An abridgement of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the world in five books ... : wherein the particular chapters and paragraphs are succinctly abrig'd according to his own method in the larger volume : to which is added his Premonition to princes.

AN ABRIDGMENT OF Sir Walter Raleigh's HISTORY of the WORLD, In Five BOOKS.

1. From the Creation to Abraham. 2. From Abraham to the Destruction of the Temple of Solomon. 3.From the Destruction of Ierusalem to Philip of Macedon. 4. From Philip of Macedon to the Race of Antigonus. 5. From the Establishment of Alexander until the Conquest of Asia and Macedon by the Romans.

Wherein the particular Chapters and Paragraphs are su • cinctly Abridg'd according to his own Method, in the larger Volume.

To which is Added, His Premonition to Princes.

LONDON, Printed for Matthew Gellisflower, at the Black Spread Eagle in Westminister-Hall. 1698.

Times Witness Herald of Antiquity The Light of Truth & Life of Memory

London Printed for Mat: Gillyflower at the Spread Eagle in Westminster Hall.

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THE PUBLISHER's Advertisement TO THE READER.

I Need not give any Account of the Excellency of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World, of which this is an Abridgment: The great Knowledge and Learning, the accurate Skill and Penetration, the sublime Wisdom and Piety, together with the curious Remarks and Observations which so signally appear in that History, have sufficiently recommended it to the Judicious part of the World. Yet notwithstanding these Excellencies, Sir Walter has not been without some considerable Imperfections in respect to History, which he has shewn in his too frequent and long Digressions, and Observations; and tho' several of them are very fine and Ingenious, yet too many of them are wholly Foreign to his Subject: But his Moral and Religious Reflections, tho sometimes long, are generally too Excellent to need a Vindication. The abov • -mention'd Faults of this Great Man, which were the general Faults of the Age in which he liv'd, have made many Curious Persons wish for an Epitomy of that large Volume, wherein his Excellencies might in a great measure be retain'd, and his Errors be wholly expung'd. This was attempted near Fifty Years since by Alexander Ross, but with small Skill and Success; for he has injudiciously fill'd his Epitomy with the most trifling and trashy parts of the Original, and omitted too much of what was most material and substantial. For which Reason I have ventur'd to Publish this Abridgment, of which I shall give the Reader this Brief Account.

Above a Year and an half since it was given me by an Ingenious and Judicious Friend, who knew nothing of the Author; but finding it to be done with singular Care and Judgment, he desir'd me to View it and Publish it. Upon Examination, I found my Friend's Character to be rather short of the Author's Deserts, both as to his Skill and Accuracy in Extracting the Essence of the Original; so that I could do no less than expose so choice a Piece to the view of the Publick. All that I have done, besides the Expunging and shortning some Passages, is the Correcting and Altering of the Style, which in most places was too obsolete: But in that I have still preserv'd its first Resemblance to the Original, which was almost as remarkable for the Style as the Matter; so that the Reader is not to expect all the Purity of a New Written History, for that would have been too unlike Sir Walter. Besides, the Reader may here find an Excellent Abridgment of Sir Walter's Preface, which is a most sublime Piece of Morality and Divinity, and a most Noble Lesson and Instruction to all Princes and great Persons; being by many esteem'd of more Worth than all his History besides.

Laurence Echard. Louth in Lincolnshire. Octob. 25. 1697.

Sir Walter Raleigh's Premonition to PRINCES.

MY own weak Reason convinc'd me, how unfit a choice I made of my Self, to undertake a Work of this mixture. For had it been generated in my younger Years, before any Wound received either by Fortune or Time, yet I might well have feared that the Darkness of Age and Death would have covered both me and it, long before its performance: It had better suited with my Disability, to have confined my Discourse within our renowned Island of Britain, and to have set together the disjointed Frame of our English Affairs, than in the Evening of a Tempestuous Life, thus to begin with an History of the World from the Creation. But the deep piercing Wounds, which while uncured, are ever aking; with the desire to satisfy those few Friends, tryed by the Fire of Adversity (the former inforcing, the latter persuading) have caused me to make my Thoughts legible, and my self the Subject of every Man's Opinion, wise or weak.

To the World I present them, to which I am nothing indebted; neither have others that succeeded me sped much better in the change of Fortune; Prosperity and Adversity ever tying and untying vulgar Affections. And as Dogs bark at those they know not, and accompany one another in their Clamours, so is it with the unthinking Multitude; which led by uncertain Reports, condemn without hearing, and wound without Offence given; contrary to the Counsel of Syracides. Ecclesiasticus 11.7. Against this vanity of Vulgar Opinion, Seneca giveth a good Rule; Let us satisfie our own Consciences, and not trouble our selves about the Censures of others, be it never so ill, as long as we deserve well.

Touching my self, if in any thing I have preferred the service of my Country, the general acceptation can yield me now no other profit, than a fair Day does after Ship-wrack; and the contrary, no other harm than as a Tempest in the Port. I know I lost the love of many, for my Fidelity to Her, whom I must still honour in the Dust; though farther than the defence of her excellent Person, I never persecuted any. To labour other satisfaction were the effects of Frenzy, not of Hope; seeing it is Truth, not Opinion which can travel the World without a Passport. Equity alone might persuade, if there were not as many Forms of the Mind, as there are external Figures of Men; and that as every Man hath received a several Picture as to Face, so hath he a diverse Picture as to Mind: Every one a Form by himself; every one a Fancy and Cogitation differing; there being nothing in which Nature so much triumpheth, as in Dissimilitude. From hence it cometh that there is found so great a diversity of Opinions; so strong a contrariety of Inclinations; so many natural and unnatural, natural, wise and foolish, manly and childish Affections and Passions in mortal Men. For it is not the visible fashion or shape of Plants, or reasonable Creatures, that makes the difference of working in the one, or of Condition in the other, but the internal Form.

And though God has reserved the reading of mens Thoughts to himself; yet as the Fruit tells the name of the Tree, so do the outward Works of men (so far as their Cogitations are acted) give us a Light to guess at the rest. Nay, it were not hard to express the one by the other very near the Life, did not the Craft of many, Fear in most, and the Worlds Love in all, teach every Capacity, according to the compass it has, to qualify and mask over inward Deformities for a time. Yet no man can long continue masked in a counterfeit Behaviour: The things which are forced for pretences, having no ground of Truth, cannot long dissemble their own nature; and the Heart will be seen at the Tongues end.

In this great dissimilitude of reasonable Creatures, the common People are ill Iudges of honest things, and their Wisdom is to be despised, said Eccles. As for the better sort, every Vnderstanding has a peculiar Iudgment, by which it both censureth others, and valueth it self; and therefore I will not think it strange, if my worthless Papers be torn by Ratts, since in all Ages Censurers have not spar'd to tax the Reverend of the Church with Ambition; the severe to themselves, with Hypocrisie; lovers of Iustice, with Popularity; and Men of the truest valour with Vain-glory: For nothing is so easie as to Reprove and Censure.

I will not trouble the Reader with repeating the deserv'd Commendations of History; yet true it is, that among many other Benefits, for which it has been honour'd, it triumphs in this over all Human Knowledge, that it gives Life to our Vnderstanding, since the World it self has Life even to this day: And it has triumphed over Time, which nothing else but Eternity has done; for it has carried our Knowledge over the vast devouring space of many Thousand Years, and has opened the piercing Eyes of our Mind, that we plainly behold living now, as if we lived then, that wise Work of the great God, saith Hermes. By it (I say) we live in the very time when it was Created; behold how it was govern'd, how cover'd with Water, and again repeopl'd: How Kings and Kingdoms flourished and fell, and for what Virtues or Vices God made the one prosperous, and the other wretched. Neither is it the least of our Debt to History, that it has made us acquainted with our dead Ancestors, and raised them out of Darkness to teach us no less wise, than eternal Policy, by comparing former Miseries with our own ill Deservings. But neither the lively Instructions of Example, the Words of the wisest, nor Terror of future Torments, have yet so wrought upon our stupid Minds, as to make us remember, That the infinite Eye, and Wisdom of God doth pierce through all our Pretences: Nor to make us remember, That the Iustice of God requires no other Accuser than our own Consciences, which by no false Beauty of our apparent actions, nor all the formality, which we (to gull Mens Opinions) put on, can be covered from him. Examples of God's Judgments in particulars upon all Degrees, that have played with his Mercies, would fill Volumes. For the Sea of Examples hath no Bottom; though Marks, set on private Men, are (when their Bodies are cast into the Earth) written only in their Memory which lived with them; so that the Persons succeeding, who saw not their Fall, fear not their own Faults. God's Iudgments on the Greatest have been Recorded to Posterity, either by those happy Hands, which the Holy Ghost guided, or by others. Now to point as far as the Angels Fall, for Ambition; at Kings eating Grass with Beasts for Pride and Ingratitude; at Pharaoh's wise Action when he slew the Infants; at Jesabel's Policy in covering Naboth's Murder, with many Thousands of the like, were but a Proof, that Example should be rejected at a distance. For who hath not observed what Labour, Practice, Peril, Blood-shed, and Cruelty the Kings and Princes of the World have undergone and exercised, taken upon them, and committed, to make themselves, and their Issues Masters of the World? yet hath Babylon, Persia, Macedon, Rome, or the rest, no Fruit, Flower or Leaf springing upon the face of the Earth: Nay, their very Roots and Ruins do hardly remain; for all that the Hand of Man can make, is either over-turned by the Hand of Man, or Consumed by Time. Politicians say, States have fallen, either by Foreign Force, or Domestick Negligence and Dissention; or by a third Cause rising from both: Others observe, That the greatest have sunk under their own weight; others, That Divine Providence hath set a Period •• every State before the first Foundation thereof; as Cratippus objected in Pompey.

But seeing the Books following undertake the Discourse of the first Kings and Kingdoms, and that a short Preface cannot run very far back to the Ancients; I will for the present examine what Advantage has been gain'd by our own Kings and their Neighbour Princes, who having beheld both in Divine and Humane Letters, the success of Infidelity, Injustice and Cruelty, have (notwithstanding) Planted after the same Pattern. Mens Iudgments agree not; and no mans Affection is stirred up alike, with Examples of the like nature; but is either touched with that which seemeth to come nearest to his own private Opinion, or else best fits his Apprehension. But the Iudgments of God are unchangeable; no Time can weary him, or obtain his Blessing to that in one Age, which he Cursed in another. Those therefore which are Wise, will be able to discern the bitter Fruits of irreligious Policy, as well in old Examples as new; for ill Actions have always been attended with ill Success, as will appear by the following Examples.

We have then no sooner passed over the violence of the Norman Conquest, but we encounter that remarkable Example of God's Justice upon the Children of Henry I. who having by Force, Craft, and Cruelty, over-reached his Brother Robert D. of Normandy, Vsurped the Crown of England, and disposessed him of his Dukedom, and barbarously deprived him of his Sight, to make his own Sons Lords of all; but God cast them all, Male and Female, Nephews and Neeces (Maud excepted) into the bottom of the Sea.

Edward II. being Murdered, a Torrent of Blood followed in the Royal Race, so that all the Masculine Princes (few excepted) dyed of the Bloody-Flux. And though Edward III. in his young Years, made his knowledge of that horrible Fact, no more than suspicious; yet his putting to death his Vnkle the Earl of Kent, made it manifest he was not ignorant of what had past, nor greatly desirous to have had it otherwise. But this Cruelty, the unsearchable Iudgment of God revenged on his Grandchild; and so it fell out even to the last of the Line; That in the Second or Third Descent, they were all buried under the Ruins of those Buildings whose Mortar had been tempered with innocent Blood. For Richard II. having Murdered his Vnkle of Glocester, was himself Murdered by Henry IV.

Henry IV. having broken Faith to his Lords, and by Treason obtained the Crown, Entailed it by Parliament upon his Issue; and by many Treacheries left all Competitors defenseless, as he supposed, leaving his Son Henry V. full of Valour and signal Victories; yet was his Grand-child Henry VI. and his Son the Prince, without Mercy Murdered, and his Crown transferred to the Houses of his Enemies. It was therefore a true Passage of Caussabon; a Day, an Hour, a Moment, is enough to overthrow what seemeth founded in Adamant.

Henry VI. overwhelmed with the Storm of his Grandfathers grievous Crimes, generally esteemed an innocent Prince, yet refused the Daughter of Armaignac, of the House of Navarre, to whom he was Ally'd, and Married a Daughter of Anjou, and so lost all that he had in France: He also condescended to the unworthy Death of his Vnkle of Glocester, the main Pillar of the House of Lancaster. Buckingham and Suffolk contrived the Duke's death, by the Queen's procurement; but the Fruit was answerable to the Plantation, and they and their Adherents were destroy'd by York; whose Son Edward depriv'd Henry the Father, and Edward the Son, of Life and Kingdom, The Politick Lady, the Queen, lived to see the miserable End of her Husband, Son, and all her Adherents; her self plunder'd, and Father beggar'd to Ransom her.

Edward IV. hath his turn to Triumph, when all the Plants of Lancaster, except the Earl of Richmond, were extirpated; whom he had also bought of the D. of Britain, but could not keep him. But what stability can Edward's Plantation promise, when he had seen and approved Prince Edward's Murder, by Glocester, Dorset, Hastings, &c. which escaped not the Iudgment of God in the same kind? He instructed Glocester to Murder Henry VI. and taught him the Art to kill his own Sons, and to Vsurp the Crown.

Richard III. The greatest Master in Villany, of all that went before him; who by necessity of his Tragedy, being to play more Parts in his own Person than all the rest, yet so well fitted every Mans Humour that join'd with him, as if each had acted his own Interest. Buckingham and Hastings, Enemies to the Queen, and her Kindred, are easily allured to condescend, that Rivers and Grey (the King's maternal Vnkle, and half Brother) should first be separated from him; then imprisoned; and for avoiding future Inconveniences, to lose their Heads. Having brought them to the practice of that common Precept which the Devil has written on every Post, To depress whom they have injur'd, and to destroy whom they have depress'd. Then Buckingham has it form'd in his Head, That when the King and his Brother shall be of sufficient Age, they will take severe Revenge of the Wrong to Rivers and Gray, and therefore of necessity, the King and his Brother must be made away. Hastings being sounded by Catesby, and found not fordable, by reason of his Fidelity to his Masters Sons, after an attempt to kill him, sitting in the Council, the Hangman must get the Tyrant an Appetite to his Dinner, by striking off his Head; a greater Iudgment of God than this upon Hastings I never observ'd: For the same Hour, and in the same lawless manner, by his Advice the Execution of Rivers and Gray was performed. Buckingham has yet a part to play for Richard, in persuading the Londoners to Elect him King, and to be rewarded with the Earldom of Hereford: But after much vexation of Mind, and unfortunate attempts, being betrayed by his trustiest Servant, he lost his Head at Salisbury, without troubling his Peers. Richard, after other Murders, and Mischievous Policies, having destroy'd his Nephews and Natural Lords, by the great Outcry of innocent Blood, became an infamous spectacle of Shame and Dishonour both to his Friends and Foes.

Henry VII. (the Instrument of Gods Iustice in cutting off the Cruel King) Succeeded; a Politick Prince, if ever there was any, who by the Engine of his Wisdom beat down as many strong Oppositions both before and after he wore the Crown, as ever any King of England did: For as his Profits held the Reins of his Affections, so he wayed his Vnderstanding by his Abilities, leaving no more to hazard, than what cannot be denyed in all Human Actions. This King never indured Mediation in rewarding Servants, and was therein exceeding wise; for what himself gave, himself received both Thanks and Love: Knowing that the Affections of Men (purchased no way so ready as by Benefits,) were Trains which better became Great Kings than Great Subjects. On the contrary, in whatsoever he grieved his Subjects, he wisely put it off to those that he found fit Ministers of such Actions. He used not to begin their Processes, whom he hated or feared by the Execution, as Lewis XI. did: Yet he somewhat follow'd the Errors of his Ancestors, as the Head of Stanley, (who set the Crown on his) and the Death of the young E. of Warwick, Son to George D. of Clarence do shew, and likewise the Success of his Grandchildren of the first Line, &c.

Henry VIII. (the Pattern of a merciless Prince) Succeeded: One who precipitately advanced many, (but for what Virtue no Man could imagine) and with change of his Fancy ruined them, no Man knowing for what Offence. To how many others gave he abundant Flowers from whence to gather Hony, and in the end of Harvest burnt them in the Hive? How many Wives did he cut off, or cast off, as his Fancy or Affection changed? How many Princes of the Blood, with many others of all Degrees, did he Execute? What causeless cruel Wars did he make upon his own Nephew King James V? What Laws and Wills did he invent to establish the Kingdom in his own Family, using his sharpest Weapons to cut off the Branches which sprang from the same Root that himself did? Yet God took away all his own without increase; though for themselves in their several Kinds, all Princes of eminent Virtues: And that Blood which King Henry affirmed that the cold Air of Scotland froze up in the North, God hath diffused by the Sunshine of his Grace; from whence his Majesty now living, (and long may,) is Descended: Of whom I may say truly, that Malice her self cannot charge him justly with any of those foul Spots, by which the Consciences of all the forenamed Princes were defiled; or the Sword of his Iustice stained with any Drops of that innocent Blood which had stained their Hands and Fame. And for the Crown of England, it may truly be avowed, He received it from the Hand of God; neither hastning the Time upon any provocation; nor taking Revenge upon any that sought to put him by it: And refused Assistance of her Enemies, that wore it long with as great Glory, as ever Princess did. He entred neither by Breach nor Blood, but by the ordinary Gate, which his own Right had set open; and was received in at it by an universal Love and Obedience. Thus the Northern parts of Britany infinitely severed from the South in Affection for a long time (whereof grew deadly Wars with much Cruelty) were at length happily united. For which Blessing of God, never to be forgotten, as we are bound to much Thankfulness; so the Fruit of this Concord maketh all petty Grievances to appear but as a Mole-Hill to a Mountain. And if the uniting of the Red Rose with the White were the greatest Happiness, next Christian Religion, that ever the Kingdom received from God to that Day; certainly the Peace between the Two Lions of Gold and Gules doth by many Degrees exceed, both by sparing our Blood and assuring the Land.

As it pleased God to punish the Usurpation and unnatural Cruelties of our own Kings; so do we find he dealt with the Sons of Lewis Debonair, Son of Charlemain. For after Debonair had put out his Nephew Bernard's Eyes, the Son of Pipin the Eldest of Charlemain, King of Italy and Heir of the Empire, and after that caused him to die in Prison; there followed such Murder and Bloodshed, Poisonings, and Civil Wars, till the whole Race of that famous Emperor was extinguished. Debonair further to secure himself, put his Bastard Brothers into a Monastery: But God rais'd up his own Sons to vex, invade, imprison, and depose him, alledging the former Violences to his Nephew and Brothers: Yet he did that which few Kings do; he publickly acknowledg'd and recanted his Cruelty against Bernard in the Assembly of the States. But Blood unjustly spilt is not easily expiated by Repentance: And such Medicines to the Dead, have but dead Rewards. He having also given Aquitain to Pipin his Second Son, sought after that to cast him out, as indeed he did his Son after him, of the same Name, at the Persuasion of Judith to raise her Son Charles.

Lothair, his eldest Son, he left King of Italy, and Emperor, against whom his Nephew Pipin of Aquitain, Lewis of Bavier, and Charles the Bald made War; between whom was fought the most Bloody Battel that ever was known in France, in which, the Loss of the Nobility and Men of War encouraged the Sarazens to invade Italy, the — to fall upon Almain, and the Danes upon Normandy. After being invaded by Lewis, and by his own Conscience for rebelling against his Father, and other Cruelties, he quits the Empire, and dyes in a Monastery.

Charles the Bald seizeth on Pipin his Nephew, and kills him in a Cloyster, oppresses the Nephews, the Sons of Lothair, and usurps the Empire. His Son Caroloman rebells, and hath his Eyes burnt out by his Father: Lewis of Bavier and his Son Caroloman are overthrown by Charles; and Lewis dies of Grief, as Charles doth of Poison by Zedekias his Phisician, a Jew: Whose Son also Lewis le Begne, dy'd of the same Potion, and Charles the Simple succeeded; whose Natural Brothers Lewis and Charlemain rebell'd; The Younger is slain by a wild Boar, the Elder brake his Neck, as did also the Son of Bavier.

Charles the Gross became Lord of what Debonair's Sons had held in Germany, who invading Charles the Simple, is forsaken of Nobles, Wife, and Wit, dying a distracted Beggar.

Charles the Simple held in Wardship by Eudes, Mayor of the Palace, and after by Robert his Brother; lastly is surprised by the E. of Vermandois, and dyed in Prison.

Lewis his Son succeeded, and brake his Neck; one of his Sons dyes of Poyson, the other in Prison.

Francis I. was one of the worthiest Kings that ever France had, except his exposing the Protestants of Mirandel and Cabriers to the Fire and Sword; of which though he repented, and charged his Son to do Iustice on the Murderers, yet was not that unseasonable Care accepted of by God; who cut off his Four Sons without Issue to succeed. And notwithstanding all their Subtilty and Breach of Faith, with all their Massacres upon those of the Religion, the Crown was set on his Head, whom they all endeavoured to ruin; and the Protestants are now in number and strength more than ever.

Spain has found God the same, as Don Pedro of Castile may witness, who as he became the most merciless of all Heathen or Christian Tyrants, (as the History of Spain records) so he perish'd by the Hands of his Younger Brother, who dispossessed all his Children of their Inheritance.

John D. of Burgoign may parallel this King, if any can; who after a Trayterous Murder of the D. of Orleance, caused the Chancellor, Constable, divers Bishops, Officers of Justice, of the Treasury, Requests, Chamber of Accompts, with Sixteen Hundred others, suddenly to be slain; which kind of Death eased the World of himself.

Ferdinand holding Arragon by Vsurpation of his Ancestors, added Castile and Leon, which he held by force of Arms from the Daughter of the last Henry, and expell'd his Neece from the Kingdom of Navarr: He betrayed Ferdinand and Frederick King of Naples (his Kinsman) to the French, with the Army sent to their succour. The Politick King, who sold Heaven and his own Honour, to make his Son the greatest Monarch, saw his Death with his Wives, and her untimely Birth buried together; the like End he saw of his own Eldest Daughter; his Second dyed Mad; his Third was cast off by our King Henry VIII. and the Mother of a Daughter, whose unhappy Zeal shed a Deluge of Innocent Blood, and had all his Kingdoms possest by strange Masters.

Charles V. Son to Arch. D. Philip, who had Married Ferdinand's Mad Daughter, after the Death of many Multitudes of Christian Souldiers and renowned Captains, in his vain Enterprizes upon France, Germany, and other States, while the Turk took the City of Rhodes; was, in conclusion, chased out of France, and in some sort out of Germany, being persued by D. Maurice over the Alps, which he passed by Torch Light, and crept into a Cloister, and became his Son's Prisoner, who paid him very slowly.

Philip II. his Son, not content to hold Holland and Zealand (wrested by his Ancestors from Jaqueline their lawful Prince) and to possess many other parts of the Netherland Provinces in Peace, by persuasion of that mischievous Cardinal of Granvil and other Tyrants; forgetting the remarkable Services done to his Father; and the Forty Millions of Florens presented him at his Entrance; and his solemn Oaths twice taken to maintain their Privileges, which they had enjoyed under Thirty five Earls, conditional Princes, began to Tyrannize over them by the Spanish Inquisition and other intolerable Impositions; and lastly, by Force of Arms sought to make himself, not Monarch only, like the Kings of England, France, &c. but Turk-like, to overturn all their National Fundamental Laws, Privileges and Customs. To effect this, he easily obtained a Dispensation of his Oaths from the Pope, and then divided the Nobility, under the Government of his base Sister Margaret of Austria, and Cardinal Granvil: Then he employ'd that Merciless Spaniard Ferdinand Alvarez D. of Alva, who in six Years cut off Eighteen Thousand six Hundred Gentlemen and others, by the Hand of the Hang-man. Failing of his purpose by Force, he tryeth Policy, and sent Don John of Austria, his Bastard Brother; who upon the Papal advantage, made no scruple to swear; and having received Six Hundred Thousand Pounds of the Provinces to ease them of the Garrisons, he suddenly surprized the Citadel of Antwerp, Namure, &c. yet after so many Thousands slain; Thirty six Millions of Treasure spent in six Years, he left the Countrey; and the King spent above One Hundred Millions, with the Death of Four Hundred Thousand Christians, to lose the richest Country he had.

Oh by what Plots! by what Oaths, treacherous Practices, Oppressions, Imprisonments, Tortures, Poysonings; and under what Reasons of State and Polity, have these Kings pulled the Vengeance of God upon themselves, upon Theirs, and upon prudent Ministers? and at last have brought these things to pass for their Enemies Advantage; and found an effect so directly contrary to all their own Counsels, and Cruelties; that the one could never have hoped for it, and the other never have succeeded, had no such Opposition been made: God hath said it, and performed it ever; I will destroy the Wisdom of the Wise.

But to what end do we lay before the Eyes of the Living, the Fate and Fortunes of the Dead, seeing the World is the same it hath been, and the Children will obey their Parents? It is in the present that all the Wits of the World are exercised; and to enjoy the Times we have, we hold all things lawful; and either hope to hold them forever, or hope there is nothing after them to be hoped for. For as we are content to forget our own Experience, and counterfeit Ignorance of our Knowledge in things that concern our selves; or perswade our selves, that God hath given us Letters Patents to persue all our irreligious Affections with a Non obstante; So we neither look behind us what has been, nor before us what shall be. It is true, the • uantity we have is of the Body; we are by it joined to the Earth, we are compounded of the Earth, and inhabit the Earth. The Heavens are high, afar off, and unexplorable: We have a sense of corporeal things, but of eternal Grace only by Revelation No wonder then, that our Thoughts are so Earthly; and a less wonder that the Words of worthless Men cannot cleanse us; seeing their Instructions and Doctrine, whose Vnderstanding the Holy Ghost vouchsafed to inhabit, have not performed it. For the Prophet Isaiah cryed out long ago, Lord, who hath believed our Reports? And doubtless as he complained of his time; so are they less believed every day, though Religion be still Mens Mouths; we profess to know, but by works deny him; which argueth an universal Dissimulation. For Happiness consisteth in a Divine Life, not in knowledge of Divine Things, wherein Devils excel us. Contentions about Religion have bred lamentable effects; and the Discourse thereof hath near upon driven the Practice out of the World. He which obtaineth Knowledge only by Mens Disputations of Religion, would judge that Heaven were chiefly to be desired, but look upon many Disputers Lives, and nothing is found in the Soul but Hypocrisie. We are all (in effect) become Comedians in Religion; we act in Voice and Gesture Divine Virtues; but in course of Life we renonnce the part we play, and Charity, Justice and Truth have their Being but in Terms, as the Philosophers Materia prima.

That Wisdom which teacheth us the Knowledge of God, hath great Esteem enough in that we give it our good Word; but the Wisdom which is altogether exercised in gathering Riches, by which we purchase Honour in the World, These are the Marks we Shoot at; the Care whereof is our own in this Life, and the Peril our own in the future; Though in our greatest Abundance we have but one Man's Portion, as the Man of the greatest Wisdom and Ability hath told us. As for those which devour the rest, and follow us in fair Weather, they again forsake us in the first Storm of our Misfortune, and fly away before Sea and Wind, leaving us to the Malice of our Destinies. Among a Thousand Examples take that of Mr. Dannet: Charles V. at Vlushing, in his return to Spain, conferring with Seldius, his Brother Ferdinand's Embassador, till the dead of Night, when they sh •• • part, called some of his Servants; and when none answered (being either gone or asleep) himself took the Candle to light down Seldius, notwithstanding his importunity to the contrary: But at the stairs foot, he desir'd him to remember when he was dead, That whom he had known in his time environ'd with mighty Armies, he hath seen forsaken of his own Domesticks.

But you will say Men more regard the Honour done to great Men than the former: It is true indeed, provided that an inward Love from their Iustice and Piety, accompanying the outward Worship given to their Places and Power; without which, the applause of the Multitude is as the Out cry of a Herd of Animals, who without knowledge of any true Cause, please themselves with the Noise they make. Impious Men in Prosperity have ever been applauded, and the most Virtuous (if unprosperous) have ever been despised, and Virtue and Fortune are rarely distinguish'd. For as Fortune's Man rides the Horse, so Fortune her self rides the Man; who when he is descended on foot, the Man is taken from his Beast, and Fortune from the Man; a base Groom beats the one, and bitter Contempt spurns at the other, with equal liberty.

The Second thing which Men more respect, is raising of Posterity. If these Men conceive that Souls departed take any Comfort therein, they are Wise in a foollish thing, as Lactantius speaketh. De sal. sap. li. 3. c. 28. For when our Mortal Spirits are departed, and dispos'd of by God, they are pleased no more in in Posterity, than Stones are proud which sleep in the Walls of a King's Palace; neither have they more Sorrow in their Poverty, than there is Shame in the Prop of a Beggar's Cottage. The Dead, tho' Holy, know nothing, no not of their own Children: For the Souls departed are not Conversant with the Affairs of the Living, said Augustin, de Cura pro Mort. Iob also, of whom we cannot doubt, tells us, we shall neither understand of our Childrens Honour, or low Degree. Man walketh in a Shadow, disquieting himself in vain; he heapeth up Riches, and cannot tell who shall gather them. The living, saith Eccles. know they shall die, but the Dead know nothing at all; for who shall shew to Man, what shall be after him under the Sun? And when he consider'd all his Labours, and could not tell whether a Fool or a Wise Man should enjoy the Fruit thereof, himself hated his own Labours. What can other Men hope to know after Death, When Isaiah confesseth, Abraham himself is gnorant of us? Death's dark Night shall cover us, till he return that hath Triumph'd over it; when we shall again receive Organs glorified and Immortal, the Seats of Evangelical Affections; and the Souls of the Blessed shall be exercised in so great Admiration, as that they can admit no mixture of less Ioy, nor any return of Mortal Affections towards Friends, Children, &c. Whether we shall retain any particular Knowledge of them, or in any sort distinguish them; no Man can assure us, and the Wisest Men doubt. But on the contrary, if a Divine Life retain any of those Faculties which the Soul exercised in a Mortal Body; we shall not then so divide the Ioys of Heaven, as to cast any part thereof on the memory of their Felicities which remain in the World: Whose Estates, be they greater than ever the World gave, we shall from the difference then known to us, even detest the Consideration thereof. And whatsoever shall remain of all that's past, the same will consist in the Charity which we exercised when living; and in the Piety, Iustice, and firm Faith, for which it pleased the infinite Mercy of God to accept of us and receive us. Shall we then value Honour and Riches at nothing, and neglect them as unnecessary and vain? certainly no. For that infinite Wisdom of God, which hath distinguished his Angels, the Light and Beauty of Heavenly Bodies; differenced Beasts and Birds; Created the Eagle and the Fly, the Cedar and the Shrub; given the fairest tinture to the Ruby, and quickest Light to the Diamond; hath also Ordained Kings, Dukes, Magistrates and Judges amongst his People. And as Honour is left to Posterity, as an Enfign of the Vettue and Vnderstanding of their Ancestors; so being Titles with proportionable Estates, fall under the miserable Succours of other Mens Pity, I account it Foolishness to condemn such Care: Provided that Worldly Goods be well gotten, and that we raise not our Building out of other Mens Ruins, which God accurseth, by Jeremiah and Isaiah, and True Wisdom forbids, Prov. 1.10, to 18, 19.

And if we could afford our selves so much Leisure, as to consider, That he who has most in the World, hath in respect of the World nothing; and he who has the longest time to live in it, hath no Proportion at all therein, comparing it with the Time past, when we were not, or with the Time to come, in which we shall abide for ever: I say if our Portion in the World, and our Time in the World, be thus considered, they differ little from nothing: It is not out of any Excellency of Vnderstanding, that we so much prize the one, which hath (in Effect) no being; and so much neglect the other, which hath no ending; Coveting the Mortal Things of the World, as if our Souls were there Immortal; and neglect the things Immortal, as if our selves, after the World, were but Mortal.

Let every Man value his own Wisdom as he pleases, the Rich Man think all Fools that cannot equal his Abundance; The Revengeful esteen them negligent, which have not trampled upo • their Opposites: The Politician think them Block heads, that cannot merchandize their Faith Yet when we come within Sight of the Port o • Death, to which all Winds drive us; and when, by letting fall the fatal Anchor, which can never be weighed again, the Navigation of this Life takes End: Then it is (I say) that our own Cogitations, those sad and severe ones (formerly thrown off by Health and Felicity) return again, and pay us to the uttermost for all the pleasing Passages of our Lives past. Then it is we cry for God's Mercy, when we can no longer exercise Cruelty; then this terrible Sentence, God will not be mocked, strik • th through our Souls. For if the righteous shall scarcely be saved, and that God spared not the Angels; where shall those appear, who having served their Appetites all their Lives, presum'd that the severe Commands of the dreadful God were given in Sport, and that the last faint Breath is forced to sound Lord have Mercy, without any kin • of Satisfaction to Men, or Amendment? Oh how many (saith a Reverend Father) descend to Eternal Torments and Sorrows with this Hope!

It is indeed a Comfort to our Friends to have it said, we died well; for all desire to die the Death of the Righteous, as Balaam did. But what shall we call (indeed) a Mocking of God, if that those Men mock him not, that think it enough for God, to ask him Mercy at Leisure, with the last Remains of a Malicious Breath? This well-dying Prayer amounts to as much as this, We beseech thee, O God, that all the Falshoods, Forswearing, and Treacheries of our Lives past, may be well pleasing to thee; that thou wilt for our Sakes, (that have had no Leisure to do any thing for thine) change thy Nature, (though impossible) and forget to be a just God; that thou wilt love Injuries and Oppressions, call Ambition Wisdom, and Charity Foolishness. For I shall prejudice my Son (which I am resolved not to do) if I make Restitution, and confess my self to have been unjust, (which I am too proud to do) if I deliver the Oppressed. These wise Worldlings have either found, or made them a Leaden God, like that which Lewis the Eleventh wore in his Cap, and used to kiss it, and ask it Pardon, when he had caused any to be murdered, promising it should be the last; as when by the Practice of a Cardinal, and falsified Sacrament, he caused the Earl of Armagnack to be stabbed at Prayers. Of this Composition are all devout Lovers of the World, that they fear all that is worthless and frivolous; they fear the Plots and Practices, yea the very Whisperings of their Opposites; they fear the Opinions of Men, which beat but upon Shadows: They flatter and forsake the prosperous or unprosperous, Friends or Kings: Yea, they dive under Water, like Ducks, at every Peble Stone thrown at them by a powerful Hand. On the contrary, they shew an obstinate and Gigantick Valour against the terrible Iudgments of the All-powerful God; yea, they shew themselves Gods against God, and Slaves towards Men, whose Bodies and Consciences are alike rotten.

Now for the rest, if we examine the Difference between the Rich and Mighty, whom we call Fortunate, and the Poor and Oppressed, whom we account Wretched; we shall find the Vnhappiness of the one, and the Misery of the other so tyed by God to the very Instant, and so subject to enterchange, (witness the sudden Downfall of the greatest, and the speedy Rise of the meanest) that the one hath nothing certain whereof to boast, nor the other to lament. For no Man is so assured of Honour, Riches, Health, or Life, but may be deprived of either, or all, the very next hour; for what an Evening will bring with it is uncertain; and none can tell what shall be to morrow, saith St. James: To Day he is set up, to Morrow he shall not be found; for he is turned into Dust, and his Purpose perisheth. And though the Air of Adversity be very obscure, yet therein we better discern God, than in the shining Light of Worldly Glory, through whose Clearness no Vanity whatsoever can escape our Sight. And though Adversity seem ridiculous to the Happy and Fortunate, who delight themselves at others Misfortunes; though it seem grievous to those which were in it: Yet this is true, that of all that's past, to the very Instant, what remains is equal to either. For though we have lived many Years, and in them have rejoyced (according to Solomon) or have we sorrowed as long; yet looking back, we find both Ioy and Sorrow sailed out of Sight, and Death which hath held us in Chase from the Womb, hath put an end to both. Let him therefore, whom Fortune hath served, and Time befriended, take an Accompt of his Memory, (the only Keeper of Pleasures past) and truly examine what it hath reserved of Beauty, Youth, or past Delights; or of his dearest Affections, or whatsoever Contentment the amorous Spring time gave his Thoughts, and he shall find, that all the Art which his Elder Years had, can draw no other Vapour out of these Dissolutions, than heavy, secret, and sad Sighs. He shall find nothing remaining, but those Sorrows which grow up after our fast Springing Youth; overtook it, when it was at a Stand; and overtopping it utterly, when it began to wither. Looking back therefore from the Instant of our present Being, And the poor diseased Captive hath as little Sense of all former Miseries and Pains, as the Man so blessed in common Opinion hath of fore-past. Pleasures and Delights. For whatsoever is cast behind us, is just nothing; and what is to come depends upon deceitful Hope. Only I must except those few black Swans, who having had the Grace to value worldly Vanities at no more than their worth, do, by retaining the comfortable Memory of a well-acted Life, behold Death without Dread, the Grave without Fear, and imbrace both, as necessary Guides to Endless Glory.

For my self, this is my Comfort, and all that I can offer to others, That the Sorrows of this Life either respect God, when we complain to him against our selves for our Offences; and confess, Thou Lord art just in all that hath befallen us: Or respect the World, when we complain to our selves against God, as doing us wrong either in not giving what we desire; or taking away what we enjoyed: Forgetting that humble and just Acknowledgment of Job, The Lord hath given, and the Lord hath taken. And out of doubt he is either a Fool, or ungrateful to God, or both, that doth not acknowledge, that how mean soever his Estate be, it is far greater than God owes him: Or how sharp soever his Affl • ctions be, the same are yet f • r less, than those that are due to him. If an Heathen called Adversities the Tributes of living; a wise Christian ought to know them, and bear them as the Tributes of offending. For seeing God, who is Author of all our Tragedies, hath written out and appointed what every Man must play, using no Partiality to the mightiest Princes; Why should other Men who are but as the least Worms, complain of Wrongs? Did not the Lord set Darius to play the part of the greatest Emperor, and the part of the most miserable Beggar, that begged Water of an Enemy to quench the Drought of Death? Bajazet, the Grand Seignior of the Turks in the Morning, the same Day became the Footstool of Tamberlane; both which parts Valerian the Emperor had played, being taken by Sapores. Bellisarius had performed the part of a most Victorious Captain, and after became a Blind Beggar; with a Thousand like Examples. Certainly there is no other Accompt to be made of this ridiculous World, than to resolve, That the change of Fortune on this great Theatre, is but as the change of Garments on the lesser: For when every Man weareth but his own Skin, the Players are all alike. If any Man out of Weakness judge otherwise, (for it is a Point of great Wit, to call the Mind from the Senses) it is by reason of that unhappy Fancy of ours, which forgeth in Men's Brains all the Miseries to which he is subject (the Corporal excepted) therein it is that Misfortune and Adversity effect what they do. For seeing Death is the end of the Play, and takes from all, whatsoever Fortune or Force takes from any one; It were foolish Madness in the Shipwrack of Worldly Things, (where all sinks but the Sorrow for the Loss of them) to sink under Fortune, which (according to Seneca) is of all other the most miserable Destiny.

Now to the Picture of Time, (which we call History) let my good Intent excuse my drawing it in so large a Table. The Examples of Divine Providence every where to be found, (the first Divine Histories being nothing else but a Continuation of such Examples) have perswaded me to fetch my Beginning from all Beginnings, the Creation. For these two glorious Actions of the Almighty are so linked together, that the one necessarily implieth the other: Creation inferring Providence, and Providence presuming Creation; though many seeming wise have gone about to separate them; Epicurus denies both, yet allows a Beginning: The Aristotelians grant Providence, but deny all Beginning, whose verbal Doctrine grounded upon a rotten Ground, was not able to stand against the Doctrine of Faith, touching the Creation in time, Heb. 1. though natural Reason might have inform'd him better. And though Aristotle failed herein, and taught little other than Terms in the rest, yet many do absolutely subject themselves to him, as not to indure any other search of Truth. The Law of their Philosophical Principles doth not so bind, but that where Natural Reason is in Force against them, it ought to stand in all Questions of Nature and Finite Power, as a Fundamental Law of Human Knowledge. For every Human Proposition hath equal Authority, if Reason make no difference. But where Reason is not admitted, and Inventions of Ancestors approved without Iudgment, Men suffer themselves to be led after the manner of Beasts.

This Sloath and Dulness has made Ignorance a powerful Tyrant, and has set true Philosophy, Phisick and Divinity on the Pillory, and written over the First, Contra Principia negantem, over the Second, Virtus specifica, and the Third, Ecclesia Romana.

But I will never believe that all natural Knowledge was shut up in Aristotle's Brain, or that the Heathen only invaded Nature, and found out her Strength. We know that Time and not Reason, Experience and not Art both taught the Causes of such Effects, as that Sowerness doth Co • gulate Milk; but ask the Reason why and how it does it, and Vulgar Philosophy cannot satisfie you; nor in many Things of the like Nature, as why Grass is green rather than red. Man hardly discerns the Things on Earth; his Time is but short to learn, and begins no sooner to learn than to dye: Whose Memory has but a borrowed Knowledge; understanding nothing truly, and is ignorant of the Essence of his own Soul; which Aristotle could never define, but by effects, which all Men know as well as he. Man, I say, who is an Idiot in the next cause of his own Life, and actions thereof, will notwithstanding examin the Art of God in Creating the World; and will disable him from making a World without Matter; • nd rather ascribe it to Atoms in the Air, or to Fate, Fortune, Nature, or to two Powers, of which one was Author of Matter, the other of Form: And lastly, for want of a Work-man, Aristottle brought in that New Doctrin of the Worlds Eternity, contrary to these Ancients, Hermes, Zoroaster, Musaeus, Orpheus, Linus, Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Melissus, Pherecydes, Thales, Cleanthus, Pythagoras, Plato, and many others; who found in the necessity of invincible Reason, one Eternal Infinite Being, to be the Parent of the Vniverse. Whose Opinions, tho' uncertain, (saith Lactantius) shew that they agree upon one Lord, Providence, whether Nature, Light, Reason, Understanding, Destiny, or Divine Ordination, which is the same we call God. For as all Rivers in the World, tho' rising and running diversly, fall at last in the Ocean: So after all searches made by Human Capacity, all Man's Reason dissolves it self in the Necessity of this Infinite Power.

Those who held the Matter of the World Eternal, hardly deserve an Answer, as giving part of the Work to God, part to Fortune, by which God found this Matter. And were it Eternal, it either fitted it self to God, or he accommodated himself to it; both which are foul Absurdities. But suppose this Chaos or Matter had been too little for the Work, God then Created out of nothing so much New Matter as was wanting; or if the Matter were too much, he must annihilate what was supersflous; both which are alike proper to God only: It could not therefore be caused by a less than an All-sufficient Power; for to say it was the Cause of it self, were the greatest tism.

Again, if Matter were eternal, of necessity it must be infinite, and so left no place for infinite Form; but the finite Form proves the Matter finite, and so not eternal. He who will believe the contrary, eternal Death be his Reward; for what Reason of Man (not stupify'd by presumption) hath doubted, that That infinite Power (of which we comprehend but the Shadow) can want either Matter or Form, for as many Worlds as there are Sands in the Sea, if it were his Will, which is the only limitation of his Works?

Can a finite Man, a Fool and meer Dust, change the Form of Matter made to his Hand, and infinite Power cannot make a finite World without preexisting Matter? The universal World has not shew'd us all his Wisdom and Power, which cannot be bounded.

But others who hold the Worlds Eternity upon the ground of nothing, nothing is made, (which is true where the Agent is finite) may consider their Master Aristotle, confessing, That all the Ancients Decree a kind of Beginning, and the same infinite; and he farther saith, There is no beginning of it; but it is found the beginning of all things, and embraceth and governs all things. If we compare the universal World, that Infinite it self, we may say of the most unmeasurable Orbs of Heaven, that they are neither quid, quale, nor quantum; and therefore to bring Finite out of Infinite is no wonder in God's Power. Therefore Anaximander, Melissus, and Empedocles, call the World not Vniversal, but a part of the Universality and Infinite: Plato calls it a Shadow of God. God's being a sufficient effectual cause of the World, proves it not Eternal as he is: For as his Sufficiency is free, so is his Will; no difficulty can hinder, nor necessity force his Will in choice of Time. Again, tho' natural Agents which can work, do it not 'till they are moved, which argueth Change in them; yet it followeth not, that because God cannot be moved, therefore he caused the World from Eternity. For the same action of his Will which intended the World for ever, from Eternity, did also set down the time to effect it, 'till which time he withheld it. Others answer, That the Pattern of the World was Eternally with God, which the Platonists call the spiritual World; but the Material World was not eternal, but shall continue for ever; which Christians understood of a new Heaven and Earth, yet without new Creation of Matter.

They who deny the World shall have any End, Reason from the Heavens, which are neither Corrupted, nor have any shew of Age. The little Change may argue Newness, but not Perpeuity: Yet to Answer Conjectures with Conjectures, many of old held the Torrid Zone not habitable by reason of the Suns Heat; nor the Sea Navigable under the Equinoctial Line; but now we know the contrary, which argueth that the Suns Heat is decayed: And if little Change did prove perperuity, then also many Stone-walls, which have stood two or three Thousand Years, and many things digged out of the Earth, might seem to remain unchanged ever since the Flood; and Gold probably held Created from the Beginning, &c. If Elementary Bodies shew so little Change, no marvel if Celestial shew none. And seeing inferiour Creatures are generated by help of Celestial, and receive Virtue from the Sun, their general decay argueth its decay also.

But if the World were eternal, why not all things in it; especially Man, who is more Rational, why did he not provide for his Eternity? Again, if there were no common order of the divers Natures, how came that Difference, who set the Earth in the Center, the Sun and Celestial Bodies in their Courses, &c. If those keep their Course of their own accord, to do good to the inferior Bodies, they are then eternal Love; yea, so many Gods, &c. And if they be limited to their Course, there is an efficient Cause which hath bounded them.

Now as to Nature: As Aristotle hath by the Ambiguity of the Name recommended Errors, and obscured God's glory in the Creation and Government of the World; so his best Definition of it is but Nominal; only differencing natural Motion from artificial, which yet the Academicks explain better, calling it Seminary strength infused into Matter by the Soul of the World; and why give they the first place to Providence, the second to Fate, and third to Nature. But be Nature what it will, it cannot be the Cause of all things, if it hath not both Will and Knowledge, said Lactantius. Nature cannot but work, if Matter be present; and then also it can but produce the same things, except she have divers Matters to work upon, said Ficinus. But Nature could not chuse diversity of Matters without Understanding and Will, Reason and Power; why then is such a Cause call • d Nature rather than God?

All Men assign the highest place among all their Gods, to One, by Aristotle's confession, de Coelo; and Reason teacheth us to Acknowledge and Adore the most Sublime Power. I account it therefore monstrous Impiety to confound God, who disposes all things according to his own Will, with Nature, which disposes of nothing but as the Matter wherein it worketh will permit. Nature existeth not of her self, but as a Faculty infused into things existing, by the supreamest Power; who therefore is to be Worshipped for creating such a Nature in all things, as without understanding what or how it worketh, yet bringeth all things to perfection. If therefore Men will rest upon that ground which all Antiquity held, That there is a Power infinite and eternal; all things deliver'd in Holy Scripture do as easily flow to the Proof of it, as the Waters to that of a running River. Reason teaching us, That Wisdom or Knowledge goes before Religion; for God is first to be known, and then to be Worshipped. Wisdom, said Plato, is the Knowledge of the absolute Good. Faith is not extorted by Violence, but perswaded by Reason and Example, said Isidore.

To inquire farther into God's Essence, Power, and Skill, is to grow mad with Reason: What is beyond the reach of true Reason, is no shame to be ignorant of; neither is our Faith weakened by our being Ignorant how God Created the World, which Reason perswades he did.

I cannot stand to excuse divers Passages in the following History, the whole being exceeding weak; especially the Division of the Books, I being directed to inlarge the Building after the Foundation was laid.

Generally, as to the Order, I took Counsel from the Argument: After Babel's Fall, the Assyrians are first, of whose Actions we find but little Recorded, and more in Fame than Faith: Other Kings Actions are also related by Digressions, with some other things belonging to those Ages: These Digressions, the whole Course of our Lives (which is but Digression) may excuse: Yet I am not wholly ignorant of the Law of History.

The Persian Empire was by Order next to be attended, and the Nations which had reference thereto; then followed the Grecians and the Romans: Other Nations which resisted their Beginnings, are not neglected. The weak Phrase shews the Parent: In Hebrew words, I made use of learned Friends and Expositors; though in Eleven Years I might have learn'd any Language at leisure. Many will say, a Story of my own time would have pleased better: But I say, He which in a Modern Story shall follow Truth too near the Heels, it may chance to strike out his Teeth; and no Mistress hath led her Followers into greater Miseries. He which follows her too far off, loseth her and himself: He which keeps at a middle distance, I know not which to call it Temper or Baseness.

I never labour'd for Mens Opinions, when I might have made the best use of them; and now my Days are too few Ambitiously or Cowardly to flatter between the Bed and the Grave, even when D • ath has me on his Shoulders.

If it be said, I Tax the Living in the Persons of the Dead, I cannot help it, tho' Innocent. If any, finding themselves spotted like the Tygers of old times, shall find fault with me for Painting them over a-new; they shall therein Accuse themselves justly, and me falsely: For I Protest before the Majesty of GOD, I have no Malice against any Man under the Sun.

I know it is impossible to please all; seeing few or none are so pleased with themselves, by reason of their subjection to private Passions, but that they seem divers Persons in one and the same Day. Seneca said it, and so do I; One is to me instead of All: Yea (as it hath deplorably fallen out) as an Ancient Philosopher said, One is enough, None is enough. For it was for the service of that inestimable Prince Henry, the successive Hope, and one of the greatest of the Christian World, that I undertook this Work: And it pleased him to peruse part thereof, and to pardon what was amiss. It is now left to the World without a Master; from which, all that is presented to it, receiveth both Blows and Thanks: For we approve and reprehend the same things. And this is the End of every Judgment, when the Controversie is committed to many: The Charitable will judge charitably; And against the Malicious, my present Adversity hath disarm'd me. I am on the Ground already; and therefore have not far too fall: And for rising again, as in the Natural Privation there is no recession to Habit; so is it seldom seen in the Politick Privation. I do therefore forbear to stile my Readers, Gentle, Courteous, and Friendly, so to beg their good Opinions: Or promise a Second and Third Volume, (which I intended) if the First receive a good Acceptance. For that which is already done, may be thought enough and too much: And let us claw the Reader with never so many Courteous Phrases; yet we shall ever be thought Fools that Write Foolishly.

THE CONTENTS OF THE Chapters, Paragraphs, and Sections, OF THE First Book of the History of the WORLD. CHAP. I. Of the First Ages from the Creation to Abraham. § 1. OF the Creation and Preservation of the World. Page 1. 2. The Worlds Creation acknowledged by Antient Philosophers. 2 3. Of the meaning of, In the Beginning. 3 4. Of Heaven and Earth. ibid. 5. What Moses meant by the word Earth. ibid. 6. God moved on the Waters, How to be understood. ibid. 7. The Creation of the Light. 4 8. The Firmament between the Waters. ibid. 9. A Summary of the Creation. 5 10. Nature is an Operating Power infus'd by God. ibid. 11. Of Fate or Destiny. ibid. 12. Of Prescience. 6 13. Of Providence. ibid. 14. Of Predestination. 7 15. Of Fortune, as it may seem against Reason and Providence. ibid. CHAP. II. Of Man's Estate in the Creation, and of God's Rest. 8 § 1. Man the last and most admirable of God's Works. 9 2. Of the Intellectual Mind of Man, and God's Image in it. ibid 3. Of the frailty of our Bodies, and the Care due to our immortal Souls. 11 4. Of the Spirit of Life breathed by God into Man. 12 5. Man a little World, his Mortality, Disobedience: God rested on the Seventh Day. 13 CHAP III. Of Paradise and the various Opinions about it. 14 § 1. That it was the First Habitation of Man. ibid. 2. By some held to be Allegorical. ibid. 3. Moses's Description of Paradise. ibid. 4. 'Tis no vain Curiosity to enquire after it. 15 5. Paradise not totally defac'd by the Flood. ibid. 6, 7, 8. Paradise not the whole Earth. Various opinions about it. 16 9, 10. Paradise was in Eden. 17 11, 12. Two Objections touching the Dvision of the Rivers, and Eden's Fertility answerd. 19 13, 14. Pison and Gehon two Rivers of Paradise. 20, 21 15. Paradise most Pleasant and Fruitful, being in 35 Degrees. 21 CHAP. IV. Of the two chief Trees in Paradise. 22 § 1. The Tree of Life a material Tree. ibid. 2, 3. Becanus's Opinion, that it was the Indian Fig-Tree. 23 4. Of the Name of the Tree of Knowledge, and Adam's Sin. 24. CHAP. V. Memorable things between Adam and Noah. 25 §. 1, 2. Cain Murders his Brother. Dwells in the Land of Nod. ibid. 3. Moses very brief in the Story of Cain. 26 4, 5. The various and Long Lives of the Patriarchs. ib. 6. The Patriarchs deliver their Knowledge by Tradition. Enoch wrote before the Flood. 27. 7, 8. Of the Men of War, and Gyants before the Flood. 28. CHAP. VI. The Original of Idolatry, and Reliques of Antiquity in Fables. 29 §. 1, 2, 3, Ancient Truths in Old Corruptions, as in the Family of Noah, and the Old Aegyptians. ib. 4, 5, 6. Jupiter was Cain, Vulcan Tubal-Cain, &c. Of the several sorts of Jupiters. 30 7. The Opinions of the wise Heathens concerning God. 31 8. Heathenism and Iudaism when destroy'd. 32 9. Satans last Refuge. 33 CHAP. VII. Of Noah's Flood. § 1, 2, 3. God's forewarning of it, neither Ogyges's Flood, nor that of Ducalion, nor that of the Umbri, was Noah's. 34, 35 3, 4. Some Records of the Vniversal Island, Noah's Flood supernatural. ibid. 6. No need of new Created Waters. What the Chataracts of Heaven are. ibid. 8, 9, 10. Noah's Memory among the Heathen; His Ark was of sufficient capacity; rested upon the Hills Taurus. 36, 37, 38. CHAP. VIII. The Planting of Nations, Noah's Sons, which the Eldest. 45 §. 1. Whether Shem or Ham Elder than Japhet. ibid. 2. All Histories must yield to Moses: Lords of the first Ages, were of the Issue of Ham. 45 3, 4. Of the Isles of the Gentiles. Of Gog, Magog, Tubal and Mesech. 46 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 Berosus's Fiction: Gomer and Togarma setled in the East. Of the other Sons of Japhet. Of Ascanes and Riphath Gomer's Eldest Son. Of the four Sons of Javan. 47, 48, 49. 10. Cush, the Eldest Son of Ham, was in Arabia. 50 11. Mizraim chief Planter of Aegypt. 52. 12. The Bounds of Canaan, his Eleven Sons where situated. ibid. 13. The Sons of Cush. 54 14. The Issue of Mizraim. 55 15. Sem's Posterity. 56 CHAP. IX. The Beginning and Establishment of Government. 58 Sect. 1. Of Regal Absolute, and Regal tempered by Laws. 59 2. The approved sorts of Government. 60 3. The good Government of the first Kings. ibid. 4. The Original of Nobility. 61 CHAP. X. Of Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus. 62 Sect. 1, 2, 3, 4.Nimrod first Sovereign after the Flood. Built Ninive. Established the Babylonian Monarchy. 63 5, 6, 7, 8. Of Ninus and Belus, in whose time Image-Worship began. The first Idolater. 64, 65 CHAP. XI. Of Ninus, Semiramis and Belus. ibid. BOOK II. From Abraham's Death, to the Destruction of Solomon's Temple, which was 1525 Years. 67 CHAP. I. The time of Abraham's Birth and Order of the Assyrian Empire. ibid. Sect. 1, 2, 3. Some Successors of Semiramis, and of the Birth of Abraham. 68 4. Terah begat Abraham in his 130th Year 69 5, 6, 7. Answers to several Objections about Abraham's Age. 70, 71 8. The Assyrian times regulated by Abraham's History. ibid. 9. Amraphel probably was Ninias. 72 10, 11. Arioth King of Alassar. Tidal King of Nations. 73 12. Chedorlaomer, chief of the Four. 74 CHAP. II. Of the Kings of Egypt from Cham to the Delivery of the Israelites. 75 Sect. 1. The Kings of Egypt, and the causes of the uncertainty of the History. ibid. 2. Cham began his Reign in Egypt after the Flood, Anno 191. ibid. 3. The Dynasties were not Kings but Vice-Roys. 76 4. Cham and Mizraim or Oris. ibid. 5, 6. Osiris's Reign guess'd at. Typhon and Hercules their Reigns. 77 7, 8. Busiris or Orus's Reign. Rathoris succeeded his Sister. 78 CHAP. III. Israel's delivery out of Egypt. 79 Sect. 1. Israel's Captivity, and Moses's Birth. ibid. 2. Cities of Egypt in Scripture. ibid. 3, 4, 5. Moses's Preservation and Education. Pharaoh and his Army drowned, and Moses's Passage Miraculous. 80, 81. CHAP. IV. §. 1. The Israelites Journey from the Red Sea to Sinai. 83 2. Of the Amalekites, Midianites, Kenites, and of Jethro. ibid. 3. When the Law was given. 84 CHAP. V. §.1. The Story from receiving the Law to Moses's death. 84. 2. The Offering of the Twelve Princes. The Passover, and Jethro's departure. 85 3. Israel's Iourney from Horeb to Kades. 86 4. Their unwillingness to return; they remove to Zin. 87 5, 6. They turn to the North. ibid. 7. Of the Book of the Lord's Battels, and other lost Books. 88. 8. Moses sparing Lot's Issue▪ 89 9. The Midianites and Moabites corrupt Israel. ibid. CHAP. VI. Of the Bordering Nations: Of other Renowned Men, and of Iushua's Acts. 90 Sect. 1. How the bordering Nations were prepared to be Enemies to Israel. ibid. 2, 3. Of the Kings of the Canaanites and Moabites: Of the Midianites, Amalekites and Ismaelites. 91 4, 5, 6, 7. Prometheus, Atlas, Pelasgus, Ducalion, Hermies, Aesculapius; when they flourished. 92, 93, 94, 95. 8. Of Joshua, Othoniel and his Cotemporaries. 96 CHAP. VII. Sect. 1, 2. Of the Phoenician Kingdom, and the Invention of Letters. 99. 3, 4. The Kings of the Ten Tribes, from Jeroboam to Achab. 101. CHAP. VIII. The History of the Syrians bordering their Tribes on Jordan. 103 CHAP IX. Memorable things from Joshua to Jeptha. 107 CHAP. X. The War and Destruction of Troy. 114 CHAP. XI. Of Samson, Eli and Samuel. 117 CHAP. XII. Of Saul the First King of Israel. 120 CHAP. XIII. Of David and his condition under Saul; his Reign; overthrows the Philistins, and Hadadezar; his Troubles; last Acts; his vast Treasure; his Cotemporaries. 126 CHAP. XIV. Of Solomon Anno Mundi 2991. His Building and Glory sends a Fleet to Ophir; his Fall, Writings; and Cotemporaries. 133 CHAP. XV. Solomon's Successors to Jehoram. Rehoboam's Impiety, Punishment, End, and Cotemporaries: Abija succeeds Rehoboam, Asa succeeds Abija; Israel unhappy under her Princes. Jehosaphat succeeds Asa. His Cotemporaries. 136 CHAP. XVI. Of Jehoram and Ahaziah. Jehoram's Reign alone. Ahaziah perished with the House of Ahab. 143 CHAP. XVII. Athaliah's Vsurpation and Government for 6 Years. 149 CHAP. XVIII. Of Joash, Amaziah, and their Cotemporaries; the Death of Jehojada, and Apostacy of Joash. Zachariah murdered by Joash. The Death of Joash, who is succeeded by Amaziah, who is overthrown by Joash, and afterwards slain. An interregnum in Iudah. Of Amaziah's Cotemporaries, and of Sardanapalus. 153 CHAP. XIX. Of Uzziah and his Cotemporaries, the end of his Reign, and Life. Of the Olympian Games. Jothan and his Cotemporaries. Achas and his Cotemporaries. 165 CHAP. XX. Of Italy and Rome's Foundation: The Aborigines. The Latin Kings 'till Aeneas, a Trojan of the Blood Royal. The beginning of Rome. Romulus's Birth and Death. 171 CHAP. XXI. Of Hezekiah and his Cotemporaries; his Deliverance; his Sickness and Recovery. Kings in Media in his Reign. 175 CHAP. XXII. Egyptian Kings from Moses to Hezekiah, many of which were only Regents or Vice-Roys. 177 CHAP. XXIII. Of Manasses who succeeded Sethon, and his Cotemporaries; his Bondage and Enlargement: The Messenian Wars. 181 CHAP. XXIV. Of Ammon, Josiah and the rest, to the Destruction of Jerusalem. 187 BOOK III. From the Destruction of Ierusalem to Philip of Macedon. 197 CHAP. I. From the Destruction of Jerusalem to the Assyrian Fall. The Connection of Sacred and Prophane History. The Babylonish Captivity, several Opinions concerning it. Nebuchadnezzar's Victories and Actions. 197 CHAP. II. The Persian Greatness how it grew. 204. CHAP. III. Cyrus the first Persian Monarch. He takes Babylon. His last Wars. His Decree for Building God's Temple. His two Sons and three Daughters. 206 CHAP. IV. The Persian Affairs from Cyrus to Darius. 110 CHAP. V. Darius the Son of Histaspes his Actions and Death. 212 CAHP. VI. Xerxes Emperour of Persia, his vast Army. Opposed by Leonidas, burnt the Temple of Athens. The Peloponesians beat his Fleet. His Army is soon after Vanquish'd. 216 CHAP. VII. The Greek Affairs from the Persian Wars to the Peloponesian. 221 CHAP. VIII. The Peloponesian War with the Condition of Athens, and Sparta, at the beginning of it. Alcibiades his Victories, his deposing. 224 CHAP. IX. Matters concurring with the Peloponesian War, and some time after. 230 CHAP. X. Cyrus the Younger, his Expedition into Persia, and the great Services of Xenophon. 232 CHAP. XI. Of the Greek Affairs under the Lacedemonians Command. 237 CHAP. XII. Of the flourishing Condition of Thebes, from the Battle of Leuctra, to that of Mantinea. Of the Peace that succeeded. A Comparison between Agasilaus and the Roman Pompey. 241 BOOK IV. CHAP. I. Of the Macedonian Kingdom from Philip, Father to Alexander the Great, to the Race of Antigonus. 247 CHAP. II. Of Alexander the Great; his Wars with Darius and others; his Cruelty, Death and Character. 251 CHAP. III. Aordaeus's Reign after Alexander. 271 CHAP. IV. Of Antigonus's growth in Asia. 282 CHAP. V. Of the Civil Wars of Alexander's Captains. 286 CHAP. VI. Of the Wars between the New Kings 'till they were all destroy'd. 287 CHAP. VII. Rome's Growth, and the setling of the Eastern State. 299 BOOK V. From the setled Rule of Alexander's Successors, 'till the Romans Conquer'd Asia and Macedon. CHAP. I. Of the First Punick War. 307 CHAP. II. What pass'd between the First and Second Punick War. 326 CHAP. III. Of the Second Punick War. 336 CHAP. IV. Philip King of Macedon Father of Perseus, subdu'd by the Romans. 370 CHAP. V. Of the Roman Wars with Antiochus, and his Adherents. 380 CHAP. VI. Of the Second Macedonian War. With the death of Philopoemen, Hannibal, Scipio, &c. 396

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THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. PART I. OF THE First Ages, from the Creation to Abraham.

CHAP. I. Of the Creation and Preservation of the World.

§ GOD Invisible is seen in his Creatures. From the Creation to Abraham, 2009 Years God acknowledged by the wisest men to be a Power uneffable, a Virtue infinite, a Light by the abundant Clarity invisible, an Understanding which it self can only comprehend, an Essence eternal and spiritual, of absolute Pureness and Simplicity, was, and is pleased to make himself known by the Works of the World: In the wonderful magnitude whereof, we behold the Image of that Glory which cannot be measured, and that one Universal Nature which cannot be defined. In the glorious Lights of Heaven, we perceive a shadow of his Divine Countenance; in his Provision for all that live, his manifold Goodness; and in creating, by the absolute power of his own Word, his All-sufficiency; which All-sufficiency in Power and Wisdom, which Light, Virtue and Goodness being but Attributes of one simple Essence, and one God; we in all admire, and in part discern by the Glass of his Creatures, in the disposition, order, and variety of Bodies, Celestial and Terrestrial: Terrestrial in strange manifold Diversities, Celestial in their Beauty, Magnitude, and continual contrary motions, yet neither repugned, intermixed, nor confounded. By these potent Effects we approach to the knowledge of the Omnipotent Cause, and by these motions, their Almighty wise Mover. In these more than wonderful Works God speaketh to Men, who by their Reason may know their Maker to be God; who with Corporal Eyes can no otherways be seen, but by his Word and this visible World: Of all which Works there was no other Cause preceding but his Will, no Matter but his Power, no Workman but his Word, no other Consideration but his own Goodness.

§. 2. The Worlds Creation acknowledged by ancient Philosophers. Mercurius Trismegistus called God the Original of the Vniverse, and that God made it only by his Word. In Poman • ro. Orpheus de summo Jove. Jupiter having hidden all things in himself, did after send forth into the grateful Light, the admirable Works he had fore-thought. Pindar calls him the one God, Father and Creator of all: And Original, of all, saith P • ato. Though Scripture have no need of Foreign Testimonies, yet St. Paul despised not the Use of Philosophers, &c. Truth by whomsoever uttered, is of the Holy Ghost, said Ambrose.

§. 3. All things began to be in the Creation, before which was neither Matter nor Form of any thing, but the Eternal: For had there been a former Matter, the Creation had not been first; and if any thing were before Created, Gen. 1.1. there must be a double Creation; if any thing had been uncreated but God, there must have been a Beginning and two infinite Eternals.

§. 4. Heaven and Earth first Created, was not Matter without all Form, without which nothing can exist; but it was that solid Substance and Matter, as well of the Heavens and Orbs, as of the Globe of the Earth, and Waters which cover'd it; the Seed of that Vniversal, saith Calvin.

§. 5. As Moses, by Heaven, meant the Matter of all Heavenly Bodies, and Natures; so by Earth comprehending the Waters, he meant the Matter of all things under the Moon: Waters in the plural, signifying a double Liquor of divers natures, mixed with Earth 'till God separated them.

§. 6. Spirit of God moved, &c.] Seeing that God is every way above Reason, though the Effects which follow his wonderful ways of working, may in some measure be perceived by Man's Understanding,Ver. 2. yet that manner and first operation of his divine Power cannot be conceived by any Mind or Spirit united with a mortal Body: And St. Paul saith, they are past finding out. Therefore whether that motion, vitality and operation were by Incubation, or any other way, that's only known to God. The English word Moved, is most proper and significant; for of motion proceeds all production, and whatsoever is effected. This moving • pirit can be no other, but that infinite Power of God, which then formed and distinguished, and which now sustains the Universe. This motion of the Spirit upon the Waters, produced their Spiritual and Natural motion, which brought forth Heat, whereof came rarefaction of Parts; thus was Air begotten, an Element lighter and superiour to the Waters.

Gen. 1.3.§. 7. The Light is next, which for Excellency is first called good; but, as I conceive, did not yet distinguish Day from Night, but with reference to the Sun's Creation, in which this dispersed Light was united, v. 14. 'till when, there was no Motion to be measur'd by Time: So that the Day named, v. 5. was but such a space as after by the Sun's motion made a natural Day. As then the Earth and the Waters were the Matter of the Air, Firmament, upper and lower Waters, and of the Creatures therein; so may the Light be called the Material Substance of the Sun, and other Lights of Heaven. How beit, neither the Sun nor other Heavenly Bodies are that Light, but the Sun is enlightned by it most of all other; and by it the Moon, and so the next Region, which the Greeks call Aether, (the supposed Element of Fire) is affected, and by it all Bodies living in this our Air. And though the nature of Light be not yet understood, yet I suppose the Light Created the First Day, was the substance of the Sun, though it had not formal Perfection, Beauty, Circle, and bounded Magnitude 'till the Fourth Day, when dispersed Light was united and fixed to a certain place; after which it had Life and Motion, and from that time separated Day from Night: So that what is said of the Day before, was by Anticipation; for 'till the Creatures were produced, God's Wisdom found no Cause why Light should move, or give heat or operation.

Gen. 1.6.§. 8. Firmament between the Waters, is the extended distance between the Sea and Waters in the Earth, and those in the Clouds, ingendred in the superiour Air: This Firmament in which the Birds flye, is also called Heaven in Scripture, Gen. 49.25. Psal. 104.18. Mat. 8.26. The Crystalline Heaven Basil calls Childish.

§. 9. God having Created the Matter of all things, and distinguished every general Nature, and given their proper Form, as Levity to what should ascend, and Gravity to what should descend, and set each in his place in the three first Days; in the three last he beautified and furnish'd them with their proper kinds; as the Sun, Moon, and Stars in the higher Firmament of Heaven; Fowls in the Air, Fishes in the Waters, Beasts on the Earth; giving generative power for continuation of their Kinds, to such as in the Individuals should be subject to decay, or needed increase.

§. 10. Nature is an operating Power infused by God into every Creature; not any self-ability to be the Original of any thing of it self, no more than the Helm can guide the Ship without an Hand, or an Hand without Judgment. All Agents work by virtue of the first Act; and as the Eye seeth, Ear heareth, &c. yet it is the Soul which giveth Power, Life and Motions to these Organs: So it is God which worketh by Angels, Men, Nature, Stars, or infus'd Properties, as by his Instruments; all second Causes being but Conduits to convey and disperse what they have received from the Fountain of the Universal. It is God's infinite Power and Omnipotence that giveth Power to the Sun and all second Causes, and to Nature her self to perform their Offices; which operative Power from God being once stopp'd, Nature is without Virtue. Things flourish by God, said Orpheus. I endeavour not to destroy those various Virtues given by God to his Creatures, for all his Works in their Virtues praise him; but how he works in, or by them, no Man could ever conceive; as Lactantius confounding the Wisdom of Philosophers, denyed that all their study had found it; for could the precise Knowledge of any thing be had, then of necessity all other things might be known.

§. 11. Destiny might safely be admitted, but for the inevitable necessity even over Mens Minds and Wills, held by Stoicks, Chaldeans, Pharisees, Priscilianists, &c. Hermes and Apuleius conceived well That Fate is an obedience of second Causes to the First. Plotinus calls it a disposing, from the Acts of the Celestial Orbs, working unchangeably in inferiour Bodies; which is true in things not ordered by a rational Mind. Fate is that which God hath spoken concerning us, say the Stoicks, Seneca, Ptolomy. And no doubt Stars are of a greater use, than to give an obscure Light; neither are the Seasons of Winter and Summer so certain in Heat and Cold, by the motions of Sun and Moon, which are so certain, but the working of the Stars with them. God hath given Virtues to Springs, Plan •• , Stones, &c. yea, to Excrements of base Creatures: Why then should we rob the Beautiful Stars of working power, being so many in Number, and so eminent in Beauty and Magnitude?

The Treasure of His Wisdom, who is so Infinite, could not be short in giving them their peculiar Virtues and Operations, as he gave to Herbs, Plants, &c. which adorn the Earth. As therefore these Ornaments of the Earth have their Virtue to feed and cure; so no doubt those Heavenly Ornaments want not their further use, wherein to serve his Divine Providence, as his just Will shall please to determine. But in this question of Fate, let us neither bind God to his Creatures, nor rob them of the Office he hath given them: If second Causes restrain God, or God by them inforce Man's Mind or Will, then wicked Men might lay the fault on God.

§. 12. Prescience, or Fore-knowledge (if we may speak of God after the manner of Men) goeth before his Providence; for God infallibly foreknew all things before they had any Being to be cared for; yet was it not the Cause of things following, nor did it impose a Necessity.

§. 13. Providence is an intellectual Knowledg, Foreseeing, Caring for, and Ordering all things: Beholding things past, present, and to come, and is the Cause of their so being; and such we call Provident, who considering things Past, and comparing them with the Present, can thereby with Judgment provide for the Future.

§. 14. Predestination we distinguish from Prescience and Providence; these belong to all Creatures, from the highest Angel to the basest Worm; but this only concerns Mens Salvation (in the common use of Divines) or Perdition, according to some. Augustine sets it out by two Cities, one predestinated eternally to reign with God, the other to everlasting Torments; Calvin, Beza, Buchanus, and the like are of the same Opinion. Why it pleased God to create some Vess • ls to honour, some to dishonour, though the Reason may be hid, unjust it cannot be.

§. 15. Fortune, the God of Fools so much Reverenced, and as much Reviled, falleth before Fate and Providence, and was little known before. Homer and Hesiod who taught the Birth of those humane Gods, have not a Word of this new Goddess; which at length grew so potent, that she ordered all things, from Kings and Kingdoms to the Beggar and his Cottage: She made the Wise miserable, and prospered Fools, and Man's life was but her Pastime. This Image of Power was made by Ignorants, who ascribed that to Fortune of which they saw no manifest Cause. Yet Plato taught, That nothing ever came to pass under the Sun, of which there was not a just preceding Cause; and the Scripture maketh it clear in things most casual, Deut. 19.5. Prov. 16.33. The best Philosophers held, that all things in Heaven and Earth were ordered by the Soul of the World, said Cicero. When Riches and Honour are given to empty Men, and Learned, Virtuous, and Valiant Men wear out their Lives in a dejected condition, the Cause is manifest to the Wise, tho' Fools ascribe it to blind Fortune. For either it is Affection in Men preferring others, or great Persons which endure no other Discourse but that of Flatterers: So that Honest, Openhearted lovers of the Truth, which cannot Form themselves to it, must hang under the Wheel. Shall he who tells a Ruler he is unjust, a General he is a Coward, or a Lady that she is ugly, be made a Counsellour, a Captain, or a Courtier? It is not sufficient to be Wise, Just, and Valiant under such; but with the change of the Successor, he must change, else the base Observant will out-go him in Honour and Riches, by that only quality of Humouring Mens Vices as Virtues, with which every Fool is won, said Menander: He therefore that will live out of himself, and study other Mens Humours, shall never be Unfortunate; but he who values Truth and Virtue, (except in a Virtuous Age) shall never prosper by the Possession, or Profession of them. It is also the token of a Worldly Wise-man, not to contend in vain against the nature of the Times, but to give way to Fury. And he which aims at the Machivel's two marks, Glory and Riches, must have a Steel Back to a Wooden Bow, to fit both weak and strong; or as Men at Sea, must either Hoise or Strike Sails, as Calms or Storms do require, or use Sails of small extention, and content himself to travel slowly; so must Men which esteem Virtue for it self.

CHAP. II. Of Mans Estate in the Creation, and of God's Rest.

§. 1. MAN was the last and most admirable of God's Works: The greatest wonder, said Plato, out of Mercurius, meaning of the internal Form, whose Nature is an immortal Spirit, Essence, and in quality, by God's Creation, Holy and Righteous in Truth, and Lord of the World. This Image of God in Man, Chrysostom makes chiefly to consist in Dominion; so Ambrose and others; but he denyeth it to Women, contrary to the Text, let them rule, not excluding the Woman. Others conceive this Image to be in Man's immortal Soul; which is one, and Incorporeal, governing the Body, being in every part of it totally, as God is totally in every part of the World; but the Soul's being totally in every part more than potentially, is doubted of. School-men make the Resemblance especially to be in Man's Mind, whose Memory, Understanding, and Will, really differ, and yet are but one Mind, resembling the Trinity. They also, with Victorinus, made a difference of the Image, which they refer to the Substance of the Soul not lost, and the Similitude, which is in Holiness and Righteousness of quality. But as Augustin defended, that Man lost the Perfection of God's Image; so St. Paul makes it the same with similitude, 1 Cor. 15.39. Ia. 3.9. Col. 3.10. Rom. 1.23. Zanchius held this Image to be both in Body and Mind, because it was referr'd to the Hypostasis or whole Man. De op • r. Dei. Yet he confesses, it may be answered Moses used a Synecdoche. But Augustine anathematiz'd him who compar'd the Deity to Man's Body. In general, Humane Virtue is, liker God, than his Figure, said Cicero. Neither Dominion nor the Immortal Soul, indued with Memory, Understanding and Will, is this Image; seeing that Man has these common with Devils. Sybill called right Reason the Image of God, that is, rightly to know, confess, serve, love, and obey God.

§. 2. Of the intellectual Mind of Man, and God's Image in it. This Mens, or Mind, is not taken for the Soul, which is the Form of the Nature of Man; but for the principal Power of the Soul, whose Act is perpetual Contemplation of Truth; and is therefore called Divine Understanding, and a Contemplative Mind: Cusan calls it, a Power compounded of all Powers of comprehending. De Ment. Idiot. Mercurius held it the Essence of God, no other way separated from him, than the Light from the Sun; which Error the Manichees also held. But as the Sun is not of the Essence of the Divine Light, but a Body enlighten'd with a created Light; so this Mind or Understanding in Man, is not of the Essence of God's Understanding, but the purest of the Soul's Faculties, or the light of the reasonable Soul; called the Soul of the Soul, or Eye of the Soul, by Augustine, or Receptacle of Wisdom. Between this Mens or understanding power and Reason, between it and Anima, and Animus, is this difference, that by the Soul we live, by Reason we judge and discourse, by the Mind or Animus, we will and chuse; but this Mind called Mens, is a pure substantial Act of the Soul, not depending on Matter, but hath relation to that which is intelligible, as its first Object. Mercurus saith, the Soul is the Image of the Mind, which is the Image of God, &c. Ficinus labours to prove the Mind hath no need of Organs: Zanchius says, the Mind needs no Means to understand by, yet confesseth that the Representations which come from the Sense to the Phantasie, are the Objects of the Understanding; which Resemblances are to the Mind as Colours are to the Sight. Thus he makes the Phantasie an Organ to the Mind, as the Eye to the Sight, contrary to his first Assertion. However these be determined, we may resemble our selves to God in Mind, in respect of that pure Faculty which is never separated from Contemplation and love of God. The Mind, said Bernard, is not the Image of God, because it understands, remembers, and loveth it self; but because it understands, remembers, and loveth God, who Created it. So that Immortality, Reason, and Dominion, do not make us God's shadow, but the Habit of Righteousness, most perfectly infused into the Soul and Mind in the Creation. It is not by Nature that we are printed with the Seal of God's Image (though Reason be part of the essential Constitution of our proper Species or Kind) but this is from the Bounty of God's Goodness, which breathing Life into Earth, contrived therein the Inimitable Ability of his own Justice, Piety, and Righteousness. So long therefore as Men walk in God's ways, which is called walking with God, and do fear, love, and serve him truly, for the love of God only, so long they retain this Image. But it cannot be in Unjust, Cruel, False and Ambitious Souls, &c. And though Nature (according to common understanding) do make us capable, and apt enough to receive this Image, yet if God's exceeding Wisdom and liberal Mercy framed not Eyes to our Souls, we could not come by it. For not only the Perfection, but the Image of it self, to wit, the supernatural Gift of Grace and Glory, is wholly blotted out by Sin.

§. 3. Adam's Body was made of Adamah, red fat Earth, of which God produced not an Image, but a Body of Flesh, Blood, and Bones, in the Form it now has. And though Nature and Experience assure our Mortality, and that our Bodies are but Anviles of Pains and Diseases; and our Minds but Hives of innumerable Cares, Sorrows, and Passions; and that our greatest Glories are but painted Posts for Envy to cast her Darts at; yet our unhappy Condition and darkness of Understanding is such, that we only esteem this Slave of Death; and only at idle Hours remember the immortal imprison'd Soul, the everlasting Subject of Reward or Punishment. This we never think on while one Vanity is left us: We plead for Titles till our Breath fails us; Dig for Riches 'till Strength be spent; and exercise Malice while we are able to Revenge: And then when time has depriv'd us both of Youth, Pleasure, and Health, and Nature her self hates the House of her old Age, we remember with Iob, we must go whence we shall not return, and that our Bed is made ready for us in the Dark. Then we look too late into the bottom of our Conscience, and behold the fearful Image of past Actions, with this terrible Inscription, God will bring every work to Iudgment. Let us therefore not flatter our selves, wilfully to offend God in hope easily to make our peace at the last, which is a Rebellious Presumption, and Deriding the dreadful God that can ruin us eternally.

§. 4. To this corruptible Body, God gave a Soul spiritual and incorruptible, which shall again return to him, as the body to the Earth. The Soul's Immortality is manifest, comparing the manner of the Creation of other things with it, Gen. 1.20, 24. with v. 26. & cap. 2.7.

Man thus Compounded, became a Model of the Universe, having a Rational Soul, with ability fit for the Government of the World; an Intellectual Soul common with Angels, and Sensitive with Beasts; thus he became a little World in the Great, in whom all Natures were bound up together; our Flesh is heavy like Earth, our Bones hard as Stones, our Veins as the Rivers, Breath as the Air, Natural Heat like the warmth inclosed in the Earth, which the Sun stirreth up in procreation; Radical moisture, which feeds that Natural Heat, is as the fatness in the Earth; our Hairs as Grass, our Generative Power is as Nature which produceth; our Determinations like wandring Clouds, our Eyes like the Lights in Heaven; our Youth like the Spring, our setled Age like the Summer, declining like Autumn, and old Age like Winter; our Thoughts are the motions of Angels, our pure Vnderstanding like the Intellectual Natures always present with God; and the habitual Holiness and Righteousness of our Immortal Soul was the Image of God, as a shadow may be like the substance. Man's Four Complexions like the Four Elements, and his Seven Ages like the Seven Planets. Our Infancy is like the Moon, in which it seemeth only to grow, as Planets; in our next Age we are instructed as under Mercury, always near the Sun: Our Youth is wanton and given to pleasures, as Venus; our Fourth Age Strong, Vigorous, and Flourishing, is like the Sun: Our Fifth Age like Mars, striving for Honour; our Sixth like Iupiter, Wise, and stayed; our Seventh like Saturn, slow and heavy, when by irrecoverable loss we see that of all our vain Passions and Affections the Sorrow only remains, and our Attendants are various Infirmities and Diseases, of which, many are the remainders of former Follies and Excesses; and if Riches yet continue with us, the more our Plenty is, the more greedily is our End wish'd for; we being now of no other use but to detain our Riches from our Successors, and being made unsociable to others, we become a burthen to our selves. Now, and never before, we think upon our Eternal Habitation, to which place we pass with many sighs, groans, and doleful thoughts; and in the end, by Death we finish the sorrowful Business of a wretched Life, toward which we have been always travelling, sleeping, and waking; and by what crooked Paths soever we have walked, yet it led us the straight way to the gate of Death. Neither can beloved Companions, or rather our Gods, Riches or Honour, stay us one hour from entring that all-devouring Dungeon of Death, which is not yet satisfy'd with all those past Generations, but still cries all Flesh is grass, 'till it have consumed all. Thus the Tyde of Man's Life once declining, makes a perpetual Ebb, never to return hither, and his Leaf fallen, shall never spring again.

§. 6. Our Parents having one Prohibition for trial of Obedience, would need extend their freedom of Will to that, and so brought all Mankind into endless Misery.

§. 7. God on the Seventh Day ceased to Create more Kinds, having perfected those he intended, and endued with Generative Power such as should continue by Generation.

CHAP. III. Of Paradise, and many Opinions about it.

§. 1. PAradise, the first Habitation of Adam, Eastward in Eden, about which Mens Opinions are as various as the Persons that Disputed it; and many imbibe gross Errors, led by the Authority of great Men, wherein many Fathers were far wide, as it is the Fate of all Men to err, neither has any Man knowledge of all things.

§. 2. Many held Paradise in Moses Allegorical only; as Origen, Philo, and Ambrose lean'd to that Opinion; so did Strabus, Rabanus, Beda, Commestor. Chrysamensis; and Luther thought it not extant, though it was formerly. Vadianus Noviomagus held it the whole Earth. Tertul. Bonaventure and Durand place it under the Equinoctial; Postellus under the N. Pole.

§. 3. Paradise by Moses's description, was a Place on Earth, in Eden, a Country Eastward, so called, for the Pleasantness thereof; as in America a Country is called Florida. Here the vulgar Translation is mistaken in interpreting it a Paradise of Pleasure from the beginning. This situation of Paradise in the East, occasion'd the praying, and setting Churches to the East, contrary to the standing of Solomon's Temple, and the Priest turning to the West; yet God is every where; neither is any Mystery in the word Eastward, but the place stood so from Canaan. Moses's whole description proves it an Earthly place, and Ezechiel witnesseth Eden was a Country near Charan: So Adam's actions, and end of placing in it, prove no less against those vain Allegories of Scripture stories, confuted by Iews, as Epiphanius: Yet I exclude not an Allegorical sense of some stories, besides • he Literal, as Augustine and Suidas held Paradise had both. Homer's Alcinous Garden, and Elizian Fields, were Poetical Fictions stoln out of the Divine Treasury, and profaned by them.

§. 4. It is no Curiosity to enquire after the Place; seeing nothing is in Scripture, but for instruction; and if the truth of the story be necessary, the place set out for the proof of it, is not to be neglected, and Mens fancies therein overthrow the Story. For what is more ridiculous, than to seek Adam's Paradise as high as the Moon, or beyond the Ocean which he waded through to come to Iudea; or that it is a separated ground hanging in the Air under the Moon, from whence the four Rivers fall with violence, and force through the Sea, and rise again in our habitable World; as Commestor dreamed, and others. That therefore the Truth might receive no prejudice, God's Wisdom hath so carefully described the place for our easie finding, as the choisest part of the Earth. And if it be a generous mind to desire to know the Original of our Ancestors, this search cannot be discommended.

§. 5. Paradise is not so defaced by the Flood that it cannot be found, as Augustinus Chrysamensis judged; for though the Beauty of it be lost, and Time has made it as a common Field in Eden, yet eight hundred and seventy years after would not so particulary have described it, nor the Prophets have mention'd Eden so often, if the same could not be found, or if the Rivers which in his time bear the Names, were not the same, of which Euphrates and Tigris were never doubted, as the Country of Eden is yet well known. As for the alteration made by the Flood, changing the current of Rivers, and raising of Mountains, as some judge, it is improbable; for the Waters covered the Earth spherically, and did not fall violently from higher places, or come in with Storms ebbing and flowing, which makes such choakings up of the mouths of Rivers. The Waters then were raised by universal erruptions, and by down right falls of Rain, which use to scatter the strongest Winds. Seth's Pillar erected 1426 year before, as Antiquitiy reports, and standing in Iosephus's days, and the City under Libanus, whose Ruins remained to Annius's days, and by Berosus forged Fragments call'd Enochia, built by Cain, and the City Ioppa remaining after the Flood, argue the Flood had no such effect to work such alteration, when even Bay-Trees outstood it. Antiquity also speaks of Baris, and Sion, on which the Fable is that Giants were saved, which argueth their Judgment touching the Antiquity of Mountains. See Psal. 90.1, 2.

§. 6. Paradise was not the whole Earth, as Manichus, Vadianus, Noviomagus, and Goropius Becanus judged, seeing the Text saith it was Eastward in Eden, and the Angel was plac'd on the east side of Paradise, and Adam was cast out of it, not out of all the Earth. Yet the Error of Ephrem, Athanasius, and Cyrill, was greater, that Paradise was beyond the Ocean, through which Adam walked when he was cast out, to return to the Earth of his Creation, and was buried on Calvery.

§. 7. Paradise by Bar-Cephas, Beda, Strabus, and Rabanus, was placed on a Mountain almost as high as the Moon; neither did Rupertus differ much. It seemeth they took it out of Plato, and Socrates who mis-understood it, no doubt took this Place for Heaven, the Habitation of Blessed Souls after Death, though for fear of the Areopagites, they durst not set down in plain terms what they believed of that Matter. And though in the end Socrates was put to death for acknowledging one only sufficient God, yet the Devil himself did him that right, to pronounce him the wisest Man. As for the place in question, Tertullian and Eusebius conceive, that by it he meant the Celestial Paradise: Solinus indeed reports of a place called Acrothonos, upon Mount Atho, pleasant and healthful, whose Inhabitants are called Macrobioi, long lived: Upon the aforesaid Lunary Hill, they say Enoch was preserved; which Isidore and Lumbard approve; and Tertullian, Ireneus, Iustin Martyr believed the Souls of blessed Men lived there; which Fancies Hopkins and Pererius have Confuted. As for the Bodies of Enoch and Elias, they may be changed, as others shall be at the last Day. The School-men in this and their other Questions, were exceeding subtle, but yet taught their Followers to shift better than to resolve by their Distinctions. The Fables of Olympus, Atlas, and Atho, higher than any Clouds, Pliny himself disproveth.

§. 8. Tertullian, Bonaventure and Durand place Paradise under the Equinoctial; to which Aquinas opposeth the Distemper of Heat there. But this is Non causa for causa; the true Cause is, Eden and the Rivers are not there; else the Clime hath as pleasant fertile places as any other; neither was any Region Created but for Habitation, and those hot Countries are tempered by East Winds, and long cool Nights as I well know; only where Mountains hinder the Wind, and in sandy Grounds void of Trees, the Country is not so well Inhabited, as the other parts, which are so Fertile, that the Inhabitants Idleness maketh them Vitious, and the Countries to be Terrae Vitiosae.

§. 9. Paradise not being in the former places, we are certain it was in Eden, not hard to have been found out, had not Names been changed since Moses's days; and that other Nations have sought to extinguish both the Name and Monuments of the Iews. For our help we have Euphrates and Tigris agreed upon, and that it was Eastward from Canaan; which latter might agree with Arab • a, Stony and Desart; but the former cannot, neither has it the property of being exceeding Fertile. As for bordering Countries, though Moses name none, yet Esaiah and Ezekiel do; and though that Amos name Eden, which is Coelosyria, and Beroaldus findeth a City there called Paradise, yet can it not be the Eden we seek, seeing Coelosyria and Cyprian Damascena is full North from Canaan, and wants our known Rivers. Come then to the Edomits in Thelassar, and the rest named by Esaiah: Thelassar was a strong City in an Island upon the Border of Chaldea on the River Euphrates, towards the North, which after Senacharib's death, Merodach Balladan injoyning Babilonia, fortified against Esar Haddon, which City Marcellinus calls Thelatha; Pliny, Teridata, which Iulian durst not assault. The other places in Esaiah are either in Mesopotamia as Charan and Reseph, or in Media, as Gosan; so Ezekiel setting out the Countries which traded with Tyrus, joineth Charan with Eden, as also Calne, which Ierom calls Seleuiza, standing upon Euphrates towards Tigris, called also Canneh, and the Inhabitants Schenits by Pliny; who Inhabited from Seleucia on both sides Euphrates, Westward to Coelosyria, as far as Tapsachus, where the River is Fordable. Charan therefore cannot be Channeh, the one standing on Euphrates, the other on Chaboras, which falleth into Euphrates, far off in Mesopotamia: Or Aran between the Floods. Besides Channeh or Chalne, is by Moses named in Shinar, one of Nimrod's Cities. Lastly, Sheba and Rhaama upon the Persian Gulf, traded with Tyrus by Tigris, and so to Seleucia, and so to Syria by Euphrates, 'till they came to Aleppo or Hierapolis, from whence they went by Land to Tyre, and after decay to Tripoly, and now to Alexandretta in the Bay of Issicus or Lajazzo. Chalmad is also joined with Eden by Ezekiel, a Region of higher Media, N.E. of Eden called Coronitana by Geographers. Thus Eden is bounded on the E. and N. E. by Elanah and Chalmad: On the W. and N. W. by Charan and Chanah: On the S. by Sheb; between which Chalds (properly so called) is contained, which is the Eden we seek.

§. 10. Eden hath not yet wholly lost the Name and notice of the old Country, as is to be seen in two Epistles written by the Christians of Mesopotamia, to the Pope, An. 1552. Published by Masius, mentioning the Island of Eden in the River Tigris, which is commonly called Gozoria or Gezer. So that we may perceive, that Eden before the Flood, comprehended, besides the Land of Babylonia in the S. all Assyria, Armenia, and Mesopotamia, bounded by Mount Taurus in the North. In this Isle, which is ten Miles • compass, is the Metropolitan City and Patriarchy of all the Nestorian Christians in Assyria, Mesopotamia, Chaldea, and Persia, and is Twelve Miles above Mosell.

§. 11. An Objection is made out of the Text, That a River, in the singular number, divideth it self into Four Heads. Answer, Kimchi and Vatablus say, the Singular here is put for the Plural, as is used with the Hebrews. But take it singular for Euphrates, and we find it divided into Four Branches in the Country of Chaldea. And what alteration soever Time hath bred, clear it is, that Parah in Moses is Euphrates, and Hiddekel is Tigris, which runneth through Assyria, whose chief City is Nineve.

§. 12. An Objection touching the Fertility of Paradise no where found, is Answered; That no place after the Flood was the same as it was in the Creation; yet Herodotus commends that Country about Euphrates near the which Tigris runs, beyond all he had seen; yielding Two Hundred for One▪ with plenty of Palm-Trees, of which they make Meat▪ Wine and Honey: Strabo and Niger added Bread, and Antony the Hermite, addeth Flax. They mow the Blade twice, and after feed it down with Cattel to prevent the Exuberance of overmuch Rankness: And it is free from Weeds. See Pliny, lib. 18. ca. 17. who saith the Babylonians reap a Crop the second time without Sowing; and yet cut their Corn twice in the Year they sow it, saith Niger: And lest their Cattel should perish by too great a satiety, they drive them out of the Pastures, saith Q. Curtius.

§. 13. Pison and Gehon, the other two Rivers of Paradise, must be found to branch out of the River, or Rivers of Eden; and therefore the Fancy was strange to search out for Ganges in India, and Nilus in Egypt. The Errour about Pison was occasion'd by mistaking Havila in India, whose Founder was a Son of Iocktan, for that Havila upon Tigris, afterwards called Susiana, Planted by a Son of Cush. If Largeness were respected in choise of Ganges, Indus is not inferiour; having Hydaspis, famous in Great Alexander's Story, and many like Rivers falling into it, as Coas, Suastus, Acesinies, Adries, Hispalis, Smnoch: Indus is also nearer Tigris by almost 40 Degrees, between which and Ganges, is the great Kingdom of Magor. As for Nilus it can no way be a Branch of a River which runneth through Eden with the rest, seeing it runneth contrary to them, springing from the South Coast, and falleth North, whereas they spring North and fall into the South Sea. Pison therefore will rather be found a River branching out of Euphrates into Tigris at Appanico, called Piso-tigris, running through Havila or Susiana, from Hercelus's Altar, into the Persian Gulph, and hath Gold, and Bdelium and Onix-stones. Time hath made greater Change of other Names than this, as to call Babylon Bandas, Baldady Bagded, Boughedor and Bagdet at this Day. Pison is called Basilius or Regius; and Gehon is Mabar-sares, Marsias, Baar saris in Ptolomy and others. Euphrates at her Fountain was called Pixirats and Puckperah: Plutarch calls it Medus & Zaranda; others call it Cobar, which is a Branch of it: The Assyrians name it Armalchar and Nahor Malcha; now it is called Phrat-Tigris, in Hebrew Hiddekel; others call it Dighto, Diglath, Seilax, Sollax, now Tegil. Mereer conceived well the Euphrates and Tigris stream into Branches, and that Euphrates falling into Gehon, lost the Name, and is swallowed up in Caldee Lakes near Vr: But Pison breaking into Tigris, falls into the Sea, and produc'd a Name compounded of both, Pysotygris, running through Havilah, so named of the Son of Chush, inhabits both sides, and mistaken for Ethiop. 1 Sam. 15.7.

§. 14. Gehon by mistaking Ethiop for Chush, drew them to Nilus; which Error Pererius would evade by an E. Ethiopia in Arabia-Petraea, and part of Felix, which being granted, Gehon is not Nilus; no, the 1000000 which Zerah brought against Asa, came beyond Egypt, but were Chushits, Midianits, Amalekits, Ishmaelits, inhabiting that Land of Chush, over which Zera in Gerar near Iuda Commanded. But to Pererius, Pliny tells, the E. Ethiopia was about Nilus, S. of Egypt; the W. was about the River Niger. So that all that take Chush for Ethiopia, Numb. 12.1. do fail, as also 2 Chron. 21.16. Beroaldus seeking Gehon at Gaza lost himself in the Desart by sinding a River scarce Twenty Miles long for Gehon, which watered all the Land of Chush, Westward from Tigris, and went towards Arabia through the South of Chaldea, where was Chusca, after called Chuduca; from whence either Increase or Force of Nimrod's Posterity made them disperse themselves more towards the West, out of that part of Shinar, where Nimrod out of Wit and Strength had seated himself: As did his Father upon Gehon, and a Brother of his called Havila, on both sides of Tigris, and along the Sea towards Arabia.

§. 15. To Conclude; it appeareth to me by Scripture, Paradise was a Created place in our Habitable World, in the lower parts of a Country called Eden, from the Pleasantness thereof, containing part of Armenia, all Mesopotamia and Shinar. This Region in Thirty five Degrees is most temperate, abounding with whatsoever Life needeth, without Labour; exceeding both Indies, with their perpetual Spring and Summer, which are accompanied with fearful Thundring, Lightning, Earth-quakes, Venomous Creatures and desperate Diseases, from which Eden is free: I desire no other Reward for my Labour in this Description, but suspence of judgment 'till it be confuted by a more probable Opinion.

CHAP. IV. Of the two Chief Trees in Paradise.

§. 1. THAT the two Trees of Life and Knowlegde, were material Trees, the most Learned and Religious Writers doubt not of; though they were Figures of the Law and Gospel, yet some would have them only Allegorical, because of Salomon's Words, Prov. 3.18. Apoc. 2.7. But Augustine answers, the one excludeth not the other; as Paradise was Terrestrial, and yet signified a Celestial, as Sara and Hagar were Women, though Figures of the Old and New Testament: The words also of the Text join these Trees with the rest that God produced. Touching the Tree of Life it is hard to think, that Bodies nourished by Corruptible means should be immortal; yet if Adam had not disobeyed God's Commandment, he and his Posterity might have lived an healthful, unalterable Life, Four times longer than the first Fathers, and then been translated as Enoch was. For God's infinite Wisdom fore-saw that the Earth could not have contain'd a perpetual increase, or Millions of Souls must have been ungenerated. The Immortality of Man, if he had not fallen, must be understood of Bodies, Translated and Glorified.

§. 2. Touching the Tree of Knowledge, Goropius Becanus will have the honour to have found it to be the Indian Fig-tree; but however that Opinion be esteem'd, and that never Man thought better of his own, than he, yet herein he usurped upon Moses Bar-cephas, who hit on this Conjecture 600 Years before, and cited Pbilaxinus and others long before. Becanus upon a Conceit this Tree is only found upon the Banks of Acesines, which runneth into Indus, will therefore find Paradise there; but my self have seen 20000 of them in a Valley of America, not far from Paria, as also in Trinidado. The magnitude of this Tree in Pliny and others, I am asham'd to report; the Stemm as streight as may be, without Branch for Twenty or Thirty Foot, where they spread abroad their Boughs; and from the Head branches a Gumm that hangeth downward, and by increasing in a few Months, as a Cord, reacheth the Ground, taketh Root and becometh a Tree; which also by the like Gum maketh others, and in a short time, such a Grove ariseth, like which there is no Tree. And if a Branch hang over the Water, the Gum will pierce the Water and take root, so that falling sometimes into a Bed of Oysters, they are so intangled, that plucking up one of these Cords, I have seen 500 Oisters hanging about it: The Leaves largeness, and Fruits pleasantness I find not according to Report, yet have I travelled 12 Miles under them. In conclusion, though Becanus count it impudent Obstinacy to dare to think this not the Tree, yet Philo believes that the Earth never brought forth the Tree since.

§. 3. Becanus's witty Allegory of the Indian Figtree, believes it not worthy the Commendation given it.

§. 4. Touching the name of the Tree, Bar-cephas translated by Masius, saith, it was so called of the Event; for that after eating thereof, they should know by experience the Happiness they had lost, and the Misery their Disobedience would bring them into. Iunius followeth this Exposition. Adam by excellency of Creation could not be ignorant of the Good and Evil of Obedience, and Disobedience; yet as Men in sickness better know the good of health, and evil of sickness than they conceived before, so was it with Adam. For looking into the Glass of his guilty Conscience, which Evil he never knew, he saw the horrour of Gods Judgment, and sensibly knew the loss of the Good which could not be valu'd; and purchas'd Evil not to be expressed: And then he saw himself Naked both in Body and Mind, that is, deprived of Gods Grace and former Felicity; hereupon was it called the Tree of Knowledge, and not of any Operation it had by a peculiar quality. For the same Phrase is used in Scripture; and names are given to Signs and Sacraments, as to things performed and done. But Adam being betray'd and overrul'd by his own Affection, and ambitious of further Knowledge, and of the glory would attend it, and slightly looking on what the Lord had threatned, was transported with the gentle winds of pleasing perswasion, whereupon Satan strengthened his progression, poisoning the roots of mankind, which he moistened with the Liquor of the same ambition, by which himself perished for ever. The means the Devil us'd, was his Wife, given to have been a Comforter, not a Counseller. She desiring to know what was unsit for her, as doth all that Sex ever since, and He unwilling to grieve or discontent her, as all his Sex are to this day, yielded to her Charms. If this befell him in his perfection, not yet acquainted with bewitching Imbracements, and if Solomon the wisest could not escape the snare of Female Allurements, it is not so wonderful, as lamentable, that other Men perish at that Ro • k.

CHAP. V. Of memorable things between Adam and Noah.

§. 1. CAIN inheriting his Fathers Pride, and disdaining his Brother, who was more acceptable than himself, became the first Murderer, and made his Brother the first Martyr. And tho' God mitigated his Revenge of this Sin upon Cain's complaint, yet for the Sins of Cruelty and Injustice he destroyed the World.

§. 2. Cain's dwelling in the Land of Nod, or agitation, as Iunius expounds it, is not as Ierom and others held, that he setled in no certain Country; but of his distracted Thought and unquiet Conscience the Country was so called. This Country in which he setled, and in which for fear of wandering he built a City, Iunius supposeth to be Arabia the Desart; but the Text boundeth it on the East of Eden, whereas Arabia is West. As for the Nomades which liv'd upon Pasturage, without Tillage, they were not any particular Nation, but it was a common Name for all that so lived, as the Northern Tartars, Getulians, Numidians, Ancient Britains, and Northern Irish. Besides, the World being unpeopled, and Adam's Family small, and that also on the East side of Eden, in that part of Assyria which Ptolomy calls Calena, it is unlike Cain would go so far West to Arabia. Touching the City Enoch built, either for security, or to oppress others, as Iosephus judged, probably it was of great Repute in the days of Noah, when mighty Oppressors carried all the Fame. It may be also, some Monuments of it remained, as they say, of Ioppa, after the Flood, which might induce some of Noah's Posterity, being of like violent disposition either to reedifie the same, or some other of that Name. Hence it might be, that in time Colonies scatter'd from thence their Captives; the name of Henochians from Bactria and Sogdiana, East from Eden (where Pliny and Stephanus find the Name South from Oxus) unto Iberia, Albania and Colchis near Pontus.

§. 3. Moses has been very brief in the Story of Cain's Issue, it being utterly to be destroy'd: Yet the long lives of that Age and the liberty his Children took in Marrying, may well argue he might in one quarter of his Life, people a large City, which his Issue were more ingenious to supply with the Inventions ascribed to them, while Seth's Posterity is commended for care of Religion and Heavenly things.

§. 4. The Patriarchs Ages, when they began to generate, is not found in them that are named: For Moses's purpose was not to record a Genealogy of the first begotten, but of the Ancestors of Noah before the Flood, and of Abraham after; so that having the Age of these that succeed one another in that Line, it was sufficient, whether they were younger or elder Brethren. Cain was the Eldest of Adam's Sons, yet Adam's Age when he begat him is not expressed, as it is of Seth: Neither can any one say directly, Adam had but Cain and Abel before, nor that Enoch was Seth's Eldest Son, Mehalaleel begat Iared at 65. who begat Chanoch at 162; the like or greater difference in the rest, which cannot be ascribed to the long abstinence from Marriage upon Religious respect, as we see in holy Enoch. Noah's Brethren perished in the Flood, and so might some unnamed Children, begotten before the three named, being 500 Years old before See Aug. de Civ. D.

§. 5. The Patriarchs Years have been questioned, some holding them Lunary or Egyptian; but that cannot be; for then some should beget Children at 6, 7, or 8 Years old, and the Eldest should live not 100 Years, which is short of many after the Flood; yea long since, Pliny witnesseth under Vespasian, in a search, many were found above 120, and some 140 Years Old. Simple Diet and temperate Life, made the Essaeans, Egyptian Priests, Persian Magicians, Indian Brachmans live long, saith Iosephus. Pliny reports Nestor's 3 Ages. Tyresia's 6 Sybils 300 Years, Endymion's little less. Ant. Fumea a good Historian, reports of an Indian above 300 Years Old, and my self knew the old Countess of Desmond, An. 1589, who lived many Years after, who had been married in the Reign of King Edw. 4. To conclude, there are three things (not to speak of Constellations) which are natural Causes of long and healthful Life: Strong Parents, pure Air, and temperate use of Dyet, Pleasure and Rest, all which excelled in the First Ages. And though the Flood infused an impure quality into the Earth to hurt the means of Man's Life, yet Time hath more consumed Natures Vigour, as that which hath made the Heavens wax old like a Garment. Hereto add, our strange Education of Children, upon unnatural Curiosity nourished by a strange Dugg: Hasty Marriage, before Natures Seed be ripe, or Stock well rooted to yield a Branch fit to replant. But above all, the Luxury of latter Ages, which wilfully oppresseth Nature, and then thinks to relieve her with strong Waters, hot Spices, Sauces, &c.

§. 6. The Patriarchs knowledge of the Creation might well come by Tradition from Adam to Moses, seeing Methusalem lived with Adam 243 Years, and with Noah 500 Years, and he with Abraham 58 Years, from whom it was not hard to pass by Isaac, Iacob and his Posterity to Moses: Yet for the more certainty of the Truth, it was undoubtedly delivered to Moses by immediate Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, as his many Miracles do prove. Questionless also, Letters were from the Infancy of the World, as Enoch's Pillars and his Prophecy witness, of which part was found in Saba, saith Origen, and Tertullian read some Pages; neither can it be denyed there was such, saith Augustine.

§. 7. The Patriarchs Lives were lightly passed over 'till Enoch, whose Piety is commended, and his leaving the World not by Death: Whether his Change were such as shall be at the last day, let Divines judge. Lamech's Prophecy of his Son Noah is touch'd upon, but Noah's Life is handled more amply. The Wisdom, Policy and Wars of that World, were no doubt, great, as may be gathered, Gen. 5.4. but the Universal Impiety which brought the Universal Destruction, deserved that the Memory of their Actions should be drowned with their Bodies. It were madness to imagine the Sons of God spoken of, Gen. 5.24. were good Angels, which begat Giants on Women, as Iosephus dreamt, and deceived Lactantius, Confuted by Augustine and Chrysostom.

§. 8. The Giants spoken of Gen. 5. Becanus strains his Wit to prove, they were not such properly, but so called for their Oppression: But Moses calling them Mighty, which argueth extraordinary Strength, and Men of Renown and great undertaking, there is more Reason to hold them Giants in a proper sense, especially considering what Scripture Reporteth of such in the Days of Abraham, Moses, and Ioshua, David, &c. yea of whole Kindreds and Countries. If such were found in the Third and Fourth Ages of the Worlds decay, there is no Reason to doubt thereof in the First and Second flourishing Ages. From this Story grew the Conceit, That Giants were the Sons of Heaven and Earth: And from Nimrod grew the Tale of Giants casting up Mountains to the top of Heaven.

CHAP. VI. The Original of Idolatry, and Reliques of Antiquity in Fables.

§.1 THE Greeks and others, corrupting the Story of the Creation, and mingling their Fables with them, suppos'd that After-Ages would take those Discourses of God and Nature for Inventions of Philosophers and Poets. But as skilful Chymists can extract healthful Medicines out of Poison, and Poison out of wholsome Herbs, &c. so may much Truth be found out of those Fables.

§.2. The Antiquity of Corruption was even from Noah's Family. For the liberal Grace of God being withdrawn after Man's Fall, such a perpetual Eclipse of spiritual things follow'd, and produc'd such effects as the general Deluge could not cleanse them, even in the selected Family of Noah, wherein were found those that renewed the Defection from God, for which they had seen the Worlds destruction. Hence the Caldeans, Egyptians, and Phaenicians soon after became Idolaters, and the Greeks received their 12 Gods from Egypt, and erected to them Altars, Images and Temples, saith Herodotus.

§.3. As Men, departed out of the way of Truth, stray on in unknown Vices to Eternal Perdition; so these blind Idolaters being fallen from the God of Heaven, to seek God's on Earth to Worship, beginning with Men, they proceed to Beasts, Fouls, Fishes, Trees, Herbs, the Four Elements, Winds, Morning, Evening Stars; Yea, Affections, Passions, Sorrow, Sickness, besides Spirits infernal; and among Terrestrials even the basest wanted not divine Honour, as Dogs, Cats, Swine, Leeks, Onions, &c. which barbarous Blasphemy, Iuvenal thus derided, O happy Nations, which of their own sowing, Have store of Gods in every Garden growing:

§. 4. Of Iupiter and other Gods▪ That Egypt had knowledge of the First Age, by Misraim the Son of Cham, who had lived 100 Years in it, we doubt not. Having therefore learned that Cain did first build Cities, they made him ancient Iupiter, whom the Athenians also called Pollyeus and Herceios, Founder and Fortifier of Cities. This Iupiter married his Sister, as did Cain: His Father Adam they made Saturn, and his Sons Iubal. Tubal, and Tubal-Cain were made Mercury, Vulcan and Apollo, Inventers of Pastorage, Smiths-craft and Musick. Naome, Augustine expounds Venusta, which was Venus Vulcan's Wife, and Eva was Rhea; the Dragon which kept the Golden Apple, was the Serpent that beguiled Eva. Paradise was the Garden of Hesperides: So Saturn's dividing the World between Three Sons, came of Noah and his Sons; and Nimrod's Tower was the attempt of Giants against Heaven. The Egyptians also Worshipped Seth as their most Ancient Parent, from whom they called their chief Province Setheitica; and in Bithinia we • ind the City Cethia Stralo lib. 17..

§. 5. Of the Three Chief Iupiters; the First was Son of Aether & Dies; the Second of Coelum an Arcadian, and King of Athens; the Third Famous in the Greek Fables, was of Creet or Candia, as some say; but there is no certainty, &c.

§. 6. Iupiter Chammon, more Ancient than all the Grecian Iupiters, was Cham, Father of Misraim in Egypt; and before Iupiter Belus, Son of Saturnus Babilonious or Nimrod: As for the latter Grecian Iupiter, he was a little before the Wars of Troy.

§. 7. The Philosophers opinion of God, Pythagoras, Plato, Orpheus, &c. believed not the Fooleries of their Times, though they mingled their Inventions with Scripture: Pythagoras hung Homer and Hesiod in Hell, forever to be stung with Serpents, for their Fictions; yet Homer had seen Moses, as Iustine Martyr • heweth in a Treatise converted by Mirandula. Plato dissembled his Knowledge for fear of the Areopagits Inquisition; yet Augustin excused him. He delighted much in the Doctrine of one God, though he durst not be known of it, or of Moses the Author of it, as may be gathered out of Iustin Martyr, Origen, Eusebius, and Cyril, though he had from Moses what he writ of God, and of Divinity; as Ambrose also judged of Pythagoras. Iustine Martyr observed, that Moses described God to be, I am he who is. It is as hard to find out this Creator of the World, as it is impossible, if he were found, to speak of him worthily, said Plato; who also said, God is absolutely good, and so the Cause of all that is Good; but no Cause at all of any thing that is Evil. The Love of God is the cause of the Worlds Creation, and Original of all things. Apuleius saith, The most high God is also Infinite, not only by exclusion of Place, but also by dignity of Nature; neither is any thing more like or more acceptable to God, than a Man of a perfect Heart. Thales said, God comprehended all things, because he never had a Beginning: And he beholdeth all the thoughts of Men, said Zeno; therefore said Athenodorus, All men ought to be careful of their Actions, because God was every where present, and beholding all things.

Orpheus calling Men to behold the King of the World, describes him to be one begotten of himself, from whom all things spring, who is in all, beholds all, but is beheld of none, &c. Who is the First and Last; Head and Middle; from whom all things be: Foundation of Earth and Skye, Male and Female, which never dyeth: He is the Spirit of all, of Sun, Moon, &c. The Original and End of all; in whom all things were hidden 'till he produced them to Light. Cleanthes calls God Good, Iust, Holy, possessing himself, alway doing good, and Charity it self. Pindarus saith, he is one God and Father, most high Creator and best Artificer, who giveth to all things divers proceedings, &c. Antistbenes saith, God cannot be likened to anything, and therefore not elsewhere to be known, but only in the everlasting Country, of whom thou hast no Image. God, said Xenophon, shaketh and setteth all things at rest: Is great and mighty, as is manifest to all; but of what Form he is, none knoweth but himself, who illuminateth all things with his Light. God, saith Plato, is the Cause, Ground, and Original of the whole nature of things, the most high Father of the Soul, the eternal preserver of living Creatures, and continual framer of the World; a Begetter without propagation, comprehended neither in place nor time; whom few conceive, none can express him. Thus, as Ierom said, We find among the Heathen, part of the Vessels of God: But of them all, none have with more Reverence acknowledged, or more learnedly expressed One True God, and everlasting Being, all ever-causing and sustaining, than Hermes the Egyptian. But of all these, see Iustin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Lactantius, Eusebius, Du Pless. Danaeus.

§. 8. Hethanism and Iudaism, when confounded. Touching the Religions of the Heathen, they being the Inventions of Mortal Men, they are no less Mortal than themselves. The Caldean Fire is quenched; and as the Bodies of Iupiter and the rest, were by Death devoured, so were their Images and lasting Marble Temples by Time. The Trade of Riddles for Oracles, and Predictions by Apollo's Priests, is now taken up by Counterfeit Egyptians and Cozening Astrologers; yet was it long before the Devil gave way. For after Six several spoilings and sackings of his Temple at Delphos, and as many repairings thereof, at last when Iulian sought unto it, God from Heaven, consum'd all with Fire. So when the same Apostate incourag'd the Iews to re-build a Temple, God, by Earth-quake over-threw all, and slew many Thousands.

§. 9. Satan's last Refuge to uphold his Kingdom; who being driven off the open Stage of the World, crept into the Minds of Men, and there set up the high and shining Idol of Glory, and all commanding Image of Gold. He tells men, that Truth is the Goddess of Danger and Oppression: Chastity is an Enemy to Nature, and all Virtue is without Taste; but Pleasure delighteth every Sense, and true Wisdom gets Power and Riches to fulfil all our Desires. And if this Arch-politician find Remorse in any of his People, or any fear of future Judgment, he persuadeth them that God hath such need of Souls to re-plenish Heaven, that he will accept them at any time, and upon any Condition: And to interrupt their return to God, he layeth those great Blocks of rugged Poverty and Contempt in the narrow way which leadeth to his Divine Presence: Neither was he ever more industrious and diligent than now, when the long Day of Man-kind draweth fast to the Evening, and the World's Tragedy and Time near to an end.

CHAP. VII. Noah's Flood, the Vniversality of it, and Noah's memory of Antiquity.

§. 1. MOses's Divine Testimony of Noah's Flood, natural Men regard no farther than Reason can reach, and therefore may have disputed the Vniversality of it; and Iosephus citeth Nic. Damascen, who reports, that many were saved on the Mount Baris in Armenia; and the Talmudists held the same, saith Annius.

§. 2. Ogyges's Flood, the Greeks, (the Corrupters of all Truth, saith Lactantius) make the most ancient, when yet Ogyges's Flood was sixty seven Years after Iacob, and short of Noah's Flood by 500 Years; neither do any Authors report, that it over-flowed any part of Syria, as Mela, Pliny and Solinus do of Noah's, speaking of Ioppa's Ruins, &c. As for this Flood, as it exceeded not Peloponesus, so was it foreseen by a concurrence of Causes, which Noah's was not. Touching Varro's Report out of Castor, of the strange Colour, quantity and shape of Venus; the Fogs which then rise, might cause such Apperances: For Galilaeus, a Modern Worthy Astronomer, by Perspective Glasses, observed many undiscover'd things in Stars, unknown to former Ages.

§. 3. Deucalion's Flood, more certain for Time, being in the Reign of Cranaus King of Athens, according to Varro, cited by Augustin, or under Cecrop's, (after Eusebius and Ierom) in whose latter times, Israel came out of Egypt, which, after Functius, was 753, or 739 Years, according to Mercator, after Noah's Flood. But following the better Account, which giveth Abraham 60 Years more after the Flood, I reckon the Flood thus: The general Flood Anno Mundi 1656; Iacob's Birth 2169, which is 519 Years after the Flood of Ogyges; 100 after Iacob's. Now Deucalion was born Anno 2356; and his Flood when he was 89 Years old, which is Anno 2438; after Noah's 782; to which agrees Xenophon in Annius. This Flood over-ran most of Italy, when Egypt also was afflicted with Water; and the Italians which escaped it, were called Vmbri.

§. 4. Noah's Flood, as Berosus reports, was heard of amongst the Caldeans: N. Damascen maketh particular mention of it. Eusebius also Records out of an Ancient History of Abidenus, that one Sissitbus, fore-warned by Saturn of a Flood, fled to the Armenian Hills in a Ship, who after the Fall of the Waters, sent Birds three times to discover, &c. Cyril cites Polyhistor mentioning a general Flood : Plato also produceth an Egyptian Priest, reporting to Solon out of their Holy Books, of an universal Flood, long before Ogyges, in Attica; and calls Noah Old Ogyges. He also speaks of a Flood of Nilus before that in Attica, which afflicted the lower Egypt under King Prometheus, 'till by Hercules's direction, Nilus, was reduced within her Banks; whereof grew the Tale of an Eagle, which feeding on Prometheus's Liver, was slain by Hercules. Xenophon, cited by Annius, speaks of the Universal Flood under the first Ogyges, of Nine Months continuance; a second of Nilus under Prometheus, of one Month; a third under Ogyges Atticus, of two Months; a fourth under Deucalion, of three Months; a fifth under Proteus of Egypt in Helene's Rape. Diod. Siculus remembers another in lesser Asia, before Deucalion's. There was one in the Venetian Territories, Anno 590. In Friesland, a Flood drouned 100000, Anno 1238. In Dort in Holland, 10000 perished Anno 1446. Others are mentioned by Strozius.

§. 5. Noah's Flood was extraordinary, not upon natural Causes, as the other; but by God's special Power strengthening the influence of Stars to fill all the Cisterns of Waters in Fountains and Clouds: And though H. of Machline, Scholar of Albertus, observed a conjunction of Saturn and Iupiter in the last, and of a watery Sign and House of Luna, over against the Ship, by which the Flood might have been foreseen; and was also by Noah, as P. de Aliaao judgeth; yet however God used second Causes, he added supernatural force to the Clouds and Fountains, to empty their whole Treasuries of Waters.

§. 6. There needed not new Created Waters in this Flood; not to dispute whether God hath restrained himself from Creating. For when he brake up the Fountains of the Deep, and opened the Windows or Sluces of Heaven, he shewed no new Creation, but used his old Store, contained in the vast Concavities of the Earth and in the Clouds, wherewith he compassed the Earth after an extraordinary manner; besides his Condensation of the Air to convert it into Rain, which is so ordinary; and thus might the Waters grow to exceed the Mountains 15 Cubits. As for the Constellation they speak of, L. Vives reports from a great Astrologer, that the like was observed Anno 1524, Gen. 6.11. after which it was exceeding Fair. To conclude, I find no other Mystery in the word Cataract, signifying the Windows or Flood-gates of Heaven, but the violent casting down Waters, not diffusively, after the natural manner, but as when it is emptied out of a Vessel in a whole body, as it is sometimes in India, which are called Spouts of Water. Thus God loosed the retentive Power in the upper Air, and the Clouds, in which, at other times, he shutteth up the Waters to carry them to a place appointed.

§. 7. Noah's Memory among the Heathen, who, for divers respects, gave him divers Names, as Ogyges the first, because his Flood was before the Grecian Ogyges; Saturn, because he was Father of Nations; Prometheus, for his fore-sight; Ianus Bifrons, for his seeing what went before, and came after the Flood; Chaos, and Seed of the World Coelum; Sun, Virtumnus Bacchus, Liber Pater before him of Greece; but of old, the word was Boachus of Noachus: He was also called Nisius, of Mount Nisa in India, joining to Paropanisus and other Easterly Mountains, where the Ark rested, and where the Grecian Bacchus never came. His Posterity also named Cities, Mountains and Rivers by his Name, Strabo. as a City by the Red Sea; the River Noachus in Thracia.

§. 8. Noah's Ark, touching the Name, Epiphanius in Ancyrius calls it Aron, which properly signifyeth the Ark in the Sanctuary, as Thebell a Vessel which swimmeth, called Larnenx in Greek. Certain places where it was framed cannot be defined; yet Becanus conceives it was neer Caucasus, where grow the noblest Cedars, not far from the Nisaans, with whom Alexander made War. By all Probability, the place was not far from where it landed, being so large, heavy laden, wanting Sails, of Form not apt to move, and in a Calm, as it is in all Rains, down-right. It was thought to have a flat Bottom, and a crested Roof; and the Wood Gopher, of which it was made, by all probability was Cedar, being light, easy to cut, sweet and lasting; abounding in the Eastern Mountains; the Pitch was like to a Bitume, which melteth only by Fire, as is that by the dead Sea and Babylon.

§. 9. Of the Ark's Capacity; whose Measures, as God prescribed, so the proportion, saith Augustin, answered the shape of a Man's Body, whose Length contained the Bredth six times, and the Depth ten; being a Figure of God's City or Church in this World, &c. In the Measure, the Cubit is questioned; whether it were the common, which is from the Elbow to the top of the Middle Finger, a Foot and a half; or the plain Cubit, which is an handful more; or the Kings and Persians which is three Inches more than the common; or the sacred, which is double the common, wanting a quarter; or the Geometrical, which is six common Cubits, and was embraced by Origen, as also by Augustin, who yet changed his Mind, because Fishes were not Cursed. De Civ. Though Man's mischievous Ignorance seeketh many Impossibilities in this work, yet no Monstrous thing is found in it; for the number of Kinds to be stored in it, was not so great, (excluding such as sprung from unnatural Copulations, and diversity of Soils) but that the common Cubit of those times may serve; for add half a Foot to the common Cubit of our times, which is a Foot and half, and the length riseth to be six Hundred Foot, the Bredth one Hundred, the Depth Sixty: As for the Geometrical Cubit, it was not in use then, as we see in the Measure of Giants, and height of the Altar, which might have no Steps, Exod. 20.26. Buteo hate prov'd that the Number of Creatures might well be placed in the Ark, which contained 450000 Cubical Cubits, which is sufficient for a Hundred kind of Beasts, and their Meat in the lower and second Story, and 280 Fouls, with Noah and his in the third.

§. 10. Of the Arks resting on part of Mount Taurus or Caucasus, between East-India and Scythia, passing by many needless Disputes, I will endeavour to satisfie my self and others in the place of the Arks resting for the second Plantation of the World, as I have done in the place of the Terrestrial Paradise for Man's first Plantation. 2. The common Opinion is, The Ark rested on Ararat in Great Armenia; the Caldee calls it Kardu, meaning the Hills Gordei, in Great Armenia, which N. Damascen calls Baris. Berosus calls the Armenian Mountains, Gordias. Strabo found such a Promontory in Arabia Felix; Pliny, a Mart-Town, which Ptolomy calls Ociles; Pintus Acyla, Niger Zidon, Toy E. Gordei; Damascen adjoins Mimmynd, perhaps for Minni, which word is used for Armenia, and seemeth compounded of Minni and Aram, that is, Minni of Syria; for Armenia was part of Syria. Pliny: These Mountains stand apart from all others on the North side of that Ridge of Mountains called Taurus, or Niphates, in the Plain of Armenia the Greater, near the Lake Thospitis, whence Tigris floweth in 75 Degrees Longitude, and 41 42 Latitude. One of these Gordei Epiphanius calls Lubar, which in the Armenian Tongue, signifieth Descent, of Noah's coming down, saith Iunius; but any Hill of easy descent may be so called, as himself confesseth, correcting the Word Kubaris in Iosephus; from hence came Lubra, a Synagogue, being commonly on Hills, and the Latin Delubra.

My first Argument against the common Opinion is, from the time of 130 Years, which most, who follow Berosus, give Nimrod's coming to Shinar, which by easy Journeys, might be travailed in 20 days from the Gordei in Armenia, having only Mesopotamia between, and Tigris to help them. This maketh it improbable, they should be so many Years before they Planted such a Country so near them; which could not be to them so long unknown, being Encreased to a great Multitude long before those 130 Years.

My 2d. Argument is from the Civility and Multitude of the Eastern Nations, who had used Artillery and Printing long before the West. It was thought a Fable in Philostratus, that the Wise Men inhabiting between Hyphasis, and Ganges, drive away their Enemies with Thunder and Lightning, whereby they defeated Hercules and Bacchus, and made Hercules cast away his Golden Shield. Io. Cuthenberge brought Printing from the East: Conrade, from him, brought it to Rome; and Gerson bettered it; all about a 100 Years past. Alexander Macedon found more Cities and Magnificence in the little Kingdom of Porus, which lay close to India, than in all his Travels; esteeming Italy barbarous, and Rome a Village: But Babylon was in his Eye, and the Fame of the East pierced his Ears. Ioppan, now Zippingari, was exceeding Religious and addicted to Letters, Philosophy, Prayers, and Worshipping but one God.

5. My Third Argument is from the resistance which Semiramis found in Est-India, though her Army exceeded Three Millions, as Diod. Siculus, out of Ctesias, reports, besides 500000 Horse, and 100000 Waggons; of all which, admit but a third part true. Nimrod's Greatness is not doubted, nor that his People grew into such Multitudes by Semiramis's time, Wife of Ninus, Son of Belus, Son of Nimrod: But that a Colony sent from Babel into the East, should so increase in so short a time, is incredible; yet these Authors Report, that Staurobathez, King of East-India, exceeded her in numbers, which could not be, if the East were replenished by a Colony from Babylon.

6. My Fourth Argument is 1st. from Noah's person, who being at Babel's Confusion, and the 731st Year of his Age, was not like to be unsetled, and to seek a Seat. 2. The Text saith, he became a Husband-man; which argueth his setled Course of Life; not a Wanderer from Armenia to Babylon, then to Arabia Felix, then to Africa, so to Spain, Italy, &e. as they report; not considering his Years, the difficulty of Traveling in an over-grown wild World, which had lyen waste 140 Years. 3. Besides the place of his Landing, being East from Babylon, Rich and Pleasant, the Wise Father would not neglect the planting of it, and seek out less pleasing Parts with such difficulties. 4. Neither is it to be thought, the Reverend Father was at that presumptuous Work of Babel, and restrained it not. 5. We find Ioctan, Havila and Opher Planted in India, which were not like to have turned back from Shinar. Lastly, The Scriptures silence of Noah, after his departure from the East to Shinar, argueth him left there; and so out of all occasions, which might touch the History of the Iews, which Moses was to prosecute.

7. Annius on Berosus lands the Ark on the Caspian Mountain of Armenia; to which purpose he confounds the Caspian and Gordian Hills, which Ptolomy sets far asunder, and Mercator sets 5 Degrees, and Villanovanus, much more Ancient, sets 7 Degrees, or 420 Miles one from the other. And tho' I grant, that Mankind was renewed in Scythia, 250 Years before Ninus (as Porticus Cato records) yet was not this Scythia in Armenia, but under the Mountains of Paropamisus in 130 Degrees of Longitude, according to Ptolomy; whereas the supposed Armenia Araxea is in 87. neither hath he any Scythia nearer Armenia Araxea; though he sets out 100 several Nations of Scythians, such as Imaus by the Asian Sarmatia on the West; Imaus on the East; the Sacces, Sogdians and Margians on the South; and the Mouth of Oxus and unknown Countries on the North. He also maketh the Asian Sarmatia to comprehend many Nations, and a great part between Armenia and Scythia, besides Colchis, Iberia and Albania. Neither Prenetus, Iohn Plancrápio, Haytonus the Armenian, writing of Scythia or Tartaria, speak one word of Armenia; nor Matheus a Micon, a Sarmasian Cannon of Cracovia, who travelled a great part of Sarmatia Asiatica; yet he observed that Tanais, or Don, and Volga or Edel, spring but of Lakes and Marishes, and not out of Riphian or Hyperborean Mountains in Scythia. He also sheweth that the European Sarmatia contains Russia, Lithuania and Moscho, and is bounded on the West by Vissa or Vistula, parting it from Germany; That the Scythians in Asian Sarmatia, came thither above 300 Years past out of the East, where the Ark rested; and that the Sacae-Scythians were North of Taurus or Ararat: As for the Ariacan Scythians, between Iaxartus and Iactus on the East of the Caspian, they are no Armenians.

9. My fifth Argument is from the place where Noah Planted a Vine, which could not be in Armenia, much colder than Italy and France, where yet Vines grow not naturally, as they did where Noah Planted, as his Husbandry witnesseth.

9. Objection 1. The Text saith, from thence God scattered them, &c. Answer, That is, the Builders of the Tower, which were not all, but certain of them, which were increased after the Flood. Sybilla

10. Objection 2. Ararat signifieth Armenia, which the Caldean Paraph. calls Kardu. 2. Answer. Writers agree not about Ararat: The Sybill's Books place it in Phrygia, near where Caelenes was built; whereabout the River Marsyas joineth with Meander; but this is far from the Gordiean Mountains. Iosephus, out of Berosus, placeth Ararat between Armenia and Parthia, toward Adibene; where they vent pieces of the Ark, but he erreth: For Adibene whereon Armenia Bordereth, is part of Assyria, and hath all Media between it and Parthia. As for the Reliques of the Ark, they make it but a Report, by an infamous Historian. The Armenian Mountains, or Moschici in Ptolomy, or Pariedri in Pliny, stretch to the upper part of Cappadocia in 43 and 44 Degrees, North of the Gordiaeans in the 39 Degree 10/60. From the Northermost the Georgian Christians are called, preserved from Infidels, which compass them.

11. Neither was it necessary the Ark should stay on the highest Mountains, seeing Noah came not out till the Vallies were clear'd; yet other Mountains are higher than the Armenian, as Athos, or Olympus, between Macedon and Thrace, whose shadows are above Thirty Seven Miles, now called Lucas, saith Castaldus; Olympus also in Thessaly over-tops Wind, Rain, and Clouds: Antandrus in Misia seen to Constantinople whence Scamandrus floweth, running through Troy: Altas in Mauritania, no man's Eye can reach the Top: Caucasus is inlightned after Mid-night at the first Cock-Crow, said Aristotle, which I believe not, seeing Tenerif in Canaria, which is known to be the highest in the World, is not Light so soon.

12. These Incongruities rise from Ararat in Armenia. First, Sybil placeth it in Phrygia, contrary to Berosus. Secondly, Baris is not the highest, and if it were, yet the Ark might rest else where. Thirdly, Baris signifieth high, towards which may be any high Hill; especially, Caucasus, whence Indus riseth: Fourthly, Authors agree not where Gordia stands. Lastly, The Truth requireth to find an Ararat East from Shinar, and warmer than Armenia, in the North. Let us therefore understand, that Ararat in Moses is no one Hill, but a common Name to many, as the Alps and Pireneans; so that the long Ridge of Hills which Ptolemy calls Taurus, Niphatus, Coatras, Coronus, Sariphi, and Pliny, call Taurus, till they cross Imaus, where they are called Ararat or Armenia, for that they seem to begin there. Thus Ptolomy calls all the Hills between the Caspian and Euxinus, by one name Caucasus, which Pliny calls Hercanus, Armenian Coraxis, Caspian, Moschian, Henochian, Scythian Amazon; so all the the Ridge of Hills in America, from North Granada to the Magelan Straights, is called Andes. The Mountain Ararat runs East and West, as Imaus North and South. As for Ptolomy he used the Names fittest to distinguish the Countries, with the Hills bounded on the North, or South side. For all the Asian Mountains have Three general Names, Taurus, Imaus, Caucasus, which receive other Titles, as they divide particular Regions. Taurus in Cilicia, is Imaus in Comogena, and so to Euphrates, on whose East it is sometime Taurus, sometime Niphatis, which is the only name on the East of Tygris, till they part Assyria, and Media, and are called Coatraes; and in the middle of East Media, they are Orentes, and in the East side Coronus; beyond Parthia they are Saraphi; on the South of Bactria, Paropamisus, and lastly Caucasus, where Indus springeth with Hydaspis, and Zaradrus, where Caucasus Encounters the Scythian Imaus, in the 140 Degree of Longitude, and 35, 36, 37, of Latitude, where properly they are called Caucasus. In this part of the World the Mountain and the River Ianus, and the Mountain Nisius (so called of Bacchus Nisius or Noah) are found, on which the Ark stayed, as Goropius Becanus conceived; where also are the best Vines, as they are in the same Degree of Latitude through the World, as in Iudea, Candia, parts of Greece, Margiana. Under the South of these Hills the Clusters of Grapes are two Cubits long, saith Strabo, like those of Escol: And in Margiana, Alexander found most delicate Wine, saith Curtius.

To conclude, Ararat passeth through Armenia, which is sometimes called Ararat: but it is a common name to all that Ridge of Hills which runneth East and West from Cilicia to Caucasus, as the Alps, Pireneans, Andes in America, which run Three Thousand Miles, &c. So the Mediterranean Sea is a common Name, which yet upon divers Coasts beareth proper Names, as do other Seas. Let us then appeal to the Word of Truth, and take it literally, seeing the plain Sense carrieth no inconvenience, and let us fancy no strange Exposition from it. The Reverend Respect we owe the Holy Scripture, every Word having its full weight in Gods Book, shews that it is not to be taken otherwise than as we Read; as Augustin said of the Gospel. Moses words are, And as they went from the East they found a plain, &c. Which prove without Controversie the Ark rested Eastward from Shinar. For Moses is every where precise in setting out Coasts, and Quarters of Countries, as Nod Eastward from Eden, Sepher in the East, Gen. 4.16. and 10.30. and 12.18. Ezek. 38.6. So Mat. 21. and 12.42. Now Armenia is so far from the East of Babylon, that it is West of the North. The Gordian Hills for Latitude are Forty One: Babylon Thirty Five for Longitude, (which makes the difference of East and West) the Gordian are Seventy Five, and Babylon Seventy Nine, and Eighty, which makes Five Degrees from the North to the West; besides a Quarter of the Compass from East. But in Scripture the least difference may not be omitted, every Point and Accent being full of Sense. The Eastern Parts then from Shinar were first Civiliz'd, having Noah himself for their Instructor, whose numerous Armies overmatched the Millions of Semiramis, and whose Fruitfulness made it fit for Noah's Husbandry, as Ish-Adamah, a Man exercised in Earth, saith Ar. Montanus.

CHAP. VIII. The Planting of Nations: Noah's Sons, and which was Eldest.

§. 1. SHEM, in Augustin's Judgment was Eldest; but the Septuagint, Iunius, &c. prefer Iaphet, from Gen. 10.21. The Hebrews putting the word Elder after Iaphet, which the Latin sets before. Gods Blessings are not tyed to Elder in Blood, but Piety: Otherwise Iaphet was 2 Years older than Shem, being begotten in Noah's 500th Year; when Shem in Noahs 600th Year was but 98. Compare Gen. 5.32. with 10.10. & 9.24. Namely Cham the Youngest.

§. 2. In this Plantation it is to be presumed. 1. So far as the Scriptures Treat of the Story of Nations, Profane Authors want Authority in point of Antiquity, whose Records have been borrowed from thence only. For Moses is found more Ancient than Homer, Hesiod, or any Greek, saith Eusebius, Prooem. in Chron. 2. We are to consider, that Noah who knew the World so long before, sent not his Sons at Adventure, as Discoverers, but allotted them the Quarters of their Habitation. This could not be suddenly, Considering what Woods, Thickets, Pools, Lakes, Marishes, Fenns, and Boggs, 130 Years Desolation had bred in those fruitful parts. This made difficult, and slow Journeys and Marches, both from the East, and Shinar, till Increase of Issue forced them on further.

§. 3. Iaphet, with whom Moses beginneth, Planted the Isles of the Gentiles, Europe and the Isles about it, besides a Portion in Asia. Gomer, his Eldest Son is without Reason, placed in Italy by Berosus, Functius, &c. in the Tenth Year of Nimrod, and when Tubal was in Austria, or Biscai, in Spain, the Twelfth Year of Nimrod, Ann. 142 after the Flood: For before Babels Confusion the Company were not dispers'd; consider then the time of Building such a City, and a Tower, to equalize Mountains, said Berosus, or reach to Heaven, said Nimrod, which took an exceeding compass, and whose Foundation in Marish Ground was full of Labours: As for Materials the want was great, and the Workmen unexperienced, and the Work almost finished.

This time Glicas judged to be about 40 Years: So that Gomer and Tubal could not Plant so soon: Besides the tedious conveying of Wives, Children, Cattel from Shinar, to Italy, and Spain, 4140 Miles, through Countries, now of much more difficult Passage. Nimrod spent many Years in a short and more easy Journey to Shinar; and why did Tubal leave many rich Countries to Plant in Biscay, the most barren Country of the World? To say they had the Convenience of Navigation, shews Men know not what it is to carry Multitudes by Sea, with Cattel, on which they lived. Whether Navigation was then in Use, is doubted, considering how long it was before Men durst cross the Seas, and that the Invention was ascribed to the Tyrians long after by Tibullus.

§. 4. Gog and Magog, Tubal and Mesech, settled first about lesser Asia, where Beroaldus (whom I find most judicious in this Plantation out of Ezekiel 38. and 39.) findeth the Gomerians, Tubalines, and Togarminans. Iosephus in this Plantation led Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Ar. Montanus into many errours; and Gog and Magog have troubled many: But this Gog the Prince of Magogians, or Coelo-Syrians, must needs be the Successor of Seleucius Nicanor, who sought to extinguish the Iews Religion, and force them to Idolatry. Hermolaus Barborus maketh the Turks come from the Scythians: Iunius makes it a National Name from Gyges, who slew Candaulus King of Lydia, where Strabo finds the Gygian Lake; and in the South Borders Iunius finds Gygarta, or Gogkarta in Syriak, Gogs City in Coelo-Syria, where Pliny placeth Bambice, or Hierapolis, which the Syrians call Magog: Though Strabo make both to be Edessa in Mesopotamia; but Ortelius doubts whether there be a mistake; yet may the Name be common, but certainly both were North of Israel. Magog might be Father of the Scythians, who wasted much of lesser Asia, Possessed the Coelo-Syria, and built Scythopolis, and Hierapolis, which themselves of Syrians call Magog, being North from Iudea; which Bellonius makes Aleppo, where the Mermaid was Worship'd, called Atergatis, and by the Greeks Derceto. Thus we see the Ancient Gomerians, and Tubalins were no Italians, or Spaniards: Though long after they might send Colonies thither.

The Iberians of Old were called Thobelos, of Tubal, who from thence passed to Spain to search Mines, saith Iustine; but 'tis more probable it was Peopled out of Africa. Mesech also is Neighbour to Tubal, of whom sprung the Miseans from Mount Adectas, to Pontus, afterwards called Cappadocia, which is the Mazoca, and is Magog's chief Country: Gomer was Neighbour to Togarma, Bordering on Syria and Cilicia, whose Posterity Peopled Germany and the Borders of the Earth, as Gomer signifieth. But wanting Room forward to Exonerate their swelling Multitude, they returned back upon their Neighbours: Whereof they were called Cimbri, which signifies Robbers, in Camden's Judgment. And though in Ancient times the Gauls used to beat them, as Caesar Reports; yet after they grew Warlike they pursued rich Conquests, even into lesser Asia, the Seat of their Progenitors. Samothes is by Annius made Brother of Gomer, and surnamed Dis; but Functius, and Vignier do justly disclaim him; seeing Moses knew him not.

§. 5. Noah also by Annius is brought out of the East into Italy, to build Genoa, and there to live Ninety-two Years; but Moses silence is to me a sufficient Argument to disprove this Report, seeing he did so carefully Record Nimrod's Cities. As for Berosus and others, whom he quotes for it, their Fragments are manifestly proved Spurious, neither could Noah be that Italian Ianus their First King, who Dyed but 150 Years before Aeneas, according to Eusebius, and Lived in the days of Ruth, 704. Years after Noah. Let the Italians content themselves with a Ianus from the Greeks, who Planted them 150 Years before the Destruction of Troy; from whom they had their Idolatry, as their Vestal Virgins, and Holy Fire from Vesta his Wife, which no man will believe to proceed from Noah. There succeeded him Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, Latinus, before Aeneas, in the Days of Sampson.

§. 6. Nimrod Seating himself in Babylon, Reason and Necessity taught the rest to remove, to take the Benefit of those far extended Rivers which ran along Shinar, as well for convenience in their Journeys, as to provide for mutual entercourse for time to come. Thus Chush the Father settled near his Son Nimrod in the South of Chaldea along Gehon, which Tract Moses calls the Land of Chush, Gen. 2.13: Havilaah, the other Son of Chush took down Tigris on both sides, especially the East, which also is called the Land of Havila, Gen. 2.11. afterwards Susiana. Chush in length of time spread into Arabia the Desart, and Stony, where was the City of Chusca afterwards called Chusidia by Ptolomy. So Seba and the rest Planted Arabia the Happy towards the Persian Gulf, from whence after the stoppage of Euphrates, they Traded to Babylon by Tigris. Gomer, Magog, and the other Sons of Iaphet took the lesser Asia, the better to spread themselves West and North. Tubalin ascended into Iberia. The Magogians to Sarmatia. The Gomerians in Asia were called Cymerians, saith Herodotus; and their Country was after was called Galatia by the Gallogreeks; whom the Scythians drove into Albania, and some into Phrygia, both called Cymerians, as was Bosphorus, and a City by it.

Togarma, Gomers Son, dwelt near Sidon, and overspread the lesser Armenia, whose Kings were called Tigranes. Meshach, Iaphet's Son, setled in Syracena, in Armenia, between the Mountains Moschici and Periards; out of whose North-East springs Araxis; and Euphrates out of the South: Of whom came the Moscovites, in the Judgment of Melancton. Madai, the Third Son of Iaphet, Planted Media.

§. 7. Iavan, the Fourth Son of Iaphet (from the West of lesser Asia) sent Colonies into Greece, whose Inhabitants were called Iones, that is, Athenians. Strabo, out of Hecasius, says the Iones came out of Asia, where the Name also remain'd. Meshech, the Sixth Son of Iaphet, of whom before. See §. 4. which Name differs little from Aram's Sons, Gen. 10.23. which 1 Chron. 1.17. is the very same. They dwelt North from Iury, and were Enemies to the Iews; and it may be they were under one Prince: but this Meshech commonly joined with Tubal. If therefore he Planted first near Iury; yet his Issue might pass into Cappadocia, and so into Hircania. Those which came of Aram, nearer the Iews, might be those to whom David fled in his Persecution, Psal. 120.5. Tiras is Father of the Thracians, as is generally held▪ and was Iaphet's Seventh Son.

§. 8. Ascanez, Son of Gomer, Eusebius makes Father of the Gothians: Pliny finds Ascania, and the River of Ascanius, and the Lake of Ascanez, between Prusia and Nice in Phrygia: Iunius takes them for Inhabitants of Pontus and Bythinia, in which Ptolomy hath such a Lake: Strabo finds a City, River, and Lake in Mesia near Gio, as Pliny. But Ier. 51.27. determins it North of Asia near Ararat, and Minni, Mountains of Armenia. Riphat, Gomer's Son, Father of Riphcior Paphlagone, Famous in the North of Sarmatia, after called Henites; of whom Polonia, Russia, and Lithuania were Peopled: Melancton thinks they spread from the Baltick to the Adriatick Sea, and findeth a Venetian Gulf in Russia, called Heneti, the same with Veneti.

§. 9. Elisa, eldest Son of Iavan, was Father of the Nicolians, from whence the Grecians were called Helens, saith Montanus; and Ezek. 27.7. mentions the Isles of Elesa, that is, of Grece.

Tharsis, his Second Son, Planted Cilicia, where is the City Tharsis. This word is often put for the Sea, because the greatest Ships were there, and they were called Seamen, and the first Iones. Montanus and Cal. Paraphrase mistake it for Carthage.

Cittim, his Third Son, Father of the Macedonians, not Italians, Esa. 23. with 1 Mac. 1. Yet it may be, he first Planted Cyprus, where Iosephus found the City, which remained in Ierom's days, saith Pintus; but this Isle proving too narrow, they sent out and Peopled Macedon, whose Plantation Melancton ascribes to him.

Dodanim, his Fourth Son, settled at Rhodes; Dodanim and Rhodanim being easily confounded: He also sent Colonies to Epirus, where was the City Dodana.

§. 10. Chush, Eldest Son of Cham, with his Associates, Peopled Babylonia, Chaldea, and all the Arabias. Ethiopia was not his, as Iosephus, the Septuagint, and others misled by them, judged. First, From Numb. • 2.2. Moses's Wife was a Chushite, not an Ethiopian, as Iosephus Reports; who tells us, that Moses leading an Egyptian Army against the Ethiopians, the Kings Daughter fell in Love with, and betrayed the City Sheba to him, after called Meros. On the contrary, Strabo, and all Geographers, place Sheba in Arabia, whence the Queen came to visit Solomon. Damianus, and Goes, tell us, that the Prester Iohns of the Aybssinians came of that Queen by Solomon. But without Scripture or Probability, seeing her supposed Bastard assisted not his Brother Rehoboam against Shishack King of Egypt. But Moses cleareth his Wives Kindred against Iosephus, making her a Midian, not far from Horeb. So Iethro's coming to Moses, &c. Chrisamensis also proveth Midia cannot be Ethiopia. Thirdly, So Ezek. 29.10. Nebuchadonosor's Conquest of Egypt is set out by the Bounds Seveneth, which is next Ethiopia and the Chushits, ill Translated Black Moors, for Arabians, the other next Neighbours; whereas the Moors were beyond Seveneth, or Syene, as Scotland is beyond Barwick. Fourthly, So Ezek. 30.9. Chush cannot be Ethiopia, but Arabia: Whereto Nebuchadonosor (having Conquered Egypt, even the Tower Syene in Thebaida bordering on Ethiopia) sent Ships over the Red-Sea; which to the Ethiopians joyning to Syene, he needed not to have done, neither would the fall of Nilus suffer; nor was his invading that part of Arabia so fit by Land, all the length of Egypt being between, and all the tedious Desarts of Paran. Lastly, This placing a Family of Chush, from all the rest to go and come through Misraim, would make a confusion in the Plantation: Besides, there was never any thing between Iews and Ethiopians, as between them and Chushits. Fourthly, So Esa. 18.1. turning Chush, to Ethiopia for Arabia, puts one Kingdom for another, confounding the Story: For what Kingdom beyond the River of Ethiopia can be found, which Assur was to waste as an Enemy to the Iews, who were never injured by the Ethiopians, much less by any beyond them? But I acknowledge, that here Egypt, which threatned Israel, is threatned, and Arabia with it, Esa. 19.20. The like Errour is committed in 1 Kings 19.9. Making Tirhaka an Ethiopian, for a Chushite, or Arabian, as in Zerah, 2 Chron. 14.9. For how should he bring such an Army through such a Kingdom as Egypt?

§. 11. Mizarim, Cham's Second Son, took into Egypt along Nilus unto Syene, bordering on Ethiopia to the South from the Mediterranean Sea; which was his North Border. Phut, the Third Son travell'd to the West beyond him along the Sea, Inhabiting Mauritania. Egypt was known to Moses and the Prophets by the Name of Mizraim, but was called Egypt by a King of that Name, otherwise called Rameses, the Son of Belus, who chased his Brother Danaeus into Greece, where he setled in Morea after the Flood, 877. Many are the Fancies of the Egyptian Antiquity of Three Hundred and Thirty Kings before Amasis, Contemporary with Cyrus; and of their Story of 13000 Years, &c. And Mercator pleads their Antiquity from their Dynasties, of which the Sixteenth began with the Flood, so that the first must reach the Creation. But Eusebius begins the Sixteenth with Abraham 292 Years after the Flood. Annius begins the first Dynasty 131 Years after the Flood, forgetting that he had said, that Nimrod came but that Year to Shinar, so that the Dynasty could not begin till after the Confusion. But where Pererius holds it impossible that Egypt could be Peopled 200 Years after Adam, and supposing it not replenished at all before the Flood, I find no force in the assertion. For we have no reason to give less Increase to the Sons of Adam, than Noah, the Age of the one being double, and after a while treble to the other, which Argueth strength to beget many a long time. This appeared in Cham, who replenished Five Cities with his own Issue. Nimrod's Troops at Shinar were great, no doubt; yet it is probable all came not thither, as may be gathered by the Multitudes, which Encountered Semiramis in the East Indian Wars. As for Egypt being an Established Kingdom in the Days of Abraham, it argues 'twas Inhabited long before: And contrary to Pererius, we may rather wonder how the World could contain the Issue of those long living heathful Fathers, than doubt the Peopling of it. For if our short Lives, wherein scarce one in Ten Liveth to 50 Years, the World wants no People: And if Wars and Pestilence did not cut them off by Thousands, the World could not contain them: What would it do if none dyed before 50 or 100 Years? Then Conceive the Millions, when Men Lived 8 or 900 Years &c. Pererius is likewise deceived in the occasion of their dispersing at Babel: For had not that occasion happened, their Increase would in short time have forc'd them to seek new Habitations, &c. That therefore the World was all over Peopled with offenders, it appeareth by the Universality of the Flood. As for Egypt's Antiquity, it is probable that Mizaraim's Sons found some Monuments in Pillars, Altars, or other Stones, or Metals, touching former Government there, which the Egyptians added to the Lives of the Kings after the Flood, which succeeding Times through Vain-Glory amplified. So Berosus, and Ephigenes, tell us of the like Antiquities of Chaldea where the Babylonians knew Letters and Astronomy 3634 Years befor Alexander the Great. Egypt was divided in the Upper, called Thebaida, from Syene to Memphis, and in the lower, from Memphis to the Mediterranean Sea, making the Form of a Δ by Memphis, Pelusin and Alexandria. Thebes had 100 Gates, called Diospolis by the Greeks; No-hamon in Scripture, from the incredible number of Inhabitants. Phut, the Third Son of Cham, Planted Lybia, whose Ancient People were called Phuts, said Iosephus; and Pliny found the River of Phut in Mauritania, running from Mount Athos Two Hundred Miles: Phut and Lud Associated Egypt, Ezek. 30.

§. 12. Canaan, Fourth Son of Cham, Possessed Palestine, from Sidon to Gerar in length, Gen. 10. Sidon, his Eldest Son built a City of his Name in Phoenicia. See ca. 7.6.3. Heth, his Second Son, Father of the Hittites, in the South about Beersheba, near Paran. Iebusen, the Third Son, Father of the Iebusites, about Iebus, or Hierusalem, Conquered by David. Amoreus, the Fourth, East of Iordan from Arnon, past the Sea of Galilee, containing two Kingdoms. His Posterity also Inhabited the Mountains of Iuda, part of Idumea near Libania. Gergeseus, the Fifth, East from the Galil • an Sea; where was Gerasa; he also Built Geris, after called Beritus, Three Miles from the River Adonis in Phoenicia. Hevius, the Sixth, under Libanus, near Emath: The Caphtorims expelled many of them. Archius, the Seventh, between Libanus and the Sea over against Tripolis: He Built Archas. Sinius, the Eighth, Iunius placeth him South of Iebus; more probably he Built Sin, which the Iews call Sein, or Symira by Ptolomy, or Synoctis by Arcas, after Brocardus. Aradeus, the Ninth, Built Arados in the Isle against Phoenice, opposite to Antarados in the main Ocean. Zemari, the Tenth Son, 'tis uncertain whether he Inhabited Coelosyria, or was Father of the Perizzites, or the Emisani; or of Samaria, which latter the Scripture seemeth to disprove, 1 Kings 16.28. Hamath, the Eleventh Son, Founder of Emath in Iturea, East of Hermon, joining to Libanan; not Emath, which Iosepus and Ierom confound with Antioch, or Epiphania, &c.

§. 13. Seba, or Saba, Eldest Son Chush, setled in the West of Arabia the Happy, East of the Red Sea. Regama, or Raama, the Fourth Brother, and Sheba his Son took the West side by the Persian Gulf. Pliny saith, the Sabeans dwelt along the Persian and Arabian Seas, where Ptolomy places the City Saba toward the Red Sea, and Regma toward the Persian; where also Sabta, another Brother, is found by Montanus out of Ptolomy. Beroaldus thinks it strange, that any of these Sabeans should go One Thousand Two Hundred Miles to Rob Iob in Traconitis, between Palestine and Coelosyria: But Guilandinus Melchior findeth Sabeans nearer in Arabia the Desart, whom Ptolomy calls Save, now Semiscasac, from whence the Magi came to Worship Christ, as he judgeth. The Queen of Saba, which came to Solomon, Beroaldus and Pererius bring from East Arabia; I rather think the West next Midian and Ezion Gaber, then under the command of Solomon. Plin. l. 14.12. Sabeta hath there left his Name in the City Sabbatha or Sabota.

Iosephus's fancy is, that Saba was Father of the Ethiopians about Meros, and Sabta of the Aabanies, is Confuted by the Names. For in Arabia Desert, are the Cities of Saba, or Save, and Ragana for Regma, and People called Raabeni, of Raamah. In Arabia the Happy, are Rhegama and Rabana, and the Cities Sapta; in the South of Arabia, is Sabatta the Metropolis, and the great City Saba toward the Red Sea, and the Region Sabe more Southern.

Didan the second Son of Raamah, whom Iosephus and Ierom carry to West-Ethiopia, but Ezechiel joyned with Father and Brother, in Trade to Tyre, with precious Cloaths, which Naked Black-Moors never knew 'till the Portugals Traded with them. But Ieremy and Ezechiel will shew us Dedan near Idumea, which will remove all Scruples.

§. 14. Ludim, Eldest Son of Mizraim, Father of the Lybians in Africa, where the Lydians are also adjoined, as a Nation of Africa: For 2 Chron. 12.3. Lubim, or Luhaei is the same with Ludim in Hebrew, saith Montanus, with some difference in writing from the Lybies. Misraim's other Sons are assigned no certain place in Holy Scripture; only the Philistins are said to come of Casluhim and Caphtorim, in the Entrance into Egypt by the Lake Serbonis, and the Hill Cassius. Caphtorim, between that and Pelusium, is a Tract called Sithroitis, where Pliny and Stephanus place the City Sethron, which Ortelius takes to be Hercules parva in Ptolomy. The Philistins Inhabited the South of Canaan, driving out the Avims, or Hevites, saith Iunius on Gen. 10.14. Deut. 2.23. Ios. 13.3. where their Bounds are set forth, and their five Principalities.

§. 15. Sem's Posterity Moses reckoneth up last, that he might proceed with the Genealogy of the Hebrews to Abraham, for which Arpbaxad's Age only is expressed, and his Children, and of Aram. The common Opinion possessed him of what was beyond Tygris to the Indian-Sea, saith Ierom, saving India, which I believe Noah held; to whom, after Ioctan, came Ophir and Havilah, and planted there; of whom hereafter.

Elam, Father of the Elamites, the Princes of Persia, whose Seat was Susan, by the River Vlai, which Ptolomy calls Eulaeus, which runneth into Hiddekel. Asher, the Second Son of Sem, Father of the Assyrians, disdaining Nimrod's Pride, left Babel, and built Ninivy, according to the common Opinion, and contended for the Empire.Sect. 1. Sect. 3. Arphaxad was Father of those Chaldeans which were about Vr; the rest were possessed by the Sons of Cham. Lud, Sem's Fourth Son Iosephus and Ierom place in lesser Asia, but I question it. Aram, his Fifth Son, Father of the Syrians, as well about Mesopotamia as Damascus. Padan Aram, or Aram Neharaim, that is, Syria between two Rivers, which were Tygris and Euphrates: Strabo reports it was antiently called Aramenia, or Aramia; and the Name Aram was changed into Syria by Syrus, before Moses, saith Eusebius. Part of it is called Ancobaritis, by Ptolomy, being divided by the River Chaboras, saith Iunius.

Vz or Hus, Aram's Eldest Son, built Damascus, saith Iosephus, Ierom, and Lyra. It hath Iordan West, Mount Seir East, Edrai South, and Damascus North, in the East part of Traconitis, and adjoining to Basan, where Iob the Son of Hus, the Son of Nahor dwelt; full of petty Kings in the days of Ieremy, 25.20.

Hal, Aram's Second Son, Father of the Armenians, saith Ierom; but Iunius placeth him in the Palmeri • n Desarts, by Euphrates; where Ptolomy places the City Cholle. Gether, the Third Son set down in Cassiotis and Seleucis, and is seated where Ptolomy places the City Gindarus.

Mesech, the Fourth Son set down North of Syria, tween Silicia and Mesopotamia, near the Mount Masius. These Plantations can no other ways be known, than by this probability: The Fathers having large Regions, planted their own Children in them for mutual Comfort, 'till Ambition bred expulsion of Natives; and that every Man began to desire a distinct place, and disliked to live in Common.

Phaleg, Son of Heber, in whose time fell the division of Tongues, which the Hebrews refer to his Death, Anno 340 after the Flood; for at his Birth, Anno 101, there could be no multitude to divide. They say farther, that Heber gave Phaleg his name by Prophesy, foreseeing the division to come. But Heber might, without Prophecy, foresee the division of Families would grow upon the encrease of the World; besides, Phaleg might change his Name upon that occasion, as Iacob into Israel, long before he died. For his death fell in Ninus's days, but 12 Years before Abraham, whereas the division had been long before, and the Multitudes were infinite in Ninus's days.

Ioctan, Heber's other Son, had thirteen Sons, all inhabiting from Copuz or Coas, a Branch of Indus, into the East, saith Ierom; but their particular places are uncertain.

Sheba, or Seba, one of them may be he of whom Dionysius Apher, writing of East India, saith, The Sabaei and Taxili do dwell in the midst of them. As for the Sabeans which sprang of Chush, we found them in Arabia; and many will place Shaba, Abraham's Grand-Child there, in Arabia Deserta, where Ptolomy places a City of his Name, whose Inhabitants pillag'd Iob. Iob 1.15.

Opher, another of Ioctan's Sons, Ierom placeth in an Island of East-India; and indeed Opher is found among the Molucks. Ar. Montanus and Diessis seek it in Peru of America; and Iunius taketh Barbatia in Characene, a Province in Susiana to be it, corrupted from Parvaim to Barbatia. As for Peru, Iucatan, &c. in America, they are late mistaken Names.

Havilah, another of Ioctan's Sons, is thought to Inhabit the Continent of East-India, watred by the River Ganges; as the Country of Havilah the Son of Chush, was watred by Pison, West of Tygris, or rather to Shur. But if the common Opinion of Ierom be true, Ioctan and his Posterity setled about Mesech, or the Hill Masius; between Cilicia and Mesopotamia: And that these Three Sons, or their Issue, went afterwards into East-India.

As for Sepher, a Mountain of the East, as Ierom looks for it in East-India, so Montanus in the West, maketh it Andes in America: But for Moses Sepher, we find Sipphora, placed by Ptolomy, on the East side of Masius; neither is it strange to say, Mesopotamia is in the East, Numb. 23.7. This Order of Plantation which I have followed, doth best agree with the Scripture, Reason, and Probalities; which Guides I follow, little esteeming Mens private Opinions.

CHAP. IX. Of the Beginning and Establishment of Government.

§. 1. GOvernment hitherto in the World, was only Paternity and Eldership, from which the word Elder was used, as well for Governours as the Aged; to shew that the Wisdom of Years should be in Governours; the first Government being from the Father to the Elder Son. Hence grew Segnour and Segnourie, for Lordship and Dominion, which is Puissance in Property and Power; Power having command of Subjects, as Property hath Mastership of Servants. Caesar hath Power to Command whatever a Man possesseth, but Property only in his own. When Paternal persuasion grew too weak to resist Inclination to Evil, and to Correct it when it grew Habitual; Necessity, which bindeth all Mortals, made both the Wise and Foolish at once, to perceive, that the Estate of Men would prove more miserable than that of Beasts, if a general Obedience to Order and Dominion did not prevent it; and that licentious Disorder promising Liberty, upon Tryal, would prove no less dangerous to all, than an intolerable Bondage. Necessity propounds, and Reason confirms this Argument: All Nations were persuaded to submit to a Master or Magistrate in some degree; which Change was pleasing when compared with former Mischiefs in want of Government. Yet Time brought out therein some Inconveniences, which Necessity also sought to avoid, and thereupon thought upon some equal Rules, to limit Dominion, which before was lawless. Laws being then set for Government, acquired the Title of Regal Power or Government; and want thereof was known to be Tyrannical; the one Ordained by God for his People's good, the other permitted to afflict them. In this Infancy of Regal Authority, Princes, Iust and Religious, were esteemed Gods, said Fabius Pictor. And though Necessity and Reason seem Authors of Government, yet God kindled this Light in the Minds of Men, and set them a Pattern in the Law of Nature, wherein they see Bees, Cranes, Deer, &c. to follow a Leader; and God, in his Word, taketh it upon him to appoint Government, Prov. 8.15. Dan. 2.21. and 5.21. Iohn 19.21.

§. 2. What was the Government before the Flood more than Paternal, is uncertain; or from what better kind of publick Government, the Tyranny of that Age did grow. After the Flood, Three sorts of Government are found approved. 1st. The Government by one Ruling by Just Laws, called Monarchy, opposed to Tyranny. 2dly. The Government by divers principal Persons, Established by Order, and Ruling by Laws, call'd Aristocracy, opposed by Oligarchy, in Usurpation of a few. 3. The Government of the People, called Democracy, opposed to Ochlocracy, which is a tumultuous Will of a confused Multitude without Law.

The Eldest of every Family at the first, set Order to his Issue, and upon increase, planted them about him in one Field, of which grew Villages; then followed Society, Pagus. by divers Villages, called Pagus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is a Fountain; for that all these Villages drank of the same Fountain, like our Hundreds. And when Malice, Pride, and Emulation set one Race against another, Men joined divers Villages, which had Banks and Ditches for defence, calling it Oppidum, as opposed to their Enemies: Vrbs, ab Orbe, a Circuit first made with a Plough, said Varro; which word was first used for the Walls and Buildings, as Civitas for the Inhabitants, but were after confounded; yet every Inhabitant is not properly a Citizen, but he which hath the Freedom and Priviledges of it, and is capable of bearing Rule in it. And as Cities grew by Association of Villages, so did Common-Weals by Association of Cities.

§. 3. The First Age after the Flood, was called Golden, while Ambition and Avarice, &c. were in the Blade, Men being more plain, simple, and contented; yet in respect of Government, they were as the following Ages, in which as good Kings made Golden times, so the contrary; yea, Princes Beginnings are commonly Golden, in which their Game is commonly smoothly plaid, but Time shrinks their Hearts, and small Errors at first, breed greater; as it is also in every Man's Life, his Youth is Golden, which when Time hath eaten up, and bred such alteration, we praise what is past. It is the Vice of our Malignity to extol the past, and loath the present; such inquire not wisely, said Ecclesiasticus. Our Ancestors have, we and our Children will make the same Complaints; and what is new shall be old, saith Arnobius. The Virtue of Kings (next after God) produc'd their Crowns, and the Peoples Love so purchas'd, kept them on their Heads.

§. 4. From this beginning of Regality grew Nobility; Princes chusing by the same Rule of Virtue, Men to assist them; which Honour succeeded not by Blood, but Virtue, which is true Nobility, the note of one Excelling another in Virtue; and should bind Nobility not to degenerate. As for Riches, Power, Glory, &c. they do no more define Nobility, than bare Life defines a Man. Honour is the Witness of Virtue and well-doing; and true Nobility is the continuance of it in a Family; so that where Virtue is extinguished, they are like painted Images, worshipped by the Ignorant, for Christ, our Lady, and other Saints. Flowers not manured, turn to Weeds, and the purest Fountain running through a filthy Soil, is soon Corrupted. Race and Linage is but the Matter, Virtue and well deserving of a Common-wealth, is the Form of true Nobility, which being found in Posterity, over-weigheth our proper Honour acquired by our own Virtue; but if Virtue be wanting to Nobility by discent, then Personal acquired Nobility is to be preferred without comparison, for that by Descent may be in a very Villain. There is a third Nobility, which is in Parchment, purchased by Silver, or Favour, being Badges of Affection, which when Princes change, they could wish they were blotted out: But if we had as much Sense in our denegeration in Worthiness, as we have of Vanity in deriving our selves from such Parents, we shou'd perceive such Nobility to be our Shame.

CHAP. X. Of Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus.

§. 1. NIMROD, the Sovereign after the Flood, was generally held a Tyrant: But Melancton, and Onomasticum Theologicum judge otherwise. And it seemeth, that his leading this Troop to Shinar, was rather given him, than Usurped, seeing it is not Recorded that Noah, or any of the Sons of his Body came with him, or were in that presumptuous Action. Some Ancients conceive Suphne and Ioctan were also Leaders; but joyned not in that unbelieving Attempt, and therefore lost not their Language.

§. 2. Nimrod, Belus and Ninus, were different Persons, though Eusebius and Ierom confound the two first; and Augustine makes Belus King of Babylon, which Argueth him to be Nimrod. Mercator, with less probability confounds Nimrod and Ninus, out of Clemens. Diodorus Siculus Reports that Ninus subdued Babylon, which perhaps had Rebelled upon setling the Empire at Ninive, which was also in Shinar.

§. 3. Nimrod, not Assur, Built Ninive, as Iunius hath rendered Moses's Text agreeable to Reason and Sense, though Writers differ. That Assur Built it, greeth not with Moses's Order, who especially intending the Story of the Hebrews, first handleth the Birth of Noah's other Sons, beginning with Iaphet, proceeding with Cham, and lastly with Shem, not intermingling one with the other, till he had set down a brief of all Three. In the Narration of Cham he makes a distinct Discourse of Nimrod and his Brethren, being to speak after at large of Babels Confusion by it self, to shew us the Founder of the place, and of the Empire, which first over-ruled all the rest. As for the Assyrian Kingdom, it arose from the Babylonian, according to Iunius: So Calvin before followeth Epiphanius. Ierom, Cyril, Methodius and P. Comestor, with Cedrenus, took Assur, Gen. 10.11. to be Nimrod's Son, as doth Torniellus of late: But Rab. Maurus understood it as Iunius. Yet Calvin contrary to Iunius and himself, objecting Esay 23.13. (than which no place more difficult) to prove Assur founded the Chaldean, much more the Assyrian Empire. But the City of the Chaldeans founded, and after destroyed by the Assyrians, may with good probability be understood of Vr, called Vrcta by Ptolomy, Chaldeopolis by the Greeks, and Cameria by Hecateus. This Vr stood upon the chief stream of Euphrates; by which it passed into the Persian Gulf, though now it is stopped and runneth into Tigris, of which stoppage Niger and Pliny speak. This City then had Trade with Tyrus, and was a Port Town: By which the Sabeans sent Commodities to Babylon, and so to Tyre. This Vr founded by Shem's Son Assur, was afterwards destroyed by the Assyrians, which God fore-seeing, sent away Abraham from thence. That the Founder differs from Assur the destroyer, is agreeable to the Truth and circumstances. For thus Seth's Posterity which followed Assur, being Planted at Vr, were separated from the Idolatrous Chushits, And if Sem's Son Assur founded Ninive; how left he it to Ninus Son of Belus, and Husband of Semiramis?

§. 4. Nimrod, called Saturn by Iulian Africanus, established the Babylonian Monarchy, which he inlarged into Assyria: Where he Founded Ninive and other Cities, which his Son Belus finished, who after Nimrods 114 Years Reign succeeded, and spent much time in draining the Marshes of Babel, and began with Sabbatius in Armenia, and Scythia Saga, which Ninus finished.

§. 5. Ninus's days might well afford many Kingdoms, if we consider the order of their departing from Babel according to their Kindred, every Family following the chief thereof, whom Nature and Necessity taught the rest to submit unto; and who took opportunity from Time and Nimrod's examples to exercise legal Authority. Belus, who succeeded Nimrod, found Sabatius King of Armenia and Scythia, able to resist him, whom I take to be Tanais in Iustine. As for his Vexoris, Reineccius hath judiciously taken to be Sesostris the Great, some Ages after Ninus. Belus in common accompt Reigned 65 Years.

§. 6. Belus, I judge to be a Name, rather given by Ninus, for Honour to his Father, than taken by him. Cyrill calls him Arbelus; and saith he was the first that would be called God. Bel, say the Learned, signifying the Sun in Chalde, and there Worshipped for God: And many words in Scripture grew from it, Bel, Baal, Belzebub, Baalim, which Name was given to God, till upon abuse he forbad it. The first Idolatry grew from hence, &c. The Old, the most Ancient of every Family, and Kings which Founded Cities, were called Saturns, their Sons Iupiters, and Valiant Nephews Hercules.

§. 7. Image-Worship began from Belus in Babel, &c. Schoolmen shift off this fearful Custom strangely. For seeing the very Workman-ship is forbidden, how can the heart of a wise Christian satisfie it self with the distinction of Douleia, and Latrua, and Hyperdouleia, which can imply but a difference of Worship; and it is most strange, that Learned Men do strain their Wits to defend what Scripture oftentimes expresly forbids, and Curses the practicers. And where they say, the Prophets condemn Heathen Idols only, it is manifest Moses spake of the Living God, saying, You saw no Image when the Lord spake to you in Horeb. Basil forbids us to imagine any Form of God, lest we limit him in our Minds; what Presumption then is it, to put him under the Greasy Pensil of a Painter, or the rusty Tool of a Carver? Rome for 170 Years by Numa's Law, held it impiety, till Tarquin, Priscas, and Varro, condemned it, as Augustin shews: So Seneca, Sybil, Sophocles. And though Papists say, that Heathen Images are instead of Letters; yet as Heathen Pictures proved notorious Idols, so those Stocks, Stones, &c. called Pictures of Christ, our Lady, &c. were by the Ignorant, not only Worshipped, but thought to live. It is safest then for Christians to believe Gods Commandments directly against Images, and that which the Prophets and St. Paul speak plainly and convincingly.

§. 8. Ninus the first Idolater, an Invader of others, and publick Adulterer: Of whom nothing is certain which is written; for Berosus who chiefly followed him in the Assyrian Succession from Nimrod to Ascalodius, in the days of Ioshua, is disproved by many Ctesias, who lived with Cyrus the Younger, a gross flatterer of Princes, speaks of incredible numbers in Ninus and Semiramis's Wars. He, with the help of Aricus King of Arabia, subdued Syria, Barzanes of Armenia, and Zoroaster of Bactria, at his second Expedition, by the Valour of Semiramis, whom he took from Menon her Husband, who for Grief drowned himself.

CHAP. XI. Of Ninus, Semiramis, and Belus.

§. 1. NINVS finished Ninive, as Semiramis did Babel, began by Nimrod: Ninive, Four Hundred Forty Furlongs in Circuit, the Wall an Hundred Foot high, and had One Thousand Five Hundred Towers; yet Semiramis exceeded him in Babylon.

§. 2. Ninus Dyed after 52 Years Reign, Anno Mundi 2019. Plutarch Reports he gave Semiramis one days absolute Rule, as she desired; in which she commanded his Death. She, saith Iustin, was so like Ninias her Son, as that she took upon her to Personate him; but it is highly improbable, considering she Reigned 42 Years, and used her own Name.

§. 3. Semiramis, as to her Parentage and Education is variously Reported, but not determined by any Author.

§. 4. Her Indian Expedition, if Ctesias were worthy of Credit, would yet burthen any Mans faith to believe she had Three Millions of Foot, One of Horse, Two Hundred Thousand Charets and Camels Mounted. All which Power perished with her, by the hand of Stenobates.

§. 5. Belus's Temple Built by her Four Square, a Mile high by Eight Ascents, each a Furlong high, and of lesser Circuits, on whose top the Chaldean Priests observed the Stars. Many take the Ruins of it, made by Xerxes, for Nimrod's Tower, &c. See Pyramids of Egypt.

THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. BOOK II. Part I. FROM Abraham's Birth, to the Destruction of Solomon's Temple, which was, 1525 Years.

CHAP. I. Of the time of Abraham's Birth, and Order of the Assyrian Empire.

NINEAS, or Zameis, succeeded Semiramis in the Empire; altogether Effeminate and unlike to Conquer Bactria, as Berosus reports, contrary to Diodorus, Iustinus, Orosius, and all others. He changed Governours Yearly out of Jealousie of them.

Arrius succeeded, whom Suidas calls T • uras: He only reduced the Revolted Bactrians. Aralius succeeded, sumptuous in Jewels, and the Inventer of some Warlike Engines. Baleus Xerxes succeeded. The Date and Term of these Assyrian Kings Reigns, are best found out by the times of Abraham, and his Posterity, set down by Scriptures, which are only void of Errors, whereto all other Writings are subject: No marvel then, if in the Ancient Affairs, History want assurance, said Plutarch.

Abraham's Birth Year is therefore forc't to be ascertained; all agree it was in the 43d of Ninus; but the Disagreement between Chronologers is about the Year after the Flood, in which he was Born. Archilochus de Temporibus in Annius, maketh but 250 Years from the Flood to Ninus, whereto add 43, which make 293 Years at Abraham's Birth: Others do accompt 352 from the Flood to Abraham. In this Labyrinth and unresolved Question, I chuse rather the scandal of Novelty, than sluggishly to proceed in that easie way of Ancient mistaking, seeing to be Learned in many Errours, or to be ignorant in all things, hath little advantage of each other.

§. 2. Arguments for the First Date of 293. §. First, they Argue from Scripture. Secondly, from Authority of Iosephus, Augustine, Beda, Isidore, and others. First, The Scripture is Gen. 11.26. when Abraham is first Named the Worthiest, and Son of the Promise; therefore First-born. Secondly, Moses respected, the History of Abraham, not Nahor. Thirdly, If Abraham were not the First-born, his Birth is uncertain. Fourthly, Unprobable; Terah had a Child at 130 Years of Age.

§. 3. Answer to the Objections. §. Leaving what Divines have Answered; to scan this Question, we are to consider, whether Abraham made two Journies from Charran unto Canaan; the former before; the latter after his Fathers Death, as some conceive upon what is said, Heb. 11.3. Against this fancy. Martyr Stephen Witnesseth, that God brought him into the Land after his Father was Dead. This can be no other than that of which Moses writ, Gen. 12. as Beza proveth on Act. 7.2. &c. For as Stephen had none of whom to Learn the Story of Abraham's Life, but Moses; so he would not give so great a scandal to the Iews, therein to disagree with Moses.

Secondly, Consider the Journey from Charran to Canaan, distant Three Hundred English Miles, unknown to him, and tedious, over Mountains and Desarts, which he must pass three times in two Journies, and so make Nine Hundred Miles; besides his Travel from Vr to Charran, as much more. And consider the Train Abraham had with him, Gen. 12.5. which shew no inclinations of returning to Dwell at Charran, till his Fathers Death, as 'tis plain, Act. 7.4. when also by their account, Abraham must be about 135 Years Old, and Isaac also must be about 35: When he might well have Married him, and not send 5 Years after thereabout on such a Journey: Neither can this Opinion agree with that which Abraham's Servant Reported to Laban, touching his Master, which he could not be ignorant of, if he had been so lately there; Moses hath carefully set down all Abraham's Journies, most of them of less importance than this; neither can any reason be given, why Abraham did return this second time to Charran, but only to support their Opinions.

§. 4. To the Objection of Terah's Age un • it for a Child, as Abraham was at One Hundred, Gen. 18 11. it is hardly worth answering; but if they consider Sarah's, the wonder was in her own disability, not Abraham's, who had divers Sons 37 Years after; yea many Ages after, that Boaz, Obed, and Iesse, Begat Sons at 200 Years, or there about.

§. 5. To the Objection of making Abraham's Age uncertain, and so the succeeding Times: I Answer, Abraham's Age is as certain as any other from his Father's death, as if his Birth had been dated. For as St. Stephen tells us, his departure followed his Father's death, so Moses recordeth his Age to be 75 Years, and his Father's 205 at his Death. To the Objection, that Moses respected not Nahor and Haran, to set out their Age, as he did Abraham's; I Answer, There were great Reasons to respect them also, considering the Church of God was to spring out of them by Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob's Marrying with them. And though they had Worshipped strange God's, as Terah himself, Ios. 24. Yet after Abraham's being called, their willing departure with him from their Country and ordinary reverend Speeches of Iehova, prove they were no Infidels, and without Faith, Gen. 24.31, 50. I dare not therefore pronounce them out of the Church, who, I am sure were in the Faith.

§. 6. Abraham's being first named, proveth him not the Eldest: §. If in Scripture it appear not that God made especial choice of the First-born, as it is in Seth, Isaac, Iacob, Iuda, David, &c. the being first named can prove no Birth-right. Shem is first named among the Sons of Noah, whereof, said Augustine, Order of Nativity is not here respected, but signification of future Dignities, in Gen. 25. And he rather judged Abraham the Youngest of the Three. Piety, saith he, or rather Divine Election, which draweth with it Piety and the Fear of God, gave precedence to Shem among the Sons of Noah, and to Abraham among the Sons of Terah.

Again, Moses testifies Abraham was 75 Years old when he left Charran: Stephen saith it was after Terah's death; at 83, he rescued Lot; at 86, Ismael was born; and Isaac at 100, and all in Canaan. But if he begat Abraham at 70, Abraham must be 135 Years old when he entred Canaan, &c. Moreover, by this Accompt, Isaac must be 35 years Old, and Ismael 49. at Terah's death, and Born in Mesopotamia, contrary to Scripture. Thirdly, by this reckoning, Terah should be but 145 Years Old at his Death, when Abraham was 75. Fourthly, Sarah being within Ten Years of Abraham her Unkle, Haran her Father being his younger Brother, must beget her at Nine Years Old, which Reason Lyra useth. The like Reason is taken from the Age of Lot, the Son of Haran, called an Old Man at Abrahams's Eighty third year.

§. 7. The Conclusion, noting the Authors on both sides. §. It agreeth with Scripture, Nature, Time, and Reason, that Haran was Terah's Eldest Son. Augustin was herein uncertain, and what he saith in his City of God, lib. 16.15. is answered in his 52d Question on Gen. And as he follow'd Iosephus, so Isidore and Beda follow him. The Hebrews, and generally the Romanists following the first Opinion, allow but 292 Years from the Flood to Abraham. But Theodoret and divers later, Beroald, Codornan, Beucer, Calvin, Beza, Iunius, &c. hold Abraham begotten in the 130th. Year of Terah. Scaliger, Seth, Calvisius, &c. to the contrary, call it Heresy in Chronology; Bucholcreus, Chitreus, Functius, and others, follow them; yet Torniellus in his Annals confutes them. But if we advisedly consider the state of the World in Abraham's days, we shall rather increase the time from the Flood to Abraham, as the Septuagint did to 1072; than shorten it to 292: For such paring of Time to the quick, draws the Blood of the Story, if Scripture's Testimony were not supreme. Seeing then we know the World was so peopled, and Kingdoms so furnished with Cities of State and Strength, more time is required for it than many imagine, &c.

§. 8. The Assyrians Times order'd by Abraham's History. §. Thus Abraham's Birth being 352 Years after the Flood, and so the 2009th Year of the World, bringeth Ninus's 43 to the same date of the 352 Years, we must consider what probably was spent before the coming to Shinar, admitting Chus were born the Year after the Flood. His youngest Son Nimrod, Founder of the Empire, born after Dedan Son of Raamah, the fourth Son of Chus, could not, according to the ordinary course of those Times, be esteemed Born, 'till 65 Years after Chus, allowing 30 Years to Chus, before his first Son, and 30 Years to Raama, Father of Dedan, born before Nimrod, and 5 Years for his five Elder Brethren. Allow 60 Years after for two Generations before their setting forth before Shinar, and six Years for their Travail with Wives, Children, and Cattel out of the East, through over-grown Countries and Mountains. Thus 131 Years are spent before Babel is taken in hand; the 221 Years which remain of 352, are divided, to Ninus 42 before Abraham's Birth, 65 to Belus, and 114 to Nimrod, yet this maketh Nimrod in all, not above 180 Years old, which was not much for that Generation, Gen. 11.3. in which they lived; yea, 400 Years. Ninus lived 9 Years after, and Semiramis suceeded 42 Years, when Abraham was 52 Years old. Ninias, or Zameis succeeded 38; in whose 23d Year, Abraham at 75 years old, came to Canaan; and 10 years after, Abraham over-threw Amraphel King of Shinar, which may seem to have been Ninias, in whose 33d year it happen'd; though the Reasons to the contrary are not easily answer'd.

§. 9. Amraphel, King of Shinar, probably, was Ninias. §. Ninias was King of Babylon at that time, in the 85th year of Abraham. It is objected, that Chedorlaomer was greater now than Amraphel, who therefore was not like to be Ninias. To this it may be answered, under Ninias, the Babylonian Command was fallen, and the Persian his Neighbour King of Elam was enlarged.

§. 10. Arioch King of Ellassar. §. This Country can neither be Pontus nor Hellespontus, as some think; being so far out of the way to be drawn by the Persian; who little needed to seek such aid against such petty Kings, which had not in all, so much ground as Middlesex; of which sort Canaan had 33 destroyed by Ioshua. And the whole Country these four Kings subdued, was no more than the two little Provinces of Traconitis or Basan; and the Region of the Moabites. Stephanus, a Grecian Cosmographer de Vrbibus, findeth Ellas in the Border of Coelosyria; and Hierom calls it the City of Arioch. This City was also in the Borders of Arabia, of which Arioch indeed was King, and Confederate with the Assyrian Kings, as in Ninus's Life, &c.

§. 11. Tidal King of Nations. §. There were divers petty Kingdoms adjoining to Phoenicia and Palestine, as Palmirenia, Batanea, Laodicene, Apamena, Chalcidice, Cassiotis, Chalibonitis, having Mesopotamia on the North, and Arabia on the East. It is probable these were joined together under Tidal.

§. 12. Chedorlaomer the chief of the Four. §. He was not King of Assur, and the other three Vice-Roys, as Pererius judgeth; for Moses never useth Elam for Assyria or Babylon. Neither do I believe the Assyrian or Babylonian Kingdoms were very large at this time. 1. From Example; Things hastily set up with violence, last not, as Alexander's Conquests, and Tamberlain's, whose Empires dyed with them; neither had they time to review what they had done, God adjoining short life to asswage Fury; and Nature cares least for what she doth in hast. Ninus persued boundless Dominion with Violence; Semiramis exceeded him, &c. 2. Ninias having changed Nature and Condition with his Mother, preferring Pleasure and Ease before Honour and Greatness; as he indured his Mother's Reign, so wanted he Spirit to maintain what she left him, against Neighbouring Princes, whose Wounds and Wrongs from his Parents, put them in mind to cure the one, and revenge the other. 2 And it was God's will, when he would impose that long and tedious Journey upon Abraham, that the Countreys should be in Peace, through which he wandred; to which end those Millions of Warriours and Engins perished with Semiramis, to make the Recovery of lost Liberty the more easy. Lastly, Histories report, that Arrius, who succeeded Ninias, recovered Bactria, and Caspia, and Baleus or Xerxes reduced the rest, even to Egypt; which argueth their former Revolt.

§. 13. Consent of Writers almost forceth us to think as I have delivered, touching the Four Kings; yet if we take them rather for Four petty Kings, which in that sluggish Reign of Ninias had gathered Colonies out of those Four Countries, and Planted themselves elsewhere, we shall remove some difficulties. For if Chedorlaomer were King of Persia it self beyond Babylon, what a Journey were it to come so far and gather such Forces which must pass so great Countries as Assyria, Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Syria, and part of Arabia, to Conquer five small Cities, and leave all the rest of Canaan; yea, to come in Person, and that the second time. But the Scripture maketh this Invasion no great matter, but as matching four Kings to five, as if the five were not so unequally matched, though petty Kings, as of necessity they had been, if these four had been absolute Kings of the Kingdoms, whose Names they bear. If then the former Conjectures cannot agree to the Text, to the Authority whereof, all Human Reason must subscribe, let the received Opinion stand, that Amraphel was Ninias, who was become inferiour to Chedorlaomer of Persia. From the Assyrian, the History of Abraham, leadeth us to the Egyptian Kingdom, then also flourishing.

CHAP. II. Of the Kings of Egypt, from Cham to the Delivery of the Israelites.

THE Kings of Egypt, 'till Israel's Deliverance; and the causes of the uncertainty of the History. §. Cham, after Babel's Confusion, having known Egypt's Fertility, Planted it Anno 191 after the Flood. Osiris succeeded Anno 352. Typhon, or Hercules, Anno 603. Orus, 620. Sesostris the Great, 735. Sesostris the Blind, 786. Busiris, or Oris 2d. Anno 782. Acenchere, or Thermutis, or Meris, 820. Rathoris 832. Chenchrese 841, drowned. Augustin, a diligent searcher of Antiquities, omitted the Succession of Egyptian Kings, finding no certainty of them, through the Ambition of their Priests, who, to magnify the Antiquities, which they only kept, filled the Records with Romances and Names of Kings, which never Reigned. Other good Authors were overcredulous of what they found so Recorded, Published the same in their own Names. Of these, Annius finding some Fragments, and adding what he would, is no farther to be Credited, than where approved Writers Confirm his Assertion. Herein the Old Christian Writers follow Eusebius; but the Modern, Annius and Prophane Authors; follow Diodorus, Herodotus, &c.

§. 2. Cham began his Reign in Egypt, after the Flood, Anno 191. §. This is gathered from the Dyanasties of Egypt, whose 16th began in the 43d. year of Ninus: The 12 first under their 12 great Gods, lasted 84 Years, seven a-piece; the 13 indured 14 years; the 14 lasted 26; the fifteen was 37, which three last were under three younger Gods: All the 75 added together, make 161 years; which being deducted out of 352, the remainder is 191, the beginning of Government there, after Cham's arrival. The same also is probable from their coming to Babel, which being after the Flood, Anno 131, and Forty years, according to Glicas, spent in Building, we can allow no less than Twenty years, for the slow passing such a Company through such a difficult long way; which Sums being added, make up 191 years, when the first Dynasty began; for to begin them sooner, were either to plant Egypt as soon as Babel, or with Mercator, to make them before the Flood; which their number, exceeding the number of those long-liv'd Fathers, will not admit.

§. 3. The Dynasties of Egypt were not absolute Kings, but Vice-Roys under Kings. §. The probability of this will appear by the custom of Kings governing by Great Men, as of old, the Kings of France, by the Master of the Palace; the Turk by a Grand Visier; the Philistin Kings which came out of Egypt, had a Captain, as Abimelek had Phicol; the Kings of Israel, as Saul had Abner; David had Ioab. And Cham's lend disposition to follow Pleasure, might breed the Custom, which continued even to the days of Ioseph, advanced to the place by Pharaoh; from which Example, William Arch Bishop of Tyre affirms the same Form of Government continued in Egypt in his days, when the Sultans govern'd under the Calif, as Lieutenants under a King. How these Dynasties succeeded, and how long they continued, is uncertain.

§. 4. Cham. and Mizraim or Oris. §. Of Cham the Scripture calls that Country the Land of Ham, not for being Peopled by his Sons, for so were other Countries, which yet are never so called, but for that himself planted it. Osiris called himself the Eldest Son of Saturn, as in Diodorus, lib. 1. which Saturn of Egypt, was Grand-father of Ninus; as in his Monument. Of Cham came the Temple of Hammon near Egypt: And in Ierom's days the Egyptians called their Country Ham; so Ortelius saith out of Plutarch, that Egypt was called Chemia. That Cham reigned 161 years, is not improbable, considering Sem his Brother lived 600 years. Mizraim or Osiris, according to Diodor, succeeded, of whom the Land also took its Name, and by the Natives, is yet called Mezre, as Reineccius sheweth. How long he Reigned, is hard to determine; but that he began at Abraham's Birth is probable, when the Dynastie of the Thebaei, began according to Eusebius.

§. 5. Osiris Reign is guessed at by his Son Lebabim, or Hercules Lybeus his Warring with Typhon, and the Giants, his Associates in Revenging his Fathers Death. His Egyptian Wars he ended, and begun his Italian, in the 41 Year of Baleus King of Assyria, according to Berosus, when he left the Kingdom to his Brother Orus. To this Egyptian, and many other Wars before his Italian, Krentzhemius alloweth but 6 Years, which draweth Osiris Death to the 34th Year of Belus, and so makes him Reign 297 Years, and so should end 7 Years after Israel came into Egypt. This cannot be, for the King under whom Israel came, out-lived Iacob, and had Reigned from before Ioseph's standing before Pharaoh; yea, we may give 13 Years more of Ioseph's Bondage to him. This King then could not be Osiris, who lived not so long as Iacob; nor Typhon, nor Hercules; but Orus, Son of Osiris, advanced by Hercules.

§. 6. Typhon, and Hercules, their Reigns are not distinctly defined; only Orus, is placed 7 Years after Osiris by Krentzhemius, and whose Reign seemeth to last 115 Years, and from whose Death, to the Israelites Departure are 122 Years.

Sesostris, or Sesonchosis, succeeded according to Scholiast. Apollonii: He was a great Conquerour in Asia, even into India, and Europe: Whom Iustin erroniously maketh Vexoris, saith Reineccius, some Ages after Ninus. This Sesostris, some think is Besak, but it is not so, as divers differences in setting out their Wars do manifest. Whereas after Orus, Menas is Reported by Herodotus and Diodorus. Reineccius noteth that Osiris was so called by way of Dignity. Krentzhemius probably gathers that Menas was Mercurius, Ter-maximus, Conquerour, Philosopher, and Benefactor to Mankind, giving good Laws, and teaching profitable Arts to his Conquered People. After 33 Years he fell Blind, as did Pherones his Son, whom 14 Years after Orus, the Second, or Busiris succeeded 75 Years before Israel's Departure out of Egypt.

§. 7. Busiris, or Orus the Second, whom Reineccius judgeth to have been a new Family, (though according to all Mens computation) he began 5 Years after Moses's Birth; yet might he be first Author of the Israelites Misery, Ruling as Vice-Roy under the blind King, whom he might easily draw to that Oppression of Strangers, so to ease the Subjects, and to win their Favour, to promote his Off-spring to the Crown which he attained, and held 30 Years, according to Eusebius. After him Thermutis, Pharaob's Daughter, which took Moses out of the Water, succeeded. Eusebius calls her Acencris, but placeth Amenophis next before Busiris. Herodotus, and Diodorus, call Sesostris Son Pheron; so it may be she was his Daughter, who Marrying Busiris, Reigned after him 12 Years.

§. 8. Rathoris, or Athoris, succeeded his Sister 9 Years; and after him, Chencris, who perished in the Red Sea; and Achencris succeeded 8 Years, and Cherres 15, in whose 15 Years, Epaphus, Son of Teligonus, Rathoris Brother Reigneth, in the lower Egypt, and Built Memphis. Epaphus had Lybia, which had Agenor, Belus, and Busiris. Belus had Ameus, or Danaeus, who Reigned 4 Years after Cherres, and then by Egyptus, or Ramesses, his Brother expelled, who Reigning 68 Years; he had Fifty Sons; Danaeus had Fifty Daughters: He began the Kingdom of Argos in Greece.

CHAP. III. Of Israels Delivery out of Egypt.

§. 1. OF Israel's Captivty, and Moses Birth. §. L. Vives, on Augustin, cites divers Opinions of Moses Birth; but to me it is most Probable, that he was Born while Saphrus, called Spherus, and Ipberus Govern'd Assyria, Orthopolis Cicyonia, and Criasus the Argives, and Sesostris 2d. the Egyptians. For according to Augustin, he led Israel out of Egypt about the end of Cecrops, King of the Athenians; which falls about the 9th Year of Ascatades of Assyria, who Ruled 41. Sparetus, his Predecessor, 40. Mamelus, before him, 30. And Saphrus, 20 before: So that from the 19th of Saphrus, to the 9th of Ascatades, which was the 46th of Cecrops, are 80 Years, which was Moses Age when he brought Israel out of Egypt. There being then 64 Years between Iosephs' Death and Moses's Birth, the Israelites Oppression seemeth to begin some 8 or 9 Years before Ioseph Dyed, Anno Mundi 2370. Moses 80th Year of Age was 2514.

§. 2. Of the Cities of Egypt mentioned in Scripture. §. Zoan, Num. 13.23. called Taphnus, Ier. 2.43. &c. Ezek. 30. The Septuagint calls it Tanis, &c. This was near Gosen, and chief City of the lower Egypt. On, or Heliopolis, in the South of the lower Egypt, Gen. 41.45. after Iunius: Here Onias Built a Temple for the Jews under Ptolomy Philopater, which stood till Vespasian's time. Noph the City, Esa. 19.13. Hos. 9.6. is called Mopb, or Memphis; by the Septuagint, Pelusium, which the Septuagint calls Sois. Montanus Lebna, Iunius Sin. Belbeis after, now the Septuagint calls Diospolis, and was afterwards called Alexandrina, by Ierom.

Moses's Preservation and Education. §. Pharao • having by Oppression discontented the Israelites, and then doubting what a Poor Oppressed Multitude might be provoked to, by suggestion of the Devil, resolved the Slaughter of the Male Children in their Birth, giving Order to all their Midwives, by Two of the Chief of them. But being by their Piety disappointed, he Commanded all his People to perform his Bloody Decree, which yet his Beloved Daughter finding Moses in an Ark of Reeds in Nilus, was so far from Executing, that she took him out of the Water, and gave him Princely Education, as her own: Whose Excellent Learning testified by P • ilo and Iosephus, Martyr Stephen Confirmeth.

Leaving Iosephus's Fancy of Moses Besieging Saba of Ethiopia, which he won by the means of the Kings Daughter, whom he Married, &c. Moses in Rescuing an Israelite, having slain an Egyptian, fled into Arabia Petrea, in whose Mountainous Desarts, apart from the Glory of the World, the Glory of God covered him over, being from an Honourable, Adopted Son of a Kings Daughter, turned into the Condition of an humbe Shepherd. In this Country, lying between Iudea and Egypt, he lived 40 Years skilful in the ways of the Wilderness, through which he was to lead Israel; and by exercise in a Pastoral Life, he was prepared to Principality, and perfected his Learning gotten in Egypt, by Meditation in the Wilderness. From Government of gentle Cattel, Kings are called Shepherds, to teach them to rule Men. Moses being called back into Egypt, is Taught a Name, by which he Describes God to the Hebrews, setting out his ever only Being; there being nothing, • that hath being of it self but that Eternal One, of whose being all other things are but shadows. Of all the Ten Plagues, the last only brought that Tyrant Pharaoh, to an absolute submission, when he began to fear his own Life. The Paschal Lamb was a Sacrament of our spotless Saviour.

§. 3. Pharaoh seeing the Israelites departure, with the Spoil also of the Egyptians, bethought himself, and pursuing them with all his Power, Exod. 14.7. over-took them after Three Days March. And though Moses knew he went out with the mighty Hand of God, yet he neglected nothing, becoming a Wise Man and a Valiant Conductor. So he removed from Ramases in Goshen, whither the dispersed Hebrews were gathered as to their Rendezvous, and Marched Eastward toward Etham, and Encamped at Succoth, the Fifteenth Day of Abib, which thenceforth was accounted the first Month of their Year, for Religious Occasions, leaving another for Politick, which they distinguish from Sacred, in Recording things Transacted.

§. 4. Israel passing from Succoth, kept Mountainous, rough Ground on his left-hand to Etham, that Pharaoh's Chariots should not compass him. From Etham, the next day he Marched South Eight Miles, and on the Third day he came to Pihachoroth, between the Mountains of Etham, on the North, and Baalzephon on the South, and Encamped upon the wash of the Sea.

§. 5. Moses, who feared nothing but God himself, comforting the fearful Multitude, Exod. 14.13. called on God; and putting in practice his Direction, safely passed over the Foord which the Lord had made, and left their stupified Enemies to the merciless Waves, which returned upon them. This Sea, called Chencrese, in which Pharaoh Perished the 16th Year of his Reign, is commonly called the Red Sea, though of the Colour of other Waters. It seemeth to me, that Name grew from the Clifts, Sands, Islands, and much of the Bordering Continent, which being Red, by reflection makes the Water seem Red also. The Greeks call it the Erythrean Sea, of King Erythreus; and for that Erythros signifies Red, some think it was so called. The Portugals Report that store of red Stones are found in it, on which, store of Red Coral groweth. At Pihachoroth, which is from Ramases, not above Thirty Miles, the Sea is about Four Miles broad to Arabia, where Moses passed over, and not at Elana: For that part of Egypt which is opposite to Elana, is from Ramases Eighty Miles, which Moses with his Multitude, unfit for such Marches, could not pass in three days.

§. 6. This Passage proved Miraculous; and not an Ebb, as the Egyptians, and other Heathens object; for had it been an Ebb, all that part from Sues at the end of the Sea, unto the place of Moses's passage, and further, which exceeded Ten Miles, must have been dry, and so have served Pharaoh, and his Men to have fled from the flowing of the Water. Neither could an East Wind make an extraordinary Ebb, seeing that Sea lyeth North, and South. And why should Moses, whom they Honoured as a great Captain against the Ethiopians; leave this passage over the Mountains, and venture a Foord upon an Ebb, which he knew not whether Pharoah would prevent him of? And who will think, that the Egyptians were so ignorant of their own Sea and Havens, as to be overtaken in the Ebbing and flowing thereof? Lastly, If the ordinary flowing had drowned the Egyptians, their Carcases had been carried up to Sues, and cast upon the Arabian Shore, where the Hebrews then lay.

CHAP. IV. The Israelites Iourney from the Red Sea to Sinai.

§. 1. MOSES having recovered the Arabian Banks, proceeded to the Desart of Arabia Petraea, called Sur: And from thence for want of Water came to Merah in Etham Desart, which is also called Sur, Exod. 15.22. from the Sea Twenty Five Miles; where he made the bitter Waters sweet, by casting Branches of a Tree therein: A plain Type of our Saviour, who upon the Cross changed the Bitterness of everlasting Death, into the sweetness of Eternal Life. From thence he removed to Elim; which by all probability, was a City, it being so well watered; of whose Ruins William Tyre Reports, In Bello Sacro. From thence he returned to the Sea, and so to the Desart of Zin; then to Daphca, and next to Alus, and so to Raphidim.

§. 2. Of the Amalekites, Midianites, and Kenites, and of Jethro. §. The Amalekites at Raphidim, setting upon the Israelites, were overthrown by the Efficacy of Moses's Prayers, which were more prevalent than all the resistance of the Bodies of Men. Here Iethro, Moses Father in Law, came to him, with his Wise, and Sons. He was a Kenite, Iudg. 4.11, 17. which was a Nation of the Midianites, which came of Midian, a Son of Abraham, by Keturah, 1 Sam. 15. with Gen. 25. There were others also which bare the same Names, like to spring from Chus. Gen. 15.19. As for the Midianites which came from Midian, the Son of Abraham, they were divided into Five Families, Gen. 25.4. of which some were Planted near the Red Sea, with whom Moses matched himself, as not corrupted with Idolatry: Others corrupted with the Idolatry of the Canaanites, joined with them, and lived near the River Zered, tributary to the Amorites, and after their overthrow joyned with Moab, and were destroyed by Moses for their Practices against Israel, Num. 22.31. Ios. 13.21.

§. 3. When the Law was given. §. The Twelve Tribes of Israel were in the Wilderness of Sinai, near the Mountain of Sinai, or Horeb, which are the same, Exod. 3.1. and 24.16. though parted in the top in two, of which Sinai is highest; but Horeb sendeth a fair Spring into the Valley, where now stand two Monasteries, furnished with pleasant Gardens of Fruits and Wine.P. Belonius. It was like to be so in Moses's days, who continued thereabout almost a Year, where he had Water, Exod. 32.20. Hither being arrived about the Forty Fifth Day, the First Year, he received the Law the Fifthieth Day, and removed the Twentieth Day of the Second Month of the Second Year.

CHAP. V. The Story from Receiving the Law, to the Death of Moses.

§. 1. MOSES having Received and Published the Law, and finished the Tabernacle of the Ark, he Mustered the Tribes, to see what number of Men were therein, from 20 Years Old and upward; over whom, by the Lords direction, he placed Leaders, the most Eminent Men in every Tribe. The whole Army was 603550 able Men for War, &c. and was divided into 4 Battalions, of which each contained Three Tribes. The first containing 186400, consisted of Three Regiments. Iuda, 746000, Issachar, 54400, Zabulo • , 574 • 0, all under the Standard of Iuda, who held the Vaungard, Marched first, and Quartered at the general Incamping on the East side of the Army, as in the chief place. The Second, containing 151450, consisted of Reuben the Leader, and Simeon and Gad. The Third, containing 108100 under Ephriam, whom Manasse and Benjamin followed. The Fourth containing 157600, Led by Dan, and followed by Naphtali, and Asher.

Besides the Twelve Princes of the Twelve Tribes, they had Captains over Thousands, over Hundreds, over Fifties, and over Tens, as appears by the Insurrection against Moses.

In the midst of these Four Armies, was the Tabernacle, or Portable Temple, carried, surrounded by the Levites; to the service whereof Twenty Two Thousand Persons were Dedicated, of which Eight Thousand Five Hundred and Eighty had peculiar Charge. All these Incamped within the general Armies, next the Tabernacle in Four Quarters. Moses Reverend care about the least part of the Tabernacle, did Witness his inward humble Zeal to God. The industry in Framing, curiosity in Working, charge in Provision, observance in Preserving, Solemnity in removing, &c. all Ages have in some sort imitated; yet our Age hath bred up many Familists, Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries, which esteem all Cost bestowed upon the Church wherein God is Worshipped, to be a kind of Popery, &c.

§. 2. The Offering of the Twelve Princes, the Passover, and Jethro's Departure. §. The Twelve Princes Offered Six covered Chariots, and Twelve Oxen for carrying the Tabernacle, which were delivered to the Sons of Gershom, and Merari: As for the Sanctuary, the Koathites bare it on their Shoulders, when it was taken down: Each of the Princes also offered a a Charger, and a Bowl of Silver, and an Incense Cup of Gold; the weight was after the Shekel of the Sanctuary, which contained Twenty Gerahs, every Gerah worth Three-half-pence, Sterling; after which rate all the Plate came to Four Hundred and Twenty Pound Sterling. The common Shekel was but Ten Gerahs. This done, the Passover was Celebrated the Fourteenth of the Second Year, and upon the Twentieth, the Host removed from Sinai to Paran, Marching in their prescribed Order. At this time, Iethro the Father in Law to Moses, called also Hobab, left Moses and returned to Midian; but it seemeth either he, after setting his Country in Order, or his Children, returned and became incorporate with Israel.

§. 3. Israel's Iourney from Horeb to Kades. §. In this Journey they murmured for Flesh, and were fed with Quails, even to a Surfeit, of which great numbers Dyed. Then after the First Month, they came to H • zaroth, where Miriam was smitten with Leprosie; and so to Rithma, near Kades Barnea, whence the Spies were sent; upon whose Return they mutined the Tenth time, which being more Rebellious than all the rest, God punished it accordingly, extinguishing every one of those Seditions, even the whole Multitude that came out of Egypt, Two only Excepted▪ And though the mildest of all Men was earnest with God for their Pardon, yet not one escaped. He spared them Forty Years, till their Children were grown up and Multiplyed; that in them he might perform his Promise, which was never frustrated.

§. 4▪ Of their Return, and unwillingness thereto, &c. §. Moses having related the Commandment of God, touching their Return back toward the Red Sea, they bewailed their Folly too late; and as it is with Men whom God leaveth to themselves, they wou'd needs amend their former Passionate Murmuring, with a second desperate Contempt. For now, when God forbids with Threats, they will desperately venture their own Destruction, and were repelled, and with Slaughter forced to take their way back to the Sea, as God Commanded, and came to Remmoparez, &c. Their Twenty Fourth Mansion was at Pharez, where began the dangerous Insurrection of • orah; for which Offence, and Contempt of God, and his Ministers, as 14700 Perished suddenly by Pestilence, and 250 by Fire; so those Lay-Men, who would Usurp Ecclesiastical Authority, were suddenly swallowed up alive of the Earth. Form thence the 30th Mansion was at Ietabata, where Adrichomius maketh a River which runneth into the Sea, between Midian and Aziongaber. Now though it be Probable there was store of Fresh-water at Aziongaber, where Solomon furnished his Fleets for East-India: And though Herodotus mention a great River in Arabia the Stony, which he calls Corys; yet is Adrichom deceived in this, as in many other things. For it was at Punon that those Springs are spoken of, which in Deut. 10.7. is also called Ietabata, a Land of running Waters, which by probability falls into the River Zared, next adjoyning; whereas that way is very long to Aziongaber. Besides, Belonius reports of divers Torrents of Fresh-waters, in those Sandy parts of Arabia, which running a few Miles, are drunk up in the Sands. From Ietabata, they came to Hebrona, and after Aziongaber, called Beronice by Iosephus, and Essia by Ierom, which as yet, was not in the command of Edom, as after in Solomon's days.

§. 5. From Aziongaber they removed to Zin, Kades or Beeroth, where Miriam dyed. Then they came to Mount Hor, where they murmured for Water, and where Aaron dyed, and Eleazer his Son succeeded.

§. 6. Israel leaving the way by Edom, after they had compassed the South, they turned to the North, toward the Wilderness of Moab, leaving E •• o • ▪ the West. When Arad, King of the S •• th-C •• •• anites, thinking they would come by him while 〈◊〉 lay at Hor; having had his Forces ready upon h • Borders, made out into the Desart, before Israel was removed, and set upon such part of the Army as lay for his Advantage, and took some Prisoners. It is probable, that either this Arad, or his Predecessor, had joined before with Amalek, and worsting those Mutineers, were thereupon incouraged to this Attempt. As for the Overthrow which is reported, Num. 21. to be given them by Israel, it is rather to be understood of what was done after by Iosua, than now by Moses. For had Moses given them this Overthrow and destroyed their Cities, he would never have left the South of Canaan, once entred by him, to wander about Edom and Moab, and to seek a new Passage: Neither could Israel have cause to Murmur the next day for Bread: Or been weary of the Way, if they had so lately taken the Spoil of Arad's Cities. Yea, they would rather have mutined against Moses, for leaving such an Entrance into the intended Conquest; and to lead them back into the Desarts, which had consumed them. They murmured presently upon their leaving Hor, when they came to Phunon, crossing the way to Aziongaber through Moab to Coelosyria; and here the Brazen Serpent was erected. From thence they proceeded, as in the Holy Story, and so came to Diblathaim; Whence Moses sent to Sehon King of the Amorites, to desire a Passage through his Country, which he denyed.

§. 7. Of the Book of the Lord's Battels, and other lost Books. §. Iunius understanding thereby, no special Book; and Vatablus doubts. Siracides refers it to Ioshua, who fought the Lord's Battles, cap. 46. But it seemeth probable there was such a Book lost, as many others, whereto reference is often made, as Ios. 10.13. and 2 Sam. 1.18. and 2 Chron. 33.18. and 2 Chron. 9.29. and 12.15. and 20.34. 1 Kings 4.32, 33. Enoch's Books, &c.

§. 8. Of Moses sparing Lot's Issue. §. Moab at this time inhabited the South of Arnon, having lost the better side, which the Amorites won from Vatablus the Predecessor of Balac. What therefore Moses found in the Possession of Moab, as also of Ammon, he might not attempt; but what the Amorites had taken from them. The Emims and Zamzummims, Giantly Nations, had formerly dwelt there, as the Anakims in Canaan; but Moab and Ammon destroyed them. Sihon proud of his Conquest against Moab, presumed against Israel, and lost All. Og King of Basan, or Traconitis, an Amorite, was also destroyed, and his Sixty Walled Towns taken by Iaer, a Son of Manasses.

§. 9. The Midianites with the Moabites practise against Israel, and draw them to Idolatry; for which God destroyed 24000 with the Pestilence. The third time of numbring of the People, who are found to be 601730, of which 12000 are sent against the Midianites, who slew there Five petty Kings, and destroyed their Cities; after this, Moses having divided his Conquest, and blessed the Twelve Tribes, dyed.

§. 10. Observations out of Moses's Story, touching God's Providence, working his own purposes ordinarily by Mens affections. Pharaoh's Fears bred his ungodly Policies and salvage Cruelties; by this Moses is cast upon the Compassion of Pharaoh's Daughter, and so provided of Princely Education. Mens Affections cast him into Exile, procured him a Wife, and so a long stay to know the Wilderness, to wean him from Ambition, and so fit him to know God, and to Govern. Thus what Men think most casual, God ordereth to the Effecting his own purposes many Years after.

CHAP. VI. Of the Bordering Nations: Of other Renowned Men; and of Joshua's Acts.

§. 1. HOW the Bordering Nations were prepared to be Enemies to Israel. §. Though the Ismaelites, Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites, descended from Abraham and Isaac, as did the Israelites, and were not molested by them, and therefore they should not have hinder'd their Conquest of Canaan; yet God's all-disposing Providence, had order'd to the contrary, by ordinary means. For first, these Nations having setled there from the beginning, and matched with Canaanites, and fallen to their Idolatry; and having had neighbourly Commerce with them, it could not be, but they should affect them, being also the ancient Inhabitants. Secondly, the Israelites by long abode in Egypt, were become strangers to them, and the less affected for differences in Religion, and feared, for being a Potent, United People; whereas the Canaanites were divided, and therefore not feared of them so much. Thirdly, both Ismalites and Edomites being Carnal People, might resent the Actions of Israel for their old Quarrels between their first Parents; yet none of these directly opposed them in defence of the Canaanites. Only the Amalekites (which are commonly taken to be a Tribe of Edom) offered them violence, See cap. 8. Sect. 3. which was never forgiven.

§. 2. Of the Kings of the Canaanites and Moabites. §. Speaking of the Canaanites, we understand the seven Nations descended from Cham by Canaan; whose proper Habitation was bounded by Iordan on the East, the Mediterranean Sea on the West. Of these, the first we read of, is Hamor the Hittitish Lord in Iacob's days, of the Hittites. Arad is the Second, who is named King of the Canaanites, in the South of Canaan, bordering on Edom and the Red Sea. Sihon King of Heshon, and Og King of Bashan were next; who had driven out the Moabites, and Ammonites out of all the Valley East of Iordan. Adonizedek is the Fifth, with whom Ioshua nameth Four other Kings, all Amorites. Iabin King of Hazor, or which afore-time was head of those Kingdoms, and Iobab King of Madon; then Adonibezek, that Tyrant of Bezek, and Iabin the Second, King of Hazor, Iudg. 4. overthrown by Baras.

The Midianites descended from Abraham, by Midian the Son of Ketura: Some of them dwelt by the Red Sea, where Ragvell, or Revell, called also Iethro and Kenis, was King and Priest; others of them were mixed with the Moabites, and dwelt in Nabothea, on the South-East of the Dead Sea, whose Five Princes are named. There are four others named, slain by the Ephramites and Gideon: Oreb and Zeb, Zeba and Salmunna.

§. 3. Of the Amalekites and Ismaelites. Of Amalek's Original. See cap. 8. Sect. 3. §. Of them and of the Israelites few Kings are named, and though the Ismaelites were more in number, yet in Moses's days, Amalek was more renowned than the rest of the Ismaeliets, as after in the days of Saul, when they were increased so far, that he pursued them from Sur to Havila. It seemeth the Israelites had left the barren Desarts of Arabia Petraea, called Sur, Paran, and Sin, to the Posterity of Ketura, which joined with them, and planted themselves in the better parts thereabout. Nabaioth the Eldest of the Twelve Princes, enjoy'd that fruitful part of Arabia Petraea, which borders on Iudaea on the East; they also peopled a Province of Arabia Felix. Kedar the Second, gave name to the East part of Basan, or Batanea, called Kedarens, or Cedrens. Abbiel the Third, gave Name to Adubenes, near the Mountains, and divideth Arabia Felix from the Desart. The Raabens were of Moshma; which joyns to the Orchen near the Arabian Gulf; by Zagmais Duma, of whom came the Dumeans between the two former, where was the City Dumeth. Massa bred the Massams. Hadar, or Chadar the Athrites in Arabia Felix by the Napatheans. Thema begat the Theminians among the Mountains, where is the City Thema. Ietur, Father of Itureans, or Chamathens, whose King was Tohu, in Davids days. Naphish bred the Nubeans in Syria Zoba, under King Adadezer in David's Days. Cadma, of whom came the Cadmonaeans, or Asitae, Worshipping the Fire, as did the Babylonians. The Amalekites opposed Israel from their coming out of Egypt, joyning with all their Enemies, as with the Canaanites, Moabites, Midianites, and Edumaeans.

§. 4. Prometheus, Atlas, and Pelasgus, flourished in Moses Days. §. Pelasgus was now chosen King of Arcadia, for teaching the Inhabitants to Erect Cottages, and to make Food and Bread of Acorns, who before lived on Roots and Herbs. So long was it before Agriculture and Civilty came into Europe, out of Egypt, and the East. Prometheus, also flourished in this Age of the World: Of whom it was Reported, he formed Men out of Clay, for his framing Men unto Wisdom.Augustine. His stealing Fire from Iupiter, was his skill in the Stars, which with great Study, he got on Caucasus, which occasion'd the Fable of his being bound there, &c. Africanus makes him within 44 Years of Ogyges; Porphyry puts him with Inachus. Atlas, his Brother now flourished, both Sons of Iapetus, who according to Aescu • us had two others, Oceanus, and Hesperus, Famous in the West. There were others of the same Name, but Mount Atlas, South of Marocco, came from him; and both these, of Cepheus, and his Wife. Cicero saith, their Divine Knowledge occasioned those Fables. Atlas skill in Astronomy, produced the Pleiades, and Hyades, Augustine from his Daughters. Some ascribe the finding out the Course of the Moon to him, but others to Archas, of whom Arcadia took Name, who boast they are more Ancient than the Moon, that is, before her Motion and Influence was observed.Natalis Comes. But Isacius Tzetzes, a curious searcher of Antiquity, ascribes it to Atlas of Lybia, of Incomparable Gifts and Strength, of whom Thalis Mirtius had his first Rudiments.

Ducalion, King of Thessaly, was the Son of Prometheus, says Herodotus Apollonius, Hesiod, and Strabo. In his time fell that great Inundation of Thessaly, in which, so few escaped the Vengeance which their exceeding Wickedness had drawn upon them: Only Ducalion and Pyrrha excelling in Virtue, escaped upon his Fathers fore-warning. Phaetons Confiagration happened in Ethiopia, and in Istria, and the Mountain Vesuvius.

§. 6. Mercurius Ter-Mximus, called Hermes of the Greeks, now flourished, excelling all the Heathens in Wisdom. Plato ascribes all invention of Letters to him, whom Philo Biblius calls Tauntus, Egyptians T • oyth, Alexandrians Thot. As for the Conjecture, that a Grecian Mercury carried Letters into Egypt, is improbable, seeing all profane Antiquity acknowledge that Greece had Learning out of Egypt, and Phoenicia: And that Cadmus brought Letters out of Egypt into Greece, which was while Minos was King of Crete. Lyncius, the King of the Argives, who succeeded Danaus, who had Reigned 50 Years, and Stenelus, 10 Years before him, and Crotopus before him, in whose 10 Years Moses Dyed: So much difference of time is between Hermes and Cadmus, his coming into Boetia. Neither did the Two Mercuries of Egypt, mentioned by Augustine, come out of Greece; but Epolemus, and Artapances, ascribe that invention to Moses, who taught it the Hebrews, of whom the Phoenicians had it, and Cadmus from them. Ficinus is deceived, thinking that Mercury, upon whose Book he Commenteth, was Four Descents after Moses: So Ludovicus Vives thinks the Author of those Books, was Grand-child to Mercury TerMaximus. His long life of 300 Years, might give ocsion to some, to find him at one time, to others at another; and they which Collected the grounds of Egyptian Philosophy, make him more Ancient than Moses, being Author of the Egyptian Wisdom, wherein Moses was Learned. True it is, that Hermes Divinity is contrary to Moses, in many things; especially, in approving Linages: But the advised, rather may perceive those Books have been corrupted by the Egyptian Priests; and were they in all things like themselves, it were not unsafe with Eupolemus to say, Hermes was Moses; And that the Egyptian Theology was devised by the more Ancient Hermes, which others judge to be Ioseph. But these are over-curious Opinions: Whoever he was, God knoweth; and Lactantius testifieth this of him. He Writ many Books of Divine things, touching the Majesty of the most High, and one God, calling him by the Name of one God, and Father, as we do, &c. And his acknowledgments of God, are so contrary to Egyptian and Grecian Fictions, that what is found in his Book inclining thereto, was by corruption inserted: For thus he speaketh, God is the Lord and Father of all things; the Fountain, Life, Power, Light, Mind and Spirit, and all things are in, and under him. For his Word which out of himself proceedeth, being most Perfect, Generative, and Operative, made Nature Fruitful and producing. And saith Suidas, he was called Ter-Maximus, for affirming there was one God in Trinity. He fore-saw, saith Ficinus, the Ruin of the Old (or superstitious) Religion, the Birth of the New Faith, the coming of Christ, future Judgment, Resurrection, Glory of the Blessed, and the Punishment of sinners. Lastly, Calcidius the Platonist, and Suidas cited by Volaterius, Report this his Speech, Hitherto, O my Son, being driven out of my Country, I have lived a Stranger and Banished Man; but now I am repairing homeward again in safety: And when after a while being loosed from the Bonds of the Body, I shall depart from you, see you do not bewail me as Dead: For I I do return to that best and Blessed City, whereto all her Citizens by the Condition of Death are come. For there is the only God, the most High and Chief Prince, who replenishing his Citizens with wonderful Sweetness, in regard whereof this, which many call Life, is rather to be called Death. I therefore adjure thee, O Heaven! Thou Wise work of the great God, and thee, O Voice of the Father, which he first uttered when he framed the whole World; I adjure by his only begotten Word and Spirit, comprehending all things, have Mercy upon me.

§. 7. Aesculapius also flourished in this Age, and became the God of Physitians; he was Brother of Hermes, as Vives on Augustin Judged. Iamnes, and Iambres, those notorious Sorcerers that opposed Moses, now lived and made such a Figure, as if Moses and they had used the same Art, as the beholders of common Capacity judged. Though Moses charge them not with familiarity with the Devil, and the Greeks call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Workers by Drugs; yet did they excel in the impious Art, as in dazling Eyes, whom we call Prestigiators in natural Magicks, which is a knowledge to use the Creatures qualities beyond common Judgment, which discern not the best Virtues, that God hath indued them with: This the Cabalist calls the Wisdom of Nature, used by Iacob in the Pied Lambs, as Moses did; that which they call the Wisdom of Divinity in his Miracles. Hereby God made him excell all that ever were; when he shewed himself so often to him, and imployed him in such Services. Moses, is remembred by Profane Authors, Clearchus, Magastenes, and Numenius. The Patriarchs long lives are remembred by Estius, Hyeronimus, Egyptius, Heasteus, Elanicus, Acusilaus, Ephorus and Alexander, the Historian. The deluge by Berosus, Nicen, Damascenus. The Confusion at Babel, by Abidemus, Estieus, Sybil. Abraham was Honoured by Berosus; written of by Hecolaeus; and his Journey into Canaan by Damascen: Eupolemon writ of him, beginning from Babel's Building, to his calling out of Canaan, or Ur in Chaldea. Eusebius collects many which confirm the Books of Moses. Lastly, Worthy is the Testimony of Strabo, saying, Moses taught the Egyptians were mistaken in Attributing to God, the Image of Beasts; and the Africans, and Greeks, Erred greatly, giving their Gods the shape of Men; whereas, that only is God indeed which contains both us, Earth, Sea, the Heaven, the World, and the Nature of all things; whose Image doubtless, no Man will dare to Form to the likeness of any thing. Their rejecting all Images, that worthy Temple and Place of Prayer was to be Erected to him for his Worship without Images.

§. 8. Of Josua, and so to Othoniel, and his Contemporary. §. Iosua entred upon the Government in the First Month, Nisan, or March, the 14th Year of their Egression, in the Reign of Aminias, the Eighteenth King of Assyria. Corax, the Sixteenth. Siciona, Danus of Argives, and Ericthonius of Athens, saith Augustin, de civ. Iosua appointeth Reuben, Gad, and the half Tribe of Manasses unto the Vanguard, to lead the Host till the Land was Conquered, as Iuda had in the Wilderness: So upon the Tenth Day he led them over Iordan, which gave way to them, and Incamped in Gilgal, and Circumcised them; and on the Fourteenth, they Celebrated the Passover the Third time, when the Manna ceased. The Wars and Victories of Iosua, the Miraculous assistance of God, and the Division of the Land are particularly at large set down in God's Book▪ In the whole Story I observed in those Petty Kings, First, want of Wisdom (as it is with Governours forsaken of God) to Unite themselves against a strong and common Enemy, before he had broken divers of them. Secondly, Iosua, though sure of Divine assistance, yet used the uttermost skill of a Wise Leader; As, sometime by Ambuscades, Stratagems, and shew of flying; So by Surprize, and Night-Marches, and by pursuing his Victory. Thirdly, In the Passage between Iosua and the Gibeonites, the Doctrine of keeping Faith, is excellently taught, taking away all perfidious cunning of Equivocating, or crafty distinctions. It is not possible to have a Case affording better Pretence to go off; they were Hivites, of whose Destruction God had given Express Commandment; they Counterfeited in Word and Deed deliberately, to deceive, and lye in the very Point, touching the Persons to be Covenanted with; they were detestable Idolaters; and as long as they lived, were the Memory of Israels Errour, and Iosua's oversight to be so overtaken, and to be a scandal to Israel. Iosua might say, he Covenanted not with the Gibeonites, but with Strangers, and had no Commission, but a former Express Law to the contrary; yea, and the People Mutined about it, &c. All notwithstanding, Iosua durst use no Evasion to start from the Oath of the Lord, wherein he was bound, not to Man so much as to God. It were a great sin to call God to Witness a Lye, and so make him a Deceiver; but we call him to be our Surety: Yea, we call him to Judge, and so make him false in Witnessing, in undertaking our Faith, and corrupt in Judgment, the least of which Offences were heinous to a King; how odious then is it to God, to make him break Promises, to Deceive, to pervert Judgment? Four Hundred Years after, Saul's breaking this Oath of his Fore-Fathers, brought evil on all Israel, which manifested that God had not forgotten, that his Name had secured secured that Poor People, and he did them Justice on Saul's House. And certainly if Equivocating may delude another, the strength of the Objection is broken, and Truth in all Tryals is driven away, and honest Men are Inthralled to Villanies: No League between Kings, nor Truce between Armies, but the Sword must still be held unsheathed. Yet can it not do oftentimes, what the Powerful Name of God in an Oath can do, in making of Peace, and procuring Passage; for Men held no security like an Oath, no Witness, Surety, or Judge like God; neither durst Men which feared him, call him forth to their occasions, but with Religious Truth. Almarick, the Fifth King of the Christians in Palestine, breaks Faith with Elbadech, Caliph of Egypt, who thereupon called the Turk to aid; who after he had made War, beat the Christians out of Pal • stine; neither could the Wooden Cross, brought into the Field, as the last Refuge, Save them, having for-sworn by him which was Crucified on it. So when Eugemenes Commanded the King of Hungary, after a great Victory, to break the Oath with Amurath, he lost himself, and Thirty Thousand Christians. Lastly, Observe how it pleased God, that the unconquered Cities became Thorns in their Eyes, &c. See Iosh. 1. & 2. & 11. & 13. Ioshua Governed 18 Years; others hold more, or less; but the Necessity of 480 Years, from their Delivering, to Solomon's Temple, admits no more, nor any space between him and Othoniel. Ericthonius King of Athens, Lynceus of Argive, Phoenix, and Cadmus flourished now.

CHAP. VII. Of the Phoenician Kingdom, and of the Invention of Letters.

§. 1. I Have gathered a Brief of those Kings, of whom Time hath left any Record to Posterity▪ The Limits of this Kingdom of Phoenicia in the South, are uncertain: Strabo extends it to Pelusium the first Port of Egypt: Corvinus, and Budaeus, to Gaza: Pliny takes but Ioppa. Ptolomy, who seldom failed in his Art, stayeth at Chorseus, which seemeth to be the River at Megiddo: He also begins it in the North at Elutherius, which falls into the Sea at Aradus, North of Orthosia. Thus it comprehends these Maritime Cities, Aradus, Orthosia, Tripolis, Botris, Biblus, Beritus, Sidon, Tyrus, Acon, Dora, and Caesarea of Palestine; so that it Commanded the Trade of the Mediterranean for all the East. Zidon was the Regal Seat, and so continued till Ioshua; and all the People were called Zidonians, as Procopius confirmeth in his Vandal Wars. That Zidon, the First Son of Canaan was the Founder, we doubt not, and yet it was in his Posterities command in Moses Days: As for Agenor, whether he was an Egyptian of Thebes, or a Native of this Country bred up there, it may be that in Ioshua's days, he and his Four Sons, Cadmus, Phoenix, Cyrus, and Cilix, might come out of Egypt, with such Force as the Egyptians could spare, to the succo • r of the Coast, and so to Fortifie the Sea Towns, having the benefit of such Ships as were then in use. And when Cadmus his Eldest, pursuing Taurus King of Crete, who had stoln away his Sister Europe in the Surprize of Tyre, was drawn into Greece, he seated himself there. Agenor commiting this Country to his Two Sons, called it by his Name; when also North Tyrus was Built, and Zidon Fortified, whereof it was that Agenor was reputed the Founder, from whose time Phoenicia became more Famous. Belus, whether Grandfather, or Father to Agenor, as some judge, it is no matter; but it seemeth he was Ancienter to the Phoenicians, who Honoured that Name; great was the strength of these Phoenicians Cities, which held out against the Iews, but put Nebuchadonosor, and Alexander, to great difficulties.

Touching the mention of Letters, the Ethiopians claim it; and that Atlas, Orion, Orpheus, Linus, Hercules, Prometheus, Cadmus, had the first light from them, and that Pythagoras was instructed by the Lybians. The Phoenicians boast of it, and indeed they were very Ancient, and had Famous Records used by Iosephus. Lastly, Some ascribe it to Moses, without all probability, seeing Learning then flourished in Egypt, and Assyria; but true it is, the Excellent Spirits of the First Age found it, either Seth, Enos, &c. And God every where present, hath given this Invention to Nations, which never had Commerce with others. As in Mexico, were found Books like Egyptian Hieroglyphicks: The Americans have an Heraldry.

§. 2. Of the Phoenician Kings, especially of Tyrus. §. Agenor living with Ioshua, Phoenix succeeded, after whom, till the Siege of Troy, when Phasis Governed, we find not who succeeded. In Ieremy's time we find Zidon and Tyre had petty Kings; and in Xerxes time, Tetrannestus Ruled that part of Phoenicia at the Persians Command, and afterwards subdued by Nebuchadonosor. Alexander also, cast out Strabo King of Zidon, and put in Balonimus, a Poor Gardner, of the decayed Royal Blood, preferred by another Citizen, to whom Hephestion offered it by Alexander's gift; more we find not of Zidon.

Tyrus, sometime a Daughter of Zidon, outlived her▪ Mother, and had her own Kings, of which Twenty in Descent are found in Iosephus, and Theophilus Antiochius, though they differ in the time of their Reigns, and other particulars. Abibalus the First, whom Suron succeeded, and paid Tribute to David and Solomon. Others, Named by Iosephus, and Theophilus, Fellow to Ithabalus, called in Scripture E • hbaal, Father to Iezabel, who is there called King of the Zidonians, and by Iosephus King also of the Tyrians. The Third from him, they Name Pigmalion, whose Sister Elisa Married Sycheus, whom Pigmalion slew for his Wealth, but was prevented by Elisa, who Conveyed it to a Ship, and fled into Africa, where she Built Carthage 143 Years, 8 after Solomon's Temple, and as long before Rome, and 289 after Troy's Destruction. Eluleus succeeded, who overthrew Salmanassers Fleet in the Port of Tyrus. Ethobales succeeded, in whose time Nebuchodonoser, after 13 Years Siege, won Tyrus. Baal succeeded Ethobales, and after Baal 'twas govern'd by Iudges successively.

§. 3. Bozius believes that the Tyrians proceeded from the Edumaeans, &c. But is confuted by Scripture, by which it appears, that Eliphas, which came from Theman to Iob, was no Edomite, nor was that Theman in Edumaea, but in Arabia, East from Iob, whereas Edom was South. Ismael had a Son called Theman, who by all likelihood gave Name to Theman in the East. From • hom Eliphaz, Iobs Friend descended. Suhe also a Son of Kethura, and Midian his Brother, of whom came Bildad, the Shuite; and the Midianites, at their first setling were sent by Abraham into the East, which from Canaan, was Arabia the Desart, not Seer which was South. So in the History of the Judges, the Midianites and Amalekites are said to be of the East: Yet were there of them Dwelling in the South; they were grown so many, that the East could not hold them.

§. 4. Kings of the Ten Tribes from Jeroboam to Achab. §. Ieroboam flying from Salomon into Aegypt, to Shisha • (whom Eusebius calls Osochores) whose Daughter he Marryed, as Adad the Edumenian, had his predecessor's Wive's Sister, and were prepar'd by Shishak, to shake the Kingdom of Iudea, that he might pillage it, as he accordingly did in the fifth year of Rehoboam. This Man was exalted to be King of the Ten Tribes, preferring the Policies of the World before God's Service and Honour. To prevent the • eoples falling from him by resorting to Ierusalem, he erected the two Calves, &c. Ieroboam reigned at Sichem Twenty two years. Nadab his Son succeeded two years, and was slain by Baasha, who rooted o •• all Ieroboam's Seed, and reigned twenty four Years at Thersa, and Ela his Son succeeded two years, and was slain in his Cups by Zimri, who succeeded seven days; but Homri, in revenge of Ela, besieged him, and made him burn himself, and succeeded; transferring the Regal Seat to Samaria, and reigned twelve years.

§. 5. Ahab suceeded his Father, married the Daughter of the King of Zidon, and embraced her Religion, as Ieroboam had his Egyptian Wives: Ahab was slain after twenty two years. Ocharius succeeded his Father, and dyed of a Fall, in his second year, and his Brother Ioram succeeded 12 years; who, with Aid of Iuda and Edom, could not subdue Moab, who sacrificed Edom's Son taken in an • ruption which he made out of the City; whereupon the Siege was broken up through Edom's displeasure against Israel, for refusing to make Peace with Moab, to save his Son, Amos 2.1. Iehu slew Ioram, and succeeded twenty eight Years; whose Son Ieho • haz succeeded seventeen years, and was molested by Aza▪ Ioas succeeded his Father sixteen years; recover'd from Aram what his Father lost, and sacked Ierusalem.

Ieroboam succeeded his Father forty one years; r •• over'd all from Ham • th to the dead Sea, and Zacharias his Son succeeded Six Months, and was slain by Shallum, who succeeded two Months, and Menahen slew him and succeeded ten years, with much Cruelty. Pekahia his Son succeeded two years, and Peka slew him, and succeeded twenty years. In his time Tyglath Pileser, King of Assyria, Invaded Israel, and carried many Captives into Assyria: He was drawn in by Achas King of Iuda, whom Peka of Israel, and Rezin of Damascus wasted; and first he surprized the Monarchs of Syria and Damascus, and then Israel prepared the way to Iuda. Hosea slew Peka, and succeeded nine years, in whose time Tiglath Pileser carried the rest of the Ten Tribes Captives, and re-peopled the Country with Cuthites out of Arabia Deserta; the Persians with Calaneans, bordering on Syria, and Sepharims out of Mesopotamia, with the Avims, of old inhabited the Philistins Land, but now Inhabited Deserta, and called Havaei.

CHAP. VIII. The History of the Syrians bordering their Tribes on the East of Jordan.

DAmascus in this Border, most famous for Antiquity, Beauty, Riches, is called the City of Joy, and House of Pleasure. The Hebrews think it built by Hus Son of Abraham; others, as Ierom ascribe it to Damascus, Son of Eleasar, Abraham's Steward; but was before Eleasar; David subdued it in the overthrow of Adadezar; but Rezin, Servant to Adadezer, escaped with the broken Forces, recovered it, and was made King▪ Adadezer returned out of Egypt, and forced out Rezin, and became King of Syria for Nine Descents.

§. 2. Of the first Kings of Damascus, and their growing up. §. That Damascus was of Note in Abraham's days, his Steward is an Argument; what the Government was then, and long after, the Reason of Moses's Story led him not to handle. The first occasion was in David's Reign, who seeking to Establish the command of Israel unto Euphrates, as God had promised, Invaded Adadezer, who was then of the greatest Force in Syria, strictly taken, containing Damascus, Saba, Camath or Ituraea, and Geshur. Adadezer King of Saba, called to his assistance the Damascenes, who are not ranked under a King, but after the overthrow. Reson a Commander under Hadadesar, gathered the broken Forces, surprised Damascus, where David had put a Garrison, and was made King there, as it seemeth after David's death. So that as Rehob and his Son Adadezer are the first Kings of Syria; Saba and Toi the first Kings of Camath; so Rezon is the first King of Damascus, which before was commanded by the Kings of Saba, whose Power became formidable to the King of Camath. The next King is Adad of Edom, who coming out of Egypt, whether he fled from David, and finding his Forces too weak to recover Edom, it seemeth he surprised Damascus, and became King of Aram. The next King of Aram was Hezion, whom his Sons Tabremmon succeeded, the Father of Benhadad, who assisted Asa King of Iuda against Baasha King of Israel. Almost Fifty years after Benhadad was taken Prisoner by Achab, and promised to restore what his Father had taken from Israel: • Iudg. This was a Second Benhadad, who slew Achab, and Besieged Samaria the second time, and was smothered by Hazael; who succeeded him, and did much mischief to Lud, but brought Israel to a low Ebb, 2 Kings 13.7.

§. 3. Of the later Kings was Benhadad, two or rather three, who lost what Hazael had gotten; three other succeeded of the same Name, in one of whose times Ieroboam 2d. recovered Damascus it self, and Chamath to Israel, which by David's Conquest had belonged to Iuda. Rezin the 10th, after Adad 1st, molesting Achas, and was taking Elath, is, by Achas's Procurement, taken, and Slain by Tiglath Pileser, and the Kingdom of Damascus dissolved.

§. 4. Of lesser Kingdoms in Syria, Gessur, where Talmai reigned after Ammihur,N. Damascenus Numb. 12. in success. Sophena, or Syria Saba, or Coelosyria, had Rehob and Adadezer after him; whose Kingdom translated to Damascus by Rezin, ended with the Kingdom of Israel, not long after Ninus's Race in Sardanapalus had been ended by PhulBelechus, Father of this Tiglath, whose Son Salmanassar led Israel Captive, as his Father had Damascus; Senacharib, Son of Salmanasser, attempted Ierusalem in vain; but 132 years after Israel's Captivity, it also went to Babylon.

§. 5. Hierusalem, in Ioshua's days, had Adonizedek for King, and was not inferiour to Hozar the chief of all Canaanites. This City of old, called Iebus, Inhabited of by Iebusites, and therefore likeliest to be Builded by Iebusaeus, the Son of Canaan, and not by Melchisedek; for it could not be in Abraham's way returning from his Victories; but rather that Salem by Iordan, of which we spake in Manasses. Though Ioshua slew their King, yet they held out 400 Years till David won it. Solomon so perfected the Strength, Beauty, and Riches of it, (besides the renowned Temple) that the World had not the like: That Ditch hewn out of the Rock, Sixty Foot deep, and Two Hundred and Fifty broad, with Walls, Gates, and Pallaces, defended One Hundred Fifty Thousand Men, besides. Women and Children. It endured many changes: Shishak of Egypt Sackt it; so did Ioas of Israel; but Nebuchadonozor fulfilled all Gods Judgments, threatned, and made way to Seventy Years Desolation, and Captivity of City and People. After the restoring by Cyrus, Bagòses Lieutenant, and Artaxeres spoiled it; and after Alexanders Empire was divided, Ptolomy the First, pretending to Offer Sacrifice; then Antiochus Epiphanes, and Apollonius his Lieutenant after him spoiled it; and Pompey long after took it. But after all Repairs, that wicked Herod did so Reedifie, and Adorn both Temples, and Cities, that it far exceeded what Solomon did; continuing in this state, about Forty Years after our Saviour's Death. Titus invested it till it was taken, and Demolished it, in which by Famine, Pestilence, Sedition, and Enemies Sword, 1100000 were consumed, 65 Years after being in part repaired. Elius Adrian, for a new Revolt Overthrew all, and Built another, which he called Elia Capitolia; and Decreed that never Iew should dare after to enter, or from high place look to behold it. Yet after the Christian Religion flourished in Palestine, it was Inhabited after by Christians 500▪ Years; and then it was taken by Egyptian Sarazens, and held 400 Years; and then regained by Godfrey Bouillon, and so continued 88 Years, when the Souldan of Egypt won it; but lastly, Selim the Turk took it, and called it Cusunbaris.

§. 6. Malicious Reports of the Heathen, as Quintilian, Diodor, Strabo, Iustin, Tacitus touching the Iews Original, answered by Iosephus, against Appion, and Tertullian, in his Apologet.

CHAP. IX. Memorable things from Joshua, to Jeptha, and the Destruction of Troy.

§. 1. IVDA, by Gods Directions took the Management of the War, after Ioshua was Dead. Caleb with Phineas, and the assistance of Seventy Elders were in Ioshua's time, Commanding in Chief. Their Achievements we read, Iudg. 1. as also of the other Tribes, which sought to establish their own Territories. What befel them after, upon their making Peace with the Canaanites, and their affliction 8 Years, and how Othniel, the Son of Cenas, Younger Brother to Caleb, delivered them from Chushan a King of Mesopotamia, who Oppressed them, we read in Scripture. How long it was between the Death of Ioshua and Othniel, is uncertain; though it could not be a short time, considering what Wars followed; and the Surprize of Laish by the Danites, and their Warring with Benjamin are thought to be in this interim; which War so weakened them, that they could not so strongly resist their Bordering Enemies.

§. 2. Othniel Governed 40 Years, in whose 20th year Pandarius, Fifth King of Athens entred, and Reigned 40 Years, Father of Erictheus, and Progne and Philomela in the Fables. Cadmus, about this time obtained Thebes, which Amphion, and Zethus Governed after. Triptol • mus is placed first by Augustine; of whom, and the rest▪ Authors so disagree, that I desire to be excused, if I Err with better Judgments, whereto I submit. For if the first Authors had but a borrowed uncertain light from other Conjectures, all our labour in Example to uncover the Sun, is for ought I see a more over-shading.

§. 3. Ehud was next, who Delivered Israel from Eglon, King of Moab, after 18 Years Misery. Samgar his Successor, freed them from the Philistins; so from Othoniel's Death 8 Years expired: Elimelek, went to Moab in Ehud's days, and Ruth's Story is referred hither. Adoius, King of the Molosseans in Epirus, had by Ceres his Wife, a Fair Daughter called Proserpina (a common Name of such) whom Peritheus intending to steal, drew Theseus into the attempt, which being discovered, Aidonius surprized them, cast Peritheus to Cesarus his Mastive, and kept Theseus Prisoner, till Hercules delivered him by a strong hand. Pindus's Mountains in Epirus, of which Oeta is Chief, whence Acheron springeth. Erictheus, was King of Athens, whose Daughter Orythia, Boreas King of Thrace Forced. Tereus, King of Phocis in Greece, Inhabited by Thracians, Married Progne, the Daughter of Pandarius, and Ravished her Sister Philomela, and cut out her Tongue, for which Progne killed his Son Itys; and made Meat of him for Tyrus, and fled to Athens. Tros began to Reign in Pardania, the 47th Year of Ehud, about which time Tantalus was King of Lydia, not Phrygia; whose study of Wisdom made him neglect the Pleasure of Riches, of which he had great Plenty: Others said his covetous Mind made him miserable, whereof grew that Fable, &c. Here the Author is out, Taxing the unfolding of Secrets to Vulgars, perverting Mar. 4.11. Cecrops 2d. & 7th. King of Athens, and Arrisius, Thirteenth King of the Argives now Reigned the first 40 Years; the other 31, toward the end of the 8 Years Pelops lived, of whom Peloponesus took Name: Titius Tyrant of Panopea, in Phocis, slain by Apollo; Admetus, King of Thessaly, Perseus of Peloponesus, and Medusa slain by Perseus Souldiers, of whose Blood sprang Pegasus, Belerophon's Horse, with which he slew Chimera, a Pyrat of of the Lycians. Ion, of whom the Athenians are called Iones, or rather of Iovan, &c.

§. 4. The former 80 Years of Peace and Plenty, having bred security, it brought forth neglect of Gods Commandments, and their ripe Sins called for God's Judgment, who raised Iabin King of Hazor, who laid an heavy yoke on Israel 20 Years, keeping his chief holds, even in Naphtalim, and reduced them to such a weakness, as among Forty Thousand a Weapon was not seen. But as Volumes may be gathered of Examples, proving all Power is the Lords, how impotent soever his means be; so now the Lord set it out in delivering Israel; two Women, Deborah and Iael, striking the chief stroke. Thus Forty Years were expired under Iabin, Deborah, and Barac.

Argos's Kingdom, which had continued 544 Years, was Translated to Micenae, Built by Perseus Son of Danae, Daughter of Acrisius King of Argos. The King of Argos. The King of Argives, we find Inachus, whose Daughter Io, was the Egyptian Isis, Phoronius, Apis, Argus, Pirasus, Phorbas, Triops, Crotopus, Sthelenus, Donaus, Lynieus, Abas, Acrosius, Pelops. After the Translation to Micenae, Perseus, Sthenelus, Eurystheus, Atreus, Son of Pelops, Agamemon. Egypthus, Orestes, Tisamenus, Penthilus, and Cometes. Midas, now King of Phrygia, and Ilus who Built Ilium, Contemporaries with Debora.

§. 5. Barac was no sooner dead, but Israel returned to their impious Idolatry, and God raised up the Midianites, assisted with the Amalekites to infest them; yet his Compassions, which never fail, raised them up a Deliverer, Gideon the Son of Ioash, whose story is largely set down in Holy Scripture. His severities in the revenge upon Succoth and Penuel, his own Sons found shortly after his death: For the debts of Cruelty and Mercy, were left unsatisfied. And because he Converted the Gold into an Ephod, a Garment proper to the High-Priest, and set it up in his City Ophra; as it drew Israel to Idolatry, so was it the destruction of his own House. Aegeus Son of Pandeon now reigned in Athens: Euristheus in Micenae, whom Atreus succeeded, who killed Thyestes his Brother's Children, and feasted their Father therewith, which Cruelty was revenged on him, and Agamemnon his Son▪ and all his Linage, by a natural Son of Thyestes. Minos was now King of Crete; whose Wife Pasiphae inamoured of Taurus her Husband's Secretary, Dedalus being her Pander, had a Child by him, and another at the same Birth by Minos, of which grew the Tale of the Minotaurs. Dedalus upon discovery, fled with Icarus in two Boats with Sails, unto Cocalus King of Sicily: In the flight, Icarus was drowned, and Minos was slain in persuing Dedalus, whom Cocalus defended. Sphinx a Woman Robber by Sea and Land, upon the Borders of Corinth, was overcome by Oedipus, Commander of the Corinthian Forces; her Swiftness and Cruelty bred the Tale of her Wings, and Body of a Lyon. Anteus the strong and cunning Wrestler near Hespendes in Mauritania, lived about this time.

§. 6. The Argonauts Expedition fell out about Gideon's Eleventh Year. Many Fabulous Discourses have been hereof written, and mystical Expositions made, but Dercilus's Opinion is most probable. That Iason with the Harvest-men of Greece, went by Ship to rob Colchos, enriched by certain steep falling Torrents, not far from Caucasus, which wash down many Grains of Gold, which the Inhabitants get by setting many Fleeces of Wool in those Water-falls. The many Rocks, Straights, Sands, and other difficulties in the Passage between Greece and Pontus, are Poetically converted into fierce Bulls, Armed Men rising out of the Ground, Syrens, a Dragon cast asleep, &c. by Orpheus, one of them.

§. 7. Abimelech, Gideon's natural Son, Ambitiously Fought, and got what his Father had refused as unlawful, without special direction, a Ruler over God's peculiar People; and for his Establishment in his Usurped Power, he slew Seventy Brethren upon one Stone; Iotham the youngest, only escaped this unheard of Inhumanity. Such is Human Ambition; a Monster which neither feareth God, nor respecteth Nature, and forgetteth the All-powerful Hand, whose Revenge is without date. All other Passions and Affections which torment the Souls of Men, are by Contraries oft-times qualified; but this darling of Sathan, and first-born Sin that ever the World knew; more Antient than Human Nature, looketh only toward the end, which it self sets down; forgetting nothing how Inhuman soever, that may conduce thereto, and remembers nothing that Pity or Religion can offer to the contrary. As for the deplorable effects that such attempts have had, it ascribes to the Errors or weakness of the Undertakers, and rather praiseth the Adventure, than fears the like Success. The Sechemits in a vain Glory to have a King of their own, readily condescended to his Ambitious motion, imbrue themselves, with him, in the Blood of Innocents, and fit themselves to partake with him in the Vengeance fore-told by Iotham ▪

The Tapithae and Centaurus made War about this time against the Thebanes; these were the first in those parts which learned to ride on Horses; so that coming from the Mountains of Pindus on Horseback, they were thought compounded Creatures.

Thola, of Issachar, govern'd after Abimelek 23 Years, and Iair 22 years after him. Priamus, after that sacking of Ilium by Hercules, being Ransomed, began to Reign, having rebuilt Troy, and inlarged the Dominion almost over all the lesser Asia. Of Fifty Sons, he had Seventeen by Cuba, Daughter of Gisseus King of Thrace: Paris, one of them, attempting to recover his Aunt Hesione, See cap. 1.4. Sect. 2. carried into Greece by Hercules, took Helena the Wife of Menelaus, &c.

Theseus, the Tenth King of Athens, in his Father Aegeus's Reign he put himself among the Seven young Men, which the Athenians sent for Tribute yearly to Minos King of Crete, who gaining Ariadne the King's Daughter's Affection, received of her a Bottom of Thread, by which to conduct himself out of the Labyrinth after he had slain the Minotaur, • hat is, the Son of Taurus, begotten of Pasip • ae, to whom those Youths were committed, &c. He took Hippolita the Amazon Queen, Prisoner, and by her had a Son Hyppolitus, whom he after sought to kill upon his Step-mother Phaedra's false Accusation, whose incestuous Caresses he had rejected: In his Escape, he had received many dangerous Wounds, of which being Cured, the Tale of Esculapius grew, &c. After much good done to the ungrateful multitude, they banish'd him. They say he stole Helen from Aphidna, in the First Year of Iair, according to Eusebius, which is not probable, seeing she should prove Fifty Years old at the fall of Troy.

Under the two former Judges in Assyria, reigned Mitreus and Tautanes after, and in Egypt, Amenophis Son of Ramses, and Anemenes after him. In Sicyonia reigned Thyaestus the Twenty second King, Eight years; Adrastus succeeded Four years; then Polyphides the Thirteenth. Mueschea succeeded Theseus King of Athens.

§. 8. The Theban War, the most antient that ever the Grecian Writers handled, hapned in this Age, wherein Greece continued but salvage, holding and getting all by strong hand, Robbing by Sea and Land, little using Merchandise, and not acquainted with Money; and having few walled, and but small Towns. As some latter idle Chroniclers wanting good Matter, fill their Books with Reports of Feasts, dry Summers, &c. So they which write of Greece then, tell us of great Floods▪ Metamorphos •• of Men-killing Mo •• ters; Adulteries of their Gods begetting Mighty Men, &c. This Theban War, (the first Grecian Story of Note,) arose upon the disagreement between Eteocles, and Polynices, Sons of Oedipus, Son of Laius King of Thebes. These Brethren having Covenanted to Rule by Course; Eteocles beginning, was unwilling to lay down a Scepter once taken into hand, which forced Polynices to fly to Adrastus King of the Argives, who gave him a Wife, and raised Forces to re-establish him in Thebes. Eteocles withstands the Force, and both Armies, after great loss, desire the Brethren to end the Quarrel by a single Combat, in which both lost the day, with their Lives; and yet another Battel was fought, in which the Argives were discomfited and fled, and of the Commanders, only Adrastus came to Athens. At his request, the Argives sent Forces under Theseus against Creon, Governour of Thebes, for denying Burial to the slain Argives, who took the City and buried the slain. But this contented not the Sons of the Noble Argives, who Ten years after, levied new Forces, and forc'd Laodamas, Son of Eteocles, to fly, and some says he was slain; the Town was destroyed, but repaired by Thirsander, Son of Polynices, who reigned after, and led the Thebans to the War of Troy shortly after.

§. 9. Iephtha judged Israel Six years, and relieved them from the Oppression of the Ammonites, which lay heavy upon the Tribes on the East of Iordan, along Gilead. He defended the Israelites Right against the Ammonites Claim, both by Reason and the force of Arms; and drove them, not only out of all those Plains, but also over the Mountains of Arabia, to Minneth, and Abel of the Vine-yard: As for his Vow, the Opinion that he did not Sacrifice his Daughter, is more probable. The Ephramit • s quarrell'd with Iephtha, who slew in that Encounter 42000, which so weakened the Land, that way was thereby made to their future Calamities, and most grievous slavery under the Philistins, that ever they indured. Ibzan succeeded, and judged Seven years. Elon after him, Ten. The Seventy, and Eusebius hath him not.

CHAP. X. Of the War of Troy.

§. 1. HAbdon Succeeded and Judged Israel 8 Years. The Philistines 40 Years Tyranny cannot be from the 9th of Iair, to the end of Abdon, as some would have it; for then Ephraim's strength had been so diminish'd, as not to have quarrel'd with Iephtha; or being able to bring 24000 Men into the Field, they would not have neglected a common Oppressor, to fight against a Brother; those 40 Years must therefore be supplied elsewhere, as from the death of Abdon, 'till after Sampson. Troys Destruction seemeth to fall upon the 3d Year of Abdon, after 10 Years Siege, began about the 3d of Elon. The Original and Continuance of the Ancient Kings are uncertain; but it is commonly held that Teucer and Dardanus were the first Founders of that Kingdom, of which, Teucer the first, according to Virgil, Reigned before Dardanus built Troy, and came out of Crete; though Reineccius following Diodorus, think him a Phrygian, and Son of Scamander. Dardanus, Son of Electra, Daughter of Atlas, and Wife of Iupiter, had for his second Wife Boetia, Daughter or Niece of Teucer. As for this Atlas, I take him rather for an Italian, than African, and Iupiter to be more ancient than he, whose Children liv'd about the Trojan W • r. Touching the Destruction of Troy, Diodorus maketh it to be 780 Years before the 94th Olympiad, which is 408 before the first. Dionysius Halicarnassus agrees hereto, placing Rome's Foundation in the first of the seventh Olympiad, which is 432 after the fall of Troy. Solinus also makes the Institution of the Olympiads by Iphitus, 480 years later than Troy's Destruction; the Destruction then being 408 Years before the Olympiads. Eusebius leadeth us from Dardanus, through 4 Kings Reigns, by the space of 225 Years. For Laomedon's time he takes it upon trust, from Annius, out of Menetho.

§. 2. Helen's Rape by Paris Son of Priamus, all agree to be the Cause of the Greeks taking Arms; but what mov'd him to that Undertaking is doubted. Herodotus's far-fetched Cause hath no probability, as have they which say he enterpris'd this Rape to procure the Re-delivery of Hesione, King Priamus's Sister, taken away by Hercules, and given to Telamon; yet I do not think this was the ground of Paris's attempt, but rather his Lust, which was an usual incitement in those days, as Thucydides sheweth; whereupon none durst dwell near the Sea-Coast. Tyndarus also, the Father of Helen, remembring that Thoseus had Ravished her, caused all her Wooers, which were most of the principal Greeks, to Swear, that when she had chosen an Husband, they should joyn in seeking her recovery, if she were taken away; which Oath taken, she chose Menelaus. Thus the Grecian Princes, partly upon the Oath, and upon the Reputation of Agamemnon and Menelaus; were drawn into this business of the Trojan War. The Fleet was 1200 Sail of small Ships, meet for Robbing, the greatest carrying but 120 Men; so that the Army might be 100000. which argueth the Trojan Power able to hold out against such Forces so many Years. But their aids out of Phrygia, Lycia, Misia, Amazonia, Thrace, yea Assyria, were great.

§. 3. The Greeks being prepared, sent Menelaus and Vlysses Embassadors to Troy, to demand Helen; and as Herodotus, from report of an Egyptian Priest makes it probable, were answer'd, that Paris in return being driven by storm into Egypt, Helen was taken from him; which Report, Herodotus seeketh by Reason to confirm. But whatsoever the Answer was, the Greeks incensed, set forward to Troy, notwithstanding Chalchas the Soothsayer objected great difficulties, &c. Their Names under the Command of Agamemnon, were Menelaus, Achilles, Patroclus, &c.

§. 4. After their Landing, in the first encounter, Patroclus was slain by Hector, and others; but want of Victuals soon distressed the Greeks, who were forced to imploy a great part of their Men to and fro in seeking relief for the Camp, by Sea and Land. And Herodotus Report is credible, that after the first Year, 'till the tenth, the Greeks lay little before Troy, but rowed up and down by Sea and Land for Booties and Victuals, wasting the Country round about. But being all returned to the Camp, the tenth Year a Pestilence fell among them, and a Dissention about dividing their Captive Virgins, which made Achilles refuse to Fight, because Agamemnon had taken away his Concubine. But after his Friend Patroclus, to whom he had lent his Armour, was slain by Hector, and pillag'd of his Armour, as the manner was, Achilles desirous of Revenge, was content to be reconcil'd, upon Agamemnon's seeking to give satisfaction by Gifts and Restitution of his Concubine Briseis. After this, in the next Battel, Achilles slew Hector (though Homer's Narration of his flying about the City thrice be unprobable) and drew him at his Chariot about the Field, and then sold his Body to Priamus at a great rate. Not long after, Paris reveng'd that Cruelty, and slew Achilles, though Authors differ in the manner.

§. 5. Troy at length was taken, either by the Treachery of Aeneas and Antenor opening the Scaean Gate, whereon was an Image of an Horse, or that the Greeks by an Artificial Engine, like to an Horse, batter'd the Walls as Romans did with a Ram, or scal'd the Walls at that Gate suddenly, while the Trojans slept securely, upon the departure of the Greek's Fleet to Tenedos the day before, &c. The WoodenHorse fill'd with Armed Captains is unprobable. The numbers slain on both sides, 600000 Trojans, and 800000 Greeks is Fabulous; so is the report of many Nations in those parts, striving for a descent from the remainders of Trojan Princes; though it be probable the Albans, and from them the Romans came from Aeneas, and first Padanus from Antenor.

§. 6. The Greeks after their Victories, tasted no less Miseries than the Trojans, by division of Princes, separating in return; Invasion of Borderers, and Usurpation of Domesticks in their absence; and Tempests at Sea; so that few returned home; and of them, few joyned their own. The rest driven on strange Coasts, gladly planted where they could, some in Africk, some in Italy, Apulia, Cyprus, &c.

CHAP. XI. Of Sampson, Eli, and Samuel.

§. 1. OF Sampson, read Iudges 13, 14, 15, and 16. In whose Story observe, 1. His Mother is forbidden all strong Drink, and unclean Meat, as that which weakneth the Child conceived. 2. The Angel refused Divine Worship, which proveth, the Diviners Angels which accept Sacrifices, are Devils. 3. Whom no Force could overthrow, Voluptuousness did. 4. Though he often revenged Israel, yet he delivered them not, Chap. 15.11. Lastly, his Patience was more provok'd by Contumely, than Pain, or Loss.

§. 2. Of Eli, see the First Book of Samuel. He was the first of the stock of Ithamar, that obtained that High-Priesthood, which continued in his stock, until Solomon cast out Ab • athar, and put in Z • dok, descended from Eleazer, 1 Kings 2.26, 35. In his time, for the Sins of the Priests and People, the Lord gave his Ark, the Sacrament of his Presence, into the hands of the Philistins, as he did his Temple, to be destroyed by the Chaldeans, and after by the Romans, because they put more Confidence therein, than in the Lord himself, whose Law they would not observe. Whereas, after the Captivity, and in the time of the Machabees, while they feared the Lord, they were Victorious without an Ark, more than they were when they guarded themselves with the Sign, void of substance. David also knew the Ark was not made for an Ensign in the Field. The Trojans believed, that while the Paladium, or Image of Minerva was in the City, it should never be overthrown. The Christians also carried into the Field, in the last Fatal Battel against Saladine, the very Cross (as they were made to believe) whereon Christ died, and yet lost themselves, and the Wood. But Chrysostom said well upon St. Matthew, (if that be his work) of them which wore part of St. Iohn's Gospel about their Necks, for an Amulet, or Preservative, If the words profit thee n • t in thine Ears, how can they about thy Neck? For it was neither the Wood of the Ark, or of the Cross, but the Reverence of the Father that gave them, for a memory of his Covenant, and the Faith of his Son, which shed his Blood on the other, for Redemption, that could or can profit them, or us, either in this Life, or after it. The Holy story telleth us, how after this Victory of the Philistins, the Ark of God was in Captivity; yet they overthrew the Philistin's Dagon, and brake off both Head and Hands, to shew he had neither Wisdom nor Power in God's Presence; and that God and the Devil cannot inhabit in one House, or one Heart. If this Idol then could not endure the representation of the true God, what Marvel is it, that when it pleased him to Cloath his only Begotten with Flesh, and sent him into the World, that all the Oracles wherein the Devil derided and betray'd Mortal Men, lost Power, Speech, and Operation at that instant? For when the true Light, which never had any beginning of Brightness, brake through the Clouds of a Virgins Womb, shining upon the Earth, long obscured by Idolatry, all these stinking Vapours vanished. Plutarch rehearseth, a Memorable History of that Age, of the death of their great God Pan, but could not find the true cause thereof, &c. God also plagued the Philistims, as well as their God, and forced them to return his Ark, and to give him Glory, after they had tried all their wit to the contrary. See the Story. Thus God is acknowledged of his Enemies, as he had been of Pharaoh, and was after of Nebuchodonezer, Darius, &c.

§. 3. Of Samuel's Government, 1 Sam. 7. He descended of Korah, 1 Chron. 6.22. for his Father Elcana, a Levite of Mount Ephraim, came of Korah, the Son of Izaar, Son of Cheath, Son of Levi. His Mother, after long Barreness, obtained him by earnest Prayer, to avoid the reproach of Barrenness, as it was esteemed, considering it was God's Promise, Deut. 7. and Blessing to Adam, and Abraham, &c. Under his Government, the Lord freed Israel from the Philistins, who at his Prayers, were miraculously overthrown; as were the Amalekites, at the Prayer of Moses. He Ministred Justice at three fit places: Of which, see Cap. 12. §. 1.

CHAP. XII. Of Saul, the First King of Israel.

§. 1. THE deliberation to change the Government into a Kingdom, arose upon Samuel's being grown unable to sustain the Burthen of so careful a Government, which he put over his Sons; who failing of their Father's Care and Uprightness, and relishing nothing but Gain, sold Law and Justice to the best Chap-men. The Elders observing this, and that the Old Man, though a Prophet, yet as a natural Father, discerned not his Sons Errors; and remembring the lamentable success of Eli's Sons Rule, saw no other way to put them off, than by desiring a King. This Motion displeased Samuel, who seeking Counsel from God, as in a Cause of so great consequence; he was order'd to hear the Voice of the People; yet so as God accounted it a Wrong to himself, rather than to Samuel, and therefore commanded him to declare unto them, the Inconveniencies and Miseries which shall befall them under that Government. All which are not intolerable, but as have been, and are still born by Subjects free Consent. But the Oppressions threatned, verse 14, &c. give an occasion • o the Question, Whether a King fearing God, or one which will Rule by his own discretion, and playeth the Tyrant, be here set out, as some judge; or that the Text only teacheth, what they ought, with patience, to bear at their Sovereigns hand, as others judge. The first ground themselves upon Deut. 17.14. &c. and on the words of the Text, which do not say, he may, but he will do so and so, shewing, what Power, severed from Piety, will do, as in Achab's Example, contrary to the Law, Deut. 16.18. The Arguments on the other side are largely handled in that Discourse of free Monarchies, which I shall not take upon me here to Insert.

This change of Government God fore-told, Gen. 15. and 17. and 49. and provided for the direction of it by Laws, Deut. 17. But whether the Reasons which move most Nations, moved them to choose a Monarch, or thereby to be cleared from the Sons of Samuel, doth not so plainly appear; for neither Perswasions nor Threats could draw them from their desire of a King.

§. 2. Saul's Election. §. Samuel by God's direction, having yielded to the People, returned to his City Rama, expecting the Lord's direction, touching the King to be chosen, which the Lord accordinly performed, giving him warning the day before▪ Samuel hereupon, prepared to entertain whom God should send; and Saul intending nothing less than a Kingdom, found it, and was Anointed, and Confirmed by signs given him by Samuel, and returned home. Thus God oft by meanest occasions, ordereth the greatest things, and in Moses and David's Calling from feeding Sheep, Iames and Iohn from Fishing, &c. Among the Signs given to Saul, one was of the Company of the Prophets; not such as by divine Revelation fore-told things to come, as Moses, Ioshua, Samuel, &c. but such as were exercised in Expounding Scriptures, as were those, 1 Cor. 14. at which time God changed his Heart from a Vulgar condition to a Kingly. After this, another Assembly at Mispezh, Saul was Published, and designed King by God, and accepted of the People, and saluted King.

§. 3. Saul's Establishment after his Victory against the Ammonites, 1 Sam. 11. The Ammonites attending the Advantage of Times, for recovery of their Territories taken from them by the Amorites, having in vain attempted it in Iephtha's days, finding Israels weakness by long oppression of the Philistins, who had disarmed them, had also slain 34000 of them, and that 50000 perished about Bethshemes, and their King was not yet so acceptable to all his Subjects, who were encouraged to begin with Iabesh Gilead, so near unto them. Saul to shew himself King, being proprobably descended of one of the Four Hundred Virgins taken from the Gileadits, undertook the relief of Iabesh, assembling 330000 Men, and Defeated the Ammonites. Hence Samuel drew them all to Gilgal, where Saul was again Confirmed King; where also Samuel exhorted them to fear the Lord, and rehearsed his own Justice. After a Years Reign, Saul chose him a strong Guard of Three Thousand, 1 Sam. 13.2.

§. 4. Saul's Disobedience and Rejection. §. Ionathan with his Regiment of 1000, surprised a Garrison of the Philistins, which some judge was in Careatjearim, where was the Ark; but Iunius taketh it to be Gebah in Benjamin, near Gibha, where Ionathan stayed with his Thousand; so that though the Philistins were much broken under Samuel, yet they held some strong places in Israel, of which this was one, whose Surprise so enraged them, that they gathered together the greatest Forces, mention'd 1 Sam. 12. while Saul was at Gilgal, expecting Samuel, as he had been required, 1 Sam. 10.8. But because Samuel came not so soon as Saul expected, he haste • ed to Sacrifice, taking the Office of a Priest on him, as some think; or, as others judge, he in diffidence, and distraction upon the Philistins Power, and his Peoples deserting him, attended not the Prophet's coming to direct him, and pray for him. For Samuel had sharply reproved and threatned him with great Indecency, had he not had extraordinary warrant from the Lord. So they departed each from other. Saul being come to Gibeah, his own City, being of strength; his Forces were but 600 between him and Ionathan, and of these not one had Sword or Spear, of which the Reason is rendred in the Text. The like Policy Nebuchadonozer us'd in the Conquest of Iudaea, and Dyonisius in Sicily. It may be, the other Israelits had some, though these Six hundred had not, for they might gain some at the overthrow of the Philistins, and Ammonites. As for the Weapons the Israelites used in these Wars, they were Clubs, Bows, and Slings, wherein they were expert, 1 Chr. 12.2. and their Victories were rather extraordinary, as by Thunder or Astonishments sent from God, as in this next Overthrow by the hand of Ionathan and his Armourbearer, wherein God set them at dissention, cap. 14.10. So that the Israelites needed no Swords, when every Philistin's Sword supplyed the want. After this Victory, Saul undertook by turns, all the bordering Enemies, and by special Commandment, the Amalekites in Arabia Petraea and the Desart, ravaging from Havila to Shur. But for presuming contrary to God's express Charge, to spare Agag, &c. he was utterly rejected of the Lord, for all his pretence of Sacrifice; and Samuel never after visited Saul.

§. 5. Samuel fearing to Anoint another King, as God willed him, is directed how to do it safely. So that by cautious care to avoid danger, he did no way derogate from God's Providence; seeing the Lord himself, tho' All-sufficient, instructed, Samuel to avoid Saul's Fury, by the accustomed cautions ways of the World; and therefore Men neglecting of Prayer to God, and exercise of that Wisdom he hath indued the Mind of Man with, for his preservation, are stupified with the Opinion of Fate, &c. Iesse having presented all his Sons, but David, to Samuel, he only whom the Father neglected, is chosen of God, and anointed by Samuel. The Philistins in the mean time considering how Saul's Power increased, while they sat still, and doubting least Israel might become able to revenge themselves, if they were suffer'd thus to encrease, thought it good to offer a new Check, presuming of their own Abilities and former Successes; as for late Disasters, they might suppose the one was by a casual Tempest, and the last by a mistaken Alarum, which wrought needless fear, and put the Army to Rout. Having therefore taken the Field, Encamping near Saul's Army, and both keeping their ground of advantage, they maintained some Skirmishes, not joining in gross; which the Philistins had cause to fear, considering their late Success, and thereupon perhaps, provoked to single Combat with their Giant, upon Condition of a general subjection of the vanquished Nation, in their Champion. This gave occasion to David, now to make a famous entrance into the publick notice of the People, with the success Recorded in Scripture. By this Victory, David fell under the heavy displeasure of Saul, by reason of his great Merits; whereupon he became a Convert Tyrant, faithless to Men, and irreligious to God, as the History sheweth, which brought him to the end we read of.

§. 6. Of such as lived with Samuel and Saul. §. Aeneas Sylvius began to Reign over the Latins in Alba, about the 11th year of Samuel, and Reigned Thirty one years. The same year Dorcillus began in Assyria, being the Thirty first King, and Reigned Forty years. The Dores which came with Heraclides, obtained Peloponnesus in this Age. Here follows the Account of the First Planters of Greece, from Iopetus, Father of Prometheus, Father of Deucalion and Pyrrha, King and Queen of Thessaly, of whom came Helen. Father of Xuthus, Dorus, and Aeolus. Xuthus fled to Erictheus of Athens, of whose Daughter came Achaeus and Ion. Achaeus for a slaughter, fled to Laconia in Peloponnesus, and gave it his Name, and after, recovered Thessaly. Ion was made Governour of Attica, which he brought into a civil Course, and Planted Syciona, then called Aegiolio, and Married Helice the Kings Daughter, of whom also the Land took Name. Dorus second Son of Helen, Planted about Parnassus and Lacedemon; but when the Heraclides, Nephews of Hercules, Invaded Peloponnesus, the Dores assisting, they expelled the Achaeans in Laconia, who seeking Habitation, drove out the Ionians, who failed into Asia, on whose West Coast they Built Twelve Cities. Hercules, Ancestor of the Heraclides, and his Twelve Labours of Fabulous Poets rehearsed. Sure it is Greece, was oblig'd to him for freeing it from many Tyrants and Thieves, which oppressed the Land in the Reign of Euristheus, who employed him therein, being Jealous of him for his Virtue and Descent from Perseus. His Children after his Death, fled to the Athenians, who assisted them against Euristheus, whom they slew; but upon the death of Hillus, Son of Hercules, slain in Combat by Echenus King of Tegeates in Arcadia, who assisted Atreus, Successor of Euristheus, they were to leave the Country for one Hundred years, now expired, when they returned under Aristodemus, when Tisamenus was King of Achaea.

§. 7. Homer the Poet seemed to live about this time; but the diversity of Mens Opinions, and curiosity about this Age is so Ridiculous, that I would not offend the Reader therewith: But to shew the uncertainty of Historians, as well in this, as other Questions of Time, &c. Eusebius in his Evan. praepar. out of Tatian, nameth many Greek Writers more Antient than Homer. Hesiodus's Age is also questioned; some hold him Elder, some Younger than he: But Varro leaves it uncertain, finding that both the Fathers lived some Years together. Senyes, or Senemyres seemed to have Ruled Egypt at this time: For Tenefersobris, his Successor, preceded Vaphres Father-in-Law to Solomon. About the end of Saul, the Amazons and Cymmerians Invaded Asia. After the Fall of Troy, Six Kingdoms grew up, as the Latins in Italy; Lacedemon, Corint • , and Achaia in Greece; Syria, Soba, and Damascus, under the Adads in Arabia, of which were Ten Kings, which began and ended, in effect, with the Kings of Israel, which now changed their form of Government into a Monarchy.

CHAP. XIII. Of David; First of his Estate under Saul.

§. 1. DAvid's hazards after he was designed King, were many; first, with Golia • , which won him Fame with all; Love with Ionathan, like that he bare to his own Soul; and a ground of deadly Hatred in Saul, though it brake not out 'till he had entertained him to play on his Harp, and had made him his Son-in-Law; when in a raving Fit, he threw his Spear at him. Censorinus speaketh of Esculapius a Physician, and Seneca of Pythagoras's Curing Frenzie by Musick; but Saul's Madness arose from the Cause of Causes, and therefore incurable; and the ease he had, God ordained for the Musician's good, more than the King's. Saul after this, fearing to trust David about his Person, imploy'd him against the Philistins, hoping of his Fall by them: And being disappointed therein, he moved Ionathan and his Servants to kill him; but in vain. From many other desperate Perils the Lord delivered him at home and abroad, yea in a Mutiny of his own, &c. as the History of this part of his Life witnesseth. Saul being slain, the Philistins Victory was! such, as some Towns, even beyond Iordan, were abandon'd, and left to their Oppression, without resistance. It is therefore to be wonder'd at, that they being Warlike and Ambitious, did not follow the Victory, to make the Conquest entire. But it may be, that the Civil Wars between David and the House of Saul immediately breaking out, gave them hope of an easie Victory over both; whereas their farther Pursuit might inforce an Attonement against a common Enemy.

§. 2. David's beginning of his Reign was opposed by Abner, who sought to advance Ishbosheth the Son of Saul, yet without right, while Mephibosheth the Son of Ionathan lived. The first War was defensive in David, when Abner fought it upon a Challenge of twelve Combatants on either side, which slew each other; like the Combate between 300 Lacedemonians, and as many Argives, wherein three survived; and between the Horatii, and the Curatii, for the Romans, and the Latins. The Text Chap. 3.1. makes it probable. The Wars between David and Ishbosheth lasted longer than two years; so that those two Years mentioned, Chap. 2.13. some Rabins refer to the time when this was written.

§. 3. Abner being reconciled to David, was murthered by Ioah, in revenge of Asael, and in jealousie of his Place and Dignity, which admitted of no Companion, much less a Superiour, as he doubted Abner would prove, being General of Ten Tribes. Upon like jealousie, he also murdered his own Kinsman Amasa. The death of Abner might greatly have endanger'd David's Condition, if any thing could withstand God's Ordinance; therefore he wisely bewailed it so openly, complaining of Ioab's Greatness; which makes Princes oft put up Wrongs at their hands; yet he publickly Cursed him, &c.

§. 4. David's Reign over all Israel after Ishbosheth's death being confirmed, his first Enterprize was against Ierusalem, the Center of the Kingdom, held by the Iebusites, from Ioshua to that day; whose strength was such, that in derision they Manned the Wall with Blind and Lame Men, but lost it. The P • ilistins hearing of David's Anointing, thought it good to try him before he was warm in his Seat; but were overthrown twice. David after this, brought the Ark to the City of David; after which he intended to Build a Temple, but was forbidden, because he was a Man of War. The Wars which he had made were just, yet God refused to have the Foundation of his Temple to be layed by his hands; whereby the damnable Pride of Princes appeareth, who by terrours of Wars think to grow to Greatness like the Almighty; not caring to imitate his Mercy and Goodness, or to seek the blessed Promise by our Saviour to Peace-Makers; yet God so accepted his Religious intent, that his Kingdom was confirmed to him, and his; and a Promise is made of that Everlasting Throne to be Established in his Seed.

§. 5. David after this overthrew the Philistins, and demolished their strong City of Gath, which was their Frontier Town, at the entrance into Iudah, and Ephraim; from whence they made their incursions, and thither retreated; and was therefore called in the Text, the Bridle of Amgar. See Junius. After this he gave them 4 Overthrows; of which see 2 Sam. 21.17. But the Conquest of Moah, and the Arabian Wars came between. Of Moab he slew two parts, and saved a third to till the ground; yet the occasion is uncertain; only Moses for bad them to seek their peace. From thence to Syria Zoba, against Hadadezer.

§. 6. David overthrew Hadadezer, going to inlarge his Borders to Euphrates; which purpose for Euphrates cannot be understood of David, who upon this Victory, and winning of Damascus upon it, had a fair way and help of Chariots and Horses now won, sit for such a Journey, if he had intended it; all which, notwithstanding he returned to Ierusalem: This purpose is better referred to Hadadezer. Next hereto, followed the Victory against the Ammonites, and their Confederates, with the severe Revenge David took for the Affront Hanun shewed his Ambassadors. But before Rabba, afterwards called Philadelphia, was Besieged, David gain'd another great Victory over the Aramites, brought to Helam by Adadezer out of Mesopotamia; from whence yet David proceeded not to Euphrates.

§. 7. David's Troubles in his Reign. §. As Victories beget Security, and Prosperity, Forgetfulness of former Misery, and many times of God himself, the giver of all Goodness; so it fell out with this good King. For being free from dangerous and apparent Enemies, he began to indulge Human Affections, as we see in his Carriage towards Vriah and his Wife; forgetting the zealous care which formerly he had to please God, in the precise keeping of his Commandments. After this he fell by degrees from the highest Happiness, and his Days were filled with inter-changeable Joys and Woes, and the Sword never departed from his House. Then followed the death of the Adulterous Child, Incestuous Rape of Thamar, Murder of Amnon, Insurrection, Usurpation, Incest, and Death of Absalom, the Treachery of Ziba, the Affront front of Shimei, the Insolence of Ioab, the Rebellion of Sheba, the Murder of Amasa, &c. The Land also indured three Years Famine for Saul's wrong to the Gibeonites, which was relieved by the death of Seven of Saul's Issue, of which Five were the Sons of Micho • 's Sister, as by an Elipsis the Hebrew will bear, as in the like, ver. 19. As the Lord by this Execution secured David's House from Competitors, so was the Nation strengthened by the valour of many brave Commanders, of which, Six Colonels under the General, had Thirty Captains of Thousands, among whom the difference of place and Honour, grew by meer consideration of Virtue, as we see Abishai, Brother of Ioab, and the King's Kinsman, short in Honour of the first Three. David thus Established, in ostentation of his Power, provoked the Lord to punish his People with Pestilence, for his numbring of them, and slew Seventy Thousand.

§. 8. David's last Acts. §. Abishag in his impotence, keepeth him Warm▪ &c. Adonijah aspireth, which causeth David publickly to declare Solomon his Successor, and to set him in his Throne; whereupon Adonijah and his Associates were scattered. After this, David having two especial Cares remaining, of which he desired to discharge his Thoughts, one concerning Solomon's peaceable holding his Crown, the other about building the Temple; he called a Parliament of all the Princes, &c. In this Assembly, he signifieth his purpose, and the approbation of God; chargeth all, and Solomon by Name, v. 9. and produceth the pattern of the Work, according to the Form which God himself had appointed, laying down his own preparation; whereto the Princes and others added their freewill offering. This being done, David made a solemn Feast, at which time Solomon was again anointed King, and received Fealty of the Princes, People, and the King's Sons. After all this, David, as upon his Death-Bed, again with powerful words, giveth Solomon the Charge of the Lord his God; and then adviseth him concerning Ioab, who otherwise tho' of exceeding desert, yet for his intolerable Insolence, came to such an end by Justice, when time served, as many worthy Men had done for acts of the like presumption. David, after Forty Years Reign, died, being Seventy Years old, having been a Man of small Stature, exceeding Strength; and for internal Gifts and Graces, passing all others; and putting his Human Frailty apart, commended by God himself, to be according to his own Heart. Being a Prophet as well as a King, he fore-told Christ more lightsomly and lively than all the rest, and writ many Psalms; De Civ. li▪ 13.14. but whether all the Book, is disputed, though Chrysostom and Augustin hold it. Christ and his Apostles cite him.

§. 9. David and Solomon's Treasures. §. David's Treasure exceeded, as appeareth by what he gave toward the Temple, 1 Chron. 22.14. which amounteth to 3333 • Cart loads of Silver, or 6000 l. sterling to every Cart-load; and 23 Millions and 1000 l. in Gold; a matter incredible, but for Testimony of Scripture; where consider how such a Treasure could be raised by Parcimony. Eusebius cites Eupolemus for a Navy which he sent from Melanis, or Achanis, to the Isle Vpher, or Opher, by Ortelius; then his Husbandry, which was great, his Presents, Tributes, Taxations, Capitations, his Spoils; the Riches of the Sanctuary long increasing by large Gifts, and the Portion out of all Prizes from Enemies, even from Ioshua's days. Of Solomon's Treasure, see 1 Kings 9.20. and 10.14.29. See Iosephus of the Treasure he hid in David's Sepulcher, Ant. l • . 7.12. out of which Hircanus took 3000 Talents, and Herod more.

§. 10. David's Contemporaries. §. Achis a Philistin King of Gath, and another in Solomon's days, Latinus Sylvius, King of Alba. Cedrus the last King of Athens, after whom they changed the Government into a Principality for Life, without Regal Title. This change was made in honour of Codrus, voluntarily slain for their sakes in a War with the Dores, to disappoint the Oracle. Eupalus the Third King of Assyria, sate 38 Years; Ixion the second King of the Heraclids in Corinth, Son of Eurythenes. Agis the second King of the Heraclids in Lacedemon, he restored the Laconians, and made the Citizens of Helos Slaves, for refusing Tribute, as at length, all the Messenians were, and thereof called Helons, that is, Slaves: Slave came from Sclavi, which were Samaritans, now Russians, which Conquering Illyria, would be called Slaves, which with them signifieth glorious; but when the warm Clime had thawed their Northern hardness, (but not ripened their Wits) the Italians, which made many of them Bond-men, used their Name in Reproach, calling all Bond-men Slaves. Achetratus succeeded Agis, in whose time Androchus the Third Son of Codrus, assisted by the Iones, built Ephesus in Caria, and was slain of the Carians. He also held Erithrae, famous for Sybyls, which writ Verses of Iesus Christ, Son of God, the Saviour, reported by Augustine, who saw them. Vaphres King of Egypt began to Reign, when David Besieged Rabba, Magnesia, on Meander in Asia, founded now, and Capua Campania.

CHAP. XIV. Of Solomon, Anno Mundi, 2991.

§. 1. SOlomon began to Reign in the 2991st Year of the World; and was first Congratulated by Hiram King of Tyre, according to the Ancient Custom of Princes. Though his Reign were peaceable, yet his beginning was with the blood of his Brother Adonijah, without warrant either from his Father, or the Law of God. The occasion was his desire of Abyshag; but being his Elder Brother, who also had sought the Kingdom, it was enough, as a word is to the Wise; and he which seeth the Claw, knows whether it be a Lyon or no. Solomon took the motion, as a demonstration of a new Treason; such was the jealousie of seeking a King's Widow, or Concubines; as Absolom's taking his Father's Concubines, was a taking possession of a Royalty, so it was applied to David by Nathan, &c. 2 Sam. 12.8. Birth-right pleaded by Adonijah, was according to God's Law, and of Nations; but the Kings of the Iews were more Absolute, and not without Example in Iacob, for private Inheritance. As for what we read of Peoples Elections, it was but an acknowledging him whom the Lord chose, and not to frustrate the Elder's Right. Solomon also executed Ioab, deposed Abiathar, and put Shemei to death. He Married the Daughter of Vaphres (as Eusebius calls him) King of Egypt; and according to his request to God, obtained extraordinary Wisdom, especially for Government; as appeared in the Example purposely set down, of his judging the two Harlots; yet did he excell in all other Knowledge.

§. 2. Solomon's Building and Glory. §. Renewing the League with Hiram of Tyre, he had much of his Materials for his Buildings from him. Of the Glorious Temple, and parts of it, many Learned Men have Written; as Salmeron, Montanus, Bibera, Barradas, Azorius, Villalpandus, Pineda, &c. The Letters which passed between Solomon and Hiram, Eusebius sets down out of Eupolon, which Iosephus also Records in his Antiquities, Lib. 8. §. 2. Besides the matchless Temple, he made many other Magnificent Buildings, of which Gerar on the Border of Ephraim, taught the Egyptians to visit those parts in Rehoboam's days, before they were sent for. Thadimor, Ioseph held to be Palmyra, in the Desart of Syria, to the North-East of Libanus, the utmost Border of Solomon's Dominion, which Ierom calls Thermeth; and by Adrian Rebuilt, and called Adrianopolis. He also Repaired and Peopled the Towns Hiram refused, and made his first and only Journey in Syria Zobah, to establish his Tributes, and then visited all the Borders of his Dominions; from Palmyrena in the North, to Eziongaber and Eloth in the South, upon the Red-Sea.

§. 3. Solomon from Eziongaber, sent a Fleet to Ophir, an Island of the Molucca's in East-India, from whence he received 430 Talents of Gold, all Charges defrayed. Of the word Tharsis see before, lib. 1. c. 8. §. 9 & 10. Pineda dreamt Ophir was in the Cades, or Calis-Malis, his Country in Spain, of old called Turtessus, whereto the next way by the Mediterranean was hindred by the great Atlantick Island, exceeding all Africa, swallowed up and choaking the Streights with Mad; like his Dream of Ionas's Whale, which in 3 days swam about all Africa, into the Red-Sea, to cast him up, 12000 Miles in compass. Solomon's Chariots, Horsemen, daily Provision, Wisdom, &c. See 1 Kings 4.10. with 2 Chron. 9.

§. 4. Solomon's Fall, and term of Life. §. Solomon forgetting what the Lord Commanded; as he had plenty of all other things, so of Wives, even of Idolatrous Nations, 1 Kings 11.1, 2. prohibited; whereupon they turned his heart after other Gods; for which, the Lord punish'd him with Enemies in his Age, and rent his Kingdom from his Son, as he threatned, 1 Kings 11. Touching his Age, it is conjectur'd by his Father's Actions, whose Conquests were ended, before he wan Rabba, when Solomon was not Born. So that half of David's Reign being spent at the time of vanquishing the Ammonites, Solomon's Birth must fall after David's 20 Years; and above a Year it could not be, seeing Rehoboam's Age at Solomon's death, compared with the many heavy things which befell David after; and that David in his Charge to Solomon, speaketh as to a Man grown; though Solomon at Nineteen Years old, speaking to the Lord about his weighty Charge, might well call himself a Charge. Some time after, Ammon forced Thamar, and two Years after was slain by Absolom, who fied to Geshur, where he abode three Years, yet saw not his Father's face for two years. How long after he brake into Rebellion is uncertain, which seemeth to be the 30th Year of David's Reign, but the 40th Year after his Anointing; as those words 2 Sam. 15.7. may well be taken. Which 40, Iosephus, Theodoret, and the Latin Translation read 4 Years; to wit, from Absolom's Return.

§. 5. Solomon's Writings. In his Proverbs he teacheth good Life, and correcting the contrary. In Eccles. the Vanity of Humane Nature. In the Canticles he singeth the Epithalamion of Christ and his Church. The Book of Wisdom, the best Learned make us think it none of his; and Kimchi ascribeth the 3 other to Isaiah the Prophet. Iosephus also tells us of his own Invention, rather than truly that Solomon wrote Books of Enchantments. But certainly so strange an Example of Human Frailty was never read of; that a Man endowed with Wisdom, by God himself; in honour of whom, and for his Service he built the first and most glorious Temple of the World; was made King, not by Law, but the Love of God, and became the Wisest, Richest, and Happiest of all Kings, did in the end by perswasion of weak, wretched, Idolatrous Women, forget and forsake the Lord of all the World, and giver of all goodness, See Siracides. 47. • 3, 14. &c. of which he was more liberal to him than to any that ever the World had.

§. 6. Solomon's Contemporaries, were Agelaus in Corinth; Labotes in Laced • monia; Silvius Alba over the Latins; Leosthenes in Assyria; Argastus, and after Archippus in Athens; Baliastrus succeeded Hiram in Tyre; others put Bozorius between: Sesac, after Vaphres in Egypt, whom Eusebius calls Smerides; and others by other Names.

CHAP. XV. Solomon's Successors to Jehoram. The Kingdom divided.

REhoboam succeeded his Father, but was not so Wise as to resolve the People's Petition without Counsel; nor yet to discern of Councils, which is the very best of Wisdom in Princes and all others; for though he consulted with grave advised Men, yet he was Transported by his Favourites, who, ignorant of the nature of Severity, which without the Temper of Clemency, is Cruelty it self, thrust him on to threaten an Increase of what was unsupportable already; ignorant also, that Severity is to be used for the Help, and not for the Hurt of Subjects. These foolish Parasites could better judge of the King's disposition, which Learning was sufficient for to enable them to the Places they held. This Answer of Rehoboam, set forward Ieroboam's designs, and the Prophecie of Ahijah, as the sequel shewed; for the People at once chose Ieroboam; and after the manner of all Rebels, forgetting Duty to God, and Bonds of Nature, renounced all interest in David; the Honour of their Nation, and murder the Officers sent to appease them. After this, Rehoboam intended Wars upon them, but was stayed by the Prophet from God. Ieroboam fortified himself, and to prevent re-uniting by communion in Religion, impiously set up a new Worship, learn'd in Egypt, expelling the Levites. Thus by irreligious Policy, he founded that Idolatry, which rooted Israel out of the Land at last; neither could he be stayed by the Prophet that foretold his Advancement, nor Miracle upon his own hand. This point of Policy must be made good, though it cast off God, and the Religion of his Fathers. Whereunto an Italian Historian compares the Policy of his Nation, in making good the State they have gotten, by what means soever, as if God would not oppose it. Upon this ground, Amos must not Prophecie at Bethel, it is the King's Court. Iehu will upon this ground maintain the Worship of Calves; and Hen. IV of France change Religion, &c. whom yet the Protestants whom he forsook, never hurt, as the Papists did whom he followed. But of the wretched end of such Policy, all these are notable Examples.

§. 2. Rehoboam's Impiety, Punishment, End, and Contemporaries. §. Rhehoboam Fortified his Cities, as well against Egypt, as Ieroboam, and then forsook the Lord, 1 Kings 14. and 1 Chron. 11. But in his Fifth Year, Sesac of Egypt, who favoured Ieroboam, taught him how weak Fortifications are, where God watcheth not the City. Sesac brought with him the Lybeans, Cusits of Arabia, and Succaeans, which were not the Troglodits spoken of by Pliny, and Ptolomy, as Iunius judgeth. These were 600 Miles from the best of Egypt, and were in the 22d degree North from the Line, too far for such an occasion. The Succaeans were rather Arabian Egyptians, as the Ichthyophagy in Ptolomy, between the Mountains Alabastrine, and the Red-Sea, when this powerful Ses • c wan Ierusalem, and other Cities of Iuda, and added to the Spoil of them the Temple, and the King's House, and the Egyptian Kings after claimed Sovereignty of Iuda. After 17 Years Reign, Rehoboam died, and Ieroboam out-lived him 4 Year. Tersippus in Athens, Doristus in Sparta, Priminas in Corinth, Sylvius Alys over the Latins, Periciades in Assyria, and Abdastrartus in Tyre, whom his Foster-Brother Murdered, and Usurped 12 Year; but Astartus Son of Baleaster, recovered the Kingdom from them.

§. 3. Abia succeeded Rehoboam in his Kingdom and Vices; yet God was pleased to give him the Victory over Ieroboam, of whose Subjects he slew 500000, though he suffered his Father to be vanquished by Sesac the Egyptian; not for want of Strength, but Wisdom and Carriage, which God giveth when and where it pleaseth him: Who by the Affinity by which Solomon thought to assure his Estate, the Lord brake it in his next Successor. And tho' then God used to shew the Causes of such Judgments by his Prophets, yet is he the same just God, to raise and throw down Kings and Estates for the same Offences. And those Afflictions of Israel, and the Courses thereof, are set down for Presidents to succeeding Ages. As the Famin for Saul's Cruelty, David's Calamities for Vriah, Solomon's loss of Ten Tribes for Idolatry, Rehoboam for Idolatry and Sodomy in the Land: Ieroboam, Ioram, Ahab, Iesabel. The like Judgments are executed daily for the like Offences, though Men, wise in the World, raise these effects no higher than to second Causes.

§. 4. Asa, after three years, succeeded Abijah, who reformed Religion, and prospered. He overthrew Zerah and his 100000 Men, &c. That Zerah was an Arabian, not an Aethiopian, was proved before Lib. 1. Sect. 3, 14. and c. 10.. But after he fell to rely on Man, and hired Benhadad against Baasha, not relying upon the Assistance of God, he fell to persecute the Prophet which reproved him, and to oppress the People, for which God plagued him. There lived at the same time, Agesilaus and Bacis of Corinth, Astartus and Astarlaius Kings of Tyre; Alys and Capis, Kings of the Latins; Ophrateus in Assyria. Tersippus, and Phorbas in Athens; Chemmis in Egypt, whom Cheops succeeded, and Reigned Fifty six years, to the sixteenth of Ioas; Baasa King of Israel began in the Third year of Asa, and Reigned Twenty four years, which was about the Twenty sixth Year of Asa; so that his Attempt against Asa, 2 Chron. 16.1. was the 26th of Asa, but the 36th of the Kingdom of Iuda called Asa's, because he there Reigned in it. Consider that Rehoboam Reigned seventeen years, Abijah three, and Asa Forty one, in whose Three Baasan began, so the Thirty sixth year of Iuda's Kingdom, fell in the Sixteenth year of Asa.

§. 5. The Alterations in the Kingdom of Israel in the Reign of Asa, might have reduced the Ten Tribes to the House of David, if God had not determined the contrary. Ieroboam lost 500000: Nadab his Son, in two years, lost his Life and Kingdom, so that of his Fathers Worldly Wisdom, to Establish a Kingdom in his Posterity, nothing remained but the hateful Memory, that he made Israel to sin. Baasa rooting out Ieroboam's House, yet imbraced his Idolatry, which drew the same Sentence of God's Wrath upon him and his Family; and tho' he thought it Wisdom, to Fortify his Kingdom, which he found weakened by Asa, by making League with Benhadad; yet God turned his Wisdom into Foolishness, and by the same Hand destroyed Nephtalim. Ela Son of Baasha succeeded, and was slain by Zimri; who wanting strength to defend himself against Omri, had Courage enough to burn himself in Terza. Omri by the Peoples Division was a while opposed by Tibni, but prevailed.

§. 6. Israel thus afflicted under those unhappy Princes, it is a wonder that the People returned not to their ancient Kings, and reunited not to those Two Mighty Tribes; but they still continued in grievous oppressions of the Factious Usurpers and Competitors, and under the revenging hand of God for their defection. To say God's secret Will was such, was not reason either to the Ten Tribes not to return, nor to Abijah, after he had so weakned Israel, not to perfect his Conquest; for though his Father was restrained expresly by the Lord, yet was not he. We may then boldly look into two Causes. First, Why the People bore so quietly the slaughter of Nadab, and interpretation of Ieroboam their own chosen King, and revenged the death of Ela Son of Baasa, an Usurper. It is therefore probable, that the People by defection from Rehoboam, seeking ease of former Burthens, found Ieroboam and his Son to retain some Kingly Prerogatives, which had been grievous to them under Solomon, which Baasa had forborn, and reduced the form of Civil Government to a more temperate Method, which much pleased them. Secondly, the same may be the Reason they returned not to the House of David, whose Scepter they found so heavy under Solomon, and were threatned by his Son with more burthen. They had seen Ioab and Shimei slain without all form of Judgment, Adonijah without Cause, as Ieroboam should have been; which lawless Power grew more barbarous in Iehoram, Manases, &c. As for the Kings of Israel, we find no such arbitrary proceeding; for even Iezabel kept the form judicial against Naboth. And well it may be, though Ieroboam had established a Law against the Prophets of God, which the Idolatrous People approved; by which Law Iezabel slew so many. This difference of Power, Arbitrary, and according to Law, made the People of Iudah less affectionate to their Princes than the Israelites, who were accustomed not to kill their Kings as the Iudeans did, but revenged when they were able, such as were slain by Usurpers. The like moderation of Kingly Prerogatives in the Government of England, gained such affection of the People, as never any perish'd by the Fury of the People, whose heat in greatest Insurrection was extinguished with the blood of some great Officers. Let not Monarchs fear straitning of their Absoluteness by mighty Subjects, as long as by their Wisdom they keep the hearts of the People, who will be sure to come in on their side: As Briarius with his hundred hands assisted Iupiter, when all the Gods conspired against him. For a good Form of Government is sufficient of it self, to retain the People, not only without assistance of a laborious Wit, but even against all devices of the shrewdest Politicians; every Sheriff and Constable being sooner able to arm the Multitude in the King's behalf, than any over-weening Rebel against him. Princes immediately assign'd by God, or getting Command by strong hand, have presumed of more Absolute Prerogatives than Kings Chosen; and the People which thought Obedience to Princes a part of Duty to God, will endure much more with patience, than others who have Kings of their own chusing.

§. 7. Iehosaphat, a Religious Happy Prince, succeeded Asa, whose Forces of Men of War were 1160000, by which he recovered his Tributes from the Arabians and Philistins, besides his own Garisons; yet his Country did not exceed the County of Kent in largeness. This number may be thought strange in so small a Territory, being far greater than any Muster ever taken of that Country. Ioab had found 500000, Rehoboam 180000, Abia 408000, Asa 580000, Amazia found 300000, Uzziah 307000; and surely if Iehosophat had 1160000 Men, he would not have feared Moab and Ammon, &c. I am therefore of Opinion (submitting to better Judgments) that the numbers spoken of, 2 Chron. 17. were not all at one time, but that the two first numbers under Adnah and Iehobanan, were after Mustred, and Commanded by Amasia, Eliada, and Iehosabad; yet this Mighty Prince made a League with Ahab, and matched his Son Ioram with his Daughter, and assisted him at Ramoth-Gilead, for which he was reproved by Iehu the Prophet; as he was a second time by the Prophet Eliezer, for joyning with Ahab's Son in preparing a Fleet. So he joyned with Iehoram against Moab, and had perished by Famine, if Elisha had not relieved them from God, whose Goodness was ever prone to save the Evil for the sake of the Good, but never destroyed the Good for the Evil.

Ophratenes now Reigned in Assyria, Capetas and Tiberinus at Alba in Italy, Atazedes in Athens, Agesilaus in Corinth, Archilochus in Lacedemon, Badesorus in Tyrus, Achab, Ochozias, and Iehoram in Israel.

CHAP. XVI. Of Jehoram, and Ahazia.

JEhoram, the Son of Iehosaphat, being thirty two Years old, began to Reign, and Reigned 8 Year, of which, 4 was in his Father's Life; who at his two Journeys with Ahab and Iehoram, Kings of Israel, left him Viceroy 'till his return. The first was in Iehosaphat's 17th Year, when also Ahazia Son of Ahab began to Reign; whose Brother Iehoram, the 2d year after, succeeded K. of Israel in the 2d year of Iehoram, King of Iuda; that is, of his Reign when his Father Iehosaphat took the sole Government again upon him, 'till the Fifth year after, when he reassumed his Son Ioram into the Government, 2 Kings 8. two years before his death, in the fifth year of Iehoram King of Israel. So that Iehosaphat Reigning Twenty five years, 2 King. 22.42. it is evident, his Son Iehoram could not be King of Iuda, 'till the Eighth year of Iehoram King of Israel. The like regard is to be had in accounting the Reigns of other Kings of Iuda and Israel, whose years are sometime to be taken compleat, current, or confounded with other Kings preceding, or succeeding, as the comparing of their Times together shall require. In this History, consider that Iehosaphat, a Religious King, is the first of Rehoboam's Issue, that entred a League both Offensive and Defensive with the Kings of Israel, with whom his Predecessors had tyred themselves in vain with continual Wars. This Confederacy with one which hated the Lord, could not long prosper, not issuing from the true Root and Fountain of all Wisdom; yet as a piece of sound Policy, it wanted not fair Pretences of much common good, as mutual Fortification of both Kingdoms against Uncircumcised Ancient Enemies. For confirmation of such an apparent Good unto Posterity therefore, the Bond of Affinity was knit by Marriage of Iehoram with Athalia, a Lady of a Masculine Spirit, who had learned so much of Iezabel her Brother's Wife, that she durst undertake more in Ierusalem, than the other in Samaria, as a Fire-brand ordained by God, to Consume many Nobles in Iuda, and perhaps some, whose Worldly Wisdom, regardless of God's pleasure, had brought her in. The Syrian Wars at Ramoth-Gilead, were the first Fruits of this League, undertaken upon equal Adventure, but upon the hope of Benefit only to Ahab: As godly Princes seldom thrive by matching with Idolaters, but rather serve the Turns of those false Friends, who being ill-affected towards God, cannot be well affected to his Servants. At this time also, as Ahaziah was designed King by Ahab his Father, so was Ioram by Iehosaphat after the others Example, without Example in any of their Predecessors,

§. 2. Iehoram's Reign so diversly dated in Scripture, argueth, that Iehosaphat having taken him into the Government, as Ahab had given Example, found cause after to recall that Power. Probable it is, that his Insolent Idolatrous Wife having corrupted him, was the cause that the Government, both for Religion and Justice, grew so far out of order, that Iehosaphat was forced to the Reformation we read of, and sequestred his Son from the Government, 'till it were setled again; and so after five years called him to it the second time, which bred a new Date, as did his Father's death two years after, breed a third: Many things might move Iehosaphat to Iehoram's second calling to Govern him, as to try what Wisdom his restraint had wrought, or to prevent his Brethrens Insolency against him, if Iehosaphat had at his Death, left him in disgrace, which might be the cause of great Tumults; it may be also, Iehoram, by dissimulation, had won the good Opinion on of his • ather and Brethren, formerly offended, it being usual in violent fierce Natures, to be as abject and servile in their Adversity, as insolent and bloody upon Advantage. Howsoever it was, this is manifest, that his Father at his death, doubting his Affection to his Brethren, for their better Security, besides great Riches, gave them the custody of strong Cities, and unusual means against unusual Perils.

§. 3. Jehoram's Reign alone, in which Edom and Libna Rebel. §. Iehosaphat's providence for his younger Sons availed nothing against the determination of an higher Providence; for these strong Cities were a weak defence for the young Princes against his Power, to whom the Citizens were obedient. If they came in upon the King's Summons, he had them without difficulty; if they refused, they were Traytors; yet could not hold out, when all would fail them, for fear of a Potent King. However it was, all were slain, and many great Men with them, who had any way offended the Tyrant, either formerly, or in behalf of his Brethren. Iehoram, after this, made innovation in Religion, not only incouraging the People prone to Idolatry (of all other sins detested of God) but using Compulsion also, and was the first we read of, that inforced Irreligion. Edom, in the mean time, revolted, and made themselves a King, having, from David's days, been Tributaries, and govern'd by Vice-Roys. Now Isaac's Prophecy began to take effect, that Esau should break the Yoke of Iacob; for after this, Edom was never subject to the Kings of Iuda: Yea, in process of time, Antipater and Herod, Elumeans, Reigned as Kings in Ierusalem. Lybna, also a City of the Levites in Iuda, rebelled against him, because he had forsaken the Lord God of his Fathers; In defence of whose Worship, these Levites thought themselves bound, especially against his inforcement to the contrary. Wherein also they might take Incouragement for Iehosaphat's Charge, 2 Chron. 29.8. But as Iehoram had left Edom in their defection, so he attempted nothing against Libna; which seemeth to proceed from a doubtful Mind, whether to put Weapons into the Hands of his Subjects against their Fellows, whose Cause might well be favour'd by many, who yet durst not discover themselves, being unarmed, as they might when Weapons were put into their Hands. So desperate is the Condition of Tyrants, who think it a greater Happiness to be Feared than Loved; yet are oblig'd to fear those whose Love would make them dreadful to others.

§. 4. Iehoram taking no notice of God's displeasure by these Afflictions, was threatned by a Prophetical Writing sent to him; being such a Tyrant, as the Prophets durst not reprove him to his Face, as they had done many of his Predecessors, bad as well as good, but they writ to him, keeping themselves from him; Elias being Translated, might have left this Writing, or, (as some conjecture) by mistaking in Writing one Letter for another, Elias is put for Elisha, &c. The Accomplishment of the Prophecy, proved as terrible as the Sentence, when the Philistins, which from David's days durst never look out, brake in upon him, &c. with the Arabians, a naked People on Horse-back, of no Force, dwelling in a Barren Desert. So that the one quarter of those whom Iehosaphat Mustered, had been able to repel greater Forces than both these Enemies could raise, had the Iudean People been Armed, as by their Prince's Jealousy, they were not, according to the Policy of the Philistins in the days of Saul: The House of Iehoram, which they surprised, seemeth rather a Country House than in Ierusalem, considering they made no further Ravages. It is probable, all Iehoram's Children were not now slain, considering the Slaughters made after by Iehu and Athaliah, within two years: Lastly himself, after two years Torment, voided his Guts, &c. And as the People had small cause of comfort in his Life, so they observed not the decency of pretending Sorrow for his Death; neither had he the Honour of his Ancestors Burial, though his Son Succeeded, and his Wife did all. Athaliah busie in Plotting her own Greatness, and providing trusty Counsellors for her Son, thought it unreasonable to offend the Eyes of the People with a magnificent Funeral of a Man by them detested; and chose rather to let the Blame of past Actions lie upon the Dead, than by doing him Honour, to procure an ill Opinion of her self and Children, which it now concerned her to avoid. Such is the quality of Wicked Instigators, to charge the Man whose Evil Inclination they corrupted by sinister Counsel, not only with his own Vice, but with their Faults also, when once he is gone and can profit them no longer. Thus we may clearly see, how the corrupted Affections of Men impugning the Revealed Will of God, accomplish nevertheless, his hidden Purpose; and without miraculous means, confound themselves in the seeming Wise Devices of their own Folly. All Men may likewise learn to submit their Judgments to the Ordinance of God, rather than to follow Worldly Wisdom, contrary to his Commandments.

§. 5. Ahaziah succeeded his Father in the Twelfth year of Iehoram King of Israel, and was guided by the same Spirits that had been his Father's Evil Angels. Touching his Age, 2 Chron. 22.2. a Point more difficult than important; I see not a more probable Conclusion than that of Torniellus's mentioning an Edition of the Seventy at Rome, Anno. 1588, which saith, he was Twenty years old when he succeeded; and the Annotations thereon, which cite other Copies, which give him two years more, &c. He accompanied Iehoram King of Israel to Ramoth Gilead, and returneth home after the Battle, and presently took a new Journey to visit Iehoram. It seems his speedy return to Ierusalem was not pleasing to Athaliah, as interrupting her in her Plots, who therefore sought to oblige him abroad, if it were but in a vain Complement, to visit one whom he had seen but yesterday. But however these things may seem accidental, yet all concurred, as disposed at this time, to fulfil the high pleasure of God; yea, Athaliah's secret Plots, which intended nothing less.

§. 6. Ahaziah and that Family perished with the House of Ahab. §. Iehu is anointrd King, and made Executioner of the Sentence of God against the House of Ahab, according to the Prophecy of Elias, and is proclaimed by all the other Captains. He having this Honour upon the sudden thrown upon him, was not slow in the heat of their Affections, to put himself in possession, and to set on foot the Business which so nearly concerned him, and not to be retarded, being no more his own than God's. Ahab's House never so flourished, having Seventy Princes of the Blood, a valiant King, honoured with the Victory of Ramoth Gilead; so deeply Allied with Iudah, and Courted by the King, and so many Princes of his Blood, that it might discourage all common Enemies, and make Rebellious Enterprises hopeless. In this Security and Joy of the Court for the King's Recovery and Entertainment of the Princes of Iudah, the King, his Court, and Friends are suddainly surprized and slain; neither could Iezebel's Painted Majesty, nor Man-like Spirit, with untimely brave Apothegms, terrify her Adversary, who, of her Servant, became her Lord; at whose Command, her base Grooms feared not to violate her affected Majesty: Ahaziah is also wounded to Death.

CHAP. XVII Of Athaliah, and Ioash, that succeeded her.

§. 1. AThaliah Vsurpeth, and upon what pretences, §. Ahaziah being dead, after one Years Reign his House was not able to retain the Kingdom, 2 Chron. 22.9. which Speech hath bred the question of Ioash's Pedigree. Athaliah having Reigned under her Sons Name, had laid the Plot to play the Queen under her own Title, if her Son fail'd; and to that end, had furnished the King, Councel, and Places of Chief Command, with Men fittest for her purposes. And though Ambition be violent, yet seldom is it so shameless as to neglect Beauty. It is not therefore improbable to think that Athaliah seeing the Royal Blood so wasted in her Husband and Son's days, had by some means drawn her Husband or Son to make her Heir if the King's Blood should be extinct; considering, that without some such order taken, when the King's Blood fail'd, the Kingdom were like to be torn in sunder by Competitors, or some Popular Seditious Man should be chosen, that would subvert all regularity, and exercise his Cruelty on such as they loved most, and cast aspersions on the Royal House. Pretence of Testaments to thrust out true Heirs is no new thing: Yea, what is new under the Sun? To prefer a younger before the natural Heir, hath proof in David; and for StatePolicy to slay a Brother, by example of Solomon, &c. And though these had ground of their doings, yet they which follow Examples which please them, will neglect the Reasons which please them not. Solomon slew Adonijah which had Rebelled, and was entred a new practice; Iehoram slew his Brethren better than he; David purchased the Crown, yet he gave it by God's direction, when as Ahaziah sought to cut off David's Issue, which the Lord had appointed to Reign, 2 Chron. 23.3.

§. 2. Iehu had so much business in establishing his own Kingdom, that he could not molest Athaliah as he desired, she being of Ahab's House. Among other things about Religion, he destroyed Baal's Priests; and though never King of Israel had such a way to overthrow Ieroboam's Idolatry, seeing he needed not fear the Peoples return to David's House (in appearance) quite rooted out, and had his Calling by an unexpected Favour of God; and for his Zeal against Baal, had a special promise for Four Generations; yet he wou'd needs piece out God's Providence with his own Circumspection. He had, no doubt, displeased many about Baal, and should offend more in taking away Ieroboam's ancient Idolatry; yet all these never thought of making him King, if God had not done it; when more difficulties appeared in getting them now, than in keeping them, though with their offence whom he sought to retain by forsaking God. This Ingratitude of Iehu, drew terrible vengeance from God on Israel, executed by Hazael, according to Elisha's Prophesie, 2 Kings 8.12. with 10.32. Thus Israel succeeded under Iehu, whose carriage and success was better in murthering his Master that trusted him, than in defending his People from Cruel Enemies. And thus it commonly falls out, that they which can find all difficulties in serving him, to whom nothing is difficult, instead of finding what they propound by contrary Courses, overwhelm themselves with troubles they sought not; and are by God, whom they first forsook, left unto the miserable Labours of their own blind Understanding and Wisdom, wherein they reposed all their Confidence.

§. 3. Athaliah's Government, by Israel's Calamities stood the safer, she having leisure to settle it. It is probable also she held Correspondence with Hazael, as King Asa had done, and had secured her self by Gifts, having robbed the House of God for Baalim, whose Idolatry she set out with Pomp, to recommend it to the People, as she sought by want of means to make the Service of the Sanctuary neglected.

§. 4. Ioash's preservation was by means of Iehoshabeth, Ahaziah's Sister, and Wife unto Iehojada the High-Priest, the upholder of God's Service in those unhappy times. By her Piety it seemeth she was not Athaliah's Daughter, yet had she access to the Court, and conveyed the young Child with her Nurse into the Temple, where he was secretly brought up, that the Tyranness could not discover it; and thought it not fit to make much ado about him, but rather let it be thought he was dispatched with the rest; lest the People hearing of his escape, should hearken after Innovation.

§. 5. Athatiah had acted as Queen above 6 Year, without molestation, when suddenly the Period of her Glory and Reward of her Wickedness met together, and the young Princes Age required no longer to be concealed, for his better Education, to fit him with Courage and Qualities proper for a King, and to prevent the over-deep rooting of Impiety by the longer Reign of that Cursed Woman. Iehojada wisely considered this, and combined with Five Captains, of whom he was best assured, by whom he drew over other great Men to Ierusalem. And because it was difficult to draw open Forces together, he gave order to the Levites, which waited by course in the Temple, that they should not return home 'till they knew his further pleasure. Thus admitting new Comers, and retaining the old, he secretly gathered together a competent number to encounter the Queens Guard, and furnished them out of the Armory of the Temple which King David had made; with which also he armed the Captains and their Followers, &c. All things being in readiness, they proceed to the Execution, and the young King is joyfully Crowned; and the Tyranness Usurper coming in desperately, without Forces, ignorant of the business, ended her own Tragedy with a sudden and shameful death. Iosephus's Report of her coming with her Power, which were repelled, &c. is not credible; though all the Forces she could bring, could not frustrate the Council of God, yet her Indiscretion made the effect more easie:

§. 6. Athaliah had no doubt considered Iehoram King of Israel's rashness, casting himself into the gaping Gulf of danger; yet her self is by the like Bait drawn into the same Trap; and as she lived like Iezebel, so was she rewarded with her.

These two Queens were in many things alike; each Daughter, Wife, and Mother to a King; each over-ruled her Husband, was an Idolater, Ambitious, Murderous; each slain by Conspiring Subjects suddenly, &c. We read not what became of Athaliah's Sons, her Sacrilegious Imps which robbed the Temple, &c.

CHAP. XVIII. Of Joash, Amaziah, and their Contemporaries.

§. 1. JOASH about Seven Year Old began to Reign, under the protection of Iehojada during his Minority. When he came to Age, he took two Wives by Iehojada's Advice, repairing David's Family, almost worn out. The first Act he took in hand after he Ruled without a Protector, was the reparation of the Temple, which had been his Sanctuary, which he followed with much Zeal.

§. 2. Iehojada the Priest being 130 Year Old, died, before his Country could have spared him, and was buried among the Kings, as he well deserved. This Honour seemeth to have come from the People, for the King had soon forgot him, as one eased of Debt, and was easily flattered by the Princes, so that he quickly forgot his old well-deserving Counsellor, yea God himself, Author of all Goodness. He which had 30 Years shewed Zeal to restore true Religion, and root out Idolatry, which had been growing some 16 Years, was easily drawn to fall away, when he perceived his Princes Inclinations; and being once entred that course, he ran headlong, as one who thought Liberty the only Token of a King, no longer to endure the sower Admonitions of Devout Priests. Hereby it appears, he which had been so long among the Devout, as Saul among the Prophets, was not of them; but like an Actor upon the Stage, had counterfeited, to express more Zeal and lively Affection than they could do, which were truly Religious.

Iehoahaz Son of Iehu King of Israel, Reign'd 17 Years, from the 23d of Ioash King of Iudah.

§. 3. Ioash having broken loose from God, is given over to Men not so easily shaken off; for Hazael King of Aram, returning from Gath, set on toward Ierusalem, which forc'd Ioash to buy his Peace with all the Treasure he could make, Holy, or Common; yet he never enjoyed Peace with Hazael, who sent a small Army after, and destroyed his Princes, and ravag'd his Country. Many might be the Motives to excite Hazael against Iudah; he had an experienc'd Army; Iudah had assisted Israel at Ramoth, and the Journey from Gath to Ierusalem short; yet it is probable that the Sons of Athaliah encouraged him, with hope of a great Party to be drawn by them, of such as favoured them; otherwise it is improbable that Hazael would have awaked a sleeping Enemy. However it were, it was of God, who knoweth how to prefer Motives to such as he will imploy, though they intend it not. Some confound the two Invasions of Hazael's; but they are different; the first was a compleat Army, which frighted Ioash, and had Hazael's presence; the second was small, and was encounter'd by the Iudeans, when the King of Aram was at Damascus. Some hold the Invasion was in Iehojada's days; but it seemeth otherwise, seeing the Service of the Temple flourished all his Days. God sometimes prevents Men's Sins by affliction, before Men see cause, because it reforms them. As for the Wicked, usually their Sins get the start of their Punishment, which can do no good upon them, through hardness of heart by custom of Sin, as it was by this unhappy Man, whose villanous Pattern few Tyrants can endure to imitate.

§. 4. Zecharias the Son of Iehojada, after other Prophets, is moved by the Spirit of God to admonish them of their Wickedness; whom though many personal Reasons might move Ioash to respect, beside the Reason of Reasons, that he was a Reverend Prophet of God, yet at Ioash's Commandment they murdered him. Not unlike the Husbandmen, who killed the Heir, in whom all the hope to win any thing at their hands did rest. For it might well be expected, that this Man might be bolder, and prevail more than all the rest; yet of all the rest, he succeeded least. It seems Ioash thought himself no free Prince, as long as any might be thought to have such interest in him, as to dare to deal plainly with him.

§. 5. Ioash having committed this odious Murder, as the unthankful Snake upon the Man in whose Bosom he had been fostered, as a wretched Tyrant became hateful to his own Times, and his Memory detestable. Neither did the deserved Curse of the Martyr stay long; for within the Year, when the Tyrant thought he was now absolute King without Controul, the Aramites broke into his Country, rather for Pillage, than to perform any great Action, being so few. The King of Iudah many ways discovered his Cowardise, as by drawing blood of Friends, basely buying Peace with Enemies, when he was able to draw into the Field 300000 Men, as his Son did after; and now in levying a great Army against a few Foreigners, or Bands of Rovers. Against these his Wisdom thought fit to advance among his Princes, to shew his Valour, when he presumed through incomparable odds to be free from danger. But God, that laugheth at the Folly of Wise Men, and casteth contempt upon vain-glorious Princes, intending to do more by the few Aramites than themselves merit, whether by Folly of Leaders, amazement of Souldiers, &c. this great Army fell before them, and they had the slaughtering of those Princes, which had drawn their King to Rebel against the King of Kings, and the beating and ranzoming of Ioash himself, who thereupon was forced to take his Bed, in which two of his own Servants, slew him, for the blood of Iehojada's Children.

§. 6. Contemporaries with Ioash, were Mezades and Diognetus in Athens; Eudemus and Aristodemus in Corinth; Agrippa, Sylvius and Syvius Alladius in Italy; Cephrenes the 4th from Sesac, succeeded Cheops in Egypt, the 16th of Ioash, and Ruled Fifty Years; Ocrazapes, or, Anacynderaxes succeeded Ophratanes in Assyria, Forty two years; Ioas 18th. Pigmalion King of Tyrus, in whose Seven years Dido built Carthage, from the Building Solomon's Temple 143 Years, as Iosephus found in the Tyrian Annals; which was 143 years before the Birth of Romulus, and 289 years after the destruction of Troy. Thus all Virgil's Tale of Dido and Aeneas, is Confuted, as Ausonius noteth in his Epigram upon her Statue. The History of Carthage is referred to the Punick Wars.

§. 7. Amaziah, Son of Ioash, succeeded, being Twenty five Years old, who having learned the Art of Dissimulation of his Father, finding the Princes dead which favoured Idolatry, and seeing the Peoples dislike of his Father's Courses, by their Countenancing his Murder; he framed himself to the necessity of the Times, forbore the Traytors, indured his Father's disgrace in his Burial, and Conformed to Religion. But after the Peoples out-cry against his Father, had tyred it self, and that he saw the Conspirators had neither Might, Partakers, nor Abettors, he put them to Death, but spared their Children; which gave Content to the People, as a point of Justice; thus by long Peace and Conformation to Religion and Justice, he grew strong.

Ioash, also, King of Israel, grew in Power, following the War against the Aramites, and prospered, tho' following the Idolatry of the Calves, which had almost consumed the Ten Tribes by Hazael and Benhadad. Yet at the Prayer of this Idolater, God had Compassion in giving him success, that he recover'd his Fathers temporal Losses; but God's Favour more worth than all, he neither sought nor got. This Man entred in the 37th year of Ioash King of Iudah, and in the Fifteenth of Iehoahaz, his Father, who lived two or three after. He receiving his Father's poor Stock of ten Chariots, Fifty Horsemen, and One Thousand Foot, his thriving with this Stock, he ascribed to the Prayers of the Holy Prophet Elisha, 2 Kings 13.14. This Prophet dyed about the Third or Fourth year of Ioash, and for a Legacy, bestowed three Victories upon him, whereby he set Israel in a good way to recover all their Losses.

§. 8. Amaziah, inflamed with desire to undertake some Expedition, by Example of Ioash King of Israel, tho' he could furnish 300000, yet knowing they had lived without Exercise a long time, except that with the Aramites, which rather discouraged them, he therefore thought good to hire 100000 Experienced Men out of Israel, with which he would recover Edom, which revolted under Iehoram. But upon a Prophet's Warning, he dismissed the Israelites, not beloved of God, and went in confidence of God's Assistance, and prospered; while his discontented hired Israelites ravag'd in their return; yet he recover'd not Edom. He took some of Edom's Idols, which might have been led in Triumph, but the wretched King which took them, was besotted by them, and made them his Gods; neither would endure the Prophet's reproof from the true God. If the costly Stuff, or the Workman-ship ravished his Fancy, he might have disposed them to Profit or Ornament; if the Edomites Devotion to them, it should rather have moved laughter at them and their Gods, who had failed their Old Clients. I therefore think a proud Discontentment carried him from God, whom having Obeyed in sending back his Mercenary Israelites, he looked that the Lord would have subdued Edom unto him, as well as give him a Victory; forgetting that God had promised that Esau should break off the Yoke of Iacob at length; and therefore should have limited his desire, and been contented with an honourable Victory. But as Men careful before the Battle, to pray to God, acknowledging him the giver of Victory; and when the Field is won, vaunt of their own Exploits, as if God used their Fore-sight and Courage therein; so Amaziah finding God did nothing extraordinary, arrogated what was ordinary, to himself, and scorned to be checked by a Prophet, having before lost One Hundred Talents by one of them, without any Benefit. From this proud Contempt of God, and Conceit of his own Sufficiency, little Inferior to David, he challenged Ioash King of Israel, and upon occasion of the late Wrongs done by his Subjects, perhaps required Subjection of the Ten Tribes, by Right from his Ancestors David and Solomon. Had he only required Satisfaction, It may be, Ioash would not have returned such an Answer, as argueth an Insolent proud Challenge. Ajax's Father wished him the Victory by the Gods assistance: He answered, that Cowards got Victory so, but he would have it without them; after which proud Speech, and many valiant Acts, upon some disgrace, he fell Mad and killed himself. Amaziah's Thoughts were like Parents of like words, and he might as well have said, he had the Victory without God; which made him insolently challenge Ioash, as if he were able to encounter a valiant Leader, and People trained up in a long Victorious War, because he had defeated the weak, broken Edomites. As his first Counsel among his Parasites, to defy Ioash, was foolish, so was his proceeding, which was carelessness in providing and preventing; in both which, his Adversaries took the start, and prevented Amaziah with a brave Army in his own Country, to save him the labour of a long March. This sudden Invasion much discouraged Iudah, who having devoured Israel in their greedy hopes, saw themselves disappointed, and their own Estates seized by the others: This Issue was, that Amaziah was taken, and was led in Triumph to Ierusalem, which, to save his Life, he basely procured to be opened to the Conqueror, who made a large breach in the Wall, at which he rid in, made what Spoil he thought fit, and departed.

§. 9. Ioash King of Israel, being in Possession of Ierusalem, it may be marvelled why he seized not upon the whole Kingdom; especially considering he might think the Kingdom was not tyed to the House of David, as appeared in Athaliah; and that the Iudaeans were liklier to endure his Government, being such a Conqueror, and descended of Kings, of which Iehu was Anointed from God. I need not add the Commodities growing by Union of these two Kingdoms; neither read we of any special Prohibition to him; but it appears, Ioash minded not the Kingdom, for then he would not have aimed at such a Triumph and Entrance at a Breach, which is one of the greatest Affronts to Citizens, but would have entred at a Gate with fair Intreaty of a People, rather yielding than vanquished; he would also have forborn the Spoil, especially of the Sanctuary, which the People prefer to their Lives; and in forbearing whereof, he had won the Opinion of Piety, as the Sacrilege upon the House of their God and his, branded him with a Mark of extraordinary Prophaneness, who by execrable Church-Robbery, became odious, and lost the Inheritance of the whole Orchard, by stealing a few fair Apples. The Citizens provoked by these Indignities, after a few days, would gather Spirit, to conceive the Enemy was of their Mould, and that themselves were not disarmed, were a great multitude, had Provision and such advance of Place as Armed Women and Children; and considering the Evils grown, and like to encrease by former Cowardize, would grow to a desperate Resolution to correct the first Errors. Upon these grounds, it is certain that great Towns entred by Capitulation, are not so easily held as entred, as Charles VIIIth of France found at Florence, which made him come to Terms, when he saw the Citizens Resolution, rather to hazard all, than to submit to his intollerable Conditions, being now entred the Town. Besides, Ioash might consider how hardly he could make good his Possession against the Army of Iudah, rather terrified than broken; and lastly, Ioash having had the Three Victories against Aram, promised by the Prophet, he should not expect a perpetual Success against them; and therefore thought it best to return home with the best Security he could for conveying his rich cumbersom Booty, and to make head against the Aramites, who, in his Absence, had taken the Advantage, and given Israel such a Blow as he could never recover; taking therefore Hostages for his quiet Passage, he returned home.

§. 10. Amaziah, who threatned to work wonders, and raise again the Empire of David, was stript of his Lions Skin; and appeared nothing so terrible a Beast as he had been painted, and became an Argument of scoffing to many; as the Shame which falls on an Insolent Man, seldom fails of much Reproach. Governours are commonly blamed by the Multitude, for the Calamities which befall them, though by the Peoples default; but every Child could see the Root of all this Mischief in this Bastard, which having provoked a valiant Adversary, for Fear betrayed the City, opened unto him by this base intreaty, to save his Life (which his Brutal Father would not do) which he redeemed at so dear a rate, as the Spoil of City and Temple, which might easily have been saved by a little delay, which would have forced Ioash faster home than he came out, hearing of the Aramites; and a little Courage, in that space, recover'd, would have perswaded him to leave his Baggage behind him, had not this good King given Hostages for a Convoy. That this punishment and dishonour brought him back to God, appeareth not, but the contrary, by the Reason of the Conspiracy Related by the Holy Ghost. He which tells a Man in Adversity, of his sins past, shall sooner be thought to upbraid him with his present Fortune, than to seek his Reformation; which might make the Priest and Prophets little welcome to him. On the other side, his Flatterers which sought to raise up his Heart, of which themselves might always be Masters, wanted no plausible Matter; and he was not the first Noble Commander which hath been foiled, as David himself abandoned Ierusalem to Absalom. Sesac was sent into the City as well as Ioash; the Temples Pillaging had been excused by Necessity of State; his Captivity excuseth his Command to open the City, but they which opened it were to blame, knowing he was not his own Master, when he commanded it; his Captivity was his Honour, who might have escaped by Fight, as others did, which betrayed him by running away while he fought to incourage them by his Example; yet his Mischance saved Thousands, while the Enemy wisely preferred the surprize of a Lyon, before the Chase of an Army of Stags which followed him. These, or the like Speeches might have satisfied Men, if the King had studied to please God; but as he still neglected the Favour of God, so after this, he out-living his Honour Fifteen Years, recovered no Love of his Subjects by his Government, but increased their Hatred to his Ruine. He which thinketh himself less Honoured than he deserveth in his own Opinion, will force his Authority, to be esteemed a severe Man; that by affected Sowerness, he may be thought a grave, wise Man, and that by the Fear in which the Oppressed live, he may be thought a Reverence to the Oppressed; at least it will dazel the Eyes of Underlings, keeping them from prying into the weakness of their Governours. Thus the time in which, by well using it, Men might attain to be such as they ought, they do usually mispend it in seeking to appear such as they are not, so procure more Indignation than was feared, instead of the Respect that was hoped; which is of dangerous Consequence in an unable Spirit in high Authority, too passionate in Execution of an Office, and cannot be checked but by violence. If Amaziah thought by extreme rigour to uphold his Reputation; what did he but make the People think he hated them, who easily believed he did not love them? He had indeed provided for his own security, by revenging on his Father; but who shall take Vengeance (or on whom) of a Murther in which every one hath a part? Surely God himself, who hath not given Leave to the People to shed the blood of his Anointed. Yet as he was careless of God, and was carried head-long, with his own Affection; so his Subjects, by his Example, not enquiring what was their Duty, rose up against him with a precipitant Fury, which yet he could not avoid by flying to Lachish, as a choice Town for Strengh and Affection, where yet he found no other Favour, but that they would not kill him with their own Hands, but abandon'd him to the Conspirators sent after him, who dispatched him with little Opposition.

§. 11. Amaziah being Slain, the Throne of Iudah was vacant Eleven Years; for as he out-lived Ioash King of Israel 15 Years, which Ieroboam held, and must dye the 15th of Ieroboam, so it is expresly said, V • ziah his Son began to Reign in the 27th of Ieroboam, being 16 Years old, and Reigned 52 Years; which argueth 11 Years Inter-regn • m. Others to avoid this Inter-regnum, have made divers Conjectures; as G. Mercator, &c. But I know not why it may not be admitted in Iudah, seeing the like necessity hath inforced it in the Kingdom of Israel, as between the death of Ieroboam 2. and his Son Zecharias, and between Peka and Hosea. Such suspence of the Crown of Iudah is more probable, considering how things stood at the death of Amaziah, although the computation were not so apparent. For the Publick Fury which extended so far against the King's Person, was not like to be appeased, 'till order was taken to redress the Matters which caused that eruption. We need not then wonder that they who involv'd themselves in the former Treason against the Father, would stay the Crown 'till things were set in order, the Prince being so young, and to be under protection, &c. To make Ieroboam's Reign to begin the 11th with his Father, were the best, but only for swallowing up so much of Ioash's Reign, extending the Years of the Kings of Israel, and contracting the Years of the Princes of other Nations.

§. 12. Contemporaries with Amaziah, and Eleven Years after, were Ioash and Ieroboam in Israel; Cephreras and Mycerinus in Egypt; Sylvius Alladius, and Sylvius Aventinus in Alba; Agamemnon in Corinth; Diognetus, Pheredus, and Ariphron, in Athens, Thelectus in Lacedemon, when the Spartans won Towns from the Achaians.

Sardanapalus in the 21st Year of Amaziah, succeeded Acrozapes his Father in Assyria 21 Years, and was slain the Year before Azariah entred, and ended Ninus's Line after 1240 Years Empire. This unhappy voluptuous Prince was so base, he durst let no Man see him; 'till at length Arbaces Governour of Media, got a sight of that beastly Spectacle of a Man in Woman's Attire counterfeiting an Harlot; which moved him to such indignation, that he brake with Belosus a Chaldean, about casting off the Yoke of so unworthy a Creature. Belosus pleased him too well, to tell him he should enjoy the Kingdom, who promised him thereupon the Kingdom of Babylon. Being thus agreed, the one stirr'd up the Medes and Persians, the other the Babylonians and Arabians, and so drew together 40000 Men against Sardanapalus, who, contrary to his former course of Life, became a Man, gathered his Forces, and encounter'd the Rebels, and foil'd them in three Battles; and had not Belosus promised unexpected Succors, Arbaces had broken up the Camp. About that time an Army out of Bactria was coming to assist the King; but Arbaces encountring it, upon promise of Liberty, drew them to joyn with him: In the mean time, the King supposing Arbaces to be fled, Feasted his Army, Triumphing before Victory. The Rebels strengthned with new Supplies, came upon him by Night, forced his Camp, unprepared for resistance, and made the King retire into the City Ninive, leaving Salaminus, his Wives Brother, to keep the Field 'till new Succours came. Arbaces overthrew the King's Army, slew Salaminus, and lay two whole Years before the City, in hope to win it by Famine; for force it h • could not, the Wall being an hundred Foot high, and so thick, that three Chariots might pass in the Front upon the Rampire. But what he could not now do, the River Tygris did the third Year; for in a swelling after a Rain, it cast down 20 Furlongs, and made a fair Breach for Arbaces to enter. Sardanapalus either terrified with accomplishment of the old Oracle, that Ninive should never be taken, 'till the River became an Enemy to it; or seeing no means of resistance, he at last consumed himself and Family with fire in his Palace. Diodorous Siculus out of C • esias.

CHAP. XI.X Of Uzziah, and his Contemporaries in Israel, and elsewhere; of his two Successors.

§. 1. UZziah, or Aaria being Sixteen Years of Age, succeeded his Father Amaziah, in the Twenty Seventh Year of Ieroboam, and Reigned Forty Two Years; he served the God of his Fathers, and prosper'd. His Victories and Atchievments were far beyond any since the time of David, and his Wealth exceeded any since Solomon's days. Ieroboam also King of Israel prospered in the North, and won Damascus, and Hamath; not for his Piety, being an Idolater: It was only the Lord's compassion on Israel, so extreamly afflicted by Aram. Yet as God's goodness to Iehu his Grandfather, could not win him from Ieroboam's politick Idolatry of the Calves, no more could it make Ieroboam his Son render the Honour due to the only giver of Victory; so that the Promise made to Iehu for Four Generations, grew to an accomplishment, to be a fair warning to his Son to expect a Change, except himself or his Son would change his Idolatry. But as Ieroboam ended his days in his Idolatry, so his Son Zachary, who should have succeeded presently, was held out many years without apparent reason, but only the two Calves at Dan and Bethel; yet Secondary Causes were like not to be wanting. Probable it is, that as Ieroboam's Reign had bred many brave Captains, so they saw so little in Zechary to respect him for, or perhaps found something which moved disdain, that they could not agree to submit unto him 'till some principal of them were dead; every Man of them in the mean time holding what he could, &c. This Anarchy lasted about 23 Years, from the 11th Year of Vzziah, when Ieroboam died, unto the 38th of the same Vzziah, in the which Zechariah entred, and sate 6 Months. And though some suppose Ieroboam to Reign 11 Years with his Father, and to cut off so much of this Inter-regnum, yet they leave 12 Years; but I prefer the former, as best agreeing with the Reign of other Princes, and not extend Ieroboam's Reign and Life as this doth. Zechariah the Son of Ieroboam, the last of Iehu's Line, after 6 Months Reign, was by Sallum slain, fulfilling the 4 Generations following to Iehu; yet not warranting Sallum to slay him, as Iehu had been against Iehoram. Thus Iero • oam's Captains were grown so headstrong, that they neither indured his Son, nor one another; so that in 14 Years their Reigned five Kings. Sallum after 1 Month's Reign in Samaria, was slain by Menahem. M • nahem of Tyrza Reigned 10 Years, a Cruel Persecutor of Sallum's Friends. In his time came Pull the Assyrian, whom he pacified with a Thousand Talents of Silver, and so was confirmed in his Kingdom, against such as opposed him.

Pekahiah succeeded his Father 2 Years, in the Year of Azariah King of Iudah. Peka the Son of Remaliah slew Pekahia, and Reigned 20 Years.

§. 2. Vzziah, whose Succession had been endangered by the hatred to his Father, but by Holy Men brought up and advanced, as was Ioash, and had his Holy Zechariah, under whose direction he prospered, as Ioash under good Iehojada. But as Ioash after his Tutor's death, so Vzziah after his Zechariah, forgetting the Law of God, which had separated the Priest's Office from the King's, would needs usurp the same; for which presumption, being reprov'd by Azariah the Priest, the Lord seconded the just reprehension, and struck the King with Leprosie. Thus he which presumed to draw near the Holiest, was cast from among common Men. Iosephus enlargeth this History, and reports of an Earthquake, which some mistake for that in Am • s, which was in Ieroboam the 2ds days, long before Vzziah.

§. 2. Contemporaries with Vzziah. Among the small Prophets, Hosea, Ioel, Amos, Obadiah, and Ionas lived with Uzziah, if Hierom's Rule hold, to range a Prophet whose time is not expressed, with the next before; then Ioel and Obadiah are of this time. Ionas seems to me the first that foretelleth Ieroboam's Victory, and Prophecied of Christ, rather by Sufferings, than Writing now extant; whereas all the other Prophets have express Promises of the Messias. Esaiah also now prophecied, writ much, with excellency both of Stile and Argument; foretelleth the Birth, Miracles, and Passion of our Saviour, with calling of the Gentiles; more like an History of things past, than a Prophecy of things to come, as Hierom saith. Bochoris had Reigned in Egypt 10 Years when Vzziah entred; Asychis succeeded, then Anysis, whom Sabacus succeeded 50 Year; of which, the 10 first were with Vzziah.

Ariphron's 2 last Years of 20. Thespeus 27. Aganestor's 20. and Aeschylus's 3 first of his 23 in Athens, ended with Vzziah, so did the 7 last of Sylvius Aventinus's 37. with 23 of Sylvius Procas, and the first of Sylvius Amulius. 22 in Alba. In Media, Arbaces began his new Kingdom with Vzziah, and held it 28. and Sosarmus his Son 30 Year.

§. 4. Arbaces having taken Ninive, utterly ruined it, to transfer the Empire to the Medes, as he had promised; he also made his Partakers Rulers of Provinces, retaining only the Sovereignty; yet with such moderation, as neither offended the Princes his Assistants, nor the generality of the People. For calling Belosus into question for Embezling the Treasure, he referred his Condemnation to the Captains, and then pardoned him, and gave him the Province of Babylon, with the Treasure. He also •• eed the Persians and Bactrians as he promised, and so weaken'd his Sovereignty; so that in time, the Assyrian incroached upon some Towns of the Medes, and extended it self to Israel; but when the Assyrian cast off the Mede's Yoak is uncertain: As also when Babylon and Ninive became subject to one. The Opinion current 'till of late, is according to Metastenus in Annius; That • elosus, called also Phut Belosus, and in Scripture Pul, or Phul, Reigning 42 Years in Babylon, got part of Assyria into his hand, and left it to Tigla • Pileser his Son, and his Posterity, 'till Merodach prevailed. This Tradition, though Annius's Authors be suspected, is justified by Circumstances in other Authors; as Belosus enjoying Babylon, D •• dorus relates, and no Authors speak of any special Governour of Assyria; neither stood it with Policy to set a particular King in Assyria; wh • n to prevent the ri • ing again thereof, Ninive was ruined, and the Inhabitants transplanted. Upon the like Considerations, Ro • e destroyed Carthage, and Capua, being Towns Capable of Empire, &c. It is not then to be thought that Ninive and the Assyrian • could rise in three or four Years, by any o • her t •• n Be • osus, so near a Neighbour, and of so rich a Province; for H • rodotus esteemed it, for Rich • s and Pow • r, as the third part of the Per • i •• Empire; who a • so joyned the Treasure found in the Palace of Nin • ve.

§. 5. The Olympian Games were restored by Iphylus in the Fifty fi • st of Vzziah. The first Founder of them was Hercules, and were so called of the City Olympia or Pisa, near Elis a City in Peloponesus, near the River A • pheus, where Iupiter had a Temple, reputed one of the Worlds Wonders. These Games were exercised after every Four years end; which were discontin • ed lo • g, until the days of Iphitus, when Lycurgus lived; and continued in Greece 'till the Reign of Theodosius, saith Cedrenus; or to Constantine, after others. Varro held all Grecian Stories Fabulous before these; but Pliny esteemeth none true before the Fifty fifth Olympiad, when Cyrus began to Reign. Many seek to find the Years of the World when they began, but can set down no certainty; others seek it from Troy's Fall, more uncertain than they. The certainty of things following the Olympiads, teacheth to find their beginning, to which use, Eratosthenes hath set down the years ensuing unto the death of Alexander from the Olympian Institution, Four Hundred fifty three years. So for placing their beginning the 51st of Vzziah, we have Cyrus's Reign to prove it, being the first of the Fifty fifth Olympiad. So Alexander's death the First year of the 144th Olympiad. So the Eclipse when Xerxes mustered at Sardis, the last of the Sixty fourth Olympiad, or the Two Hundred Sixty Seventh year of Nabonassar, which leads us back to Xerxes, and so to Cyrus, whence we have Seventy Years to the destruction of Ierusalem, and so through the Reigns of the Kings of Iudah to Vzziah's 51st. The Solemnity was such by concourse from all the Greeks; their Exercise was all bodily Feats; and the Reward, a Garland of Palm or Olive; so that the choice Orators, Poets and Musicians resorted thither to shew their skill in setting out his Praise that won the Garland, with such Vanity (said Tully,) as if it had been a Conquest of a Province. The time of the year was the Fifteenth of Hecatobaeon, our Iune, whereto they brought the Full Moon.

§. 6. Iotham, Twenty Five years old, succeeded his Father Vzziah in his life time, and reigned 26 years; happy in all things, as he was Devout and Virtuous, 2 King. 15.33. Contemporaries, Aucomenus succeeded Pelesteus in Corinth, whom Annual Magisteus succeeded; contrary to Pausan.

Strabo, Plutarch. Aesculus in Athens; Accamenes in Sparta. Tiglath Pileser in Assyria, Twenty five years, and Two with his Son, Twenty Seven in all. Nahum the Prophet now fore-told the destruction of Ninive, One Hundred and Fifty years beforehand. Sosarmus and Medidus succeeded Arbaces in Media, the Second and Third Kings there.

§. 7. Achas succeeded in Iudah one year, with Iotham, in the Seventeenth year of Peka; he was Twent • years old, and Reigned Sixteen years; an exceeding Idolater, Sacrificing his Sons to Moloch, or Saturn, after the manner of the Heathens used of old, Levit. 18. Deut. 12. by many Nations, and at this day by the Americans, as Acosta witnesseth, &c. God raised • im Enemies on all sides, so that when he saw his dead Gods failed him, yet neglecting the living God, he sought Aid of Tiglath Pileser, who embraced the Advantage to go through with what his Father entred, but had no leisure to finish it. He therefore invaded Syria, and won Damascus, all Israel; made Iudah Tributary, though Achaz had hired him.

Contemporaries, the Ephori in Lacedemon, 130 years after Lycurgus, opposed to Kings, as the Tribunes in Rome against Consuls. Alcamenon in Athens, the last Governour for Life; after which followed a Magistrate for Ten years. Sylvii of Aeneas's Race, ended after Three Hundred Years. Romulus now built Rome, the Eighth of Achaz, the First of the Seventh Olympiad.

CHAP. XX. Of Italy, and Rome's Foundation in Ahaz's time.

§. 1. ITALY, before the Fall of Troy, was known to the Greeks, by the names of Hesperia, Ausonia, Oenotria, of a Colony of Arcadians; and Italy of Italus. Reyneccius derives the Name rather from a Colony of Aetolians, which Inhabited Brundusium, from whose Names, with small Change, that part was called Italia, which in time grew the common name, saith Pliny. Such change in the Aeolic Dialect is Familiar, as to call an Island Peopled by Aetholians, Aethalia. The Original of Greeks and Latins, was from Iavan, who sailing over the Ionian Sea, between Aetolia and the Western Ocean, planted Greece and Italy. Reyneccius makes Atlai Italus, one which Berosus calls Cethim Italus, but is deceived, for Atlas is esteemed more Antient than Moses; and if he were Cethim or Kithim, Noah's Grand-Son, his Antiquity exceeds that of Italy; which Name, Virgil confesseth later, and from a Captain. But seeing Hercules a little before Troy's Fall, left a Colony of Eleans or Aetoleans, it may be under the command of one called Aitolus, a Name famous among Aetolians: Italy might take Name of him.

§. 2. Aborigines, that is, the Natives of the place Inhabited Latium, whom Halycarnassus, Varro, and Reyneccius, think to have been Arcadians, who used to vaunt of their Antiquity, having more constantly kept their Country in Peloponesus, than other Greeks yet being fruitful, sent Colonies to other Countries, as when Evander was sent into the same parts of Italy.

Pelasgi, an Antient Nation, after gave Name to all Greece, but such of them as came into Italy, lost the Name of their Tribe in a short time. Sicani, Ausones, Aurunci, Rutili, in after Ages, disturbed Latium, whi • h Sat • rn had brought to some Civility, and taught to dung the Ground.

That Latium took the name of Saturn's lurking there from Iupiter, is far fetched, and questionless a Fable; yet many Fables were occasioned from some Antient Truths. It may be then that Saturn hiding himself, was some allusion to the old Opinion of the Wise Heathen, that the true God was an unknown God, to whom Paul found an Altar dedicated. It cannot be in vain, that the word Saturnus should also signify hidden, coming of the Hebrew Satar to hide (as some think) &c. Reyneccius proceedeth in deriving Latium from the Posterity of Iavan, Inhabiting a Territory in lesser Asia, called Elaitia, who after the Trojan War, went into Italy, whence might grow Elaitinus, and so Latinus, &c.

§. 3. The Latin Kings 'till Aeneas, were Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, Latinus. Whether Saturnus were he whom the Greeks called Cronos, &e. the time of the Aborigines will admit; but his Names of Stercus, or Sterculius, do argue him another; so called of the Dungs he taught them to lay upon their ground. Ezechiel often cals Id • ls, Deos Stercoreos, as Belzebul is Dominus Stercoreus, &c.

§. 4. Aeneas, a Trojan of the Blood-Royal, came to Latium with some 1200 Trojans, and Married Laviana, King Latinus's Daughter. He had a Son before, by his Wife Creusa, Daughter of Priamus, called Ascanius, and Sirnamed Iulus. After Aeneas's death, Lavinia was great with Child by him, and fearing Ascanius, fled into a Wood, where being Delivered, the Child was called Sylvius Posthumus. B • t upon the Peoples disapproving of Lavinia's flight, Ascanius called her home, used her like a Queen, and Educated her Son. Ascanius, to avoid dissention, left the City Lavinium, to Laviana; and Founded Alba-Longa, where he Reign'd about 30 Year, and left his Son Iulus; who upon contention with Sylvius, whom the People favoured, left the Kingdom, and took the Priesthood, for him, and his Posterity. Sylvius Posthumus Reigned 29. Sylvius Aeneas, 31. Sylvius Latinus, 10. Sylvius Alba 39. Sylvius Atis 36. Sylvius Capijs 28. Sylvius Capelus 13. Sylvius Tiberinus 8. Sylvius Agrippa 41. Sylvius Alladyus 19. Sylvius Aventinus 37. Sylvius Procas 23. Sylvius Amulius 44. He expelled his Elder Brother Sylvius Numitor, slew his Son Aegestius, and made his Daughter Ilia a Vestal-Virgin. Numitor, who yet, either by her Uncle, or some Warlike-Man, conceived 2 Sons, Romulus, and Reineccius, who in time slew Amulius, and all his Family, and restored Numitor, in whom the Kingdom of Alba ended, and received Magistrates. Yet it contended with Rome, 'till her Three Curiatij were vanquished by the Three Horatij, Champions for Rome. After this, Metius the Alban Dictator, following Tullus Hostilius in his War, upon Tullus's disadvantage, withdrew his Companies to distress Tullus; for which he was torn in pieces at two Chariots, and Alba Reigned; but the Citizens were made free Denisons, and her Nobles, Patricians of Rome; among whom was a Family of Iulij, which hath since risen in Iulius Caesar, &c.

§. 5. Rome, which devoured the Alban Kingdom, and brake all the Kingdoms from Euphrates, to the Western Ocean, as that Alban the IVth, a Beast with Iron-Teeth, forespoken of, cometh now to be handled, only touching her Original, which some seek to derive from Ianus, others from the Greeks. Pl • tarch in the Life of Romulus, remembers many F • unders of the City, but Livie will have it the Work of Romulus, &c. Of his Begetting, Birth, and Education, Plutarch saith, it is probable, that Amulius came armed to Rhea, which occasioned the Tale of Marce; as the Nursing the Children by some Harlot, occasioned the Tale of a Woolf; for Harlots of old were called Wolves. Halicarnassus tells us of the like Reports they have of Cyrus's Nursing by a Bitch, and Semiramis by Birds. So of his End, they say he was taken away in a storm of Thunder, &c. Which was probably the fury of the Senators, remembred also by Livie. But as many Authors speak of great Lightning and Thunder that day, so it may be he was slain by it, as was Anastasius the Emperor, and Emperor Carus. Halicarnassus saith, they caus'd it to be remembred, nearest to Truth, which say his Citizens slew him, &c. Plutarch reports of his Conquests of a few Miles about him, not worth the speaking of, if the following Greatness of Rome had not caus'd it to be remembred. He Reign'd 37 Years; first alone, then with Tatius, and after his death single, 'till he was slain. Numa a Man unknown to Romulus, succeeded, more Priestlike, &c. well resembling Rome's latter days; which falling from Emperors Command, into subjection of a Prelate; swelling by degres, from a Sheep-Hook, to a Sword; wherewith Victorious, to excessive Magnificence, it fell to Luxury; and being unfortunate in defensive War, is driven again to betake himself to the Crosier-Staff.

CHAP. XXI. Of Hezechiah, and his Contemporaries.

§. 1. HEzechiah at 25 Years old succeeded, about the end of Achaz 14 Years, in the 3d of Hosea King of Israel, and Reigned 29 Years. His first Work testified his Pious Zeal in opening the Temple, shut up by his ungracious Father, and reformed Religion, &c. Comp. 2 Chron. 29, and 30. with 2 Kings 18. It is uncertain whether he did this in his Father's time, or in his sole Government, as I rather think. He invited also the Ten Tribes to the Passover, which the Generality scorned. In the fourth Year of Hezekiah, the Israelites which scorned to Celebrate their Deliverance out of Egypt, fell into a new Servitude, wherein they continued to this day. For Salmanasser, Son of Tyglath, hearing that Hosea King of Israel, practised with Soe King of Egypt, against him; came, and after Three Years Siege, won Samaria, and carried the Ten Tribes into Assyria, and Media, and placed others in the Land.

These later Assyrian and Persian Kings following, are the first we find mentioned both in Profane and Sacred Books, and therefore must serve to joyn the times of the old World with that following, seeing none but Prophets have written otherwise than Fabulous of former Times. True it is, that Cyrus and some Persian Kings bear the same Name in Scripture, and Profane Stories; but of others the diversity of Names have bred question of the Persons, as whether Salmanasser in Scripture be Nabonasser in Ptolomy, and Nebuchadnezzar be Nabopolassar, both which points Bucholcerus out of good Mathematick Observations, hath well proved; for by them it appears, that from N • bonasser to Chris • , were Seven Hundred Forty six years, which agrees also to Salmanassar, which is proved; for that the space between Merdocenpadus and Nabonassar is found the same between Merodach (who was Mardocenpadus) and Salmanassar. So Functius. That as from the destruction of Samaria to that of Ierusalem, are 133 years, so in Ptolomy, the same time is found between Nabonassar and Nabopolassar, the Eighth year differing in Ptolomy, being before the winning of Samaria, spent in his Reign.

§. 2. Hezekiah having denyed the Tribute to Senacherib, which had been Covenanted with Tiglath his Grandfather, acknowledged his Fault, and laboured to purchase his Peace by Three Thousand Talents of Silver, and Thirty of Gold, by Senacherib's intending to set down the Conditions with his Sword, sent from Lachish, where he lay and invested Ierusalem, &c. where Vengeance from Heaven destroyed so many Thousands for their Master's Blasphemy; who also drunk a Cup of the Wrath of God, from his own Sons.

§. 3. Hezechiah his Sickness, Prayer, Recovery and Sign thereof, 2 Kings 20. His Lamentation, saith Ierom, was for want of a Son, of whom the Messias might spring. His entertaining the Babylonian Embassadors, and vain-glory therein, reproved. Yet, according to Humane Reason, he thought fit to entertain them familiarly, coming to Congratulate his Recovery with Presents, being one which had weakened the Assyrian, his greatest Enemy, by seizing upon the Kingdom of Babylon, of which he had been Lieutenant under Senacherib, whose Son weak in Understanding, and molested by his Elder Brethren, gave him opportunity to Usurp Babylon, as Belochus had dealt with Sardanapalus. Thus Belochus Forty Eight years, Tiglath Pilesar Twenty Seven, Salmanassar Ten, Senacherib Seven, Esarhaddon Ten, the Three last being Contemporaries with Hezechiah.

§. 4. Hezechiah's Contemporaries in Media, after Arabaces and Sosarmus, according to Eusebius, are Medidus Forty years, Cordiceas Fifteen Years. Then followed Deioces Fifty four, Phraortes Twenty four, Cyaxares Thirty two, Astyages Thirty Eight, and Cyaxares Two, according to Xenophon. Metasthenes in Anneus and Diodorus out of Ctesias, differ much from Eusebius, whom Mercator would fain reconcile, but in vain. In Athens, Four of the Four Ten year Governours. In Lidea Candaulus slain by Gyges, who succeeded.

CHAP. XXII. Egyptian Kings from Moses to Hezekiah.

§. 1. THE Egyptians at this time, contending with the Assyrians about Sovereignty, giveth the occasion to consider the state of the Country which had flourished so long. Of Cham, Osiris, and Orus, and the rest with their Dynasties, 'till Israel came out of Egypt, we have heard; and are to proceed from thence, not regarding the idle Catalogue of Names of Kings, set out by Herodotus and Dyodorus, from the Mouths of the Egyptian Priests, who, for the most part, were but Vice-Roys, or Stewards, like Ioseph, and such as were the Soldans in later Ages. For First, we may not believe that the number of Generations we speak of, were above Eighty, from Abraham to the Persian Empire; whereas we know, there were but Forty two Generations to our Saviour Christ; especially, considering many of them were of about Forty years continuance; we must therefore proportion the number to that of other Countries, according to the time; and esteem the rest but Regents, who yet Ruled as Kings; of which sort there might be many, as may be well conceived in Reading W. Arch-Bishop of Tyre, who sheweth that there was the Caleph Elhadech, supream over Egypt, under whom the Soldans ruled as Kings, making War and Peace; yea, supplanting one another without the Calephs privity, as fell out under Elhadech, under whom San. was Soldan, and yet chased away by Dagon, and upon his death recovered again without the great Caleph's Hand, who in the mean time only attended his state, and delights in his Pallace, which manner of Ruling by Vice-Roys, the Author judgeth to have been from the Ancient Kings of Egypt.

§. 2. It were vain to be curious about these Kings, seeing Diodorus varies from Herodotus, and Eusebius from both, neither do late Writers know whom to follow. The Kings from Chencres or Tuoris, or Proteus, are agreed upon, of which according to Eusebius, Acherres was next, whom Reyneccius thinks to be Vchoreus in Diodore, Founder of Memphis; but then Timaus cannot be the great Osymandias as he also judgeth; for there were more than Eight Generations between them, contrary to Diodorus. Touching Osymandais, Mercator, makes him the Husband of Acenc • eres, Daughter to Orus Second, and finds Vchoreus the Eighth from him: But I will pass over these inextricable doubts, &c.

§. 3. Cherres after Eight years of Acherres succeeded Fifteen years; Armeus five years; Ramesses Sixty Eight years, which two last are the Danaus and Egyptus spoken of by the Greeks, who make Danaus expelled Egypt, become King of Argos in Greece: But Reyneccius believes not Armeus to be Danaus, though their time agree; but rather thinks he was Meris, which made the great Lake Myris, 3600 Furlongs compass, and Fifty Fadoms deep, to receive Nilus over-flowing, for store, when Water was scarce.

§. 4. Ameraphis succeeded his Father Forty years; then Sethosis Fifty years, to whom some ascribe improbably, the famous Acts of Great Sesostris. In him began the Dynastie of the Zarths, or Generals, which Title Five only held, Ramases succeeded Sixty years, mistaken for Sesostris the 2d. Amenophis succeeded Forty years: Andemenes Twenty six years; T • uoris, the last Zarth, Seven years, whom some make Proteus, whose Son Remphes succeeded, but I doubt neit • er Father nor Son were Kings.

§. 5. Many other Names of the Egyptian Kings are found scattered, as Tonephersobis; Senemues or Senepos; Banchistis Thulis in Suidas, who asking Seraps the Divel, who was, or should be, so mighty as he, was answered, First God, and then the Word, and then the Spirit, which Three be One, and join in One all Three, whose Power is endless. Get thee hence frail Wight, the Man of Life unknown, excelling thee. Cedreus hath the same, and gives this King as great Antiquity as the Indies, citing a Book called Little Genesis, which word little, alone argues Impostor, besides the Frierly stuff he cites out of it. His List of Old Egyptian Kings here set down, are not worth writing out, neither the Kings named by others. Vaphres and Sesac will lead us into a fair way a while; the first was Solomon's Father-in-Law, according to Clemens Alexandrinus and Eusebius; the second, Eusebius calls Smendis, with whom he begins the Twenty First Dynastie, whose Entrance is found about the Twentieth of Solomon, reckoning from Neco's death in the Fourth of Iehojakim, King of Iudah upward; as from the Fifth of Rehoboam, wherein he plunder'd the Sanctuary, but injoyed that Sacriledge, as did Ioas and Craseus, not one Year. For the Kings, from Sesac to Necho, I chose the Greek Historians, for Eusebius is out, by failing to keep the reckoning between the Kings of Iudah and Israel.

§. 6. Chemmis or Chembis succeeded Sesac Fifty years, and built the great Pyramid, whose Base was Seven Acres square, and Six high, which Diodore saw One Thousand Years after, in Augustus's days▪ C • abreus or Cheops succeeded Fifty years, and then Cephrenes Fifty six, both Builders of Pyramids for their Sepulchers: Mycerinus his Son Six years, as the Oracle had threatned for his opening the Idols Temple, which his Predecessors had shut. It may be Chemmis had learned their Vanity at Ierusalem, and thereupon shut the Temple up. Reyneccius gives him Fifty years; Bochoris, or Banchyris by Suidas, succeed Forty four years. Then Sabacus an Aethiopian. But Herodotus omits both, and hath Asychis, who decreed the Debtors dead Body, should be given to the will of the Creditor, 'till the Debt were payed. Anysis succeeded him, and both could be but Six years. Then came the former Aethiopian, who Reigned Fifty years; Scripture calls him Zonaras, Sua, with whom Hosea, King of Israel, made a Vain League against Salmanassar. They say he left his Kingdom, and returned into Aethiopia, to avoid his God's Commandment to kill all the Priests of Egypt; such was their Zeal to their Priests.

§. 7. Sethom succeeded in the Twelfth of Hezekia • ▪ and Fifth of Senacherib, when Assur and Egypt contended which should Rule or serve. Hezekiah, though fixing special Confidence in God, held it fit to make a League with Egypt by his People, relying more on Egypt than on God. Egypt promiseth much, but only furnished him with some Treasure, sent to hire Arabians, which was intercepted: Herodotus tells us a Tale of Sethom's Praying to Vulcan his God for Aid against the Assyrians, who lay before Pelusium, and he sent Mice which gnawed their Bowstrings, and Straps of their Armour, which made them depart. His Reign Functius resolves to be 33 years, giving no Reason; yet upon search I find it within One Ye • r, by dividing the years from Rehoboam's 5th to Ieh • jakims 4th among the Kings of Egypt, giving each his set time, and the Remainder to Sethom.

CHAP. XXIII. Of Manasses, and his Contemporaries.

§. 1. MAnasses, Son of Hezekiah succeeded, being Twelve Years Old, and Reigned Fifty Five Years, of whose Idolatry, and extraordinary Wickedness, see 2 Kings 21. and 2 Chron. 33. Of his putting the Reverend Prophet Isaiah to death, with a Wooden Saw, being Eighty years old, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Isidore, and others confirm. His Captivity in Babel, his Repenting, Prayer, Reformation, and Death, see 2 Chron. 33. Merodach having loved his Father, might more easily be perswaded to restore him.

§. 2. Aegypt, after Sethom was miserably distracted with Civil dissention two Years; then ill reform'd by a Government of 12 Princes, of which 11 falling out with the 12th. were by him subdued, and the Kingdom Usurped; which Anarchy Diodore put, after Sabacus, omitting Sethom, contrary to Herodotus. These Twelve, for a Monument of their Government, made a Labyrinth near the Lake Maris, which Heroclus prefers to the Chief Pyramid, which excelled Diana's Temple. Diodorus reports it the work of Marus, or Menides, five Generations before Proteus, or the Trojan War; and Reyneccius takes him to Annemenes, as he doth Amenophis to be Amasis, and Sethom to be Actisanes. But he was deceived, for the times we are now in, shew us Amasis was Anisis, Actisanes Sobacus, and Marus one of the 12 Governours which made this Work. Whereto serve the 12 great Halls in it, &c. Psamniticus one of the 12. cast out by the rest upon an Oracle (as Herodotus tells the Tale, which Diodore believes not) hired Power out of Caria, and Ionia, with which he overthrew his Fellows, and Ruled alone 54 Years, saith Hierom; which Mercator divides; 44 alone, and 10 before, according to Eusebius. And to make the reckoning fall even with the years from the 5th of Rehoboam, and the 4th of Iehojakim, we must confound the last of the 15, ascribed to the 12 Governours, with the first of Psamnitius. He first entertained Amity with the Greeks, displeasing his Souldiers, • ith preferring his Mercenaries to the right Wing, i • an Expedition into Syria. So that 2000 de • erted their Country, and went to dwell in Aethiopia. He won Asotus after 29 Years Siege, by reason the Babylonians deferr'd it long. The Report of breeding up Two Infants for trial of the Original Language, is ascribed to him; and that the first word they spake was Beccus, which in the Phrygian Language is Bread. Hereof Goreus Becanus is proud, because in his low Dutch, Becker is a Baker, &c.

§. 3. Manasses's time of Bondage and Enlargement is diversly disputed; and were it certain, it is like we should find the Egyptian Troubles no small occasion of both. Torniel repeats 3 Opinions, 1. of Bellarmine, who thinks him taken in his 15th Year of his Reign. 2. Great Hebrew Chronologers hold it the 27th. 3. Kimchi, after 40 years of Idolatry. Torniellus rejects the two last, and defends the first; but in Affection rather than Judgment. It is more probable Manasses lived longer in his Sin than 15 years, if not 40. by two places of Scripture, 2 Kings 21.17. and 2 Kings 24.3, 4. utterly remits his Repentance. Manasses's 15th Year was Merodach's 31. his 27th was the other's 43. and his 40th. the 5 of Nabolassar, Son of Merodach; now which of these, or what other, were the Year of his Captivity, I forbear to shew my Opinion, &c. This was the first Mastery the Babylonians had over Iudah, greater than what Salmanassar had of Achaz; by which the Babylonians utterly alienated Manasses and his Son from Egypt, and made them joyn against it; as was seen in Iosias, against Necho.

§. 4. Contemporary Actions were the first and second Messenian Wars; one in the Reign of Hezechias, the other of Manasses ▪ The occasion was slight, about private wrongs between a Messanean, and a Spartan; but sufficient to the ambitious Spartans, tho' they were the Aggressors; who could be drawn to no fair Composition, offered by the other, but the Sword must end it; such was their restless desire to the fair Country of Messena, bordering upon them. They therefore swore secretly to follow the War, 'till the Messenians were Conquer'd; they then surpris'd Amphia, a Frontier, and put all to the Sword. The Messenians Army, an obstinate Force, fought without Victory, ended by dark night. After this, Friends came in on both sides, and three other Battles were fought; but in the last, the Lacedemonians were put to flight. Thus the War continued so long by the obstinacy of the Spartans, that their Wives sent them word their Cities would become dispeopled for want of Issue; whereupon they sent back their ablest young Men, promiscuously to accompany their young Women, whose Issue became the greatest part of the Nation, and were called Parthians. The Messenians at length, by Oracle, were order'd to Sacrifice a Virgin of the Stock of Egyptus, of the Arcadian Royal Blood. Aristodemus the King, ripped up his own Daughters Belly, to prove her a Virgin, contrary to her Lover's report; which to save her, said she was with Child; yet the Messenians prevailed not: So that the miserable Father slew himself at the Grave, with whom the Messenians lost their Courage, and yielded after twenty years rigorous Contests. After thirty years, the young Men of the Messenians, of whom, young Aristodemus, descended from Aegyptus, was Chief, finding their strength, and scorning such Masters; finding also the Argives and Arcadians firm, resolv'd to attempt the Lacedemonians, under the Conduct of Aristodemus, in the Fourth Year of the Twenty Third Olympiad. The Lacedemonians hast to quench the fire before it be too hot, but found their Servants their Equals; and Aristodemus refusing the Title of King, for his Valour became their General; and in the next Battle, assisted with Argives, Arcadians, and Sicyonians, put the Spartans, Corinthians, and others to flight; and after surprized a Town in Laconia, and vanquished Anaxander King of Sparta. But by a treacherons defection of Aristocratus, hired by the Enemy, the Messenians are forced, and slain, Andamia the Chief Town, and others far from Sea forsaken, and the People forc'd to Era, a strong Mountain, which held the Enemy work for Eleven Years; wherein Aristocratus with three hundred Souldiers abroad, perform'd great things; Supriz'd and Sack'd Amicta, which was thrice taken, and still he escaped. Of which escapes that was admirable; that being cast with Fifty more into a deep Natural Cave, he died not of the Fall as the rest, yet without hope; 'till by a little light he spied a Fox eating on a dead Carcass, and got it by the Tail, and follow'd it 'till he could no further, and then let it go, seeing light in the hole, and so wrought himself out with his Nails. The Spartans believed not them which reported he was escaped, 'till the slaughters he made of the Corinthians at Era assured it. Thus Eleven Years were spent about Era, which at last was enter'd in a stormy Night, through neglect of the Watch; which was discovered to the Spartans by a Slave fled from his Master into the City. So the Messenians were dispers'd, and Built Messina in Sicily, and three hundred years after returned, by Epaminondas's means.

§. 5. Ardis King of Lydia succeeded Gyges his Father Forty nine years, in the second of the twenty fifth Olympiad. He incroached upon the Ionians in Asia, took Colephon, and Priene; but the Cymmerians expell'd by the Scythians, Invaded Asia, won Sardis, and held it 'till Alyatts, this Man's Grandchild. Phraortes King of the Medes, the third Year of the twenty ninth Olympiad, the last of Manasses, succeeded his Father Deioces, who had Reigned fifty three years; who Commanded more absolutely than his Predecessor, and by a more State-like Severity and Ceremonies upheld Majesty, almost fallen. He desired not to enlarge his Dominions, but to Govern well his own; and differed so much from his Predecessors, that he seemed to be the first King of the Medes, as Herodotus reports. He was Founder of Ecbitane, now Tauris, and chosen by the Patrons of the Books of Iudith to be Arphaxad, and so must Ben Merodach be Nebuchadnezar. But the brief decision of this Controversie is the Book of Iudith, which is not Canonical: For as Chronologers can find no time to place that Story, so Cosmographers are as much troubled to find Iapheth's Borders there set down, and Phud and Lud; so that for time and place, they are Extra Anni Solisque Vias.

§. 6. Other Contemporaries, as Numa Pompilius in Rome, who succeeded Romulus after one Year. In the second year of Manasses, he brought the rude multitude of Thieves and Out-Laws, which followed Romulus, to some good Civility; by devising Ceremonies of Superstition, as things of great importance, learned of his Nymph Egeria. Which Superstitions himself Condemned, in his Books, found almost Six Hundred Years after in his Grave, which were publickly burnt, as speaking against the Religion then in use. After forty three year, Tullus Hostilius succeeded in Manasses forty sixth, and Reigned thirty two years; for for the most part as Numa, in Peace. He made breach with the Albans, but doubting the Tuscans, their common Enemies, would make advantage of the Dissention, they put it to a Combate of three Brethren on either side; Cousin Germans, and of equal years and strength; but the Horatij of Rome prevail'd against the Curatij and Alba, where the Latins submit to Rome, and Alba not long after was demolished. Hyppomanes had Ruled seven years in Athens, in the entrance of Manasses, and the three last Governours for ten years were in his time. In whose times • follow Halicarnasseus; who professing care in matching the Grecian years with the Roman Occasions, beginneth with Rome's Building, the first year of the seventh Olympiad, and the first of Cecrops in Athens. Midas now Reigned in Phrygia, &c. The Scythians invaded him; Syracuse in Sicily, Founded by Archias, Miscellus, and other Corinthians. Nicomedia, formerly Astacus in Propontis, enlarged by Zipartus's Navy of Thrace. Sybilla of Samus now lived, according to Pausanias. Croton on the Bay of Tarentum, built by Miscellus. Gela in Sicily, Phaselis in Pamphylia. Chalcedon in Asia, built by the Magerenses. The Parthians expelled Lacedemon, were Conducted by Phalantus into Italy, where they took Tarentum.

CHAP. XXIV. Of Ammon, Josiah, and the rest, to the Destruction of Jerusalem.

§. 1. AMMON, Twenty two years old, Succeeded two years, and was as Wicked as his Father had been; his Servants slew him. Iosiah Eight years old, succeeded Thirty one Years. He sought after the God of his Father David, and at Twelve years old made a worthy Reformation, fulfilling the Prophecy delivered at Bethel, to Ieroboam. By which History it appears, that Bethel and some parts of the Ten Tribes were come under the Power of Iudah; either taken in by Hezechiah upon the death of Assurhaddon, while the Babylonians, who loved him, were busie in Assyria; or at Manasses's Inlargement: The Babylonians not yet fit to deal with the Egyptian so far off, to oblige Iudah to them, were content with this Inlargement as necessary against the Egyptians. This may be the Reason Manasses Fortified himself after his return, which was not against the Babylonians, but the Egyptians, as appeared in Iosiah his opposing Necho with such earnestness, as argueth a firm League with the Babylonians. That Egypt's Friendship was little worth, Iudah had oft found, and payed for, by the Assyrians and Babylonians displeasure, for adhering to Egypt; yet had it been a small matter upon his earnest Request to let him pass, if Iosiah had not been obliged to the Babylonians by his Ancestors Covenant, to Offend and Defend; neither had it been Wisdom to Encounter such an Army, offering no Violence. Whatever moved Iosiah, it is likely he forgot (as the best do sometimes) to ask Counsel of God, and depended on the Babylonians too much, which could not please God. The Conclusion was, that God for the Wickedness of the People, took away that good King, who had stayed his Hand from Revenging himself upon them, whose Miseries presently insued his Death, so much bewailed of all.

§. 2. Neco, Son to Psamniticus, following his Fathers designs, who had made entrance into Syria, being assisted by the extraordinary Valor of the Greeks, and knowing how Assyria, stood in danger by the Power of the Medes, intended with a Powerful Army to visit Euphrates, and strengthen the Passages about Carchemish, or further to Invade Syria. Having therefore over-thrown Iosiah in his way, not intending to stay the Conquest of Iudah, he proceeded and took Cadytis, perhaps Carchemish, and became, in a manner, Lord of all Syria, saith Iosephus, particularly of the Phoenicians, whom he set to Sail from the Arabian Gulf round about Africa, by the Cape of good Hope. In his return from Euphrates, he took Ieboahaz, the younger Son of Iosiah, whom Ieremy calls Shallum, whom the People had made King, and put him in Bonds, and put Eliakim in his place, calling him Iehojakim, and layed a Tribute on the Land, but forbore the Conquest. Iehoahaz was King but three Months; Iehojakim the Elder Son of Iosiah, Reigned Ten years, he was of the Egyptian Faction, and of the behaviour of the worst of his Ancestors, which had so Infected the Land, that the Chief Priests also were defiled therewith. Yet the Lord raised up Prophets which reproved him, among whom Vriah, flying from the Tyrant which sought his Life, is from Egypt sent back to death, contrary to the Custom of Nations.

§. 3. Of the Kings of Media and Babylon. §. Merodach, Son of Baladan, taking advantage of Senacherib's Misadventure and Death, with the Assistance of his Sons, made himself King of Babylon, but kept in Action 'till Assurhaddon's death, Eleven years, so that he could not intend Syria, but was well rewarded then, by a great part of Assyria, if not by all, as some less probably think. Yet his little concern with the Assyrian Affairs all his long Reign, argues him busied at Home in setling his Purchases there; and having Amity with Hezekiah. Ben. Mirodacb his Son succeeded Twenty one years, whose Governours (as I take it) captivated Manasses, in whose time Psamniticus, with his Greek Mercenaries, prevailed in Syria, which might procure Manasses his release, and it may be a part of the Kingdom of Samaria, which the Babylonians could not now intend.

Nabulassar his Son succeeded Thirty five years, whose works at home kept him from looking abroad; for Phraortes King of the Medes, Invaded Assyria, and Besieged Ninive, which it seems was not yet subject to Babylon; for Nabonassar repelled him not, but the Scythians Invaded Media, and forced him thence. Phraortes Son of Deioces King of Media, having inlarged his Dominions, attempted Ninive, which yet remained of her self well enough, saith Herodotus. Custom of Danger hardened the Un-war-like, whom sudden unknown Dangers amaze. Ninive had now been long exercised, so that Phraortes and his Family perished there.

Cyaxares his Son, a braver Man of War, won in Lesler Asia, all from Halis Eastward. He Besieged Ninive, and took it, saith Eusebius, whom I rather believe, than Herodotus, saying, the Scythians came upon him, which is not likely, for we cannot think him so improvident; but rather hearing they were to guard Media, he left the City, which about this time was destroyed, as we read in Tobit, a Book of sufficient Credit, for the Story of those Times. And sure we are, the Prophecy of Nabum was fulfilled by Nebuchadnezzar; and probable it is, that Nabulassar, after Cyaxares left it in weak case, might seize upon it easily, and put a Vice-Roy in it, which upon their Rebellion against Nebuchadnezzar, were utterly destroyed.

§. 4. The Scythians, about this time, made a great Expedition into Asia, of which Herodotus speaks much, and many Fabulous things ill agreeing with the time. Their first Eruption must needs be within the Reign of Psamniticus King of Egypt, who met with them in Palestine, and got them by intreaty and gifts to leave the Country. Before this they had wasted Media, and molested Assyria, Babylonia, &c. and • are said to have Dominereed in Asia Twenty eight Years, within the Compass of the Reign of Ardis, Sadiatts, and Haliatts, Kings of Lydia, and the Twenty eight last years of Nabulassar King of Babel. What these Nations were, is next to be considered. Herodotus tells us, the Cimmerians being driven out of their Country by the Scythians, invaded Asia, and that the Scythians pursued them into remote parts, and by chance fell on Media and Egypt, &c. But it is no uncommon thing for the Greeks to slander them, by whom their Nation hath been Beaten, as they were by these. For the Cymmerians, or Cimbrians are well known by their Conquests of many Nations, to have been no such Cowards. These were of the Posterity of Gomer, who Peopled most of the Western World, and whose Reflux over-whelmed no small portion of Greece and Asia; of whose Original, read Goropius Becanus his Amazonica, where we find the Cimmerians, Scythians, and Sarmatians were all one Nation, distinguished by divers Names according to their Tribes, &c. Homer also spake disgracefully of them for the same cause; for they had wasted his Country, as had the Amazons. As for the expulsion they write of, it was no more than sending out of Colonies into Asia, with an Army of Scythians to help to Plant them elsewhere, their own Country being over-charged. The Sarmatians also were their Companions, as their return by Novogrod in Russia, which was Sarmatia, sheweth. Such another Eruption they made above Five hundred years after. The Cimmerians being the first Company, held the way of the Euxine Sea on their Right hand, passing through Colchis, entred Pontus, then Paphlagonia, where fortifying the Promontory, whereon the Greeks after built Synope, they there left the unserviceable men of their Train, under Guard. From thence to Lydia, Phrygia, and Ionia, the way lay open. In Lydia they Won Sardis from the King of Ardis, &c. The misery of Wars is never such, as when Men are forced to seek a State which others possess; when all is little enough for the one side, and worketh the rooting out of the other. They which Fight for Mastery, are pacifyed with Tribute and Services; but in these Migrations, the Assailants are so unsatiable, that they need all the Defendants have, even to the succeeding Infants Cradle. The merciless terms of this Controversy, arms both sides with desperate Resolution, seeing all is at the stake on both sides, to the utter Ruin of the one side. Our Britains can witness the differenc of Conquests, who lost but Liberty by the Romans, for the which they gained civil Acts, which before they never knew; but by Saxons they lost all, to the eradication of the Britains Race. The Danes made the like attempt on the Saxons, with such continuance as bred acquaintance between them, neither being able to subdue the other; so many Danes became peaceable Inhabitants in wasted parts, and the rest returned home. Such was (as I think) the end of the Cimmerian War in Lydia, which having continued long, made both sides willing to rest; so that upon some Victory of King Halyattes, the Cimmerians were content with what they had gotten on the East side of the River Halys; which henceforth became the Border of Lydia, on whose East side, dwelt the Amazons, that is, the Cimmerians and Scythians. Hereto serveth, that when Cyaxares of Media sought Revenge on the Scythians, Haliates assisted them, to prevent his encroaching Westward. Herodotus's Tale of this War about the Scythian Fugitives, is less probable. The Scythians and Sarmatians took to the South, as the Cimerians had to the West, passing between Caucasus and the Caspian Sea through Albania, Colthene, &c. where now are Servia and Georgia, and entred Media in the time of Phraortes, who was glad to Compound with them, while Psammiticus reigned in Egypt, and in the sixth year of Nabulassar, from which their Twenty Eight Years Dominion ended in his Thirty fourth; the Medes not venturing a second Battel, thought nothing dishonourable to remove such troublesome Guests, and therefore submitted to a Tribute, and so got them to remove; who finding the Country more Pleasant toward the South, were easily perswaded. How Babylon, being in their way to Egypt, escaped, is uncertain; yet 'tis certain, that all those parts of Asia were Tributaries to them. Psamniticus, to prevent their entring Egypt, (as a Iealous Husband of a fair Wife) which he would not be willing they should see, met them in Syria, on the South of Palestine, and at their being at Ascalon, and he at Gaza, and with fair words and rich Gifts so perswaded 'em, that they returned to visit their high Country Friends, and left Syria the more easy for him to deal with, while the Nations beyond Euphrates who had new work to entertain these Strangers with, returned. The Scythians flowing back, the way they came, grew an intolerable Burthen to all they light on, especially the Medes, which there over-swarm'd, being Rich and near home, in a Climate best agreeing with their Bodies. Here they fell from exacting, the agreeed Tribute, to take what they liked; yea All, from many; whereby the Land was unmanured. Cyaxares, to remedy this oppression, took this Course; that the Medes Feasting the better part of the Scythians, made them drunk, and slew them, and recovered all; like as the Danes had been used in England. 'Tis like that this was done on the Chief Leaders, which forced the Multitude upon indifferent Conditions to return home, being yet strong enough against the Encounters by the way. Others perhaps were setled in the Country before; others might go to their Countrymen in Lydia. At this time is reported the Story of the returned Scythians, which vanquished their Corrival Slaves at home with Horsewhips; according to the Custom of the Muscovian Women sending a Whip, which she Curiously Worketh, to the Man which shall be her Husband, in token of Subjection.

§. 5. Contemporaries, besides the Kings of Egypt, Babylon, Medes, and Lydians, of whom we spake. Tullus Hostilius Reigned in Rome 'till the twenty first year of Iosiah: Ancus Martius succeeded twenty four years. Tarquin Priscus, a Stranger, was next, who being Tutor to Ancus's Children, was so gracious with the People, and so Rich, that they chose him King, the fourth year of Zedekiah, and Reigned thirty eight years. Cypsilus in Corinth expelling the Bacides, Reigned thirty years in Peace. Periander his Son succeeded; a Tyrant, who slew his Wife, and in Honour of her, stript all the Women stark naked, and burnt their Apparel to her Ghost. Yet the Greeks were then so Wise as to admire his Wisdom, as one of the Seven Sages. Draco the Law-Maker of Athens, punish'd every Offence with death. Solon abrogated them. Zeleucus, Law-giver to the Locrians, in Italy; his Law put out the Eyes of the Adulterer; and to save one of his Sons offending that way, put out one of his own. He restored Womens immodest Attire, by allowing it to intice a Lover, not to go out of the House by Night, but to play the Whore; nor to be attended with more than one Woman abroad, except they were drunken; which Dispensations, Women were ashamed to claim.

§. 6. Ierusalem in the third year of Iehojakim is Besieged by Nebuchadnezzar, the second year of his Reign with his Father; and, notwithstanding the assistance of Neco King of Egypt, forced Iehojakim to become his Vassal, and took Daniel and his Fellows Hostages; but hasted home, not intending there to stay, Neco coming with such disadvantage so far from home, in a Country which loved him not. Besides, his Father's death called him to possess his own, before he sought other Mens. But the next year, which was Nebuchadnezzar's first, and Neco's last, they fought on the Bank of Euphrates, where Neco Fought his last, and Nebuchadnezzar recover'd all Syria. Pausanius succeeded Neco, but inferiour in Valour; he thought to restore Iehoahaz his Prisoner, and cast out Iehojakim, but the Lord said to the contrary. Iehojakim also rely'd on the Egyptians, 'till Nebuchadnezzar forced a Tribute on him; so he submitted quietly three years; in his fourth year it seemeth that Ieremiah was first Imprisoned.

Tyrus holding out against Nebuchadnezzar, was in his seventh year Besieged, and in his fourteenth year taken; for her. Captivity was limited to seventy years, and her Siege was thirteen. It was divided from the Main by a deep broad Channel, excelled in store of Ships, which Nebuchadnezzar wanted, and every Wind brought supply from Foreign Parts, so that it feared neither Force, nor Famine. But God, that had threatned Tyre, sent a King impatient of resistance, to undertake such a piece of work, to stop a vast Channel in the Sea, using thereto the Wood of Libanus, not far off, and the Ruins of old Tyre, with the toilsom labour of many thousands of Men, wherewith he prevailed at length. But the wealthy Citizens fled by Sea to Creet, and left little Wealth for Booty; therefore the Lord promised them Egypt; see Ezek. 29.18, 19. Iehojakim, upon what occasion is uncertain, (whether Mutiny among the Souldiers, or Rumour of the Egyptians coming against Nebuchadnezzar) renounced his Subjection, but was presently subdued by Nebuchadnezzar, and slain, and his Son Iehojakim or Ieconias put in his place, and after three Months, removed to Babylon, and Mattanias his Uncle established in his stead, and called Zedekiah, who took an Oath of subjection. In his fourth year he went to Babel, about some business, wherein it seems he was not satisfied; for upon his return, he began to practice with the Neighbouring Princes of Moab, &c. what year Iohanan the False Prophet opposed Ieremy. Nebuchadnezzar hearing of Zedekiah's practice, came in the dead of Winter, and Besieged Ierusalem; and though the year following he raised his Siege to meet Hophra, Apries, in Herodotus. yet upon the Egyptians abandoning his Enterprize, he returned, and gave the City no rest, 'till he brake it up.

Zedekiah escaping in the Night through a Vault under the Earth, is yet overtaken, &c. and his Eyes being put out, he was carried into Babel, but saw it not, as Ezekiel foretold, Ch. 12.13. This was the eleventh year of Zedekiah, and eighteenth of Nebuchadnezzar, the year after the Temple was burnt; the four hundred thirty first year after the Building. What followed, is written 2 Kings 25. Ier. 39. & 52.

THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. BOOK III. Part I. FROM The Destruction of Ierusalem unto Philip of Macedon.

CHAP. I. The time from the Destruction of Jerusalem to the Assyrian Fall.

§. 1. THE Connexion of Sacred and Profane, History. §. Before the Grecian Olympiads, and the Eastern Date from Nabonassar, the Course of Time had no beaten Path, as after it had more certain Marks; yet from Ierusalem's Destruction, the former, with the succeeding Ages, are more clearly discern'd in their Connection. The harm which some have found in the years of the overgrown Monarchies, doth preserve their Names, which otherwise might have been forgotten, but cannot shew the Year of such a King, in which any thing expressed in Scripture was done. Neither could any certainty be gathered from the late Kings of the Assyrians, &c. if Nebuchadnezzar's Reign had not been precisely applied to the years of Iehojakim, and Zedekiah. Hence have we the first light to discover how to connect Sacred and Profane Histories; for Iudah's Seventy years Captivity begin under Nebuchadnezzar, and ending the first of Cyrus, directs us backward and forward. This first year of Cyrus, is joyned with the first of the fifty fifth Olympiad. And that he Reigned twenty three year before his Monarchy, and seven after, is apparent; and giving them four hundred and eight year between Troy's Fall, and Iphetus's restoring the Olympiads, we may arrive to the knowledge of the true Grecian Antiquities. For other Nations, let St. Augustine be trusted.

§. 2. The Seventy Years of Babylonian Captivity being our chief mark of direction, we are to inform our selves truly therein. Some begin from Ieconias's Captivity, eleven year before Zedekiah; citing Ezek. 40.1. Beraldus judgeth that it began the first of Nebuchadnezzar, and fourth of Ioakim; citing 2 Chron. 36. and Dan. 1. Matth. 1.11. but cannot thus make it good. Wretched Porphyrie scoffeth at St. Matth. 1.11. not knowing Iosias's Sons had divers Names, as Epiphanius shewed. The Wretch affirmeth the Book of Daniel was written long after his death, at or near the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, whom Eusebius, Apollonius, &c. have answered. And the Seventy Interpreters Translated it out of Hebrew, one hundred year before that. Iaddus the High-Priest also shewed the Book to the Great Alexander, &c. True it is, the Iews ascribe it to Esdras, and equal it not to the Prophet, but put it among the Hagiographs, or Holy Books; which are Daniel, Psalms, Iob, Proverbs, Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Hester, Nehemiah, and Chronicles. Our Christian Councils and Fathers acknowledge it Canonical; and our Saviour who cited no Apocrypha, cited it as a proof exceeding all.

§. 3. That the Seventy Years Captivity began at Ierusalem's destruction, not Ieconias's Captivity, is clear; Ieremiah himself, explained himself, and Daniel, cited by some to the contrary. Compare Chap. 25.9, 11, 12. with Chap. 29.10. where, in the first place, he expresly beginneth the Captivity of Seventy years, at Ierusalem's Destruction; and thereof certifies the Captivity in the second place. So also it is understood by themselves, 2 Chron. 36.19, 20, 21. So Dan. 9.2: the Seventy years referred to Ierusalem's Desolation.

§. 4. Touching the King's Reigning in Babylon those seventy Years, and the time of each, help us a little to the times before or after; neither it seems were most of their Acts worth Recording. For as Nebuchadnezzar's latter times were either in delights, or madness, so his Posterity grew slothful, as Sons whose Fathers have purchased enough to their hands; yet let us consider of Men's Opinions therein, and judge as we see cause. The surest Opinion, is theirs which follow the Scripture; which Name only Nebuchadnezzar, Evilmerodach, and Balthasar and Ieremy, which seemeth to limit the Dominion of Babel, to Father, Son, and Grandson. To qualifie this, I see no necessity, except Profane Authors were constant and probable in more Successions, which they are not. Iosephus reckons five, citing Berosus; but far otherwise than doth Ierom, &c.

Anius Metasthenes nameth five, of which, the three last were Brethren; but neither he, nor the rest, can qualifie Ieremiah.

§. 5. Scaliger's Opinion is here handled, and disproved, beginning the seventieth year from Iechonias's transportation: and giving Evilmerodach but two years, Balthasar one, of which he maketh four, spent in his protection, and maketh him a Son of Nebuchadnezzar's Daughter. But as Ieremiah's speech of Evilmerodach's raising up Ieconias, argueth longer time, so his speaking expresly of Nebuchadnezzar's Sons in the Succession. So Daniel employ'd in so high a Place by the King, and after falling to a private Life, could not have been forgotten of him in two year, or less. Scaliger also finds one Nabonidus after Balthasar, and giveth him seventeen years, and maketh him Darius Medus, whom others make the same with Balthasar, to make good Berosus, whom Scaliger his chief Patron, herein forsaketh. His grounds are, one, out of Daniel 5.31. where Darius is not said to win, but receive the Kingdom; makes no strong conclusion, &c. His other is out of Megasthenes in Eusebius, calling Nabonidus a Mede, but I find it not; and if I did, I would little regard it, considering his other improbable Reports with it. Besides, the Opinion agreeth hardly with Scripture, which saith, the Kingdom should be divided between the Medes and Persians. So that either Darius was not Nabonidus, or else bethink us what Persian shared with him. Nay, both the Nations made the Empire, as Daniel's Ram sheweth; and the Greeks call the Wars made by Xerxes, the Wars of the Medes. So that the Notion of the Chronologers holding Darius Partner in Cyrus's Victories, was not well condemn'd.

§. 6. Lyra, and others, who hold those only named in Scripture, to have reigned in Babylon during those Seventy years; I esteem more comformable to Reason. For the years of their Reign, it is clear, that Evilmerodach began to Reign, 2 Kings 25.27. Ier. 52.31. in the Thirty Seventh year of Iechonias's Captivity, from which, deduct Zedekiah's Eleventh year, when the City was taken, there remained Twenty Six of the Seventy. How to distribute the other Forty four to the succeeding Kings, is not so needful, as long as the total Sum is certain. Yet I will be bold to conjecture, as others have done, giving to Belthasar Seventeen years, with Iosephus; so there remain Twenty Seven, of which one may be taken away for the First of Darius; so Twenty six remain for Evilmerodach: Besides Iosephus, all that confound Balthasar and Nabonidus, give him Seventeen Years; and Daniel's being grown out of Balthasar's Knowledge, who yet had served him his Third year, argueth some long time between. That Evilmerodach Reigned some good time, is probable, by Iechonias's favour under him; and some of great judgment, have given him Twenty three years, and more might be given as well as that.

§. 7. Touching the actions of these Kings. Nebuchadnezzar's former years were Victorious. In his Nineteenth year he won Ierusalem and proud Tyrus, Esa. 23.15. The same year Egypt was next aimed at, as the fairest Mark; but the petty Nations about Iudah, who desired the Ruin thereof, were to be made sure, for fear of incommoding his Return from Egypt, if he succeeded not. All these ill Neighbours which imagined to gain by Iudah's fall as Tyrus had, and had followed the Camp as Ravens, were suddenly opposed by Nebuchadnezzar, as the Lord had threatned, and brought into the Condition Iudah was in, Esa. 16.14.

§. 8. Nebuchadnezzar having freed the Coast behind him, through Syria and Arabia, leaving neither Friend to Egypt, nor Foe to himself, able to give impediment to his Proceeding or Retreat, he presently took it in hand, and according to our Three great Prophets, had a Victorious Conquest of Egypt, although some good Authors following Herodotus and Diodore, extenuate it to a Ravage without Conquest; and that Apries, or Hophra their King, was slain after in an Insurrection of his Subjects, and Amasis chosen to succeed. But Herodotus and Diodorus are herein contradicted by such Authority as Force our Belief, as Esa. 20.4, 5, 6. Ier. 43.10. and 44, and 46.25, 26. So Ezek. 29.20.30. and 32.31. So that Iunius, who in one place took Hophra's Enemies to be Amasis and his Fellows, yet on Ier. 44.30. he Confessed the Egyptian Priests had abused Herodotus. Iosephus also herein is rather to be believed, reporting Egypt's Conquests, and slaying of the King by Nebuchadnezzar, who appointed another in his stead; all which is consonant to the Prophets.

§. 9. Nebuchadnezzar's Victories after the Conquest of Syria, more enlarged his Dominions than his former; for besides the Conquest of Egypt, we are bound to believe he Conquered Phut, and Lud, and other Nations, as it seemeth, even to Mauritania. Hitherto Egypt had flourished Fifteen hundred Eighty years; but from henceforth, Forty years under a Vice-Roy, and was long after in recovering strength, but never to her Antient Glory, Esa. 19.11. Ezek. 29.13. &c.

§. 10. Nebuchadnezzar's Actions are diversly dated, some from the beginning of his Reign, whose first year ran with part of Iehojakim's Third, when Daniel was carried Captive. Another date was from the beginning of his Empire, which was after the Conquest of Egypt, as his Dream, Dan. 2.1. which could not be the Second years Reign, considering the third then being up of Daniel, before he stood before the King, as also that Nebuchadnezzar was yet no such King, as he was when Daniel declared the Dream, &c. After the Conquest of Egypt, Ninive, which Rebelled, was destroyed by him, as Nahum foretold; whose Prophecy went between the destruction of Egypt and Ninive.

§. 11. Nebuchadnezzar's last Times are found only in Daniel, as his Buildings in Babel, cap. 4.27. wherein he glorified so much; and no marvel if Iosephus's report out of Berosus, be true, of an Orchard supported by Arches, as high as Mountains, reared in Fifteen days. But his over-valuing his own Greatness, abased him as low; and the Lord, for his presuming to erect an Image to be worshipped to his dishonour, whom he had before acknowledged, cast such contempt upon him, as never befel such a Man. For, after the Lord had convinced him by the miraculous cooling of his Furnace, and by a second Dream, warned him, and given him one year respite, he had Human Sense taken from him, &c. Upon his restoring, Augustine and others, held him saved.

§. 12. Evilmerodach succeeded, in whose Nineteenth year ended the Fortieth year of Egypt's Desolation, and now brake the Babylonian Yoak under Amasis their King. This fell out while Astyages the Mede, Grand-Father to Cyrus, held War with Evilmerodach, and had the better, which emboldened Egypt. Astyages died in the Ninth year of Evilmerodach, and left the Medes and Persians in Arms against Evilmerodach, whom also they slew.

§. 13. A conjecture how it might be that in Nebuchadnezzar's Seven Years of Madness, Niglisar might govern by his Wife Nitocris's means, Nebuchadnezzar's Daughter and Labassardach after him, but slain after Nine Months, presently before Nebuchadnezzar's Restauration.

CHAP. II. The Persians greatness, how it grew.

§. 1. THAT the Medes were chief in the overthrow of Babylon, the infallible Witness of Two great Prophets, maketh good, Esa. 13 17. Ier. 51.11.28. according to which, Iulius Africanus proveth Babel was taken before Cyrus began to Reign. So that the Empire lost by Balthassar, the last of Belochus's Line, fell to Cyaxares or Darius Medus, the last of Arbaces's Race, who succeeded. his Father Astyages, &c.

§. 2. Cyrus, to whom alone the Greeks ascribe the Conquest of Babel, was thought immediate Successor to Astyages, by some who deny he had any other Son than this Cyrus Son of Mandane his Daughter. Viginer also probably reasoneth, that Astyages had no such Son as Darius, being unknown to so many Authors there named. But Negative Arguments from Authors, are of no force and necessity. Either Astyages must be Darius, in Daniel 9. which his Time will not suffer, or another Successor before Cyrus must be granted, who for Life commanded all. Yet in regard he was Old, and followed not the Wars in Person, but Cyrus as his Lieutenant, did all; the Greeks, who heard only of him, ascribed all to him; as did the Persians, in Honour to him, who shortly brought all to them.

§. 3. Xenophon's Report of the Wars between the Assyrians and the Medes, and Persians. The Assyrians having command of so many Countries, desired to bring under the Medes and Persians. Knowing therefore their great strength, he perswaded Cro • sus, the rich and strong King of Lydia, to join with him, which he easily yielded, for the quarrel to the Medes, who had warred against Alyattes his Father. These together compose an Army of Two Hundred Thousand Foot and Sixty Thousand Horse, but are overthrown by Darius; and Cyaxares King of the Medes, and Cyrus General of the Persian Forces, and the Assyrian King slain; so that many Assyrians revolted, and Babylon was glad, for her security, to get mercenary strength, while Cyrus pursueth his Victory to lesser Asia, and took Croesus Prisoner. After this followed the Attempt at Babylon, Cyaxares bearing the Charge, and Cyrus being Leader, &c.

§. 4. Achaemenes govern'd in Persia, when Arbaces did the like in Media, and both joined with Belochus against Sardanapalus, and after held Persia for himself, as the other did Media and Babylon; yet Arbaces's absolute Command decayed 'till Deioces One hundred fortys year after, when Salmanassar Reigned in Syria; so that neither the Medes nor Persians found it fit to stir. From Deioces to Astyages, there past above Ninety years, in which time Phraortes Reigned, but not like to have Conquered Persia, as Herodotus Writ. For Susiana was under Daniel's Charge for Nebuchadnezzar; who also would hardly have ventured into Syria and Egypt, leaving such an Enemy on his Back. It seemeth, the Successors of Achaemenes did little worth remembring, seeing in the Persian Greatness, nothing was Published of their first Kings. Xenophon reports the Crown descended from Father to Son many Descents; and that Cambyses begot Cyrus; so that the Story of Astyages's giving Mandane his Daughter to a base Man, to disable her Issue, whose Greatness he feared, is improbable. Two Races sprung from Achaemenes; the First, according to Reyneccius, are Darius, Cyrus First, Cambyses, Cyrus the Great, Cambyses, &c. Of the Second Race came the Seven Princes who overthrew the Magi, and chose Darius, Son of Hystaspes, one of them for King.

Persia, first called Elemais, of a Son of Shem, &c. Their City called Persepolis, in the Second Book of Maccabees, is called Elemais in the First Book, and now Cyrus; but Built in another place, for that which Alexander destroyed at the request of the Harlot Thais. The First Kingdom known to us, according to the Interpreters of Gen. 14. was Chedorlaomer, with whom Amraphel or Ninus joined in the War against the Arabians.

CHAP. III. Of Cyrus the First Persian Monarch.

§. 1. CYRVS, saith Strabo, was so called of the River which watereth Persia; Herodotus saith, it signifies a Father; Plutarch saith, the Son Esai named him almost Two Hundred years before. He Conquered Lydia, and took Croesus before Babylon, which he won in the Fifty Fifth Olympiad, and in the Twenty Eighth Olympiad, upon a Rebellion, subdued it again.

§. 2. Lydia had Lydus the Son of Atys, her first King, which Family was extinguished; Argon descended from Hercules, was chose by the Oracle, and held Twenty two Generations, to Candaulus the last: Gyges succeeded him in Bed and Kingdom, which he left to Atys Father of Sadiattes, Father of Halyattes, who begat Croesus: All their time was One Hundred Seventy years. Croesus so inlarged his Dominion, that he was Inferiour to no King of that Age, commanding Phrygia, Bythynia, Caria, Misia, Paphlagonia, &c. He, in confidence of his good Success, envying Cyrus's Fame, and desirous to check his Prosperous Undertakings, asked Counsel of Apollo; Then Darius, who assured Croesus passing Halis's River, shall dissolve a great Dominion. An Answer doubtful, because the Devil was Ignorant of the Event.

§. 3. Croesus thus resolved, despised all Sandanes his Consellor's Arguments to the contrary, as the Barrenness of the Enemies Country, their hard manner of Living, War-like, Indefatigable and Prosperous; by whose Fall he can gain only Fame, wherein he excelled; and if he were Beaten, his Loss could be hardly told, or soon conceived. Croesus proceeds with a powerful Army, but is staid at Pterium, a strong City of Capadocia, which he sought to force, while Cyrus advanc'd; Cratippus answer'd Pompey well, That Kingdoms have their Increase and Periods from Divine Ordinance; and so was it with these two great Princes, whose Forces meeting, the Persians had somewhat the better, but Night parted them. Croesus, doubtful of the next days Success, quit the Field to Cyrus, and with all haste, got into Sardis; and because of Winter, sent home his Forces, not doubting any persuit.

Cyrus finding the Lydians gon, followed slowly after, to avoid discovering; and having good Intelligence of Croesus's proceedings, delay'd 'till the Forces were dispos'd to their Winter Garrison; when unexpectedly he invested Sardis, and in fourteen days forced it. Croesus thrusting in among the multitude, was ready to be slain, had not his dumb Son, forced by Passion, cried Spare Croesus; who thereupon was brought to Cyrus, who judged him to be burnt. Being upon the heap of Wood, he cryed out, O Solon! Solon! Solon! and upon urging to declare what he meant, answer'd, That he found Solon's words true, That no Man knew his own Happiness 'till his End. Cyrus hearing thereof, called for him (remembring his own Mortality) forgave him, and ever after used him as a King, and Companion. Xenophon Reports, that Cyrus used him so, without speaking of the purpose of burning; belike thinking it a Cruelty unworthy Cyrus, so to use his Great Unkle by his Grandmother, whose Brother he was. Cyrus ever after so trusted him, that in his Journey to Scythia, he left him to advise Cambyses his Son.

§. 5. Cyrus after the Conquest of Lydia (as it seems) Invaded Scythia, and taking Amorges, whose Wife Spartha renewing the War, took Cyrus, and so by exchange, recover'd her Husband. He also reduc'd the Phocians and Greeks in lesser Asia, being fallen off; and having setled all his Provinces, prepared to attempt Babylon, as the height of his Designs; whereto he inforced Head and Hand. Cyrus having spent ten years in ordering former Purchases, and preparing for Babylon, knowing the strength of it, being treble Walled, of great heighth, and surrounded with Waters unfordable, and victualled for twenty years, despaired to carry it by Assault, or to Famish it in short time, or without great and assur'd Guard, considering the vast circuit of the Wall, above forty eight Miles, of thirty two Foot thickness, and one hundred Cubits high. Cyrus having considered these difficulties, with the inconveniency of lying long at the Siege with such a Multitude, and the doubtful Terms of Conquer'd remote Provinces, with the dishonour of making shew to attempt, what in probability could not be compassed, contrived how to turn aside Euphrates by many Channels. Balthazar in the mean time, secure of any thing the Enemy could do, fell to Feasting, &c. when the Lord of Heaven, against whom he exalted himself, sent a Message by a Divine Hand-writing, which marred all their Mirth. The execution of that fearful Sentence came on as fast, when in the same night, Cyrus causing the Dams between the River and his Trenches to be cut down, Euphrates suddenly fail'd the City, and left the Besiegers a ready entrance, upon a secure People, drowned in their Cups. No Historian, if he had been present, could have better set out Babel's Calamities in that surprize, than did Isaiah two hundred years before, and Ieremy above seventy years, whose Prophecies were now accomplish'd.

§. 6. Cyrus his last Wars and End are diversly reported. Herodotus and Iustin tell us of his Wars with the Massagets, and his death by Queen Tomyris. But I believe with Viginier, that War was rather that which he had before with the Scythians; and that Tomyris was Sparta. Ctesias reports he was wounded in his War with Derbician Scythians, and died three days after; and by Strabo's Report, he was buried in his own City Pasagardes, whose Tomb Alexander the Great opened, saith Curtius. There is no likelihood of any such overthrow of the Persians in Scythia, considering Cambyses's present Journey into Egypt, and therefore I believe he died at home, as Xenophon reports, setting down his Oration to his Son, &c.

§. 7. Cyrus his Decree for building God's Temple, was, in true consideration, the noblest of all his Acts, as a Service to the Author of all goodness, accomplishing what the Lord had promised seventy years before, touching the return of the Iews, &c. restoring the Vessels of the Sanctuary, and re-building the House of God. Yet was the Work hindred all the days of Cyrus, by the Samaritans, and Governours of the Provinces, who wrought upon Cambyses in his Father's days; and after, upon suggestion that it was a Rebellious City, &c. He Reigned thirty, or one and thirty Years.

§. 8. Cyrus had two Sons, Cambyses, and Smerdis: Three Daughters, Atossa, and Meroe, whom Cambyses their Brother Married, and Aristona Wife to Darius Hystaspes, as was Atossa after Cambyses's death. Codman mistakes her for Hester, because she was called Hadasa; but nearness of Names confounds not the Person, where the one was the known Daughter of Cyrus, the other a Iew; who though a while she concealed her Kindred, yet she after discovered it, &c.

CHAP. IV. Of the Persian Affairs, from Cyrus, to Darius.

§. 1. THE Persian Kings are diversly numbred; but Eusebius, and most Latin Authors follow the Greeks. Krentzheim hath refelled all the other; and Beucer maketh it good by Scripture. Cyrus Reign'd in all thirty years, nam'd 2 Chron. 36. and Ezra 1.1. and elsewhere. Cambyses with the Magi eight years named in Daniel 11.2. Darius Hystaspes, Ezr. 4.5. he Reigned thirty six; then Xerxes twenty one years, plainly set out, Dan. 11.2. Artaxeres Longintanus forty years, Ezr. 4.7. called also Artasta, Ezra 4.7. and 7.7. Darius Northis nineteen years, Ezra 4.24. and 5.6. Nehem. 12.22. Artaxeres Mriemon forty three years, Nehem. 2.1. Father to Artaxerxes, Octius, and Arsames, in whom the Line of Cyrus ended. Octius Reigned twenty two years, Arsames three; Darius the last was of another Family, and Reigned six years. All these are by Eusebius fitted to the Olympiad.

§. 2. Cambyses succeeded his Father; like him only in desire to increase the Empire. In the fifth year of his sole Reign, the third of the sixty third Olympiad, he Invaded Egypt, for that Amàsis denied him his Daughter; but Psamneticus Reigning after, is slain by Cambyses, six Months after Amasis's death; others give him six years.

§. 3. Cambyses also forced Evelthon King of Cyprus to submit; he destroyed the Egyptian Images and Temples, and sent to do the like to Iupiter Ammon, in Lybia, but the Devil by a Storm oppressed them with Sand, yet himself attempted it after in vain; he also slew Apis the Egyptian Bull. But shortly after, upon a Dream that his Brother sate upon his Throne, he procured Praxaspes his Favourite to kill him. Intending to Marry his Sisters, he asked his Judges what Law permitted it, who answered, Persian Kings are Lawless. Yet he caused Sisanus a Corrupt Judge to be flaied alive, covering the Judges Seat with the Skin, and put his Son into the Office. He shot Praxaspes's Son in the Heart, to shew his Father the Wine he delighted in had not taken away his Wits. Mounting his Horse in haste to Persia, hearing of Semendis a Magus, upon likeness to his Brother usurped the Crown, his Sword falling out, gave him his death's wound. He Built Babylon in Egypt, where Latopolis had stood, and Meroe in Nilus by his Sisters Name, whom he slew, for weeping for Smerdis.

§. 4. The Seven Princes descend from Achaemenes's discovering the Fraud of the Imposture, with joyned Forces rooted him out; and after Consultation, whether Popular Government, or a few Choice Men, or Regal, were best, the Resolution was to make him King, whose Horse should Neigh first after the Sun-Rising. Darius, one of them, Consulting with Oebarus Master of his Horse, caused his Horse to cover a Mare in the Suburbs the Night before; who coming the next Morning by that place with the rest, made Darius Emperor, by his Horse Neighing first. Her. lib. 3.

CHAP. V. Of Darius the Son of Hystaspes.

§. 1. DArius came of the second Race of Achaemenes, thus. Cyrus the First begat Teispius, who begat Arianes Father of Arsanes, who accompanied Cyrus in Scythia; where Cyrus, upon a Dream, grew Jealous of Darius; but afterwards he followed Cambyses into Egypt, Married two of Cyrus's Daughters. Reyneccius gives Hystaspes five Sons, Herodotus four.

§. 2. Darius made many equal Laws, gave his Subjects easie access, and was so mild, that many Nations offered subjection; yet he laid divers Taxes on them. Babel being revolted in the time of the Magi, Darius Besieg'd it, and by Zopirus, who for his sake cut off his own Ears and Nose, fled to the Babylonians, and complained of Darius's Cruelty. For dissuading the Siege of Babel, he is made their Leader, and recovers it.

§. 3. He gave order for Building the Temple, and made a Decree against all that should hinder it, Ezr. 6.

§. 4. Darius having recovered Babylon, invaded Scythia, passing over Ister, or Danubius, by a Bridge of small Vessels, which he committed to the keeping of the Ionians, and Aetolians; among whom Miltiades persuaded them to break it down, so to distress Darius; but Histiaeus Prince of Milet of Ionia dissuaded 'em. Darius entering the Desart Country of Bessaravia, found neither People, nor Relief; the Scythians there being all Grasiers, and Horsemen, without any Town or Tillage, and living in Waggons, which at every station they set in order of a Town, as do the Chrim Tartars their Posterities at this day. Darius wearied with seeking, and seeing his Folly, sent to them, either to submit, or try his Valour: who for Answer, sent him a Bird, a Frog, a Mouse, and five Arrows. This dumb shew Darius took as a yielding him All, even the Elements in which these Creatures live, and their Weapons: But Gobrias, one of the Seven Princes, construed their meaning aright, as telling him he cannot escape their Arrows, except by flight, diving, or hiding himself. This they made good, by assailing his Camp, vexing it with continual Alarums; and so fearless, forsook his Camp by Night, and hasted to Ister, whither yet the Scythians came before him, missing him as they came. They persuaded the Ionians to depart, assuring them the Persians should never hurt nor harm them; which had proved true, if Hystiaeus had proved firm, and stayed for them there.

§. 5. Darius escaping the Scythians, Invaded Thrace, and Macedon, transplanted the Paeonians, and possessed Chalcedon, Byzantium, Perinthus, &c. and the best part of Thrace. Then he sent to Amyntas King of Macedon, requiring his subjection by the Earth and Water, as the Persian manner was. He doubting his own strength, entertain'd the Ambassadors, who offering incivility to the Ladies at a Feast, were slain by the device of Alexander the King's Son; sending young Men in the Ladies Attire. Darius intending to revenge the Affront, was pacifyed by Bubaris, a principal Commander under Darius, to whom Alexander succeeded his Father, and had given Gygea his Sister; who persuaded him how necessary the amity with Macedon was, in the intended War with the Greeks.

§. 6. The War with Greece, grew upon occasion of Pysistratus, who, in the time of the Annual Government, upon a divsion of two great Families in Athens, usurped the Government as in behalf of the People; who yet perceiving he aimed at a Monarchy, which of all Forms of Government, they could not brook, they forced him to fly the first and second time; but the third time, by hiring Forces he recovered, and Ruled Seventeen years after, and left it to his Sons, Hyppias and Hyppar • hus, the last of which was Murthered by Hermodius for his unnatural Lust to him. Hereupon Hyppias doubting himself, and falling to more severity than had been there used, they raise Armies with the Lacedemonians aid, and forced him to give over, and leave the City. He being Allied to Aeantides, Tyrant of Lampsacus, was by him presented to Darius.

§. 7. These Grecian Colonies in the Sea Coast of Asia, after Five hundred years Liberty, were brought under by Croesus, and fell with him under the Persian Yoke, and were by the Practise of Histiaeus, put into Rebellion, because Darius had taken him to Susa, and they, under shew of Honour, held him, as doubting his greatness in Ionia. This he perceived to be practised with Aristagoras, his Cousin and Deputy in Miletum, to make a Breach, hoping to be sent to reduce them, as he was. For Darius hearing of this Revolt, and of the Athenians joining with them, was exceedingly provoked against Athens, being excited by Hyppias; as for the Ionians, he sent Histiaeus, who promised what he intended not; but before his coming, Artaphemes had broken their Power, being Vice-Roy in Lydia; so that Histiaeus, after vain attempts, was taken and lost his Head.

§. 8. Darius, who first pretended only against the Athenians and Eritraeans, for assisting the Ionians, and Burning Sardis, seeing the good Success of the Forces against them, sent, and demanded Acknowledgments from all the Greeks, who generally refused, and forced the Aegenits, which had submitted, to renounce it. Darius prepares an Hundred Thousand Foot, and Sixty Thousand Horses, which, as they passed over the Sea, took the Cyclad Islands, and so advanc'd to Eritria in Euboea, and sack'd it. From thence they pass into Attica, conducted by Hippias their King, Twenty Years after, who Incamped in Marathon toward Athens. The Athenians sent Phidippidus to the Lacedemonians for Succour, which he failed of; but in Arcadia, a Familiar Devil (supposed to be Pan) promised the Gods assistance, which much Incouraged the Multitude, who rely more on blind Prophecies, than solid Reason. The Athenian Forces were Ten Thousand and One Thousand Plataeans, with which coming into the Field, the Persians scorned their small numbers, and thought them void of Understanding, to venter into the Field. But, in conclusion, the Greeks fighting for all they had, and the Persians for what they needed not, Necessity provok'd the one, and Confidence in their Multitude, making the other secure, the Persians are put to Rout, fly to their Ships, which will drive them too, when Courage was lost. Of the Persians, were slain in the Place, Six Thousand Three Hundred; of the Greeks One hundred Ninety two; which they say fell out by strange Sights, frighting the Persians. Miltiades carried the honour of this Victory; but having broken his Thigh in a Service which he sought against the Isle Paros; at his return, his ungrateful Citizens cast him in Prison, where, in a few days, he ended his Life. Darius, after Thirty Six Years Reign, dyed.

CHAP. VI. Of Xerxes, Emperour of Persia.

§. 1. XErxes succeeded, and inherited, with his Crown, a double War; one with Egypt, the other with Greece; as terrible in Preparation, as ridiculous in Success; from which War, Artaban, Brother to the late Darius, dissuaded him: But Mardonius, Grand-Child to Hystaspis, as was Xerxes, and his Brother in-Law by Marriage of his Sister, persuadeth it. Herodotus tells of 1700000 Foot; but Trogus makes it 700000 Foot, and 80000 Horse, besides Camels, Chariots, and other Beasts for Carriage. The Commanders were all Princes of the Blood, of which Mardonius, Cousin to the King, was chief; only the Immortal Regiment, which was ever supplyed with Ten thousand select Persians, was given to Hydarnes. Gallies Two thousand two hundred and Eight, and three thousand Vessels for Transportation.

§. 2. This World of an Army made their Rendezvous at Sardis, whose whole Company Pythias, a Lydian, entertain'd with Food, and presented the King with two Thousand Talents of Silver, and four Millions of Gold, wanting Seven thousand, which Xerxes made up, and gave all back again. Yet the Tyrant cut one of his five Sons into two parts, for whom the Father had intreated to be spared in this Expedition, to tend him in his Age. He cut Mount Athos, and five Cities in the half Island from Thrace. He also made a Bridge of Six hundred Seventy two Gallies over the Hellespont, over which all his Army passed in Seven days, which he beheld in the Plains of Abidos from an high place. Here Artabanus put him in mind, That Man's Life is so much more miserable than the end, that the happiest man oft pleaseth himself more with the desire of Death than Life, &c. and layed before him two great Dangers that might proceed from such a Multitude; at Sea, by Storm, having no Harbour to command, or able to receive them; at Land, the Country not able to feed them, &c. He only replyed, that great Enterprizes were never undertaken without great Perils; which is a good Resolution, if Necessity inforce the Enterprise, which here it did not, &c. and such Multitudes are rather heavy Burthens than strong Aids, impossible to be Marshalled.

§. 3. Xerxes having Transported his Army into Thrace, being to pass the Straits of Thermopile, of half an Acre between the Mountains, which divide Thessaly from Greece, was resisted by Leonidas King of Sparta, with three hundred Men, and three or four hundred Greeks, 'till a Fugitive Grecian taught the Persians a Way by the Ridge of the Mountains, by which, part of their Army ascending, came upon their Backs. Yet Leonidas, with his Seven hundred Men, stood to it, and slew twenty thousand, and two of the Kings Brethren; though in the end, he and the rest were sl • in. This valorous Resolution, especially of the Lacedemonians, terrified Xerxes; so that he asked Counsel of Demoratus, a Banished King of Sparta, who advised to send sufficient Force in three hundred Ships, to ravage Lycaonia, so to divert the Lacedemonians and their Neighbours at home, while Xerxes subdued the rest. Achamenes the Kings Brother advised him to keep the Ships together near the Land Forces, considering four hundred were cast away in a Storm. But the Grecian Navy lying at Artemisium, where the Persian Armada thought to inclose them, knowing they had sent two hundred Ships about, met them in the Night unlook'd for, and Defeated them. The other intending, by strong hand, to repair that loss, set upon the Grecian Navy, but had the worst, leaving both the place and Spoil to the Enemy.

§. 4. Xerxes being entred the Phocians Country, ravag'd it and the Regions adjoining; he sent also to pillage the Temple of Delphos, but was overwhelmed (they say) by two Rocks, which brake from Parnassus. Surely his Attempt was Impious, seeing he believ'd Apollo a God; so that the only Holy might give the Devil leave to defend himself against his own Servant which dishonour'd him. For, saith he, will a Man spoil his God? Mat. 3.8. Ier. 2.9, 10. Yea, the Persians had blamed the Athenians for Burning Cybel's Temple in the City Sardis. He proceeded to Athens, which was forsaken, and Burnt the Citadel and Temple.

§. 5. The Athenians had removed their Wives and Children to Salamis, &c. prising the common Liberty of Greece before private; yet the Greeks resolved to abandon Salamis and Aegina, had not Themistocles, Admiral of the Athenian Fleet, dissuaded them from it, as also from the purpose to fortify Peloponesus only, and abandon the rest of Greece, as not defensible; yet could he not prevail, 'till he threatned, that the Athenians, whose Ships were the Strength of the Greek Navy, would take their Wives and Children, and remove to Italy, and there plant themselves. The Peloponesians knowing how desperate the Case would be with them, were glad to yield.

§. 6. The Persians deliberate to offer the Greeks a Battle, which the King desired, and the Leaders, to give him content, seem to approve of it. But Artemisia, Princess of Halicarnasseus, advised the King to set forward to Peloponesus, to separate the Greek Navy, while every one would haste to defend his own, and so single, were easily mastered, which conjoined, were too strong by their better Skill at Sea. The Peloponesians amazed at the approach, and fearing the Enemies March to Peloponesus, esteeming all Greece lost but that part, resolve to set Sail for Isemus. Themistocles knowing he had no spare time to bestow on Ears shut up by Fear, sent a trusty Messenger to tell the Persians of this intended flight; willing them with speed to send some Forces about the Island. The Persians thinking the Athenians did this to make their way for Favour, as meaning to fall to the King, followed the Advice. The Peloponesians, in the Morning, intending to weigh Anchor, saw the Enemy in their way, and so were forced to the Fight in the Straights of Salamis, where they had a memorable Victory; forcing the Enemies Ships to fall foul one upon another, and so could neither Fight nor fly.

§. 7. After the Victory, every Captain, by Scrutiny, was willed to write his Name which merited most, and every Man ambitious of the Honour, set his own Name first, and Themistocles next; Affection serving her self first, is then content to yield to Vertue next. Xerxes set a good Face on it, as intending a new Preparation; but the Princes which knew his Temper, discerned his saint Heart, especially Mardonius, Author of this War. He therefore to prevent the King's Indignation, went unto him with many fair Words, laying the faul • upon the Cowardly Egyptians, Phoenycians, and Cilicians, which was no dishonour to the King, who had taken Athens, which was principally intended, and the most of Greece. Hereupon he desired the King to leave him three hundred Thousand men to finish the War, and himself, with the rest, to return to Asia. The King's Care liked well hereof, and made haste, hearing the Greeks intended to break his Bridge, as Themistocles had inform'd, under-hand, so to weaken the Army, and ease the Country.

§. 8. Mardonius having undertaken to reduce Greece, removed to Thessaly, and from thence, sent Alexander, King of Macedon, with great Promises, to persuade the Athenians to come in, which the Lacedemonians understanding, sent likewise to persuade them to remain firm. The Athenians Answer Alexander, renouncing Amity with Xerxes as long as the Sun kept his Course; whereupon Mardonius hasted to Athens, which was again left to him void. From thence he solicited them with many fair promises in vain; yet the Lacedemonians grew cold in sending Aid, 'till the Athenians grew to threaten a Course which would little please them. A Counsellor of Sparta thereupon said, our Wall upon Istonus will little avail us, if Athens listen to Mardonius; with which Speech, the Lacedemonians bethought themselves and dispatched five thousand Spartans, and gave orders for five thousand more.

§. 9. Mardonius's Army of thirty thousand was increased to fifty thousand, with the Macedonians, Thaebans and Thessalians, against which, the Forces of Greece were One hundred and ten Thousand, of which forty thousand were weightily Armed. All these comfronted one another in a convenient place belonging to the Plataeans, who gave it to the Athenians, upon the Oracles promise of Victory, if the Battle were fought on Athenian ground. In the end the Armies encounter each other; Mardonius is slain, his Army destroyed, and Artabasus, with three thousand, flyeth to Byzantium, and so Shipped into Asia.

§. 10. Xerxes being at Sardis, committed Sixty thousand to Tygranes to keep Ionia and the Coast, where his two Admirals lay at Mycale, who perceiving the Grecian Fleet was coming, drew their Ships on ground, and fortifyed the places, and disarmed the Samians among them, and set the Miletians far off, to keep the Streights, doubting them. The Greeks resolutely • orce them, and the Samians in the Fight, get what Weapons they can, and play the Devil against the Persians, whose Example the Ionians follow; so that the Persians are overthrown, and of those that fled, the Milesians had the slaughter; this was the Evening of that Day, the Battel was at Plataea, which was the last that was heard of this mighty Army levied against Greece.

§. 11. Xerxes not regarding these Losses, was engag'd in the love of his Brother's Wife, who rejected him; and after of her Daughter, Wife to his Son; whereof did follow the Salvage Cruelty of Amestris his Wife, on his Brother's Wife, and his Murther of his Brother Masistes, her Husband.

CHAP. VII. The Greek Affairs, from the Persian Wars, to the Peloponesian, of Twenty Seven Years.

§. 1. THE Greeks having utterly defeated that Persian Army of Seventeen Hundred Thousand, and left a few thousands of them, that the Peloponesians sent home, leaving Xantippus, and his Athenians, assisted with the revolted Ionês, who took Sestos in the Streight of Hellespont, between which, and Abidos, Xerxes's Bridge had stood; and in the Spring return'd home, taking their Wives and Children with them, out of the Islands where they had left them. The Athenians neglecting their private interest, fell presently to fortifie their City; which the Lacedemonians, doubting the Athenians power at Sea, dissuaded; but in vain, being held in suspence with fair words, till the work was ended; and then were answer'd, That Athens knew what belonged to her safety, as they had shewed in the Persian War, without direction from others.

§. 2. The Athenians sent out Thirty Ships, the Lacedemonians Twenty, the rest of Greece adding thereto, Pausanias of Lacedemon having the Conduct; who having possess'd themselves of many Principal Places in Cyprus, went from thence to Thrace, and recovered Bizantium, now Constantinople, from the Persians. After this, Pausanias beginning to play the Tyrant, is called home, and Docres put in his Place, who is also mis • iked, as indeed a good Commander might be, in comparison of the Wise and Virtuous Aristides Commander of the Athenians, much more Men of ill desert. The Lacedemonians being weary of following the War, of which the Athenians were eag • r, return home and take their eas • , while the other got Honour, and had all the rest of the Greeks willing to be Commanded by the Athenians and to bear what Charge they lay upon them for the common defence of Greece, gladly referring themselves to A • istides. But just Aristides could not prevent the Athenians making Slaves of their Fellows in short time; imposing Thirteen Hundred Talents a year upon their Confederates. Timon Son of •• •• iades was General, who brought many Inhabitants 〈◊〉 Greece into the Athenian Servitude; while neglecting to follow the Wars, chusing rather to bear the Cha • ge than se • ve, grew weak as the other became strong. Timon having taken Phaleis, entr • d Erquidom in Pamphi • ia, overthrew the Persian Army at Land, and took two hundred Ships, and forced Eighty Sail of Phaenicians to r •• on gro • nd and per •• • ▪ This forced the Persians to an honourable Peace with the Athenians.

§. 3. Xerxes becomes cruel to his Kindred, and those about him; which made hi • Uncle Arta •• •• • to repose less safety in his Fidelity, tha • in the hope of a Crown, by destroying a Cruel Cowa • dly and Hated Prince. Thus by means of Millorldatus an Eunuch, the King is murther'd, and his Son Darius charg'd with it, and put to death. But Artabanus is surpriz'd by Artaxerxes, and slain.

§. 4. Artaxerxes making Peace with the Athenians, Themistocles seeking to check the Peoples insolency in their Democratical Government, is Banished Ten Years, who for safety fled to Persia, where, to avoid leading Forces against Athens, he Poisoned himself.

§. 5. Athens, contrary to the Peace with the Persians, measuring Honour by profit, thought to Surprize Cyprus, a convenient Seat for any State, which would Trade with Syria, Egypt, Cilicia, &c. But Timon with two hundred Sail, solicited by Icarus King of Lybia, to joyn in Conquest; and shewing him Egypt, accepted the motion, succeeded in the Attempt, to the taking two parts of Memphis, 'till Magabazus sent Forces to assist the Persians there; by which means, the Athenians were forced to Prosopotes, and there slain, with loss of all their Gallies, and fifty more sent to their assistance.

§. 6. The Athenians in these six years of Egyptian War held their own with advantage, winning the Aegyptian Phocis, Tanagra, &c. spoiled the Sea-Coast of Peloponesus, and then made a Peace with them.

§. 7. Artaxerxes Longimanus, to whom most good Authors give forty, and some forty four years, was he which so much favoured the Iews, as we see in Esdras, and Nehemiah; which was that Ahasuerus who Married Hester, lived in Susa, and Reigned from India, to Aethiopia, and therefore a Persian. Now as Darius Hystaspes his many Wives, the Honour he left Atossa in, Iojachim's being High-Priest in the days of Artaxerxes, prove he was not Hesters Husband, so much less was Xerxes; and Mordocha proveth he could be none of the succeeding Kings of Persia.

§. 8. The Greeks prosecute their Civil-War, leaving the Persians in Peace for many Ages. Their Egyptian Expedition being come to nought, the Lacedemonians recover Delphos, which the Athenians regain, and commit to the Phocians. But the Baeotians recover their Liberty against the Athenians, as did Eubaea, and Megaras, and Athens seek Peace with Sparta for thirty years; but after six years Invaded Samos.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Peloponesian War.

§. 1. GReece was never under the Government of one Prince 'till Philip of Macedon, and Alexander his Son, and by them rather United than Subjected, as they were by the Kings following; who brought all Greece into servitude, except those Two which deserved it most, Athens, and Lacedemon, which distracted all by their private quarrels, drawing all the rest to side with them. Lacedemon having lived under one form of Government four hundred years, used only to War, as glorying only in Valour. The Athenians to the contrary, measured Honour, and all by Gain. The Lacedemonians were deliberate, grave, and resolute, for which, all other S • ates of Greece followed them; the Athenians were eager, sudden in concluding, and hasty in execution; obeyed by force, and by means of their Ships, forced the Islanders to hard Tribute. The Lacedemonians being In-Landers, perceiving the Athenians to grow great, became jealous of them.

§. 2. Athens to enlarge her Command, used to protect the weaker States against the stronger, though having been their Colonies, as Corcyra was to Corinth. This Wrong Corinth complained of to Sparta, as others did; and when Sparta could not prevail by intreaty, they resolve on Force, which Athens prepares for. The Lacedemonians exceed in numbers and qualities; the Athenians in many Ships, and absolute Subjects.

§. 3. Athens the t • o-first years had all the Country about wasted, and the Towns visited with a grievous Pestilence, by the throng of People and Cattle, fled thither. The Lacedemonians win Plataea, but cannot rescue Mytilene from the Athenians, for want of Ships; their Confederates also grew weary, so that the Lacedemonians seeing how little hurt they can do to Athens, which was easily relieved by Sea, fall to build Ships, but to no purpose, wanting good Seamen.

§. 4. Sparta hearing that a Fleet of Athenians by contrary Winds stayed at Pilus, a Promontory, began to fortifie themselves there, and hasted from Attica, to put off such ill Neighbours from planting so near Peloponesus; but finding the Garrison not so easily to be forced, they possessed the Haven, put four hundred Men into the Island, and send part of the Fleet for Materials to ruine the Garrison. The Athenian Fleet hearing of the Garrisons distresses, returned, and overthrew the Spartan Fleet, &c. The four hundred Men in the Island, the Magistrates of Sparta seek to recover, by sending to Athens to treat of Peace, but in vain; for Athens weighed Honour by Profit, and held the advantage gotten; and in the end, by force took the Spartans in the Island Prisoners, and sent them to Athens.

§. 5. The Lacedemonians in this Condition, labour for Peace, which the insolent Athenians neglected, 'till the overthrow their Forces by the Lacedemonians imployed in Thrace, had received, which made the Athenians more earnest to effect a Peace; especially, considering, that beside the Athenian Power, the Argives their ancient, and not to be neglected Enemies, were like to joyn with the Athenians, the Thirty years Peace being expired. The Peace at last is concluded, but Conditions impossible; for Lacedemon could not restore all the Cities which the Athenians had lost by their means, as the Cities taken into their Protection, refused to return subject to their old Lords the Athenians. But before any quarrel grew, the Spartans enter into a straighter Alliance with Athens, by a League Offensive and Defensive, to disappoint the Argives. This League put all Greece in jealousie that these two would prove Lords of all.

§. 6. The States of Greece, which had excessively admired the Valour of Sparta, seeing it now to seek Peace, upon Terms not so Honourable, grew to contemn it, as the Corinthians, Thebans, &c. who cast their Eyes upon the great Rich City of Argos, and conceived great matters of it. This is the common base Condition of the most, who curiously searching into other Mens Vices, cannot discern their Virtues; and comparing our best parts with their first, are justly plagued with false opinion of that good in others, which we know wanting in our selves; the Corinthians beginning, complain that the Lacedemonians had left some of their Towns in the Athenians hands; the Mantinians follow, who feared revenge, for that they had drawn some Arcadians from the Spartans, to follow them. These begin to enter League with the Argives, and other Cities of Peloponesus follow. The Lacedemonians knowing the scope of this new Confederacy, send to Corinth, to stop the Matter where it began, chargeing them with their Oath of old Alliance, which the Corinthians answer; saying the Lacedemonians had first broken in concluding with Athens, without care of restoring the Towns taken from Corinth, &c. The Corinthians thereupon enter League with Argos, and draw others, only the Thebans were not so forward, because Argos was a popular State. The Corinthians also, for further security, sought Peace with Athens, and obtained a Truce, but no League. But in conclusion, as Athens, had, by force, gotten an absolute command, and could perform what she promised, so Lacedemon, which had so many followers, but voluntary, could not do so; as where they should restore Panacty held by the Thebans, for recovery of Pylus, they could not, and so gave discontent to Athens. There were also in Athens, Alcibiades a young brave Noble-man, and others, as also some in Sparta desirous of War, who promoted the breach of Peace what they could. Alcibiades therefore sent to Argos, which thought not now of superiority, as lately she did, but of Security, advising them to secure-themselves by League with Athens. The Lacedemonians seeing that Argos took that course, sent to Athens to stay the proceeding, knowing the Combination was not for their Wealth; but by a trick of Alcibiades, lost their labour.

§. 7. The Argives presuming of their Allies, molest the Epidaurians, which the Spartans were bound to defend; upon which occasion, the Athenians and Spartans collaterally infest each other, and the Corinthians, Baeotians, Phocians, Locrians, follow the Lacedemonians, who, in one Victory, recovered much Reputation; so that the Nobles of Argos getting the uper-hand of the Citizens, made League with them, renouncing Athens; but the People recovering, chased away their Nobles, and reversed all.

§. 8. Athens, in the intermission of open War at home, renew their hopes of subduing Sicily, and sent such a Fleet as Greece never set out, of which Alcibiades was one General. Siracuse is besieged, but relieved by the Lacedemonians, and the Fleet block'd up in the Haven; neither could Athens relieve it through home Factions, whence Alcibiades was driven, to banish himself; and by this reason Sparta, in the absence of their Forces, Invaded Attica, the Persians lending Money. The Lacedemonians also by Alcibiades's Advice (who fled to them) fortifyed Decelia near Athens, and all the Country about; Yet the Athenians, in their Obstinacy, sent another Fleet, which was quite vanquished in the Haven, and the Army, by Land, utterly over-thrown. This befell the Athenians deservedly by Nicias's Resolution, who chose to venture little less than all the Power of Athens, rather than to incur the Athenians Censure upon Return, to be condemned unjustly, as other Generals had been; this Resolution cannot be commended, seeing an honest valiant Man should do what Reason directs, and measure Honour and Dishonour by a well-informed Conscience, rather than the malicious Report and Censure of others; yet it is excusable, considering the Peoples Injustice; and knowing an ill Fact is nothing so pernicious as an unjust Sentence, which begun upon one, becomes a President. But his fear to fly, as he thought to do, was ridiculous, because of an Eclipse that day, which made him defer it 'till twenty seven days after, with lamentable effect.

§. 9. The Athenians, after this loss had also their Subjects abroad rebellious, and which recovered their long lost Liberty. At home also the principal Citizens, wearied with the Peoples Insolency, changed the Government, procuring the Captains abroad to set up an Aristocracy in the Towns of their Confederacy, as four hundred usurped it at home. But the Army at Samos disliked that usurpation, and Alcibiades, who was f • ed from the Lacedemonians, who had honour'd him much, till his Virtue had bred him Envy, and was with Tissaphernes the Persian Vice-Roy, with whom he was grown into such Favour, as he persuaded him to stay his Favour to the Lacedemonians. Yet his Revocation was not confirmed at Athens, 'till the four hundred wearied with the Troubles of the Times, and not prevailing with Sparta for Peace, resigned their Authority to Five thousand, which had been their Assistants, who presently agreed to the revocation of him and his Companions.

§. 10. After this, Alcibiades joining with the Athenian Fleet, after an Overthrow of the Lacedemonian Fleet, commanded by Mindarus, took Cyzicus, Perinthus, Chalcedon, Bizantium, and with this Honour returned to Athens, where he was made High-Admiral. But upon a loss of a great part of his Fleet by his Lieutenant in his Absence, fighting contrary to his Commandment, he was again forced to banish himself, to a greater loss to Athens than before.

§. 11. After this also the Athenians Ships in a discomfiture, were forced into the Haven of Mytelene, where they were beset, so that Athens were compelled to Man all their Vessels, to relieve them at Argamusae; yet the ten Captains, which had the Victory of the Lacedemonians, were condemned at Athens unjustly, as after appeared.

§. 12. Lysander, with the Peloponesian Fleet, Besieged Lapsacus; the Athenian Fleet of an hundred Eighty Sail came too late to relieve it; and then put in at Sestos, and after at Aeges-Potamos, from whence they daily braved Lysander, not a League off, and return to Ages Potamos, from whence the Men used to go by Land to Sestos, leaving the Ships. Alcibiades lived near, and saw their negligent endangering the Ships, and gave them warning, which they regarded not; so Lysander came suddainly on them, and overthrew them, went to Athens with Pausanias and Agis, the Two Kings of Sparta, and Summoned the City, which refused 'till Famin Forced, which fell on them by the Lacedemonians taking the Islands from them, which used to relieve them. So all her Subject Cities are freed; the Wall, to the Port cast down; her Government restrained to her own Territories; and she to use but Twelve Ships, and to follow Sparta in all Wars. And so ended the Peloponesian War, after twenty seven years. Her only hope of Recovery was in Alcibiades, whose death the Lacedemonians procured. Lacedemon abusing this good Success, grew Odious, so that many Cities of Greece combined against her, and Thebes, under the leading of Epaminondas, who trained up Philip of Macedonia, gave her a great Foil.

CHAP. IX. Matters concurring with this War, and a while after.

§. 1. PERSIA after, had Artaxerxes, Xerxes the Second, and after him, Sogdianus his Brother (who seem to be the Sons of Hester) but one year; whom Darius Notbus succeeded, who slew Sogdianus as he had his Brother Xerxes. He reigned Nineteen years. Amyrtaeus an Egyptian, Allyed himself with Greece, overthrew the Persian Garrisons in Egypt, and Reigned; while Darius assisting the Lacedemonians with Money, by the Overthrow of Athens, recover'd what had been lost in Asia the lesser, over which he made Cyrus, his younger Son, Lieutenant, but upon some dislike, intended to have dealt sharply with him, had not Death prevented.

§. 2. Athens, after her Overthrow, had Thirty Governours, called Tyrants, chosen to execute the Law, with supreme Authority. These contriving to retain that Power, put certain Seditious Fellows to death without Law, which all Men approved, considering their Lewdness, but not that it might prove their own case, if their Governours please to call them Seditious, as it fell out. For their Thirty sent to Lacedemon, to desire a Garrison, pretending to cut off the Seditious; but by entertaining the Captain to his liking, they grew bold with the Chief Citizens, and shed much Blood. Theramenes one of them, shewing his dislike, after they had chosen Three thousand Citizens of their liking, to assist in the Government, with priviledge, in question of Death to be tryed by Law, and not at Commandment of the Thirty; they call Theramenes in question, as without the priviledge, and put him to death.

§. 3. After this, the Tyrants Out-rage made many good Citizens fly to Thebes, where Thrasybulus, and about Seventy more, resolve to free Athens of the Tyrants, and take Phyla, a strong place in the Territory of Athens, which the Tyrants, in vain, sought to recover, their strength encreasing to a Thousand, with which they got Pyraeus, the Suburbs of Athens on the Port, and slew Seventy of the Three Thousand which came to expect them, and Critias the chief Tyrant. The Tyrants send for Aid to Sparta, and Lysander is sent with Forces, and Pausanias followed, not to overthrow Thrasybulus, but after some shew, to work Peace, which he did, sending the Thirty, and others that were the cause of the Tumult, to Sparta,

CHAP. X. Cyrus the Younger, his Expedition into Persia.

§. 1. ARtaxerxes Mnemon, or the mindful, succeeded in Persia, Established by his Father; who also at his Mother Parasali's earnest intreaty, pardoned his Brother Cyrus's aspiring, and Established him Vice-Roy in Lydia, and those parts.

§. 2. Cyrus after such Disgrace from his Brother, who spared his Life only for his Mothers importunity, of whose Favour he presumed; knowing also the Affections of his People, and presuming upon the Lacedemonians formerly aided by him; thought his Interest to the Crown worth prosecuting. He sends to Sparta, which commands their Admiral to be at his command; he seized on some Towns subject to Tissaphernes; furnished the Grecian Captains with Money to List Souldiers to be at his Command; then making a shew of Besieging Miletus, he calls over his Grecian Forces, and suddainly set forward toward Persia.

§. 3. Tissaphernes posting to the Court, his News caus'd great Exclamations and Fear, in which the King gathered his Army of Nine hundred Thousand, with which yet he durst not venture the Tryal. The Greeks, which follow Cyrus are, with difficulty allured over Euphrates, &c. but being over, resolved to find out Artaxerxes, who was retiring to the utmost Border of his Kingdom, had not Teribazus, one of his Captains, dissuaded him.

§. 4. Cyrus, with his Army of One hundred thousand, drawing toward his Brother, who had Intrenched Forty Miles in Length, Thirty Foot broad, and Eighteen deep, and yet left it; at length when he thought he had been fled, was forced suddenly to Arm. The Greeks not used to incounter such Multitudes, began to distrust their own Courage; yet upon the On-set, found they had to do with so many contemptible Cowards, who fled without consideration. Cyrus, glad to see it, and being thereupon adopted King, yet desires to appear worthy of it, put himself with Six hundred Horse, upon a Squadron of Six thousand which fled before him; and being left by his Followers which pursued the Enemy, he, again spying the King in the midst of his Troops, brake in with a Iew, and pierced the King's Curace, but was presently slain, and his Head and right Hand being cut off, were shewed on a Spear Point, recalled thy flying Persians, who before were crying on Cyrus for Mercy. After this, the King and Tissaphernes met, and followed the Greeks, which knew not of Cyrus's Death; who seeing the King following, turned to him. And he, wheeling about, left them, and took an Hill, from which they forced him, and then returned to their Quarters.

§. 5. Artaxerxes could not rejoice in his Success, when he thought what Report the Greeks would make of the baseness of his People, which might incourage the Greeks to visit his Country with more Force than he would like. The next Morning therefore, when they knew from Ariaeus of Cyrus's end, he sent Phalinus a Greek unto them, to require their Arms, and to sue for Mercy; which they scorned, &c.

§. 6. The Greeks, next Night, came to Ariaeus, a principal Commander under Cyrus, who tarried for them; but Four hundred Foot and 40 Horse, all Thraconians, fled to the King Ariaeus, who being offered by them to make him King, wanted the Courage to venture for it, but was glad to covenant with them for mutual assistance in returning, which he directed. The next day they lighted on the King's Army, which gave them way; yea the King sent to them about a Peace, and appointed them a place where to have Victuals.

§. 7. Tissaphernes cometh to them like a Fox to entrap them, pretending his Love to them, being Neighbour to Greece, and promising his Mediation to the King, if they will send a mild Answer; and to Conduct them home. Hereupon a League is sworn betweeen them, and he returned to the King, and after Twenty days came back to them, and set forward. The Greeks grew jealous of his long stay, and would not have staied, had not Clearchus their General persuaded them, relying too much on Tissaphernes's Oath. Tissaphernes, after some days March together, found opportunity upon Clearchus, seeking to assure him of the Greeks good Will to him (which he seemed to doubt) to draw all their Captains to his Camp, promising to tell them which of them it was which sought secretly to raise dissention between them. Thus having drawn them into his Snare, he sent Clearchus, and other four Colonels to the King, but slew the rest; then he sent Ariaeus as from the King, to require them to yield, but in vain.

§. 8. The Greeks amused at the loss of their Leaders, neglected to consult what Supplies to make, 'till Xenophon, whose Learning supplyed the want of Experience, awaked them; who thereupon is intreated to take the charge of Proxenus's Regiment and those Captains; Xenophon made Slings, took Fifty Horses out of the Carriages, and set Men on their backs; taught the Archers to shoot compass, which they had not used; and thus kept off the Persian Archers. Thus their Valour made them way through all difficulties; so that Tissaphernes fell to his surest course, to distress them by burning all the Country before them.

§. 9. The Greeks passing through the Carduchi, a Fierce Swift People, and skilful Archers with the Sling, were much troubled with them seven days; and came to Centriles, which runneth between them and Armenia, where Forces were layed to hinder their Passage; but finding a Ford, they chased away the Persian Subjects, and left the Carduchi, which seem to have Inhabited the Mountain Niphates, not far from Tygris Spring; contrary to Ptolomy, who placeth them far East, upon the River Cyrus, in Medea.

§. 10. The Greeks being come to Armenia, passed Sixty Miles to the heads of Tygris, and as far beyond peaceably, 'till Teribazus encountred them at the River Teleboa. He Governing for the Persians, pretended to favour the Greeks, and made a Covenant with them; but in their security lying in wait for them, was discovered by a Souldier, taken by the Greeks, who found him out on the sudden, and made him leave his Rich Pavilion behind him. Thence they went to the Northward, near the Fountains of Euphrates, where they found store of Victuals, &c.

§. 11. The Greeks came to the River Phasis, and passed those Nations, the Phasians, and Chalybeans; the first fled with all Provision into strong Holds, of which one was forced, and yielded store of Cattle. The Fierce Chalybeans afflicted them much, and fought with them hand to hand; the Scythians used them kindly at Ginias, whose Governour led them to Mount Moschici, whence they saw the Euxine-Sea. Then they came to Trabisond, or Trapezus, a Colonie of Greeks in Colchos, whose People used them with Hostility, which was well requited, while they rested at Trapezus.

§. 12. The Greeks at Trabisond desiring Shipping for their Men's easie Travel, which the Lacedemonian Admiral who lay there promised to provide. But lying long in expectation of Ships, and Victuals failing, they sent their Sick, with Women, Children, and Baggage by Sea; and the Army being Eight Thousand Six Hundred Men, went by Land to Cerasus, a Greek Town, as was Cotione their next Lodging, both Colonies from Sinope, as was Trapezus. Here the Inhabitants Discourtesie made the Souldiers to use violence, which the Sinopians took ill, and threatned Revenge. Xenophon excused it by necessity, which if it would not serve, he shewed how little he fear'd them; upon which considerations they yielded.

§. 13. Xenophon, while Ships are preparing, intended to build a City thereabouts; which being discovered, they most disliked the Design; and Sinope and Heraclea much feared it; and to prevent it, promise both Ships, and Mony. The Ships are sent without Mony, which made the Captains fear a Mutiny, having held the Souldiers in hope of it; but upon coming of Cherisophus from the Lacedemonian Admiral, with a few Gallies, and promise of Mony at their arrival in Greece, they set out from the Port of Sinope.

§. 14. The Greeks drawing homeward, thought fit to chuse an Absolute Commander, desiring Xenophon to take it upon him, which he refused, knowing the trouble of leading Voluntaries. Cherisophus accepts the offer, but was soon deposed, for not favouring their intent to surprize Heraclea, which had been friendly to them. For four Thousand four Hundred of them being Arcadians, and Achaeans, chose new Leaders, and forsook the rest; but had been overthrown in Bithynia, if Xenophon and his Company had not come in.

§. 15. Xenophon forceth the Persians and Thracians in Bithynia, and ravages that part about Cape Calpas, and carries the Spoil to Chrysopolis near Chalcedon, and Sold it. Tissaphernes doubting their coming into Phrygia, procured the Admiral of Sparta to lead them out into Europe, and so ended that famous Expedition, which opened the way for Greece to visit Persia the second time, to the translating of the Empire.

CHAP. XI. Of the Greeks Affairs, under the Lacedemonians Command.

§. 1. GReece understanding the effeminate Baseness of the Asiaticks, desired an undertaking of that huge unweildy Empire; but were hindred by home Distractions through the Theban War; which called the Lacedemonian Power out of Asia. Xenophon's retreat from Babylon, to Greece, four thousand two hundred and eighty one Mile, in one Year and three Months, through Enemies Countries, I know not whether any Age hath parallel'd; Conon the Briton with six Thousand Men, came home thro' all the breadth of Italy, and length of France, in despight of the Emperor Theodosius; which Retreat was like, rather than equal.

§. 2. Timbro the Grecian General in Asia, receiving Xenophon's Men, took in Towns which fell from Tissaphernes, but for his Oppressions is deposed, and Dercillidas a Spartan succeeded; who bearing a grudge to Pharnabasus, and not favoured by Tissaphernes, the other Persian Governours in lower Asia, upon appointment with Tissaphernes, entred Aeolis, and in few days subdued it; wasted Bithynia, took Atarne, a strong City, and Cheronia, with Eleven Towns in it. Then he was Commanded from Sparta, to attempt Caria, the Seat of Tissaphernes. In defence whereof, Pharnabasus joyned with Tissaphernes, by which means the Greeks were over-match'd, being forsaken by the Ionians and Islanders; yet Tissaphernes feared to Fight, well remembring Xenophon's Retreat; and so contrary to Pharnabazus's Councel, a Truce is concluded.

§. 3. The Lacedemonians being now at leisure, resolve to revenge some private Wrongs done by the Eleans, who were Precedents of the Olympian Games, and accordingly forced them to free the Cities which had been subject to them, and overthrew their Walls. This pretence of Liberty, was their usual ground of Wars; though after that, they made the same Towns little better than Vassals to Sparta.

§. 4. Agesilaus newly made King of Sparta, ambitious of the honour of Victory against the Persians, with a great Army set forward to Aulis in Baeotia, to Sacrifice there, as Agamemnon had done long before; but the Thebans, Lords of that Country, interrupted him. Agesilaus resented this Contumely, pursued his Enterprize, and landed at Ephesus, where Tissaphernes entertained him with a Treaty of Peace; seeking only to gain time for the better supplying himself with Men and Mony; which being come, he sent to Agesilaus to be gone, or to maintain his Post by force. Agesilaus answer'd, He was glad he had to deal with an Enemy, which by Perjury deserved vengeance from Heaven. So seeming to prepare for Caria, where Tissa • hernes was prepared for him, he went directly to •• rygia, which he plundred, 'till Tissaphernes's Cavalry came up, whom he could not well repell for want of Horses, and therefore returned to Ephesus to furnish himself with them; and as soon as the Season served, he entred and took Baeotis in Tissaphernes's Country, overthrew his Cavalry in the Plain of Meander, for want of their Infantry, and took their Camp, which was very Rich. The King his Master distrusting him, and seeing how odious he was to the Greeks, thought fit for procuring Peace, to take off his Head by Tithraustes, whom he sent to succeed him. Which being done, he sent to Agesilaus, to certifie the Author of the War was dead; and that the King was content that the Greeks should enjoy their Liberty, paying his Tribute. The Answer is referred to the Council of Sparta, and 'till it came, Agesilaus is content for Thirty Talents, at his request, to transfer the War against Pharnabasus. Thus these Lieutenants valu'd not the King's Affairs further than in their own Provinces; the foolish Custom of those Kings being to be guided by Eunuchs, and Concubines, Rewarding or Punishing the Provincials, as they got, or lost.

§. 5. Agesilaus wasteth Phrygia, took Pharnabasus's Palace, and drove him out of his Camp, &c. Pharnabasus seeketh some good Composition, representing the many good Offices done to the State of Sparta in the Wars with Athens. Agesilaus replieth, That having War with his Master, they were forced to offend him; but if he would revolt from the King, they would Establish him a free King over his Province. Pharnabasus answering plainly, That while his Master trusted him, he would be their Enemy; but if the Charge were taken from him, he would shift sides, and come over to them. So Agesilaus removeth out of Phrygia, having made a violent Enemy, of an honourable Friend.

§. 6. Tithraustes perceiving Agesilaus design'd not to leave Asia, took a wise Course, and sent Fifty Talents to be dispersed among the Principal of Thebes, and caus'd the Argives and Corinthians to raise War against Sparta, whom they formerly hated. The Quarrel is framed, from the Locrians paying a Rent to the Thebans, which the Phocians claimed, and for which they made a Distress by violence; whereupon the Thebans invaded Phocis in Hostile manner, which flyeth to Sparta for aid. The Spartans send Lysander to raise Men about Phocis, and to attend Pausanias the other King, with Forces out of Peloponesus; but Corinth refused to assist. Thebes knowing how many Succours Lacedemon should have, even of those which affected them little, sent to Athens to beg assistance, and obtained it by Thrasibulus's means; who in the time of the Thirty Tyrants, being Banish'd, was courteously used at Thebes, while Pausanias stayed for the Confederates. Lysander was slain at the Siege he layed to Halyartus; whither after Pausanias came, and that the Athenian Aid was come to the Thebans, he departed; for which he was Condemned, and fled to Tegea.

§. 7. The Thebans upon this Success, had the Argives, Corinths, Eubaeans, and others, come into Confederation; so that Sparta seeing the danger, sent for Agesilaus. Pharnabasus considering how much the Greeks Division imported the King his Master, as before he had advanced the Lacedemonians Sea-Forces to the Overthrow of the Athenians, so now he seeketh to raise the Athenian, and break the Lacedemonian, who for three Talents had sold his Favour: He therefore furnish'd Conon, and the Athenians with Eight Ships, and gave him Command of a great Navy, with which he destroyed the Spartan Fleet at Cnidus, in requital of the loss of the Athenian Navy at Aegos Potamos, surpriz'd by Lysander. Conon thus return'd to Athens, with a strong Navy, and much Gold.

§. 8. The Lacedemonians for some years support their Reputation by some Victories gotten by Agesilaus, 'till Iphicrates the Athenian General, gain'd a great Victory over them at Lechaeum, and that by Pharnabasus's persuasion; promising them to Rule by their own Laws. The Cities in Asia expelled the Spartan Governours, Abidos only excepted; and Thrasibulus the Athenian, with a Fleet had taken Bizantium, Chalcedon, Lesbos, &c.

§. 9. The Lacedemonians not able to maintain War against Men as good as themselves, assisted with Persian Treasure, crave Peace with Artaxerxes, offering to leave the Greeks in Asia to him, and set the Islands and Towns in Greece all free; so that Greece should never be able to molest the King. This Offer was not accepted, so War is continued in Asia against Strutha, the King's Lieutenant there, and in Greece among themselves; but by means of Antalcidas the King, they made Peace.

§. 10. Olynthus, a strong City in Thrace, grew formidable to their Neighbours, having subjected divers Cities, which made the rest, even in Macedon, to crave aid of Lacedemon, which brought it under; and in their way Thebes is surprized by Treason.

§. 11. Thebes recovered by a Plot layed by certain Banished Citizens, and Phylladas a Scribe of the Town; who, at a Feast promising to bring them the Choice Women of the Town to the Embraces of the Attenders, brought the Banish'd in Womens Attire, being come secretly, who slew them, and freed the City.

CHAP. XII. Thebes Flourished from the Battle of Leuctra, to that of Mantinaea.

§. 1. THE Lacedemonians were Stout and Grave in all Proceedings, but dishonourable in neglecting all Respects, which hinder'd the Commodity of Sparta, which often brought them shame and loss, when the execution was committed to weak conceited Men. Thus Thebes began to hold them hard to it, and Athens began to surround Peloponesus with their Navy. But Athens seeing Thebes to incroach on her weak Neighbours, of which, some were Dependents on them, whom yet they could not succour, being engaged in such Wars, resolve to make Peace in Greece, according to the Form Antalcidas brought from Persia. The Thebans being sent to, agree, and meet at Sparta with the rest; where being required to subscribe to the freedom of the Boeotians, Epaminondas required that Sparta should do the same for Laconia, being no more subject to Sparta, than Boeotia to Thebes. Agesilaus hating Thebes, did thereupon, passionately dash the name of Thebes out of the League; and in hast sent Cleombrotus, one of their Kings, with all his Power, who was slain at Leuctra, and the Flower of the Army; after which loss, Sparta never recover'd it self; but Thebes grew to such Command, that in a short time, they brought Seventy Thousand strong to the Gates of Sparta.

§. 2. The Athenians taking upon them to manage the Peace, calling the Deputies of all the Confederated Estates, conclude the general Liberty of all Towns small and great. The Mantuans hereupon build their Town which Sparta had forced them to demolish, and allie themselves with such Arcadian Towns as most hated Sparta. But by a Faction among the Arcadians, the Lacedemonians are called in, and Agesilaus led them, but effected little. Epaminandos of Thebes assisted, with divers other Countries, which followed Thebes, joyning with the Arcadians, ravag'd Laconia, where since the Dorians entred, Six Hundred past, where never Enemies set foot, yet durst not the Lacedemonians come out of Sparta to succour it; so he re-built Messene, long ago destroyed by Sparta, calling home the old Inhabitants.

§. 3. Sparta after this, required no more the leading of the Army, or other Precedency, only the Athenians yielded them the Leading by Land every Five Days successively with them; a conclusion of vain Ambition, as the next Invasion of Peloponesus shewed. And this Example bred the like emulation in the Arcadians, who thereupon will have their turn to lead with the Thebans; which Insolency bred suspicion in the Thebans, and Hatred in the rest; so that in the next Enterprize of the Spartans upon them, their Conceits overthrew them.

§. 4. The Arcadians misfortune rejoyced the Thebans, as without whose aid Enterprizes proved ill, and by whom the Lacedemonians were kept under; the Thessalians were protected, and the Macedonian quarrels so moderated, that Philip Son of Amyntas was committed to them as an Hostage. In this Reputation (little short of a general Command of all Greece) they sent Famous Pelopidas to Artaxerxes for his Alliance, which he granted, rejecting the contrary Suits of the other Grecian States, who had been very incommodious to him, and his Predecessors, where Thebes had always shewed good affection to Persia. Besides, as they were no Seamen, and so the less to be doubted in Asia, so their strength might secure him against the rest, who now might much molest him in the Revolt of all his Maritime Provinces, by sending them aid, without which he easily reduced them; for the time set by Divine Providence for the Persians Fall was not yet come. The Thebans thus made Protectors of the common Peace by the King, yet got nothing, the other Estates refusing.

§. 5. Thebes being grown by the mutual envy of Athens and Sparta, which being brought low, are glad to combine against her; all the other Estates of Greece are divided between them. The Arcadians had renounced the Lacedemonians, their old Leaders, and are become doubtful Adherents to the Thebans, without whose consent they had made Peace with the Athenians. Epaminondas therefore with the Thebans thought to invade Peloponesus, before the Arcadians turned Enemies, and while Corinth in their way stood Neutral, and the Arcadians were yet in disorder, and had sent to Thebes to complain of the Captains in Tegea. This Complaint was answered, That their Peace with Athens was the Cause; but Epaminondas would come by them, and prove their Fidelity by their aid in his intended War. The Arcadians amaz'd at this Answer, send to Athens for help, and to Sparta, offering to help against the Invasion; who kindly accepted it, not standing upon point of Leading.

§. 6. Epaminondas, besides great Forces raised out of other parts of Greece, had all the strength the Argives and Messenians could make; and while he stayed at Nemia, intercepted Intelligence that the Athenian Forces which he meant to encounter, would come by Sea. Thereupon he decamp'd, and march'd to Tegea, who with the most of Arcadia declare themselves his. The common Opinion was, that Epaminondas would first attempt the revolted Arcadians, therefore the Lacedemonian Captains fortifie Mantinaea, and send for Agesilaus from Sparta, with the small Forces that were there; so that Epaminondas with speed and secrecy marching to Sparta, had surpriz'd it, had not Agesilaus returned with precipitation, upon Intelligence by an unknown Fellow. Epaminondas disappointed of this hope, is presented with another; conceiving the Mantineans now fearing no danger, would disperse themselves abroad in the Fields about their Harvest; and thereupon sent his Horsemen before to interrupt them. But the Athenians coming thither, think to meet their Confederates, rescued the distressed Mantineans in the Fields, and presently after came all the Boeotians Power, and the Lacedemonians and their Friends were at hand.

§. 7. Epaminondas failing in both these Attempts, to prevent the decay of the Terrour of his Name in Peloponesus, resolved to check their Courage in the first growth, and to leave a Memorable Character of this Expedition. Having therefore warned his Men to prepare to fight for the Sovereignty of all Greece, he made shew to the Enemy by intrenching, to decline them, so to allay their heat, and breed security, wherein he might suddenly strike amazement in them, by breaking in, as it hapned. The Thebans had the Honour of the Day, by forcing all their Enemies out of the Field, but lost their incomparable Commander Epaminondas, by the stroak of a Dart in his Breast, of which he died when the Truncheon was pulled out; but first advised the Thebans to make Peace, as wanting a General, when he heard that Lobidas and Diophantes, two Principal Men of War were slain. Thus died the Worthiest Man that ever Greece bred, and hardly matched in any Age or Country.

§. 8. The Mantinean Battle was the greatest that had been ever in the Country of Natives, in which all Greece were interessed, which never had better Souldiers, or braver Commanders. The issue made all willing of a General Peace, wherein was concluded every Estate should enjoy what it then held, and none forced to depend on other; the Messenians being included in this League, for which the Lacedemonians refuse it. After this, Athens and Sparta had leisure to seek Wealth in foreign Wars, as did Agesilaus, who sent to assist Tachos King of Egypt, descended from Amyrtaeus, who rebelled against Darius Nothus. But Agesilaus Trayterously fled from the King, to his Rebels, so that he was forced to flye to Persia, and Nectanebus succeeded, who Rewarded Agesilaus with two Hundred and Thirty Talent of Silver; with which, returning home, he died.

THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. BOOK IV. Part I. Of the Macedonian Kingdom, from Philip, to the Race of Antigonus.

CHAP. I. Of Philip, Father to Alexander the Great.

§. 1. MAcedon at this time was little valued by the Greeks, whose Glory in their Persian Victory did so pamper them, that they neglected all Nations but themselves, especially the Macedonians, lately weakned by Neighbouring Princes, in the time of Amyntas Father of Philip. But it fared with the Greeks, as it commonly falleth out with Men of Note in the World, that they often fall by the hands which they least fear; and they considered not, that all great Alterations are sudden and violent, in which it is ever late to repair decayed Banks, when inraged Rivers are once swollen; Greece was far from care to repair their Fences between them and this Inundation, that they rather brake them down, by wasting each other; so that as Orosius said, the Cities of Greece lost all Command, by striving each of them to Command all. Macedon, so called, from Macedon Son of Osiris, bordereth on the North; whose Kings were from Temenus, of the Race of Hercules, and Argives by Nation. Caranos of Argos Planted a Colony there, upon surprize of Edessa, about six years after Arbaces became King of Medea.

§. 2. Philip the Second, the youngest Son of Amyntas II. Educated under Epaminondas in Thebes, where he was in Hostage, escaped thence in the first year of the Hundred and Fifth Olympiad, which was three Hundred Ninety and Three years after the Building of Rome. Being returned to Macedon, invironed with many Enemies, he took upon him to Command, as a Protector of his young Nephew, Son of Percidas his Brother, late King; but his fruitful Ambition soon overgrew his Modesty, and was easily persuaded by the People, to take upon him the Absolute Rule, as the necessity of the State required a King both Prudent and Active; for as the King of Thrace sought to set Palesanias, and the Athenians Argaeus, the Sons of Aeropus the late Usurper, so the Illyrians and Pannonians made daily incursions on all sides. Philip to ease himself of these heavy burthens, corrupted the Pannonian's Men of War with Mony, and brought the Thracian King from Pausania, and then made head against the Athenians, and Argaeus, whom he overthrew, and forced the Athenians to desire Peace.

§. 3. Philip had now leisure to look Northward, invaded his bordering Enemies, and slew Bardilus King of Illyrium, recovering what he held in Macedon, and forced the Pannonians to Tribute. Then hasting to Thessalia, his South Neighbour, he took Larissa upon the River Peneus; but before he would proceed with Thessaly, he made sure of the entrance out of Thrace, winning Amphipolis, seated upon the bordering River; he also recovered Pydna, and Crenidus, which he called Phillipi. He also entred League with the Olynthians, his Father's mortal Enemies, and gave them Pydna, yet not designing they should hold it, or their own.

§. 4. Philip by the Phocian or Sacred War, in the second year of the hundred and sixth Olympiad, was drawn into Greece. This War grew by occasion that the Phocians having Plowed up one piece of ground belonging to Delphos's Temple, were by the Thebans prosecution fined a great Summ at the General Council of Greece, and for refusing, are Condemned to the Sword. The Phocians hereupon plunder'd Apollo's Temple, which yielded them Ten thousand Talents; with which they hired many Men, but after three Victories, were beaten by the Thebans, Thessalians, &c. In the mean time, Philip at the Siege of Methon lost an Eye; shortly after his Forces were overthrown in Thessaly, by the Phocians and Thracians, whom in the next Battle he defeated, slew six thousand, and took three thousand, and freed Thessaly of the Tyrant Lycophron, who had by force taken the City of Pheres.

§. 5. Philip after this quarrel'd with the Olynthians, a powerful People, who had a contest with the Macedonians, for protecting two of his half Brethren against his Sword; for his Quarrels were balanced by his Ambition, which made all things lawful, that any way served his turn; whether Murther of Brethren, breach of Faith, corrupting by Mony, esteeming no place strong, where his Ass laden with Gold could enter.

Therefore having overthrown them twice, and forced them to keep their City, he corrupted two Citizens, which gave him entrance; where he slew his Brethren, and sold the Citizens for Slaves. Thus he Conquer'd more by Corruption and Fraud, than by Force; as did Philip of Spain.

§. 6. Philip at the Request of the Boeotians, sent them aid against the Phocians, sufficient to retard, but not to end the War, so to weaken the strength of Greece. Artaxerxes Ochus also sent them One Hundred and Eighty Thousand Crowns; but upon further request of his own presence, whom they promise to give entrance into their Territory, he went with Power sufficient to give Law to both Parties. Upon whose coming, Phatlecus the Phocian Leader, fearing to shock with him, made his Peace with him, and with a Regiment of Eight Thousand Men withdrew into Peloponesus, and left the Phocians to his mercy, who made them Slaves.

§. 7. Philip afer this slew many Thousands of the Illyrians and Dardanians, brought Thrace to Tribute, but was forced to leave Perinthus and Bizantium reliev'd by Athens, Chios, and Rhodes; and when he sought Peace with Athens, they refuse it, upon Demosthenes's Eloquent persuasions. Putting up this Affront, he supplied himself, by taking Seventy Merchants Ships; and with new Forces entred Scythia, with Alexander his Son, but prospered not.

§. 8. Philip after Eight Years spent Northward, was again called by the Greeks against Amphissa, who refused to obey the Decree of the Amphyctians, or General Councel of Greece. To this Enterprize he needed no drawing on, but forthwith entred Phocis, won Plataea, and subdued all the Region. Athens, by persuasion of Demosthenes, drawing the Thebans to joyn, rejected Philip's reasonable Conditions of Peace, and put their Freedom to the chance of one Battle at Cheronia, wherein they were overthrown; yet Philip attempted not their City, as he put a Garison in Thebes, &c. Shortly after at Corinth he is chosen, and stiled first Commander of all Greece, by the general States; whereupon he raised an Army of great strength against Persia, Commanded by Attalus and Parmenio, who transported it into Asia, while he intended the Marriage of Cleopatra his Daughter, to Alexander King of Epirus. At this Marriage-Feast he was slain by one Pausanias, of his Guard, for not doing him right upon Attalus, who had made him drunk, and then procured his Carnal abusing, &c. Olympias encouraged the Murther of her Husband. Iust. l. 9.

§. 9. Alexander's Greatness was so well founded by his Father, that the finishing it with ease was more glorious to him, than the beginning was to Philip; for besides his subduing that Famous Nation of Greece, he left him many Choice Commanders, as worthy of Crowns as himself.

CHAP. II. Of Alexander the Great.

§. 1. ALexander succeeded Philip his Father after Twenty Five Years Reign; being a Prince no less Valiant by Nature, than by Education, enriched with all sorts of good Learning. He entred upon his Reign Four Hundred and Seventeen Years after Rome's Building, being Twenty Years Old; which young Years encouraged his Neighbouring Nations to consult about recovery of Liberty, which he prevented with much Expedition. For after Revenge of his Father's death, and freeing his own Nation from all Exactions, and Bodily Slavery, and winning with Clemency, such as feared his Disposition to Cruelty, and using Austerity to such as contemned his Youth, He made a Journey into Peloponesus, and so well exercised his Spirits among them, that by the Councel of the State of Greece, he was Elected General- against the Persians, which Enterprize possessed all his Thoughts. But the Persian Gold having guilt Demosthenes's Tongue, he persuaded the Athenians, with the Thebans and Lacedemonians, to stand for their Ancient Liberty, and gave it out that Alexander was slain. Indeed Policy, as it is now a-days, defined by Fals • hood and Knavery, holding, that devised Rumours and Lyes, tho' they serve the turn but for a day or two, are greatly available; but in all my Observations I have found the Success as ridiculous as the Invention; for Men finding themselves abused by such Baits, at other times neglect true Reports, which much concerneth them to believe. Alexander much grieved to have his Thoughts diverted, and time lost from his Persian Enterprize, made such expedition, that he brought the first News himself of his preparation to Athens, which, as upon a sudden fainting, presently submitted, and easily pardoned, by persuasion of Alexander's desire to see Persia; as Wise Men are not easily drawn from great Purposes, nor by occasion easily put off. Then he subdued the Nations bordering North of Macedon; but yet could not get out of Europe, 'till he had demolish'd Thebes, which attempted his Garison in the Citadel, and obstinately refused to yield up the Authors of their Rebellion.

§. 2. Alexander having without cause given, put to death his Mother-in-Laws Kinsmen, advanced by his Father, and some of his own, whom he suspected; took also with him into Asia such Tributary Princes as he doubted, by unjust Cruelty to secure all things; yet the End fell out contrary to the Policy which Ambition commended to him; all his Planting was soon rooted up; whom he most trusted, were the most Traiterous, and his Mother, Friends, and Children fell by as merciless a Sword as his own, and Confusion left his dead Body in the Grave. He passed into Asia with Thirty Two Thousand Foot, and Five Thousand Horse, all Old Souldiers, which he landed near Troy; where at the River of Granick, he was forced to climb up the deep Bank, guarded against him with many Thousand Persians; of whom he slew Twenty Thousand Foot, and Two Thousand Five Hundred Horse. But this slaughter must be taken rather on the Back than the Breast; for had they stood to it, Alexander must needs have lost above Twenty Thousand Foot, and Two Thousand Five Hundred Horse, especially if the Persian Horsemen had fought fiercely; and the Grecians in Darius's Pay fought it out to the last Man, as Plutarch Reports.

§. 3. Alexander's Souldiers were greatly encouraged by winning this Passage; and all the Country so terrified, that all the lesser Asia yielded without a Blow. For in all Invasions, where the Invaded are beaten, upon great advantage of place, they will easily be persuaded that such an Enemy upon equal terms can hardly be resisted; the Assailant therefore in such Cases of defending Places, is to be opposed with the ablest Forces; yet fewest Places of great circuit are so fenced, wherein one Entrance or other is not to be forced by an able Enemy; as the Alps, wherein Francis the French King found entrance to Milan, though the Switzers guarded them; Xerxes forced the entrance at Thermopylae; Cyrus the younger, and Alexander, found the Gates of Taurus open into Cilicia; Iulius Agricola found Fords into Anglesey, which made the amazed Britains submit, &c. It was therefore well done of Alexander, to pass the River in the Face of their Enemies, without seeking an easier Passage, beating off the Enemy in their strength, leaving no hope of Succour to their Followers, in so unable Protectors. After this, Sardis, Ephesus, Trallis, and Magnesia, yielded them selves, and so enjoyed their own Laws; but he demolish'd Halicarnassus, for its obstinate resistance. Then he entred Caria, and restored Ada the Queen, expelled by Darius's Lieutenant, and Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and all the Sea-Coasts of lesser Asia, and then entred Celenas on Meander, and so through Phrygia toward the Euxine-Sea, and so to Gordium, where he cut th • Gordian-Knot asunder. He also expelled the Persians out of the Isles of Lesbos, Scio, and Coas, which he committed to two of his Captains, to clear the Sea-Coast on his back, and then remov'd to Ancira on the River Sangarius, as is Gordium, and so to Paphlagonia. Here he heard of the death of Menon, Darius's Lieutenant, which much heartened him, being the only Captain he respected of all his Enemies. For so much hath the Spirit of some one Man excelled, as it hath undertaken and effected the alteration of the greatest States, as the erection of Monarchs, Conquest of Kingdoms, guiding handfuls of Men against Multitudes of equal bodily strength, contriving Victories beyond all hope and Discourse of Reason, converting the fearful Passions of his own Followers into Magnanimity, and the Valour of his Enemies into Cowardize. Such Spirits have been stirred up in sundry Ages to erect and cast down, and to bring all Things, Persons, and States, to the same certain ends which that Infinite Spirit of the Universe, Piercing, Moving, and Governing All Things hath ordained, as which is seen in this King's Undertaking, &c. who not meeting with a Spirit like his own, was opposed only with difficulties of Passages, and tedious Journies; and certainly the things performed by Xenophon, discover as brave a Spirit as Alexander's, working no less exquisitely, though the effects were less material, as were the Forces and Power of Commanders by which it wrought. But he who would find the exact Pattern of a Noble Commander, must look upon such as Epaminondas, that in courting Worthy Captains, better followed than themselves, have by their singular Vertue over-top'd them, that would not have yielded one foot to another. Such as these seldom obtain to great Empires, seeing it is harder to master the equal Forces of one hardy well-order'd State, than an unweildy Empire of many servile Nations; and that only Brave Roman Caesar is the Example, whose exquisite managing attained the Greatness.

Alexander hasteth to the Streights of Cilicia, to prevent Darius, which Arsenes the Governour had left to a weak Guard, which abandoned it, when he pretending to wast the Country, withdrew himself further off; so the Province came easily into Alexander's Power.

§. 4. Darius approached with his Army of more than Two Hundred and Ninety Thousand of divers Nations, saith Curtius; Four Hundred Thousand after Iustine, and Six Hundred Thousand in Plutarch. Curtius describeth the manner of his coming with such Pompous Riches, Gorgeous Apparel, a Pageant of his Gods, Train of Ladies attending his Mother, Wife, Children, with their Nurses, Eunuchs, Concubines, all sumptuously Apparel'd; with Six Hundred Mules, and Three Hundred Camels laden with Treasure, &c. Such was the Train of this May-game King; so unmarshalled, effeminate, unarmed, but with Gold and glittering Garments, as would have encouraged the nakedest Nation in the World against them. We find by common Experience, that no discourse of Magnanimity, National Vertue, Religion, or Liberty, and whatsoever else is wont to encourage Vertuous Men, hath any force with the Common Souldier, in Comparison of Spoil and Riches. Rich Ships are Boarded upon all disadvantages, Rich Towns furiously assaulted, and plentiful Countries willingly invaded. War is willingly made, and for the most part, with good success against the Richest Nations. For as the needy are adventurous, so Plenty is wont to shun Peril; and Men which are well to live, do rather study to live Wealthy, than care to dye Honourable; for no Man hasteth to the Market, where nothing is to be bought but Blows. This Battle at Issus is no where well described; but we may guess what resistance was made, if it be true that Curtius saith, that of the Persians were slain Two Hundred Thousand, and of the Macedonians but Two Hundred and Eighty; of which number, Arianus and others cut off almost half; so that it seemeth these died rather by over-labour, in killing, than being killed. Darius found it true now, what Charedemus a Banished Athenian told him near Babylon, That his rich delicate confused Multitude, would be more fearful to the Countries through which they should pass, than to the Long-trained Macedonians, against whom it were fitter to oppose a competent number of Grecians of equal Courage, having such abundance of Treasure to do it; for which unpleasing Discourse, the poor Greek was slain, &c. Desperate is that Princes safety, whose Ear judgeth what is profitable, to be too sharp, and will entertain nothing that is unpleasant. For Liberty in Council is the life of it, which vanisheth if it be taken away. The like Advice was given by the Grecians which served under him, which he set light by, who intreated him not to fight in the Streights, but to retire into the Plains of Mesopotamia, where he might environ all the Macedonians, and to divide his Army into Parts, not committing the Whole to one stroak, &c. But that Infinite Wisdom of God, which worketh diversly, doth often in the alteration of Kingdoms and States, take Understanding from Governours; not to discern of Counsel. Alexander, by Advice of Parmenio, stayed in a place where Darius could bring no more Hands to fight than he, and utterly overthrew him, took his Treasure, Wife, Mother, Children, and Train of Ladies, which the Grecians had advised to leave at Babylon; and Darius casting off his Crown, hardly escaped. Yet, after this, he writ to Alexander about ransoming his Women, and some proud Conditions of Peace, which he scorned. Alexander, after the Victory, made Parmenio Governour of all Phoenicia, which presently submitted; Zidon's Kingdom, committed to Hephestion, he gave to a Day Labourer of the Royal Blood, who desired he might bear his Prosperity, as well as he had done his Adversity.

§. 5. Alexander coming near Tyre, received from them a Crown of Gold, and store of Victuals and other Presents; but could not be admitted into the City as he desired, to offer Sacrifice to Hercules, 'till he erected a Cause-way from the Main, Eight hundred Furlongs to it, which he did in Seven Months. He put Eight Thousand to the Sword, Crucifyed two Thousand on the Shore, and made Thirteen Thousand Slaves, for that they had barbarously drowned his Messengers. The Government he gave to Philotus, Son of Parmenio.

§. 6. Darius sendeth again to stay his passage on toward the East, laying down the difficulties, threatning to compass him in the Plain Countries, and offering him his Daughter and many Kingdoms for Dowry: Alexander answered, he offer'd him what was his own; that he was to give, not to take Conditions; and disdained all resistances at Rivers, having past the Sea. Parmenio, full of Years, Honour and Wealth, told Alexander, if he were Alexander, he would accept his Offer: So would I, said he, If I were Parmenio. Alexander proceeded to Gaza, defended by Belis for Darius, with much Resolution, where he buried many Macedonians in the Sands, and was wounded in the Breast; yet took the Town and caused Belis to be drawn about it, being weak by many Wounds, defending that Cruelty by Achilles's usage of Hector. From thence he went to Ierusalem, where Iaddus the High Priest in his Robes met him, whom he fell down before, remembring he had in Macedon seen such a Priest, which professed the same God, and incouraged him in his purpose for Persia; so he gave the Jews what Immunities they desired.

§. 7. Alexander turned from thence towards Egypt, where Astaces, Lieutenant unto Darius, delivered Memphis into his Hands, with 800 Talents of Treasure. There doating after Deities, he took a desperate Journey to visit Iupiter Hamon, through the dangerous Sands, that the lying Oracle, might acknowledge him Iupiter's Son, and so to be Worshipped. Many prodigious Fables feigned hereabout, look like those of the Spaniards in the West-Indies. Curtius's description of the place disproved. It is Two hundred Miles from any Sea in the South of the Lybia, having the Nassamons on the West.

§. 8. Alexander returneth to Memphis, where he committed the Provinces of Egypt to sundry Governours, according to his Master Aristotle's Rule, That great Dominion be not committed to any one. Then he gave order for building of Alexandria; heard Psammonis the Philosopher who brought the haughty King to confess, That God is the Father of all Men, but acknowledgeth good Men for his Children. From thence he led his Army towards Euphrates, where Mazeus abandoned the defence of the Passage; from whence he Marched towards Tygris, so violent in its Current and deep, that it had been easie to repell them, who could not use Bows or Darts, wading together Arm in Arm to withstand the Current. Mazius having cowardly forsaken the Advantage of the Ford, which no Valour of his Enemy could have easily won, presents himself with some Companies of Horse, setting Fire on the Provision of the Country, but too late, for Alexander's Horse-men saved much.

§. 9. Darius's Forces, by Curtius's Report, were Two hundred Thousand Foot, and Fifty thousand Horse; Arrianus makes them Fourteen hundred thousand in all; it is probable they were about four hundred thousand, with which Multitude they thought to overpower their few Enemies in the Plains of Assyria; but Skill and Practice do more toward Victory, than rude Multitude. Alexander's Army, upon occasion of an Eclipse of the Moon, are affrighted, but are incouraged by Egyptian Astrologers. For it had been contrary to all Rule, to have an Army afraid to Fight. Darius offered great Conditions of Peace, in vain.

§. 10. Alexander is advised by Parmenio, to Assault Darius's Camp by Night; that the sight of the Multitude might breed no Terrour; which Counsel is a good ground of War, as oft as few must fight with many; but Alexander will have Day-Light to witness his Valour. Then he gave his Army Rest and store of Food before the Battle, according to the Rule of War, which saith, Men well refreshed will stand the better to it; for Hunger sights more eagerly within, than Steel without. His Forces, according to Arrianus, were Forty thousand Foot, and Seventy thousand Horse; which I take to be his European followers, besides Egyptians, Syrians, Arabians, Scythians. Of these, Curtius saith, three hundred only were slain, and Forty thousand Persians; others differ. So that as in the former two, so in this Battle what can we judge, but the Persians, upon the first Charge, ran away; else had every one but cast a D • rt or a Stone, the Macedonians could not have bought the Empire so cheap; neither could they have past the River so easily, if Sixty thousand had been Armed with Spades only.

§. 11. Darius after the Rout of his Army, recovered Arbela that Night, with his Treasure, intends a retreat into Media, while the Macedonians, as he supposed (but was deceiv'd) would attempt Babylon, Susa, &c. Rich Cities. Alexander pursueth, and enters Arbela, and possesseth the Treasure, while Darius flyeth, and then took his way to Babylon, which Mazius and the Captain of the Castle, rendred with the Treasure. Here he rested thirty four days, spent in such Voluptuous Pleasure, as made the Macedonians forget the Hardness of their Military Discipline. Here he erected Bands of One thousand, called Chiliarchs, bestowed on such as in the late War had best deserved. This City and Territory he left in Charge with Three of his own Captains, gracing Mazeus with the Title of Lieutenant. Then he entred the Province Satrapen • , and so to Susa on the River Euleus in Persia, which Abulites gave up with Fifty thousand Talents of Silver Bullion, and Twelve Elopha's, which he committed to some Macedonians, giving Abulites only the Title of Lieutenant; as he did after to Teridates of Persepolis; observing well, That Traytors to their own Kings are never to be trusted alone in great matters, wherein Falshood may redeem their lost Estate. Vassals of Fortune love only their Kings Prosperity, not Person.

§. 12. Alexander advancing toward Persepolis, was much worsted by Ariobarzanes at the Streights between the Mountains, which divide Susiana and Persia. But by a Lycian which lived there, he found another way, and came suddainly upon Ariobarzanes, and forced him; who not finding entrance into Persepolis, returned with a second Charge upon the Macedonians, and was slain. Teridates, another of Darius's trusty Grandees, sends to Alexander to make haste to Persepolis before the People pillaged the Treasury, which at that day, was the Richest in the World. This place Alexander committed to Nicarides, a Creature of his own, and left the Body of his Army there, while he with a Thousand Horse, and some choice Foot, not able to stand still, would in the Winter see the parts of Persia covered with Snow; when his Foot-men were impatient of that extreme travail, he left his Horse to bear a part with them: But I rather commend him who seeks wisely to prevent Extremities, than rash People which vaunt what they have indured with Common Souldiers. Caesar's first care was for Victuals; and he which will describe that Beast (War) must begin at his Belly, said Coligni. Alexander returns to Persepolis, where he smother'd all his Reputation in Cups, and Familiarity with Harlots, of which, Thais caus'd him to burn that sumptuous City Persepolis.

§. 13. Darius, in Media, having about Forty thousand Souldiers, which he design'd to encrease in Bactria; hearing of Alexander's Approach, resolves to Fight, &c. Nabarzanes and Bessus, Governour of Bactria, Conspire against him, and draw away Thirty thousand of his Souldiers, neither durst his Persian Cowards (tho' offer'd the assistance of Four thousand Greeks, led by Patronus) defend him from Bessus, who took and bound him, and put him in a Cart covered with Hides, and set forward to Bactria, in hopes, either by delivering him to Alexander, to make their Peace, or killing him to become King; but failed in both, God not induring so strange a Villany. Alexander hasting after with Six thousand Horse and other selected Companies, best Armed, and for speed, mounted also on Horse-back, hearing by such as daily forsook Bessus, what was done, pursued as in Post; so that Bessus finding Darius unwilling to take Horse and fly with him, wounded him to death, and the Beasts which drew him, and left him alone. Polystratus, a Macedonian Priest, Thirsty with pursuing, while he stay'd at a Water discover'd the Cart, and found Darius bathing in his own Blood, at point of Death, and took Commendations from his Mouth to Alexander, to revenge him; and refreshed him with Water, &c.

§. 14. Alexander hearing of Darius's Death, persuaded the Macedonians to pursue Bessus, and leaving some Forces in Parthia, enters Hyrcania, with some resistance of the Mardons. He passed the River Zioberis, which begins in Parthia, runneth under the ledge of Mountains, which part Parthia and Hyrcania, and after three hundred Furlongs, riseth again, and falleth into the Caspian Sea. In Zadracarta, called Hyrcania by Ptolomy, he rested Fifteen days, where Patapherne and other great Commanders of Darius, submitted to him, and were restored; especially he graced Artabasus for his Fidelity to his old Master, &c. he also, to his dishonour, accepted Nabarzanes the Traytor.

§. 15. Thalestris or Minothea, Queen of the Amazons, visited Alexander, and made suit to him for his Company, 'till she were with Child by him, which she obtained and departed. Plutarch citeth many for this Report, which yet is rather a Tale than true, not being mention'd by Alexander in his Epistle to Antipater, and laughed at by King Lysimachus of Thrace, a follower of Alexander. Here in a digression, he citeth Pomponius Mela, Solinus, Ptolomy, Pliny, Claudian, Diodorus, Herodotus, Ammonius, Marcellinus, Plutarch, to prove there were such Amazons of old. And to justify his own Report of such now in the South part of America, he citeth Fra. Lopez. his Indian History, p. 2. cap. 28. and Vlrichus Schnidel and Ed. Lopes in Disc.

§. 16. Alexander having begun at Persepolis to fall into the Persian Luxury, now took on him Persian Robes, and Greatness to be Adored, to esteem Clemency as Baseness, Temperance, a poor humour, fitter for a Teacher of Youth than an incomparable King. His Court and Camp grew full of shameless Courtisans and Sodomy; Eunuchs and all other shameless Manners of the vanquished Persians, which he had detested, but now exceeded that Monster Darius, from whose Tyranny he vaunted, he had deliver'd many Nations by assistance of the Gods he served, which detested the Persian Vices. His nearest Friends grew ashamed of him, crying out he had more impoverished the Macedonians in their Virtues than inriched them in their Victories, and made them more Slaves than the Conquered. Alexander understanding hereof, sought to pacify the wiser sort with Gifts; and gave out that Bessus had assumed the Title of King of Bactria, and raised a great Army, so persuading them to go on. Coming to pass over an inaccessable Rock, he forced away the Guarder by the Smoke of a Pile of Wood, taking the advantage of the Winds; as in Guicciardine three hundred Spaniards, were smothered by firing withered Grass.

§. 17. Alexander at the entrance of Bactria, taketh the way of Hyrcania, and thence Northward towards the Mardi, on the Caspian, and so over the Mountain Coranus into Aria, East of Bactria, where the City Artaconna yielded after some resistance. Here upon a Treason of Dimnus and others, against Alexander, Philotas is suspected for not acquainting Alexander with it, after that Cebalius had discovered it unto him; but upon Examination, his error of Concealment, for want of opportunity to tell the King, was for his Father Parmenio's sake, and his own good Service, and his dead Brother Pardoned. But upon Craterus his Enemies instigation, pretending piety for the King's preservation, the Prince swallowed his Promise, and made his Enemies his Judges. Alexander, the Evening of the same Night he had appointed for Philotas's apprehension, called him to a Banquet, and discoursed familiarly with him, as of old; but being in the dead of the Night apprehended and bound, he cried out, O Alexander! the malice of mine Enemies surmounts thy Mercies, and is more constant than the word of a King. Among other Circumstances urged by Alexander, this was not the least; that in Answer to a Letter written to him by the King, of the Honour given him by Iupiter Hamon, he said, He could but joy that he was admitted into the Fellowship of the Gods; yet he could not but grieve for those which should live under one which would exceed the Nature of a Man. Hereby Alexander gather'd he envy'd his Glory; for so the Monster Flattery persuaded Princes, of the Men which cannot approve in them things to be abhorred. Philotas the next day is brought bound like a Thief, to hear the King's Oration against him; his Father the Greatest Captain in the World, and his Brethren slain in his Service, which so opprest him with Grief, that he could utter nothing but Tears, Sorrow having wasted his Spirits. But when he would have answered in the Persian Tongue, which all understood, the King departed, saying, he disdained his own Country Language. Thus all are encouraged to exceed in hatred against him, seeing the King's resolution, so that his Defence availed not. Though none of the Conspirators upon torment accused him; yet by resistless and unnatural Torments, devised by Craterus, Cinus, Hephestion, and others, he accused himself, in hopes to be slain out-right; but was deceived, though he confessed not what he knew, but what they best liked. Of this kind of judicial Proceeding De Civ. Lib. 19. St. Augustine complaineth. * So Seneca speaking of Alexander's Cruelty, said, Cruelty is no Humane Vice, it is unworthy so mild a Spirit; it is a beastly Rage to delight in Blood, and changing a Man into a Salvage Monster. The like End had all the accused: Only Parmenio yet lived, who with great Fidelity had served both the Father and the Son, opened the way into Asia, depressed Attalus the King's Enemy, in all hazards led the Vanguard, prudent in Councel, successful in Attempts, beloved of the Men of War, as he who had purchased of the King the East Empire, and all his Glory. This Man being in Media, must be dispatched by Polydamas his best beloved Friend, leaving Cleander and others who murthered him, reading the King's Letter. Thus ended Parmenio, who had performed many notable things without the King, who did nothing without him worth praise.

Alexander after this subdued the Araspians, and Ara •• sians, and came to the foot of Taurus, where he built another Alexandria, which he Peopled with Seven Hundred ancient Macedonians. Bessus forsakes Bactria, of which Artabazus is made Governour, and Alexander followed him over Oxus into Sogdiana, where he lost more Men by drinking inordinately after great want, than in any Battle with the Persians. At this River Bessus might easily have distressed him, being forced to pass over his Army with Hides stuffed with Straw and sowed together; but Spitamines, Dataphernes, Catanes, &c. Commanders of his Army remembring how he had served Darius, laid Hands on him, bound him, and with a Chain about his Neck, led him like a Mastiff Dog to Alexander, who gave him to Oxatres, Darius's Brother to torment. Shortly after he came to Maracanda, which Petrus Perondinus takes to be Samarchand Iamerlames, a Regal City, which was Seventy Furlongs compass. But upon the Rebellion of the Bactrians and Sogdians, stirred up by Spitamines and Catanes, he left the place, which they recovered, while he was busy in subduing others, against whom he employed Menedemus. In the mean time, Alexander Marched on to the River Iaxartes (not Tanais, as Curtius and Trogus mistake it, being two thousand Miles from Sogdiana) upon which he Built a City of his Name, sixty Furlongs in compass, which while the Citizens sought to hinder, as prejudicial to their excursions, some Sixty Macedonians were slain, and One thousand one hundred hurt in passing that great River to repell them. Menedemus the mean while with 2000 Foot and 300 Horse are slain by Spitamenes, who flies into Bactria, and leaveth Sogdiana, where Alexander kills and wasteth without mercy. Here he received supply of Nineteen thousand out of Greece, Syria and Lycia (as oft before from thence and other parts) with which he repassed Oxus, on whose South he built Six Towns near one another for mutual Succour. But he is troubled with • new Rebel, Arimaxus a Sogdian, who with Thirty thousand, maintain'd the Top of an Hill which Alexander could not Win, 'till three hundred choice young Men crept up to the Top thereof, upon promise of Ten Talents to the first, Nine to the Second, and so to the rest in proportion, of which Thirty two were lost; thus Wit effecteth what Force could not.

§. 19. Alexander having committed Maracanda, and the Countries about it to Clytus, slew him soon after, for that in a drunken fit, he derided the Oracle of Hamon, and objected to the King, the death of Parmenio. Thus in Cups, the one forgot whom he offended, the other whom he slew; which when he was recover'd, he would have revenged on himself, but for Calisthenes's persuasion, remembring too late, he had deserved as much as any, and had saved his Life: Drunkenness both kindles and lays open every Vice; it removes Shame, which gives impediment to bad Attempts, &c. Spitamenes, shortly after, was murdered by his Wife, and Dataphernes is sent bound by the Dalians to Alexander; who proceeded into Gabara, where he lost a Thousand in a Tempest, and the rest suffered Hunger, Cold, Lightnings, &c. So he came to the Cohortans, which welcomed him with Feasting, and a Present of Thirty fair Virgins, of which one was Roxane, afterward his Wife. Here he tore Calisthenes asunder on a Rack, without any proof, for Harmolaus's Treason: But indeed, for Reasoning at a Drinking against Deifying Alexander, propounded by a Parasite, and heard by the King, standing behind a Partition; Seneca calls this Act, his eternal Crime, which no Virtue or Felicity can redeem; for whatsoever can be spoken to his Praise, is not answerable to this Reproach; He slew Calisthenes.

§. 20. Alexander with Twelve Thousand Foot and Horse, entred the Indian Borders, where, after a few days, Nisa, built by Bacchus, was delivered; from whence he went to Dedala, and so to Arcadera, abandoned by the Inhabitants, so that they failed of Victuals, and were forced to divide the Army. Here he took Nora, &c. and came to Indus, where Hephestion had prepared Boats, and had persuaded Omphis King of the Country, who offered his Service to Alexander, and presented him with Fifty Elephants. Abiasaris hearing thereof, made his peace with Alexander, so that Porus only remained, the other Enemy of Omphis. Alexander sent to command his Homage at the Border of his Kingdom: He answered he would attend him there, but for other acknowledgment, he would take Counsel of his Sword. Porus attends him on the Bank of Hydaspes with Thirty thousand Foot, Nine hundred Elephants, Three hundred Armed Chariots, and a great Troop of Horse. The River was Four Furlongs broad, and swift, and deep, with many Islands, of which one was well shaded with Wood, where Alexander staid, and sent Ptolomy up the River, with a great part of the Army, which Porus supposing to be the Whole, removed, to oppose their coming over, while Alexander recovered the further Shore without Resistance, and advanceth towards Porus, who a while, took him to be Abiasares his Confederate, come over the River to aid him. But finding it to the contrary, he sent his Brother with Four thousand Men, and a hundred Armed Waggons, having four hundred Armed Men in them, but of small use, by reason of late Rain, and the Scythians which Galled their Horses, and made them overturn the Waggons. Perdicas charg'd the Indian Horses, and made all to retire, which made Porus move forward with the gross of his Army, that the scatter'd parts of his Vant-guard might recover his Rear, &c. The Elephants much molested the Macedonians, 'till being inraged by the galling of Arrows and Darts, they turned head upon their follower's Foot, &c. After a long and doubtful Fight, Porus, fore wounded, and Abandoned by his Men, and over-matched in Numbers, and skill of Leaders, fell into the Conquerors hands, who restored and inlarged his Kingdoms.

§. 21. Alexander having overthrown Porus, and hearing by these Indian Kings, that one Agamenes, beyond Ganges, commanding many Nations, was the powerfullest King of all these Regions, and able to bring into the Field, Two hundred thousand Foot, three hundred Elephants, twenty thousand Horse, and two thousand armed Chariots, was much inflamed to proceed, but all the Art he had, could not persuade the Souldiers thereto; only they are content to follow him to the South, having Indus for his guide.

So he returned to Acesines, intending to lay up his Fleet, where it encountreth Hydaspes, by which two Rivers, he built two Cities, Nicae and Bucephalon. Here he intended a fourth supply of six thousand Horse-men, and seven thousand Foot out of Thrace, and twenty five thousand Rich Armour from Babylon, which he distributed among the Souldiers. Hereabout he won many Towns, received One hundred Embassadors from an Indian King, with a Present of three hundred Horses, one hundred thirty Waggons, and one thousand Targets. Sailing Southward by many obscure Nations, among them he built another Alexandria, and took, among many other places, one called Samus, whose Inhabitants fought with poisoned Swords. Being come to the out-let of Indus, he sent to discover the Coast along toward the Mouth of Euphrates. After part of Winter spent here, he marched in Eighteen Days to Gedrosia, in which Passage, his Army suffered such Misery for want of Food, that not the fourth part returned alive.

§. 22. Alexander came to Carmania, and drawing near Persia, he fell to imitate Bacchus's Triumphs in Cups, which Swinish hateful Vice, always inflamed him to Cruelty. For the Hang-man followed the Feast, saith Curtius, and Apastes, a Provincial Governour, was slain by his Commandment. Here Cleander, and his Fellows employed in the Murder of Parmenio, brought him a supply of Five thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, but upon complaint of their Out-rages, Cleander and the rest, with six hundred Souldiers, were commended to the Hang-man, to the joy of all. Alexander removed and came to Pasargada, where Cyrus was buried, and was presented with many rich Gifts by Orsines, a Prince of the Race of Cyrus, whom Alexander put to Death, by the practice of Bagoas one his of Eunuchs, because he was neglected of him; the Accusation that he had robbed Cyrus's his Tomb, was from Two loose Fellows. Phrates also was slain upon suspicion of his Greatness; so headlong was he become to shed Blood, and believe false Reports. Calanus an Indian Philosopher, burnt himself, being Seventy three years old, fore-telling Alexander of his own Death shortly after. Alexander removed to Susa, where he Married Statira, Darius's Eldest Daughter, and her Sister he gave to Hephestion, and Eighty Persian Ladies to his Captains; and at the Marriage hé gave Six thousand Cups of Gold to so many Guests. Harpalus his Treasurer in Babylon having been lavish of the Treasure, fled away with five thousand Talents, and six thousand hired Souldiers, but was taken and slain in Greece, to Alexander's great Joy. Great discontentment grew in his Army, knowing his purpose to send his decay'd Souldiers to Macedon, and to detain the rest, whom he labour'd to pacify in vain, 'till their Passions were evaporated; when the inconsiderate Multitude may be led as a Whale, with a twined Thread, is drawn to Land after some tumbling. Craterus is sent with those which were Licensed to return, and made Lieutenant of Macedon, Thrace and Thessaly, which place Antipater, now sent for by the King, had held with great Fidelity. Antipater could see no reason of his removal, but a disposition in the King to send him after Parmenio. With this Antipater, the King, for all his great courage, had no great Appetite to grapple; for Jealous Princes do not always stand in doubt of every ill affected, though Valiant Man, but where there is a Kingly Courage compounded of Hardiness and Understanding; this is often so fearful to Kings, as they take leave, both of Law and Religion, to free themselves of such. Alexander after this, went to Media to set things in Order, where Hephestion, his greatest Favourite dyed; on whose Monument, he bestowed Twelve thousand Talents. The King took Methods to make all Men weary of his Government, seeing Cruelty is more fearful than any Adventure that can be made against it. Antipater therefore came not, nor sent any Excuse, but free'd himself by his Sons, Cassander, Philip, and Lollaus, who waited on the King's Cup. These, at a drinking Feast, in a Carouse in Hercules's Cup, gave him a Draught of Drink stronger than Hercules himself; so he quitted the World within a few days. Princes seldom find advantage by making their Ministers over-great, and thereby suspicious to themselves. For he which doth not acknowledge Fidelity to be a Debt, but that Kings ought to purchase it of their Vassals, will never please himself with the Price given; only the Restorative indeed that strengthens it, is the Goodness and Vertue of the Prince, and his Liberality makes it more diligent. Antipater had Govern'd two or three Kingdoms Twelve years, and peradventure knew not to play another part, as Caesar which forgot the Art of Obedience, after long governing the Gauls.

§. 23. Alexander's Cruelty and Pride is inexcusable; his Drunkenness no less. Augustine justly derided his lamenting want of Employment, when he should have no more to Conquer; as if well to Govern the Conquered, would not sufficiently busie his Brain. His Valour, a Thousand in his Army Matched. His Liberality Seneca Taxeth, and his Speech about a Kings gift is Foolish. Compared with other troublers of the World. Caesar, and others after more glorious; for he never undertook Warlike Nations.

CHAP. III. Aridaeus, his Reign after Alexander.

ALexander in his stubborn Pride, refused to establish any Successor; esteeming none Worthy; and the greatest Ambition of his Followers Learned of their Master to endure no Equals; a Lesson soon taken out by Spirits reflecting upon their own Worth, wanting the Reverence of a greater Object. Thus the Question of the Succession became difficult. Alexander having no Issue but by Barsinoe a Persian, and Roxane, of mean Condition, both excepted against as of Conquered Nations. Ptolomy, the Son of Philip, who gave his Mother Barsinoe great with Child to Lagus, is of opinion, the Rule should rest in the Captains, to order it by Voices. Aristonus another Captain, propounded Perdicas, as designed Successor by Alexander, who at the point of death, left his Kingdom to the worthiest, and delivered his Ring to him; who had succeeded his Favourite Hephestion in Favour and Place, he being urged by many, to take the Royal Estate upon him, not content with the Souldiers acclamation, of a counterfeit Modesty, put it off, looking that every one of the Princes would intreat him, that so his Acceptance might be the less Envied. But as he which feigns a sleep may be eaten with a Wolf; so Meleager his Enemy, took advantage of his Irresolution, and acted against him; concluded, that whoever were Heir to the Crown, the Souldiers ought to Inherit the Treasure, to that which he invited them, who were nothing backward in sharing it.

§. 2. Aridaeus, a Natural Brother of Alexander, in this Uproar, is named by some one, liked by many, and produced, and commended by Meleager to the Army, which changeth his Name to Philip, investeth him in Alexander's Robes▪ and proclaims him King, contrary to the Mind of many of the Nobles, who yet by the intercession of the Ancient Captains, are reconciled, though neither side meant faithfully. For Meleager now Governing the King, who was no wiser than Alexander's Chair in which he fate; attempted to kill Perdicas, who understanding of their coming which are sent to do it, rebuked them with such Gravity, that they departed honester than they came. The Camp hearing of this Attempt, fell into an Uproar, which the King their Creature could not appease, 'till offered to resign unto them; so upon the King's motion, after sundry Embassies between him and his Nobles. Meleager is joined with Leonatus and Perdicas in Government of the Army; so much Love is protested, where none is meant. For presently after, upon Rumors against Perdicas, purposely raised, as if they proceeded from Meleager, to make him guilty of seditious Rumours, if he should give way thereto; He, to prevent the danger, persuades Perdicas to a general Muster, for cleansing the Army by punishing seditious Persons and other Offenders, not in the least intending his special Friends, and such as followed him, when he disturbed the Election of a King, by calling away Souldiers to the sharing of the Treasure. The manner of this Muster is solemn, having the Horsemen, among whom the King must ride, the Elephants, the Macedonian Foot, and Mercenaries set in Batalia in distinct parties, so as to skirmish by way of Exercise. The Macedonian Pikes (called the Phalanx) led by Meleager, is placed at disadvantage, and so charged by the Horse-men and Elephants, as afforded no jesting; and the King being now in Perdicas's possession, must command to be delivered to death, such of the Infantry as Perdicas required. Thus Three hundred of Meleager's Friends and Followers, are cast to the Elephants to be slain; and Meleager flying to a Temple for Sanctuary, having too late discovered the Design, was there also slain. The Princes held a new Counsel, divide the Provinces among themselves, leave Aridaeus the Office of a Visitor, and Perdicas his Protector, and Commander of his Forces; and gave Aridaeus, a Captain, the Charge to bury the Corps of Alexander, at Alexandria in Egypt.

Alexander, in his life time, knowing the factious quality of the Greeks, had commanded that all the banished should be restored, thinking, by them, to have a sure Party in every City; but by that proud Injunction, contrary to their Laws, lost the Hearts of the rest, who esteemed it a beginning of open Tyranny The Athenians and Aetolians who oppos'd this Decree, upon Alexander's Death, Proclaim War against the Macedonians, and by Leosthenes their Captain, who called in the Aetolians, overthrew the Boeotians which sided with Antipater, Lieutenant to Alexander. Antipater doubting his own strength, sent to Craterus in Asia, whose coming into Macedon, had so troubled his Thoughts but a Month before. So vain are the Hopes and Fears of Men, which decree all by mortal Wisdom, shunning and persuing their Destiny afar off, even when it seems near at hand. Craterus and the Captains in Asia, nearest to Europe, are solicited to make haste; for Antipater could raise in Macedon but Thirteen Thousand raw Souldiers, and six hundred Horse, besides the Thessalian brave Troops. Whereas Leosthenes brought into the Field twenty two thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse, besides many Auxilaries which came in. But before Craterus came, Antipater ventred a Battle, which he lost, and was forced into Lamia, a fortifyed and well provided Town to endure a Siege, which Leosthenes presented him with▪

§. 4. Perdicas, Protector of Aridaeus, had no peculiar Province, but greater Forces than any, with which, and his Marriage with Cleopatra, Alexander's Sister, he hoped for greater Matters. He first subdued Cappadocia, which had never submitted to Alexander, and committed it to Eumenes, whom he trusted above all Men.

§. 5. Antipater having in vain expected his Asian Succours, offered to yield upon Terms of Reason, but Leosthenes will have an absolute yielding; which the other, having been his Commander, refused; so the Siege is delayed 'till the Aetolians grew weary and departed, so that the Trenches were thinly Mann'd. Upon this advantage, Antipater sallied out, and slew many, and Leosthenes himself; but yet was not relieved of the Siege. Leonatus, in the mean time, is persuaded to hasten to it with twenty Thousand Foot, and Two thousand five hundred Horse out of Phrygia the lesser, which he willingly undertook for Cleopatra's sake, which sent for him to Pella in Macedon. But Antiphilus, who succeeded Leosthenes, raised his Siege, and went to meet him before Antipater and he joined, and obtain'd a great Victory, and the greater by Leonatus's Death. The vanquished Macedonians, too proud to fly, and weak to renew the Fight, betook them to high grounds, 'till the day following, when Antipater came, who also kept the high ground as if he meant not to fight, which moved many Greeks to depart. This instability (incorrigible in Volunteers) was the more inexcusable. Craterus, with a strong Army, at length is come, and joineth with Antipater, making between them Forty thousand heavy Armed, Three thousand light, and Five thousand Horse; of which number, the Greeks wanted one thousand five hundred Horse, and Eighteen thousand Foot, who lost he day, with the slaughter only of Five hundred Men. So the Greeks, not subject to one General, desiring to preserve their own Estates, betrayed their Country's liberty by a careless defence, while Thessaly seeks her Peace.

§. 6. Antipater's gentle Conditions to such as were forward to seek Peace, drew on the rest; only Athens and Aetolia are plotting to prosecute the War, begun by them more bravely than wisely, 'till Antipater is come to their Doors, when wanting wherewith to resist, they seek Peace, absolutely submitting, as Leosthenes had proudly required of Antipater, who now overthrew the Popular Estate, raised a Democracy of Nine thousand of the most considerable Persons, transmitted the tumultuous into Thrace, and slew Demosthenes.

§. 7. Antipater giveth his Daughter Phila to Craterus, and after the Marriage, both go against the Aetolians, who had conveyed their impotent People and Goods, into places of great safety, of which, that rough Mountainous Country yields many, and the rest fortify their strong Cities. Here the two great Commanders are kept in play, ' •• ll News out of Asia made them desire very earnestly to be gone, giving them what Conditions they pleased. This Asiatique Expedition grew from Perdicas's Plot, to bring Aridaeus into Macedon, designing by his presence to make void the Offices of his Vice-Roys, that so himself, who Administred all under the Titular Majesty of Aridaeus, might obtain Cleopatra, and thereby, both Greatness and a good Title. Antigonus, Governour of Phrygia, whom he discerned no way proper for his purpose, is called in question for Life, but escaped with his Son Demetrius, and came to Antipater.

§. 8. Perdicas perceiving his intentions were laid open, resolves to make them good with the Sword; and first he will begin with Ptolomy of Egypt, leaving Eumenes upon the Asiatique Coast, to withstand Antipater and Craterus. Ptolomy having won the Egyptians with his sweet behaviour, and added the Dominion of Cyrene, hearing of Perdicas's coming to the Camels Wall, a little town in Egypt, put himself into it, and bravely kept it against him. Perdicas removeth to a place over against Memphis, where in vain attempting to pass over Nilus, three thousand, of his Men were drowned and devoured by Crocodiles, and such as fell into Ptolomy's hands, were saved alive, whom he used courteously, and buried the dead, cast up by the River. The Captains hearing of this his Humanity, fell to mutiny, thinking it unreasonable to make War on so Virtuous and Honourable a Person, to fulfil the pleasure of a Lordly Ambitious Man, using them like Slaves. Pithon, formerly made Governour of Medea, being present, and hating Perdicas for a disgrace offered him by the other, (which caused many Greeks to be slain, who had yielded to him upon his Promise) drew a hundred Captains, and a good part of the Horse, entred upon Perdicas's Tent, and slew him, who could endure no Greatness but his own. Ptolomy the next day, came to the Camp, and was joyfully received, and offered the Protectorship, which he modestly refused, and procured it for Pithon.

§. 9. Eumenes, being left by Perdicas, to withstand Antipater, Alcetas, Brother of Perdicas, refused to assist him as his Brother Commanded: Neoptolemus pretended to be willing, but being Summon'd, came in a Hostile manner, as he promised Antipater, and was shamefully disappointed and put to flight, leaving his Foot-men, which upon Eumenes's Charge, submitted and took Oath to serve him. Neoptolemus being come to Antipater, persuades Craterus to march against Eumenes, assuring him, that upon his appearance, all the Macedonians with Eumenes, would revolt. Eumenes fearing Craterus's presence might be of ill consequence to him, peremptorily for bad the admitting either Messenger or Trumpeter; and placed in his Battle against Craterus such as knew him not, charging the Leaders to run on without giving leisure to speak. Craterus, to incourage his Men, promiseth the Spoil, like him who sells the Bears Skin before he's caught. Eumenes had the day, in which both Craterus and Neoptolemus lost their Lives; but his own Macedonian Souldiers were incensed against him, hearing of Craterus's death; which he also much resented.

§. 10. Pithon, Protector of King Aridaeus, was so interrupted by Euridice, the King's Wife, Daughter of Amyntas, Philip's Elder Brother, and of Cyna, Alexander's Sister, (a Lady of a Masculine Spirit, well understanding her place) that he gave over his Office, which she thought to supply, having been trained up in the Art of War, by Cyna a Warlike Woman. The Souldiers disappoint her and Pithon who hoped to have been intreated by them to hold, and chose Antipater, who in a few days, arrived at the Camp with his Army, and took it upon him, as the only powerful Man then living, of all Alexander's Captains, whom all acknowledge their Superior. Antipater taketh the King, Queen and Princess into Macedon, leaving Antigonus General of the Royal Army, against Eumenes, and Ruler of Asia, during the War, and besides his former Provinces, gave him the Rule of Susiana.

§. 11. Antigonus, Lieutenant of Asia, being to subdue Eumenes, Alcetus and Attalus, began with Eumenes, seeking to Corrupt his Army by Letters, but failed therein by Eumenes's cunning, who made shew as if he writ them to try their faith to him. Then Antigonus dealt with the Captains, of which one brake out untimely; and another, called Apollonides, held close 'till the Battle, and then turned to Antigonus, with such of the Horse-men as he could persuade, being their General; but Eumenes overtook him, and cut him off, though he lost the Battle. Eumenes not able to keep the Field, wished his Men to shift for themselves, and retained only five hundred Horse and two hundred Foot, with which he tired Antigonus in following. At last he entred Nora, a strong and well provided Fort, bordering on Cappadocia, where they parted without agreeing; so Antigonus leaveth Nora besieged, and with his other Forces, entred Pisidia, and overthrew Alcetus.

§. 12. Ptolomy, while other Princes were quiet in their Government, sent an Army and won Syria, and Phaenicia, and took Laomedon the Governour thereof Prisoner. Antipater being Eighty Years Old, reposing great Confidence in Polyspercon, one of Alexanders most Ancient Captains, committed to him the Protectorship and Government of Macedon, doubting his Son Cassander's sufficiency; he also gave charge that no Woman should be admitted into the Administration of the Empire, and so dyed.

§. 13. Polys • ercon's skill was greater in War, than in the high Office he now undertook; being a man of an Inferior Wit, fitter to assist than command in Chief. The better to Countenance his Injunctions to the Governours of Provinces, he and his Council thought fit to call the Queen of Olympias to Court, whom Antipater suffered not in Macedon. But Cassander, Son of Antipater, (who thought himself the better Man) was not satisfyed with the Captainship of a Thousand; his Ambition soared high, when he considered the Love of those which commanded the Garrisons, and all the Rulers in the Cities so of Greece, so placed by his Father. Besides, he had that Interest in Queen Euridice, that was due only to her Husband, all which would not serve to bear out an open Rebellion. Cassander therefore finding what Ptolomy had done in Syria, and what Antigonus aimed at since Antipater's death (for whose sake he presumed upon them) and seeing their occasions needed a Civil War, he went to Antigonus in Asia, and writ to Ptolomy.

§. 14. Polyspercon ▪ upon Cassander's departure, to disappoint him of his hopes from Greece, decreed in Council, to restore the popular Government in their Cities, and discharge the Garrisons, and Banish or kill the Governours placed by Antipater. Thus he dishonours the Man that raised him; overthrew worthy Men, placed as Friends to the State of Macedon; and gives away Macedon's Command of Greece, if he means as he pretends, &c.

§. 15. Athens by this Decree, in all haste, cast out their Governours, Phocion and others, who fly for their Lives; but cannot remove the Garrison, commanded by Nicanor, a trusty Friend to Cassander. He possessing one of the Havens, found means to take the other, called Paraeus, to their great discouragement; but by Alexander the Son of Polyspercon, coming with an Army, are wholly misled, as if he came to aid them, whereas he came to get what Nicanor held, if he could persuade him thereto. Phocion and his Fellows fly to Polyspercon for Patronage, but he finding he could not get the Key of Athens, as he fought, without offending the other Towns of Greece; to cover his intent, as meaning well to Athens, he sent Phocion back into Athens, who wickedly put him to death, being above Eighty Years old; who had been chosen forty five times Governour, without seeking it; whose Integrity was approved, whose Counsel the City never repented, nor private Man for trusting him: Philip and Alexander honoured him; but could fasten no Gifts upon him: Athens never after bred a worthy Man.

§. 16. Cassander with such Forces as Antigonus lent him, entred Pireus, which drew Polyspercon headlong into Attica with an Army, but for want of Victuals departed, leaving Alexander with some Forces to hinde • Nicanor, 'till he in Peloponesus attempted Megalopolis, which affected Cassander. But the Town furnished with Fifteen thousand able Men, was so defended, and his Elephants so galled in their Feet with Nails driven through Boards laid, and lightly covered in the Way, that he prevailed not; and wanting Provision to stay long, he forsook the Siege. After this, his Admiral Clitus after an Overthrow given to Nicanor in Propontis, is in the second Encounter (Antigonus having furnished Nicanor) utterly defeated, which made Athens submit to Cassander, as did other Cities.

§. 17. Antigonus lying before the Fort Nora, when he heard of Antipater's death; knowing Eumenes's sufficiency, and fidelity to Perdicas, thought no Man fitter to be employed in his designs. He sent therefore a Friend to them both, to deal with him to take an Oath of Fidelity to Antigonus, which he refused, except Olympias and the Children of Alexander were put in, which was yielded to; so he departed. Antigonus had before this taken on him (as Lieutenant of Asia) to remove Governours of Provinces, as Aridaeus of Phrygia, and Clitus of Lydia, which repaired to the Court for Relief, but all failed in Clitus's overthrow at Sea.

§. 18. Antigonus now commanding the most of the Lesser Asia, was able to enter Macedon, and seize the Court, but doubted the Reconciliation of Cassander and Polyspercon thereby; he also knew Eumenes's fidelity to the Royal Blood. Against him therefore he bent with Twenty thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse, hoping to surprize him in Cilicia. Eumenes a Thracian, of all the old Souldiers, was only faithful to the Royal Blood; the Court therefore gave him Commission to raise an Army against Antigonus, requiring the Provincials to assist, and the old Silver-shield-bands to follow him.

§. 19. Olympias, the Old Queen, intending to remove Aridaeus, and place Alexander, Son of Roxane, joining with Polyspercon, enters Macedon, taketh Euridice and Aridaeus, forsaken of all that followed her at the sight of Olympias; both are Murdered, and a hundred of Cassander's Friends, with Nicanor his Brother.

§. 20. Cassander lying at the Siege of Tegea in Peloponesus, hearing these ill Tidings, compounded with Tegea and shipt his Army into Thessaly; the Aetolians keeping the Streights of Thermopylae by Land, in favour of the Queen. Cassander leaveth Callas with part of his Forces to divert Polyspercon, carrying the rest to Besiege Pidna, a strong Sea-Town, where Olympias lay with the Court. Aeacides, King of Epyrus, her Cousin, hasted to her Succour, but upon Difficulties of passages, held by Cassander's Men, his Subjects refuse to proceed, and upon his seeking to inforce them, banish him and join with Cassander. Polyspercon now is the Queen's only hope, which also failed; for by Callas's means, corrupting of the Souldiers, he was glad to make a swift Retreat for want of Men. The Miseries of the Besieged by Famin and Mortality was so great, that she is forced to yield to Cassander, upon promise of Life; and procured Aristonus, to whom she had committed Amphypolis, to yield up the Town, which he did, and was killed by private Enemies procured to it by Cassander. Olympias is then called into publick question in an Assembly of the Macedonians, and condemned for the Murders committed by her under Title of Justice, and shortly after put to death. Cassander after his death, Celebrated Funerals for Aridaeus and Euridice; Married Thessalonica, Daughter of King Philip, taken in Pidna; built the City Cassandria; committed Roxane and Alexander to close Prison; Re-edified Thebes, and restored it, &c.

CHAP. IV. Of Antigonus's growth in Asia.

§. 1. EVmenes, with the Argyraspides or Silver-Bands, took his March towards the East, with his Commission to take Possession of those Countries, having small Assurance of his Silver Shields, whose Captains scorned his direction: Yet Ptolomy and Antigonus could not withdraw them. Python and Seleuchus, who govern'd Medea and Babylon, as he went, refused to let him pass, 'till they were forc'd to fly; so he came to the East, where Peucestes and other Lords receive him; yet through Opinion of Self-worthiness, contended for Superiority; but by his Wisdom and Command of the Kings Treasure, he gained many of the most powerful.

§. 2. Antigonus followed, taking Python and Seleucus with him, to force the Enemies further off from the King's Treasure in Susa; but passing over Coprates by small Vessels, when the greater part was over, Eumenes, who kept a Bridge on Tygris, came with a Thousand Horse, and four Thousand Foot, and finding them disordered, forced most of'em into the River, and drowned them, and slew the rest, except four Thousand which yielded in the sight of Antigonus, who with Python turned to Media, leaving Seleuchus to Besiege Susa Castle.

§. 3. Eumenes desired to lead the Army into the Province left by Antigonus; but Peucestes, Governour of Persia, drew them thither, using all means to win the Souldiers, which Eumenes prevented by a feign'd Letter from Orontes, Governour of Armenia, reporting Olympias had slain Cassander, and sent Polyspercon with a great Army to join with Eumenes; which News bred much fruitless joy. Antigonus brings his Army out of Media, to all their amazements; yet Eumenes then sick in an Horse-Litter, set his in a good form of Battle; and though he were inferiour to Antigonus by a third part, except Elephants, he held it out, and Antigonus was glad the next Night, to steal away into Media.

§. 4. Antigonus, in the dead of Winter, being within Nine Days Journey of his Enemy, passed through a difficult Wilderness, forbidding all use of Fire by Night, to prevent his being discovered, which was observed for some time, but broken at last, and so discerned. Peucestes and the rest, as Men amazed, fly; Eumenes stays them, promising to protract Antigonus, 'till their Forces be drawn up. Then taking some choise Captains, he disposed them on Tops of Hills, looking towards Antigonus, keeping many Fires thereon. Antigonus thinking he was discovered, and fearing to be forced while his Men were tired, turned aside to places convenient for Refreshment; but upon Advice, finding that he was deluded, he sent, thinking to be revenged on them who were gone. All the Eastern Army was come, except the Elephants, which he sent to cut off, forcing the Horse-men which came with them, and had overthrown the Elephants, if brave Troops sent by Eumenes to look after them, had not come in unexpectedly.

§. 5. Eumenes having obtain'd the honour of an Expert General, got therewith the hatred of Peucestes and the other Commanders, which conspire his death; but conclude to spare him 'till after the Battle with Antigonus; which argued their Malice against his meer Virtue. Eudamus, who had charge of the Elephants, whom he had obliged, and others of whom he used to borrow Money when he needed not, to make them the more careful of his Life, certifyed him of the Treason. Hereupon he made his Will, and burnt his Writings of Secrets, and considered what he should do. To make his Peace with Antigonus, were contrary to his Faith given to Olympias, and the Princes, &c. He therefore resolved to withstand the Enemy, and after to look to himself, &c.

§. 6. Eumenes's Souldiers not knowing the cause of his Perplexity, encouraged him, only desiring him to draw'em up in Battalia, and they would play the Men. Antigonus had the advantage in Horse, but his Footmen advanced heavily, being to encounter the old Silver Shields, who had beaten them so oft, as now also they slew five thousand of them without the loss of a Man. Antigonus's Horse and Elephants had the better; the rather by Peucestes, who drew off one thousand five hundred Horse, and departed. But while all the charge lay on Eumenes, Antigonus sent Companies of Horse about unto Eumenes's Carriages, unseen by reason of the Dust, and surprized them; for the Night growing on, they return'd to their Camps.

§. 7. Eumenes finding the Silver Shields discontented for the loss of their Carriages, comforted them with hopes of Recovery, the Enemy being weakened by their Valour, and unable to draw the Carts through the Wilderness of Mountains. This availed not, for Peucestes was gone, and other Captains would fight no more; Teutamus, one of the Silver-shield Captains, to win the Love of the Bands, dealt secretly with Antigonus, intreated the restoring of the Booty, which was all the Old Souldiers had for many Years service. The crafty Man answered, that if they will deliver Eumenes, he will do more for them; which they presently performed, and villanously betrayed their worthy General, whom his Ambitious Adversary, despairing to win, slew. This was the end of the Wisdom, Fidelity, Valour, and Patience of him whose Courage no Adversity could lessen, nor Prosperity his Circumspection: But his Virtue, Wit and Industry, were all cast away, by l • ading an Army without power to command; besides, God's purpose to cast down that Family he sought to uphold. Antigonus buried him honourably, burnt one of the Captains alive that betrayed him, and committed all the Silver Shields to a Leader, to carry them into far Countries, with charge to Conjure such perjured Wretches, n • v • r to come near Greece.

§. 8. Antigonus and Python return to Media, where while Pithon by Gifts sought to win the Souldiers, which he only wanted, to become chief; Antigonus discerning it, took him in his security, condemn'd and slew him. Goes into Persia, Peucestes entertain'd him obsequiously, but lost his place.

§. 9. Antigonus visiting Seleuchus in Babylon, hath Kingly Entertainment, and Susa's Castle with the Persian Treasure and Riches; yet calls for a further Accompt. Seleuchus doubts the meaning of his Friend, of whom he never deserved well, and so fled to Ptolomy in Egypt.

CHAP. V. Civil Wars between Alexander's Captains.

§. 1. ANtigonus's Riches and Power made him formidable, and caused Ptolomy, Cassander, and Lysimachus to combine against him, notwithstanding his Embassadours, by whom he intreated the continuance of their Amity. In their Answer they require a share of the Eastern Treasure, increase of Cassander and Lysimachus's Dominions, and restoring of Seleuchus. He roundly replyed, that he would share his Victories with them who afforded him no succour, and injoy'd what they had thereby, being by his Arms freed from Polyspercon.

§. 2. Antigonus prepareth for War, Guards the Sea Coast to hinder Cassander, and invaded Syria, setting Workmen on Lybanus to build a Navy, takes Ioppa and Gaza, and forces Tyrus by Famine to yield, upon Condition, that Ptolomy's Souldiers might depart with their Armies. Ptolomy kept close in his Country, not being able to Incounter the other in the Field; but sent a Fleet of One Hundred Sail with S • leuchus to strengthen Cyprus, by which also Caria, held by another Cassander, took a Resolution to hold out.

§. 3. Greece was desired on both sides, as an aid of much Importance, where Antigonus by his Treasures gained the Lacedemonians, and others of Peloponesus. He also sought to make Cassander odious for the Death of Olympias, and Imprisoneth Roxane and her Son; forcing Thessalonica, building Cassandria, and re-edifying Thebes in spite of Philip and Alexander. Upon these Reasons he required the Army to declare Cassander a Traitor, except he restored Roxane and her Son, and submitted to the Lieutenant General (himself) and that all the Cities of Greece should be set free. His regard of the Royal Blood was not soon to be abated, but 'twas the Liberty of Greece which induced Ptolomy to decree the like. Antigonus to make sure work, gave Alexander, Son of Polyspercon, Five Hundred Talents to make War in Peloponesus: But he at the persuasion of one sent from Cassander, kept the Treasure, and had the Lordship of Peloponesus put into his hand, making a League with Ptolomy and Cassander. But this Honour he enjoy'd not long, being slain by the Treason of the Sycionians, hoping thereby to become free, but were subdued by Cr • tisipolis his Wife, &c.

§. 4. Antigonus with his Five Hundred Talents having bought an Enemy, stirred up the Factious Aetolians; but Cassander curbed them, and won from them Ptolomy's Fleet, Commanded by Polyclitus, who upon Alexander's defect from Antigonus, left Peloponesus, and returned homewards; hearing of the Rhodian Fleet, led by Theodatus, Admiral to Antigonus, he cunningly surprized it, not one escaping. This ill News brought Antigonus and Ptolomy to meet about some composition, but to no effect.

§. 5. Lysimachus Overthrew Seuthes, a King of the wild Thracians, with the Cities which Rebelled, and slew Pausanias, and took his Army sent by Antigonus. Philip also, Lieutenant of Cassander, wasted the Aetolians, and drove most out of their Country, and slew Aeacides, King of Epirus, lately Restored. Antigonus in the mean time won Caria: sent Armies into Peloponesus, and other parts of Gr • ec • , bestowing Liberty on whom he took; and making shew to come over into Macedon, forc't Cassander to hast thereto, and to leave many places weakly Guarded, which his Army freed.

§. 6. Antigonus's Presence in lesser Asia, gave life to his Affairs there and in Greece; but Ptolomy took advantage of his Absence in Syria, visited Cyprus, recover'd it, and left a Lieutenant in it, and in return made Ravage in Caria, and Cilicia, and drew Demetrius Policartes, Son of Antigonus to the rescue, and departed to Egypt; where, with Seleuchus, he raised a Royal Army for recovery of Syria. Demetrius being return'd, and hearing of Ptolomy's coming, is advised to give way, and not to Encounter two such Generals; but he rejects the Council as a cold Temper of aged Men, and will needs stand them at Gaza. Ptolomy hath the odds, but wanted Elephants, which • e supplied with a Palisade sharpned to gall the Beasts, and Overthrew Demetrius, who fled to Azotus Thirty Miles off: Won Gaza, and the best part of Syria.

§. 7. Seleuchus Nicanor now took leave of Ptolomy with Eight Hundred Foot, and Two Hundred Horse, too small a Garrison to keep, much less to win one of those great Cities in the East; but Men enough to enter where the Hearts of the Inhabitants are already gain'd. Seleuchus's Name, whose Government the Babylonians had found so good, was sufficient to them to put all the resistance upon Antigonus Men, wishing them ill to speed. The defection grew so general, that the Antigonians durst stay in no strong Town; only they held a Castle full of Hostages, and Prisoners which Seleuchus took, and so the Possession of Mesopotamia, and Babel. Nicanor left in Media by Antigonus with an Army, came with Ten Thousand Foot, and Seven Thousand Horse. Seleuchus having but Four Hundred Horse, and above Three Thousand Foot, drew them into a Marsh near Tygris, which Nicanor thinking to be a flight, grew less careful to Forti • ie his Camp, and so was surprized the first Night, and lost all, with Susiana and Media. Now began the Aera, or Date, of the Greeks, used by the Iews, Chaldeans and Syrians, whose first Compleat Year at Babylon, was accounted from the end of the 438th of Nabonasser, saith Gauricus.

§. 8. Ptolomy having taken Gaza, sent Demetrius all his Goods, Pages and Servants freely, with a courteous Message, that their War was upon Terms of Honour, not Personal hatred. This inflam'd Demetrius's earnest desire of Requital, which made him gather all the Force he could, and send to his Father for supply; against which, Ptolomy sent Cilles with part of his Army, which was suddenly Surpriz'd by Demetrius, through Cilles's careless Marching, as against a beaten remnant. Thus Demetrius repaired his Honour, and requited his Enemy, by restoring Cilles, and many other Friends with rich Presents. Antigonus hasteth into Syria to embrace his Son, and perfect the recovering of it upon his Son's Foundation; but Ptolomy now at leisure returns to Egypt, Dismantling the Principal Cities as he went; thus all fell to Antigonus presently: So easily did the Provinces accept strange Lords, as Sheep and Oxen change Masters, having no Title to their own Heads. These People of Syria, Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Persia, were of no such manly Temper, as at this time the States of Greece were, who took all occasion to recover Liberty, which these little esteemed: So that the Persian Nobles never strove to recover Liberty after Alexander's Death, but tamely submitted to the Captains and Officers of the Army. The Reason hereof Machivel gives from the Form of Government: For where the Subjects are kept as Slaves, as in Turkey, a Conquest is easily obtained: But where •• cient Nobility are in due esteem, it is hard to ge • • ll, and harder to keep, as in France. In the Persian Empire all the Princes depended upon the meer Favour of the King, so that even his Brethren are his Slaves, as are all the Bassaes in Turkey. Adding hereto want of Convenient Liberty in the People, who like Esops Ass, think Enemies cannot load him more heavily than his Master, and if they find the Conquerours Yoke more easy, they will not hastily shake it off; as the Gaseoigns under the Government of England, heartily affected our Kings.

Antigonus sent Forces into Arabia, which at a Mart, surpr • z'd the Nabotheans; but in their return with the Body, were all slain, except Fifty Horse out of Six Hundred, and not a Footman of Four Thousand escaped. Demetrius sent to revenge it, but was glad to make Peace; and returned, and then was sent against Seleucus with Fifteen Thousand Foot, and Three Thousand Horse, but did nothing but Ravage about Babylon, Seleucus being in Media: Neither durst Antigonus carry the War beyond Euphrates, le • t Syria and Asia the less should be lost, having ill-affected Neighbours.

§. 9. These Ambitious Heads, upon a slow advancement of their hopes grew dull and willing to breath, till occasion might better serve, and agreed for the present, First, That each should retain what he had in present possession. Secondly, That Alexander's Son by Roxane, coming to Age, should be made King, • hirdly, All Greece to be set free. The Second Article most concerned Cass • nd • r, who was sure by it to lose all, whatever shift the other made, who meant not to lose by it: But he by Murdering Roxane, and her Son, to make himself an odious Security, did thereby free them also from all accompt to any Superiour Lord. Antigonus pretended the Liberty of Greece; but Ptolomy to provoke the Greeks to stir in it, sent a Fleet along the Coast of Asia to molest Antigonus, and seeing them not much concern'd at it, he entred Peloponesus to embolden them to take Courage. But long Servitude had well ne're extinguished the Ancient Valour of the Nation, and their many former • nfortunate Attempts, had so spent their Spirits, as that they sate still, expecting it should fall in their mouths; yet Cratisipolis yielded Si • yon and Corinth into his hand. When he saw the Greeks witheld the promised supply of Mony and Victuals, he renewed his former Friendship with Cassander. Now Polyspercon had in his hands another Son of Alexander's, by Barsine a Persian, called Hercules, whom he design'd to bring into Macedo • , against whom • as • ander prepared an Army, which yet he could not trust against the only Child of Alexander, and therefore attempted the treacherous old Villain, who for the Lor • ship of Peloponesus murdered his Pupil. Antigonus in the mean time slept no • , but was working upon a business which would give a specio • s T • tle to the Empire; this was by matching with Cleopatra the Sister of Alexander, then lying in Sardis; But Ptolomy for all his many Wives, which was his Do • age, had prevented him in her Affection, which had induc'd her to take a journey into Aegypt, but the mischievous practice with the Governour prevented it by her secret Murther. Thus was the whole Race of Philip and of Antigonus Alexander extinguished by the justice of God for the Cruelty of those bloody Princes; and the ambitious Designs of those Tyrants founded in innocent Blood, were soon after cast down, overwhelming themselves and their Children in the Ruins thereof.

§. 10. Royalty is now extinguished by Antigonus's last infamous Murder, which he thought to over-shadow with the Glory of the freedom of Greece; for effecting whereof, he sent D • metrius with a strong Army of Two Hundred and Fifty Sail, and Five Thousand Talents, with Charge to begin at Athens, which he did; as also to Megera, for which the Athenians, who had forgot to employ thei • Hands, adulterate the Eloquence of their Tongues to base Flattery; decree the Titles of Kings and Gods, the the Saviours of Athens to Antigonus and Demetrius; chose a Priest, and cause the Ambassadors, to be sent to them as to Iupiter, Th • ori, or Consulters with the Gods.

§. 12. Antigonus calls his own Garison from Imbros, and set it free, and called Demetrius to Cyprus, kept by Menelaus, Brother of Ptolomy, whom he worsted, and forced him to Salamis, to whose relief Ptolomy hasted with One Hundred and Forty Gallies, and Two Hundred Ships, with an Army; Demetrius Encounters them with One Hundred and Eighteen, but better furnished, with which he overthrew and put Ptolomy to flight with Eight only; so Cyprus was yielded. After this, Antigonus and Demetrius made themselves Kings, as did Ptolomy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus.

CHAP. VI. The Wars between the New Kings, 'till all were consumed.

§. 1. ANtigonus hoping to swallow up all these New Kings, chose to begin with Ptolomy, the strongest, against whom he prepared Eighteen Thousand Foot, and Eight Thousand Horse, with Eighty Three Elephants, all which he led in Person, and a Navy of One Hundred and Fifty Gallies, and One Hundred Ships under D • metrius. He departed from Antigonia in Syria, Built by himself; and passing the Desart with no small danger, at Mount Cassius by Nilus, he saw his Navy in distress, • ore beaten, and many lost and driven back to Gaza. Being come to Nilus, he found all Passages so forti • ied, as by no means, though with great loss he could force them; besides the falling away of his Souldiers, which pass'd over to Ptolomy; so that had he not r • solved to return, Ptolomy had driven him o • t of Aegypt with small Attendance. To save his Credit, all these misfortunes were laid on his Councel.

§. 2. Antigonus for the future, will follow his Affairs after another manner, by cutting the Branches, before he hew down the Tree; he will begin with the Dependents of his Enemies, whom the Confederates must either forsake, or come into the Field for their relief, where Military Power and the advantage of Provisions promised him Victory. The City of Rhodes had stood Neuter, and was grown Rich by Trade, and kept a good Fleet by Sea, but in this troublesome time their Affection was to Aegypt, this Antigonus made an Argum • nt of his Quarrel, which he began with some petty Injuri • s, 'till he prepared for an Enterprize upon them, which he committed to Demetrius; who so terrified the Citizens, that they offered him their assistance against all Persons. Demetrius knowing this offer proceeded not from Love, required a Hundred Hostages, and command of their Haven, with Conditions fitter for a Conquered State, than an assisting Neighbour, this restored the Rhodians to their lost Courage, who resolve to defend their Liberty to the last Man; to which end they Enfranchize their able Bondmen, wisely making them Free-Fellows, rather than themselves would become their Fellow-Slaves. Thus they endured a whole Years assaults, besides Famine, wherein Ptolomy with hazard relieved them oft; but by the Greeks Ambassador's intreating Aid against Cassander, he is persuaded to give over, and took an Hundred private Hostages. The Rhodians presently erect Statues for Lysimachus, and Cassander, and make a God of Ptolomy.

§. 3. Demetrius chaseth Cassander beyond the Straits of Thermopilae, and recover'd all that Cassander held there; the like he did in Peloponesus, setting all Free, and translateth Sicyon to an • ther place, and called it Demetrius. Then he was proclaimed General of all Greece, and Athens decreed all his Commandments should be held Sacred, and just, with God and Men Cassander's Case now oblig'd him to seek Peace for Macedon, but Antigonus will have absolute submission, which made Cassander sollicit the Confederates, Lysimachus, Ptolomy, and Seleucus, who apprehending the common danger, agree to joyn Forces against a common Enemy. Lysimachus with part of Cassander's Forces begins and passeth the Hellespont, makes hot War in Asia, which Antigonus hasteth to oppose, but cannot force Lysimachus home, who stayed for Seleucus's coming, and made him send for Demetrius, &c.

§. 4. Seleucus is come, and joyned with Ptolomy's Forces and Lysimachus, making Sixty four Thousand Foot, Ten Thousand Five Hundred Horse, Four Hundred Elephants, and One Hundred a • med Carts. Antigonus had Seventy Thousand Foot, Ten Thousand Horse, and Seventy Five Elephants; they met at Ipsus near Ephesus, where the only memorable Thing was, that Demetrius encountred young Antiochus, Son of Seleucus, and so pursued him in flight, that Seleucus interposeth his Elephants between Demetrius and Antigonus's Phalanx, and with his Troops of Horse so forced it, that many soon revolted, and left him to death. Thus Princes commonly succeed, who are more fear'd by their Enemies, than lov'd by Friends.

§. 5. Demetrius finding all lost, made a speedy retreat to Ephesus, with Four Thousand Horse, and Five Thousand Foot, thinking long to be at Athens, the Worshippers of his Godhead, not knowing they had repealed his Deity, 'till he met their Messengers, not as Theories, to Consult at their Oracle, but as Officers to prohibit his entring their City; which shameless Ingratitude more afflicted him than all the rest; yet he spake them fair, 'till he recovered his Ships out of their Haven. In the mean time the Confederates are dividing his Father's Provinces, of which Seleucus seised on Syria, and part of Asia the less, whereat the rest repined, and consulted to oppose his Greatness in time, whereof he was not ignorant, knowing the Law of S •• te ought not to permit the over-growing of Neighbours. Therefore to serve his turn of Demetrius against Lysimachus, he Married his Daughter Stratonica; but to save the life of his Son Antiochus, who was passionately in love with her, he gave her to him. The like Alliance was between Ptolomy and Lysimachus, Demetrius and Cassander, Demetrius and Ptolomy, yet not bound to each other, but for the present, as it hath been with Christian Kings, whom neither Bed nor Book can make faithful in their Covenants. Yet Demetrius had this advantage by Seleucus's Affinity, that he got Cilicia from Plistarchus Brother to Cassander, who yet was pacified by Phila their Sister, Wife to Demetrius, who also about that time married Ptolomy's Daughter; yet Seleucus had rather have Demetrius further off, having a mind to Cilicia (as Ptolomy had to Cyprus) and offered ready mony for it, but in vain, for Demetrius had already found there Twelve Thousand Talents of his Fathers.

§. 6. Demetrius with Three Hundred good Ships entreth Attica, besiegeth the City of Athens, which Ptolomy sought to relieve, but could not; so by extream Famine it was yielded, but was spared notwithstanding all their unthankfulness; yet he put a Garrison in it to keep them honest by force. Then he went to Peloponesus, against Lacedemon, but was hastily called away into Asia, where Lysimachus had won many Towns from him, and Ptolomy besieged Salamis in Cyprus, where his Mother and Childr • n re • ained. Yet hearing of Cassander's death, and that his Sons Antipater and Alexander fought for the Kingdom, and that Antipater had furiously slain their Mother Thessalonica for affecting his Brother, he chose rather to go to assist Alexander, who desired aid of him, and Pyrr • us King of Epirus.

§. 7. Pyrrhus Son of Aeacides an Infant, at his Father's death, was conveyed unto Glaucias King of Illyria, who at Twelve Years old set him in his Kingdom; out of which six years after he was forced, and went to serve Demetrius, who married his Sister, and after the Overthrow at Ipsus, became Hostage to Ptolomy, upon his reconciliation with Demetrius. In Aegypt he got the favour of Berenice, Ptolomy's principal Wife, and Married her Daughter, and was restored to Epirus. He being requested of Alexander to aid him against Antipater, for reward took Ambracia by force, Acarnania, and much more, leaving the united Brethren to divide the rest. Demetrius also b • ing come after all was done, is discontented, and pretending Alexander had plotted his death, slew him at a Feast, and seized on his part of the Kingdom. At which Antipater, who had Married Lysimachus's Daughter, was so inraged, that his Father-in-Law to quiet him took away his troublesome life. Thus the House which Cassander had raised with so much Treachery and Royal-Blood, fell on his own Grave before the Earth was throughly setled. Demetrius after this access of Dominion, grew to such dissoluteness in Wine, Women, and Idleness, that he would not endure the trouble of Petitions, and doing justice, so that the People grew weary of his idleness, and the Souldiers of his vanity. Having lost all he had in Asia and Cyprus, but his Mother and Children, which Ptolomy honourably sent him home, he went against Thebes, and won it twice; then he went against Pyrrhus with two great Armies, of which one led by Pentauchus was overthrown, and he beaten by Pyrrhus, upon Challenge hand to hand; which loss offended not the Macedonians so much as the young Princes behaviour pleased them, seeming to see a lively figure of Alexander in his best qualities. This esteem of Pyrrhus was increased by the dislike which he had of Demetrius, for his Insolency, and Cruelty to his Souldiers, of whom he said, The more of them died, the fewer he had to pay. In the end he grew sensible of their general hatred, which to prevent, he intended a War in Asia with a Royal Army of almost One Hundred Thousand Foot, and Twelve Thousand Horse, and a Navy of Five Hundred Sail, of which many exceeded all former greatness. Seleucus and Ptolomy doubting the issue, are earnest with Lysimachus and Pyrrhus to joyn against him, who accordingly invade Macedon, Lysimachus entring that part next him; and when Demetrius went against him, Pyrrhus broke in on his side, and took Berrhaea, which News put all the Camp in a consternation, few forbearing seditious Speeches, and many desiring to return home. But he perceiving their design to go to Lysimachus their Countryman, led them against Pyrrhus a Stranger, thinking so to pacify them, wherein he was deceived. For though they were as hasty as he to meet with Pyrrhus, yet was it not to fight with him, but to submit to him; insomuch that many ran over to his Camp, and persuaded him to shew himself to the Macedonians, who would Salute him King. To try this, he rode forth in view of the Camp bare-headed, but was persuaded to put on his Helmet, whereon he wore two Goats Horns, by which he was known; whereupon all throng'd about him, some wishing Demetrius to be gone, who in disguise stole away. So Pyrrhus entred Macedon with Triumph, where Lysimachus met him, and shared the Kingdom with him, each hoping upon better opportunity to work his Fellow out of all.

§. 8 Demetrius had left Antigonus his Son in Greece, with a great part of his Forces: with these he Besieged Athens, but was pacified by Crates the Philosopher, and so went into Asia with Eleven Thousand Souldiers to attempt Lydia and Caria, held by Lysimachus, where he was successful till Agathocles, Son of Lysimachus, forced him to seek a Kingdom in higher Asia, and yet left him not so, but pursued him over Lycus, where he lost so many, that he was forced to flye with the rest into Cilicia, from whence he writ Mournful Letters to Seleucus, who durst not trust him, till after some inconsiderable Victories, he is left with a few Friends, who persuaded him to yield to Seleucus, by whom he is put into a foggy Island under sure Guard, where he spent Three Years merrily, and there Dyed.

§. 9. Ptolomy about the same time Died also, who beside other Princely Virtues was mindful of his word, which in those times was a rare Commendation. Ptolomy Philadelphus, who had Reigned with him Two or Three Years, succeeded: Ptolomy Ceraunus offended, and fled to Seleucus. The Macedonians after Seven Months revolt from Pyrrhus to Lysimachus, who Reigned alone Five Years, when the City Lysimacha fell by an Earthquake, after which himself having Poisoned Agathocles his Son, by instigation of a Mother in Law, in a War with Seleucus in Asia was slain. Seleucus surviving all Alexanders Hero's, as Heir of all the Conquered World, passed over into Maccedon, and took possession of Europe, where within Seven Months Ptolomy Ceraunus Treacherously slew him, being Seventy Seven Years Old. Pyrrhus the Epirot, was now become equal to any of those Old Commanders in the Art of War, yea Hanibal preferred him before them all. Supra, §. 7.

CHAP. VII. Romes growth, and setling of the Eastern State.

§. 1. ROMES Greatness beginning now to encounter Greece, it is convenient here to make a compendious relation of her growth from Tullus Hostilius, who having Reigned Thirty Two Year was burnt, together with his House, by Lightning. Ancus Martius Grandchild to Numa succeeded, who Walled the City, and built a Bridge over Tybris, and after Twenty Four Years dyed, leaving his Children in Charge with Incumon a Corinthian, his Favourite, who had fled from Cypselus King of Corinth, and dwelt in Tarquinii, from whence he was called Tarquinius. He Reigned Thirty Eight Years, and was slain by Ancus Martius's Sons; but by the coming of Tarquin's Wife, Servius Tullus, her Daughters Husband, was made Governour for a time, under pretence her Husband was Sick; in which Government he continued by force Forty Four Years, and then was slain. Tarquinius Superbus is Proclaimed King by Tullia his Wife, Daughter to Servius, who forced her Coach over her Father's dead Corps. He took Oriculum, Susa, Pometia, and the Gabii; but for the Rape of Lucretia by Sextus Tarquinius his Brother, he and all his Family were expell'd by Iunius Brutus, and Collatinus her Husband; that manner of Government was changed from a King to two yearly Consuls, or Providers for the City, wherein these two began. Their first War was with Porsennus King of Hetruria, who came to Rome by force, to restore Tarquinius; but was so long resisted by Horatius Cocles, upon the Bridge, 'till being overpower'd by Numbers, he was forc'd to leap into the River Tibris with his Armour on, and so terrified by Mutius Scaevola's resolution, burning his own hand for killing the Secretary instead of the King, that he entred into League with Rome. Brutus being slain in this War was mourned for a whole year by the Ladies, as the Champion of their Chastity. Mamilius Tusculanus, Son-in-Law to Tarquinius, with his Latines, renewed the War; against whom, Aulus Posthumus in a new Office of Dictator was sent, who overthrew them. After Sixteen Years of Consuls, upon a tumult of the People, the Office of Tribunes was enacted, to follow the Peoples Causes as Solicitors. Then follow the Wars with the Volsci and Aequi, in which, T. Martius got the Surname Coriolanus, for winning the City Corioli; but was after Banished, for raising the rate of Corn too high. Coriolanus flyeth to the Volsci, whom he incensed, and was with Attius Tullus employed against Rome, and so far prevailed, that when neither force nor intreaty would serve, his Wife and Mother were sent, whose sorrowful deprecations prevailed. Not long after, Three Hundred and Six Fabii's undertaking the War against the Veii in Hetruria, were slain, and left but one Infant of the whole Family; of whom (it is said) came Fabius Maximus. In process of time, the Consuls and other Magistrates are abrogated, and Ten Men ordained, who Enacted Laws, and Two Years after, are forced to resign to Consuls. After that, they subdued the Veients and Falisci yielded to Camillus in reverence to his Justice upon the Schoolmaster of their Town, who having decoy'd out many Principal Men's Children, yielded them up to him for Hostages, whom he sent back bound, with his Scholars whipping him. He also won the City of Veij, after Ten Years Siege; but upon unequal division of the Spoil, ungratefully they Banished him. While he lived at Ardea, the Gauls invading Hetruria, as they roved over the Country, being offended with the Roman Ambassadors, went to Rome, which was abandoned before their coming; and set it on fire, and had taken the Capitol, defended by M. Manlius, but for the gagling of Geese. After Seven Months Siege Brennus agreed to depart for One Thousand Weight of Gold, which while they were weighing, Camillus with an Army came upon them, and forced them away. At this time they had Military Tribunes.

§. 2. Rome Three Hundred Sixty Five years after its Building, re-established Consuls, Enacting that one should always be a Plebean, when she began War with the Samnites, dwelling between Apulia, and Campania, whom they invaded, and forced to submit to Rome for protection. This War continued Fifty Years, and drew the Hetrurians into it, in which time the Latines claimed freedom in Rome, which bred a quarrel, wherein the Latines were overthrown. The Sabines were after subdued, and won Tarentinus, after which the Apulians, Lucanians, Messapians, and Brutians, who drew the Samnites to rebell, sent for Pyrrhus out of Epirus to assist them.

§. 3. Pyrrhus, forsaken by the Macedonians, impatient of Peace, accepted the Conditions of these Confederates, hoping to enlarge his Empire toward the West, as Alexander had to the East, and then to live Magnificently, as he answered his Counsellor Cynea, who replied, He might do so, if he could be content with his own. Pyrrhus carrieth an Army of almost Thirty Thousand choice Souldiers to the Tarentines, who were nothing forward in provision for War; which while he was employ'd about, Levinus the Roman Consul drew near, wasting the Lucans; so that Pyrrhus was forc'd with his own and some weak assistance of the Tarentines, to try the Roman Valour. But seeing them come on so bravely, he offered to arbitrate a Peace between them and the Tarentines; but was answered, They neither chose him their Iudge, nor feared him their Enemy. Pyrrhus upon view of their Camp, perceiving he had to deal with Men well-trained, set a strong Corps du Guard upon the passage of the River, which when he saw them force, he thought it time to bring on his whole Forces before all the Army was come over, and all little enough, while Spear and Sword were used. But when his Elephants came in, the Roman Horse quickly turned head, and the Foot at the sight and first impression of those strange Beasts fled with such consternation, that they left their Camp to the Enemy. Yet Pyrrhus by this trial finding the Romans could better endure many such Losses, than he such Victories, sent Cyneas to persuade an Agreement with the Romans, which they refused, as long as he was in Italy. This Answer inflam'd Pyrrhus with desire to enter into League with that gallant City, which refused to treat of Peace, except he first left Italy. They come therefore to a second Battel, which he obtain'd by his Elephants, but with such loss of the Flower of his Army, that he desired any occasion to be gone with Honour.

§. 4. Pyrrhus waiting an opportunity to leave Italy, hath two occasions offered; and first from Madecon, where Ptolomy Ceraunus (who had murthered Seleucus his Protector) was slain by the Gauls, who came out of the Country with those who took Rome, and passing through many Countries, and making long abode in Pannonia, at length came to Macedon, under one Belgius; after whom came Brennus another Captain, with One Hundred and Eighteen Thousand Foot, and Fifteen Thousand Horse, which Sosthenes with the Macedonians avoided, by shutting up the Cities. At the same time also the Cicilians sent to Pyrrhus for aid against the Carthaginians, which occasion he took, and with Thirty Thousand Foot, and Two Thousand Five Hundred Horse entred Sicily, expell'd the Carthaginians, won Erex the strong City, and in Syracusa began to play the Tyrant. But being again called into Italy by the Tarentines against the Romans, he was beaten by the Carthaginians Gallies, and after that forced out of Italy to Epirus, by M. Curius the Roman.

§. 5. Antigonus Son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, with an Army, Navy, and Treasure came into Macedon, while Brennus with most of his Gauls was gone to plunder the Temple of Delp • os, leaving Fifteen Thousand Foot, and Three Thousand Horse. These went to Antigonus, requiring him to buy his Peace; to whose Embassadors he shewed his Riches, Navy, Camp, and Camels. This being reported at their return, inflamed the Gauls to hasten thither; of whose coming Antigonus having intelligence, left his Camp, and put himself and all his Men into a Wood, so the Gauls finding him gone, hasted to the Seaside, supposing him fled. Part of Antigonus's Army having recovered their Ships, espying the Gauls presumptuous disorder, taking their time, suddenly went on shoar, and set upon them with such Resolution, that after the slaughter of many, the rest yielded to Antigonus. This Success bred in the Barbarians a great reputation of Antigonus, but his own Men had no better opinion of him than of one who crept into Woods at sight of the Enemy.

This appeared shortly after, when Pyrrhus being returned to Epirus with a small Army of Eight Thousand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse, came to make Devastations in Macedon, in hope to force Antigonus to compound with him for his Peace. At his entrance Two Thousand of Antigonus's Souldiers Revolted to him, and many Cities yielded, by which good beginning, he took Courage to attempt Antigonus and his Army for the Kingdom. Antigonus had no inclination to fight with him, but to weary him with protracting time; but Pyrrhus so forced a Streight, in which he overtook him, that he slew most of the Gauls, Antigonus not taking any care to relieve them; which the Captains of the Elephants fearing to be their own case, yielded. Then Pyrrhus went to the Phalanx, which could not be Charged but in Front, which was very dangerous; but perceiving they had no desire to fight, he drew near to them in Person, persuading them to yield, which they presently did; so Antigonus with a few Horse fled to Thessalonica, but is forced by Ptolomy Son of Pyrrhus, who pursued him, to fly to Peloponesus.

§. 6. Pyrrhus having gotten the Kingdom of Macedon, beaten Antigonus and the Gauls, he thought himself without match in any of the Kingdoms of Alexander's Conquests. He therefore raised an Army of Twenty Five Thousand Foot, Two Thousand Horse, and Twenty Four Elephants, as against Antigonus in Peloponesus, to free such Cities as he held there, but indeed to restore King Cleonymus to Lacedemon, but made shew of all Friendship to them. This dissimulation the Lacedemonians had used 'till none would trust them; and yet now they were not hurt by Pyrrhus's use of it, by reason of his deferring the assaults, 'till they had fortified the Town, which was never done before. He assailed the Town three days together, and had won it the second day, but for a Fall his wounded Horse gave him, and the third day relief came unto them; so that despairing to carry it, he was content to go to Argos, whither one Faction of the City called him, promising to render it, as the other Faction called Antigonus; but both sides repented it when they were come, and desired their departure, which Antigonus assured them by Hostages; Pyrrhus promised, but design'd it not; for by Night his Complices opened him a Gate at which his Army entred, 'till the Elephants came, which stop'd up the Gates, from whence grew the Alarum; the Citizens arm, and put the Souldiers in the dark to great confusion, they being ignorant of the Streets; yet Pyrrhus gain'd the Market-place. Antigonus came to their rescue, and Pyrrhus is slain by a Slate cast from an House, by a Woman, whose Son was fighting with him.

THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD. BOOK V. Part I. From the setled Rule of Alexander's Successors, 'till the Romans Conquer'd Asia, and Macedon.

CHAP. I. Of the First Punick War.

§. 1. CArthage had stood above Six Hundred Years, when she contended with Rome for Sicily; it surpass'd Rome in Antiquity One Hundred and Fifty Years, as well as in Dominion, which extended from the West part of Cyrene, to Hercules's-Streights, Fifteen Hundred Miles; wherein stood Three Hundred Cities. It commanded Spain, and all the Islands in the Mediterranean, South-West from Sicily; it had Flourished about Seven Hundred and Thirty Years when Scipio took it, who carried off One Million Four Hundred and Ten Thousand Pounds, besides the Souldiers part. It was oft Rebuilt, and Invincible while it Commanded the Sea, which almost compass'd it; 'twas Twenty Miles in Circuit, and a treble Wall. Without the Walls, and between them, were Streets with Vaults for Three Hundred Elephants, and Stables for Four Thousand Horse, with room for Provender and Lodging for the Horse-Men, and Twenty Thousand Foot, which never troubled the City, as it is at this day in China. The Castle of Beyrsa in the South-side, was two Miles and a half in compass, with an Arsenal, under which the Ships and Gallies did Ride. The Form of the Common-Wealth was like that of Sparta, having Titular Kings, and Aristocratical Senators; but in latter times the People usurpt too much; which confusion in Government, with their too great trust to Mercenaries, together with Avarice and Cruelty, occasion'd their ruine. They exacted from their Vassals one half of the Fruits of the Earth, besides Tributes; made merciless Officers by exactions to augment the Treasure, and put to death, without Mercy, him who offended ignorantly, nay even their Captains upon ill Success, which made them often desperately to hazard all. The Year after Tarquin's expulsion, Rome sought a League with Carthage, agreed the Romans should Trade in no part of Africk; but no Haven in Italy to be shut against Carthage, &c. Their Care was to keep the Romans in continual War in Italy, that Sicily destitute of aid from thence, might more easily be brought under by them. This made them offer Succours to Rome against Pyrrhus, to prevent his interrupting their attempts in Sicily; at which time the League was renewed, especially against Pyrrhus, who then defeated the purposes of Carthage for that time. Some time before, a Troop of Campanian Souldiers, who had served under Agath • cles, and were entertained in Messana as Friends, with persidious Cruelty slew those that had trusted them, and possessed their Cities, Wives, Lands, and Goods, and called themselves Mamertines, who afterwards molested the Neighbours, but were opposed by the Syracusians, and Besieged. But unable to hold out, and being divided, one side resolves to give themselves to Carthage, the other to Rome. The Carthaginians readily lay hold of the Offer, send Forces, and had the Castle surrendred. But the contrary Faction drawing that side to agreement, expelled the Captain, for which he was Crucified at home as a Coward and Traytor. Carthage hereupon besieges Messana, and the Syracusians joyn with them by Sea and Land; while Appius Claudius the Roman Consul, with an Army passing the Streights of Sicily by Night, put himself into Messana, sending to the Carthaginians, and Hierom King of Syracuse, requiring them to depart from their Confederacy; which Message being slighted, occasion'd the Punick War.

§. 2. Rome's undertaking the defence of Rhegium with a Legion of Four Thousand Roman Souldiers, whom they had requested for their defence against Pyrrhus and the Carthaginians, prov'd basely treacherous; for these Confederating with the Mamertines, plunder the City, even as the Mamertines had formerly done at Messana. The Romans upon Complaint hereof, sent Forces which vanquished them, and put all to death, restoring Rhegium to its former Liberty, to the high commendation of their Justice; but when the Mamertines came to be consider'd, tho' they had given example and aid to their Legion at Rhegium, yet Profit prevailed against Justice, which they used to pretend, and their care to hinder Carthages further footing in Sicily, persuaded them to defer the punishment of the Villains, whose Fellows they had destroyed. Appius Claudius being sent unto them of Messana, sally'd out on that side Hierom kept, and worsted him, and the Syracusians, who had foolishly joyned with Carthage, against whom they must have sought aid at Rome if Messana had been won. Hierom knowing such another Bargain would have made him Bankrupt, departed, and the next day the Carthaginians succeeded so ill, that they left Camp and Country to the Romans, who Confederated with this Nest of Thieves and Murderers, with whom no League was just.

§. 3. Sicily's Dominion is now become the Prize for which Rome and Carthage contend; concerning which Island the general Opinion of Antiquity is, that it was a Demy Island adjoyning to Italy, near Rhegium, and separated by Tempests, others say by Earthquakes, others by Tides. It excells all the Islands of the Midland Sea in bigness and fertility, and is formed like the Greek Δ Delta, or a Triangle. For Fertility Cicero calls it the Granary of the Commonwealth, and Nurse of the vulgar sort, furnishing their greatest Armies with Leather, Apparel, and Corn. About Leordium and other parts Wheat groweth of it self. It had Six Colonies, and Sixty Cities; it bred Archimedes, the Mathematician, Euclid the Geometrician, Empedocles the Philosopher, and Diodorus the Historian. It was Peopled by Sicans out of Spain, after the first Inhabitants which were Giants, and the Sicans were cast out by the Siculi from Italy, driven out from the place in which Rome stands, by the Pelasgi; from these Siculi it beareth the name. After them came the Morgetes out of Italy, who were expelled by the Oznotrians, &c. The Trojans came after, and then the Phenicians, which built Parormus, or Palmero. The report of Giants which first Inhabited the Island, I could reject, did not Moses make us know that such were the first Planters of the Countries about Israel; and did not other Authors confirm it, as Augustine, Tertullian, Procopius, Isidore, Nicephorus, Pliny, Diodorus, &c. yea Vespusius in his second Navigation into America, saw the like there. And I wonder at this the less, seeing the same is written of all Nations that is written of one, touching their simplicity of Life, mean Sustenance, poor Cottages, Cloathing of Skins, Hunting, Arms, manner of Boats; in all which, as we are altered from the first Simplicity, to extream Curiosity, and excess in Building, Diet, Apparel, so have we as monstrous Persons for Oppression and all Vices; all which as Time bred and increased, so shall it overthrow all Flesh at last.

The Greeks Plantation in Sicily was by Theocles, who being driven upon it by an East Wind, at his return reported to the Athenians the excellency of the place, and upon their neglect, persuaded the Chalcidians that were needy and industrious, who sent a Colony of Eubaeans, which built Naxus. Archias with his Corinthians followed, and built a part of that which was after called Syracuse, adding three other parts as they encreased; and possessing most of the Sea-Coast, forced the Siculi into the Mountains at Trinacia. The Chalcidians also got Leontium, Catana, and Hybla, which they called Megara, as the Rhodians and Cretians did Gala, and their Postedid built Agrigentum. The Syracusans also built Arra, Casemeria, Camerina, Enna, &c. as the Messanians took Zancle, changing the Name.

Agrigentium from popular Government, was by Phaleris brought to Tyranny, who after Thirty One Years was stoned to death, and their liberty was recovered, 'till Thoro long after Usurped Gela, forced Naxos, Zancle, and Leontium, and giving aid to the Magistrates of Syracuse against the People, was chosen Prince in the Second Year of the Seventy Second Olympiad. He aiding Thoro his Father-in-Law, of Agrigentum, against Terillus, of Himera, slew One Hundred and Fifty Thousand, led by Amilcar, in defence of Terillus. The Carthaginians well beaten seek his Peace, which is granted, on Condition no more to Sacrifice Children to Saturn, but to pay Two Thousand Talents, and Two Armed Ships, whereto they added a Crown of Gold worth One Hundred Talents of Gold; so much are some Natures improv'd by hardship. His Subjects loved him exceedingly, yea his Dog burnt himself, with his Body at his Funeral. Hierom his Brother succeeded, a Cruel Rude Covetous Man, but improv'd by Simonides, became a Studier of good Arts. His Brother Thrasibulus succeeded, who after Ten Months Tyranny, was forced by the Citizens to restore their Liberty, and was Banished; so Syracuse kept her Liberty almost Sixty Years; and was in some manner acknowledged of all the Greek Cities, by freeing them from Ducetius King of the Sicilians, except Trinacia. But Leontium being oppressed by Syracuse, sought aid from Athens the Sixth year of the Peloponesian War, which sent One Hundred Gallies, and other Forces, which invaded Syracuse, winning and losing, 'till both sides wearied agree, and Leontium is admitted into equal Fellowship, and the Athenian Captains sent home, whom their City banish for gaining nothing in Sicily as they expected. Shortly after fell out the most memorable War that ever Greece made; there Athens aided Egesta, oppressed by Seleucus, and Leontium and Catana wronged by Syracusa, whom the Lacedemonians succoured. Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus are sent from Athens, but did little the first Summer, and Alcibiades is discharged, and new Supplies on both sides are sent the next Spring; but Syracuse is almost blocked up, yet with Lamachus's death, before the Succors from Sparta and Corinth, led by Glippus and Pitbon, came.

But after their coming Nicias was broken, and forced to write for new Supplies; which were sent with Euremedon and Demosthenes, who the same day invaded the Syracusians with more hast than Success; having such loss, as they determined to return to succour Athens then in distress. Nicias on the contrary persuaded them to stay, upon intelligence the Town could not hold out long; but had not the Moon been Eclipsed, the suspicion whereof caused them to defer it, they had departed. But their Superstition cost them dear, even the utter loss of all in two Sea-Fights in the great Haven, and in their retreat by Land toward Camerina, in which Forty Thousand are overthrown, Nicias and Demosthenes taken, and miserably murder'd; for contrary to the Endeavours of Glippus and Hermocrates the Syracusian Commander, to save them, they were barbarously murdered by the cruel Multitude, &c. The Egestanes now fearing the Syracusians, apply themselves to Carthage, to whom they of • er their City; and Hannibal with Thirty Thousand Men is sent, who in revenge of his Father's and Uncle's Death won and sack'd Himera and Seleucus, and buried Three Thousand Himerans where Amilcar was slain. Hermocrates after his good Service is by malice of his Enemies, Exiled by the ungrateful Multitude, being in Greece, who being returned, began to repair Silenus, but upon persuasion of his Friends in Syracuse, attempting to take a Gate, was slain.

Dionysius, Son-in-Law to Hermocrates, being made Praetor, and Commander of the Syracusian Armies, behav'd himself so well, that he got the good will of the People and Men of War; and began early, being but Twenty Five Years Old, that he might play the Tyrant long. He obtain'd his first Favour by accusing the Noblemen, whom the baser sort desire to reign over; then he got of them Six Hundred Men to guard his Person, as Pisistratus at Athens had done, against the malice of his Enemies; and to gain the Souldiers, he gave them double Pay, and procured the restoring of many Banished Men, who thereby were made his own. Then he made himself absolute Lord by possession of the Citadel, in which was great Provision, and under which the Gallies Moored; what he design'd by this the Chief Citizens discerned it, though the People would not see. Yet after a Foil given at Gela by the Carthaginians (which the Men at Arms thought he was willing to) they left him, and hasting to Syracuse, in hope to free the City of him, they forced his Palace, ransaked his Treasure, and abused his Wife; all which he revenged, being at their heels, sparing none that he suspected. Then he grew so doubtful, being the greatest Robber that ever State had, that he trusted not a Brother to enter his Chamber unsearched; yet being at the War, the Citizens rebell at home, so that with much difficulty he recovered the Citadel, and so the Command of the City; and when the multitude were gathering in Harvest he disarmed the Citizens. Afterwards he went into the Field with Eighty Thousand Foot, and Three Thousand Horse, and sent his Brother Leptines with Two Hundred Gallies to Sea, and Five Hundred Ships of Burthen, which overthrew Fifty Ships of War, Five Thousand Souldiers, and many Ships of burthen brought by Himilco from Carthage, while many Cities also yielded to Dionysius, who yet lost a great part of his Army at Egesta. Himilco finds half his Army with Mago by Sea, which met again with Leptines, and slew Twenty Thousand, and took One Hundred Gallies, which made Dionysius hasten home, whom Himilco follows with speed, besieging him by Sea and Land; but the Plague having taken away One Hundred Thousand of his Men, and other numbers slain by the City with the Lacedemonian aid, he craved Peace, which the other sold for a great Summ, and on Condition to leave such as were not Carthaginians; but when he was out at Sea the Tyrant followed, and slew many. Mago, who stayed behind to strengthen the Carthaginians in Sicily, received Supplies of Eighty Thousand Men, which did nothing but make Peace with Dionysius; who march'd into Italy, where he took Rhegium, and used much Cruelty therein.

Afterwards in another Battle with Mago he slew him, and Ten Thousand Africans; but Mago's Son slew his Brother Leptines, and Fourteen Thousand Men, which made him now buy his Peace: Shortly after he died, after Thirty Eight Years Tyranny, and his Son Dionysius succeeded, with his Father's disposition; tho' to gain favour he dissembled, freed many Prisoners, and remitted many Taxes; but slew his Brethren by another Mother, the Sister of Dionysius a Valiant Just Man. This Man had so prevail'd with him as to hear Plato, whom he had sent for, by whose Wisdom he began to be reform'd, but continu'd it not. After this, his Flatterers procure Dionysius's Banishment, persuading the King, Dionysius sought to weaken his Mind by Philosophy, and by offer which he had made to furnish the King with Fifty Gallies, to make himself Master of the Kingdom. Dionysius was well beloved in Greece, where he gathered Eight Hundred brave Followers, whom he carried to Syracuse; while the Tyrant was in Italy, he entred without resistance, and recovered the Cities Liberty, though the Tyrant held the Castle. After this the Worthy Man had the Reward which popular Estates use to give, and was forced to abandon the City, but returned twice from Leontium to assist them against the Castle, which gall'd them; and at last recovered the Castle, and was after murthered by Cratippus, who shortly after was slain by the same Dagger. Dionysius after this recovered the City, and made many fiye to Icetes, Tyrant of Leontium, who, with the Carthaginians, force Dionysius into the Castle, and besieged him. After comes Timolion with Forces from Corinth to free the City, who with the Carthaginians forsake Icetes, wins the City, and hath the Castle rendred by Dionysius, which he beats down, calling it the Nest of Tyrants. Syracuse wasted by former Wars, is new Peopled with Ten Thousand Greeks by Timolion's means, who also overthrew Asdrubal, but Amilcar coming with Seventy Thousand Africans, with Two Gallies, and One Thousand Ships of burthen, vanquish'd Icetes, and slew him and his Followers; suppres'd all the Tyrants in Sicily, and died in Peace and Honour. Sicily after Twenty Years Peace from Timolion's death, falls under the Tyranny of Agathocles, who rising by degrees in the Field, came from a Beggar to be Praetor, and after Tyrant of Syracuse. Being Praetor, and in League with Amilcar the Carthaginian, he entertain'd Five Thousand Africans, and many old Souldiers, pretending to besiege Herbita, but indeed sets upon the Senators, the Rich, and all his Enemies, dividing the Spoil among the Poor, and giving liberty to the Souldiers to Plunder, Murther, and Ravish, calling it a violent Remedy for the violent Disease of the Commonwealth, pretending now to reduce the Oligarchy to the ancient and indifferent Democracy. But having left none fit for Magistracy, he knew that those whom he assisted in their Murders and Outrages would need his aid to protect them, and therefore would make him King, which accordingly they did. This Amilcar was content with, in hope that upon his wasting the Island all would fall into the Carthaginians hands; but the Carthaginians upon complaint send another Amilcar; upon which, the former chose rather to destroy himself, than to give an account to Carthage. Agathocles before the Carthaginians came, had made the better part of Sicily his own, and defeating the first Supplies that they returned, and so encountred the second, brought by Amilcar, by which he grew presumptuous of that which failed him. One misfortune is enough to overthrow a Tyrant, without great circumspection; as it was with him, who after one great Defeat was glad to retire home, and being there besieged with that wicked Rabble which had been Executioners of his Tyrannous Entrance, he to prevent the Famine which was like to follow, Shipped himself with as many as he thought convenient, leaving the City. Antander his Brother went to Sea when the Carthaginian Fleet was going out to seize on certain Ships coming with Provision; these seeing Agathocles, made toward him, who hasted toward Africa, while the Provision got into the City; but before he got to Land the Carthaginians Fleet is fatigu'd by endeavouring to overtake him and was beaten and routed by him. Being landed, after many plausible Speeches to his Company, as if he were Master of all the Riches in Africk, he burnt all their Ships, except one or two, to use for Messengers. In this heat of resolution he winneth two Cities, and demolish'd them, to the great amazement of Carthage, who sent out against him Hanno and Bomilcar, which were his profess'd Enemies, of whom Agathocles cut Hanno and his Followers in pieces, the other looking on. This Success drew an African King to joyn with him, as did Ophellas King of the Cyrenians, to whom he promised to deliver what he wan in Africk, but indeed treacherously murthered him, and entertain'd his Army. After this he made a start to Sicily, and appeased some Eruptions, returned to Africa, pacify'd his Souldiers in mutiny for want of Pay, and might have brought Carthage to buy Peace, and give over all in Sicily, if his thoughts of the Conquest of Carthage had not deceived him, by an impression, which as light an accident as a flash of fire caused to vanish; for upon two Fires in the Night, kindled by accident, both Armies fled, each afraid of other. Agathocles in the dark, falling on his African Souldiers, which he took for Enemies, lost four Thousand, which so discouraged him, that he endeavour'd secretly to steal away; which being understood of the Army, they slew his two Sons, and made their Peace with Carthage. Agathocles returning to Sicily, grew more cruel, exceeding Phalaris, but in the end is driven to seek Aid of the Carthaginians against those that he had banished, which took Arms against him, whom he subdued by their help, for which he restored to them all the Phoenician Towns he held in Sicily, and they suppli'd him with Corn and four hundred Talents of Gold and Silver. After this he went into Italy, subdued the Brutians, made the Isle Lipara buy Peace for a hundred Talents of Gold; but in his return with Eleven Ships laden with Gold, all was lost, and all the Fleet but his own Galley, which brought him to a more miserable end, by grievous torment in his Sinews and Veins, over all his Body, in which he was forsaken of all, and dyed basely as he began. His fellow Souldiers after that, Trayterously possessed themselves of Messana.

§. 4. Hierom, Tyrant of Syracuse, is followed home with the Wars by Appias Claudius, but thought it Wisdom to buy Peace for a hundred or two hundred Talents; neither could Carthage be justly offended, seeing they made no haste to his Relief, knowing the City not able to hold out now, as in their attempting it; besides, that Rome sought only their Friendship, whereas Carthage strove for a command of them.

§. 6. Hierom, a just and good Prince, beloved of his Subjects, as he sought their good, sided with Rome. Lucius Posthumus and Q. Mamisius, remove the Army to Agrigentum, which Carthage had stored with all manner of Ammunition, and Fifty Thousand Souldiers, between whom, upon a Sally made by the Besieged, was a Fight, which made the one side keep in, and the other strongly to Intrench before and behind. Hanibal in the City sends for Succour to Carthage, which imbarks an Army under the Command of Hanno, with certain Elephants, who landing at Hiraclea, surprised Erberus, where lay the Roman Provision, which loss had distressed the Romans, but that Hierom supplied them. Hanno, after that, assails them, and by pretending flight of his Horse-men, drew them further to the place where he lay cover'd, and so slaughter'd many: But in his second Assault, he lost the day, and fled to Heraclia, whither shortly after, Hanibal, with the remainder of his Army, breaking in the Night through the Romans Camp escaped. The Romans who came into Sicily with no other intent but to Succour the Mamils, and keep the Carthaginians from their own Doors, now aspire to the Command of Sicily, and peradventure to visit Carthage. This is the Disease of Mortal Men, to covet the greatest things, and not to enjoy the least; the desire of what we neither have nor need, taking from us the fruition and use of what we have already. The Romans send two new Consuls, Lucius Verus, and Titus Octacilius, so the Inland Town became theirs, and as many Maritime places were Commanded by Carthage; which was the cause the Romans determined to raise a Fleet, which before this, knew not how to move an Oar. Having now built one hundred and twenty Gallies, and trained Men to row: C. Cornelius, one of that Years Consuls, with Seventeen of them past over to Messena, and taking Pleasure therein, went to Zippara, whereof Hannibal, Governour of Panormus, having Intelligence, sent and surprised the Consul and his Gallies; and flush'd with this success, himself, with Fifty, went to surprise the rest, but came off with great loss. Cornelius is redeemed, and Duillius his Fellow, is made Admiral; who, considering the Advantage of the Carthaginian light Gallies, in rowing away from the heavy ones of the Romans, devised an Iron to grapple when they met, and so got the Advantage, which an heavy strong broader Vessel hath of weaker and lighter, which are in danger of splitting; neither are they so steady, which is no small help in Fight, wherein the best use of the Hand is in them which best keep their Feet.

§. 7. Rome proceeds in War by Sea, sends a Fleet to Sardinia; and Hannibal had obtained a Fleet a • Carthage, which now Anchored in Sardinia Haven, which the Romans, coming suddenly, surprized, and Hannibal escaping hardly, was hanged at his return; For in War it is too much to offend twice. But Amilcar lying in Panormus, sent Hanno, upon Intelligence of the Roman disorder in Sicily, who, unlooked for, slew four thousand of them. Panormus was the next which the Consul Besieged, but could not draw the Carthaginians into the Field, nor force the great City so strongly guarded; so they left it, and took the Land Towns. C. Attilius, Consul next Year, was beaten and lost Nine Gallies of Ten, but by coming up of the rest of his Fleet, the Carthaginians lost Eighteen. Upon this, Rome built a Fleet of three hundred and Thirty Ships, and Carthage another of Three hundred and fifty, to try who should Command the Seas; the Romans one hundred forty thousand, and the Carthaginians one hundred and fifty thousand Men aboard. Both Navies met, but Attilius had the better, taking sixty three and sinking Thirty, with loss of twenty Four, which fell out by Amilcar's ordering his Gallies, so as that himself being forced and not able to recover to join with his other Squadrons, that Squadron of the Romans which forced him, fell back and helped their Fellows.

§. 8. The Romans repair their Fleet, set forward to Africa, landing at Clypea, a Port Town, which yielded, and so gave them an Haven, without which all Invasions are foolish. Amilcar is also come to Carthage, and defence is prepared, while Mantius, one of the Consuls, with all the Navy, is called home, with two thousand Captive Africans, leaving but fifteen thousand Foot, five hundred Horse, and forty Gallies with Atilius. He Besieged Adis, where, to hinder him, Amilcar, Hanno, and Bester, are sent with an Army, who designing to weary him with lingring, place themselves on the top of an Hill. Regulus discovering the advantage that neither the Carthaginian Horse nor Elephants could do service there, set stoutly upon them, and forc'd them to leave their Camp to the Spoil, after which they proceed to Tunis, sixteen Miles from Carthage, to the great Terrour of that City, which being incumber'd with Multitudes, fled into it from the Romans, could not long keep Famine out, which would let in the Romans. Atilius finds this Advantage, but doubting they will hold out 'till his Year expire, and so the next Consuls shall have the Honour, he treats of Peace with Carthage, that he may reap his own Fruit; Ambition seeking only to gratify it self; but Atilius's Conditions were so unworthy, that the Carthaginians disdain'd 'em, changing Fear into a Couragious Resolution to defend their Liberty to the last Man. To strengthen their Resolution, Xantippus, a Spartan, a very expert Souldier, with a great Troop of Greeks formerly sent for, came, who shewing the Errours of the Commanders in the former Over-throw, to the Senate, is made General of Twelve thousand Foot, four thousand Horse, and one hundred Elephants, which were all the Forces which Carthage could raise at home, to fight for Liberty, Lives and all. But such as use Mercenaries, as they did, are stronger abroad than at home, as we see in their other Armies of one hundred and forty thousand, and one hundred and fifty thousand at Sea, &c. Xantippus so ordered this Army in a Level Ground, that he utterly overthrew the Romans, took Atilius and five hundred others, and slew all the rest but two thousand, &c. Thus one wise head overmatch many Hands. Atilius, upon his word, went to Rome to treat about Exchange and Ransome of Prisoners, which he dissuaded, considering the loss Rome should take thereby; and returning to Carthage, dyed by Torture, as a Malicious obstinate Enemy, whose vain-glorious Frowardness rather than necessity of State, the Romans afterwards slighted, and made the Exchange; losing all he had gotten, and more; as did the Flanderkins at Gaunt.

§. 9. Carthage, by this Victory, recovered all in Africa, but Clypea, kept by the Romans, to whose Succour three hundred and fifty Gallies are sent, which being encountred by two hundred from Carthage, they took one hundred and fourteen of them, and taking on board their Besieged Men at Clypea, return from Sicily, hoping to get all there that Carthage held. The Pilots persuade them to put into Harbour, the Season threatning a Storm, urging that the South of Sicily hath no good Ports; but these Men being Conquerors, desperately oppose the Elements, and near Cameria, all their Fleet but Eighty three were cast away, which was the remainder of their late Victory. The Carthaginians hoping to recover command at Sea, send Asdrubal with two hundred Gallies, with all the old Souldiers, and one hundred and forty Elephants, which land at Lilybaeum; while the Romans make a hundred and twenty Ships, which, with the remainder of their Wrack, they sent to Panormus, and surrounded it by Sea and Land, and take it. Then they visit Africk again, make some Spoil, but in return between Panormus and Italy, Neptune spoiled them of all that Mars had given, with the loss of a hundred and fifty Ships; so that now the Sea hath devoured four hundred and six Ships and Gallies, and made them resolve to keep the Land; and upon Experience of Atilius's loss by Elephants, they dread fighting in Champain Countries. But finding how impossible possible it was to succour the places they held in Sicily by Land-Marches, against the speedy Passage of the Carthaginians by Sea, they change their minds.

§. 10. Coetilius with half of the Roman Army in Panormus, is attempted by Asdrubal and his Forces, from Lilybaeum, who sending his Elephants before against a Legion which came by Appointment, to draw them on under colour of retireing, 'till they came to a Trench which they could not pass; where being repell'd by the Souldiers in it, inraged, they turn on their own Foot and disorder them. Caecilius seeing the advantage, brake out, • lew many and took the Elephants. Rome hereupon, hoping at once to end the Fourteen Years War of Sicily, prepare a new Fleet of two hundred Sail, which is sent to Lilybaeum, the only place of Importance in the Cartbaginians Hands. This Himilco, with a Garrison of ten thousand, held against them; and Hannibal, Son of Amilcar, is sent with ten thousand more, which he led into the City in despite of all resistance. During this Siege, a Rhodian undertook, with a very swift Gally, to enter the Town through the Roman Fleet, and performed it, coming back again to Carthage; after the Rhodian, others performed as much, which made the Romans sink so many Ships with Stones, that the Passage was block'd up, so that at his next coming he was taken, with another Carthaginian Gally. Lilybaeum begins to be distressed by continual watching and labour; but in this Despair, some of the Roman Engines are thrown down by a violent Storm, and burnt by a Greek Souldier; which the Romans would not repair, but resolve to starve the Defendants. M. Claudius a Consul, arrives with ten thousand, and re-inforced the Army, and propounds the Surprize of Drepanum, a City on the other side of the Bay, which all imbrace, and being imbarked, Arrive. Adherbal, a Valiant and prudent Warriour, exh • rting his Men to Fight abroad rather than to be shut up at home, puts to Sea; the Consul's Fleet being more in haste to surprize than in order to defend, is forced into a Bay in which he wants room to range himself. In this streight he forceth his way out with Thirty Gallies, and fled, leaving Ninety four Ships to his Enemies Entertainment. L. Iunius a Consul, is sent from Rome with sixty Gallies to take the Charge, who met the remainder of the Fleet at Messana, except some in Lilybaeum Port, and made up a hundred and twenty Gallies, and eight hundred Ships of Burden, and at Syracuse, sent the Questors or Treasurers with half the Provision of some Gallies for Convoy. Adberbal, upon this Victory, not being secure, sends Carthalo with a hundred Gallies to try what he can do in Lilybaeum Port, who surprized, took and burnt all the Gallies in it; and Coasting along the South, met with Consul Iunius's Victuallers, forced them into a Road full of Rocks, where Carthalo took some of them, waiting for the rest who could not stay long in so dangerous a place. Whilst he is thus waiting for them the Consul is discovered, against whom he went out, who is also glad to take into a dangerous Creek. Carthalo takes a station, sit to watch which will stir first; but discerning a Storm at hand, he made haste to double the Cape of Pachinus, and left the Consul to the boisterous South Wind, which utterly wrackt all his Gallies, &c. Rome at the Report hereof again renounces the Sea, resolving rather to trust to their Legions upon firm Land.

§. 11. Iunius the Consul to regain the Honour he had lost at Sea, resolves to attempt Erix on the Mount, which he took, and Fortify'd as being fit for a Garrison between Lilybaeum and Panormus. Shortly after in the Eighteenth Year of this War, Amilcar, sirnamed Barcas ▪ Father of G. Hannibal, is sent with a Fleet and Army, with which he so wasted the Locrians and Brutians, that he repayed the Roman Spoils. In Sicily he settles himself between Panormus and Erix, and three Years molested the Romans; and after found way into Erix before the Guards, either at the bottom or on the top of the Hill, knew it, and there he kept them in play almost two Years. Rome now knows no way to be rid of this obstinate Warriour, 'till they command the Sea, which requires a Fleet, and (they having wasted the common Treasure) the private Citizens must make it good. It is decreed, and two hundred Gallies are by the Rhodian Pattern raised and committed to C. Luctatius Catullus. Hanno, Admiral of the Carthaginian Fleet, well furnish'd as he thought, for them at Erix, but neither with fit Mariners nor stout Fellows, as soon appear'd. For Catullus the Consul having well exercised his Men in rowing, he lightned his Gallies, and stored all of them with choice Land Souldiers, which Hanno was so deficient in, that at the first Encounter he had fifty stem'd, seventy taken, and ten thousand made Prisoners▪ Carthage thus utterly discourag'd, sends to Amilcar, referring it wholly to his Wisdom what to do, who considering the present necessity, sent to Luctatius to treat of Peace, who, upon the same consideration of Romes present Poverty, agreed on Conditions, which were sent to Rome, who sent Commissioners to conclude the Peace. Carthage is expell'd out of Sicily, restores Prisoners, and payed three thousand two hundred Talents in Twenty Years.

CHAP. II. What pass'd between the First and Second Punick Wars.

§. 1. THE Carthaginians thus quit of Sicily and the Islands about it, have now leisure to think how to help themselves in a following War, rather than to be content with the present Peace; for that the Conquerors give and the Conquered receive Laws. But Rome forgot in this Affair what had been answered a Senator, demanding what Peace Rome may hope for, or be assured of, if they quitted the present Advantage over them? It was Answered, if the Peace you give us be good and faithful, it will hold; if it be ill, it will not. The Senate approved the Answer as manly and free; for who will believe that any People will endure an over-hard Condition longer than Necessity compells. They therefore grosly flatter themselves, to think that the Carthaginians, inferiour neither in Power or Pride, will sit down with loss and dishonour any longer than they are deprived of the means and opportunity of Revenge. But when the Army of the Carthaginians was to be transported home, which Amilcar committed to Gesco, who considering the great Sums Carthage did owe the Souldiers, more than the City was able to pay, they sent them over in smal Numbers, to be dispatched and sent away before the Arrival of others of their Fellows. The Governors on the contrary put them off, 'till all were come; and to avoid the disorders of such lawless Guest, sent them to Sicca to prevent their coming to Carthage. Then Hanno • is sent to persuade them to be content with part of their Pay, considering the Poverty of the City. They which had expected the uttermost Farthing with some donative, hearing this, are inraged, and resolving to demand their due nearer home, remove to Tunis, not far from Carthage, which now began to see her Errours against that old Rule, Have special care that valiant Poverty, Be not opprest with too great Injury.

Many other Errours, besides the first gathering together so many in Arms whom they went to wrong, were committed, as thrusting out their Wives and Children, who might have been Hostages, and to send Senators, daily promising to satisfie all demands. By these shiftings, the Souldiers perceive the City's fear, and thereupon raise other demands besides Pay. The Commotion increased, and they are requested to refer all to any that had commanded in Sicily; and they chose Gesco, who had made a quiet end but for two seditious Persons, Spendius and Matho, who prevail with the African Souldiers, putting all in uproar; neither could Gesco's, offering to pay the whole stipend, pacify them, who now seek a Quarrel rather than Money. They therefore chose Spendius and Matho Captains, and upon further Speech which Gesco made, which discontented them, they cast him and those that came with him into Bonds, and lay violent Hands upon the Treasure he brought for them. Matho and Spendius send Embassadors to solicit all Africk, easily stirred up against Carthage, which now must hear of their Oppressions, in exacting half their Corn, Tribute, and were extreme in punishing small Offences: For Adversity hath been told of her Errors. Now all that are able fly to Arms, and the very Women bring forth their Jewels, so that besides seventy Thousand Africans which came in, their Treasure vastly encreased.

§. 2. Tyranny must use the help of Mercenaries, which commonly are as false, as the War against Tyrants is Cruel. Tyranny is a violent Form of Government; respecting the Commanders pleasure, and not the good of Subjects. Violent it is, seeing no Man can yield willing Obedience, where his Life and Wellfare is not regarded. Tyrants which are most Cruel seem mild sometimes to some for their own advantage; but in large Dominions, where they cannot take such particular knowledge of Men, he who cannot endure the face of one so honest, as will put him in mind of moderation, will not bound his desires. The sweetness of Oppression from a few, inflames his appetite to spare none, seeing there is no cause to respect one more than other; and Covetousness is never satisfied. Having squeez'd from all, yet believing every one could have spared more, and he knows many pretend want without cause; and therefore deviseth new tricks of Robbery, which please him as much as the gain, devouring the recreation of his Spirit: He knows he is hated for it, and therefore seeks to turn hatred into fear, by cruelty against the suspected, whether justly or no, so that the Conspirator can be no more fearful of his Tyranny than the Inocent. Wherefore thinking upon his own security, he must disarm all, fortifie himself in some strong place, and take a guard of lusty Souldiers, not of Subjects, lest any one grow to the feeling of the common misery; but of Strangers, which neither have Wealth nor Credit at home. To make the •• his own, they shall be permitted to do as he doth, to Rob, Ravish, Murder, a • d satisfy their own Appetites.

§. 3. Carthage c • lls us back to proceed with her Mercena • ies 〈◊〉 Arms against her, at the Siege of Vtica and Hippag •• • a, •• ted on the Western Haven of Carthage, the rest of 〈◊〉 Forces encamped at Tunis. Hanno is sent with • ower against them from Carthage; whose sudden 〈◊〉 made them forsake their Tents, to flye to a r •• gh high ground to avoid his Hundred Elephants; • ut perceiving he was entred the City, they return, force his Camp with great slaughter, took his Provision, and possessed all Passages from Carthage. The Carthaginians upon this loss send Amilcar with Ten Thousand Men and Seventy Elephants more, whose Passage over the Bridge of Macra or Bagradas the Mercenaries having taken by Hanno's oversight, Amilcar was forc'd to take his opportunity formerly observed by him, when the Rivers mouth us'd to be stop'd with Sand and Gravel, and so passed over, to the Enemies amazement, which yet took heart by the coming of Fifteen Thousand Men from Vtica, besides Ten Thousand which guarded the Bridge. Their Army now far exceeded his; they wait their advantage, but with some disorder, which Amilcar espying, made haste in his March as if he had fled, which drew the Enemy to follow confusedly, as to a Victory; but by his wheeling about upon them Six Thousand of them were slain, and Two Thousand taken. After this, Narvasus who led Two Thousand Numidian Horse, sent to the Mercenaries, and came over to Amilcar, as being a Man of Honour; with whose assistance Amilcar set upon Spendius, and slew Ten Thousand, and took Four Thousand Prisoners, whom he kindly treated. Matho, Spendius, and other Leaders, to prevent the falling away of their Men by allurement of Amilcar's lenity to such, procure a general consent to put Gesco and his Fellows to death, so to make them odious to Carthage; and decree further to kill all Carthaginian Prisoners; which execrable fury and desperation, was like the Councel of Achitophel. Vtica and Hippagreta now fall from Carthage, and slew their Garrison, so that Hanno comes to joyn with Amilcar, but by reason of the animosity between them, the common Cause is little promoted; so by judgment of the Army Hanno was sent home, and Hannibal succeeded him.

The Mercenaries with Fifty Thousand Men are come near Carthage, but too weak to assault it or famish it, having the Sea open, by which it received Succour from Syracuse, and Rome made overtures of like assistance. Amilcar is at their backs, keeping them in; and when they durst not leave their higher ground for fear of Amilcar's Elephants, and Narvasus's Horses, Amilcar to prevent what Desperation might put them to, shut them up with Trench and Rampart; so while they expect aid from Matho at Tunis, Famine forced them to eat their Prisoners, and then one another. In this extremity they force Spendius and Two others to go to Amilcar to seek Peace, which was granted, upon condition he shall chuse any Ten, and the rest to depart in their Shirts. Amilcar chose Spendius, and the two with him, and with his Army goeth to chuse the rest; which the Mercenaries thinking to be to assault them, ran the two Armies in confusion, and were all slain to the number of Four Thousand. Amilcar proceeds to Tunis, in the Siege whereof Hannibal is taken by Matho, and Crucified as Spendius had been; upon which loss, Hanno is sent upon a feigned reconciliation with Amilcar, which shortly after overthrew Matho, and ended that War of two Years and four Months:

§. 4. Carthage being endangered by her Sicilian Mercena • ies at home, was also troubled with Mercenaries in Sardinia, which murthered the Governour; against whom another Hanno was sent, with as many Mercenaries as Carthage could spare; who also • lew Hanno, and joyned with the first, and expelled all the Carthaginians. Then looking to succeed in Command of the Island, the Inhabitants withstood them, and expelled them; neither would the Romans, invited by them, undertake it; as they likewise refused to accept Vtica offering it self. This might have served for an example of Roman Faith to Posterity, if they had not thrust themselves into it after Carthage had ended her home Wars, and prepared for Sardinia, which the Romans pretending to be against Rome it self, made the Quarrel to proclaim War; which forced Carthage in her present weakness to renounce her Right in Sardinia.

§. 5. Carthage having found her own Punick Faith and Dealing at the hands of Rome, learned how necessary it was to make her self strong, or resolve to submit to Rome; and because the Roman jealousie forbad them to attempt any thing in the Midland-Sea, they resolve upon an Expedition to Spain, which they commit to Amilcar, who in Nine Years subdued most of the Country, and was then slain in Battle with the People which then inhabited Portugal. Asdrubal his Son-in-Law succeeded, enlarged their Dominions, and built Carthagena in the Kingdom of Granado. Rome grew jealous, but knows not how to ground a quarrel, having no acquaintance in Spain. They send to Asdrubal, requiring him not to pass over Iberus, hoping his Resolute Spirit would give them a ground to work upon, but are deceived, by his appearance to conform to their will. The Saguntines on the South of Iberus perceiving how Carthage gave way to Rome, entred Confederation with her; which the Carthaginians, now grown strong, thought to be an ill example, and to their prejudice, and remembring old injuries, prepare against the Saguntines.

§. 6. Greece during the first Punick War after Pyrrhus's Death, had somewhat recover'd her Liberty through the dissentions in Macedon, which after Pyrrhus, was established in Antigonus the Son of Demetrius, and his Issue, as Aegypt was in Ptolomy's, and Asia and Syria in Seleucus. Antigonus being after Pyrrhus driven out by Alexander the Son of Pyrrhus, was restored by his own Son Demetrius, who also expelled Alexander the Epirot out of Epirus. Demetrius also got his Father possession of the Citadel of Corinth, which was the entrance by Land into Peloponnesus. Demetrius succeeded Antigonus in Macedon Ten Years, and left Philip a young Son, his Uncle Antigonus being Protector, who held it for life, and by the dissentions of Greece got no less Authority therein than old Philip had done by the same means. The Achaians in his time were grown the most powerful People of Greece, unto whom many other Cities united themselves, by means of Aratus a Sicyonian, who having freed Sicyon from the Tyrant which held it, for fear of Antigonus, entred the League. He also surprized the Citadel of Corinth, and the Magarians fell from him, and joyned with Achaia, as did other States. Aratus freed Argos, Megapons, and Hermion from their Tyrants, and by Mony gain'd the Captains of the Garrison in Athens. Now also the Aetolians grew powerful, but after Devastations made in Peloponnesus, they were glad to beg assistance of Achaia against Demetrius, yet ungratefully they sought to • et the Lacedemonians against them, and drew in Antigous. Lacedemon at that time was in a weak Condition, but by Cleomenes one of their Kings, was raised to such hopes, that he was so bold as to claim the Principality of Greece. Aratus seeing the danger of Achaia by the Lacedemonians rising, which he knew not how to stop, used means to Antigonus, giving him hopes of the Achaians submitting to him. But it had been more honourable if Aratus had ended the War, withdrawing Achaia to yield to Cleomenes, seeing he had s • freed his Country of further trouble, and the Macedonian Command. But as disdain at the Lacedemonians rising over them carried them to Antigonus, so Aratus that wrought it, lost his Honour and Life by the Macedonians, who might have been Fellows, with Cleomenes, with whom Ptolomy joyned, and left the Achaians, with whom he had been in League. After this, Cleomenes gave them such an overthrow, that they sought Peace, which was willingly yielded upon fair Conditions, that Lacedemon should lead in the Wars, and will restore all Persons and Places taken. Aratus opposed this all he could, so that Cleomenes proceeded with his War, and many Cities became his; whereupon Aratus hasteneth Antigonus, who promiseth help, if he may be put in possession of the Corinthian Citadel, which Aratus promised, and sent his Son for Hostage. The Corinthians importune Cleomenes to prevent this, which he sought to do by all fair offers to Aratus, which he rejected, surrounding it with Trenches, but all in vain, for upon the danger of losing Argos, Cleomenes went to rescue his Garrison there, and in the mean time Corinth yielded to Antigonus, who following Cleomenes, disappointed him at Argos also, and after took in many other Places, so that Sparta shortly lost all again to Antigonus, whom Aratus honoured even as a God, offering Sacrifice to him at his being at Sicyon, which Example the other Cities of Achaia followed. For though Cleomenes performed many brave Services, and put many Affronts upon Antigonus, yet at length in a Battel at Selasia he was overthrown, and all his Forces broken, and himself returning to Sparta, persuaded the little remainder to yield to Antigonus, and so departed from them, embarking for Egypt, where Ptolomy lovingly entertain'd him. Thus ended the Glory of Lacedemon, which as a Light ready to go out, had with a great, but no long blaze, shined more brightly of late than in some Ages past; and Cleomenes a generous Prince, but his Son Leoniaus, who had wretchedly brought worthy King Agis his Fellow, with his Mother and Grandmother unto a bloody end, • lew himself in Aegypt, and had his own Wife and Grand Children murdered by the vicious young Prince Ptolomy Philopater. Antigonus after this entred Sparta, whereinto the force of the Enemies could never make way before, where he kindly treated the Citizens, and left them to their own Laws; but he could not stay, the Illyrians wasting Macedon, whom he overcame; but by straining a Vein died soon after. Philip the Son of Demetrius, a Boy succeeded in Macedon, as did Antiochus the Great in Asia, and Ptolomy Philopater in Aegypt, who was young also, &c.

§. 7. Rome subdued Sardinia, and Corsica, and the Illyrians, while Carthage is Conquering Spain. The Illyrians Inhabited the Country now called Slavonia, whom Demetrius King of Macedon hired to rescue the Macedonians so distressed by the Aetolians, yet strive for dividing the Booty before the Town was won, as did the French at Poictiers, and Agin-Court. But the Illyrians ended the Controversie, slew many, and took more, and divided their Baggage. The Illyrians proud of worsting the stoutest of the Greeks, Tuta their Queen gave them liberty to rob at Sea whom they could, Friend or Foe, and sent an Army by Sea and Land, which invaded Epirus, and took Phaenice by the Treachery of Eight Hundred Gauls entertain'd there, being driven out of Sicily by the Romans for the like Treachery. Lying here, they made prize of many Italian Merchants, and being called home take a Ransom of the Epirots for the Town and Prisoners, and returned home. Rome sent to Teuta requiring satisfaction for the Italian Merchants; but she refused, and answered, Kings use not to forbid their Subjects to get by Sea what they can. And when one of the Roman Ambassadors replied, That their manner was to revenge such private injuries, and would teach her to reform her Kingly manner, without all regard of the common Law of Nations, she slew him. The Romans to revenge this injury, who can take no satisfaction but with the Sword, sent an Army by Sea, and another by Land. Touching the Law of Nations concerning Ambassadors, it seems grounded on this; that seeing without Mediation there would never be an end of War, it was thought equal to all Nations by light of Nature, that Ambassadors should pass safely between Enemies; yet if any State lay hand upon their Enemies Embassador not sent to them, but to solicite a third Nation against them; or shall practise against the Person of the Prince, to whom he is sent, this Law will fail him. Teuta sends out a great Fleet, Commanded by Demetrius Pharos, of which, part took Corcyra, an Island in the Adriatique, the other Besieged Dyrracticum, when the Queen called home Demetrius, I know not why; but so as he chose rather to yield Corcyra to the Roman Consul, and the Illyrian Garrison, and went with him to Appolonia, not far off, which Pintus calls Sissopolis; where the other Consul, with Land Forces, met, and went to Durazzo and rais'd the Siege. From thence they enter Illyrium, and put the Queen to flight to Rison and prosecute the War, force her to seek for Peace, to quit the better part of Illyrium, which they commit to Demetrius, and to pay Tribute for the rest to Rome.

§. 8. Rome took the next Arms against the Gauls in Lumbardy, a fierce unadvised People; more then Men at the first onset, but less than Women after; by whom Italy had many Alarms, but few Wars; especially when Rome had to do with other great Enemies, as Pyrrhus or Carthage, when they might have said little to it. The Romans, three Years before Pyrrhus had set upon the Gauls at home, upon a slaughter in the Senones, a Tribe of Gauls made of Lucius Coecilus and his Army at Arretium in Hetruria, and had expelled the Senones and placed a Colony of Romans. This made all the Tribes of the Gauls, with those which dwelt on both sides of the Alps, to enter into League, to prevent their own expulsion; the Insubrians Inhabited the Dutchy of Milan, &c. who also hired the Gessates on Rodanus, and made an Army of fifty Thousand Foot, and twenty Thousand, Horse, all choice Men, besides the Seno-Galli before expelled. The Cenonians and Venetians adhere to Rome, and which, upon that occasion, caused a view of all their own and Allies Forces to be taken, set down by Polybius, where may be seen the Power of Rome in those days; Seven hundred Thousand Foot, and seventy Thousand Horse: But all Heads are not fit for Helmets. The one Consul with his part of the Army, which was four Legions, and thirty thousand Foot of the Allies, and two thousand Horse, met them in Tuscany, where, by a plain stratagem of shew, to flag the Gauls, they slew six thousand; but upon the coming of Lucius Emilius the other Consul, they resolve upon Retreats. This had been Advantagious before the Enemy had been in Sight, but extreme dangerous in head of the Enemy, and all in Fear; as the French found at Naples, and the Gauls now, who being follow'd by one Consul, and met by another; is forced and lost forty thousand and their Courage, and in a short time all they had in Italy. Thus the Romans spent twenty Three Years Peace with Carthage.

CHAP. III. Of the Second Punick War.

§. 1. HAnnibal about twenty six Years old, chosen General of the Carthaginian Forces in Spain, is envied by Hanno and his Party, neither being able to Tax the Virtue of their Enemies, nor recommend themselves by any Service to the Common-Wealth; except in dissuading from War, and cautious Advice not to provoke the Romans. But the Senate and People, who knew the Romans Oath was no Security to Carthage, unless she would become their Subject, did the more highly esteem him, as A • ilcar his Father who had saved them. Knowing therefore the Peace continu'd but 'till Rome could find Advantage, they wished the beginning of the War rather while their State was in good Condition, than to stay 'till being fallen into distress, the Enemy should begin it. Hannibal well understood this, as also the advantage in getting the start, and therefore thought long 'till he was dealing with them, before they should have notice of his purpose, which could not be conceal'd if once he came to Action; besides the hinderance by slow and timerous proceeding therein. Before therefore he would provoke the Romans by attempting Saguntum, he wisely ended the Conquest of all that lay between, as the Olcades near Tagus, and Vaccai in Old Castile, where they took Salamanca, and Arbu • ala. But the Spring following, all that had escaped, joyning with the Toletans, to the number of One Hundred Thousand able Men, stayed Hannibal on the Banks of Tagus, which runneth by Lysbourn, supposing his accustom'd Courage would now neglect discretion, as he seemed to do at other times. But he that is as a Chrystal for every Eye to see through, makes himself an Ass for every Man to ride or drive; whereas wise and honest Men, in that which is Just and Virtuous, are like Coffers with double Bottoms, which shew not all at once. Before he was General, he was of all Men the most venturous, which doth not always become a General; and therefore he now dissembles Fear, and draweth back from the River, as fearing to ford it, by that means to draw his Enemies into it. But when he saw them pushing disorderly into the swift Stream, he turned his Camels to entertain their Landing, and pressing in with his Horse above and beneath upon them, made a great slaughter, which amazed the Spaniards on that side the River of Iberus. The Saguntines post their Ambassadors to Rome, who pr • ceed Roman like, with deliberation, sending Ambassadors to and fro, while Hannibal prepareth, and found out also a pretence like that which the Romans made use of with the Mamertines, for the Turdetani injured by the Saguntines, implored his help. The Romans were as glad of the Quarrel, but were not yet ready, and therefore temporize 'till they could raise an Army to remove the Seat of War to Saguntum. In the mean time Demetrius Pharius whom the Romans had made their Illyrian King, rebelled; against whom Aemilius was sent, but before his Landing in Illyria, Hannibal sat down before Saguntum; where by a Sallie made by the Citizens, he was dangerously wounded, but before it was long he put them all to the Sword; many shut themselves in their Houses, and then • ired them. See Cap. 4. §. 8. Rome storms at the News, and will be revenged. She sends to Carthage to know whether Hannibal had their allowance; which question Carthage calls insolent, and gives them an impertinent answer; forgetting, as Polybius thinks, to charge Rome with breach of Oath in taking Sardinia from them: But in the end both sides resolve upon War, as that which both desire. This is plain dealing, and no wrangling about breach of Covenants, which they only stand about, who are unwilling to fight. For Kings understand the obligation of a Treaty by the Condition of their own advantage, and commonly the best advised begin with the Sword, and then with the Trumpet, as the Arrogonois with the French in Naples, and Philip the Second of Spain with England, taking all our Ships in his Ports. Hannibal besides the forwardness of Carthage, had also been sworn by his Father to pursue Rome with immortal hatred, being but Nine Years old, which I doubt not but some Kings not at peace with us, were charged with by their Predecessors, to declare themselves our Enemies when their Coffers were full.

§. 2. Hannibal upon this resolves to visit Rome, instructing Asdrubal his Brother about the Government of Spain; and sends as many Troops of Spa •••••• into Africk, as there were Africans in Spain, to be Pledges each Nation for other, viz. Thirteen Thousand Eight Hundred and Fifty Foot, and One Thousand Two Hundred Horse, with Four Thousand young Men of Quality out of the best Cities, to be Garrison'd in Carthage, and with his Brother he left Fifty Seven Gallies, Twelve Thousand Africans, and of other Foreigners Two Thousand, and Twenty One Elephants. Then he sends to the Pirene Mountaineers and Gauls for a quiet passage, and in the Spring passeth over Iberus Ninety Thousand Foot, and Twelve Thousand Horse, with which he Conquer'd Spain on the East of that River, and left one Hanno with Ten Thousand Foot, and One Thousand Horse to Govern it. At the Borders he dismissed the Spaniards that desired it, and so with Fifty Thousand Foot, and Nine Thousand Horse, he entred Gaul, and by fair words and gifts passed to Rhodanus, where the Vivaretz to be rid of them gave way and directed him; yet he was put to some trouble on the other side, and in passing over his Elephants on Boughs of Trees covered with Turffs, and towed over. Then the Cisalpine Gauls in Piemont and Milan, lately revolted from Rome, and came over to him, and gave him Guides over the Alps; yet was he exceedingly molested by the Savoiards, and put to loss both of Carriages and Men, besides Fifteen Days tedious March over the Mountains in the beginning of Winter.

§. 3. The Cisalpine Gauls before Hannibal's coming had revolted from Rome, and besieged the Roman Commissioners in Modena, when they could not force Cremona and Placentia, two Roman Colonies; but seeming weary, and desirous of Peace, Rome sent Ambassadors, whom they detain. Manlius the Praetor, who lay in those parts with an Army, coming to relieve the Besieged, is overthrown by the Gaul's Ambush in a Wood, and Atilius his fellow Praetor sent with another supply was beaten, &c. Rome not dreaming that the Carthaginians after so many indignities slavishly endured, would grow so brave as to look into Italy, had sent Titus Sempronius, one of their Consuls, with an Army, and Two Hundred and Sixty Quinqueremes into Africk, and P. Cornelius Scipio the other Consul, with an Army into Spain, hoping to find Hannibal there. But he hearing at Massilia that Hannibal was past over Rhodanus, sent his Brother Curius Cornelius Scipio with the greatest part of the Forces to try Asdrubal; and himself with some choice Men hastened after Hannibal by Sea to Pisa, and so to Lumbardy, where he gathered together the broken Troops of the beaten Praetor.

§. 4. Hannibal after Five Months tedious Journey, and having past the Alps, hath but Twenty Thousand Foot and Six Hundred Horse left of those he muster'd at Rhodanus, as the Monument he raised in Iuno's Temple witnesseth, besides the Gauls, Lycurgians, &c. lately joyned. In Piemont he forced the City Turine, which had refused his Alliance, which drew many Gauls and others to joyn with him, and prepared others which yet held off, hearing of the Consul Scipio's coming; which wavering made both Generals to hasten the Trial. Ticinum was the place where they exhort their Armies, and where Hannibal set before his "the desperate sight of his Savoy Captives which he had used so miserably, that he who was slain by his Fellow thought he succeeded well, though he which overcame had Liberty, with an Horse and Mony. This he shewed his Souldiers was their case, whose Life without Victory will be a bondage worse than Death, but with Victory will be well rewarded." Scipio encouraged his Men by the Victories of their Ancestors even over the Carthaginians; that these were but a declining Troop of Rebels, feeble by hard travel, and many wants. In the Battle Scipio was dangerously wounded, and left in the place, if his Son (after Sirnamed Africanus had not brought him off. The Consul seeing his Horsemen beaten, and the rest discouraged, made his retreat to Placentia. Hannibal after two Days got over Ticinum, and presented himself before Placentia, but no Man looks out; whereupon the Consul's Gauls fell from him to Hannibal, who sent them home with kind usage, the better to persuade their Nation to confederacy. The Consul steals away in the Night, but had been overtaken by the Numidian Horsmen, if they had not stayed to plunder his Camp, while he recovered the Bank of Trebia, where he fortified himself, expecting his Fellow Consul. The Gauls come over dayly to Hannibal, who is in want of Victuals, but relieved himself by taking Chastidium, in which all the Roman Store and Ammunition lay, which was betrayed to him. Rome hearing of these Disasters, will revenge it by Sempronius the other Consul, with his Armies at Ariminum, which being brought to Trebia, where Scipio lay of his Wounds, Sempronius will have the honour of the day before the other recovers, or his Office now almost out should expire; neither can he be dissuaded. Hannibal by the Gauls in their Camp understanding it, conceal'd his Brother Mago within an Ambush in a low place overgrown with Reeds, who pressing the Enemy in the Reer, while the other charged them in Front and Flank, Twenty Six Thousand of the Romans were slain. Sempronius erred, First, Fighting in a Champion Country, to the advantage of Hannibal's Elephants. Secondly, in not discovering the Ground. Thirdly, In leading his weary hungry Men through the River, immediately to fight with fresh and well-fed Men.

§. 5. Winter is wellcome to the beaten Romans, who kept themselves warm in Cremona and Placentia, whom yet Hannibal kept waking, &c. The Lygurians joyn with Hannibal, and put into his hand two Roman Quaestors, or Treasurers, two Colonels, and five Sons of the Senators, of which he kept the Romans in miserable Bondage, but sent home their followers. Having wearied those Gauls where he wintred, when the Year was well advanc'd he pass'd the Appenine Mountains with such difficulty, that he chose to take through the Fenns, in which he lost his Elephants, and the use of one Eye with the severity of his March, and so came to Aretium, where wasting all the Countries, about Sixteen of which he set on fire just by Flaminius the Consul, an hot-headed popular Orator, who intending to quench it with Carthaginian Blood, fell unadvisedly into Hannibal's Troops, between Cortona, and the Lake Thrasamene, where he and Fifteen Thousand of the Romans were slain, and Six Thousand escaped to the M • untains; where being discover'd, they stay'd not, but yet were overtaken by Maharbal, to whom they yielded upon promise of Liberty, which Condition Hannibal would not allow, being made without him; a trick learned of the Romans to break Covenants. Now he had Fifteen Thousand Italian Prisoners, of which the Romans he kept to hard meats, but freed the rest, in hopes to make the Italians his Allies; but an ancient Reputation is not so soon lost. Servilius the other Consul not knowing what was done, sent Centronius with Four Thousand Men to encrease the Army; but Maherbal intercepted them, slew half, and the rest yielded, the News whereof made Servilius hasten to the defence of Rome. Thus we discern the fruits of popular Jealousie in changing the Commanders in War yearly, which endangereth the growth of the Empire. For the best Wit in the World cannot inform it self in the compass of one year of all the good helps requisite to the prosecution of War to the best effect, as Caesar did in Gaul by Ten Years continuance.

§. 6. Rome amazed at this success, and the immin • nt danger, flye to an old Remedy long out of use, and create a Dictator, whose Office was above a Consul, and scarcely subject to any controul. The People as having Supream Authority, chose Fabius Maximus, the best Man of War in the City, who chose M. Minutius Rufus Master of the Horse, which is as his Lieutenant. Fabius began with Reformation in Religion, a commendable beginning if the Religion had been good. The Sybil's Books were herein consulted, which directed Vows to Mars, a Sacrifice to Iupiter, and a Temple to Venus, which Trumperies prove the Books written by an ill Spirit. Fabius sets out with four Legions, and received Servilius's Army, and sent him to Sea to pursue the Carthaginian Fleet, which had intercepted the Supply sent to Scipio in Spain. Hannibal in the mean time refreshed his Men, armed the Africans after the Roman manner, and so Coasted toward Apulia, not to take any City by long Siege, which breaks the force of a great Army; but seeking to weaken the Romans reputation, desired to be Master of the Field, which would soon open the Gates of Cities. Therefore he presented Fabius Battel as soon as he saw him, but he would not bite; knowing the difference between old Victorious Souldiers and Novices, whom he would acquaint with dangers, and to look upon the Lyon afar off, before they set foot upon his Tail. Minutius had a contrary disposition, fiery, like Flaminius, taxing Fabius with Cowardise; but that moved not this well-advised Commander, who knew the danger of pursuing misfortune, which wasteth it self by Suffering, sooner than by Opposition. It is the Invading Army that desires Battel, and Hannibal's was also Victorious, therefore Fabius suffered him to fall upon the Rich Territory of Campania, himself keeping the Hills, being much weaker in Horse. But Winter drawing on, Hannibal cannot stay in the wasted Country, and could not get into a fresh, but must pass by the Dictator, who presumed he now had him fast, but was deceived; for Hannibal in a dark Night tying Faggots to the Horns of Two Thousand Ki • e, and setting them on fire, drove them over the Hills; which terrible sight caus'd Fabius to keep his Trenches, lest he should be circumvented, so Hannibal pass'd by. Fabius is call'd home about some matter of Religion, leaving the Army with Minutius, yet with peremptory Charge not to fight; but Minutius finding the Army of one mind, resolved to fight, though it were death to transgress the Dictator's Charge. His Success in the Encounter was good, having taken such advantage that he dared Hannibal in his Camp, and came off with the better. The Army applauds Minutius, but the People of Rome more, and by motion of Metellus a Tribune, seconded by Terentius Varro a Popular Fellow, Enemy to the Nobility, and who had been Praetor the last year, Minutius is joyn'd in equal Authority with Fabius: When they met Fabius divided the Army with Minutius by Lot, which the other likes not so well as to Command the whose by Course, but took his Lot, and incamped a mile and a half from the Dictator, as desirous to have occasion to Fight, as Fabius to the contrary. Hannibal design'd to try Minutius's Courage the next day, and in the Night conceal'd an Ambush of Horse and Foot in spacious Caves in the Vallie, and early in the Morning gave occasion to Minutius like the former, which he gladly took, but succeeded worse, and had lost all, if Fabius had not come to rescue him.

§. 7. Fabius is commended by the principal Citizens; but the inferiour sort cry out against his cold protracting the War, doing nothing of Consequence all his year. Terentius Varro took advantage to put in for the Consulship, which far exceeded his own worth, without the favour of the Multitude, which supply all his wants, especially having Bibilus Herenneus a Kinsman, Tribune of the People, who by his Place might speak what he pleas'd to assist him. This bold Orator inveighed against the Nobility, as the Causes which drew Hannibal into Italy, who now could not be expelled without a Plebeian Consul▪ The Fathers labour to hinder this, first by choice of a Dictator, which held not; and by an Inter-Regnum, which was a Government of Ten of the Fathers for Five Days; in which the heat of the Multitude might be assuaged, and all begin again; but after five Days no other but Terentius will be heard of; so that to bridle this violent Person, Lucius Paulus Aemilius a Worthy Honourable Man is chosen the second Consul, and a great levy of Men, which made up the Army under the old Consuls Eighty Thousand Foot, and Six Thousand Horse. While this preparation and other businesses are ordering at Rome, Hannibal who Wintred at Geryon in Apulia, took the Castle of Canne, where much of the Roman Provision lay, but Servilius the old Consul could do nothing 'till the new came. At their departing, Fabius gravely exhorted Aemilius not only to play the Man against the Carthaginians, but also in bridling the rashness of his Collegue; who answer'd, He would do his utmost for his Country, but would rather adventure upon the Enemie's Sword, than the Citizens malice.

§. 8. Aemilius with his Collegue being come to the Camp, took occasion to encourage the Souldiers by the Consideration of old Victories against the Carthaginians, and other more warlike Nations, the present great numbers, even all that Rome could make. Hannibal's Success was by Slight, not Valour; and they saw how destitute he was of the helps they had. They conceive all this, and the happiness of following such a Leader as they knew him to be; but mistook him, as if they should lose the Patience of waiting a Convenient Season, and only presume upon their advantage. But indeed there hapned an inconvenience, than which few are more dangerous, when they consider not the dissention of their Chief Commanders, while Varro upbraideth Aemilius's Advise to decline such an Opportunity, to savour too much of Q. Fabius; and Varro's hast by Aemilius is compared to Flaminius. Varro in his Day of Command removed into the Plains chose by Hannibal; Aemilius the next Day intrencheth, and will not stir, and sent part of the Army to the East of the River Aufidus, intrenching them. The want of skill in Varro, and his obstinate Resolution against his Fellow Consuls prudent Counsel, was great in suffering the Roman Army to be drawn along by Hannibal to fight in a place of the Enemies most advantage for his Horse, and in ranging his Army in form, good against Elephants, which the Enemy had not, but unprofitable against Horse, in which the Enemies had the advantage. The Battle began by Asdrubal upon Aemilius, whose Roman Gentlemen were over-matched in number and Horsemanship by the boisterous Gauls and Spaniards, who forced them to give back, so that Aemilius put himself on foot among the Legions, while Asdrubal pursued, and slew almost all his broken Troops; the Equites riding about him, who rescued him, did also alight with him to help their distressed Foot, which Hannibal esteemed a yielding. Terentius Varro his Collegue in the Left Wing, is troubled with Hanno or Maharbal, when Five Hundred Numidian Horse came in and threw down their Arms in token of yielding, whom he order'd to rest behind the Army 'till all were done. But these crafty Adventurers Arm'd under their Cloaths with short Swords, spying their time, fell on the hindermost of the Romans to their great terrour, which, Asdrubal having slain the Roman Troops, highly increas'd, by joyning with these Numidians, and so forced Terentius to trust to his Horses heels. The Numidian Light-Horsmen pursue him, while Asdrubal with the Gauls and Spanish Horse fall upon the backs of the Roman Foot, disorder'd by Hannibal, who had environ'd them on three sides; they being in a manner surrounded, a miserable slaughter was made of them, wherein it is probable that Aemilius dyed, and not that he got out wounded, as Livy reports; he was found with Lentulus in his flight, offering him his Horse, which he refused. All the Roman Army, except Four Thousand Foot and Two Thousand Horse, fell in this Slaughter with Aemilius; as for Terentius, he escaped to Venusia, with Seventy Foot almost, and about Two Thousand became Prisoners to the Numidians. The Roman Camps were a while defended, but in the end yielded, Eight Thousand of which became Prisoners, though Livy tells us but of Three Thousand Foot, and Three Hundred Horse taken Prisoners. Hannibal lost but Five Thousand Five Hundred Foot, and Two Hundred Horse; and had he pursued his Victory, as Maharbal persuaded, and forthwith marched to Rome, it is little doubted but the War had ended, as he was told, He knew how to get, but not to use a Victory.

§. Hannibal having plunder'd the Roman Camp, made head toward Samnium, where many Towns seemed to favour Carthage, of which Cossa opened to him, where he layed up his Baggage, and left Mago to take in other places, while himself hasted into Campania; where, as in all Cities of Italy, so especially there, the multitude generally affected him, for his sending home all their Citizens, whom he had taken with much Civility. This Fruitful Country of Campania, and Capua the Head, had design'd to open to him in Fabius the Dictator's days, if his nearness had not hindred it, which after the Victory at Cannae was taken away; yet having Three Hundred principal Gentlemen serving at Sicily under the Romans, whom they desire to recover before they fall off, they sent Ambassadors to Consul Terentius to sound him, formerly offering their Service. But he little bewailing the Romans misfortune, which had now lost all, said, Campania must now not help Rome only, but also make good the War against the Carthaginians. The Campanians hearing this of their Ambassadors, presently make a League with Hannibal, only Decius Magius opposed it to Capua where Hannibal came, and Condemned him as a Traytor; but to prevent the envy of his Execution, sent him to Carthage. Other Towns depending upon this, ran the same course; though the next Cities, as Nola, Nuceria, and Naples stood out for Rome, which yet was at this time in extream fear of Hannibal's coming, so that Terentius was called home to name a Dictator. At his coming it was wisely done to give a good welcome, to cover their fear, and prevent the lamentations of the multitude, which would have bred contempt of the Governours, and not out of Greatness of Spirit, as Livy would have it. M. Iunius is named Dictator, and T. Sempronius Master of the Horse, who presently raised four Legions, and One Thousand Horse, being forced to press Boys. To these were added Eight Thousand sturdy Slaves, encouraged with promise of Liberty upon deserts; Men also in Debt, and others in danger of Death for Capital Offences, are freed, if they will serve in this War. To Arm these, they took down the Spoils of Enemies heretofore hung up in their Temples and Porches. About this time Ten Agents sent by the Prisoners to Treat with the Senate about their Redemption, came, with whom Carthalo is sent by Hannibal to sound their disposition to Peace, whom they will not see, neither will redeem their Prisoners; pretending their Folly in not escaping by flight as others did, but their wants was the true Cause; for when such as escaped came, they condemned them to serve in Sicily, • ill the War ended, because they had fled. The Dictator takes the Field with twenty five Thousand Men, with whom he spent his time in Campania I know not how, while Hannibal made many idle Journeys between Nola and Naples; but Nola was forc'd to call for Marcellus a Praetor, with his Legion to hinder the Multitude from opening to Hannibal. Failing thus of Nola he got Nucera by composition; and returning to Nola, knowing the Affection of the Multitude, he sought to draw Marcellus out, but was out-witted by him. After this, hearing the Dictator was about Casiline, he went to seek him, not liking his being so near Capua, where he design'd to Winter; there he attempted Casilines, and won it by composition, and upon the Inhabitants departure, put in seven hundred Carthaginians for defence of the Campaign, and went to Winter at Capua.

§. 10. Mago, Son of Amilcar, is sent to Carthage, to make report of Hannibal's proceedings and Victories, and demand Supplies, which Hanno, his old Enemy hindred what he could; yet it was agreed to send him Forty Thousand Numidians, forty Elephants, and a great store of Silver; and in Spain to levy twenty thousand Foot and four Thousand Horse; which Aid was not so well compleated; for only the Elephants and some of the Money was sent. So Asdrubal's Journey out of Spain into Italy was much talked of, but not performed 'till many Years after, when Rome had recovered her self. Thus Hanno's contrivance to remove the War out of Italy into Spain, to force Emporiae and expel the Romans, was but to oppose Hannibal, in retarding the Supply agreed upon, to which the sparing Carthaginians were easily persuaded, but repented it too late; not seeing now that the safety of Carthage and Spain lay upon the Success in Italy.

§. 11. The Roman Victories in Spain by Scipio against Asdrubal, reported by Roman History proved improbable; and the Actions of Scipio there briefly run over; among other Arguments of improbability, that Scipio vanquish'd Asdrubal is that Objection of Fabius, cited and unanswer'd by Livy; if Asdrubal were Vanquish'd, how could he invade Italy with more than sixty Thousand? In running over the particular Actions of Scipio in Spain, I will not insist upon any that are uncertain. After Curius Scipio had done Wonders by Sea and Land, and taken in one hundred and twenty Estates, and driven Asdrubal into a Corner to hide himself; and that the Celtiberians had slain fifteen Thousand, and taken four Thousand, Publius Scipio came in with Supplies to help his Brother. These again beat Asdrubal by Sea and Land; so that he is forced to write to Carthage for Succours; but without any he is commanded to lead his Army forth into Italy, which Journey he prepared for, by great Impositions upon the Spaniard, raising much Treasure. But he cannot so pass, for at Ibera the Romans beat him, take and pillage his Camp, and upon this event, all Spain falls off from him, so that he hath small hopes of safety in Spain, and much less of Travailing into Italy. Of these Exploits, Advertisements are sent to Rome, and Letters to the Senate, that they have neither Money, Apparel nor Bread for Fleet or Army; so that for want they must leave the Province. These Contents of the Letters suit not well with the Advertisements of such Exploits; and came unseasonably to Rome, scarce able, after the loss at Cannae, to help it self at home. Yet forsooth, they are supplyed, and again beat Asdrubal twice, tho' he had sixty Thousand Men, and with sixteen Thousand, slew forty six Thousand. But according to Livy, the next Year, tho' all Spain had been twice gotten from the Carthaginians, and that they lost so many thousands, and plunder'd of the Treasure gathered by Asdrubal, yet is he able to pursue Publius Scipio, and set down by him at Mons Victoriae, and after removeth to Illiturgis, which he Besiegeth but is again beaten by Curius. Scipio, who, with one Legion of five Thousand enters the Town, and slew the next day twelve Thousand Carthaginians more, and took three Thousand Prisoners; and at Auringes slew eight Thousand. After all this, the Romans take Saguntum, and destroy the Turdetans, which argueth the Carthaginians were too weak to disturb them, or rather, the Romans took it by surprize; for as the many Sieges made by the Carthaginians, argue them Masters of the Field, so the Romans consuming a whole Year after, in gaining the Celtiberians, and that by express Condition of a great Sum of Money, to make War against the Carthaginians; yet if we will believe it, these Celtiberians had some Years before given Hostages to Scipio. With the access of thirty Thousand Celtiberians, the two Scipio's seek out the so oft beaten Carthaginians (if all former Reports were true) not far off nor so broken, having three Armies led by Asdrubal, Son of Amilcar, Mago, and Asdrubal Son of Gesco; Curius Scipio undertakes the first; Publius Scipio makes haste to the other two, being Five Days March off, lest they should run away upon the Report of their Fellows overthrow. But Publius Scipio, with two parts of the Roman Army, is met with, and forced to keep his Trenches; and yet not safe in them, steals out by Night, leaving Fonteius his Lieutenant with a few to keep the Camp, while he hoped to intercept seven Thousand five hundred Suessetans, but being pursued by the Numidian Horse, was slain. His Brother, twenty seven days after, meeting with Asdrubal, is forsaken of his Celtiberian Mercenaries, after a violent Flight in which he is overtaken, lost his Life, some few escaping to T. Fonteius, if it may be believed, considering the plainness of the Country. After this, L. Martius, a Roman Gentleman, gathers together the scatter'd Souldiers, and some Companies out of Garrisons, making up a pretty Army, with which he wrought Wonders, by report of Valerius Antias, &c. Martius magnifieth his Service by News at Rome, and stileth himself Propretor, at which the Senate is offended, and send Claudius Nero with twelve thousand Foot, and one thousand one hundred Horse, where he found almost all the Spanish Friends fa'ln off: But we must believe that he boldly advanced toward Asdrubal, Brother of Hannibal, and took him in such a streight, as that he offered to quit Spain if he might do it peaceably; yet was he called home, and Publius, Son of Publius Scipio sent Pro-consul into Spain. This Publius Scipio was a Man of a Noble Presence, singularly well Condition'd, especially in Temper, Continence, Bounty, and all Virtues which procure Love. To pass by the several Accounts of this Man given by Historians; if this one were true, that in all Rome no Man was found which durst desire the place 'till this Cornelius Scipio, but that twenty four stood up at the same time, then were not the Wonders reported of L. Martius like to be true. This Proconsul with Iunius Sillanus Propretor, lands at Emporiae with ten Thousand Foot and one Thou • and Horse, and Marcheth to Tarracon, and as soon as Winter was ended, attempted N. Carthage, which he surprized, and therein many Hostages of Spain, which he kindly sent home, and so drew many to his Friendship. Yet Asdrubal stayed not his Journey to his Brother in Italy, leaving Mago and the other Asdrubal in Spain. The Roman Historians tell us, that Scipio beat him into Italy, with many incoherent relations of the Spanish Affairs.

§. 12. Hannibal, as we heard, after the Battle at Cannae wintred at Capua, not attempting Rome, lest not carrying it without a long Siege, he should be forced, for want of Victuals, to rise; which might dishearten his Men and the States of Italy which had joined him. His expected Supplies from Carthage came all to a few Elephants, with some excuse for the rest, especially for want of a convenient Haven to Land in: Yet he took the Field, designing to gain some good Haven Town; to which end he sent Hanno to the Lucans but with ill success, losing Two Thousand Men, yet Hammilco with the Locrians, assisted with the Brutians, wan Pretilia by force, and Cosentia: Croton was left them, and Locri yeilded, but Rhegium held out. Rome at this time was brought so low, that when the Messengers from Petilium upon their Knees sought succour, the Senate willed them to provide for their own safety. At the same time their Praetor Posthumus Atomus with Twenty Five Thousand, was cut in pieces by the Gauls in a Wood through which they must pass, whose Trees before their coming were so cunningly sawed, that a little force would throw them down: So that after they were in, the Gauls about the Wood beginning, one Tree cast down another, and overwhelmed the Romans ▪ About the same time Philip King of Macedon entred into League with Hannibal, of mutual and Personal assisting; the one in Conquest of Italy for the Carthaginian, the other of Greece for Philip: But predisposing of Kingdoms is justly controuled by the Divine Providence. The Romans understanding this League, sent M. Valerius the Praetor to employ Philip, more in Greece than would give him leave to visit Italy; which he so well effected by stirring up the Aetolians, old Enemies to Macedon, that he was chosen Consul at Rome, and Sulpitius sent in his stead. Philip being thus incumbred in Greece, and seeing Carthage was careless of supplying him with a Fleet, which he wanted, after he had forced the Aetolians to submit, he hearkned to the Romans, who desired his Friendship, which he esteemed much to his Honour.

§. 13. The Carthaginians undertaking so many Enterprises at once, and following them by halves, was • n errour; but their neglect of supplying Hannibal, when he had as great an opportunity as a Conquerour could desire, argued his Enemies at home, durst not trust him with the Power which might injure themselves. Hannibal therefore is forced by necessity to feed his Italian Friends with Hopes, trifling about Nola, Naples, and Cuma, about which latter Gracchus a Consul over-reached the Magistrates of C • pua, who had Conspired to take the Senators of Cumae at a Sacrifice, but was himself surprised by Gracchus, who slew above Two Thousand, and immediately after One Thousand Four Hundred more of Hannibal's Men, at this Siege of Cumae. Hannibal no • able to make good all his Garrison Towns, and continue strong in Field, was forc'd to pass from place to place, waiting occasions till his supply came. In the mean time Hanno in a Journey against Beneventum, with Seventeen Thousand Foot, and Twelve Hundred Horse, is met by the Consul Gracchus with an Army, consisting of Slaves, who upon promise of Manumission, fought so valiantly that they forced Hanno to flie but with Two Thousand. Thus Rome began to repair her breach made at Cannae; yet her Treasury was empty: For all the Fruits her Ground could yield, were hardly able to feed their own Armies: No not Sicily, and Sardinia. Now Asdrubal is expected out of Spain: Macedon is feared, which mortal dangers could not be avoided, but with expence of Treasure. Hereupon the People are Assem • led, and Quintus Fabius the Praetor, opened to them the publick Wants, and how to supply them; which the People undertook. Then followed the two Censors, who Censured all disorders in the City, or about the Wars past; and thus by Pruning the Branches the decayed Root recovered.

§. 14. Fabius Maximus, one of the Consuls, having Besieged Casseline in Campania, after Marcellus, the other Consul was come, who finding it so obstinately defended, would have left it, as no great E • terprise, if Marcellus had not replied, that Things undertaken by a great Commander, ought to be prosecuted. So the Siege being continued, he forced them within to seek Peace. But as the Besieged were going forth according to Covenant, Marcellus takes a Gate, entreth, and puts to the Sword, or taketh all but Fifty, which ran to Fabius for Protection: This needed a Roman Equivocation to justifie it. Many other small Towns of the Samnites, and some of the Lucans, and Apulians, were recovered, and Twenty Five Thousand of the Enemies put to the Sword. The new Consul next was Quintus Fabius, Son to Maximus Gracchus, who was Consul the other Year: Thus the Father became Lieutenant to his Son. Fabius entred Arpi, by Scalade in a stormy Night; yet was so resisted by a Carthaginian Garrison, that they left the Town by Composition: Divers other places returned to the Roman obedience: But Tarentum in the mean time was betrayed to Hannibal who entred the Town; but the Citadel was held by the Romans. The next Year the City of Rome Armed Twenty Three Legions, of which many were Boys, under Seventeen Years Old, and Fulvius Flaccus, with Appius Claudius Consuls, Besiege Capua, who send to Hannibal to relieve them, which Charge was committed to Hanno, who made good Provision which the Peasants should have carried to Capua, but by their negligence, Fulvius took it with Two Thousand Waggons in Hanno's Camp, in his absence, where were Six Thousand slain, and Seven Thousand taken. In the mean time the Metapontines, and Thurines, yielded to Hannibal: And Gracchus late Consul was slain, being appointed to keep Beneventum, for securing the Consuls at the Siege of Capua. But Hannibal dislodged them, followed Claudius, and upon his return fell upon Penula with almost Sixteen Thousand Men, of which scarce Two Thousand escaped; and Fulvius a Praetor with Eight Thousand in Appulia, was so surprized by Mago, that he carried away but Two Thousand. The Consuls renew the Siege of Capua, which sendeth to Hannibal, then at Brundusium, and have a comfortable Answer, but came not till Want began to pinch them. But being come, he took one of their Forts, and fell upon the Camp; the Citizens also issue out, and Claudius hath his Deaths wound, yet can he not raise the Siege. Then inraged with himself, he resolves to Attempt Rome, hoping so to raise it; which the Senate understanding, refer it to the Generals, whether to stay or come home; and they agree that Fulvius with Fifteen Thousand Foot, and One Thousand Horse should go to Rome. Hannibal hasteth with Ten Days Provision, and Fulvius is not long after him; but when his Provision was spent, he made as much haste away, having only frighted the timerous multitude. Fulvius also returns to Capua ▪ where Belstar and Hanno are closely Besieged, and can by no means draw on Hannibal, whose Spirits were spent more by Domestick Treachery than Roman Force. Capua in desperate Case, having twice rejected mercy, after Twenty Seven chief Senators had purposely Poison'd themselves at a Supper, open the Gates to the Romans, who tooke severe revenge on all but Two poor Women, who were found not guilty, the rest were either slain, fold, or banished. Other Capuan People that submitted sped not better, Capua was new Peopled, but never incorporated, but Governed by a Magistrate sent yearly from Rome.

§. 15. Sardinia during the Wars in Italy, was drawn to a Rebellion by the Carthaginians, who encourage Harsicoras and Hostius his Son, Popular in the Island, promising them aid against Mutius the Praetor. The Romans hearing thereof, sent T. Manlius, who in his Consulship had won the Island, with Twenty Two Thousand Foot, and Twelve Hundred Horse, as their commendable manner was to suport in their Provinces those Men and their Families, which had first subdued them. Manlius soon after his Arrival, in one Day overthrew Hyostius, who in his Father • s absence would needs venture upon the old Soldiers, who slew above Thirty Thousand Men. Asdrubal the bold, and other Carthaginians came soon after, and made Manlius leave Cornus, which he had Besieged, and go to Calaris, where in a Battle he slew Twelve Thousand, and took Three Thousand. Hyostus, Asd • ubal, and the rest dy'd, and the Rebellion ended. Sicily also grew troublesome after the Battle at Cannae, when old Hierom King Siracuse dying, left his Kingdom to Hyeronismus a Grandchild, fifteen Years Old, under tuition of fifteen Principal Men, of which Andronodorus that Married Demarata, Daughter of Hiero, designing how to be the only Man, applyed himself to the King, pushing him on to assume the Government, wherein he quickly exceeded and turned Tyrant. He affected not the Romans as his Father had done, despising the present weakness of Rome, and casting an Eye upon the prevailing Fortune of Carthage, entred League with them upon Condition, that Sicily should be his. But while he was busie herein, his Tyranny produced Treason against his Person, which took effect at Leontium, where he was slain. Andronodorus, push'd no by his Wife, endeavoured to become Tyrant; but finding it yet too • ard to compass, applauded the Peoples liberty, and so by them is chosen chief Praetor. He • inding Themistius who Married the Sister of Hieronymus, affected as himself, (as he was also Wiv'd) dealt with him, and drew him to take his part: But being too free in communicating their design, 'twas discover'd to the Senate; so that entring into the Senate, both were slain, and their Wives also, for affecting Royalty. Then new Praetors are chosen in their place, called Epicides and Hippocrates, Born in Carthage, but of Syracusan Parents; both which Hannibal had used in the League with Hieronymus; who being in Office, opposed the Roman League. But finding the People afraid of Marcellus, who also required the City to expel them, they stirred up the Leontines to take their Liberty as Syracuse had done; for seeing the Tyrant was slain there, it was no reason they should remain Subject to Syracuse. When Marcellus heard that Leontium revolted from Syracuse, he offered his help, and won the Town in a day: So the two Ringleaders fled to Hebersus, but the Citizens were pardo • ed; tho' the contrary Report bred a mutiny against the Roman Praetors Cruelty among the Syracusan Mercenaries. These being led by their Praetors to Herbesus, Epicides and Hyppocrates came out with Olive Branches to the Army, wherein Six Hundred Creets, whom Hannibal had used well, took Protection of them, and at Megara by a counterfeit Letter of Hyppocrates to Marcellus, from Syracuse, intreating him to make away their troublesome Mercenaries, the Army was in such Uproar that the Praetors fled for Life. So the Army was led by Hyppocrates to Syracuse, who let him in; where he slew whom he lifted, set Slaves and Prisoners free, as is usually done by Tyrants, and thus the two Brethren became Lords of Syracuse. Marcellus hearing of the alterations, hoping by his success at Leontium, to make short work at Syracuse, presently Besieged it by Sea and Land, omitting no violence and terrour in two or three Assaults; but was beaten off, not so much by virtue of the Defendents, as by the skill of that Noble Mathematician Archimedes, who at Hiero, at the late King's request, framed such Engines of War as did the Romans more mischief than could have been done by Cannon, either by Sea, or Land; for they cast among them great Stones and Timber, and by an Iron Graple would take up a Galley by the Prow and shake out all the Men, &c. Marcellus not knowing which way to turn, and loath to give over, resolved to famish the Town, which was a desperate piece of work, considering the large Haven and their Carthaginian Friends, who even then had sent Himilco with twenty five Thousand Foot, three Thousand Horse, and twelve Elephants, and Bomilcar with a Fleet had Victualled the City. Upon Himilco's Landing, many Towns yielded, which forced Marcellus to rise with a great part of his Army to prevent him of other places, as he did, but came too late to Agrigentum, which Himilco had gotten. Winter coming on, Marcellus leaving sufficient Force before Syracuse, went to Leontium, where Studying how to save his Honour, which his leaving the Enterprize would impeach, he falls on another Point of Dishonour, to prevail by Treason; which yet succeeded not. In the end a Fugitive out of the City informed him of a Feast to be held to Diana, for which there was plenty of Wine: Upon this, in the Night he scaled the Walls, and took some part of the City, which was divided by Walls, like four or five Cities. The Souldiers and Citizens after this offer to compound, which Marcellus liketh, but once or twice it is interrupted, and being at a stand, Marcellus in the time of the Treaty corrupted one of the Captains of the Town, which was a Mercenary Spaniard, by whose Treason he entred the Town, and had a Booty no less than that of Carthage. In this surprize Archimedes was slain, whose death Marcellus lamenteth, and Buried him Honourably. This under-dealing of Marcellus was not approved at Rome, considering Hiero's benefits; and that the Citizens when at Liberty favoured Rome, but were now over-ruled by Tyrants and Mercenāries: Yet the Senate thought not good to restore the Booty, nor give over the the Dominion: Nevertheless, it was not so well with Syracuse before as after, considering their Factions, Conspirators, Tyrants, Murders, Banishments, &c. which yet Justifieth not Rome's injustice more than him which stole the Cup from a sick Person, because he was always drinking in it. After this all Sicily yeilded, except Agrigentum, &c. held by Epicides, Hanno, and Mutines a Numidan, a Wise and Valiant Man, by whom Marcellus was much interrupted; yet was his Virtue so envied by Hanno, that he took his Charge from him. The Numidians were so Incensed with this Indignity to their Country Man, that they left Hanno, and committed themselves to Mutines disposition, who entring into Intelligence with Valentine Levinus the Roman Consul, newly come, delivered Agrigentum into his hands, and assisted in the Conquest of all the rest.

§. 16. Rome wanting Money to pay off the Souldiers, and to mannage the War against Hannibal, and that in Sicily, when Marcellus and Livinus were chosen Consuls; they proposed that the Consuls should bring in all the Money they had, that the Senators do the like, reserving of Gold or other Plate only a Salt-seller, a Cup, a Ring, and some pieces of Art, as Toys for their Wives and Children. This example the Gentlemen and Commonality followed cheerfully; all holding it equal, that every private Condition should run the Fortune of the Common-wealth; which if once ruin'd, in vain could any particulur Man hope to injoy the benefit of his proper substance. Upon this Marcellus was sent against Hannibal, and Livinus into Sicily, where he finished what Marcellus left. Hannibal by long hard Service and wanting Supplies from Carthage, grew unable to keep the Field, and sufficiently to Garrison his Towns, this made him Demolish the places he could not Defend; which aleniated many, so that Salapia yielded to Marcellus, and betrayed a Regiment of Hannibal's best Numidian Horse. Hannibal in this strait hears of Masanissa with five Thousand Numidians sent to Spain, and Asdrubal's coming to Italy, which News made Hannibal then keep what he could, and the Romans to recover • hat they can. Hannibal by great Marches came unlook'd for to Fulvius, a Roman Praetor at Hardonia, slew him, Twelve Tribunes or Colonels, and seven Thousand more; others say thirteen Thousand, burnt the Town, and removed the Inhabitants. Afterwards Marcellus, who thought himself the only Roman fit to Incounter Hannibal, met with him, and lost six Ensigns and three Thousand Men; but the next day Marcellus slew eight Thousand Carthaginians, lost three Thousand, and had so many wounded, that he could follow Hannibal no further. Quintus Fabius Maximus now Consul, besieged Tarentum Garrisoned with Brutians, whose Captain in Love with a Woman in the Town, was drawn by a Brother of the Woman's to betray it; so all were put to the Sword, even the Brutians, contrary to his word, that it might be thought he won the Town by Assault, not by Treason: But it saved not his Reputation. Claudius Marcellus and C. Crispinus Consuls the next Year, whom Hannibal entertained with many Skirmishes, declined a set Battle, till he might join with his Brother Asdrubal; but watching all advantage, he took them in his Ambuscade, as they came to view a place with small Forces, where they intended to Incamp. Here Hannibal had placed in Covert some Companies of Numidians, who incompassed them, slew Marcellus, wounded Crispine to Death, and giving honourable Funerals to Marcellus, sent his Ashes in a Silver Pot to young Marcellus. Crispine considering that Hannibal had Marcellus's Ring, with which he might deceive some Cities, sent warning all about thereof; even as a Letter in Marcellus's Name came to Salapia to prepare for his coming thither, which Hannibal followed with Romen Fugitives, which spake Latin to the Watch, and bad them open to the Consul. The Gate was opened, and when six Hundred Men were entred, the Port-Cullis were let down, and Hannibal out-witted in his own Stratagem. After Crispinus death, Claudius Nero, and M. Livius succeeded Consuls: Of which two, Livius had been many Years before condemned and expelled by the People; for which indignity he refused the place, till with much imporunity he was overcome. Thus as Men in fair Weather break the Branches of the Palm Tree, under which they shelter themselves in Storms; so do the ungrateful with Men of Merit, (as Themistocles reprov'd the Athenians.) The two Consuls take their way, Livius to meet Asdrubal, Nero to follow Hannibal, to hinder their Marches; knowing the mischievous effects of a Conjunction of two Malevolent Planets. It seemed that Livius was too weak to oppose Asdrubal, and therefore Nero took six Hundred Foot, and one Thousand Horse, and in six Days long Marches came to him: But Asdrubal perceiving the increase, thought to decline a Battle by removing over the River Metaneus, had not Nero followed and forced him to it, in which Asdrubal was slain, and fifty six Thousand with him, saith Livy; but Polybius numbers but ten Thousand. After this Victory Nero hasted to his Camp with Asdrubal's Head, which he threw before the Carthaginians, and freed some Prisoners which might make Report of the Victory in Hannibal's Camp, so to strike a terrour into it. Here the Tide began to turn on the Romans side, and so increased that no Bounds could contain it; and Hannibal's hopes decayed daily. From this thirteenth Year of the second Punick War unto the eighteenth, in which it ended, little is delivered worthy of Memory.

§. 17. Publius Cornelius Scipio, after Asdrubal's departure into Italy, had to do with Hanno, lately sent to succeed Asdrubal, whom M. Syllanus shortly after took Prisoner: Asdrubal Son of Gesco, and Mago, left by Asdrubal Son of Amilcar, remained to make head, who prepared seventy Thousand Foot, four Thousand Horse, and thirty two Elephants to keep the Field. Scipio makes up his Legions with some Auxiliary Spaniards, and seeks out the Enemy with forty five Thousand Foot, and three Thousand Horse, whom he fed well the day before, and early next Morn provoked the empty Carthaginians to Battle, as Hannibal had served his Father at Trebia. Asdrubal wholly depended upon this Battle, in which he was worsted, whereupon Artanes with his Turdetans fell to the Romans; and the other Spaniards being confirmed in the Report of the Carthaginians ill success at Metaurus in Italy, never did them good service after. Asdrubal perceiving this, hasteth toward the Sea, but is overtaken by Scipio, and charged so furiously, that he with seven Thousand took themselves to a strong piece of Ground, from whence himself stole by Night to the Gades, whither Mago and Masanissa followed, and their Army dispersed: So all the Towns, except three, submitted to Scipio, who the Year after took them; only Astapa was burnt with all the Riches therein by the Inhabitants, who slew themselves, except such as desperately broke out upon the Romans Camp and so were slain. Asdrubal leaves Mago at Gades, and Saileth to Syphax King of the Masaesili, a People of the Numidians, hoping to perswade him to be a Friend to Carthage; but Scipio meeting him there drew him to the Roman side, which he soon forsook. Scipio returns to Spain, and having taken Revenge of the three Cities which held out, he celebrated Funeral Games at New Carthage for his Father and Unkle, which was performed by Duels of Slaves; as also such as had Quarrels for Title of Land, which Friends could not compose.

Scipio being dangerously sick, is reported Dead; whereupon Mandonius, and Indibilis, two Spanish petty Kings rebel, hoping to make themselves great: and part of the Roman Army discontented with the little benefit they had got by the Roman Conquest fell to spoil, drive away their Colonels, choosing two base Leaders. Scipio sent new Colonels, which with fair words and promise of Pay brought them to Carthagenia, where exemplary Justice is done upon the two Leaders and their Accomplices; the rest having sworn, Obedient receive Pay. Mandonius and Indibilis pursued by Scipio, submit, and are pardoned, but their former Power lessened. Masanissa promiseth to serve the Romans; and Mago by direction from Carthage, leaveth Gades, when he had Robbed it, to go to Hannibal in Italy, having Treasure sent to raise an Army: So Gades presently yielded to the Romans, and Scipio gives up the Province to a Successour, and is chosen Consul.

§. 18. Publius Cornelius Scipio, and Publius Licinius Crassus are chosen Consuls. Scipio had Sicily decreed for his Province, with leave to make War in Africa if he thought fit: Which Quintus Fabius Maximus opposed; nevertheless Scipio proceeds; But was not allowed to Press Souldiers for Africa, but what Fabius and other Ancient Senators should allow of. Besides his Roman Forces, Italy sent him seven Thousand Volunteers and all manner of needful Provision▪ In Sicily he found two Legions sent thither from the Battle at Canna, and Pressed three Hundred Horse. Notwithstanding all which he had like to have been hindred in this Expedition upon complaint of the Locrians, whose Town he had gotten from the Carthaginians by their assistance, who were much oppressed by the Governours put in by him. But the Commissioners sending into Sicily to examine matters, found him so well prepared for Carthage, that they quickened his March. He sent Laelius into Asrick to make discoveries, who met with Masanissa revolted from the Carthaginian side to the Roman, for an injury they did him about Asdrubal's Daughters being Betrothed to him, but by them given to Syphax a more mighty Numidian Prince. Laelius understood the State of Africa by Masanissa, whom •• phax had driven out of his Country, and by persuasion of Sophonisba renounced the Alliance of Rome to join with the Carthaginians her Country-men. This troubled Scipio and made him hasten to Africa, lest the Senate hearing thereof should stay his Journey, to which he had been induced upon hopes of his assistance. He Lands in Africa, is met by Masanissa and Incamped before Vtica. Asdrubal was with Syphax his Son in Law, to whom the Carthaginians send to call him Home, being chosen their General, and to intreat Syphax against Scipio, who lay before Vtica. Asdrubal makes a Levy of thirty Thousand Foot, and three Thousand Horse; and Syphax brings fifty Thousand Foot, and ten Thousand Horse, with which they March toward Scipio, who dislodged to a place fit for his Navy, where he designed to Winter, and there Fortified his Camp. Asdrubal and Syphax Incamp near to him, but carelesly, presuming upon their Numbers. While they lay thus, Scipio endeavours to draw Syphax from the Carthaginians, and he tries to persuade Scipio to a Peace; this is in debate while Scipio, learns how weak the Enemies Camp was, and how it might be set on fire; whereupon he breaks off the Treaty of Peace, pretending his Counsel would not agree to it. Setting therefore all things in order for such a business, he sent Laelius, and Masanissa, to begin with Syphax who lay farthest off; and when he saw the Flame, he drew on to Asdrubal's Camp, which was in confusion, running to help Syphax; but immediately they found the like Flame in their own Camp. Great was the slaughter, in which but few escaped, with Syphax and Asdrubal. After this new Levies are made, and a second Battle fought, and the Romans obtain a second Victory. Asdrubal flying to Carthage, and Syphax home, whither Masanissa and Laelius pursue him.

Scipio takes in many Towns, some by force, others by surrender, for all the Subjects of Carthage wavered: and Carthage it self durst not exact Taxes of them whom they had so often overburthened. It is therefore decreed to Fortifie the City, to send for Hannibal, and to set out the Fleet against that of Scipio before Vtica; who perceiving it, hastened thither from Tunis to defend them; so they returned, having gotten only six empty Hulks from the Romans. In the mean time Masanissa recovers his Kingdom, and with Laelius proceeds against Syphax, who quickly raised as great an Army as his first, which he also lost as soon, with himself and his Kingdom. For being taken, Masanissa carried him bound to Cirta, his chief City, which presently opened, where Sophonisba yielded her self, intreating she might not be delivered to the Romans; which suit her Youth and excellent Beauty so recommended, that Masanissa Married her presently. Laelius and Scipio were afterwards offended with this Marriage, and persuaded Masanissa to give her over, for fear she should draw him into the same courses she had drawn Syphax. Masanissa to prevent her falling into the Romans hands, sent her a Cup of Poison with which she ended her Days: And he presently after to prevent the effects of Melancholy for that fact, is comforted by Scipio with a Crown, and Proclaimed King.

§. 19. Carthage hearing this bad News, and seeing Scipio returned to Tunis, are so astonish'd, that they send Thirty of the Princes which were of the Privy Council of the City unto Scipio, to beg Peace prostrate, kissing his and his Councils Feet, humbly acknowledging their fault in breaking the former Peace. Scipio considering the poor case that Rome was in, and the Wealth and Strength of Carthage, accepted the submission, on Condition Carthage should call home her Forces in Italy, relinquish all the Islands, deliver up all their Ships of War but Twenty, all Prisoners and Fugitives, meddle no more with Spain, pay a great Sum of Mony, and certain Hundred Thousand Bushels of Corn. These Articles are approved, a Truce granted, 'till they send to Rome, and Masanissa sent home to his new Kingdom, as if all were ended; but it appeared after their Ambassadors were come to Rome, they only sought to gain time 'till Hannibal were come, by whom at least they hope to get a better Peace; the Senate therefore refer all to Scipio: But before their return, Carthage had seiz'd on the Roman Ships, with Provision from Sicily, scatter'd by storm, and sought to surprize Scipio's Ambassadors in their return from Carthage.

§. 20. Hannibal after his loss at Metaurus remained among the Brutains, expecting aid from Carthage, and his Brother Mago with Forces raised in Gaul and Liguria, who also solicited the Hetrurians, which caused the Romans to employ Three Armies in those Three Countries. Mago near Milan met with the Roman Forces, with which he fought, like a Son of Amilcar, but with the Carthaginian Fortune, losing Five Thousand, and himself wounded to death, was forced to retire to Liguria, where he found Ambassadors to call him home immediately, which he obeyed, but died by the way. Hannibal receiv'd the like Message of return, which he heard with such impatience, that he gnash'd his Teeth, and hardly refraining from Tears, he cried out, that not Scipio, but Hanno had overthrown the Barchines with the ruine of Carthage; so he departed, as if it had been to Exile. Rome being certain of his departure, appoint an Holy-day for Thanks to the Gods; but Quintus Fabius rejoyc'd little, being in doubt of the issue in Africa.

§. 21. Hannibal Landed in Africk at Leptis, almost an Hundred Miles from Carthage, that marching along he might gather Horses, which he wanted; and Scipio sends to Masanissa and the Roman Company with him to make speed to him, who brought Four Thousand Horse, and Six Thousand Foot. Laelius also is returned with the Carthaginian Ambassadors from Rome, at which time M. Baebius kept the Camp in Scipio's absence. He laid hands on the Ambassadors, and sent word to Scipio, who orders their good usage, and sends them home; to shew that the Carthaginians were less honourable than the Romans: Yet he made more cruel War upon them than before, Sacking the Towns he took, refusing all Compositions. Carthage hearing this, hasted Hannibal to fight; who thereupon Encamped at Zama, sent Spies into Scipio's Camp, who being taken, were carried up and down to see what they would, and so sent back. Hannibal at this, admir'd his Enemie's brave Courage, and sent to desire an Interview, which Scipio granted; but being met, refused to yield to the Peace which Hannibal propounded, seeing the Conditions of it were gainful to them, who had so lately broke a Peace made upon other Conditions. So they brake off, and prepare for Battle, which was the next day to try both Skill and Courage, especially of these brave Commanders. They are both in the Field early, set their People in order, and exhort them to Fight; a Noble Match, and seldom seen, whether we regard the two Generals, their Cities, the import of the Battle, and the Armies; though Hannibal was over-matched in number, and goodness of Horses, and had only his Rereward of trained Men, which were those brave Souldiers which had follow'd him in Italy; all the rest being untrained boisterous Barbarians, except Four Thousand Macedonians. The issue was the overthrow of the Carthaginians, of whom Twenty Thousand were slain, and as many taken, with the loss of Fifteen Thousand Romans and upwards: Yet the singular Skill that Hannibal shewed in this his last Fight, is highly commended by Polybius, and was acknowledg'd by Scipio, as Livy reports. Hannibal with a few Horse came to Asdrumentum, whence being sent for, he went to Carthage, where he tells them plainly, there was no way left but such Peace as could be gotten. Presently after, Vermina Son of Syphax, who held a good part of his Father's Kingdom, coming to help when all was lost, was encountred by part of the Roman Army, which slew Fifteen Thousand, and took Twelve Hundred. Scipio being come to Tunis, is Adored by Thirty Carthaginian Ambassadors, in more pitiful manner than before, but less pitied for their former Treachery. Nevertheless Scipio considering the tedious Siege of so strong and large a City, and the desires of the other Consuls to get the Honour of ending what remained, he was content to hear them, and to propound such Conditions as he thought good: As delivery of Prisoners, Fugitives, and Renegadoes, all their Gallies but Ten, and all Elephants; make no War without Licence from Rome, restore to Masanissa what they held from him, or his Ancestors; find Corn for the Army, and pay for Auxiliaries 'till the Peace was Concluded; pay Two Hundred Talents yearly, for Fifty year, and One Hundred Hostages of Choice Men for observance of Conditions. The Conditions were declaim'd against at Carthage, but upon Hannibal's Speech, Necessity forced them to yield, and send to Rome, who sent Ten Commissioners to joyn with Scipio to Conclude the Peace, though the Consul Lentulus opposed, desiring to follow the War in Africk. At their coming to Carthage all is agreed upon, and the first Two Hundred Talents to be paid out of private Mens Purses. This was grievous to them, and made some Senators weep, whereat Hannibal laughed, as being no cause to weep, in consideration of other Conditions, which touched their Freedom more, tho' less felt by them, and would make them hereafter confess that it was the least part of their Misery for which they now shed Tears. Scipio having concluded at Carthage, and brought Masanissa into the Army, and Honour'd him, he consign'd over to him all the Towns of King Syphax which the Romans held, and so left Africk ▪ and Landed in Sicily, from whence he went through Italy with part of his Army, in Glory no less than Triumph, with the greatest joy that ever any did, and had the Title of African given; which kind of Honour from a Conquer'd Province, grew afterwards in use for less Merit.

CHAP. IV. Of Philip King of Macedon, Father of Perseus, subdued by the Romans.

§. 1. SImilitude in Worldly Events, ariseth from limitation of Matter, to which Nature is confin'd, which being finite, cannot always produce variable effects, especially in Actions which seem to depend on the Will of Man, which is over-ruled with the same Affections. The Assyrians invading the Medes, and not prevailing, within a while were subdued by them; thus it fell out between the Persians, and Greeks, and the Romans. For after Pyrrhus the Epirot had braved the Romans, and that they found their Virtue was a Richer Metal than the shining Valour of Greece, it was not long before they durst venture upon Greece, having beaten him, which in a Year made himself Lord of it, and of Macedon. Teuta the Illyriana Queen wasting Greece, without the least provocation, gave the first occasion, that Rome sought acquaintance with Greece, offering to Protect it. Philip King of Macedon, set up Philip Son of Demetrius, about Seventeen Years Old, who succeeded King of Macedon, and Protector of Achaea, and most part of Greece, two Years before the second Punick War began. In the beginning of his Reign, the Aetolians addicted only to War, Invaded the Messenians and other parts, and Peloponesus twice; of which complaint was made to Philip, then at Corinth, and the Lacedemonians are accused as favouring it in spite of the Achaeans and Macedonians. The Aetolians declining to appear, War is decreed against them; and the Lacedemonians seem to be excused, but are not trusted. Philip prepareth, and draweth those Illyrians from the Aetolians, which aided the Invasion: The Achaeans Proclaim the War, and send to other States to do the like: But the Epirots, Lacedemonians, and Messenians put it off; and in the end the Lacedemonians, who had long Conspired to shake off the Macedonians, concluded a League with the Aetolians, and chose new Kings, which they had not done since Cleomenes Departed; of these, Lycurgus was one, who bribed the Ephori to Elect him. He Invades the Argives, takes two Cities from them; and gains upon the Arcadians. Philip, while the Aetolians are busie in Peloponesus, brings his Army to their Borders with the Epirots, where to procure a Peace, which the Epirots desire, he spent so long a time as broke the Force of his Army, with which he might have ended the War. While he was busie in Aetolia, the Aetolian Praetor Scopos over-ran Thessaly, broke into Macedonia as far as Dium, which he rased; the Dardanians also Bordering on the North of Macedon, hearing of his absence in Peloponesus, brake into Spoil, as their manner was, which drew him Home. Demetrius Pharius chased out of his Kingdom by the Romans, met him, and was entertained as his Chief Counsellor: After which, he stole a Journey into Peloponesus in Winter, while the Aetolians and Eleans were abroad, and Surprised Two Thousand, took many Towns from the Eleans, and Aetolians, and their Confederates, and so went to Argos.

§. 2. Philip is drawn by Apelles a Counsellor, left by his Uncle Antigonus, to incroach upon the Liberties of the Achaeans, who finding it opposed by Aratus, he contrives to bring him into disgrace with Philip. The King, by the grave admonition of Aratus, and the example of Amphitamus, an Elean Captain, discovers Appelles's Malice, who failing of his desire, designs to be King himself, as the Spider made a Web to take the Swallow which drove the Flies out of the Chimney. He enters upon a Plot against the King how to check the good Success of his Proceedings, and draws Leontius one of the Targenteers, and Megale the King's chief Secretary, into the Conspiracy: But the Reward of their Treason was their own Ruin. After this a Peace is Solicited by several Embassadours, to which Philip condescended by persuasion of Demetrius Pharius; who also persuaded him to a League with Hannibal.

§. 3. Philip, upon the Peace of Greece, prepares for Italy to assist Hannibal against the Romans, whom Pharius hated for expelling him out of his Kingdom, which they had forgiven him.

§. 4. Philip before his Italian Expedition, thought fit in Policy to bring the Greeks Associates under a more absolute Form of Subjection, as Apelles had formerly advised; but Demetrius Pharius could better observe the Kings humours, and without Contention supplanted Aratus with the least Appearance, which Apelles could never do by more forceable means. In a Faction between the Nobles and Commons of the Messenians, Philip was intreated to compose the difference, of which occasion he was glad, designing to assume the Government into his own hands. But being discovered, he pretended a Sacrifice in the Castle of Ithome, and purposed to seize upon it, which Demetrius called a Kingly point not to be neglected, for so he should hold the Ox by both his Horns; meaning that Ithome and Acrocorinthus were the two Horns of Peloponesus. Yet Philip asking Aratus his Judgment, he was told by him, that in taking that Castle he should lose his strongest Castle, which was his Credit; upon which he gave over his purpose; but with secret disgust of Aratus and his Son. Next he seized on Oricum, a Town of the Epirots, his followers, and besieged Apolonia, and so instead of setling the Country, he kindled that Fire which could never be extinguished till it l • id hold on his own Palace. After that, he Invaded the Messenians with open Force, but in vain; in which Attempt he lost Demetrius; and afterwards out of a Tyrannical humour, the worse he sped, the more angry he grew against those who seemed not to favour his injurious doings, as particularly against Old Aratus and his Son, whose Poisoning he procured. This was the recompence Aratus got for bringing the Macedonians into Peloponesus in spite of Cleomenes his Countryman, and a Temperate Prince.

§. 5. The Achaeans upon Aratus's Death chuse Philopoemen Praetor: By whom they were persuaded to cut off their Expences in Bravery of Apparel, Houshold-stuff, and dainty Fare, and bestowed it upon Armies: As also he altered their Weapons and manner of Fighting, and fitted them for Hand-service. At this time Machanidas Lycurgus Tyrant of Lacedemon, who entred the Country of the Mantinaeans, was Courageously received by Philopoemen, and slain with his own hand, and four Thousand with him, and as many taken Prisoners.

§. 6. Philip having made Peace with the Romans and Aetolians, prepares to invade Attalus King of Pergamus, Son of Attalus, the younger Brother of Philetarus the Eunuch, the Treasurer of Lysimachus King of Thrace, from whom he fled for fear of his Tyranny, and seized upon Pergamus and nine Thousand Talents of Lysimachus's, and Reigned twenty Years, as Eumenes his Brothers Son did after him twenty two Years, and Attalus after him, an active Prince, Bountiful and Valiant. He made use of the Gauls, then setled in Asia, in that part which is called Galatia; and Quarrels with Prusias King of Bithynia, whose Ancestors began to Reign some Generations before the Great Alexander.

§. 7. Prusias having Married the Daughter of Philip, intreated-him to come over into Asia to Conquer Cios for him; and not having any cause of Quarrel, he besieged the Town, took it, omitting no Cruelty to the Inhabitants, contrary to his promise made to divers Embassadours from the Rhodians and other Estates, to whom he became odious. Attalus considering to what end Philip's violent Ambition tended, joining to the Rhodians, fought with him at Sea, where he sustained far greater loss than they, and in the end was forced Home, they pursuing him.

§. 8. Attalus and the Rhodians solicite Rome against Philip: So did Aurelius their Agent in Greece; but Rome was not in Condition till Hannibal was Vanquished, when the River of Styx was dried up, that is, when the necessity of Peace with Philip was taken away. Attalus, and the Rhodians meet the Roman Embassadour, while Philip winneth Abidos in Asia.

§. 9. Rome hearing the Calamity of Abidos resembling that of Saguntum, could not ground a Quarrel thereon, but thinking of another Saguntum at Athens a Confederate, formerly wronged by Philip, and imploring their aid, which yet the People denied, till P. Sulpicius the Consul told them that Philip's preparation was indeed for Italy, if he could win Athens. This feigned pretence prevailed, and the Consul is sent; who took not the way to Macedon, but Landed at the River Apsus, between Dyrrachium and Apolonia, where he began the War, and sent C. Claudius with Twenty Gallies and Souldiers to relieve Athens, against certain Pyrates, or Robbers by Sea and Land.

§. 10. Claudius groweth weary of standing like a Scare-Crow to save all the Athenian Fields from Spoil, and understanding that Chalcis in Eubaea was negligently Guarded, Sailed thither in the Night, and took it by Scalado, Plunder'd it, and set it on Fire, Consuming the Kings Magazines of Corn and other Provision of War. Philip hearing the News at Demetrias, twenty Miles off, marcheth speedily; but finding them gone, he Posteth to Athens in hope to surprise it in the Night, but they had Intelligence of his coming: So after a Skirmish before the return of Claudius, he departed to Corinth; and thence to an Assembly at Argos, called against Nabis Tyrant of Lacedemon, which had Invaded them after Philopoemen was out of Office and gone to Crete. Here Philip by coming, would have drawn the Achaeans to break with the Romans, but was discover'd, and so parting made no other Attempt against Athens, having failed, except in demolishing some Temples of admirable Workmanship in Attica. Sulpicius Encamped near Apsus, sent his Lieutenant Apistius to the Borders of Macedon, who took Antripatria, and put it to the Sword and Fire, and other Towns, and returned to their Camp; by which Success, divers of the Neighbours which affected not Philip, offered Friendship to the Romans. The Aetolian Parliament was at hand, whither the Macedonians, Romans, Athenians, &c. send to persuade them to their Party: The Macedonians set out the true scope of the Romans pretensions of Friendship, by their Subjecting of Messana and Syracuse; the Athenians make a sorrowful rehearsal of the outrages done them by Philip; the Romans plead their former League with Aetolia, and threaten those that join with Philip: Which sheweth their meaning, however they pretend to assist their Friends: Which in the Conclusion is referred to Dorymachus their Praetor.

§. 11. Philip and the Consul met in the Borders of Maeedon toward Illyria, and had divers Skirmishes, in which the Romans by an Ambush had a great loss at first, but by Philip's stay to pick up straglers, he was overtaken by the Roman Legions, which forc'd him to flye, and he hardly escaped, his Horse being slain, and he forced to accept his Subjects Horse, who was after slain. The King recovers his Camp in the Night, taking his way Home: But was overtaken, and put to a loss before he could recover Macedon, which was Invaded by the Borderers. The Aetolians hearing of Philip's ill success, Invade Th • ss • ly, and cruelly Plunder'd a few Towns; but Philip finding them dispersed, slew many of them.

§. 12. Rome thinking her self safe at Home by keeping War abroad, found more trouble than they expected by the Gauls, Governed by one Amilcar a Carthaginian, who took their Colony of Placentia, a good strong Town, which neither Hannibal, nor Asdrubal could force. Upon this, they sent to Carthage, but the Carthaginians disclaim Amilcar and Banish him, and sent Corn to Rome, and to the Army in Macedon: King Masanissa would also have lent them Two Thousand Numidian Horse, but they were content with half the Number. The Gauls at the Siege of Cremona are Overthrown, L. Iunius and Amilcar slain, and the Work against the Gauls made easie for them which follow.

§. 13. Rome was not wont to trifle, but to bid the Enemy Battel, or force them to it as soon as they could, but now they learn of Greece to War by Negotiations. Their Treasure was yet empty, and they in Debt to the Citizens; yet weary of making slow Proceedings by Confederates, they increase the Macedonian Army at least eight Thousand Foot, and eight Hundred Horse, which they committed to Quintus Flaminius the new Consul. This augmentation was requisite, for that Attalus desired to be spared, being Invaded at Home by Antiochus; which they condescended to promise to, and Mediate Peace between them, both being Loving Friends: But all this shew of Friendship with Antiochus, was but till they had made safe way through Macedon, as after appeared. Quintus being come, finds Philip and Villius the old Consul, Encamped one against the other in the Straits of Epirus, by the River Apsus, where he stayed long, seeking passage over the Mountain Guarded by Philip. During this delay, the King and Consul Treat of Peace, but in vain; for that the Consul required the freeing all Greece, and Namely Thessaly, which had been Subject to Macedon ever since Philip, Father of Alexander. Ater this, the Consul was guided by an Herdsman, sent by a Prince of the Epirots which loved the Romans, so that Philip with the loss of two Thousand Men is forced Home through Thessaly, which he wasted as he went; as did the Aetolians, and the Consul made a gleaning and took some Cities, and for want of Provision returned by Phocis, an Allie of Macedon. In the mean time the Consuls Brother, Admiral of the Navy with Attalus, and the Rhodians, wan two Cities of Eubaea, and besiege Cenchrea the Haven and Arsenal of Corinth. This quickened the Achaeans desire to forsake Philip, having had so many motives by his injuries done them, and their having so brave a Leader of Philopoemen. In the end they hold an Assembly at Sicyon, whither their Embassadours on both sides come with their Adherents, where at last they decree to forsake Philip, and join with their Enemies. After this Philip's Lieutenant lying in Corinth, was drawn by the multitude in Argos to assist them, so they cast out the Achaean Guard, and accepted Philip for Patron; who thereupon had some hopes of a good end upon a Treaty. The Consul also considering his Office would Expire before he could end the War, is willing to enter into it, that he might have the Honour of the Peace. After two or three meetings, demands and offers being made, Philip refers himself to the Senate of Rome, which the Consul liked; and Embassadours from all parts meet; but upon Philip's Embassadours denial to have warrant to yield Corinth, Dolchis, and Demetria, all was dasht. Philip to be revenged of the Achaeans, made League with the Tyrant Nabis of Lacedemon, and to oblige him, he gave Argos into his hands, which so lately had given it self to him from the Achaeans. The Tyrant the next day Pillaged all the rich Men; and to please the Multitude, he made equal division of the Land, as Tyrants use to do: and presently made a League with Quintius, who continued General against Philip.

§. 14. T. Quintius being continued General of the Macedonian War, with twenty six Thousand seeketh out Philip, who had a proportionable Number, and found him in Thessaly, near the City Pherae, where though Philip designed not that day to put all to the Fortune of Battel, yet being drawn on by the good Success of a Skirmish, and the advantage of the Hill Cynoscephalae, or Dogs-heads, he chose his Ground. But by reason the Mountain was full of Knobs like Dogs heads, he could Marshal but one part of the Army, leaving the rest to follow in order as they could. By this roughness they could keep no order fit to make any Impression, or good resistance, and so were broken by Quintius's right Wing sent to them up the Hill: Of which Wing a Tribune and twenty Ensigns, or about two Thousand Men turning down the Hill on the left hand, fell on Philip's Phalanx, or square Battel with Pikes in the Rear, and put all to flight, when Philip thought the day his own. So he lost eight Thousand slain, and five Thousand Prisoners.

§. 15. Quintius made haste to Larissa a City in Italy, which opened to him; so all the Warlike Archarnamians left Philip, and gave themselves to the Romans: The Poereans also rise against Dinocrates the Kings Lieutenant, and recover'd the Province. Philip considering his present necessity, thought it Wisdom to yield to it, and first sent, and then went to Quintius to Treat about a Peace, for which a day was appointed for all the Associates, in which, as the insolent Aetolians too much insulted over Philip, and sought his utter Subversion, so Quintius as generously opposed them. Philip yielded to all that Quintius required, and four Months Truce is agreed to by all but the Insolent Aetolians; and the determination referred to the Senate of Rome. The new Consuls oppose the Peace as fraudulent; which made the Senate wave it; but the Tribunes refer it to the People, by whose Sovereign Authority it was concluded. The Conditions were to remove all Garrisons out of Greece by a set day; yield up Captives, Renegados, Ships of War, except five lesser and one great one; and pay a Thousand Talents; and for performance he had already given his Son Demetrius an Hostage, and four Hundred Talents. Great was the joy at the conclusion; but the Aetolians are dissatisfied, and the Baeotians still favour the Macedonians: Some also fear the Romans will prove the worse Neighbours; not knowing the Romans design against Antiochus. But to prevent all bad Rumours, Quintius at the Istinian Games Proclaimed freedom from Garrisons, and Liberty of their own Laws, to the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Eubaeans, Achaeans of Pithiotis, Magnetians, Thessalians and Perrhubians, which the Greeks applauded with exceeding Thanks. He also sent to Antiochus by his Embassadour then present, requiring him to keep from the free Cities of Asia, and restore to Ptolomy and Philip what he held of theirs, and not to pass into Europe with an Army.

CHAP. V. Of the Roman Wars with Antiochus, and his Adherents.

§. 1. SEleucus Nicanor slain by Ptolomy Cerannus, Anno 4. Clymp. 124. Antiochus Soter his Son succeeded Nineteen Years, to whom Berosus the Chaldaean Dedicated his Assyrian-History, which is notoriously falsified by Fryar Annius. He neglected revenging his Fathers Death, who had so loved him that he gave him Stratonica his own Wife, being sick for her. Antiochus the God, as the flattering Melesians called him for freeing them from Timarchus the Tyrant, succeeded Fifteen Year. His first Wife was Laodice, to whom he took also Bernice the Daughter of Ptolomy Philadelphus, King of Egypt, and so compounded the War between them; but falling into the hatred of Laodice, she Poisoned him for it, when her Son Seleucus Callinicus was ready to Reign: She also murthered Bernice, and her Son, two or three Years after Ptolomy's Death, but the Brother reveng'd it.

Ptolomy Philodelphus, Son of Ptolomy the first King of Egypt, after Alexander, began to Reign with his Father, and continued Forty Years: He was first derived from Alexander's Successours which made League with Rome, and his Off-spring, the last of those Royal Families they rooted out. He set at Liberty all the Iews which his Father made Slaves in Egypt, and sent rich Gifts to God's Temple in Ierusalem, and requested of Eleazer the Books of Holy Scripture, and seventy two Learned Hebrews to Translate them into Greek, to furnish his Library in Alexandria, of which Genebrard thinks Iesus, Sirach was one, whom Iansenius proveth then living. Iosephus Antiq. li. 12. c. 2. reports one Aristaeus writ the History thereof.

Seleucus Callinicus began his Reign with his Father's Murder, which cost his Mothers Life, she being slain by Ptolomaeus Evergetes in revenge of his Sister who Invaded Seleucus, but was called Home by Domestick Troubles. Seleucus perceiving himself not beloved of his Subjects sought not to gain them by merit, but by force prepares a great Fleet against them, whereon all his hope relyed, which God overwhelmed in the Sea, and himself hardly escaped. His Subjects hoping he would become a new Man, in Commiseration offer him their Service, which so revived him, that he raised an Army against Ptolomy, who overthrew him; which made him send for aid to his Brother Antiochus Hierax, or Hawk (for he cared not on whom he Preyed,) who was but fourteen Years Old, and was extream Ambitious. Before he came, Seleuchus made Peace with Ptolomaeus, but had no Peace of his Brother, who overthrew him: But shortly after overthrown himself by Eumenes King of Pergamus, Son of Attalus, and forced to flye away, was taken up in Capadocia by Artamenes, who designed to betray him, which made him take his Wings to Egypt, where Ptolomy, knowing his persidious Nature, imprisoned him; whence escaping by means of a Harlot, he fell into the hands of Thieves, who murthered him. Seleuchus at this time going to subdue the Bactrians and Parthians, was taken Prisoner by Arsaces Founder of the Parthian Kingdom, who yet released him; but returning Home, he broke his Neck by a fall from his Horse, after twenty Years Reign. Seleuchus Ceraunus succeeded his Father Three Years, and was slain by Treason, leaving Antiochus his Brother to succeed; and Achaeus to Govern the Army.

§. 2. Ptolomaeus Evergetes, who suceeded Philadelphus, yet Reigned, having Married Berenice, Daughter of Magas King of Cyrene, added it to his Kingdom, and as he thought, the Countries of Co • losyria, Palestine, &c. His, and his Successours Wars with the Seleucidae, were Prophecied of by Daniel. Onias the High Priest had provoked him, by detaining covetously twenty Talents Tribute, but was pacified by Iosephus a Iew; and having Reigned Twenty six Years, Dyed in the 139 Olympiad.

Antiochus, scarce Fifteen Years Old when he began his Reign, which lasted Thirty six Years, in his Minority was wholly Governed by one Hermias an Ambitions Man, who incited him unseasonably to War against Ptolomaeus, for recovery of Coelosyria, &c. while Molo the Kings Lieutenant in Media Rebelled. Xenaetas is sent with Forces into Media, which are overthrown, while Antiochus lay in the Valley of Marsyas, between Libanus and Antilibanus, seeking to pass into Coelosyria. Hearing therefore the News of Xenaetas, he hastens into Media, which he recovered from Molo, whose left Wing Revolting to the King, Molo with divers of his Friends, to shorten the work, killed themselves, and so prevented the Hangman with their own Swords. After this came the joyful News of his Queen's being Deliver'd of a Son. Fortune being thus bountiful, Antigonus Marches against Artabanes King of the Atropians, who being very Old and Timerous yielded to whatever he Propos'd. Antiochus in the East ▪ thought good to visit his Borders between the Caspian and Euxine Sea, in which Journey his Physician informed him against Hermits, of whom himself was grown Jealous, and therefore consented to his killing. About these times Achaeus rebelled, in hope the King would perish in his Expedition; yet Antiochus more intending the recovery of Coelosyria, neglected him till he had gotten Seleucia, first called Antigonia, founded by Antigonus, and after won by Seleuchus, and then by Ptolomy. Such is the vanity of Men, who think to eternize their Names, not by works of Vertue, but of Greatness, which never lasteth long. Theodotus the Aetolian, Ptolomy's Mercenary, which formerl • d • fended Caelosyria ag • inst Antioc • us, now weary of his former Faithfulness (Mercenary like) sells it to him, who took possession of Tirus and Ptolomais, with the Aegyptian Fleet there. Antiochus, herewith emboldned, aims at Egypt it self, ruled by Agathocles and Sosibius, whilst Ptolomy himself minds only his Pleasure. These two make secret preparation, but openly solicite Peace by themselves and several of their Allies; and Antiochus willing to rest this Winter, agreeth on a Truce for four Months to Treat of Peace, which he designed only to lull his Enemies asleep, who watched him better than he did them. During the Truce, Embassadours from Egypt are heard, and both sides plead their right to Coelosyria, and propound Covenants, but both would have it, or nothing. The Truce ended, Antiochus takes the Field, presuming his ordinary Power will serve against his unprovided Enemies; but was deceived, and well beaten for it at Raphia, losing Ten Thousand Foot out of Seventy Thousand, and Four Hundred Horse out of Six Thousand, • n which Ptolomy exceeded, as Antiochus did in Elephants: After which he seeks Peace, though what he had gotten in Syria was fallen from him. Antiochus after this, followed the suppression of Achaeus, whom he soon penn'd up in Sardis, which yet he could not take in two Years, till a Cretian, observed by Ravens which continually pitched upon part of the Wall where Carrion wa • cast into the Ditch, that there it was unguarded; as indeed it was, being thought unapproachable; yet here, though with difficulty, the Town was won, and he driven into the Castle, out of which, also he was drawn by a Cretian trick of one Bolis a Cretian, which knew all the difficult passages of the Rocks, on which the Castle stood. Ptolomy desiring to deliver Achaeus out of his danger, hired this Cretian, who undertook it with Cambysus his Country-man, as very a Cretian as himself (that is, as false a Knave) and brought him out, but betrayed him to Antiochus; who seeing him, could not refrain Tears, considering the Calamities incident to great Fortunes, but Condemned him to a cruel Death.

Antiochus some Years after, made an Expedition against the Hircanians and Parthians, a little Nation, subject to the Median Government, which was now in the hand of Antiochus's Lieutenant, whose Insolency provoked Arsaces a Noble-man to Rebel, and made himself King. He succeeded so well, that he withstood Seleucus Callinicus, and took him Prisoner, but entertained him nobly, and released him; his Posterity increased the Dominion. Arsaces the Second now Reigned, against whom Antiochus led such an Army as he could not encounter, till Antiochus had pass'd through the Country, and won Tambrace in Hyrcania, by which time he had gathered such Forces as enabled him to try Battel. After this he sought Peace, which Antiochus granted, making him a Friend whom he could not force to be a Subject. The like Expedition made against the Bactrians Governed by Euthydemus, with whom also he made Peace; and went over Caucasus to review the Old League with the Indians.

§. 3. Ptolomoeus Philopa • er, so called by derision, as having made away Father and Mother, as it is thought, though he began to Reign young after the Batt • l at Raphia, gave himself over to Sensuality; and by the instigation of Agathoclea his Strumpet, Sister to Agathocles, murdered his Wife, set his Sister, which was Arsinoe, by whom he had Ptolomaeus Epiphanes, which he left but five Years Old, unto the tuition of Agathocles. He Assembled the Macedonians, which were the Kings ordinary Forces in Pay. (Not all Born in Macedon, but of the Posterity of them which Planted in Egypt with Ptolomaeus Lagus, and would not be called Egyptians, as neither would the Kings,) To these he made an Oration with Tears, intreating their Fidelity to the King, whom he shewed in his Sister's Arms, and accused one Tlepolemus of Treason; but finding himself deceived, he departed; and upon his taking one of them upon suspicion of Treason against himself, they rose in Arms, took away the King, slew him, dragged the Strumpet his Sister naked through the Streets of Alexandria, as also her Mother the Bawd, and tore them in pieces. Antiochus, and Philip of Macedon, thought to make advantage of these troubles in Egypt, and to divide the Orphans Estate between them. But the Romans whom Philopater had obliged in the Punick War, being Solicited, were easily persuaded to protect the Child. The Macedonian was imployed at Home. Antiochus having recovered his losses in Syria, the Iews were civilly treated by him: And he suffered himself to be persuaded by the Romans, to forbear the Egyptians. He also sent to make League with the Romans, who applyed themselves to give him all satisfaction, though they secretly intended otherwise, till they had effected their design for Macedon. Antiochus dealt after the same manner with Philip, and with Eumenes, Son of Attalus, King of Pergamus, offering either of them a Daughter, and yet endeavour'd to destroy them. Eumenes excuseth his refusal, and tells his Brethren (who wondred at it) that in taking the Offer he should fall into the Quarrel against the Romans, who would surely make War upon him. The Rhodians also had the prudence to foresee that Storm, when they threatned to set upon his Fleet, if it did pass a certain Promontory in Cilicia: Thus seeking to keep him f • om joyning with Philip their Enemy, and molesting the South of Asia belonging to P • olomy, the next Spring he passed over Hellespont into Europe, and re-edified, and peopled Lysimachia.

§. 4. Rome having temporized with Antiochus, till the War in Macedon was ended, and most of Greece become little better than Clyents, L. Cornelius is sent unto Antiochus in more plain Terms, urging his restoring to Ptolomy what he had lately taken from him, and the like also to Philip, and to let the free Cities in Asia rest quiet, and requiring a Reason for his bringing such an Army into Europe. Antiochus wonders the Romans should trouble themselves with Asian matters, more than he with Italian, and answers the rest so as Cornelius replyed not; but upon false rumours of Ptolomy's Death he hasteth thither, having Commission for that purpose. Antiochus also hasteth thither, with all his Sea-Forces, to take possession; but hearing Ptolomy was alive, he took another way; and after a dangerous Shipwrack recovered Seleucia, and so went to Antiochia, where he was secure for that Winter. Rome in the mean time is careful to secure Greece and Macedon, against the Asian War, the Fame whereof coming to Carthage, gave Hannibal's Enemies occasion to contrive his Expulsion. He had of late put on the long Robe, being chosen Praetor, and reformed the Treasurers who Robbed the Treasury, and brought the Judges to be Annual, who had been for Life, which inflamed their Envy. Rome is informed his Faction was strong, and will be in Arms suddenly; for preventing whereof three Embassadours, are sent, pretending his well-wishe • s, as also other business about Masanissa; for Rome is glad of such an occasion against him, though P. Scipio dissuaded that dishonourable course; and Hannibal, for all the pretence, knew their meaning, and having shewed himself in the Assembly, and in the Evening walking out with two Friends, took Horse where he had appointed them, and that Night came to a Tower of his own, where he had a Ship always furnished for such purpose, and so Sailed to Tyre, and thence to Antiochus at Ephesus, who is exceedingly rejoyced at his coming. But what could this great General do in the Asiatique War? He could not make such Souldiers of base Asiatiques, as of hardy Spaniards, Gauls and Africans, &c. N • y, could he do it, yet the Pride of Antiochus's Court, the Baseness of his Flatteries, and a Thousand Vexations would make his Virtues unprofitable, being a banished Desolate Man, wanting his Brethren to assist him. But Antiochus was more careful of Peace with Rome, sending to Quintius, to require the Faithful keeping of it, though the Romans intended nothing less, as the common talk at Rome, and Quintius's stay in Greece, and seeking pretences not to Depart, did Argue. For being secure of Philip, Greece being at Peace, Antiochus still Solicites Peace. But the Aetolians are much convinced, that Quintius should still keep Possession of C • alcis, Demetrias, and Acrocorinthus. Nabis, Tyrant of Lacedemon kept Argos in Bondage, which concerns the Romans in Honour to make free, saith Quintius, which the Aetolians will undertake. Yet in a common Assembly of all the States, Quintius is intreated to do it, as being easie, when all the Confedrates were joined with him. After this, the Romans depart out of Greece, and Titus Quintius Triumpheth at Rome. Quintius and his Associates from Rome, and Antiochus his Embassadours make many Treaties to no purpose, but to give Antiochus leisure of two Years to prepare for War The Roman Conditions were not less dishonourable for him to yield to, than unreasonable for them to Demand. For though, they which have been at War, and gotten no great advantage of each other, may demand restitution of things gotten, or lost; Yet between them, who never fell out, for wrong done, or received, there can no such Conditions for establishing Friendship be proposed: Seeing it is reasonable, that each should enjoy their own; and neither take Superiority over the other to prescribe Conditions, as Conquerours may do.

§. 5. Rome, after Hannibal's departure out of Italy, was continually Infested with Insurrections of the Insubrians, Boijans, and other Cisalpine Gauls, with the Ligurians; who having served together under Mago, and Amilcar, became such Friendly partakers of each others Fortune, that they seldom undertook any Enterprize, but together. The Cisalpine Gauls, or Lumbards, had been kept under by Rome, from the second Punick War, until Hannibal invaded Italy, and held out after by the assistance of the Ligurians; a stout, subtle, hardy, poor People, induring hardness, and not discouraged by losses; obstinate in War, without respect of keeping Covenant, and continu'd Enemies and Friends more by Custom, as Savages do, than by Judgment. The Roman War with them, served to train their Men to Hardness, and Military patience. Spain also, after Scipio's departure, put Rome to continual employment, slew a Proconsul. Porcius Cato Consul, had almost as much work there, as the Re-conquest of Spain: He began to disarm them, which made them desperate; he cast down all their Walls, and brought the Country to that pass, that it was in no danger to be lost long after.

Hannibal being forced to leave Carthage, his Enemies promise themselves and their City all the happiness which obedience to Rome could afford; but coming to try the Controversie before the Senate with King Masanissa, who had taken from them some Land, which he claimed anciently belonging to his Fore-fathers, they found how little regard they had to Carthage.

§. 6. The Aetolians discontented with the Peace made by the Romans, as finding their Merit undervalued, invite Philip, Antiochus, and Nabis, against the Romans. Nabis beginneth and besiegeth Gytheum, and wasteth Achaea. P • ilopoemen was now Praetor of Achaea, to whose discretion all being referred, he began with a Sea-fight, wherein his skill failed; then he fell to his own Element to prove the Enemy at Land, where his skill in discerning the advantages of Ground, was excellent, and by an Ambush intrapped his Enemy and slew many. So likewise, he deceived Nabis by a counterfeit Fugitive, which told him Philopoemen designed to get between him and Lacedemon, which made him hasten Homeward, leaving some Troops to Guard his Camp, which was presently fired, and he pursued so hard that his People • led into a Wood, thinking to get Home in the Night; but the Ways being laid, hardly a quarter of them got into Sparta. While the Romans are busie in Greece to prepare War with Antiochus, their Embassadours with Antiochus Treat of Peace; and there meeting with Hannibal, and conferring often with him, Antiochus grew jealous, till he was informed by him of the Oath his Father had made him take, never to be Friends with the Romans. Antiochus rejecting the dear rated Peace offered by Rome, complies with the Aetolians, who thereupon in their Panaetolium, or common Assembly of the Nation, decree to call Antiochus into Greece, to decide their Controversie with the Romans. The execution of the Decree was referred to the Apocleti, or Privy-Council, who suddenly surprized Demetrias, but failed of Chalcis; yet they got Lacedemon by killing Nabis their Friend, under pretence to give him aid in his weakness, after his Overthrow by Philopoemen; but while they were busie in rifling his Palace, the Citizens took Arms and slew them. Philopoemen, while Lacedemon was in this doubtful Estate, went to it, and called out the chief Citizens, persuading them to inco • porate the City unto Achaea, which they yielded unto.

§. 7. Antiochus, upon Thoas, the Aetolians Counsel, changed his purpose of sending Hannibal with a Fleet against the Romans in Africa, and ordered him presently to pass over to Greece, which he performed, but with no such numbers as were expected, having only Forty serviceable Ships, Six Elephants, Ten Thousand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse; which smalness of number he excused, promising shortly to fill all Greece. Being chosen their General, he went first against Chalcis, thinking to gain them with words, but could not till he returned with greater Power; upon this, the rest of the Island of Eubaea yielded. Then Embassadours are sent to all Quarters to persuade them to join with King Antiochus, who came to procure their Freedom; they answer as had the Chalicidians, Their Freedom could not be bettered. They meet with Quintius at an Achaean Council, where the Aetolians and Antiocheans extol one another, by which Quintius took opportunity to shew their vanity, and the Kings weakness both in Judgment and Power, and that he and the Aetolians did but delude each other: So War was Proclaimed against them. Thus as the turbulent Aetolians were only forward with Antiochus against the Romans, so the Achaeans do at last declare for them; all the rest stand doubtful, except Elamis, who loved the Aetolians, and the Eubaeans and Boeotians forced by Antiochus, with the Magnetians and Athamanians. Antiochus confers with these, and Hannibal long neglected, by reason of the bragging Aetolians, is consulted, who spake plainly his mind: That as for these Confederates, their weakness and fear made them uncertain Friends, whereas if the Macedonian had been engaged, he was strong and could not start, having once fallen off from Rome; but if he dare not, let him keep at Work at Home; and let the Gauls be provoked, and a strong Power sent into Italy, while the King proceeds at Greece. They are pleased with the brave Speech of this great Spirit; but nothing is done, except forcing Thessaly, where yet Larissa withstood his Army, and was relieved by the Romans, at whose sight he rose and went to Chalcis, to promote the Love of a trappanning Woman.

M. Acilius, Consul, comes into Greece with Ten Thousand Foot, Two Thousand Horse, and Fifteen Elephants, to whom Ptolomy, Philip, Carthage and Masanissa offer their assistance, but only Philip is accepted, and recompenced with Athamania, Aminander the King being expelled. All Thessaly willingly yielded, and Antiochus is perplexed, crying out he was betrayed, and called upon the Aetolians, who sent in some small Forces, with which and his own, he took the Passage of the Straits of Thermopylae, out of which nevertheless he was beaten by the Consul Porcius Cato's indefatigable labour, in finding out an unknown Passage up, where the Aetolians had six Hundred to keep the Place, whom he put to flight, and following them was led to Antiochus's Camp, upon sight of whom all ran away, and Antiochus forsaketh Greece. In few days all that Antiochus had got was recovered, and Heraclia won from the Aetolians to their great Terrour, they having sent Post to Antiochus for Aid before they had been subdued by the Romans, who now left no Enemy behind against their Invading Asia. Antiochus upon that consideration, sent Nicanor with Money and promise of Forces; but upon loss of Heraclia they sue humbly to the Consul, who will scarcely hear them. In the end offering to yield to the Romans, upon discretion, he required such Conditions as they thought slavish; whereupon he offered to lay Chains upon them, but was over persuaded. So he went to besiege Naupactus while Quintius was settling Peloponesus, from whence he came to the Consul when the earnest Suit of the Aetolians had procured Truce, while they might send to Rome, which they did to no purpose▪ whereupon they Sue for Pardon. The Consul suddenly attempeth Lamia, and won it, while they prepare against him at Naupactus, and then goeth to Amphysia.

§. 8. Cornelius Scipio is chosen Consul, and upon Publius Scipio Africanus's offer to be his Lieutenant, is appointed to Asia; who having Thirteen Thousand Foot, and an Hundred Horse, came into Greece, and took charge of that Army at Amphysia, which presently was forsaken; but the Castle held out and was thought impregnable, which made Publius Scipio procure a Years Truce for them, much desiring to be in Asia. So that the Scipio's set forward, and in Macedon find all desired assistance, and Philip to accompany them to the Hellespont, where they stay till the Navy to Transport them be ready. At the Sea this Spring Polixenidas banished Rhodia, but Antioc • us's faithful Admiral desiring to be revenged, hearing the Rhodian Fleet lay at Samos, sent the Admiral private Intelligence, that if his Banishment might be repealed, he would betray the Kings Fleet. After agreement between them, the Rhodian grew secure, so that Polixenidas coming suddenly upon him, took or sunk all but five. Seleucus Son of Antiochus besieged Pergamus, which was defended by Attalus, Brother of King Eumenes, who was assisted by Diophanes, b • ed up by Philopoemen with a Thousand Foot, and an Hundred Horse; He observing from the Walls how careless the Enemy was, went out with his Achaeans, and encamped near the Enemy, who derided his boldness, and seeing him so quiet, became secure, but were soon surprized, and many slain: So that after such another defeat, Seleucus was forced to quit the Siege. Antiochus shortly after lost Forty Gallies near Myonesus, a Promontory in Asia, being Overthrown by the Romans and Rhodians, so that he had but Forty nine left. Upon this he called Home the Garrison from Lysimachia, and Mustred all his Forces, intending only his own defence, to which he desired a Supply of his Father in Law, the King of Cappadocia: But he hearing the Consul was Landed in Asia, sent to intreat Peace, offering to free what Towns he would name upon the Coast, yea to part Asia with them, and bear half their Charge. All this the Consul thought too little; he will have all the Charges, and all the lesser Asia freed, and him confined over Mount Taurus; to which Publius Scipio adviseth the Kings Embassadour to persuade his Master, when he privately solicited his mediation to the Consul. His King esteeming these demands no less than if he had been Conquered, would not listen to them, having Seventy Thousand Foot, and Twelve Thousand Horse, Ninety two Elephants, and many Armed Chariots after the Eastern manner, with Sithes; nor did he fear him. For hearing Publius Scipio was sick, he sent him his Son, whom he had taken Prisoner and used honourably; which comforted the Father, who for requital wished him not to fight till he heard of his coming to the Camp. The King hereupon removed to Magnesia on Sypylus, and Fortified himself, being followed by the Consul, who offered him Battle, which he would not accept; till at last fearing to dishearten his Men, when the Consul took the Field and set his Men in order, he also did the like, which made an admirable Show for numbers and variety, through the different manner every Nation used. It is shameful to relate, and incredible to believe, how little resistance this brave Show of Asiatiques made, suffering themselves to be slain like so many Beasts, to the Number of Fifty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Horse, besides Prisoners, with only the loss of three Hundred Roman Foot, Twenty four Horse, and Twenty five of Eumenes's Men. Antiochus sends from Apamea, whither he was fled, an Embassadour with full Power to submit to what the Consul would require, to which Publius Scipio obtained leave to Answer, because it should be moderate▪ He requireth Fifteen Thousand Talents to be paid at set times; That Antiochus shall abandon all on this side Taurus, pay Eumenes four Hundred Talents, and a proportion of Corn; put in Twenty Hostages, and deliver Hannibal, and Thoas the Aetolian, unto the Romans. Antiochus's Embassadour comes to Rome, accompanied with King Eumenes and the Rhodians; and the Peace is Confirmed with the division of the Conquests among the Roman Allies to their full satisfaction. Cornelius Scipio returning, hath a Triumph exceeding any Ten before, and had the Sirname Asiatique for his Title, as the Merits of his Victory, tho' the Virtue requisite was short of that in Publius Scipio.

§. 9. Marcus Fulvius, and Curius Manlius the Consuls, have Greece and Asia divided between them, being more than one could look after at once, having the Aetolians to reduce unto the acknowledgment of the Romans, and their new Conquests in Asia to be regulated. In the interim of the Aetolians Truce, Aminander (whose Kingdom of Athamania the Romans had permitted Philip to Possess) found means to recover it, as the Aetolians did the Amphilochians and Aperantians. Fulvius being come into Greece, besieged the noble City Ambracia, which much imported the Aetolians not to lose, and yet were not able to relieve it: So that the Athenians and Rhodians interceed for Peace, which the Consul (finding the difficulty of winning the Town) condescended to. To Rome they go, and agree to divers Articles, which make them more obnoxious to Rome than any people of Greece. Consul Manlius in Asia, visited all that Antiochus had lost on this side Taurus, and loaded himself with the Booty, and at length came to the Gallo-Grecians upon the River Halis; who took all they had, and went up to the Mountains Olympus and Margaena, hoping the Consul either would not follow, or be easily repelled. But in both they were deceived, being unfurnished with Arrows or Slings, or defensive Armour, and so in the end were forced to throw themselves off the Rocks, leaving to the Romans all that Wealth which they had gotten by long robbing their Neighbours. He forced Ararathes and others to submit, from whom he also drew, what he could get. Finally, having sworn the Peace of Antiochus, and taken an Oath of his Embassadours for him, to take his way Home by Hellespont, loaden with rich Spoils; and accordingly passing through Thrace, he was eased of the carriage of no small part, not without the instigation of Philip, grown very uneasie with the Romans for not respecting him according to his Deserts, as he thought. But the Consuls at their return to Rome, triumphed; and Manlius was charged with sending his Armies over Taurus, the fatal Bounds of Rome, according to the Sybills Prophesie: Yet Lucullus and Pompey led the Roman Army over those Hills with Manlius, when he deferred Triumph, there being an hot Inquisition in the City, by the Tribunes against the Scipio's, as not having brought into the Treasury, what was gotten in their Victories. This indignity so offended Publius Scipio, that he left the City, and never returned, redeemed his Brethren, and his Goods were all confiscated. After this, Manlius brought into the Treasury as much as made the last Payment of the Money borrowed of Private Men in the Punick War. Thus began the Civil War, of the Tongue in the Roman pleading; Security from danger abroad, and sufficient employment kindling this fire at Home, which caught hold upon that great Worthy, to whose Virtue Rome was so much indebted. But these Factions did not long contain themselves within the hea • of words; but when Men found themselves over-matched at the Weapon of the Tongue, whose Art in leading the multitude was grown to perfection, they turned to open Hands by Prays in Streets, and after by Battels in open Fields, which in three Generations after, overthrew the insolent Rule both of Senate and People.

CHAP. VI. Of the second Macedonian War.

ANtiochus being Overthrown, Philip, Eumenes, and all Greece seemed to be Free Men, and Govern by their own Laws; but indeed were absolute Vassals to Rome, which of the five Prerogatives of an absolute Monarch, or Sovereign Power, viz. To make Laws, Magistrates, Peace and War, Coyn Money, and receive Appeals, the Romans had assumed four, especially the greatest, which is Appeals, and in the other three, interposed her self at Pleasure. Yet Eumenes living far off, and the Neighbour Nations not well subdued, and obedient to Rome, he was long unquestioned of any thing; as was also Masanissa. Philip's Temper was more noble, as he which had not forgot his own former Greatness, Honour of his Family, and the high Reputation of his Kingdom. His Magnanimity is construed Want of Reverence to the Roman Greatness: so that upon the complaint of Eumenes and the States of Thessaly, he must depart, leaving even those places he had Conquered, by the Consent of Rome. Lisimachia the chief City in Thrace, having been assistant in Philip's Usurpation, was destroyed by the Thracians, and Reedified by Antiochus, after he had won Chersonesus, both which the Romans bestowed upon Eumenes: To these Aenus and Maronea had belonged, both gotten by Philip, and Fortified for Guard of his Kingdom against the Barbarous Thracians, which now Eumenes beggeth; but the People of these places endeavour their own Freedom from both. This design of the Maronites so provoked Philip, that by Cassander, one of his Men in Maronea, directed by Onomastus his Warden of the Sea Coast, the Thracians were let into the Town, which was sackt by them: And when Cassander at the Romans demand, was to be sent to Rome to be examined about it, he was Poisoned by the Way, according to Machivel's Rule. Philip hereby grew further into question at Rome, but sent Demetrius his Son, who had been Hostage there, and obtained the favour for him to answer. In the mean time the Roman Embassadour which had judged between him and his Neighbours, passing through Greece, hears of a Controversie between the Achaeans and Lacedemonians, which Lycortus the Achaean Praetor, told Appius Claudius boldly, that it was strange, that the Romans should call their faithful Allies to account, as if they were Vassals. Appius answered like a Roman Lord, and threatned to force them, and shortly after, the Senate made void all Judgments of Death, or Banishment given by the Achaeans against the Lacedemonians: And made it a question whether Lacedemon should not be made a free State, as of Old: Into this Slavery, had the Romans brought all the States near them, which had desired their Patronage, and made them groan under the Yoke. Demetrius returned to his Father with desired Peace; more for his own sake than his Fathers, as they wrote to Philip, which made the Son insolent, and the Father to hate both them and him.

§. 2. Messene, which had been annexed to the Achaean Commonwealth against their Wills, grew bold upon the Romans Peremptory dealing with the Achaeans designing to fall off, in hope to become a free State again: Philopoemen Praetor of Achaea, Levied Forces in haste to meet Dinocrates the Messenian Captain, and forced him to retire, till a fresh Supply coming from Messene, compelled him to retreat, in which labouring to make Way for his Horsemen, himself weak with former Sickness was dismounted, taken, and carried to Messene, where Dinocrates seeing him so generally affected, hastned his Death by an Hangman, which brought him a Cup of Poison. Hannibal about the same time was with Prusias King of Bythinia, to whom T. Quintius was sent to demand him, as the most spiteful Enemy of Rome; wherein the wretched King intending to give the Romans satisfaction, set a Guard about Hannibal's Lodgings, who seeing himself beset, took a Poison, which he always carried about him, and so Died; exclaiming against the Romans, degenerating from the Virtue of their Ancestors, who would not consent to the Poisoning of Pyrrhus their Enemy, and against the Treachery of Prusias, betraying his Guest, contrary to the Honour of a King, and the Laws of Hospitality, and Faith given. Publius Scipio died the same Year, to accompany Philopoemen and Hannibal: Being as great Generals as ever the World had; but as Unfortunate as Famous. Had Hannibal, whose Tragedy we have endeavoured only some hints of, been Prince of Carthage, able to command such supplies as the War he took in hand required, it is probable he had torn up the Roman Empire by the Roots. But the strong Cowardly Factions of Enemies at Home, made his great Virtue (wanting Publick Force to sustain it) to dissolve it self in his own and Countries Calamity.

From such Envy of Equals, or jealousie of our Masters, whether Kings, or Commonwealths, it is, that no Profession is more unprosperous than that of Generals; besides the Rapes, Slaughters, Devastations, &c. which are so hateful to God, That were not the Mercies of God infinite (as Monluc Marshal of France confessed) it were in vain for those of his profession to hope for any portion thereof, such Cruelties being permitted, or committed by them. And true it is, that as the Victories obtained by so many of the greatest Commanders, are commonly ascribed either to Fortune, or to their Followers, or Cowardize of the vanquished, so the most, whose Virtues have raised them above all Envy, have in the end been rewarded either with Disgrace, Banishment, or Death; as Examples, both of the Romans, and Grecians Witness.

§. 3. Philip well perceiving the Romans aimed at his Kingdom, repented himself of his Obsequiousness to them. Yet was in ill Condition to help himself, having been beaten by them; his People unwilling to deal with them, and no Friends to assist him. Ye • Necessity, the Mother of Invention, made him resolved to remove the Inhabitants of his Maritime Towns to Emathia, and people them with Thracians that feared not the Romans. He also designed to draw the Bacternae, an hardy Nation, beyond Danubius, into Dardania, and to root out the Dardanians, always troublesome to Macedon: But this device took slow effect, and was hindred divers ways. His Subjects removed against their Will, broke into words, which his cruel Nature seeking to repress by putting many unto Death, increased to exclamation, which inflamed him barbarously to Massacre their Children. After this, the Furies enter his own House, and Vengeance was poured upon him from Heaven in his own Children, as was thought by the jealousie he had of Demetrius his Younger Son, and the fear Prusius had of him for his Interest in the Romans Affections. Wicked Instruments are not wanting, who counterfeit a Letter from Quintius to Philip, intreating for Demetrius, with an intimation of his ambitious Desire against his Brother Prusius: One Didas also, to whom he was committed by Philip, pretending Friendship to him, sounded him, and told the King that he meant to flye to the Romans, who would not fail him: So the Father, without any examination, commanded his unhappy Son to be Murdered; and after, upon his Cousin Antigonus his searching, found out the Contrivance too late. Hereupon he intended to confer the Kingdom upon Antigonus, but Death prevented it.

§. 4. Perseus succeeded his Father, who had Reigned Forty two Years; he thought it not expedient to imbroil himself so soon with the Roman War, but to settle his Dominions, and therefore to prevent danger, slew Antigonus. Then to get his Subjects Affections, he sate in Judgment, and made them many publick Shows; and to win the Romans, he sent and renewed the League.

Masanissa, had heretofore taken the Country of Emporia from Carthage, and about this time he took other Land from them by force, about Seventy Towns and Castles, of which, when the Carthaginians complained by their Embassadours, prostrate with Tears before the Senate, desiring Right, or Liberty to defend themselves against him, or at least to know how far Masanissa should be allowed to proceed: And if none of these would be granted, that then the Senate it self would inflict upon them what they thought meet, rather than to keep them in continual fear of this Numidian Hangman. See the fruits of their Envy against that valiant Family of the Barchines, and of the Roman Peace desired by Hanno; which hath made them Slaves to the Servants of the Numidian, whose Fathers they had used to sell over Africk and Greece. Their Answer was gentle, but without effect, and Masanissa hath a mild rebuke. Perseus is not yet brought into such a Yoke, but must be, for he is questioned for taking up Arms without their leave, though to subdue his own Rebels. After the same manner they dealt with Greece: And of all others, with the Achaeans, who presumed most on their Favour: So that all saw, that the Roman Patronage tended to nothing, but the bondage of Greece. This gave Perseus hopes to find a Party there, as indeed he did, though it little availed him.

§. 5. Eumenes King of Pergamus hated Perseus exceedingly, not only for an Hereditary quarrel with Macedon, but for that, he perceived the Greeks began to favour him more than himself, whom they seemed to neglect, for being over serviceable to Rome. For Redress hereof, he thought it not hard to induce the Romans, utterly to overthrow the Macedonian Kingdom, which the Greeks now adored; to which end, he took a second Journey to Rome, where he laboured to provoke the Fathers against Perseus; which needed not, though yet they heard him willingly, that their Pretence of War might have the fairer shew, as proceeding from the information of such a King, come on purpose so far as out of Asia. The Rhodians also were there with the Macedonian Embassadours, to answer, with matter of recrimination, that Eumenes had provoked the Lycians to Rebel against the Rhodians. Careless Audience was given to the Rhodians, for their Friendly Office in conveying Laodice the Daughter of Antiochus to Perseus; and their Answer is, that the Lycians were assigned to Rhodes, not as Vassals, but Associates: Thus their Subjects are become their Fellows. Masanissa and the Aetolians, whose Subjects were not increased by the Romans, or by the Cities and Peo,+ple bestowed upon them after Antiochus's Overthrow, but their Friends, had cause to resent this Decree. The Macedonian Embassadours were heard, not so carelesly as angerly, being glad that Harpatus, the chief Embassadour, had by violent Speeches given them cause of anger. And though Perseus his faint Heart was not sit to threaten; Yet now he might think to get more by a little Bravery than submission, seeing the Eyes of all Greece were set upon him for a Delivery from the Roman Servitude. And it seems Perseus was not very cautious of offending them, when he hired three or four Ru •• ians to Murder Eumenes, in his return from Worshiping at Delphos, whom they had left for Dead, though he recovered. The Report of his Death made Attalus his Brother to take upon him as King, and would have taken Stratonica his Wife (as a matter of State) had not Eumenes's coming home, put a stop to it: All which Eumenes only checked, with wishing him not to Marry with the Queen, till he was sure the King was Dead, who then bequeathed her to him. The Senate upon these occasions, Decree War, and send Embassadours to require satisfaction, or to denounce it, which Perseus slights, calling the Romans greedy, and insolent; commanding them to depart. This present heat was too much, he wanting constant resolution, which he neglected in hope of Peace.

§▪ 6. Rome had now fair occasion of War with Macedon, which though it had been long sought, yet the preparation for War was to seek, and the want of it helped to sound the disposition of Greece, which they solicite by Embassadours with better terms than Threatnings, though they durst not but promise aid to them, whose Ruin they desired. The fear of Greece, grew from the timerous demeanour of Perseus, whom they secretly affected, but saw his want of resolution would betray them all that declared for them, if he could make his Peace, which even then he sought, when he was in the Field, and his Enemy not in sight. His Embassadours were scarce come Home, when Licinius the Roman Consul was at Apollonia; and yet Perseus is still in deliberation, though at last the stoutest and wisest Counsel prevailed, if it had been as well followed after he had brought his Forces together, which were Thirty nine Thousand Foot, and four Thousand Horse. Being come into Thessaly, which was the Enemies way, some Towns yield, and some he forc'd, and so came to Sicurium. Licinius is also come into Thessaly, with only two Legions, tyred in his passage through Athamania; and resteth by the River Peneus, Incamping there, and intending not to Fight till his Auxiliaries were come; that so he might strongly force through Tempe, of whose Straits Perseus was Master, to his great advantage, and might have had more in taking the Straits of Aous. Eumenes, and Attalus his Brother, are come to the Consul with four Thousand Foot, and one Thousand Horse. Yet the Consul keepeth in his Trenches, and is content to be insulted▪ day by day, by Perseus, till at last, he was forced to send out Eumenes, Attalus, and his own Brother. In this Skirmish Perseus slew two Hundred, and took as many, with little loss, and might have distressed the Consuls Camp, if his fear had not baffled his Incouragement by this Success: For the Consul was glad to Decamp at Midnight, to a stronger Place beyond the River. Of all the advantages he had, this weak spirited Man made no other use, than to hope for Peace; though Licinius peremptorily told him he should look for none, without an absolute yielding both Person and Kingdom. Not long after, attempting to force the Consuls Camp, he had the worst, and thereupon leaving a weak Guard in Tempe, he returned to Macedon. Licinius the Consul, and Lucretius the Admiral, ended their Year with cruel Oppression of the Confederates; as did this Successours, Hostilius, and Hortensis the Admiral, who more intended quarrelling with Friends, than warring with Enemies; of the Oppressions by the two Admirals, Complaint was made at Rome, and Lucretius deeply fined, and a Decree sent to Greece, Ordering him to refuse all Impositions not warranted by the Senate.

§. 7. Perseus in the two first Years of the War, was grown stronger, being inlarged on the Illyrian side, and his Grecian Friends grown bolder; and many of the Roman Friends keep out their Admiral by force, for his Oppression; and the Glory of the Enterprize against Macedon, defac'd as their Army lessened greatly. P. Martius a new Consul, cometh to help all, if he knew how; yet he began hotly, and indeed the right way to pass through the Straits, not by Force against the Guard that kept them, but by seeking untrodden Ways over such steep Mountains, as if Nature had determined Armies should never pass them, especially with Elephants. Perseus could not be ignorant of the Romans coming towards him, and might have distressed them, if his Heart had served; but he only Guarded the ordinary Passages into Tempe; and when he saw the Romans entred, he was so far from forcing them upon their extreme Weariness, that he fled, crying All was lost without a Fight. So in haste he left Dium, being the strong Passage into Macedon, and sent Post to set Fire on his Arsenal at Thessalonica, and cast his Treasure at Pella into the Sea, and called the Captains which kept the Straits; but after his Fear was past, he put the two First to Death, to cover his Fear, as if they had acted without his Command. Martius presently took Dium, yet after one days March into Macedon, want of Food forced him back to Thessaly, so unable was he to hold out, if he had kept the Straits: So he forsook Dium, and took the Way to Phila, to meet his desired Provision, and foolishly gave over the Enterprize, either for want to Courage, or Skill; which so Incouraged Perseus, that he Fortified Dium again, and so frustrated all the Consuls proceeding that Summer, who only took Heraclea, five Miles off. The like Success had the Admiral at Sea in Attempting Thessalonica, Cassandria, and Demetrias, though assisted by Eumenes. While the Consul lay at Heraclea, he persuaded the Rhodian Embassadours to Mediate for a Peace, which might argue his Fear, though Polybius thinks it was to indanger the Rhodians. Here also Polybius brought him word of Supplies Decreed for him out of Achaea, which he refused, and also dissuaded sending any to Appius Claudius, as not needful, though Claudius on the Frontier of Illyria was in danger, and sent for it, and for want of it, was highly displeased with Polybius. Eumenes at this time grew cold in Affection to Rome, upon what occasion is dou • tful; though it was generally thought, that • pon disgust of some usage of Martius he went Home, from whence Perseus sent to invite him by some hope of Gain, and upon consideration of that, the Fire was like to take his own House, next after Perseus's House was burnt. The like course Perseus took with Gentius King of Illyria, and gained him, and both send to the Rhodians, desiring them to Mediate between Perseus and Rome, which they promised, thinking Martius also desired it: But when their Embassadour moved for that Mediation, they were so disdainfully taken up, that in all Humility they were glad to submit. Gentius having received Ten Talents, and more being coming, laid hands on the Roman Embassadours, and committed them, whereupon Perseus recalled his last Treasure, seeing Gentius so far ingaged. About that time came Clondi • us with Ten Thousand Horse, and Ten Thousand Foot of Gauls, or Bastarnes, procured by Perseus; but for want of Covenanted Pay, presently returned toward Danubius.

§. 8. Lucius Aemilius Paulus Consul the second time, had Macedon for his Province, but refused to propound any thing for that Service to the Senate, till a view were taken of the State of the Army there, and how it stood with the Macedonian; so Supplies are made accordingly for him, and the Admiral, and L. Anicius to succeed Appius Claudius the Pretor. Aemilius at his departing, in his grave Oration, Requested them which thought themselves wise enough to manage those Wars, either to go with him for his assistance, or govern their Tongues at Home, and not Censure upon hear-say: For he would frame his Actions to the advantage of the State; not to the expectation of the Multitude.

He was Honourably attended out of the City, and in five Days came to the Camp, when Perseus lay in Dium, and Fortified the Fords of Enipeus; between which, and Tempe, for Ten Miles, which is along the Sea-shore and Olympus, is no fresh Water; but Aemilius knew no Shore wants fresh Water after a little digging; for want whereof Martius was glad to go to Heraclea. Yet the Passage over Olympus was as difficult now as then: So that Aemilius fell to enquire, and found a Passage over Olympus, but narrow, leading to Perrabia, difficult of Ascent, but slenderly Guarded; either not found, or not attempted by Martius; whose Men being tryed in getting over Ossa, would hardly adventure such another. But Paulus was a far more able Commander, and had Taught them better than to question a Generals Command, and made choice of five Thousand for the Enterprize, whom he committed to his two Adopted Sons, Scipio Aemilianus, and Quintus Fabius Maximus. These two, the better to conceal their Journey over the Mountains, Marched out another way, till Night came; and the Consul made shew as if he would have set upon Perseus, and gain a Passage over Enipeus to divert him from the business intended; so that Scipio and Fabius having forced the small Guard, got in three Days over, and were not discovered till the Guard, which fled, were come to the Camp. Then was all in a Tumult, and the King, most of all amazed, hasteth to Pydna, where he consults whether he should Fortifie some Town, or put all to the hazard of a Battle; which latter, though the worst, is resolved upon, and that which the Consul wished. The King chose the place near Pydna, whither the Consul came; but made a stand, till a place for the Camp were Intrenched, and the Souldiers refreshed after Marching, though both sides thought it long, especially the Romans feared, lest the King should remove further off. That Evening was the Consul told by a Tribune, of an Ecclipse of the Moon that Night, and the Natural cause of it, who was contented it should be Published in the Camp, to prevent their Fear. Superstition captivates the Wise, where the help of true Religion is wanting. Aemilius, as soon as the Moon recovered her Light, Congratulated her with a Sacrifice; for which Plutarch calls him a Godly Man: And the next Morning he made another to Hercules, about which, much of the Day was spent before the Grecian partial God gave a good sign to the Entrals of the Sacrifice; so that on Day neither side had any great desire to Fight. Yet after ten of the Clock, upon a light occasion of watring of Horses, two or three of each side fell to Blows, and Parties came in so fast, that both the Generals were forced to put their Men in order of Battel, and after an Oration, set them together: But Perseus used the shift of a Coward, to leave his Men, and withdraw himself to Pydna, pretending Sacrifice, which being unseasonable, proved him an Hypocritical Coward. He sped accordingly, for returning he found it little better than lost, but got the Honour to be present, that he might run away with his Men, leaving Twenty Thousand Foot slain in the Field, while he recovered Pella; from which he fled in • he Night for fear of his own Peop • e, and came to Amphipolis; but was glad to be • gon by Sea with his Treasure to Samothrace. The Head having forsaken the Body, little Sense was left, or Strength to stand; all the Kingdom fell presently into the Conquerours hand, •• ile the King taketh Sanctuary with his Treasure, Wife and Children, in Samothrace, and after base Suit to the Consul, endeavours to escape in a Cretian Ship; which having taken in much of his Treasure, set Sail, and left him in the lurch; in the end he was forced to yield himself, and all into the Consuls hand, and so made the Conquest compleat: Being before the Consul, he meanly prostrated himself, so that he seemed to dishonour the Victory, as obtained upon a Man of so base a Condition. Thus ended the Macedonian Kingdom, after a War of Four Years, and the Glory of the World was Translated to Rome.

§. 9. Gentius King of Illyria with fifteen Thousand Men at Lyssus, ready to assist Perseus upon Receipt of the Mony promised, was attack'd by Anicius the Roman Praetor, who drove him into Scodra or Sutary, where after a while he yielded himself and all his Men to the Roman Praetor, who ended that War in Thirty days.

§. 10. Rome swelling with the Pride of her Fortune, called the Rhodian Embassadours, whom they threaten as Parties with Macedon, whose Cause they had presumed to undertake: And though they Congratulated the Victory, Deprecated their Folly, and their Citizens had put to Death, or sent Prisoners to Rome all the chief Men of the Macedonian Faction; yet War had been Proclaimed against them but for Cato, who said it would be judged rather a Quarrel at their Wealth, than any just cause; considering also what Friends they had been to Rome in former Wars. Macedon was divided into four Quarters, and each prohibited Commerce with other. Their Laws abrogated, new given, and all the Nobles sent into Italy, and the Tribute lessened by half, which was the best part of the Liberty Rome used to give. Greece must now bear her Yoke; and all that can be found, not only Associates with Perseus, but good Patriots which were not held serviceable to Rome, were sent to Rome and there clapt up, of which sort a Thousand were sent out of Achaea, and Polybius among them. This was the Virtue of the Roman Oath and League. Epirus was more barbarously dealt with, and given to the Souldiers to Plunder for their Pay, to save the Macedonian Treasure whole: So in one day seventy Cities of the Roman Confederates were Plundered by the Companies put into them in Peace, only to Quarter; and One Hundred and Fifty Thousand made Slaves, which act of Aemilius stained his other Virtues.

§. 11. Antiochus the Great dyed in the Thirty sixth Year of his Reign; Seleuchus his Eldest Son, succeeded Twelve Years, whom Daniel described Three Hundred Years before, Onias being then High Priest. Mac. 3. The First Book of Maccabees ends An. 167 of the Syrian Kings; the Second Book ends the 151 Year. Antiochus Epiphanes succeedes his Brother in Syria, An. 137; whose death he procured. Ptolomeus Epiphanes after twenty four Years left Egypt to his Son Ptolomeus Philometor, so called by the Rule of contraries; for Murdering his Mother, he was hated by his Subjects, and rebelled against by his Brother Ptolomy Phiscon, who got possession of Alexandria, upon which contention Antiochus Epiphanes his Uncle thought to possess that Kingdom, under pretence of protecting the Young Prince. Antiochus's proceedings herein and at Ierusalem are Recorded, 1. Mac. 1. About the beginning of the Macedonian War, when besides the Spoil of Egypt, he took all Coelosyria, and sold the High Priests place to Iason, thrust out Onias, and after sold it to Manelaus, who procured Onias, being fled into the Sanctuary at Daphus by Antioch, to be Murdered. 2 Mac. 4. Onias his taking protection of Apollo and Diana, seemed allowed by the Author, which argues the Book to be Apocryphal. His Second Expedition into Egypt, 2 Mac. 1. was foreshewn by prodigious Signs in the Air for forty days together, and was occasioned by the unexpected agreement of the Brethren, which incens'd him, he designing they should destroy one another. So he entred Egypt, though the Young King intreated the contrary by Embassadours, of whom he demanded Cyprus and Pelusium, and took Memphis and other places. The Egyptians seek help from Rome, but in vain, they being now deep in with the Macedonian War; the like they desire of the Greeks, especially the Achaeans, whose forwardness was hindred by the Roman Faction; yet at length the Senate being moved with compassion of the Embassadours lamentable behaviour and supplication, sent C. Popilius and others, with Command that Antiochus should leave Egypt; to which he submitted according to the Prophet Daniel, or rather the History of Daniel.

§. 12. Rome we see is grown terrible: When the greatest Kings must how to her Majesty, how shall inferiour Kings and States carry themselves to be assured of Favour? Eumenes had been very officious, and help'd to kindle the Fire which has burnt up the Kingdom of Macedon. He therefore sends Attalus his Brother to Congratulate the Victory, and crave Aid against the Gallo-Greeks: But Attalus had succeeded better, if he had requested his Brothers Kingdom; which because he did not as they expected, the Fathers went from what they had promised of his having Enus and Maronia; as for the GalloGreeks they have a Message sent them, rather to incourage than dissuade them. The displeasure of the Senate being so manifest, Eumenes will again visit them, but the Fathers will not receive him, it being decreed that no King shall come within Rome. Yet Prusius King of Bythinia, a little before had been welcomed after a better manner; as he who gave these Mortal Gods the Title and Worship done to them, kissing the Threshold, and calling them his Gods and Saviours, commending his Son Nicomedes to their Tuition. Cotys the Thracian excused his helping Perseus, and intreats the discharge of his Son, taken with Perseus's Children, which is granted, with admonition of his good behaviour to Rome.

Masanissa only kept his Reputation with these great Masters, who stand by him in all Quarrels with Carthage, whose Ruin he must help forward, before his own turn be served: His Congratulations are well accepted.

Perseus and Gentius the unhappy Kings, have the last Act to play at Rome, in the Triumphs of Aemilius and Anicius, being led in Chains before their Chariot. Perseus made application to Aemilius, not to be put to the disgrace, and was scornfully answered that he might prevent it, meaning he might kill himself; his end is uncertain, whether starved or by over-watching. Alexander his Youngest Son became a Turner in Rome; what conceit soever his Father had of him, when he gave him that Name in wantonness of Sovereignity, in which he commanded poor Men to be slain for getting up his Treasure out of the Sea by Diving. He considered not, that the greatest Oppressours and the most abject Wretches are all subject to one high Power, governing all alike with absolute Command. But such is our Unhappiness, that instead of that blessed Counsel, to do as we would be done to, which teacheth Moderation, w • •• tertain that arrogant Thought, I will be like the 〈◊〉 ; that is, I will do what pleaseth my self. The very desire of ability to do Evil without controul, is a dangerous Temptation to the performance; God hath granted it to few, and very few they are which use it not to their own damage; as Princes, who rack their Sovereignity to the uttermost extent, teach others by the like strain to root out their own Progeny. Nay, excellent Princes are often forced to flatter some base Minion or Harlot which Governs some unworthy Fellow, that Governs all, of which there are too many Examples. Aemilius's Triumph so glorious by reason of a Kings Person, brought also such Riches into the Roman Treasury, that till Iulius Caesar's Death the State never needed to burden it self with Tribute. The joy of this Triumph God abated with the loss of his Two Sons, one Five days before, another Five days after it.

We have seen the beginning and end of the three First Monarchies of the World, whose Founders thought they should never end: And the Fourth, of the Romans, is already at the highest; where we left it in the Field, wherein nothing is left to shadow it from the Eyes of the World: But after some time the Storms of Ambition shall tear her Branches, her Leaves shall fall, her Limbs wither, and a Rabble of barbarous Nations shall cut her down. These great Conquerours have been the Subject of our Ancient Histories, and Tragical Poets; shewing us their great undertakings, not so much desiring Rule over others, which is so full of Care, as hunting after Fame, which Ploweth up the 〈◊〉 and Soweth in the Wind. And certainly as Fa •• has often been dangerous to the Living, so is it of no use to the Dead; who if they did understand what is Reported of them, they would wish they had stolen out of the World without • oise, rather than to hear the Report of their Treacheries, Murders, Rapines, giving the spoil of Innocent labouring Souls, to the idle and insolent.

Since the Fall of the Roman Empire (omitting the Germans, neither great, nor of long continuance) there hath been no State formidable in the East, but the Turk; nor in the West, except the Spaniard, who by so many Attempts hath sought to make himself Master of all Europe: As one who is powerful both by his Indian Treasure, and many Kingdoms he possessed in Europe: But as the Turk is now Counterpoised by the Persian; So if, for so many Millions spent by English, French, and Netherlands, in defensive War, and diversions against them, Two Hundred Sixty Thousand Pound were imployed for Two or Three Years, it is easie to demonstrate how they may be brought to live in Peace, and their swelling Streams be brought within the Banks. These are the only Nations of Eminency to be regarded of us; the one seeking to root out the Christian Religion, the other the sincere Profession of it.

If farther Reason be required of the continuance of this boundless Ambition of Mortal Men, than desire of Fame, we may say, That the Kings and Princes of the World have always laid before them the Actions, not the Ends of those great ones, the Glory of the one Transporting them, never minding the Misery of the other till it seized upon him. They neglect the Advice of God, while they hope to live; but when Death comes, then they believe what it tells them. Death without speaking a word, persuades what God with promises and threats cannot do, though the one hates and destroys Man, whereas the other made and loves him. I have considered (saith Solo •• n) all Works that are under the Sun, and behold all is Vanity and vexation of Spirit: Who believes this till Death beats it into us? It was Death which forced the Conscience of Charles 5th. and made him enjoyn Philip his Son, to restore Navarre; and Francis the First, King of France, to command justice to be done upon the Murderers of the Protestants in Merindol and Calabries, till then neglected. Death alone can make Man know himself; the proud and insolent, that he is but abject, and can make him hate his forepast Happiness: The rich Man he proves a naked Beggar, which hath interest in nothing but in the Gravel that fills his Mouth; and when he holds the Glass before the Eyes of the most Beautiful, they see and acknowledge their Deformity and Rotteness. O eloquent, just and mighty Death! whom none could advise, thou hast persuaded; what none hath presumed, thou hast done; whom all the World have flattered, thou hast cast out of the World and despised: Thou hast drawn together all the extravagant Greatness, all the Pride, Cruelty and Ambition of Man, and covered it all over with two narrow Words, Hic jacet.

Lastly, Whereas this Book bearing this Title, The First Part of the general, &c. implying a Second, and a Third, which I intended, and have hewn out; besides many other Discouragements persuading my Silence, it hath pleased God to take that glorious Prince out of the World, for whom they were designed: Whose unspeakable and never enough lamented loss, hath taught me to say with Iob, Versa est in luctum cithara mea, & organum meum in vocem flentium.

FINIS.