Sir Walter Raleigh's HISTORY of the Reigne of William the First.

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The true Effigies of is HONble Sr. Walter Rawlegh Knight F. H. Van. Hove. sculp

[Page]An Introduction to a BREVIARY OF THE History of England With the REIGN OF King Williamthe I. Entitled the CONQUEROR.

Written by Sr. Walter Raleigh, Kt. And Dedicated to the then Earl of Salisbury.

LONDON, Printed for Sam. Keble at the Great-Turks-Head in Fleet-street. And Dan. Brown at the Black-Swan and Bible without Temple-Bar. 1693.

THE PREFACE OF THE PUBLISHER.

THIS Life of William the Conqueror Writ by Sir Walter Raleigh was found in the Library of a Person of High Quality. Whosoever hath been conversant in the Works of that ac­complisht Knight, and a little ac­quainted with his great Genius and Spirit, and his manly and unaffected Stile, will make no doubt, but what [Page] here is presented unto the World was his genuine Issue.

For the Comprehensive and Pene­trating thoughts, the lively imagination, and the mature and exact Iudgment of Sir Walter Raleigh, do all mani­festly appear in this small Treatise.

It may be matter of some wonder, that a Work filled with such a num­ber of judicious Reflections upon the Nature of Government in General, and so many Wise Observations rela­ting to the particular State of our own Country should have been thus long condemn'd to obscurity, had not an ill fate attended the learned Com­positions, as well as the brave A­ctions of this renowned Gentleman.

But by what unhappy Accident soever it hath been hitherto confined to Pri­vacy, it was thought it would be an [Page] injury to the publique any longer to conceal a just and true Account of the Reign of William the First, wherein so many remarkable matters, and great Revolutions happened, and to which the Writers of Government and Po­licy in our Nation have very frequent recourse;

Since the Transactions of that Time, unto which they so commonly appeal, are here related with that faithfullness, brevity, and clearness, that become an Exact Historian.

[Page]IMPRIMATUR.

EDM. BOHUN.

A BREVIARY OF THE History of ENGLAND; Beginning at the REIGN of WILLIAM the I. Entitled the Conquerour. The Introduction.

§ 1. I Intend by the Help of God, and your further­ance (Right Noble Earl of Salisbury) to write a Brief History of England, from Wil­liam I. entitled the Conqueror, to [Page 2] the End of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth of perpetual Memory: A Work difficult, as well for the Anti­quity, as the Lateliness of things done; the one bereaving our Knowledge of the certain Coun­sels held in the managing of Bu­sinesses so long past; the other not allowing our Understanding the inward, and particular Motives of such Actions, as are so near us. Yet according to my Collections out of those antient Remains that are left unto the World, and the Confer­ences, Acts, and Instruments of lat­ter Times, I will deliver the Succes­sion, and course of our Affairs, in­somuch as shall be fit for the pub­lick Understanding, without pas­sion, or partiality; endeavouring to be of no other side; then of [Page 3] Truth, as it shall appear to my Ap­prehension.

§ 2. And though I had a De­sire to have deduced this History from the Beginniug of our first Kings, as they are delivered in their Catologue; yet finding their Actions uncertainly delivered, and the Beginning of all eminent States to be as uncertain, as the Heads of great Rivers, and that idle Antiqui­ty, discovering no Apparent Way beyond their Times, have ever de­lighted to point Men out into i­maginary Tracts of Fictions, and monstrous Originalls; I did put off that Desire with this Consideration, that this space of five hundred years, which the Government of twenty Kings, and two Soveraign Queens, was more than enough for my [Page 4] and Ability; weighing withal, that it is but our Curiosity to look further back into the Times past, than we can well discern, and wherof we can neither have Proof nor Profit. Besides, it seemeth that God in his Providence hath bounded our Searches within the Compass of a few Ages, as if the same were sufficient, both for Example, and Instruction in the Government of Men: For had we the particular Occurrents of all Nations, and all Ages, it might more stuff, but not better our Understanding. We shall find the same Correspondencies to hold in the Actions of Men; Vertues and Vices the same; though ri­sing and falling according to the Worth, or Weakness of Gover­nors; [Page 5] the Causes of the Ruins, and Changes of Commonwealths to be alike, and the Train of Affairs carried by the Precedent in a Course of Succession under like Figures.

§ 3. But yet, for that this Chain of Affairs hath a link of De­pendency to the former Times, it shall not be amiss, briefly to repeat the three Mutations in the State foregoing this last Conquest, since the Time that Letters and Christianity were here received, which left more certain Know­ledge of Things done, though not in that sort, as we can assured­ly learn, either the Form of the Brittish Government under their Kings, or by what Rule, they held together; whether their Petty [Page 6] Princes (whereof they had many) were subject to one Monarch, or all Soveraign alike; whether any parties did Cantonize, or were free Estates, or Common-wealths, as peradventute they might be, as well as the Gaules, with whom they were one in Language, or the Germans, antient Precedents of like Liberties. For no doubt, the same Necessity that is the Mother of Society, and Contriver of Mens Defences, and Safeties, finds out like Forms of Government, in like times, upon like Occasions. But insomuch, as is delivered in these uncertain Antiquities, we find, this Isle was never, or never long subject to one entire Monarch, but ruled by divers Kings.

§ 4. And so Caesar found it; and [Page 7] thereby found the easier Means to subdue it; which was the first Dis­solution of the State, after it had re­mained under the Government of the Brittons (as say our Stories) one thousand and sixty years, from Brutus to Cassibalan. And yet the State then seem'd by this Con­quest, to lose little, besides their Savage Liberty, being reduced to a Civil Subjection; For the Van­quisher sought not to extirpate the Nation, but to maintain and im­prove it. And under this Govern­ment it remained almost five hun­dred years, until the Division of the Roman Empire in the time of Theodosius; when it became neg­lected, and recovered again the State of a Kingdome under Prin­ces partly Brittish, and partly Ro­mans, [Page 8] which by reason of continual Tumults and Mutinies, seemed never to have held any, calm or flourishing Government worthy the observing; and in the end Vor­tigern an Earl of the Cornwall. Bede 1. 14. Guisses, abusing the Weakness of Constantius supplanted him, and obtained the Kingdome: which the better to keep against Au­relius and Pendragon, the Sons of Con­stantius, and also to oppose against the Invasion of the Picts and Scots he called in the Saxons to his Aid.

§ 5. Who entring this Land under the Conduct of Hengist and Horsus, gave the occasion of the second, and indeed the most ab­solute Dissolution of the State. For Vortigern, to establish the King­dome in his own Line, and (as [Page 9] he thought to strengthen him­self with these Strangers, took to WifeRowena. Renix, the daugh­ter of Hengist, (his own Wife living:) and by his dotage on her, being a beautiful Lady, who knew to take the advantage of his love, gave the Saxons those Preferments in the State, as the Brittons, neglected by him, soon became a prey unto them: This Alliance, and the Fertility of the Land, letting in so many of this populous, and Warlike Nation, that e're Men scarce perceived their danger, they were undone: And notwithstanding the Com­bination of the British Nobility, with the deposing of Vortigern, and Electing King his Son Vortimer, a valiant Prince, who gave them [Page 10] many stout Battles; yet could they not prevail against the Sax­ons thus established, but were forced to quit their Country, and betake themselves to remote Mountains, and Deserts, leaving All to the Invaders; Who after many Fortunes, dividing the Land into seven Kingdomes, extingui­shed both the Religion, Language, and even the Name thereof. And in this Heptarchy it continued, till Eg­bert, K. of the West-Saxons, An. 828. being three hundred fifty years after their Entrance, subduing the other Kings, obtained the whole Domi­nion to himself; And to raze out the Memory of a Division Caused by an Edict the whole Kingdome to be called England, of the An­gles, a people, that possest the [Page 11] middle part of this Island.

§ 6. But neither he, nor his Successors quietly enjoyed it: For the Danes, having been first called in to aid the King of Northumberland against the other Kings, sorely in­fested the Land; and combining themselves with the Welch, and Scots prevailed so much, that from the raign of King Britric, Anno 387. they continued to afflict the same the space of two hundred fifty five years; and in the End by the neg­ligent, and ill Government of King Ethelred, whose Luxury, and Oppression had made way for Di­vision, they got the absolute Do­minion of the Kingdom, and held it twenty six years by three of their Kings successively, Ca­nutus governed it twenty years [Page 12] and left it to Harold who raigned two years. Canutus the second succeeded his Brother Harold, and at a Banquet at Lambeth, ei­ther by Surfeit or Poison died in the Second year of his Reign: When streight the People of the Land, by a sudden and general Massacre, redeemed themselves from that odious Yoke of a Fo­reign Subjection, which was held to be the Third Dissolution of this State. But I cannot see, how it should be so accounted, seeing that this Canutus, never altered the Go­vernment; but embraced the same Religion, maintained the Laws he found, and added many Con­stitutions for the good of the Kingdom. And to get into the People's affections, he married [Page 13] Emma, sometimes Wife to King Ethelred, and daughter to Richard Duke of Normandy; to whom for his better strength, he had like­wise given his Sister to Wife: And then the short Time of the Government in the Succession of his two Sons seems not to have bred any great Alteration in the state of the Kingdome; but onely in the Change of the person of the Prince, and the preferment of his Nation before ours; which, by reason of the long foregoing wars, were made incompatible of each other.

§ 7. But yet this gave the Cause to that great, and last Mutation of State, effected by the Norman. For King Etheldred, to make his party good against the Invasion of [Page 14] the Danes, combined himself with Richard Duke of Normandy, mar­ried his Sister Emma, and by her had Issue, Edward after King of England, intitled the Confessor; who with his Brother were there brought up out of the dangers of the Wars, and by the assistance of the Duke reconveyed over, af­ter the death of the last Canutus, and here invested in the Kingdom. For which Offices of Kindness divers Preferments were in way of Gratification, bestowed on the Normans; as the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, and other especial Places and Dignities Ecclesiastical, in a manner throughout the whole Land; which prepared an ea­sier passage for the Invasion follow­ing; when the death of this good [Page 15] King Edward without Issue to in­herit, left the Succession doubtful, or else by the Iniquity of times made it seem so. For Edgar sur­named Atheling, sonne of Edward the Son of King Edmond Ironside, had his Claim neglected; Either in respect of his Youth, which yet was no Barr to his Right? or for want of Means, and power to oppose against the ambition of o­thers; who having swaied the For­tune of the time, under an easie-natured Prince, had Opportunity enough to work for themselves: Although the Worthiness of his Grandfather, shewed in the De­fence of his Country, might seem to deserve to have his Issue re­membred in their Right.

§ 8. But the Earl Godwin, what [Page 16] in respect, that King Edward had matched with his Daughter, and what with his own Greatness, and popularity, having long ma­naged the State of the Kingdome, made the Ascent easie for Harold his Son to get up to the Crown; and by Crossing the right Line of Succession, called up Destructi­on, and Misery, both upon his own Race, and the whole King­dome, For though Harold had a shew of Title, as being the Son of Thira, sister to Canu­tus King of England;Githa sister to Swain. Dan. yet seeing all the Land had received an Oath upon the Massacre, and ex­pulsion of the Danes, never to have any King of that Nation to raign over them, it might seem no lawful Claim. But yet the Fa­vour [Page 17] of the people, which both his person, and Valour had gotten, with the Necessity of the Time that required a Man of Spirit, and Courage, to undertake the bur­den of war, and the Trouble, which the World (they saw) was like to grow into, cast it upon him, with hope to keep out the Misery of a foreign Subjection, and the Insolency of Strangers.

§ 8. But the whole Course of things being overcast and set for Storms, and Alteration, could not by any providence of Men be prevented. Though this new King (who is said to have crown­ed himself) used all the Means, that a wife, and valiant Prince could do, both for the well or­dering of the State, and all pro­visions [Page 18] for defence; yet the dis­jointed Affections of Men, tend­ing to their private Ends, and working several Wayes to get up to their Hopes, either left the Ship of the State, which contained them all, to the mercy of the Waves, and every Man cast to save him­self, where the greatest likely­hood of Mastery appeared; or else distracted with the [...]error of the approaching Mischief, failed in their Spirits, and courage to with­stand it; For the Diligence of Men becomes often dasht with their Fear in publick Tumults, and with the very Cogitation of the Evil to come.

§ 9. And the first Man which began to afflict his new Govern­ment, was his own younger [Page 19] Brother, Tosty;Toustain. D. who for a former conceived Ha­tred, was easily set on by the Duke of Normandy, and Baldwin Earle of Flanders, (whose Daughter he had married) to assail the Isle of Wight, and to prepare the Way for the great After-work intend­ed. And having done much Mischeif on the Coast of Kent, Harold with strong Navy for­ced him to draw towards the North parts; where seeking to Land, he was repulsed by the Earls Morcar, and Edwin, and for­ced to look Aid of the Scots, and after of the King of Norway, whom he induced to invade this Kingdom with great store of Men, and Shipping. These lan­ding at Tinmouth, and discomfit­ing [Page 20] their first Encounterers, mar­ched into the heart of England without Resistance. But being come near to Stamford, King Ha­rold with a mighty army met them; and after long Fight, with the Loss of much Bloud, and his best Men, he finished that Action with the Death of Tosty, and the King of Norway.

§ 10. But from hence was he called with his wearied, and brok­en Forces to a more fatal Business in the South. For now William Duke of Normandy, pretending a Right, to the Crown of England, both by the Testament of the late King Edward, and also by Paren­tage; upon the Advantage of the Time, and the Disfurnish­ment of those parts, Landed at [Page 21] Hastings; Near to which Place was Fought that bloudy Battle, where­in Harold Valianty Fighting amidst his Enemies, Ended his Life, and Reign, which was scarce of one Year; and the English, with the loss of 20000. Men, and the Flower of the Kingdom, became the miserable Prey of the Nor­mans.

§ 11. But how so great a State as this, could be with one Blow subdued by so small a Pro­vince in such sort, as it could ne­ver after come to make any gene­ral Head against the Conqueror, may seem strange, and conside­rable: But the Circumstances, with the Disposition of that Time, as may be Collected from the Writers, that lived near it, may [Page 22] somewhat, though not altoge­ther satisfy us in that point. For they say, the People of the King­dom were (by their being secure from their Foreign Enemies the Danes, and their long Peace which had held in a manner from the Death of Edmon Ironside, the space of fifty Years,) grown neglective of Arms, and generally debauched with Luxury and Idle­nesse; The Clergy licentious, and only Literaturâ tumultuariâ con­tenti, Scholae, non vitae discebant, saith Malmesbury; the Nobility given to Gluttony, Venery, and Oppression; the Common sort to Drunkenness and all Disorder. And they say that in the last Action of Harold at Stamford, the bravest Men perished: And himself [Page 23] growing insolent after the Victo­ry, retaining the Spoils without Distribution to the Souldiers, made them discontent, and un­ruly; Or peradventure being not inured to be Commanded by Martial Discipline, they were of themselves unmanageable; and that coming to the Battle of Ha­stings with many mercenary Men, and a discontented Army, there was not that Valour, and Reso­lution shewed, as was meet in so important an Occasion. Be­sides, the Normans had a peculiar Militia, or Fight with Bowes and Arrowes, wherein they were Excellently practised; and the English, unacquainted with that Weapon, were altogether unprovided for the Defence. [Page 24] And thus they excuse the shame of our Nation.

THE REIGN OF WILLIAM the I. Anno I.

§ 12. BY these Advantages William, the base Son of Robert, Duke of Normandie, having gotten the Victory in the Battle near Hastings, Marched without any opposition towards London: Where the Earls Edwin, and Morcar Brothers of eminent [Page 25] Dignity and Respect in the Kingdom, laboured with all their Power in solliciting the Peo­ple for the Conservation of the State; And to have Established Edgar Etheling, next of the Royal Issue in the Soveraignty, where­unto the rest of the Nobility had likewise consented, had they not seen the Bishops averse, or wa­vering. And all Men gene­rally, transported with Fear, or corrupted with new Hopes, run­ing from themselves, and their endanger'd Country, and stri­ving who should be first to enter­tain the present Fortune, sought to preoccupate each other. For streight upon his Approach to London the Gates was set all open; the Archbishop of Canterbury [Page 26] Stigand with other Bishops, the Nobility, Magistrates, and People, all rendred themselves, and their Obedience unto him; and he, re­turning plausible Promises of his future Goverment, was within a short Time after Crowned at Westminster by Aldred Archbishop of York; for that Stigand was not held Canonically Invested in that See, and yet was thought to have been a principal Adherent to this Enterprise.

§ 13. Here (according to the accustomed Form) in his Coro­nation, the Bishops and Barons of the Realm took their Oath to be his true and Loyal Subjects; and he reciprocally being requi­red thereunto by the Archbishop of York made his personal Oath [Page 72] before the Altar of Saint Peter to defend the holy Church of God and the Rectors of the same; to govern the universal people sub­ject unto him justly; with care to establish equal Laws, for the preservation of Justice, and up­right Judgment to be used a­mongst them; and taking Ho­stages for his more Security, and Order for the Defence, and Go­vernment of his Kingdome.

§ 14. At the opening of the Spring then next following he re­turns into Normandy; so to settle his Affairs there, as they might not distract him from his Bu­siness in England, which required his whole powers. And to leave all sure behind him, he commit­ted the Rule of the Kingdom in [Page 28] his Absence to Odo, Bishop of Bay­eux, his half-Brother by the Mo­thersside, and to his cozen Fitz-Osborn, whom he had made Earl of Hereford: taking with him the chiefest Men, Natives, of the State, who were likeliest to be Heads to a Revolt; as the Arch­Bishop Stigand lately discontented, Edgar Atheling a Titular, Edwin and Morcar, with many other Bishops and Noblemen. In his Absence, which was all that whole Sum­mer, nothing was here attempt­ed against him, but only that Edric, surnamed the Forrester, in the County of Hereford, called in the Kings of the Welch to his Aid, and Forraged onely the remote Boders of that Country. The rest of the Kingdome stood quiet, ex­pecting [Page 29] what would become of that new World; wherein; as yet, they found no great Alterati­on, their Lawes and Liberties re­maining still the same, they did, and might hope by this Acces­sion of a new Province, the State of England would be inlarged in Dominion abroad, and not im­paired in profit at home; by rea­son the Nation was but small, and being a plentifull, and not over-peopled Country they were not likely to impester them.

§ 15. The King now grown to this power, soon settled his Estate in Normandy, which in his Youth he had alwayes found turbulent within, and overhardly neigh­boured abroad, and secured him of that side of the World; where­in [Page 30] he was much advantaged by the Time. For Philip the first, then King of France, was a Child; who otherwise would never have suffered the Normans, being so stubborn, and little affectionate to that Crown, to have grown to such Greatness; and besides, was under the Curature of Baudo­vin Earl of Flanders, (his Uncle by the Mother,) whose Daugh­ter King William of England had to wife, which Alliance indeed gave him the greatest Means to his Con [...]uest. Besides, he had made the Pope most sure unto him; by promising if hee subdued this Kingdome to hold it of the Church; for which Alexander up­pon his enterprize sent him a Ban­ner, and a Hair of Saint Peter. He [Page 31] held strict Amity also with the Princes of France, that bordered upon him, and might interrupt his Affairs; as with the Earls of Anjou, Poictou, Main, Ponthieu, Bologne, and others; to every one of whom he had promised Lands in England upon their Aids lent him. And to keep fair with the State of France in general, he ingaged himself to their King to hold this Kingdome from him, and to do him homage for the same; by which means he so strongly under. set himself as made his Fortune such as it was.

§ 16. And now having disposed his Affairs in Normandy; he re­turns towards Winter into Eng­land; Where he was to satisfie three sorts of men. First the espe­cial [Page 32] Adventurers in the Action; Se­condly those of his own People, whose Merits or Nearness deserved Recompence; whereof the Num­ber being so great, many must have their Expectations Fed, though not satisfied; Thirdly the People of this Kingdom, by whom he must now subsist. For being not able with his own Nation so to People the same, as to defend it, if he should proceed to a general Extirpation of the Natural Inhabitants, he was likewise to give them Satis­faction: Wherein he had more to do than in his Battle at Hastings; seeing all Remunerations with discharge of Monies must be raised out of the Stock of the King­dom, (which could not be plea­sing [Page 33] to the State in general.) And all Preferments, and Dignities conferred on his, must be either by Vacancies, or displacing others; which needs must breed very feeling Grievances in parti­cular. And yet we find no great Men thrust out of their Rooms, but such as put themselves out, by their Revolting after his E­stablishment in the Crown.

§ 17. In the second Year of his Reign no Ex­action was made to raise Trea­sure for these Satisfactions:Anno 2. so that it seems he contented himself, and his, for the time, only with what he found here ready; and with filling up, their Places, who were slain in these two last Battles, or fled, (as many were) out of the [Page 34] Kingdom with the Sons of Harold. But the English Nobility, incom­patible of these new Concurrents, found notwithstanding a Dispro­portion of Grace, and a darkning of their Dignities by the Interpo­sition of so many, as must needs lessen their Light. And doubting daily to be more impaired in Ho­nour, and Estate, all the Chiefest of them conspired, and fled; some into Scotland, some into Denmark, to try, if by Aid from abroad they might recover themselves, and their Greatness again at home.

§ 18. Amongst these the Cheif­est was Edgar Atheling, (intitled Englands Darling, with shewed the Peoples Zeal to his Bloud;) and with him (besides his Mother [Page 35] Agatha, and his two Sisters, Chri­stine, and Margaret,) fled the Earls Edwin and Morcar, Marleswin, Hereward, Gospatric, and Siward, and shortly after Stigand, and Al­dred, the two Arch-Bishops, with many other Noblemen, and di­vers of the Clergy. Those, that fled into Scotland, were all Hospitably received of King Mal­colm; whom it concerned to look to his own, his Neighbour's House being thus on Fire; and to succour a Party against so dan­gerous an Incommer: Which made him not only to entertain them, but to enter League with them for the Publick safety. And to combine himself the more firmly, he Married Margaret, the Sister of Edgar, by whom the [Page 36] Bloud of our antient Saxon Kings was conjoyned with the Norman in Henry the Second, and so be­came English again.

§ 19. These Noblemen, with the Aid of the Scots, Anno 3. and Danes, in the third year of this King's Reign raised great Commotions in the North be­yond Humber, and wrought very va­liantly themselves to recover their lost Country. But now it being too late, and the Occasion not taken, before the settling of the Government, whilest it was new, and brandling, they prevailed nothing, but gave Advantage to the Conqueror to make himself more then he was, for all Con­spiracies of Subjects, that succeed not, advance the Soveraignty: [Page 37] And nothing gave Root to the Normans planting here more, then the petty Revolts made by scatte­red Troops in several parts, begun without Order, and weakly seconded without Resolution; whereas nothing could be done for the general Recovery, but by the general rising of the People, which seldom we see to happen. And for this the new King had taken good Order: First by disarming them; then by sor­bidding them Assemblies, and all secret Intercourse upon heavy Pe­nalties; that every Man at the closing of the Day, by the Warn­ing of a Bell, should cover his Fire, and go to bed; by making them to be bound Pledges one for another, to answer for their O­bedience [Page 38] and Loyalty; by buil­ding divers Fortresses in several parts of the Kingdom, to awe the Country, and to hold them in, with many such like provi­sions.

§ 20. So that these Lords, though they did, as they might, hold him doing in the North, and imbroil themselves in an unsuccessful Businesse, yet he having all the South settled under his Power, with well practised, and prepared Forces, could not but needs tire and consume them in the end; and in the mean Time invest the Normans in their Rooms, and possessions, forfei­ted by this Attempt: As the Earldom, and all the Lands, which Edwin held in Yorkshire, [Page 39] were given to Alanus Earl of Brittain, his Nephew; the Arch­bishoprick of Canterbury, conferred on Lanfranc an Italian; That of York on Thomas, his Chaplain, a Norman; and all the rest both of the Clergy, and others, which fled, and were out, had likewise their Places supplied by Nor­mans.

§ 21. And now the King having appeased the Commotion in the West, where the Sons of Harold had landed with Forces out of Ireland, and Wales, and also represt the Rebellion of Oxford, he takes his Journy in Person Northward with all Ex­pedition; least the Enemy there should grow too great in Heart, and Opinion, by the Defeat of [Page 40] his Lieutenant with 700 Normans at Durham, and the great Slaugh­ter of his People made at York. Where, at his first coming, he so wrought, as he corrupted the Generals of the Danes with Mony, and sent them well contented away; and then set upon the Ar­my of the Earls, weakened both in Strength and Hope, by this Departure of their Confederates, and put them to Flight: Which done, he utterly wasted, and laid desolate all that goodly Country, between York and Durham, the space of Sixty Miles, that it might be no more a Succour to the Re­volter. And the like Course he used on all the Coasts, where any certain Landings were known, thereby to prevent Invasions; and [Page 41] so returned to London: where he seized into his Hands all the Plate, Jewels, and Treasure within all the Monasteries of England; pre­tending that the Rebels, and their Assisters, had conveyed their Riches into these Religious Houses, as into Places Priviledg­ed, and free from Seizure, to defraud him of it.

§ 22. Most of the Lords, after this great Defeat in the North, came in upon Publick Faith given them, and were con­ducted to Barkamstead by the Ab­bot Frederick. Where some write, that the King again took a per­sonal Oath before the Archbi­shop Lanfranc, and the Lords, to observe the Antient Laws of the Realm Established by his Noble [Page 42] Predecessors, the Kings of England; and especially those of Saint Edward: And all the Lords, upon their Oath, and submission, were then reconciled unto him, and thereupon held themselves quiet for a Time. But whether it were, that they found not their Entertainment such, as they ex­pected; or that they had recei­ved Intelligence of new Hopes from abroad; or that Edgar, who was still in Scotland, had sollicited them upon Promise of fresh Suc­cours to aid him; or howsoever it was; many of them again Conspired, contrary to their Oaths, and went out. The Earl Edwin, making towards Scotland, was Murthered by his own People by the way. The Earls Morcar, [Page 43] and Hereward, betook them to the Isle of Ely; meaning to make good that Place for that Winter; whither also came the Earl Siward, and the Bishop of Dur­ham out of Scotland. But the King, who was no Time giver to growing Dangers, beset all the Isle with flat Boats on the East, and made a Bridge of a Mile long on the West, and sa­fely brought in his People upon the Enemy; who seeing them­selves surprised, yielded them all to the King's Mercy; Except He­reward, (a man of great Valour and Courage) who with his Souldiers made a Retreat through the Fenns, and Escaped into Scot­land. The Rest were sent to di­vers Prisons, where they died, [Page 44] or remayned during the King's Life.

§ 23. We find, that those Lords, who remained Loyal upon their last Submission, were all imployed, and well graced by the King: As Edric the For­rester, that was the first Revolter in his Reign, was held in espe­cial Favour, and Trust near about him; Gospatric was made Earl of Northumberland, and sent against Malcolm, who in this time takes Advantage of subdue the Coun­tries of Tisdall, Cleveland, and Cumberland. Waltheof, the Son of the Earl Siward, he so highly Estemeed, as he Married him to his Niece Iudith; Though he were a Principal Actor in this last Commotion, and in the De­fence [Page 45] of the City of York against him, and is said, to have strick­en off the Heads of divers Normans one by one, as they entred upon a Breach, to the great Admira­tion of all Men: By which Va­lour of his, he ransomed the Of­fence he had made, and grew to that great Grace with the King; who therein shewed a Noble, and Magnanimous Nature, to honour Vertue even in his Ene­mies.

§ 24. And now there rested no­thing, for the general Quieting of the Kingdom, but only the Sup­pression of Malcolm King of Scots, the greatest Kindlefire of all these Conspiracies in the North parts, and the only Fefuge for all, that were discontented and [Page 46] mutinous in this State. Against him the King led such mighty Forces, both by Sea, and Land, as Mal­colm rather then to adventure Battle, was content to make his Peace; and not only to give up Hostages for securing the same, but also to do him Homage for the Kingdom of Scotland. And so all his Home-Wars were ended Regni Anno 6.Anno. 6. Sa­ving only in Anno 15. he levied a Puissant Army, and subdued Wales; which Business held him not long. For the Rest of his Government here, he had no more to do here with the Sword, though he had it always abroad during his whole Reign.

§ 25. Now for the Doubt, he might have of the great Men [Page 47] of the Kingdom, who by Power, or Love were aptest to disturb his Government, it was in this sort taken away. First by the Sub­mission of Edgar Atheling, who Anno 7.Anno 7. was resto­red into Grace, and had a fair Maintenance, which held him ever after quiet: Then by those, whom the Prisons kept from At­tempting any more: And last­ly by the Revealing of a new Conspiracy, contrived at a Marriage, between Ralph de Waher Earl of Norfolk, Roger Fitz-Os­born the Son of William, Cousin and especial Coun­cellor to the King. and Suffolk, and his new Kinswoman, the Sister of Roger, the Young Earl of Hereford: At which Solemnization in their Banquetting, and Jollity, the [Page 48] two Earls Normans, with Wal­theof, and divers English, Plotted to call in the Danes again, and to make away the King: Upon which Discovery, they were all apprehended (except the Earl of Norfolk, who fled the Land;) and died some in Prison, and some on the Scaffold.

§ 26. The The Danes being on the Coasts with 200 Sail, hear­ing how their Confederates had sped, and the great Preparations the King had made, after some spoils taken on the Coast of England, and Flanders, returned home, and never after infested this Kingdom. Though in Anno 20 of this King, there was a great Rumour of their fresh Pre­parations for a new Invasion; [Page 49] which made him entertain a great number of Frenchmen, besides Normans, which he brought into England about Harvest, and held the most part of them all the Winter to the great Charge of the Kingdom. But it came to nothing; For the Wind held so long against the Danish Navy, consisting of about 1000 Sail, as it overthrew their intended A­ction, and freed both the King, and his Successors from future Fears that way for ever after.

§ 27. The Forein Wars he had, were all about his Domi­nions in France, and raised by his own Son Robert, whom he had left his Leiutenant Governour of the Dutchy of Normandy, and the County of Maine. Where, by his [Page 50] Fathers Absence, tasteing the Glory of Command, he grew to assume into his own Power the Soveraign Rule of the Province; caused the Barons there to do him Homage, as Duke, not as Leiutenant; and put himself wholly under the Protection of the King of France; who was not a little pleased, to apprehend so good an Occasion, to foster a Division, in the House of so great and near a Neighbour; who was now grown fearful, and dan­gerous, to all the Princes about him; and therefore spared for uo Cost to set forward this Work. The King, understanding the Fire thus Kindled in his own House, whilest he laboured to quench that himself had made in [Page 51] Others; hasts with his Forces into Normandy, to have surprised his Son. Who, advertised of his Coming, furnished with 2000. Men at Arms, by the King of France, put himself in Ambush, where his Father should pass, and set upon him so Fiercely, as he De­feited most of his People, and in the Press happened to encounter with himself; whom he unhor­sed, and wounded in the Arms with his Lance. But perceiving by his Voice it was his Father, he hasted to lift him up again to his Horse, craving most humble Pardon for his Offence, which the King seeing in what Case he was, easily granted, and received him into Grace, with whom, and with his Son William, (who [Page 52] was likewise hurt in the Skirmish) he retired to Roan, and after being there cured of his Hurt, returned again into England.

§ 28. Where he was no soon­er arrived, but he heard, that his Son was again Revolted, Treated the Normans ill, and renounced his Father's Soveraignty over that Province; which caused his little Stay in England for that time, but only to prepare for his Return into Normandy. Whither passing, he was by Tempest driven, on the Coast of Spain; and there is said to have Fought in Battle against the Sarasnis. Afterwards arriving at Bourdeaux, his Son Robert came, and submitted him­self the second time; whom now he took with him into England, to [Page 53] frame him to a better Obedience, by imploying him here for a Sea­son; and then sent him back again, with his Youngest Son Harry, (whom he more trusted) into Normandy; where he held himself quiet a while, and gave his Father some small Breathing time to dispose of the Affairs of this Kingdom.

§ 29. But it was not long, e're new Occasions of greater Troubles grew up: which took by this means. The two Prin­ces, Robert, and Henry, went to Visit and salute the King of France at Couflans; where being seasted certain Days, upon an After-dinner, Henry wan so much at Chess of Louis the King's eldest Son, that he grew so far into Cho­ler, [Page 54] as he called him the Son of a Bastard, and threw the Chess in his Face. Henry takes up the Chess-board, and strook Louis with that Force, as he drew Bloud, and had killed him, had it not been for his Brother Robert, who came in in the mean time, and interposed himself; whereupon they suddainely took Horse, and with much a do saved themsel­ves at Pontoise from the King's People, that pursued them.

§ 30. This Quarrel arising upon the intermeeting of these Princes, (which is a thing, that sel­dom breeds good Bloud amongst them) reinkindled a Heat of more Rancor in the Fathers, and set a mighty Fire between the two Kingdoms; which made [Page 55] the first War, the English, and French had together, whereupon followed many others. For pre­sently the King of France com­plots again with Robert, enters into Normandy, and takes the City of Vernon. The King of England in­vades France, subdues the Coun­trey on Xaintoign, and Poitou, and returns to Roan; Where the third time his Son Robert is recon­ciled unto him; which much disap­pointeth, and vexeth the King of France. Who hereupon Sum­mons the King of England, to come and do him Homage for the Kingdom of England: Which he refused to do; saying, that he held it of none, but of God, and his Sword: But yet offering to do him Homage, for the Dutchy [Page 56] of Normandy, it would not satis­fie the King of France; who was willing to make any Occasion the Motive to set upon him: And again he invaded his Territories; but which more loss than Profit. In the End they conclude a little unperfect Peace together; which held no longer, than King William had recovered a Sickness, whereinto by Reason of his Years, Travel, and Fatness, he was lately fallen. At which Time the King of France, (then Young, and Lusty) jesting at his great Belly, whereof he said he lay in at Roan; so irritated him, as being recovered, he ga­thered all his Forces, entred into France, in the Chiefest Time of their Fruits, and came even be­fore [Page 57] Paris; spoiling, and burning all in his way: Where with Heat and Toil, he fell into a Relapse, returned to Roan, Anno. 20. and there made an End, of his Wars, and Life, after he had held this Kingdom twenty years and ten Months.

§ 31. Now concerning his Government in Peace, and the Course he held in Establishing the Kingdom thus gotten; first he examines the English Laws, which were then composed of Merchenlage, Danelage, and West­faxlage: Whereof some he abro­gated, and some allowed, ad­ding other of Normandy; especial­ly such, as made for the Preser­vation of the Peace, which most imported him to look unto: And [Page 58] these Laws thus reformed he caused to be all Translated, and and Written into the Norman Tongue; hereby to draw the People of the Kingdom, to learn that Language for their own Need, that the two Nations might the better grow together and become one; seeing a dif­ference of Speech would continue a difference of Affections. Whe­rein he attained not his Desire; nor ever was it in the Power of any Conquerour so to do, without the universal Extirpation of the Land-bred People: Who being so far in number (as they were) above the Invaders, both carry the main of the Language, and also in few Years, make them to become theirs, that subdued [Page 59] them. But yet upon these Laws thus Established by so prudent a Prince, this free, and Fierce Nation, was so well held in Peace, and Obedience, as his Successors, with some Abatement of Rigour, and Prerogative, have ever since con­tinued a most Glorious Sove­raignty over the same.

§ 32. And for that he would be well, and certainly supplied with Treasure, which his great Wars and Entertainments requi­red, he took a most provident Course for reforming the Fisque or Exchequer, and the ordering, and raising of his Revenues; Endeavouring to make, and know the utmost of his Estate. And therefore he imployed a most dis­creet Choice of Men to survey the [Page 60] whole Kingdom, and to take the Particulars of his own, and every Man's Ability, the quantity, and nature of Lands, and Possessions, with the Discriptions, Bounds, and Divisions of Shires, and Hundreds within the same. And this was drawn into one Book, and brought into his AErarium, the Exchequer, (so called of the Table, whereat the Officers sate; before termed the Talce) and the same intitled Doomesday-Book. Liber Iudiciarius, (saith Gervasius) the Judgement Book, that was to decide all Doubts concerning these Parti­culars.

§ 33. All the Forrests, and Chases throughout the Kingdom, he took into his proper Posses­sion, and exempted them, from [Page 61] being under any other Law, than his own Pleasure, to serve as Pe­netralia Regnum, the withdrawing Chambers of Kings, to recreate them after their serious Labours in the State; where none might presume, to have to do, and where all Punishments, and Par­dons of Delinquents were to be Disposed by himself absolutely, and the former Customes abro­gated. And to make his Com­mand the more, he encreased the Number of them in all parts of the Land; and on the South-Coast dispeopled the Country for above thirty Miles space; making of old inhabited Possessions a new Forrest; Inflicting great Punish­ments for Hunting his Dear, whereby he much advanced his [Page 62] Revenue: which was the greatest Act of Concussion, and Tiranny, he committed in his Government. And the same Course held almost every King near the Conquest. For Henry the first proceeded with such Violence, as to make a Law, that if any Man killed the Kings Deer in his own Woods, he should forfeit his Woods to the King. But King Stephen having need of the Peoples Favour repealed that Law. And in the End this Grievance, amongst others, after much Bloodshed in the Kingdom was allayed by the Charter of Forrests, granted by Henry III. For other Possessions he permitted those, which held them before his Coming, to continue them quietly in the same maner, and [Page 63] took none, but from such, as after his Possession of the Crown, Rebelled against him, or were slain in the Wars.

§ 34. He imposed no new Taxations on the State, and used those he found very moderately: As Danegelt being a Tax raised by the former Kings, of two Shillings upon every Hilde-Land, to main­tain the Wars against the Danes, he would not have it made an Annual payment, but only taken upon urgent Occasion:Gervasins. And it was seldom ga­thered in his Time, or his Succes­sors. Scutagium, or Escuage, which was also then an Imposition of Mony, upon every Knight's Fee (afterwards only imployed for the Service in Scotland) was never [Page 64] Levied, but in Like Occasions, for Stipends, and Donatives to Soul­diers.

§ 35. Only one Exaction he he was forced to raise, to cure a Mischief; which arose by his Means. In the begining of this Reign, the Rancor of the English towards the New-come Normans was such, as finding them single in Woods, and remote Places, they secretly murthered them; and the Deed doers, for any the severest Courses taken, could never be discovered. Whereupon it was ordained, that the Hundred, whe­rein a Norman was found slain, and the Murther not taken, should be condemned to pay the King, some thirty-six pounds, and some twenty eight pounds, according to the [Page 65] Quantity of the Hundred. And this was done to the End, the Pu­nishment, being generally infli­cted, it might particularly deter them, and hasten the Discovery of the Malefactor, by whom so many must otherwise be interes­sed. This Mulct, and the seizing into his Hands the Church Trea­sure before-noted, (though both were done by the especial com­manding Warrant of Necessity) were much taken to heart in the Kingdom, both by the Clergy, and Common People.

§ 36. And yet otherwise was he to both very gratious, and be­neficial. For upon petition made unto him, he relieved the Op­pression of such as were Tenants at will of their Lords, which were [Page 66] a very great Number, and be­gan after this manner. All those, who were discovered to have had a Hand in any Rebel­lion, and were pardoned, only to injoy the Benefit of Life, ha­ving all their Lively-hood taken from them, became Vassails unto those Lords, to whom the Posses­sions were given of all such Lands, as were forfeited by Attainders. And if by their diligent Service they could attain any Portion of Ground, they held it, but only so long, as it pleased their Lords, without having any Estate for themselves, or their Children; and were oftentimes miserably cast out upon the sudden, contra­ry to Promise, upon any small Displeasure. Whereupon it was [Page 67] ordained, that whatsoever they had obtained of their Lords by any obsequious Service, or agreed for upon any Lawful Pact, they should hold by an inviolable Law during their own Lives.

§ 37. And for the Clergy other than in this one Act, he maintained all their Immunities, and Priviledges, and they grew very much under him. But this (it seems) was the Cause, that made them so much disfigure his Worthiness, and leave his Memo­ry in so black Colours to Posteri­ty, as they did, in delineating his Tyranny, Rigor, and Oppression; when the Nature, and Necessary Disposition of his Affairs do much excuse him therein; and shew [Page 68] that he was, a Prince of a most active Virtue; whose Abilities of Nature were equal to his Under­takings of Fortune, as preordai­ned for so great a Work. And though he might have some Ad­vantage of the Time, wherein we often see Men prevail more by the Imbecilities of others, than their own Worth: Yet let those Times be well examined, his Strength and Eminency (if we take his just Measure,) where of an exceeding Proportion. Neither wanted he those Encounters and Concurrences of sufficient able Princes, his Neighbours, to put him to the Trial thereof; having on one side the French to grapple withal, on the other the Dane, far mightier in People, and Shipping [Page 69] than himself, strongly sided in the Kingdom, as greedy to recover their former Footing here, as ever, and as well, or better pre­pared.

§ 38. But this name of Con­quest (which ever imports Vio­lience, and Misery) is of so harsh a found, and so odious in nature, as a people subdued seldom gives the Conquerour his due, tho' never so worthy: And especial­ly to a Stranger, whom only time must naturalize, and let in by degrees into their Liking and good Opinion: Wherein also this King was greatly advan­taged by reason of his twenty years Government, which had much impaired the Memory of former Customs in the younger sort, and [Page 70] well inured the elder to the present Usances and Form of State: Whe­reby the Rule was made more easy to his Sons, who tho' they were far inferiour to him in Worth, were a little better be­loved then he; and the rather for that they were content somewhat to unwrest the Sovereignty from the Height, whereunto he had strained it; which brought the State to a better proportion of Harmony.

§ 39. Of those, who were the especial Men of Employment in his Reign, time has shut us out from the knowledge of many; it being in the Fortune of Kings, to have the Names, and Memory of their Counsellors (like Rivers in the Ocean) Buried in their [Page 71] Glory. Yet these we find principal­ly mentioned in Stories. First, Wil­liam Fitz-Osborne Earl of Hereford, the especial Mover and Counsel­lor of this Voiage of England; reported also to have furnished for­ty Ships at his own Charge for the Enterprise. Odo Bishop of Bayeux, and Earl of Kent, sometimes his Viceroy in England; and seems also to have managed the Finan­ces; but of such excessive Avari­ce, that he gathered so much Treasure, as he went about to buy the Papacy; and attempting to go to Rome about the same, the King staid him at Home in a fair Prison; and excused the matter (upon Exclamation made) in this sort, that he only Impri­soned the Earl of Kent, not the [Page 72] Bishop of Bayeux. Beside he had Lanfranc, a Man of universal Learning, and an excellent Lawyer, Born in Lumbardy, who peradventure might introduce something of the Constitutions of that Province, to the making up our Laws, which in many things seem to participate with theirs. And no doubt he had many others else: For being of a strong Constitution of Judgment, he could not but be strongly furni­shed in that kind; seeing ever weak Princes, have weak Sides; and our most renowed Kings have been best underset with Counsel, and happily served with the ablest Officers.

§ 40. He had a fair issue by Maud his Wife; Four Sons, and [Page 73] Five Daughters. To Robert his Eldest Son he left the Dutchy of Normandy; to William the King­dom of England; and to Henry his Treasure, with an Annual Pension of 8000. pounds to be paid him by his two Brothers. Richard, that was his Second Son, Died in his Youth, of a surfeit taken by Hunting in the New For­rest, and began the fatal Misfor­tune, that followed, of that place, by the Death of King William the Second, there slain with an Arrow; and of Richard the Son of Robert Duke of Nor­mandy, that brake his Neck. His eldest Daughter Cicilia, became a Nun. Constance Married to the Earl of Brittain; Adela to Stephen, Earle of Bloys, who likewise be­came [Page 74] a Nun in her Age: such was their great Devotion, and so much were these Solitary Retire­ments affected in those times, by the greatest Ladies. Another was Affianced to Alfonsus King of Galicia; who with the other Si­ster promised to Harold, Died before Marriage.

§ 41. What he was in the Circle of himself, in his own con­tinent, we find him of an even, or middle Stature, comely Per­sonage, of good presence, Riding, Sitting, or Standing, till his Corpu­lency gathering upon him in his latter Age, made him somewhat unwieldy; of so strong a Consti­tution, that he was never Sickly, till a few Months before his Death; His Strength such, as few [Page 75] Men could draw his Bow; and being about Fifty One of his Age, when he subdued this Kingdom, it seems by his conti­nual Actions, he felt not the Weight of Years upon him, till his last Year.

§ 42. His Mind was no less excellently composed, and we see it the fairest drawn in his Actions; wherein his Mercy and Clemency (the brightest Stars in the Sphere of Majesty) appea­red (next to his great Devotion) above all his other Virtues, by the often pardoning, and recei­ving into Grace those, who had forfeited their Loyalty, and most dangerously Rebelled against him: Seeming to hold Submis­sion satisfactory for the greatest [Page 76] Offence; and that he sought to extinguish Mens Eenterprises, but not themselves. For we find, but one great Nobleman executed in all his Reign; and that was the Earl Waltheof, who had twice falsified his Faith before: And those, whom he had held Pri­soners in Normandy, as the Earls Morcar, and Siward, with Wolf­nothus, the Brother of Harold, and divers others, upon Com­passion of their Endurance, he released, a little before his Death.

§ 43. Besides he was as far from Suspicion as from Cowar­dize; and of that Confidence (an especial Note of his Magnani­mity) has he gave Edgar, his Competitor in the Crown, the [Page 77] Liberty of this Court; and upon his suit, sent him well furni­shed to the Holy War; where he so Nobly behaved himself, as he attained to great Estimati­on with the Emperours of Greece, and Almain: Which might have been held dangerous in respect of his Alliances that way, being Grand-Child to Henry the third Emperour. But these may be as well Virtues of the Time, as of Men; and so the Age must have part of this Commendation.

FINIS.

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