepine, was perswaded for his Souls health.

Yet had Pope Zachary through the opinion that went of his holinesse, done a notable good office for Pepine be­fore, when he Released the Frenchmen of their Oath to King Chilperick, And was the cause that Pepine was chosen in his stead, by saying, That rather he should be King who did the Kings duty, then he that did it not.

In like manner did Pope Leo re­compense the benefits of Charlemaine, by setting him up as Emperour in the West against those of Constantinople: [Page] But in these mutuall offices, the Popes did only help with gracefull words to adorne that might which Pepine and Charlemaine had before acquired. Whereas these Kings used force of arms to erect the papacy in Principallity; That was held yet in vassallage unto themselves. Now this could not sa­tisfie the ambition of that See, which gloried falsly to be the only See A­postolique.

For as the Reputation of the Romane Prelats grew up in those blind ages under the Westerne Emperours, much faster then true piety could raise it, in former times when better Learning had flourished; So grew up in them withall a desire, of amplifying their power, that they might be as great in temporall forces as mens opinion have formed them in spirituall mat­ters. Immediately therefore upon the death of Charlemaine, they began to neglect the Emperours consent in their [Page] Elections. And finding in them that afterwards reigned of the house of France, either too much patience or too much weakenesse, they were bold, within seaventy years to decree, That in the Creation of Popes, the Empe­rour should have nothing at all to doe. Having obteined this, It followed that they should make themselves Lord over the whole Clergie in all King­domes.

But the worke was great, and could not be accomplished in hast, for they were much disturbed at home by the People of Rome; who seeing about Fifty Popes or rather (as mainetainers of the Papacie, would now have them called) Monsters to succeed one ano­ther, and attaine by the faction of Cut-throats, and Strumpets, St. Peters Chaire, despised that hypocrisy, which the world abroad did Reverence as holinesse.

Likewise the Empire falling from [Page] the line of Charles, to the mighty house of Saxonie, was so strongly up­held by the first Princes of that race, as it greatly curbed the ambition of those aspiring Prelats.

Yet no impediment could alwaies be of force to withstand the violence of seeming sanctity.

The Polonians, Hungarians, and some other farre removed Nations, had yeil­ded themselves in subjection more then meerely spirituall, even to those Popes whom Italie knew to be dete­stable men.

As for the Romane Citizens they were chastised by the sword, and taught to acknowledge the Pope their Lord, though they knew not by what right. Long it was indeed ere they could with much adoe be throughly tamed, Because they knowing the Lewdnesse of their Prelate and his Court, their devotion, unto him (the trade by which now they live) was very small. [Page] Because also they were the Popes do­mesticall forces, against which no Prince doth happily contend. But fi­nally the Popes Armes prevailed, or when his owne were too weake, the Emperours and other friends were hel­ping. Contrariwise against Empe­rours and other Princes, the sword of the people even of their owne Subjects hath been used by teaching all Chri­stians in our Westerne world a false Lesson. That it is lawfull and meri­torious to rebell against Kings excom­municated and deposed by the Pope. This curse was first laid upon the Em­perour, Henry the fourth by Pope Hil­debrand or Gregory the seaventh. It is true (as I said before) that Leo of Constantinople had felt the same though not in the same sort. For Leo being excommunicated was not with­all deposed; only he suffered a revolt of some Italian Subjects. And one may say, That the Germane Empire [Page] deserved this plague, Since the foun­der thereof had given countenance to the Popes Rebelling against their So­veraigns the Emperours of Constanti­nople. Howsoever it were when Hil­debrand had accursed and cast downe from his throne Henry the fourth, there were none so hardy as to defend their Injured Lord, against the Counterfeit­ed name of St. Peter; Wherefore he was faine to humble himselfe before Hildebrand, upon whom he waited three daies beare footed in the Winter ere he could be admitted into his pre­sence, Neither yet could he otherwise get absolution, then by submitting his estate unto the Popes good pleasure, what was his fault? He had refused to yeild up to the Pope, the investiture of Bishops, and Collation of Ecclesia­sticall dignities within his domini­ons, a right that had alwayes belonged to Princes untill that day.

It were superfluous to tell how grie­vously [Page] he was afflicted all his life after; Notwithstanding this submission. In breife the unappeasable rage of Hil­debrand and his Successors, never left persecuting him, by raising one Re­bellion after an other; yea his owne Children against him, till dispoyled of his Crowne, he was faine to beg food of the Bishop of Spyers, promi­sing to earne it in a Church of his own building, by doing there a Clarks du­ty, for he could serve the Quire, And not obteining this, he pined away and dyed.

That Bishop of Spyers dealt herein perhaps rather fearfully, then cruelly, For he had to terrifie him, the example of Vteilo Archhishop of Mentz chiefe Prelate among the Germans. Who was condemned of heresie, for having denyed that the Emperour might be deprived of his Crowne by the Popes authority.

If Princes therefore be carefull to [Page] exclude the doctrine of Hildebrand out of their dominions, who can blame them of rigour?

This example of Henry though it would not be forgotten, might have been omitted, had it not been secon­ded with many of the same nature.

But this was neither one Popes fault, nor one Princes destiny; He must write a story of the Empire, that means to tell of all their dealings in this kind, As how they wrought upon Henry the fifth, whom they had set up against his Father, what horrible ef­fusion of Blood they caused, by their often thundering upon Fredericke, And how they rested not untill they had made the Empire stand headlesse about seaventeene years.

These things moved Rodolph Earl of Habspurgh who was chosen Emperour after that long vacation to refuse the Ceremony of being Crowned at Rome, though he were therero urged by the [Page] Electors. For (said he) our Caesars, have gone to Rome, As the foolish Beasts in Aesops Fables went, to the Lyons Den leaving very goodly footsteps of their journey thitherward, but not the like of their returne.

The same opinion have most of the succeeding Emperours held, all of them, or almost all neglecting that Coronation. Good cause why; Since the Popes (besides many Extortions which they practised about that Ce­remony) Arrogated thence unto themselves, that the Empire was held of them in Homage, And dealt they not after the same fashion with other Kingdomes?

What right had St. Peter to the Crowne of Sicily, and of Naples? The Romane Princes wonne those Lands from the Saracens, who had formerly taken them from the Empire of Con­stantinople; The same Romanes had also been mighty defenders of the Pa­pacy [Page] in many dangers, yet when time served, the Pope tooke upon him, as Lord Paramount of those Countryes, to drive out one King, and set up an­other, with a Bloody confusion of all Italie; retaining the Soveraignty to himself.

In France, he had the daring to pro­nounce himselfe superiour unto the King in all matters both Spirituall and Temporall.

The Crowne of Poland he forced to hold of his Miter by imposing a sub­jection in way of penance. For that the Polish King had caused one St. Stanislaus to be slaine.

For the death of St. Thomas Beckett and (more strangely) for a Refusall of an Archbishop of Canterbury whom his Holinesse had appointed, he impo­sed the like penance upon England.

Also when our King Edward the First, made Warre upon the Scots, word came from Rome that he should [Page] surcease: for that the Kingdome of Scotland belonged unto the Popes Chappell.

A great oversight it was of St. Pe­ter, that he did not accurse Nero, and all heathen Princes, whereby the Popes Chappell might have gotten all that the Devill offered, and our Saviour refused. Yet what need was there of such a banne: Since Fryar Vincent of Valnarda could tell Atatalipa King of Peru: That all the Kingdomes of the Earth were the Popes, who had bestowed more then halfe thereof up­on the King of Spaine. If the Pope will have it so, it must be so; otherwise I should have interpreted that place in Genesis, Increase and multiply and fill the Earth, As spoken to Noah, and his Children, not as directed only to Tu­bal, Homer, and Phatto, the supposed Fathers of the old Iberians, Gothes, and Moores, of whom the Spanish blood is compounded. But of such impu­dent [Page] presumption in disposing of coun­tryes farre remote, And whereto the sword must acquire a better title, the mischiefe is not presently discerned.

It were well if his Holinesse had not loved to set the world in an uproare by nourishing of War, among those that respected him as a Common Fa­ther.

His dispensing with oaths taken for agreement between one King and ano­ther, or between Kings and Subjects, doe speake no better of him. For by what right was it, That Fardinand of Arragon won the Kingdome of Navar? why did not the Confederacie, that was between Lewis the Twelfth of France, and the Venetians hinder that King from warring upon Venice? why did not the like between Eng­land, and France, hinder our King Henry the eighth for warring upon the same King Lewis?

Was it not the Pope who did set [Page] on the French, to the end that himself might get Ravenna from the Venetians? Why was it not the same Pope, who afterwards (upon desire to drive the French out of Italie) excommunica­ted Lewis, and his adherents? By ver­tue of which Excommunication Far­dinand of Arragon seized upon Na­varr.

And served not the same Warrant to set our Henry upon the back of France? But this was not our Kings fault more then all the peoples. We might with shame confesse it, (if other Countries had not been as blindly superstitious as our Fathers) That a Barque of Apples blessed by the Pope, and sent hither for presents unto those that would be for­ward in the War upon France, made all our English hasty to take Armes, in such sort as the Italians wondred, and laughed to see our men, no lesse greedy of those Apples (then Eve, was of the forbidden fruit) for which they were [Page] to hazard their lives in an unjust War. Few ages have wanted such and more grievous examples of the Popes tumul­tuous disposition, but these were a­mongst the last that fell out before his unholinesse was detected. Now for his dispensing betweene Kings and their Subjects, we need not seeke in­stances far from home.

He absolved our King Iohn of an oath, given to his Barons and people. The Barons and people he afterwards discharged of their alleageance to King Iohn.

King Henry the third, had appeased this Land (how wisely I say not) by taking such an oath, as his Father had done; swearing as he was a Knight, A Christian, and a King. But in a Sermon at Paules, People were taught how little was to be reposed on such assu­rance, the Popes dispensation being there openly read, which pronounced that Oath voyde. Good cause why. [Page] For that King had the patience to live, like neither Knight, nor King, But as the Popes Tenant, and Rent-gatherer of England. But when the same King adventured to murmure, the Pope could threaten to teach him his duty with a vengeance. And make him know, what it was to winch and play the Fredericke.

Thus we see what hath been his Custome to oppresse Kings by their people, And the people by their Kings, yet this was for serving his owne turne.

Wherein had our King Henry the sixt offended him (which King Pope Iulius would after for a little money have made a Saint) Neverthelesse, the Popes absolving of Rich: Duke of Yorke from that honest oath, which he had given by mediation of all the Land to that good King occasioned both the Dukes and the Kings ruine. And therewithal those long and cruell [Page] Wars betweene the Houses of Lan­caster, and Yorke, and brought all Eng­land into an horrible Combustion. What he meant by this, I know not, unlesse to verifie the Proverbe; Om­nia Romae venalia, I will not urge the dispensation, whereby the Pope re­leased King Philip, the second of Spaine, from the solemne Oath by which he was bound to maintaine the priviledges of the Netherlands, though this Papall indulgence, hath scarce as yet left working, And been the cause of so many hundred thou­sands slaine, for this last forty years in the Netherlands.

Neither will I urge the Pope encou­raging of Henry the second, and his sons, to the last of them against the French Protestants, the cause of the first three Civill Warres, And lastly of the Leavyings of Byrons, in which there hath perished no lesse number, then in the Low-Countryes.

[Page]For our Country it affords an exam­ple of fresh memory, since we should have had as furious Warre, as ever both upon us, and amongst us, in the daies of our late famous Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth, if Pope Pius his Bull, Could have gored, as well as it could Bellow.

Therefore it were not amisse to an­swer by a Herald, the next Pontificall attempt of like nature, rather sending defiance (as to an enemy) then publi­shing answers as to one that had here to doe, though in deed he had never here to doe (by any lawfull power) either in Civill or Ecclesiasticall businesse, after such time as Brittaine was won from the Romane Empire.

For howsoever it were ordered in some of the first holy generall Coun­cills, that the Bishop of Rome, should be Patriarch over these quarters, yea; or it were supposed that the forged Canons, by which he now challengeth [Page] more then precedency, and primacie, had also been made indeed: yet could this little help his claime in King­domes, that hold not of the Empire. For those right holy Fathers, as in matters of Faith, they did not make truth, But religiously expounded it: so in matters of Ecclesiasticall Go­vernment, they did not create pro­vinces for themselves; But ordered the Countries which they then had.

They were assemblies of all the Bi­shops in the Romane world, and with the Romane dominion only they med­led. Requisite it is that the faith which they taught should be imbra­ced in all Countryes, As it ought like­wise to be entertained, if the same had been in like sort illustrated, not by them, but by a generall Councill of all Bishops in the great Kingdome of the Abissines, which is thought to have been Christian even in those daies.

But it was not requisite, nor is, that [Page] the Bishops of Abissines, or of India, should live under direction of the Pa­triarch of Alexandria, and Antioch.

Questionlesse, those godly Fathers of the Nicene, And of the Calcedonian Councill so thought. For they tooke not upon them to order the Church Government in India, where St. Thomas had preached, nor to range the Subjects of Prester Iohn (as we call him) under any of themselves; much lesse to frame an Hierarchie up­on earth, whereto men of all Nations whatsoever should be subject in Spi­rituall obedience.

If Constantine or his Successors the Romane Emperours could have wonne all Asia: like it is that in Councils following more Patriarchs would have been ordeined for the Ecclesiasticall Government of that large continent, and not all those vast Countryes have beene left unto him of Antioch or Constantinople. But since contrari­wise, [Page] the Empire became looser, the Patriarchs whose Jurisdiction depen­ded upon the Empire, become loosers also.

We grant, that even in the times of persecution, before Christian Bishops durst hold open assemblies, there was given especiall honour to the Bishops that were over the chiefe Cities; That unity might the better be preserved and heresie kept out of the Church; But this honour was no more, then a [...] precedence, a dignity without Co­active power, extending no further then to matter of Religion, And not having to doe, save in the generall way of Christian love with any stran­gers.

We therefore, that are no depen­dants of the Empire, ought not to be troubled with the authority (be in what it may be) with any assemblie [...] of godly Fathers (yet all Subjects o [...] that Empire, ordeined for their owne [Page] better Government) But rather should regard the Bishop of Rome, As the Islanders of Iersey, and Garnsey, doe him of Constance in Normandie, that is nothing at all: since by that French Bishops refusall to sweare unto our King, those Isles were annexed to the Diocesse of Winchester.

HAving former­ly (most ex­cellent Prince) discoursed of a Maritimall voy­age, and the pas­sages and incidents therein, I thinke it not impertinent nor differing from my purpose, to second the same with some ne­cessary relations concerning the Royall Navy, with the Servi­ces and Offices thereto belong­ing. For, as the perfection and [Page 2] excellency of our Shipping is great and remarkeable, so the imperfections and defects of the same by use and experience of late years, have been found to be divers and inconvenient, as it falls out many times in the circumstances of Land-service by the change of Armes, diver­sities of Fortifications, and al­teration of Discipline. And therefore for the due reforma­tion, many things are necessa­rily and particularly to be spo­ken and considered of in their Order. In regard whereof, I will first begin with the Offi­cers, and therein crave pardon (if in speaking plainly and tru­ly in a matter of so great im­portance) I doe set aside all private respects and partiality. For in that which concerns the service and benefit of my [Page 3] Prince and Country, I will say with Cicero, Nil mihi melius, nil mihi Charius. And there­fore not justly to be taxed with any presumption for medling with matters wherein I have no dealings nor charge. For that in the affaires of this nature, every good Subject is deeply interes­sed, and bound in Conscience and duty both to say and doe his best.

IF ill successe of this En­terprise of mine had bin without Example, I should have needed a large discourse and ma­ny arguments for my Justification, But if the atempts of the greatest Princes of Europe, both among themselves and against the great Turk, are in all moderne Histories left to e­very eye to peruse. It is not so strange that my selfe being but a private man, [Page 2] and drawing after me the chaines and Fetters whereunto I have been thirteen yeares tyed in the Tower, being un­pardoned and in disgrace with my So­veraigne Lord, have by other mens er­rours failed in the attempt I under­tooke.

For if that Charles the Fifth return­ed with unexampled losse, I will not say dishonour, from Algire in Africa: If King Sebastian lost himselfe and his Army in Barbary: If the invincible Fleet and forces of Spaine in Eighty Eight were beaten home by the Lord Charles Howard Admirall of England: If Mr. Strozzi the Count Brizack the Count of Vinnnoso and others, with the Fleet of fifty eight sayle and six thousand Souldiers, encountered with far lesse numbers could not defend the Terceres. Leaving to speake of a world of other attempts furnished by Kings and Princes. If Sir Francis Drake, Sir Iohn Hawkins and Sir Thomas Bas­kervile [Page 3] men for their experience and valour as Eminent as England had a­ny, strengthned with divers of her Ma­jesties ships, and fild with Souldiers at will, could not possesse themselves of the Treasure they sought for, which in their view was imbarked in certaine Frigotts at Puerto Rico, yet afterward they were repulsed with fifty Negroes upon the Mountains of Vasques Numi­us, or Sierra de Capira in their passage towards Panania: If Sir Iohn Norris (though not by any fault of his) failed in the attempts of Lysbone and returned with the losse, by sicknesse and other­wise, of eight thousand men. What wonder is it, but that mine (which is the last) being followed with a com­pany of Voluntiers who for the most part had neither seen the Sea nor the Warres, who, some forty Gentlemen excepted, had we the very scumme of the World: Drunkards, Blasphemers and such others as their Fathers Bro­thers [Page 4] and freinds thought it an exceed­ing good gaine to be discharged of them with the hazard of some thirty forty or fifty pounds, knowing they could not have liv'd a whole yeare so cheape at home: I say what wonder is it, if I have failed, where I could neither be present my selfe, nor had any of the Commanders (whom I most trusted) living, or in state to supply my place?

Now, where it was bruted, both be­fore my departure out of England and by the most men beleived, that I meant nothing lesse then to go to Guiana: but that being once at liberty and in mine owne power, having made my way with some Forraigne Prince I would turne Pyratt and utterly forsake my Countrey. My being at Guiana, my returning into England unpardoned, and my not takeing the spoile of the Subj. of any Christian Prince, hath (I doubt not) detroyed that Opinion.

But this is not all: for it hath been [Page 5] given out by an hypocritticall Theife who was the first Master of my shipp: And by an ungratefull Youth which waited upon me in my Cabbin, though of honourable worthy Parents: and by others: That I carryed with me out of England twenty two thousand peices of twenty two shillings the peice, and thererefore needed not, or cared not to discover any Mine in Gui­ana, nor make any other attempt else­where: Which Report being carried secretly from one to an other in my ship, and so spread through all the ships in the Fleet which staid with me at Trenidado while our Land-Forces were in Guiana, had like to have been my utter overthrow in a most misera­ble fashion; For it was consulted when I had taken my Barge and gone a shoare (either to discover or otherwise as I often did) That my ship should have set saile and left me there, where either I must have suffered Famine, [Page 6] been eaten with wilde beasts, or have fallen into the hands of the Spaniards and been flayed alive as others of the English, which came thither but to trade only, had formerly been.

To this Report of Riches, I make this Protestation, That if it can be prooved, either now or hereafter, that I had in the world, either in my keep­ing or in my power, either directly or indirectly in trust or otherwise, above one hundred peices when I departed London, of which I had left forty five peices with my wife, and fifty five I carried with me: I acknowledge my selfe for a Reprobate, a Villaine, a Traitor to the King, and the most un­worthy man that doth live, or ever hath liv'd upon the earth.

Now where the Captaines that left me in the Indies, and Captaine Baily, that ran away from me at Cancerota, have, to excuse themselves, objected for the first, That I lingered at Pli­mouth [Page 7] when I might have gone thence, and lost a faire Wind and time of the yeare, or to that effect. It is strange that men of fashion and Gentlemen should so grosly bely their owne knowledge: And that had not I lived nor returnd to have made answer to this Faction, yet all that know us in Plimouth and all that we had to deale withall knew the contrary. For after I had stayed at the Isle of Wight divers daies; the Thunder, Commanded by Sir Warram St. Leger by the negligence of her Master, was at Lee in the Thames; and after I arrived at Plimouth, Captaine Pennington was not come then to the Isle of Wight, and being arrived there, and not able to redeeme his Bread from the Ba­kers, he rode back to LONDON to intreat help from my wife to pay for it, who having not so much money to serve his turne, she wrote to Mr. Wood of Portsmouth and gave him her word for thirty pounds, which shee [Page 8] soone after payd him, without which (as Pennington himselfe protested to my wife) he had not bin able to have gone the journey: Sir Iohn Ferne I found there without all hope of being able to proceed, having nor men nor mony▪ and in great want of other pro­vision, insomuch as I furnished him by my Cozen Herbert with a hundred pounds, having supplied himselfe in Wales with a hundred pounds before his coming to Plimouth: and procured him a third hundred pound from the worthy and honest Deane of Exeter Doctor Sutcliffe. Captaine Whitney, whome I also stayed for, had a third part of his victualls to provide, inso­much as having no mony to help him withall I sold my Plate in Plimouth to supply him. Baily I left at the Isle of Wight, whose arrivall I also attended here some ten or twelve daies as I re­member, and what should move Baily only to leave me as he did at the Cana­ries, [Page 9] from whence he might have de­parted with my love and leave, and at his returne to do me all the wrong he could devise, I cannot conceive; he seemed to me from the begining not to want any thing, he only desired of me some Ordnance and some iron-bound Caske, and I gave it him; I never gave him ill language nor offered him the least unkindnesse to my knowledge: It is true, that I refused him a French Shallop which he tooke in the Bay of Portingall outward bound, and yet af­ter I had bought her of the French, and paid fifty Crownes ready mony for her if Baily had then desired her he might have had her; But to take any thing from the French, or from any other na­tion, I meant it not.

True it is, that as many things succee­ded both against Reason and our best endeavours; So it is most commonly true, that men are the cause of their owne misery, as I was of mine, when I [Page 10] undertooke my late enterprise without a pardon for all my Company, ha­ving heard it avowed in England be­fore they went, that the Commission I had, was granted to a man who was Non Ens in law, so hath the want thereof taken from me both Armes and Actions: Which gives boldnesse to every petty Companion to spread Rumours to my Defamation and the wounding of my Reputation, in all places where I cannot be present to make them Knaves and Lyars.

It hath been secondly objected, That I put into Ireland and spent much time there, taking care to Revictuall my selfe and none of the rest.

Certainly I had no purpose to see Ireland when I left Plimouth, but be­ing encountered with a strong Storme some eight Leagues to the Westward of Scilly, in which Captaine Chudleyes Pinace was suncke, and Captaine King thrust into Bristoll: I held it the Of­fice [Page 11] of a Commander of many ships, and those of divers Saylings and con­ditions, of which some could Hull and Trye, and some of them beat it up upon a Tack, and others neither able to doe the one nor the other, rather to take a Port and keep his Fleete together, then either to en­danger the losse of Masts and Yardes; or to have it severed farre asunder, and to be thrust into divers places. For the attendance of meeting them againe at the next Randezvous, would consume more Time and Victuall, and per­chance the weake ships might be set upon, taken, or disordered, then could be spent by recovering a Har­bour, and attending the next change of wind.

That the dissevering of Fleets hath beene the overthrow of many Acti­ons, I could give many Examples, were it not in every mans Know­ledge. In the last Enterprize of [Page 12] worth, undertaken by our English Na­tion with three Squadrons of ships, Commanded by the Earle of Essex, the Earle of Suffolke and my selfe, where was also present the Earle of Southampton, If we being storme-bea­ten in the Bay of Alcashar or Biscaye had had a Port under our Lee, that we might have kept our Transporting ships with our men of War, we had in all likelihood both taken the Indian Fleet and the Asores.

That we staid long in Ireland it is true, but they must accuse the Clouds and not me, for our stay there; for I lost not a day of a good Wind: and there was not any Captaine of the Fleet but had Credit or might have had for a great deale of more victualls then we spent there, and yet they had of me fifty Beeves among them and somewhat else.

For the third Accusation, That I landed in Hostile maner at Lancerota; [Page 13] Certainly Captaine Baily had greate want of matter when he gave that for an excuse of his turning back, for I re­ferr my selfe to Mr. Barney, who I know will ever justifie a truth, to whom (when he came to me from Captaine Baily to know whether he should land his men with the rest) I made this answer, that he might land them if it pleased him, or otherwise keepe them aboard, for I had agreed with the Governor for a proportion of victuall which I hourely expected: And it is true, that the Governor being desirous for to speake with me with one Gentleman with him with their Rapiers only, which I accepting, and taking with me Leivetenant Bradshaw, we agreed: that I should send up an English Factor (whose ship did then ride in the Roade) and that whatsoe­ver the Island could yeeld should be delivered at a reasonable rate; I sent the English Factor according to our agree­ment, [Page 14] but the Governour put it off from one morning to an other, and in the end sent me word, that except I would imbarque my men which lay on the Sea side, Slanders were so jealous as they durst not sever themselves to make our Provisions: I did so, but when the one halfe were gotten aboard two of our Centinells forct, one slaine and the English Factor sent to tell mee that he had nothing for us, whom he still believed to be a Fleet of the Turks, who had lately taken and de­stroyed Puerto Sancto. Hereupon all the Companies would have marched toward the Towne and have sackt it, but I knew it would not only dislike His Majesty, But that our Merchants having a continuall trade with those I­slands, that their Goods would have bin stayed, and amongst the rest, the poor English man riding in the Road ha­ving all that he brought thither ashore, would have been utterly undone.

[Page 15]Hereof I complained to the Go­vernour of the Grand Canaries, whom I also desired that we might take wa­ter without any disturbance, but in­stead of answer, when we landed some hundred men, far from any habitation, and in a Desart place of the Island, where we found some fresh water, there Ambush was layd, and one Fish­er of Sir Iohn Fernes ship wounded to death, and more had been slain had not Captaine Thornburst and Master Robert Hayman my sonnes Lievtenant, two exceeding valiant Gentlemen, who first made head against them, second­ed by Sir Warham Sentleger and my Sonne with halfe a dozen more, made forty of them runne away. From hence because there was scarcity of water, we sayled to Gomarrah, one of the strongest and well defenced places of all the Islands and the best Port: The Towne being seated upon the very Wash of the Sea, at the first entrance [Page 16] of our ships, they shot at us, and ours at them, but as soone as I my selfe re­covered the Harbour, and had com­manded that there should be no more shooting, I sent a Spaniard a shore (ta­ken in a Barque which came from Cape Blanke) to tell the Governour that I had no purpose to make warr with any of the Spanish Kings Subjects, and if any harme were done by our great Ord­nance to the Towne, it was his fault, which by shooting first gave the occa­sion. He sent me for answer that he thought we had beene the Turkish Fleet, which destroyed Puerto Sancto, but being resolved by the Messenger that we were Christians and English, and sought nothing but water, he would willingly afford us as much as we pleased to take, if he might be as­sured that we would not attempt his Towne-Houses, nor destroy the Gar­dens and fruits; I returned him answer that I would give him my Faith, and [Page 17] the word of the King of Great Brit­taigne my Soveraigne Lord, that the People of the Town and Island should not loose so much as one Orange or a Grape without paying for it, I would hang him up in the Market-street. Now that I kept my Faith with him, and how much he held himselfe bound unto me: I have divers of his Letters to shew, for he wrote unto me every day And the Countesse being of an english Race a Stafford by Mother, and of the house of Horn by the Father, sent me divers presents of fruits, Sugar, and Ruske: to whom I returned because I would not depart in her debt) things of greater value; The old Earle at my departure wrot a Letter to the Spanish Ambassador here in England how I had behaved my selfe in those Islands. There I discharg'd a Barke of the grand Canaries taken by one of my Pinna­ces coming from Cape-Blank in Africa, and demanding of him what prejudice [Page 18] he had recieved by being taken, he told me that my men had eaten of his fish to the value of sixe Duckets, for which I gave him eight.

From the Canaries, it is said That I sayled to Cape de Verte knowing it to be an infectious place, by reason whereof I lost so many of my men ere I recovered the Indies; The truth is that I came no ne­rer to Cape de Vert then Bravo, which is one hundred and sixty Leagues off; But had I taken it in my way, falling upon the Coast or any other part of Guiana, after the Raines, there is as little dan­ger of infection as in any other part of the World, as our English that trade in those parts every yeare doe well know; There are few places in Eng­land or in the world neere great Ri­vers which run through low grounds or neare Moorish or Marsh grounds, but the People inhabiting neare, are at some time of the yeare subject to Fea­vers, witnes Woollwich in Kent and all [Page 19] down the Rivers on both sides, other Infection there is not found either in the Indies or in Affrica, Except it be when the Easterly wind or Breefes are kept off by some High Mountaines from the Vallies, wherby the ayre wanting motion doth become exceed­ing unhealthfull as at Nomber de Dios and elsewhere. But as good successe admitts no Examination, so the con­trary allows of no excuse, how reason­able or just soever. Sir Francis Drake, Mr. Iohn Winter and Iohn Tomas, when they past the Streights of Malegan, meeting with a storme which drove Winter back, which thrust Iohn Thomas upon the Islands to the South where he was cast away, and Sir Francis nere a small Island upon which the Spani­ards landed their cheins & murderers, from Baldivia, and he found there Phil­lip an Indian who told him where he was and conducted him to Baldivia, wher he took his first prize of Treasure, [Page 20] and in that ship he found a Pylot cal­led John Grege who guided him all that Coast, in which he possest himselfe of the rest, which Pylot because he should not rob him of his Reputation and knowledge in those parts (desist­ing the intreaties and teares of all his Company) he set him a shore up­on the Island of Altegulors to be by them devoured. After which passing by the East-Indies, he returned into England, and notwithstanding the peace between Us and Spaine, he en­joyed the Riches he brought, and was never so much as called to accompt for cutting off Douly his head at Porte St. Iulian having neither Marshall Law nor other Commission availeable. Mr. Candish having past all the Coasts of Chyle and Peru, and not gotten a far­thing, when he was without hope, and ready to shape his course by the East homewards, met a ship which came from the Phillippines at Calestorvia, a [Page 21] thousand pounds to a Nutshell. These two in these two Voyages were the Children of Fortune, and much hono­red; But when Sir Francis Drake in his last attempt might have landed at Cru­ces, by the river of Chyagre within eight miles of Panama, he notwithstanding set the Troups on land at Nomber de Dios and received the repulse aforesaid, he dyed for sorrow. The same successe had Candish in his last Passage towards the Streights. I say that one and the same end they both had, to wit Drake and Candish, when Chance had left them to the tryall of their owne Ver­tues.

For the rest I leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge, by what neglect or errour of mine, the Gold Mine in Guiana which I had formerly discovered was not found and enjoyed, for after we had refreshed our selves in Galleana, otherwise in the first discove­ry called Poet Howard, where we tarri­ed [Page 22] Captaine Hastins, Captaine Pi­gott, and Captaine Snedall, and there recovered the most part of our sicke men. I did Imbarque sixe Com­panies of fifty to each Company in five shipps, to wit, the Encoun­ter, Commanded by Captaine Whit­ney, in the Confidence by Captaine Woollastone, into two Flyboats of my owne, Commanded by Captaine Sa­muell King, and Captaine Robert Smith, In a Carvill which Com­panies had for their Leaders Cap­taine Charles Parker, Captaine North, My Sonne, Captaine Thorn­hurst, Captaine Penjuglous Lievte­nant, and Captaine Chudlyes Lievte­nant Prideux.

At the Tryangle Islands I imbarked the companies for Orrenoque between which and Calliana I lay a ground twenty four houres, and if it had not been faire weather we had never come [Page 23] off the Coast, having not above two Fathome and a halfe of water: Eight Leagues off from whence, I directed them for the River of Surniama, the best part of all that Tract of land between the river Amazones and Orrenoque, there I gave them order to trim their Boates and Barges; and by the Indians of that place to understand the state of the Spaniards in Orrenoque, and whi­ther they had replanted or strengthened themselves upon the entrances or else­where; and if they found any Indians there, to send in the little flyboate or the Carvill into the river of Dissebecke, where they should not faile to find Pi­lots for Orrenoque, for with our great ships we durst not aproach the Coast we having been all of us a ground, and in danger of leaving our Bands upon the shoules before wee recovered the Tryangle Islands as aforesaid; The Biggest Shipp that could En­ter the River was the Encounter, [Page 24] who might be brought to eleven foote water upon the Bar, we could never understand neither by Keymis, who was the first of any Nation that had entered the maine mouth of Orrenoque nor by any of the Masters or Marriners of our Fleet, which had traded there ten or twelve yeares for Tobaccho: For the Chudley when she came nere the Entrance, drawing but twelve foote, found her selfe in danger and bore up for Trinidado.

Now whereas some of my friends have been unsatifised why I my selfe had not gone up with the Companies I sent, I desire hereby to give them satisfaction, that besides my want of health and strength, and having not recovered my long and dangerous sick­nesse, but was againe fallen into a Re­lapse, my ship Stoalde and layd a ground at seaventeene foote water, 7 Leagues of the shore, so as the Mr. nor any of my company durst adven­ture [Page 25] to come neare it, much lesse to fall between the shoules on the south side of the Rivers side, and sands on the North side called Puncto Anegado, one of the most dangerous places in all the Indies: It was therefore resolved by us all, that the five greater ships should ride at Puncto Gallo in Trinidado, and the five lesser should enter the River, For if Whitney and Woollaston at eleven foote lay a ground three daies in pas­sing up, in what case had I been which drew seaventeene foote, a heavier ship and charged with forty pieces of Ord­nance, besides this impossibility, nei­ther would my Sonn nor the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen have ad­ventured themselves the River (having but one moneths Victualls and being thrust together a hundred of them in a smale Flyboate) had not I assured them that I would stay for them at Trinidado, and that no Force should drive me thence, except I were suncke [Page 26] in the Sea or set on Fire by the Spa­nish Gallions, for that they would have adventured themselves upon any other mans word or resolution, it were ridiculous to beleive.

Having in this sort resolved upon our enterprise, and having given in­structions, how they should proceede before and after their entrance into Orrenoque, Keymis having undertaken to discover the Myne with six or eight persons in Sir Iohn Fernes Shallop, I better bethinking my selfe and misli­king his determination gave him this order, viz.

Keymis, whereas you were resolved after your arrivall into Orrenoque to passe to the Myne with my Cousen Harbert and six musketteers, and to that end you desired to have Sir Iohn Fernes shallop, I doe not allow of that course, because you cannot Land so se­cretly but that some Indians on the Ri­ver side may discover you, who giving [Page 27] knowledge of your passage to the Spa­niards you may be cut off before you can recover your Boate, I doe therefore advise you to suffer the Captaines and the Companies of the English [...]o passe up to the Westwards of the mountaine Aio, from whence you have no lesse then three miles to the Myne, and to lodge and encampe between the Spa­nish Towne and you, if there be any Town neer it, that being so secured you may make tryall what depth and bredth the Myne holds, and whether or no it answer our hopes. And if you find it Royall, and the Spaniards begin to Warre upon you, then let the Serjeant Major repell them if it be in his pow­er, and drive them as far as he can.

But if you find that the Myne be not so rich as it may perswade the hol­ding of it, and draw on a second sup­ply, then shall you bring but a basket or two to satisfy his Majesty, that my designe was not Imaginatory but true, [Page 28] though not answerable to his Maje­sties expectation, for the quantity of which I never gave assurance, nor could.

On the other side, if you shall find that any great number of Souldiers be newly sent into Orrenoque, as the Cas­sique of Caliana told us that there were, and that the Passages be already Forc'd so that without manifest Perill of my sonne, your selfe, and other Captaines, you cannot passe toward the Myne, then be well advised how you land, for I know (that a few Gentlemen excep­ted) what a Scumme of men you have, and I would not for all the world re­ceive a blow from the Spaniards to the dishonour of our Nation; I my selfe for my weaknes cannot be present, nei­ther will the Company land, except I stay with the ships, the Gallioones of Spaine being daily expected. Pigott the Sergeant-Major is dead. Sir Warrham my Leiftenant, without hope of life, [Page 29] and my Nephew your Sergeant-Major now but a young man: It is therefore no your judgement that I Rely whom I trust God will direct for the best.

Let me heare from you as soone as you can, you shall find me at Puncto Gallo dead or alive, and if you finde not my ships there, yet you shall find their Ashes; For I will fire with the Gallioones if it come to extreamity, But runne away I will never.

That these my Instructions were not followed, was not my fault, But it seemes that the Sergeant-Major, Key­mis and the rest were by accident for­ced to change their first resolution, and that finding a Spanish towne or rather a village, set up twenty mile distant from the place where Antonio Berro the first Governour by me taken in my first discovery who had attépted to plant to meet some two Leagues to the Westward of the Mine: They a­greed to land and encamp between the [Page 30] Myne and the Towne, which they did not suspect to be so neer them as it was, and meaning to rest themselves on the Rivers side till the next day, they were in the night set upon and char­ged by the Spaniards, which be­ing unlooked for, the Common sort of them were so amazed, as had not the Captaines and some other valiant Gentlemen made a Head and encouraged the rest, they had all been broken and cut in pieces. To repell this force putting themselves in order, they charged the Spaniards, and following them upon their retreat they were rea­dy to enter the Town, ere they knew where they were, and being then char­ged againe by the Governour, and foure or five Captaines which lead their Companies; May Sonne not tarrying for my Musketiers run up in the head of a company of Pikes, where he was first shot, and pressing upon a Spanish Captaine called Erinetta with his [Page 31] sword; Erinetta taking the small end of his Musket in his hand strucke him on the head with the stock and feld him, whom againe Iohn Plesington, my Sonnes Serjeant, thrust through with his Halbert, at which time also the Governour Diego Palmeque and the rest of the Spanish Captaines being slaine, and their Companies divided, they betooke themselves into a house, or hold adjoyning to the market place, where they slew and wounded the Eng­lish at their pleasure, so as we had no way to save our selves; but by firing those houses adjoyning, which done all the Spaniards ran into the bordering Woods, and Hills, keeping the Eng­lish still waking with perpetuall A­larums.

The town such as it was being in this sort possest. Keymis prepared to dis­cover the Myne, which at this time he was resolved to doe, as appeareth by his Letter to me of his owne hand writing [Page 32] hereafter inserted; he tooke with him Captaine Thornhurst, Master William Herbert, Sir Iohn Hambden, and others, but at his first approach neer the banke where he meant to Land, he received from the wood a vollew of shot which slew two of his Company, hurt six o­thers, and wounded Captaine Thorn­hurst in the head, of the which he lan­guished three months after.

Now it seemes that the death of my Son, fearing also (as he told me when he came to Trinidado) that I was ei­ther dead of my first sicknesse, or that the news of my Sonnes death would have hastened my end, made him re­solve not to open the Myne, to the which he added for excuse, and I thinke it was true, that the Spaniards being gone off in a whole body, lay in the Woods betweene the Myne and their passage, that it was impossible, except they had bin beaten out of the Coun­try, to passe up the Woody and Crag­gy Hills without the losse of those Commanders which should have lead them, who had they been slaine, the rest, would easily enough have bin cut in [Page 36] pieces in their retreate; for being in possession of the towne, which they guarded with the greatest part of three Companies, they had yet their handfull to defend themselves from fireing, and the daily and nightly Alarums, where­with they were vexed. He also gave forth the excuse that it was impossible to lodge any Companies at the Myne, for want of Victuall, which from the towne they were not able to carry up the mountaine their Companies being divided; He therefore as he told me thought it a greater error to discover it to the Spaniards, themselves neither being able to worke it, nor possesse it then to excuse himselfe to the Com­pany, said that he could not find it; all which his fancies when I received, and before divers of the Gentlemen disa­vowed his ignorance, for I told him That a blind man might find it, by the marks which himself had set down un­der his hand, and that I told him that his [Page 37] care of loosing so many men in passing through the Woods, was but fained, for after my Sonne was slaine, I knew that he had no care at all of any man surviving, and therefore had he brought to the King but one hundred weight of the oare though with the losse of one hundred men, He had given his Maje­sty satisfaction, preserved my reputa­tion, and given our Nation encou­ragement to have returned this next yeare, with greater force and to have held the Country for his Majesty to whom it belonged, and of which him­selfe had given the testimony, that be­sides the excellent ayre, pleasantnesse, healthfulnesse, and riches: it hath plen­ty of Corne, Fruits, Fish, Fowle, wild and tame, Beeves, Horses, Sheepe, Hogs, Deeres, Coneys, Hares, Tortoyses, Ar­madiles, Wanaes, Oyles, Hony, Wax, Potatoes, Suger Canes, Medicaments, Balsamum, Simples, Gums, and what not; but seeing he had followed his [Page 38] owne advice, and not mine, I should be forced to leave him arguments with the which if he could satisfy his Maje­sty, and the State, I should be glad of it, though for my part he must excuse me to justify it, that he, if it had plea­sed him, though with some losse of men might have gone d [...]ectly to the place: with that he seemed greatly dis­content, and so he continued divers dayes; afterward he came to me in my Cabbin, and shewed me a Letter which he had written to the Earl of Arundell, to whom he excused himself, for not discovering of the Myne: using the same arguments, and many others which he had done before, and prayed me to allow of his Apology; but I told him that he had undone me by his ob­stinacy, and that I would not favour or collour in any sort his former folly. He then asked me, whether that were my resolution, I answered, that it was: he then replyed in these words, I know [Page 39] not then Sir what course to take; and went out of my Cabbin into his own, in which he was no sooner entred, but I heard a Pistoll goe off. I sent up (not suspecting any such thing as the killing of himselfe) to know who shot a Pi­stoll, Keymis himself made answer ly­ing on his Bed, that he had shot it off, because it had been long charged, with which I was satisfied; some half houre after this, the Boy going into his Cab­bin, found him dead, having a long knife thrust under his left pap through his heart, and his Pistoll lying by him, with which it appeared that he had shot himselfe, but the Bullet lighting upon a rib, had but broken the rib and went no further. Now he that knew Keymis, did also know that he was of that obstinate resolution, and a man so far from caring to please or satisfie any man but my selfe, as no mans opinion from the greatest to the least could have perswaded him to have laid vio­lent [Page 40] hands on himselfe, neither would he have done it, when he did it, could he have said unto me, that he was ig­norant of the Place, and knew no such Myne; for what cause had I then to to have rejected his excuses, or to have laid his obstinacy to his charge; thus much I have added, because there are some Puppies which have given it out, that Keymis slew himselfe because he had seduced so many Gentlemen and others with an imaginary Myne; but as his Letter to me the 8. of Ianuary proves that he was then resolved to o­pen it, and to take off all these kinds of objections; Let Captaine Charls Par­ker, Captaine George Ralegh and Cap­taine King all living and in England; be put to their oaths whether or no Keymis did not confesse to them com­ming down the River, at a place where they cast anker, that he could from that place have gone to the Myne in two hours, I say then that if the opening [Page 41] of the Myne had bin at that time to a­ny purpose; or had they had had any victualls left then, to bring them away, or had they not been hastned by seeing the King of Spaines Letters before they came to my hands, which I am assured Keymis had seene who delivered them to me, whereof one of them was dated at Madrill the 17 of March be­fore I left the River of Thames, and with it, three other dispatches with a Commission for the strengthning of Orrenoque with 150 Souldiers, which should have come downe the River from the new Kingdome of Granada; and one other 150 from Puerto Rico with ten pieces of Ordnance which should have come up the River from the entrance, by which two Troupes they might have bin inclosed, I say had not the rest seene those dispatches; and that having stayed in the River above two months, they feared the hourely arrivall of those forces, why had they [Page 42] not constrained Keymis to have brought them to the Myne, being as himselfe confesses within two houres march. Againe, had the Companies Com­manders but pincht the Governours man whom they had in their possession, he could have told them of two or three Gold Mynes and a Silver Myne not a­bove foure miles from the Towne, and given them the names of their posses­sors; with the reason why they for­bare to worke them at that time, and when they left off from working them, which they did aswell because they wanted Negroes, as because they feared least the English, French, or Dutch would have forced them from those being once thoroughly opened, having not sufficient strength to defend them­selves; But to this, I have heard it said since my returne, that the Governours man was by me perswaded, being in my power, to say that such Mynes there were, when indeed there was no such [Page 43] thing, Certainly they were but silly fooles, that discovered this subtilty of Mine, who having not yet by the long Calenture that weakened me, lost all my wits which I must have done, if I had left my reputation in trust with a Malato, who for a pot or two of Wine, for a dozen of Hatchets, or a gay suite of apparell would have confessed, that I had taught him to speake of Mynes, that were not in Rerum natura, No I protest before the Majesty of God, that without any other agreements or pro­mises of mine, then well usage, he hath discovered to me, the way to five or sixe of the richest Mynes which the Spaniards have, and from whence, all the Masse of Gold that comes into Spaine in effect is drawne.

Lastly, when the Ships were come downe the River as farre as Carapana's Country (who was one of the naturall Lords) and one that reserved that part of Guiana to her Maje. hearing that the [Page 44] English had abandoned St. Thome, and left no force in the Country, which he hoped they would have done, hee sent a great Canooe with store of fruits and Provisions to the Captains, and by one of his men which spake Spanish, having as it seemed bin long in their hands; hee offered them a rich Gold Myne in his own Country, knowing it to be the best argument to perswade their stay, and if it please them to send up any one of the English to view it, he would leave sufficient pledges for his safe returne. Master Leake, Master Moleneux and others offering them­selves, which when the greater part re­fused (I know nor by what reason lead) he sent againe, leaving one of his men still aboard to entreate them to carry but two dayes, and he himselfe would come to them, and bring them a sample of the oare: for he was an exceeding old man, when I was first in the Coun­try some twenty foure yeares since, [Page 45] which being also neglected, and the Ships under saile; he notwithstanding sent a Boat after them to the very mouth of the River in hope to per­swade them: that this is true, witnesse Captaine Parker, Captaine Leake, Master Stresham, Master Maudict, Ma­ster Moleneux, Master Robert Hamon, Master Nicholes, Captaine King, Pe­ter Andrews, and I know not how ma­ny others; but besides his offer also, there hath not been wanting an argu­ment though a foolish one; which was that the Spaniards, had employed the Indians with a purpose to betray our men, but this treason had been easily prevented, if they had stayed the old mans comming; who would have brought them the Gold oare aboarde their Ships, and what purpose could there be of treason when the Guiani­ans offered to leave pledges six for one, yea one of the Indians which the Eng­lish had aboarde them, whom they [Page 46] found in fetters when they tooke the towne of St. Thome could have told them, that the Cassique which sent un­to them to shew them the Gold Myne in his Country, was unconquered; and are enemies to the Spaniard, and could also have assured them, that this Cas­sique had Gold Mynes in his Coun­try.

I say then, that if they would nei­ther force Keymis to goe to the Myne, when he was by his owne confession, within two houres march of it; to exa­mine from whence these two Ingots of Gold which they brought me, were taken, which they found laid by for Kings quinto or fifth part; or those small pieces of Silver, which had the same marks and stamps; if they re­fused to send any one of the Fleete into the Country to see the Mynes which the Cassique Carapana offered them; if they would not vouch­safe to stay two days for the comming [Page 47] of Carapana himselfe, who would have brought them a sample of the Gold oare, I say, that, there is no reason to lay it to my charge, that I carryed them with a pretence of Gold, when neither Keymis nor my selfe knew of any in those parts: if it had bin to have gotten my liberty, why did I not keep my liberty when I had it, Nay why did I put my life in manifest peril to forgo it? if I had had a purpose to have tur­ned Pyrate, why did I oppose my self against the greatest number of my Company, and was there by in danger to be slaine or cast into the Sea because I refused it?

A strange fancy had it been in me to have perswaded my Sonne whom I have lost, and to have perswaded my Wife to have adventured the 8000.l. which his Majesty gave them for Sher­bone, and when that was spent, to per­swade my Wife to sell her house at Micham, in hope of inriching them by [Page 48] the Mynes of Guiana; if I my self had not seene them with my owne eyes; for being old and weakely, thirty years in prison, and not used to the ayre to travell and to watching, it being ten to one that I should ever have returned, and to which by reason of my violent sicknesse, and the long continuance thereof, no man had any hope, what madnesse could have made me under­take this journey but the assurance of the Myne, thereby to have done his Majestie service, to have bettered my Country by rhe trade, and to have re­stored my Wife and Children their Srates; they had lost for that, I have refused all other ways or means, for [...]hat I had a purpose to have changed my Master, and my Country, my re­turne in the state I did returne may satisfie every honest and indifferent man.

An unfortunate man I am, and it is to me a greater losse then all I have [Page 49] lost, that it pleaseth his Majestie to be offended for the burning of a Spanish towne in Guiana; of which these parts bordering the River Orrenoque, and to the South as farre as the Ama­zones doth by the Law of Narions be­long to the Crowne of England, as his Majestie was well resolved when I prepared to goe thither, otherwise his Majesty would not have given once leave to have landed there; for I set it downe under my hand that I intended that enterprise and nothing else, and that I meant to enter the Country by the River of Orrenoque; It was not held to be a breach of peace neither by the State here nor the Spanish Ambas­sadour who knew it aswell as I, that I pretended the journy of Guiana which he alwaies held to be a pretence; for he said it to Master Secretary Windode and to others of my Lords; that if I meant to sayle to Guiana, and had no intent to invade any part of his Majesties [Page 50] West Indies nor his Fleets, I should not need to strengthen my selfe as I did, for I should worke any Myne there, without any disturbance and in peace, to which I made answer, that I had set it under my hand to his Majest. that I had no other purpose, nor meant to undertake any thing else; but for the rest, that Sir Iohn Haukins in his jour­ney, to St. Iohn de Loa, notwithstanding that he had leave of the Spanish King to trade in all parts of the West Indies, and having the Plate Fleete in his power, did not take out of it one ounce of Silver, but kept his faith and pro­mise in all places, was set upon by Don Henrico de Martines whom he suffe­red (to save him from perishing) to en­ter the Porte; upon Martins faith, and enterchanged pledges delivered, he had Iesus of Lubeck a Ship of her Majesties of a 1000 tun burnt; had his men slain which hee left on the Land; lost his Ordnance, and all the treasure which [Page 51] he had got by Trade; what reason had I to goe unarmed upon the Ambassa­dours promises, whose words and thoughts that they were one, it hath wel appeared since then, aswell by the for­ces which he perswaded his Master to send to Guiana to encounter me, and cut me off there; as by his persecuting of me since my returne; who have nei­ther invaded his Masters Indies, nor his Fleet, whereof he stood in doubt.

True it is, that the Spaniards can­not endure that the English Nation should looke upon any part of Ameri­ca, being above a fourth part of the whole knowne world; and the hun­dred part neither possessed by the Spa­niards, nor to them knowne, as Acosta the Jesuit in his description of the West Indies doth confesse, and well know to be true: No though the King of Spaine can pretend no other title to all that he hath not conquered, then the Popes donation; for from the [Page 52] straits of Megellan to the river of Plate, being a greater territory then al that the Spaniards possesse in Peru or Chile, and from Cape St. Augustines to Trinidado being a greater extent of Land then all which he possesses in Nova Spaine, or elsewhere, they have not one foote of ground in their possession, neither for the greatest part of it so much as in their owne knowledge.

In Orrenoque they have lately set up a Wooden Towne, and made a kind of a Forte, but they have never been able either to Conquer the Guianians; nor to reconcile them, but the Guiani­ans before their planting, they did wil­lingly resigne all that territory to her Majesty, who by me promised to re­ceive them, and defend them against the Spaniards; and though I were a Prisoner for this last fourteene years, yet I was at the charge every yeare, or every second yeare, to send unto them to keepe them in hope of being relie­ved. [Page 53] And as I have said before the grea­test of the naturall Lords, did offer us a rich Myne of Gold in his owne Country in hope to hold us there; And if this usurped possession of the Spaniards be a sufficient bar to his Ma­jesties right; and that thereby the King of Spaine calls himselfe King of Guia­na, why might he not aswell call him­selfe Duke of Brittaine, because hee tooke possession of Blewett, and built a Forte there; and calls himselfe King of Ireland; because he tooke possession at Smerike and built a Forte there.

If the Ambassadour had protested to his Majesty that my going to Guia­na before I went would be a breach to the peace, I am perswaded that his Ma­jesty if he had not bin resolved that Guiana had been his would have stayed me, but if it be not thought to be a breach of Peace not for the going thi­ther (for that cannot be) because I had no other intent, and went with leave; [Page 54] but for taking and burning of a Spa­nish towne in the Country, certainly, if the Country be the King of Spains, it had been no lesse a breach of Peace to have wrought any Myne of his, and to have rob'd him of his Gold; then it is now cald'd a breach of peace to take a towne of his in Guiana and burne it, and with as good reason might I have bin called a thiefe and a robber of the King of Spaine, if the Country be not his Majesties, as I am now pursued for the Invasion; for ei­ther the Country is the King of Spains or not the Kings; if it be the Kings, I have not then offended; if it be not the Kings, I must have perished, if I had but taken Gold out of the Mynes there, though I had found no Spaniards in the Country.

For conclusion, if we had had any peace with the Spaniards in those parts of the world; why did even those Spa­niards, which were now encountered [Page 55] in Guiana, tye six and thirty English men out of Master Walls Ship of London and mine back to back, and cut their throats, after they had traded with them a whole month, and came to them a shore; having not so much as a sword, or any other weapon, among them all, and if the Spaniards to our complaints made answer, that there was nothing in the treate against our trading in the Indies, but that we might trade at our perill; I trust in God that the word perill shall ever be constru­ed to be indifferent to both Nations; otherwise we must for ever abandon the Indies, and loose all our know­ledge, and our Pylotage of that part of the world: if we have no other peace then this; how can there be a breach of peace, which e're the Spaniards will all Nations, and all Nations with them may trade upon their guard?

The readiest way that the Spani­ards [Page 56] Ambassadour could have taken, to have stayed me from going to Guiana; had bin to have discovered the great practises which I had with his Master against the King my Sove­raigne Lord in the first yeare of his Majesties Reigne of Great Brittaine, for which I lost my estate and lay thir­teene years in the Tower of London, and not to urge my offences in Guiana; to which his Master hath no title o­ther then his sword, is with which to this day, he hath not conquered the least of these Nations, and against whom contrary to the Catholick pro­fession, his Captains have entertained, and doe entertaine whole Nations of Canniballs; for in a Letter of the Go­vernours to the King of Spaine of the eighth of Iuly: he not only complai­neth that the Guianians are in Armes against him, but that ever those In­dians which under their noses live, doe in despight of all the Kings edicts [Page 57] trade with Los Flamnicos & Engleses, enemicos, With the Flemish, and Eng­lish enemies, never once naming the English Nations but with the Epi­theton of an enemy.

But in truth the Spanish Ambassa­dour hath complained against me to no other end, then to prevent my com­plaints against the Spaniards. Who landing my men in a territory apper­taining to the Crowne of England; they were invaded and slaine before any violence offered to the Spaniards; and I hope that the Ambassadour doth not esteeme us for so wretched and miserable a people, as to offer our throats to their swords without any manner of resistance; howsoever, I have said it already, and I will say it againe; that if Guiana be not his Ma­jesties, the working of a Myne there; and the taking of a towne there; had been equally perillous, for by doing the one, I had rob'd the King of Spaine [Page 58] and bin a thiefe; and by the other a disturber or breaker of the peace.