THE LIFE OF THE Most Reverend Prelate JOHN WHITGIFT, Archbishop of Canterbury.

1. A Wise and Excellent Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. Historian saith; It hath always been a Matter of free liber­ty, and least subject to Detraction, to speak of those, whom Death hath exempt­ed from hatred or favour. A Speech that moved me to write (whilest ma­ny other, better able, look on) the Life of the most Reverend, and Worthy Prelate John Whitgift, Archbishop of [Page 2] Canterbury, to the end that Posterity might take true notice of the worth of such, as have well guided the Stern of this Church, and settled the Peace thereof; and render unto him, as unto other Men, the due Honour and Com­mendation, which he hath deserved.

2. He came of the Ancient Family The Archbi­shop's Descent. of Whitgift of Whitgift in Yorkshire. His Grandfather, John Whitgift, Gen­tleman, had many Children; some whereof he made Scholars, others he placed abroad in several Courses of Life, disposing his Father Henry Whit­gift, to be a Merchant at Great Grimsby in Lincolnshire. Where he married Ann Dynewell, a virtuous young Woman, of good Parentage in that Town, of whom this our Archbishop came, and was there Born in the Year of our Lord, He was born, Anno 1530. at Grimsby in Lincolnshire. 1530. being the Eldest of his Fathers Sons, who were five in number, besides himself, viz. William, George, Philip, Richard, and Jeffery.

3. He had an Uncle called Robert Whitgift, Abbot of the Monastry of Wellow, in the County of Lincoln, near Grimsby, who teaching divers young Gentlemen, took like pains also with him. In which time (as he was pleased [Page 3] often to remember) he heard his Un­cle, First instructed by his Uncle, Robert Whit­gift, Abbot of Wellow in Lincolnshire. the Abbot say, That they, and their Religion could not long continue, because (said he) I have read the whole Scripture over and over, and could never find there­in that our Religion was founded by God: And for proof of his Opinion, the Ab­bot would alledge that saying of our Saviour; Omnis plantatio, quam non plantavit pater meus caelestis eradicabitur: Every planting which my Heavenly Matth. 15. 13. Father hath not planted, shall be root­ed up.

4. His Uncle, finding an extraordi­nary towardliness in him, sent him af­terwards Sent up to London. to London, where he became a Scholar in St. Anthony's School, and boarded at his Aunts House in Paul's Church-yard; she being the Wife of Michael Shaller, a Verger of that Church. There he escaped a great danger, ly­ing with another Scholar that had the Narrowly esca­ped the Plague. plague, and coming in the Summer­time Hot and Thirsty from School, drunk his Urine out of a Pot or Cruse, stand­ing at his Beds-head in stead of Drink; and was not sick after it, though his Bedfellow died.

5. From St. Anthony's School he re­paired Sent back to Grimsby for refusing to go to Mass. to Grimsby to his Parents, being [Page 4] thrust out of Doors by his Aunt, be­cause he would not (as she often re­quired and solicited him by the Canons of Pauls) go with her to morrow Mass; imputing all her Losses and domestick Misfortunes to her harbouring of such an Heretique within her Doors; and, for a farewel told him, That she thought at the first, she had received a Saint into her House, but now she perceived he was a Devil.

6. His Parents finding that he had Sent to Cam­bridge; first of Queen's College, then of Pembroke-Hall. much profited in his Learning, sent him, by the advice and direction of his Uncle, the Abbot, to Cambridge, where he was first of Queen's College; but li­king not the Education and Disposition of some there, went to Pembroke-Hall: Dr. Ridley (afterwards Bishop of Lon­don) being there Master, who hearing by Mr. Bradford, his Tutor, of his great towardliness and small means, (by rea­son of his Father's Losses at Sea) made him Scholar, and then Mr. Gurth be­came his Tutor; from thence he was Chosen Fellow of Peter-House, May 1555. chosen Fellow of Peterhouse, Dr. Pearne being then Master there.

7. Whilst he was Fellow of that Had a grie­vous Sickness. House, he fell grievously Sick, and was by commandment of Dr. Pearne (who [Page 5] much tendred him in regard of his good Parts) carried to an House near the College, whither Dr. Pearne came of­ten to visit him, and willed the Wo­man Dr. Pearne's special Care of him. of the House that he should want nothing; neither should she spare any cost for his good, and the recovery of his Health, saying, that if he lived, he would be able to defray the Charge himself; but if he died, the said Dr. Pearne would satisfy her, and pay for all things.

8. When it pleased God to restore him to his former Health, he determi­ned Recovering his Health, deter­mined to Tra­vel. to Travel beyond the Seas, pur­posely to avoid certain Visitors sent in Queen Mary's time to the University, to establish Popery, and to enjoyn the young Fellows and Scholars to take Primam tonsuram, being their first en­trance into Popish Orders.

9. Dr. Pearne hearing of this his pur­pose, Disswaded by Dr. Pearne. talked with him, and found him resolute in his Religion, yielding (as Dr. Pearne often acknowledged after­wards) many good and sound Reasons therefore; whereupon the Doctor wil­led him to be silent, and not trouble­some in uttering his Opinion, whereby others might take occasion to call him [Page 6] in question: and he for his part, would wink at him, and so order the matter, that he might continue his Religion, and not travel out of the University; which accordingly the good old Man justly performed. For which his Favour the Archbishop carried a loving, faith­ful, and true heart towards him unto his dying Day.

10. He Commenced Batchelor of Commenced Batchelor of Arts, 1553. Master of Arts, 1556. Batchelor of Divinity, 1562. Doctor of Di­vinity, 1569. Arts in the Year 1553. Master of Arts, 1556. Batchelor of Divinity, 1562. Doctor of Divinity, 1569. at which time he answered the Divinity Act pub­lickly in the Commencement, wherein he maintained this Position, Papa est Ille Antichristus.

11. After he was entered into the Ministry, (which was upon the Year 1560.) being to Preach his first Pub­lick Sermon in St. Mary's, he chose His Act-Ser­mon at St. Ma­ry's, 1560. on Rom. 1. 16. for his Text that excellent saying of St. Paul, I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ, &c. wherein his singular Me­thod, choice of Matter, and judicious handling thereof, were such, that his whole Auditory, especially the chief of the University, grew into great admi­ration of those great Parts in so young Years.

[Page 7] 12. From being Fellow of Peter-house, Made Master of Pembroke-Hall, Chaplain to the Bishop of Ely, Preben­dary of Ely, Pars [...]n of Te­versam. he succeeded Dr. Hutton, late Archbishop of York, in the Mastership of Pembroke-Hall; being then Chaplain to Dr. Cox, Bishop of Ely, by whose means he had a Prebend in Ely, and the Parsonage of Teversam near Cam­bridge.

13. He was also chosen Divinity Divinity Rea­der. Reader of the Lady Margaret's Lecture, which he discharged with so great li­king of the whole University, that for his sake they encreased the Stipend from Twenty Marks to Twenty Pounds, and afterwards he was made the Queen's Queen's Pro­fessor. publick Professor of Divinity.

14. Whilst he read these two Le­ctures, the publick Schools were fre­quented with throngs of Students in Divinity, Young, and Old; such was his diligence, great learning, and ex­traordinary gifts shewed in the reading thereof; insomuch as many of the pre­cise Faction were his daily Auditors, and the Lectures themselves so highly accounted of (especially those, which he read upon the Apocalyps, and the Read upon the Apocalyps and the He­brews. Epistle to the Hebrews) that through the importunity of divers his honoura­ble Friends (then his Pupils) and others [Page 8] of great learning, and judgment, he was persuaded to set down those his Le­ctures in writing, which are like short­ly for their excellency and worth, to be published for the common benefit.

15. His singular, and extraordinary 1567. gift in preaching, caused him, upon the recommendation of Sir Nicholas Ba­con, the then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, and Sir William Cecill, principal Secretary (afterwards Lord Treasurer of England) to be sent for to preach before Her Majesty, who took Sent for to preach before the Queen. so great liking of him, for his method, and matter, that, hearing his Name to be Whitgift, she said he had a white­gift indeed. And as his Gifts were then esteemed white, so his Fortune after­wards proved white, and happy; his good Name and Reputation white, and spotless: so that it may be properly said of him, that he was gallinae filius albae.

16. Her Majesty within four Months Was made Master of Tri­nity College, July 4. 1567. and the Queen's Chap­lain. after that he was Master of Pembroke-Hall, made him Master of Trinity Col­lege, and caused him immediately af­ter to be sworn her Chaplain.

[Page 9] 17. IN the College, at his first en­trance, Found Divi­sions in the College; he found much division, (especially amongst such as laboured innovation in the Church) being begun and headed in the government of his Predecessor Master D. Beaumont. Yet did he in short time wisely appease these Wisely appeased them. Stirs, and governed for five years space with great quietness both of the whole Company, and himself, until Master Thomas Cartwright (a Fellow of that College) his last return from beyond the Seas.

18. The first discontentment of the Cartwright's first discontent. said Master Cartwright grew at a Dispu­tation in the University before Queen Elizabeth, because Master Preston (then of King's College, and afterward Ma­ster of Trinity Hall) for his comely Ge­sture, and pleasing Pronunciation, was both liked and rewarded by her Majesty, and himself received neither reward, nor commendation; presuming of his own good Scholarship, but wanting indeed that comely grace and behaviour which the other had. This his no small grief he uttered unto divers of his in­ward Friends in Trinity College, who were also very much discontented, be­cause [Page 10] the honour of the Disputation did not redound unto their College.

19. Mr. Cartwright, immediately af­ter His Self-con­ceit. her Majesty's neglect of him, began to wade into divers Opinions, as that of the Discipline, and to kick against her Ecclesiastical Government; he also then grew highly conceited of himself for Learning, and Holiness, and a great Contemner of others that were not of his mind. And although the Learning and Qualities of any were never so mean, yet if he affected Master Cart­wright, and his Opinions, he should be in great estimation with him, accord­ing to the saying of the Poet:—

But if he were against him in his fanci­ful Conceits, though he were never so good a Scholar, or so good a Man, he could not brook or like of him; as of Dr. Whitaker, and others: And al­though in their Elections of Scholars into that College, they made as good choise as any other, either before, or in their time, yet could he never afford the Electors, nor Parties elected, a good word, unless they sided with him in his Fancies.

[Page 11] 20. And that he might the better Cartwright went to Ge­neva; affected the Discipline of that Church. feed his Humour with these conceited Novelties, he travailed to Geneva; where observing the Government and Discipline of that Church to be by cer­tain Ecclesiastical Superintendents, and Lay-Elders, or Presbyters (as they cal­led them,) he was so far carried away with an affection of that new devised Discipline, as that he thought all Churches and Congregations for Go­vernment Ecclesiastical, were to be measured and squared by the practice of Geneva.

21. Therefore, when he returned His opposition to the Esta­blished Church-Government in England. home, he took many exceptions against the Established Government of our Church, disallowing the Vocation of our Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacons, and other Ecclesiastical Officers; the Administration of our Holy Sacra­ments, and observation of our Rites and Ceremonies; and buzzing these Conceits into the Heads of divers young Preachers and Scholars of the Universi­ty, he drew after him a great number of Disciples and Followers. And upon a Sunday (Doctor Whitgift being from home) Master Cartwright with some of his Adherents, made three Sermons in [Page 12] that one day; wherein they so vehe­mently inveighed (amongst other Ce­remonies of our Church) against the Surpless, as those of Trinity College Preacheth against the Surpless. were so moved therewith, that at Evening Prayer they cast off their Sur­plesses (though against the Statutes of the House) and were all placed in the Chappel without Surplesses, three only excepted; Doctor Legge, Mr. West, and the Chaplain. By reason of which Stirs, both that private College was greatly distracted, and the whole Uni­versity much perplexed and troubled.

22. For these his Opinions were now broached not only at home in their Col­lege Sermons, and Domestical Com­mon-Places, but by Master Cartwright himself, and his Adherents, in the pub­lick Church of the whole University; wherein they mightily declamed a­gainst the Ordination of our Priests, and Deacons, and greatly traduced the Heads and Governors of the Colleges, because they attended the Service of those Places. The Reverend Bishops, and Fathers of the Church, for their due observing Ecclesiastical Rules, and Constitutions, were by them much per­stringed, the Established Church paral­ling [Page 13] (as they termed it) the Romish Hierarchy, was also much reproached and disgraced.

23. Dr. Whitgift, after that Master Whitgift preacheth against Cart­wright's Opi­nions. Cartwright and his Complices had broached this his dangerous Doctrine, would always the Sunday following in the same Church, answer and confute their Opinions, with such commenda­tion, and applause, as thereby he much quieted and setled the judgment of ma­ny, that otherwise were enclining to this Innovation, and gained a singular opinion of the most Learned and Judi­cious throughout the whole Univer­sity.

24. When by this course he had Cartwright and his Fol­lowers oppose Whitgist. somewhat appeased these Stirs, Master Cartwright did not yet cease, but by se­cret Instigations set on others of his own humour to continue them; who in their College Exercises (which they call Common-places) and also in their open Sermons, would prick at him with the Swords of their Tongues, and other­whiles uncharitably through the Sides of others pierce and wound him; some­times furiously without regard of duty, shame, or modesty, would strike down­right at him. For it then was (and I [Page 14] pray God it still be not) a thing too frequent with that Generation to tax their Superiors, and to accuse their Go­vernment, as also to asperse them and it with many unjust Calumniations.

25. Notwithstanding, so far was he from entring into any rigorous course of proceeding against them (as justly he might have done by the Statutes of the College, and publick Laws of the State) as that with great sufferance he winked at and passed by many of Whitgift's gentleness. these Wrongs and Enormities, and in­stead of revenge, he by gentleness and goodness heaped coals upon the Adver­saries heads, as also for rough and un­seemly Speeches, he breathed nothing but sweet breath of love, and peace, often exhorting them to call to God for Grace, that they might have more so­ber consideration and better judgment of Orders established, which then they mistook to be amiss. For (as a Learn­ed man truly saith of them) those fer­vent Hooker's Ec­cles. Policy, lib. 5. reprehenders of things established by publick Authority, are always confident, and bold spirited men: but their confidence, (for the most part) riseth from too much credit given to their own Wits; for which cause they are seldom free from Errors.

[Page 15] 26. The state of the University being The State of the University disturb'd by Cartwright. in this sort mervailously disquieted by Master Cartwright, and his Abettors, Doctor Whitgift wisely foresaw that these sparks of Sedition, if in time they were not quenched, would grow to a great flame, to the endangering not on­ly of the University, but of the whole Church (as every one knoweth it after­ward fell out); and therefore to cure this Evil, if it might be, in the begin­ning, he oftentimes sent to Master Cart­wright, Whitgift ad­viseth him to be quiet. and in friendly and kind manner, advised him to surcease from those Courses: But finding him always wil­fully bent, and finally obstinate; to pre­vent further mischief, he with the Se­niors of the House, called him in que­stion; Calls him in question. and having sufficient matter of Expulsion against him, for uttering some Errors in his Lectures, and not recanting, nor expounding them; be­ing by the Master and Seniors so ap­pointed, and for exercising the Fun­ction of a Minister, having no Letters of Orders (which he had either torn, or suppressed, for that he thought it not lawful by his own Doctrine to use them) and for transgressing the Sta­tutes of the House in divers other [Page 16] Points, he expelled him the House; Expells him the House, and deprives him of the Lady Marga­ret's Lecture. and being Vice-Chancellor, caused him likewise to be deprived of the Lady Margaret's Lecture, which then he read.

27. Before which course of proceed­ing with him, Doctor Whitgift (under­standing that Master Cartwright had gi­ven it out, that his dangerous Asser­tions were rather repressed by Autho­rity, than refelled by Truth, and strength of Reason) wished him to forbear such disturbance of the publick Peace of the Church, and often offered him to enter a quieter course for trial of the truth of Offers him a Conference; which Cart­wright refu­seth. his Cause by Conference, and Writing; which he always refused to accept, as may appear by an Act recorded in the Registry Book of the University of Cam­bridge, under the Testimony and Sub­scription of the chief Heads, bearing date the 18th of March, 1570. in these words.

WHereas it is reported that Ma­ster This Recorded in the Register of the Univer­sity. Cartwright, offering Disputations and Conference, touching the Assertions uttered by him, and subscribed with his Hand, and that he could not obtain his request therein; [Page 17] This is to testify, that in the presence of Us, whose Names are here-under writ­ten, and in our hearing, the said Ma­ster Cartwright was offered conference of divers, and namely of M. Doctor Whitgift, who offered, that if the said Master Cartwright would set down his Assertions in writing, and his Rea­sons unto them, he would answer the same in writing also; The which Ma­ster Cartwright refused to do. Fur­ther, the said Doctor Whitgift, at such time as Master Cartwright was deprived of his Lecture, did in our presence ask the said Master Cart­wright, whether he had both publick­ly and privately divers times offered the same Conference unto him by wri­ting, or not. To which Master Cart­wright answered, that he had been so offered, and that he refused the same. Moreover, the said Master Cartwright did never offer any Disputation, but upon these Conditions; viz. That he might know who should be his Adversa­ries, and who should be his Judges; meaning such Judges as he himself could best like of. Neither was this kind of Disputation denied unto him, but only he was required to obtain licence of the [Page 18] Queen's Majesty, or the Counsel, be­cause his Assertions be repugnant to the state of the Commonwealth, which may not be called into question by publick disputation, without licence of the Prince, or her Highness's Counsel.

• John Whitgift, Vice-Chancellour.
• Andrew Pearne.
• John Mey.
• Edward Hawford.
• William Chadderton.
• Henry Harvy.
• Thomas Ithell.
• Thomas Bing.

ET ego Matthaeus Stokis Sa­rum Dioces, in Artibus Ma­gister publicus Authoritate legitima Notarius, quia interfui deprivationi dicti Cartwright factae undecimo die Decembris, Anno 1570. & tunc & ibidem audivi Doctorem Whitgift interrogantem eum Cart­wright de praemissis allegatis, & M. Cartwright eadem confiten­tem; Ideo, in fidem & testimoni­um [Page 19] praemissorum, nomen meum re­quisitus superscripsi, Anno Domini 1570.

28. Not long after (at which time her Highness had summoned a Parlia­ment) some of principal note amongst these Disciplinarians thought that the fittest time either to effect their desires by some Abettors in that high Assembly, or at least to disperse their Opinions into all the parts of the Kingdom. To which end they then published a Sedi­tious Treatise, entituled, An Admoni­tion The Discipli­narians publish An Admoni­tion to the Parliament. to the Parliament; being indeed the very Summary both of their Opini­ons touching Church matters, and of their shameless Slanders against the Go­vernors thereof.

29. And albeit Doctor Whitgift consi­dered that this Libel was unworthy any serious confutation, yet in regard of the great applause it found among the green Heads of the University (who were greedy of Novelties) and to stop the current of so dangerous Positions, he spared not his pains in writing a learn­ed Whitgift an­swers it, 1572. Answer; therein laying open the weakness of that Cause, and the strength [Page 20] of their Malice, who so hotly pursued the same; which being published upon the Year 1572. won him no less repu­tation with the learneder sort, than the former had with the young and weaker Brains, yea even those who had formerly thought the Admonition unan­swerable, found the rashness of their Censures by the soundness of that Refu­tation.

30. Whereupon Master Cartwright, notwithstanding his former refusal to enter into the list with Doctor Whit­gift (as is aforesaid) seeing both the walls and foundation of his new-found­ed Church-government already shaken, and tottering, endeavoured to under­prop the same with a Reply. The weak­ness Cartwright replies. Whitgift de­fends his An­swer. whereof Doctor Whitgift displayed in his Defence of the Answer to the Ad­monition, against the Reply.

30. But Master Cartwright (glorying belike to have the last word) published a second Reply, fraught with no other Cartwright's Second Reply. stuff, than had been before refuted, yet Doctor Whitgift addressing himself to answer it, was by the advice of some (whose Judgments he much esteemed) dissuaded from troubling himself, in refuting that which he had already [Page 21] overthrown. Amongst others who dis­suaded him, the learned Doctor Whita­ker was one; against whose Judgment the Adversary can no way justly except. His words in his Letter to Doctor Whitgift are these; Quem Cartwright us Mr. Whita­ker's Letters concerning Mr. Cart­wright's Re­ply, and his censure of him. nuper emisit libellum ejus magnam partem perlegi. Ne vivam, si quid unquam vi­derim dissolutius, ac penè puerilius. Ver­borum satis ille quidem lautam, ac novam supellectilem habet, rerum omnino nullam, quantum ego judicare possum. Deinde, non modò perversè de Principis in rebus sacris, atque Ecclesiasticis aucthoritate sen­tit, sed in Papistarum etiam castra trans­fugit, à quibus tamen videri vult odio ca­pitali dissidere. Verum nec in hac causa ferendus, & aliis etiam in partibus tela à Papistis mutuatur. Denique ut de Ambro­sio dixit Hieronimus, verbis ludit, sen­tentiis dormitat, & planè indignus est, qui à quopiam docto refutetur. I have read over (saith he) a great part of the Book which Master Cartwright hath lately set forth; Let me not live if I ever saw any thing more loose, and almost more childish. As for words, indeed he hath store of them, both trim, and fresh e­nough; but as for matter he hath none at all: Besides this, he hath not only [Page 22] peevish Assertions touching the Princes Authority in matters Sacred, and Eccle­siastical, but he also flatly revolteth from us to the Camp of the Papists, from whom he would seem to fly with dead­ly hatred. And not in this Cause only is he unsufferable, but in other Points also he borroweth his Weapons and Ar­guments from the Papists. And in a word, as Hierome sometime said of Am­brose; he is in his words but a trifler, and for his matter but a dreamer, and altogether unworthy to be refuted by any man of Learning.

32. Master Cartwright after these Controversies thus begun, and conti­nued by himself, as you see, lived some­times beyond the Seas, now in one place, and then in another, without attaining any eminent or certain Place in the Commonwealth, save only the Mastership of an Hospital in Warwick.

33. But Doctor Whitgift having con­tinued Master of Trinity College ten years, and being twice Vice-chancellor, was by her Majesty preferred also to the Deanry of Lincoln, which he held for Whitgift made Dean of Lincoln. the space of seven years; so long as he remained in Cambridge.

[Page 23] 34. By his Government in Trinity Norwich, Redman. Worcester, Babbington. St. David's, Rud. Glocester, Golsborough. Hereford, Benet. College he made many excellent Scho­lars, that came afterwards to great Pre­ferment in the Church, and Common­wealth, five whereof were in his time Bishops, that then were Fellows of the College when he was Master, and some of them his Pupils; besides many Deans, and others of Dignity and Estimation in the Church at this day.

35. He had divers Earls and Noble­mens Several Noble­men, &c. his Pupils. Sons to his Pupils, as namely the Earls of Worcester, and Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Lord Dunboy of Ireland, Sir Nicholas, and Sir Francis Bacon, now his Majesty's Solicitor General, in whom he took great comfort, as well for their singular Towardliness, as for their obser­vance of him, and performance of many good Offices towards him. All which Their respects towards him. together with the rest of the Scholars of that House, he held to their publick He holds the Scholars strict­ly to their Ex­ercises and De­votion. Disputations, and Exercises, and Prayers, which he never missed, chiefly for De­votion, and withal to observe others ab­sence, always severely punishing such Omissions and Negligences.

36. He usually dined and supped in the Common Hall, as well to have a watchful Eye over the Scholars, and to [Page 24] keep them in a mannerly and awful obedience, as by his Example, to teach them to be contented with a Scholar­like College Diet.

37. The sway and Rule he then did bear through the whole University, the Records themselves will sufficiently te­stify; for by his meer travail and labour, and the Credit which he had with her Majesty, and the Lord Burghly, then Lord Treasurer of England, and Chan­cellor of Cambridge, he procured an al­teration and amendment of the Statutes Procures amendment of the University Statutes. of the University. In which kind of Affairs, and Business, all the Heads of the Houses were directed and advised by him, as from an Oracle; For common­ly whatsoever he spake or did, they still concurred with him, and would do no­thing without him.

38. He never took the foil at any man's hands, during his ten years con­tinuance in Trinity College; being therein not unlike unto Pittacus in his Diog. Laert. de vita Phi­losoph. ten years Government of Mitilene, Cui nunquam, per id tempus, contigit in ali­quâ causâ, quam in se susciperet cadere. For as the Causes he dealt in were al­ways just, so his Success was ever pros­perous, wherein his singular Wisdom [Page 25] was to be noted, and his Courage and His Wisdom and Courage. Stoutness in his Attempts were observed of the greatest; and the general Fame thereof remaineth yet fresh in the Uni­versity, and will continue as his Badge, and Cognizance, so long as his Memory lasteth. And yet that Stoutness of his was so well tempered, and mingled with his other Virtue of Mildness, and Pa­tience, His Modera­tion. Mr. Hooker's Character of him in his Eccles. Po­licy. that Master Hooker made this true observation of him, He always go­verned with that moderation, which useth by patience, to suppress boldness, and to make them conquer, that suffer, which, I think, well suted with his Posey, or Motto; Vincit Qut Patitur.

39. The first Wound which those fervent Reprehenders received at Doctor Whitgift's hands, and his prudent order of Government, together with his singular gift in Preaching, made his Fame spread, and gained him so great estimation, that her Majesty was pleased to make choice Whitgift's esteem with the Queen. Consecrated Bishop of Worcester April 21. 1577. of him, before many others of eminent Place in the Church, to be Bishop of Worcester. Upon which his Advance­ment he first took his leave of the whole University, by a publick Sermon which he preached in St. Mary's Church; wherein he exhorted them to peace. [Page 26] And afterwards by a private Sermon in Trinity College he gave unto that Socie­ty such a godly and learned Exhortation Takes leave of the University, with an Ex­hortation to Peace and U­nity. for their continuance and constancy in peace and unity, as it so moved their Affections, that they burst out into Tears, insomuch that there were scarce any dry Eyes to be found amongst the whole number. He chose for his Text the same Farewel which St. Paul gave to the Corinthians; Finally, brethren, fare His Farewel-Text. 2 Cor. 13. 11. you well: Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace, and the God of love and peace shall be with you.

40. IN June following he was attend­ed, Sets out for Worcester, June 1697. attended with the Heads of Houses, &c. and accompanied on his way from Cambridge towards Worcester, with a great Troop of the Heads, and others of choice account in the University, and with exceeding lamentation, and sor­row of all sorts, for the loss they con­ceived they had of so worthy a Go­vernor.

41. But their grief for the loss of The Queen for­gives his First­fruits, and gives him the disposal of all the Prebends of that Church. him was not so great, as was the joy of them who had found him, amongst whom it pleased her Majesty to grace his very first entrance both in forgiving him his First-fruits (a Princely and ex­traordinary [Page 27] Bounty) as also in bestow­ing on him (for the better encourage­ment and provision of his Chaplains, and other learned men about him) the disposing of all the Prebends of that Church of Worcester, during his conti­nuance there.

42. He found the Bishoprick at his He finds the Bishoprick im­paired by Grants of long Leases. first coming much impaired by his Pre­decessors granting away in long Leases, divers Manors, Parks, and Mansion­houses: But that which much troubled him, and wherein he most of all stirred, Particularly the Rent-Corn of Two of the best Mannors, Hollow and Grimly. was the letting to Master Abington, Cof­ferer to the late Queen, the Rent-corn of his two best Manors, Hollow and Grimley, which is the chief upholding of the Bishop's Hospitality, and with­out which (especially in dear Years) he is not able to keep House. This Lease being let to Master Abington (a great Man then to contend withal; his Wife also being sometimes the Queen's Bed­fellow) the Bishop notwithstanding did He questions the said Lease. call it in question; having now (be­sides his Honourable Friends, the Lord Keeper, and the Lord Treasurer) gain­ed by his attendance at Court many more about her Majesty, who much favoured him, and professed great love [Page 28] unto him; especially the Earl of Leice­ster, Sir Christopher Hatton, Vice-Cham­berlain, Has great Friends at Court. and Sir Francis Walsingham, Principal Secretary; all in special grace with her Highness. Master Abington by his Wife's greatness, procured her Majesty's gracious Letters, written very earnestly in his behalf. The Bishop re­turning Satisfies the Queen. answer unto her Majesty, and enforming her by means of his honoura­ble Friends, how prejudicial it was unto the Bishoprick, she was thereupon much displeased with Master Abington, and took part with the Bishop; insomuch as Master Abington was willing to have yielded the said Rent-Corn for the Bi­shop's own time, so that his Lease might have still stood on foot against his Successor, which the Bishop utter­ly refused, and in the end was rather contented, by way of composition (not­withstanding Recovers the said Rent. Corn, paying 300 l out of his own purse. that the Lease was void, because the Rent-Corn was never be­fore let) to give Master Abington Three hundred pounds out of his own Purse, to have the Lease surrendred, and to redeem the said Corn; which yet re­maineth, and I hope ever will, unto his Successor in that See.

[Page 29] 43. Some have accounted Worcester­shire happy, in having so kind and lo­ving men to their Bishops, and others impute it to the good Nature and Dis­position of the People, that so love and kindly use their Bishops, that thereby (unless they be too inflexible, and harsh) they cannot but in requital of their loves, entertain them with reciprocal kindnesses. But howsoever it be, such He has great respect from the Gentlemen and People in the Country. was the mutual love betwixt this Bi­shop, and the Gentlemen there, that they delighted much to converse toge­ther; especially at Assizes and Sessions, the Bishop would commonly reside at Worcester to give the Judges and Ju­stices entertainment. There was no speeding of Commissions for service of the Country, nor any appointment for the Justices meeting for such pur­poses, but ever the Bishop's pleasure was first known for time, and place; and the rest of the Gentlemen accord­ingly attended him: He would often­times make appointment of Meetings, either at his own House, or some of theirs, for some commendable Recrea­tion, or Exercises; whereby still to keep the Gentlemen by their continual repair to each other, in mutual love and concord.

[Page 30] 44. If he had understood of any Jar, Is a great Peace-maker among them. or Discord, he would send for both Parties, unawares to each other, under pretence of some service to be done, or some meeting appointed; and before their departure would make them Friends. If he perceived a froward­ness in either of them, and that by in­treaty he could not prevail, then would he leave persuasion, and intreaty; and, as being Vice-President of the Marches of Wales (which Place her Majesty shortly after he was made a Bishop, be­stowed upon him) threaten the Obsti­nate with imprisonment, or safe custo­dy, till he should reform himself. Of which his Resolution, when the Gen­tlemen of the chiefest sway and account had experience, they then would grow calm, and submit themselves, and he as mildly and gently did use them, when he saw them coming. One par­ticular instance (among many) I will give you, of Sir John Russell, and Makes up a Remarkable Quarrel be­twixt Sir John Russell and Sir Henry Barkeley. Sir Henry Barkeley; betwixt whom was so deadly a Quarrel, as that great Blood­shed was like to have ensued at a Sessi­ons in Worcester, by reason of their ma­ny Friends, and Followers, had not the Bishop wisely prevented it, by provi­ding [Page 31] a strong Watch at the Gates, and about the City, and requiring them to bring both Parties, with their Atten­dance, well guarded to his Palace, where he caused them all to the num­ber of four or five hundred, to deliver their Weapons into his own Servants custody; and after two hours pains taken, sometimes in persuading, and otherwhiles in threatning them, he made them so good Friends, as they both attended him Hand in Hand to the Town-Hall, where they performed the Service of their Country in amity and love, and ever after held him in great honour and estimation therefore. Where­in he was much happier than Bias, who reporteth of himself, that He never ar­bitrated Diog. Laert. de vita Phi­losoph. lib. 1. any Controversy between two of his Friends, but he made one of them his Enemy.

45. A year after his Consecration to that Bishoprick, he was (as before is mentioned) made Vice-President of Is made Vice-President of the Marches of Wales. the Marches of Wales, (Sir Henry Sid­ney, his very honourable Friend, being then Lord President, and at that time, Lord Deputy of Ireland) where albeit the Bishop might immediately have ta­ken upon him, according to his place, [Page 32] to direct the Court, having an excellent quick Understanding, a good facility in Speech, and a deep and sound Judg­ment, gained by his long experience in Government in Cambridge, and else­where, where his Sufficiency and Pa­tience were tried to the proof; yet not­withstanding it was a whole Year be­fore He had great experience in Government, yet backward to bear sway. he would almost speak in the pub­lick Affairs, much less take upon him to bear any sway, but still observed the Orders and Practice of the Cour t, and looked into the Affections and Disposi­tions of his Associates; hearing the Complaints of the Suppliants, and en­forming himself by others of Integrity, and Honesty, and sometimes noting their partial Orders, and corrupt Deal­ings; but at the Years end, he then took upon him the directing and order­ing of things himself, taking exceeding pains from Morning till Bed-time, af­fording himself only some small times for Meals and Study.

46. And when he had found the cor­ruption of some of his Associates, as well by his own observation, as by the confession of the Parties that corrupted them (for the property of some amongst them, was to leave nothing unassayed [Page 33] to corrupt any man to serve their own turn for the present, though they ever after hated him to the death, and would revile him) he would dismiss these Associates by sending for others under pretence of ease to the Parties.

47. He had also a special care (as Has a special Watch over his own Family and Atten­dants, to avoid all colour of corruption. behoved him) of his own Family, and Attendants near unto him; and there­fore to avoid all colour and suspicion of Corruption, he would never hear any Cause or Informations, or receive Pe­tition in his private Chamber, but abroad, by the Petitioners themselves, either in going to the Chappel, Court, Dinner, Supper, or at the Council­board; insomuch as a Gentleman of his Bed chamber (imployed sometimes by him) making request unto him that he might have the delivery of Suiters Petitions, and indorse their Answers, he grew into such dislike of the young Gentleman (as supposing he had been tampered withal) that he present­ly discharged him of his Chamber, and could never afterwards very well brook him.

48. For this his Integrity and just deal­ing, Is highly esteemed by the People of Wales. the People of Wales especially had a very reverend and honourable opinion of [Page 34] him, the rather because they observed His great In­tegrity, Ju­stice, and mild Government. in him a temperate and mild govern­ment, without reviling or harsh Speeches; and oftentimes moderating their Fines and Punishments, which in strictness of Law, and opinion of his Associates, would have lighted heavily upon them; for which they highly esteemed him as their Patron and Pro­tector, and said he was sent amongst them to deliver them from the oppressi­on of the Mighty, and corruption of the Wicked, yea such was their opinion and conceit of him, that if he had im­prisoned, whipped, or inflicted any other grievous Punishment upon them, they would have undergone it with pa­tience, confessing their Offences, and lauding his Uprightness and Justice.

49. Her Majesty out of her experi­ence He is made Commissioner by the Queen for reforming the Disorders in the Cathe­drals of Lich­field and He­reford. of his wise and prudent Govern­ment, was pleased (upon complaint made unto her, of the many Discords and Disorders that were in the two Ca­thedral Churches of Lichfield and He­reford) to make choice of him alone, amongst a number of worthy Prelates, for redress thereof; directing two Com­missions unto him for the visiting of the said Churches, which accordingly he [Page 35] did, and reformed them both (being very far out of order) and ordained them Statutes for their better and more peaceable government afterwards.

50. These his Courses thus held for his government, and reforming both of Church and People, gained him so ge­neral an opinion and liking in the life­time, and disgrace, of Archbishop Grin­dall, that her Majesty designed him The Queen de­signs him for Archbishop of Canterbury, in the room of Grindall then in disgrace. Archbishop of Canterbury, as was signified unto him, and earnestly wished by some of his honourable Friends about the Queen, and also by Archbishop Grindall himself much desired, who, out of the great estimation he had conceived of his government, and other his many Vir­tues, and worthy Parts, and by reason of his own Years and Infirmity, labour­ed him in like earnest manner, presently to accept thereof, being himself well con­tented to shake off those Cares, and re­ceive from her Majesty some yearly Pen­sion, which Bishop Whitgift utterly re­fused, He utterly re­fuseth it du­ring Grin­dall's Life; the Queen is contented. and in presence of the Queen her self, besought pardon in not accepting thereof upon any condition whatsoever in the lifetime of the other. Whereup­on the Queen commiserating the good Old man's Estate (being a grave and [Page 36] learned Father of the Church; and at that time blind with years and grief) was graciously pleased to say, That as she had made him an Archbishop, so he Grindall dies. should die an Archbishop, as he did short­ly after.

51. Upon whose decease, Bishop Whitgift sent for to Court. Whitgift receiving Letters from a great Counsellor for his repair unto the Court, and the Speech thereof, toge­ther with the report of Archbishop Grin­dall's death, being spread abroad, you would have wondred to have seen the repair, and flocking of Gentlemen and others, unto him, both out of Worcester­shire, and the Marches of Wales, not to congratulate his Advancement (which they upon such his preparation to the Court, conjectured was to follow) but to express their true love, and hearty affection towards him, and to beseech him not to depart from thence; and so with tears and sobs took their leave of him, as kind natured Children use to part from their Parents, whose Face they are out of hope ever to see again. Plutarch observeth, that it falleth out very seldom with Magistrates, and those who are in Authority, that they should please the multitude, or be acceptable to the [Page 37] common People, because they, striving still to reform the disordered, do grieve them as much as Surgeons do their Patients, when they bind up their Aches with Bands to cure them. For though by that binding they restore and bring to their natural places again the broken Bones, and Mem­bers out of joint, yet put they the Patient to great pain: But this Bishop was not so boisterous a Surgeon, for he had learned the Art of curing the Diseases of a Commonwealth, from a more skil­ful Surgeon, even from him that taught, that as Wine was to be poured into the Wound to search, so Oil was also necessary to supple, but both ex­pedient for the Cure. And therefore as he always resolutely endeavoured the redress of the ill-affected, so with an excellent Temper of rare Mildness, he ever effected it without exasperation of those, whose good he was desirous to procure. For which singular mixture of two so requisire Virtues in a Magi­strate, he was most worthily, and most happily, both for the Church and Com­monwealth, advanced from the Bi Is translated to the Archbi­shoprick of Canterbury, Septemb. 24. 1583. shoprick of Worcester, to the Archbi shoprick of Canterbury, September 24. 1583.

[Page 38] 52. AT his first entrance he found the Archbishoprick surchar­ged Finds the Bi­shoprick over­valued: gets an abatement in the First­fruits for him and his Suc­cessors. in the valuation, and procured an Order out of the Exchequer, for the abatement of One hundred pounds, for him, and his Successors, in the Pay­ment of his First-fruits: He also short­ly after recovered from the Queen, as Recovers Lands that had been de­tained. part of the Possessions of the Archbi­shoprick, Long-Beachwood in Kent, con­taining above a thousand Acres of Land, which had been many years detained from his Predecessor by Sir James Croft, then Comptroller of her Majesty's Houshold, Farmer thereof to her Ma­jesty. In letting Leases of his Impropria­tions, if he found the Curates Wages Amends Cu­rats Wages, where small. but small, he would abate much of his Fine to encrease their Pensions, some Ten pounds by the year, some more, some less, as at Folkstone, Maidstone, and others.

53. But to leave these particular Af­fairs, The Queen jea­lous of the Pu­ritans, charges the Archbishop to see strict Conformity ob­served to the Established Church and Government. and to come to those publick Im­ployments, for which he was specially made Archbishop; her Majestly fearing the danger that might ensue by the assembly of divers Ministers to Exercises, and Prophecying, (as they termed it) [Page 39] straightly charged him to be vigilant, and careful for the reducing of them, and all other Ministers by their subscrip­tion and conformity, to the setled Or­ders, and Government; adding, that she would have the Discipline of the Church of England formerly established, of all men duly to be observed, with­out alteration of the least Ceremony; conceiving belike, that these Novelists might have wrought the same mischief here, which the turbulent Orators of Lacedemonia did in that Common­wealth, so wisely setled by Lycurgus his Laws; which whilst they took upon them to amend, they miserably defaced, and deformed. The inconvenience of which kind of reforming, that Prudent and Judicious Queen had learned out of the Poet Aratus, his Answer to one Diog Laert. de vita Phi­losoph. lib. 90. who asked him, How he might have Ho­mer's Poems free from Corruptions, and Faults; Get (saith he) an old Copy not reformed: For curious Wits labouring to amend things well done, commonly either guite mar them, or at least make them worse.

54. The Archbishop endeavouring His care of the Queen's Com­mand. to perform this her Majesty's Com­mandment, had notwithstanding much [Page 40] ado, and many conflicts with them. For they had gotten such strength by his Predecessor's connivency, that ma­ny of them were then planted both within his Province, and particular Diocess: In whose favour sundry Gen­tlemen of the chiefest account there came to entreat the Archbishop, and some of the younger sort would needs argue and dispute matters in controver­sy on their behalf. But he gave so good satisfaction unto them all by his mild and temperate Answers (albeit he yielded not unto their Requests) that they loved him after; some of the chiefest of them preferring their Sons unto him, and the rest performing ma­ny kind Offices and Services towards him.

55. The next Year following, for Decem. 1584. For satisfa­ction of some great Persons, he with two other Bishops receive the Reasons of some Ministers for their Non­conformity. They sufficient­ly answer the same. farther satisfaction of some of the great­est, and most honourable Counsellors of State in these Points, the two Arch­bishops, and the Bishop of Winchester were pleased to hear the Reasons of some Ministers that refused to conform themselves unto the Orders of the Church established. At which time albeit the said learned Prelates suffici­ently cleared all their Doubts, and Ex­ceptions; [Page 41] yet after this, these honou­rable Personages affying much in the Sufficiency and Scholarship of some others, not yet dealt withal, and sup­posing that they had been able to have said much more in defence of them­selves, and the impeaching of the Ec­clesiastical Government established (for so they were born in hand) were desi­rous to hear at Lambeth the Controver­sies A Conference at Lambeth, and a further debate of the Controversy, to the seeming satisfaction of those Great Personages. further debated on both Sides. Whereunto the Archbishop, for their satisfaction yielded; and after four hours Conference spent, these Honou­rable Personages professed, that they would not have believed that the Arch­bishops Grounds and Reasons had been so good and strong, and the Others so weak and trivial, but that they heard them once and again with their own Ears; and so, they said they would in­form her Majesty; seeming to be there well resolved, and also persuaded the Ministers to Conformity.

56. Howbeit afterwards, when those Honourable Personages saw that they might not sway (as formerly in the re­straint of Archibishop Grindall) and pre­fer The Archbishop perplexed with Oppositions, is grieved. whom they listed unto Ecclesiastical Promotions; they with some others [Page 42] linked themselves against the Archbi­shop, and gave him, (being yet no Counsellor of State) many thwarts at the Council board, wherewith he was so much perplexed and grieved to see things thus carried, as thereupon advi­sing with some of his Honourable Friends (whose assistance he knew might avail him) if their Affections were not otherwise overswayed by the potency of so great Personages, he thus imparted his mind in several Letters, Writes his mind. as followeth.

GOD knoweth how desirous I have been, from time to time, to have my Doings approved by my ancient and honourable Friends. For which cause, since my coming to this Place, I have done nothing of importance against these Secta­ries, without good Advice. I have risen up early, and sate up late, to yield Reasons, and make answer to their Contentions and their Seditious Objections. And shall I now say, I have lost my labour? Or shall my just dealing with disobedient and irre­gular Persons, cause my former professed and ancient Friends, to hinder my just Proceedings, and make them speak of my Doings, yea and of my Self, what they list? [Page 43] Solomon saith, that an old Friend is bet­ter than a new. I trust those that love me indeed will not so lightly cast off their old Friends for any of these new fangled and Factious Sectaries, whose fruits are to make division, and to separate old, and assured Friends. In mine own private Af­fairs I know I shall stand in need of Friends; but, in these publick Actions, I see no cause why I should seek Friends, see­ing they, to whom the care of the Common­wealth is committed, ought, of duty, there­in to join with me. And if my honourable Friends should for sake me (especially in so good a Cause) and not put their helping hand to the redress of these Enormities (being indeed a matter of State, and not of the least moment) I shall think my com­ing unto this Place to have been for my punishment, and my hap very hard, that, when I think to deserve best, and, in a manner, consume my self to satisfy that, which God, her Majesty, and the Church, requireth of me, I should be evilly re­warded. Sed meliora spero. It is ob­jected by some, that my desire of Uniformi­ty, by way of Subscription, is for the better maintenance of my Book. They are mine Enemies that say so; but I trust my Friends have a better opinion of me. Why [Page 44] should I seek for any confirmation of my Book after twelve years approbation? or what shall I get thereby more than already I have? And yet, if Subscription may con­firm it, it is confirmed long ago by the Sub­scription almost of all the Clergy of Eng­land before my time. Mine Enemies like­wise, and the slanderous Tongues of this uncharitable Sect, report that I am re­volted, become a Papist, and I know not what. But it proceedeth from their lewd­ness, and not from any desert of mine. I am further burthened with Wilfulness; I hope my Friends are better persuaded of me, to whose Consciences I appeal. It is strange, that a man of my Place, dealing by so good warrant as I do, should be so encountred, and, for not yielding, be counted wilful. But I must be content, Vincit qui patitur. There is a difference betwixt Wilfulness and Constancy. I have taken upon me, by the Place which I hold under her Majesty, the defence of the Religion, and the Rites of the Church of England, to appease the Schisms and Sects therein, to reduce all the Ministers thereof to Uniformity, and to due obedience, and not to waver with every wind; which also my Place, my Person, my Duty, the Laws, her Majesty, and the goodness of the Cause do require of me, and [Page 45] wherein the Lords of her Highness's most Honourable Privy Council (all things con­sidered) ought in duty to assist and counte­nance me. But how is it possible that I should perform the Charge which I have un­dertaken, after so long liberty, and lack of Discipline, if a few Persons, so meanly qualified (as most of these Factions Secta­ries are) should be countenanced against the whole State of the Clergy of greatest account both for Learning, Years, Staidness, Wis­dom, Religion, and Honesty, and open Breakers and Impugners of the Law, young in Years, proud in Conceipt, contentious in Disposition, should be maintained against their Governors, seeking to reduce them to Order, and to Obedience? Haec sunt initia Haereticorum, & ortus, atque conatus Schismaticorum malè cogitantium, ut sibi placeant, ut praepositum superbo tu­more contemnat. Sic de Ecclesia re­ceditur, sic Altare profanum foris collo­catur, sic contra pacem Christi, & or­dinationem, atque unitatem Dei rebel­latur. The First fruits of Hereticks, and the first Births and Endeavours of Schismaticks are these, to admire them­selves, and in their swelling Pride to con­temn any that are set over them. Thus do men fall from the Church of God; thus [Page 46] is a foreign unhallowed Altar erected; and thus is Christ's Peace, and God's Ordina­tion and Unity rebelled against. For mine own part, I neither have done, nor do any thing in these Matters, which I do not think my self in conscience and duty bound to do, and which her Majesty hath not with earnest Charge committed unto me, and which I am not well able to justify to be most requisite for this Church and State; where­of, next to her Majesty (though most un­worthy, or at the least most unhappy) the chief care is committed unto me, which I will not by the grace of God neglect, what­soever come upon me therefore. Neither may I endure their notorious Contempts, unless I will become Aesop's Block, and un­do all that which hither to hath been done. And how then shall I be able to perform my Duty, according to her Majesty's Expecta­tion? It is certain, that if way be given unto them, upon their unjust Surmises and Clamours, it will be the cause of that Con­fusion, which hereafter the State will be sorry for. I neither care for the Honour of this Place I hold (which is Onus unto me) nor the largeness of the Revenue, neither any worldly thing (I thank God) in respect of doing my Duty; neither do I fear the displeasure of Man, nor the evil [Page 47] Tongue of the uncharitable, who call me Tyrant, Pope, Knave, and lay to my charge things that I never did, nor thought. Scio enim hoc esse opus Diaboli, ut Ser­vos Dei mendaciis laceret, & opinioni­bus falsis, gloriosum nomen infamet, ut qui conscientiae suae luce clarescunt, ali­enis rumoribus sordidentur. For I know that this is the work of that Accuser, the Devil, that he may tear in pieces the Ser­vants of God with Lies, that he may disho­nour their glorious Name with false Sur­mises, that they, who through the clearness of their own Conscience, are shining bright, might have the filth of other mens Slanders, cast upon them. So was Cyprian himself used, and other Godly Bishops, to whom I am not comparable. But that which most of all grieveth me, and is to be wondred at, and lamented, is, that some of those which give countenance to these Men, and cry out for a learned Ministry, should watch their opportunity, and be Instruments and means to place most unlearned Men in the chiefest Places and Livings of the Ministry, there­by to make the state of the Bishops and Cler­gy contemptible, and I fear saleable. This Hypocrisy and dissembling with God and Man (in pretending one thing, and doing another) goeth to my heart, and maketh [Page 48] me to think that God's Judgments are not far off. The day will come, when all mens hearts shall be opened. In the mean time I will depend upon him, who never faileth those that put their trust in him.

Thus far his Letters.

57. After this he linked himself in a After which he is in strict league with Sir Christo­pher Hatton by means of Dr. Bancroft. firm league of friendship with Sir Chri­stopher Hatton, then Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen's Majesty; and by the means of Dr. Bancroft (his then Hous­hold Chaplain, and afterwards Lord Archbishop of Canterbury) had him most firm, and ready upon all occasions to impart unto the Queen, as well the Crosses offered him at the Council-Table, as also sundry impediments, whereby he was hindred from the performance of many good Services to­wards her Majesty and the State. He had always the Lord Burley (then Lord Treasurer Burley his firm Friend. Lord Treasurer of England) his firm and constant Friend, and one that would omit no opportunity for his ad­vancement, who prevailed so far, that when the Earl of Leicester (one of those honourable Personages afore-mention'd) was in the Low-Countries, the Arch­bishop, The Archbishop sworn of the Privy Council. and the Lord Cobham, were first [Page 49] sworn Counsellors of State, and Thomas Lord Buckhurst was sworn the day after, whereat the Earl was not a little dis­pleased. The Lord Buckhurst was join­ed Lord Buck­hurst his faithful Friend. in like affection to the Archbishop as the other two were, and continued af­ter he came to be Lord Treasurer, his faithful and loving Friend to the time of his death.

58. When the Archbishop was thus established in friendship with these No­ble Personages, as aforesaid, their Fa­vours, and his Place, wrought him free He has free access to the Queen. access to the Queen, and gracious ac­ceptance of his Motions in the Church's behalf. His Courses then at the Council­board His Oppositions abated. were not so much crossed nor impeached as heretofore; but by reason of his daily attendance and access, he then oftentimes gave impediment to the Sir Thomas Bromeley. Lord Chancel­lor, died, April 12. 1587. Earl's Designments in Clergy Causes.

59. About this time Sir Thomas Bromely (the then Lord Chancellor) died; whereupon it pleased her Majesty The Queen dis­posed to make the Archbishop Lord Chancel­lor. to discover her gracious Inclination to have made the Archbishop Lord Chan­cellor of England. But he excusing himself in many respects, that he was He excuses himself, and recommends Sir Christo­pher Hatton. grown into years, and had the burthen of all Ecclesiastical Businesses laid upon [Page 50] his back (which was as much as one man could well undergo, considering the troubles with so many Sectaries that were then sprung up) desired to be spa­red, and besought her Highness to make choice of Sir Christopher Hatton, who Sir Christo­pher Hatton made Lord Chancellor, Ap. 29. 1587. shortly after was made Lord Chancel­lor in the Archbishop's House at Croy­don, thereby the rather to grace the Archbishop. His advancement did much strengthen the Archbishop and his Friends, and withal, the Earl of Lei­cester and his Designments, came soon after to an end. For, the Year follow­ing, taking his Journey to Kenelworth, he died in the way at Cornbury Park, whereby the Archbishop took himself The Earl of Leicester died Sept. 4. 1588. freed from much opposition.

60. Upon the death of the said Earl, the Chancellorship of Oxford being Oxford desire the Archbishop for their Chancellor in the Earl's room. void, divers of the Heads and others of the University, made known unto the Archbishop their desire to chuse him their Chancellor, although he was a Cambridge man. To whom he returned this Answer, That he was already their Friend, whereof they might rest assured; and therefore advised them to make choice of some other in near place about the Queen, that might assist him on [Page 51] their behalf: And both at the Council­board, and other Places of Justice, right them many ways, both for the benefit of the University, and their par­ticular Colleges. And therewithal re­commended unto them Sir Christopher He recommends Sir Christo­pher Hatton, who is chosen: He is the Arch­bishop's con­stant Assistant in bridling the Puritan Fa­ction. Hatton, being sometime of that Uni­versity; whom accordingly they did chuse for their Chancellor, and whom the Archibishop ever found a great As­sistant in bridling and reforming the in temperate Humour of these Novelists, who by the Countenance of the afore­said Great Personages (E. Leicester, &c.) were now grown to a strong head.

61. For, in the Year 1588. came Martin Mar­prelate, and other Libels published, 1588. forth those hateful Libels of Martin Marprelate, and much about the same time, the Epitome; the Demonstration of Discipline; the Supplication; Diotrephes; the Minerals; Have you any work for a Cooper; Martin Junior, alias Theses Martinianoe; Martin Senior; More work for the Cooper; and other such like Ba­stardly Pamphlets, which might well be Nullius filii, because no man durst A Private Puritan Press erected at Kingston and afterwards re­moved to se­veral Places. father their Births. All which were printed with a kind of wandring Press, which was first set up at Moulsey, near Kingston upon Thames, and from thence [Page 52] conveyed to Fausly in Northamptonshire, and from thence to Norton, afterwards to Coventry, from thence to Welstone in Warwickshire, from which place the Letters were sent to another Press in or near Manchester, where (by the means of Henry, that good Earl of Derby) the The Press dis­covered at Manchester. Press was discovered in printing of More work for a Cooper. Which shame­less Libels were fraughted only with odious and scurrilous Calumniations against the Established Government, and such Reverend Prelates as deserved honour with uprighter Judgments.

62. Some of the Printers, whilst they were busied about the last Libel, The Printers apprehended, prosecuted and fined in the Star-chamber. On their sub­mission, and the Archbi­shop's Media­tion, were re­leased, and Fines remitted. Penry and Udall Authors of the Libels. were apprehended; who, with the En­tertainers, and Receivers of the Press, were proceeded against in the Star­chamber, and there Censured; but upon their submission (at the humble Suit of the Archbishop) were both delivered out of Prison, and eased of their Fines. The Authors and Penners of some of these Libels were, John Penry and John Udall; the chief Disperser of them was Humphrey Newman, a Cobler, a choice Broker for such sowterly Wares, and in regard of his Hempenly Trade, a fit Newman a Cobler, Di­sperser. Person to cherish up Martin's Birds, [Page 53] who (as Pliny writeth) do feed so gree­dily upon Hemp-seed, that they be often­times choaked therewith. Such was the unfortunate end of some of his Martin Birds, as appeareth upon Record in the King's-Bench, against John Penry, Clerk, John Penry condemned, 1593. Udall pardon­ed. Termino Pasch. 1593. and at an Assize in Surrey against John Udall, whose Par­don the Archbishop afterwards ob­tained.

63. Thus the factious Ministers, zea­lous of pretended Discipline, having with these seditious Libels (as the Fore­rangers and Harbingers of their further Designs) made way in the hearts of the Vulgar (who ever are apt to entertain Novelties, though it be with danger and detriment to themselves; and spe­cially if it have a shew of restraining the Authority of their Superiors) they thought it the fittest time to prosecute their Projects. And while one sort of them were maliciously busied in slan­dering Thomas Cartwright (with others) proceeded with in the Star­chamber for their Conven­ticles, 1591. and for pub­lishing their Book of New Discipline. the State of the Church already setled, the other were as seditiously im­ployed in planting the Discipline which they had newly plotted. Whereupon shortly after Thomas Cartwright, and Edmund Snape, with others, were called in question, and proceeded withal in [Page 54] the Star-chamber, for setting forth, and putting in practice (without Warrant or Authority) a new Form of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sa­craments and Presbyterial Discipline. The particularities of which their dan­gerous Plots, and Positions (though most secretly carried amongst men only of their own combination) were by Doctor Bancroft first discovered, and by the Archbishop and the Lord Chan­cellor farther brought to light, as the Records themselves in the Star-chamber do testify, and may at large appear in Doctor Bancroft's Survey of the Pretended Discipline; and dangerous Positions under Dr. Bancroft writes two Books against the Disciplina­rians, and their dange­rous Practices and Positions. pretence of Reformation: Wherein also you shall see these Disciplinarians to exceed other Ministers, from whom they have their Presbyterial Platform, in Threatning, Railing, and undutiful Speeches, against their Sovereign, the High Court of Parliament, the most Honourable Privy Council, the Arch­bishops and Bishops, the Reverend Judges of the Land, and Lawyers of both Professions: And generally against all Magistrates, and other inferior Mi­nisters of Justice, and Officers under them, that do maintain the present [Page 55] Government of the Church of England, and withstand their desire.

64. It was therefore high time for the Archbishop and State to look strictly to The Archbishop and State's vi­gilant watch upon them. these Perturbers of our Churches happy quiet. But if we shall take a further view of those enormous, and despe­rate Courses, which after ensued (tho' all Branches growing out of the same Root) we shall be far from accusing either the Archbishop of too much Vi­gilancy, or the Civil Magistrates of overmuch Severity, in cutting off some of those outragious and unbridled Se­ctaries.

65. Three Principal there were a­mong them deeply infatuated with this reforming Spirit; William Hacket, Yeo­man; Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington, Gentlemen; all of them strongly possessed, at the first, with an earnest desire of the late invented Disci­pline, and carried violently with the strength of their erroneous Fancy, into a desperate and lamentable Course; whereof, though I will suppose that many are innocent, who were led with the same Spirit and desire of Reforma­tion with them in the beginning; yet I am induced by just and weighty Rea­sons [Page 56] to conceive, that, unless the Vigi­lancy of the Magistrates had timely pre­vented their Courses, the intemperate Zeal of these Novelists, finding no cer­tain ground to stay it self upon, nor any determinate end where it might finally rest, would have broken out into some like Combustion, and Flame, as these aforenamed did, whereof I will give you but a little taste. Two of these, Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthing­ton, Coppinger and Arthing­ton their preaching in a Cart in Cheapside, Julii 16. 1591. That Hacket represented Christ, and Themselves Prophets from God. came into Cheapside, and there in a Cart proclaimed News from Heaven, to wit, That one William Hacket, Yeo­man, represented Christ, by partaking his glorious Body in his principal Spirit; and that They were two Prophets, the one of Mercy, the other of Judgment, called and sent of God to assist him in his great work, &c. But because the weight of the Mat­ter requireth a larger Discourse than is fit to be inserted in this Work, I refer the Reader for the rest unto the perusal of Doctor Cosin his Book, intituled, Conspiracy for Pretended Reformation: Conspiracy for pretended Re­formation, wrote by Dr. Cosin. Where he shall find their Purposes, Plots, and Designments, with many other markable things at large discour­sed, and taken truly out of their Con­ference and Writings under their own [Page 57] hands, with their Confessions and Exa­minations, subscribed by themselves be­fore sundry honourable and worshipful Personages, of great gravity and wis­dom, employed in those Affairs. By all which, together with their tempe­rate, direct, and pertinent Speech, and congruity of Phrase and Matter, both before, and after their Apprehension, it will clearly appear, that the said Conspirators were not Mad-men (unless it be a kind of Madness to be a violent Promoters Prosecutor of This Reformation; as indeed it is) howsoever some of that Fraternity, and Sect, have so given it out; chusing thereby rather to accuse the honourable Justice of the Realm, and all the Ministers thereof, than that any, professing desire of pretended Re­formation, should be noted with deep Disloyalty, as they were charged withal.

66. When the Queen and State saw the incredible height of these audacious Attempts, so dangerous to the Com­monwealth, thus knotted and counte­nanced under pretence of reforming the Church, they found it necessary to stop the Fountains of these Proceedings; lest it might grow to the like outrage. [Page 58] Amongst whom there were very for­ward to the like presumption Henry Barrow, Gentleman, and John Green­wood, Clerk, who were convented be­fore the High Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical, in November 1587. for 1587. Barrow and Greenwood their Schisma­tical and Sedi­tious Positions. their Schismatical and Seditious Opini­ons, viz. That our Church is no Church, or at the least, no true Church; yield­ing these Reasons therefore. First, That the Worship of the English Church is flat Idolatry. Secondly, That we ad­mit into our Church Persons unsancti­fied. Thirdly, That our Preachers have no lawful Calling. Fourthly, That our Government is ungodly. Fifthly, That no Bishop, or Preacher, preacheth Christ sincerely, and truly. Sixthly, That the People of every Parish ought to chuse their Bishop; and that every Elder, though he be no Doctor, nor Pastor, is a Bishop. Seventhly, That all the Precise, which refuse the Cere­monies of the Church, and yet preach in the same Church, strain at a Gnat and swallow a Cammel, and are close Hy­pocrites, and walk in a left-handed Po­licy; as Master Cartwright, Wiggington, &c. Also in Norwich, Master Moare, Pawmone, and Burges, that all which [Page 59] make Catechisms, or teach and expound printed and written Catechisms, are Idol Shepherds; as Calvin, Ursin, Nowell, &c. That the Child of ungodly Parents ought not to be baptized, as of Usurers, Drunkards, &c. nor any Bastards: That Set-Prayer is blasphemous.

67. The fore said Brochers of these The Ring­leaders on be­ing convened, make shew of Conformity, but afterwards go back. Opinions at this their first Convention, made shew of their conformity, upon conference with some Divines; and in hope thereof, were enlarged upon bonds; but all in vain. For after their liberty they burst forth into further Extremi­ties, and were again committed to the Were re-com­mitted July, 1588. and proceeded a­gainst March, 1592. Fleet, July 20. 1588. where they pub lished their Scandalous and Seditious Writings; for which they were pro­ceeded withal at Justice-Hall, near New­gate in London, March 21. 1592.

68. For suppressing this kind of Peo­ple (which as you see were grown unto a great height of violence and outrage) the State held it fit at the next Parlia­ment An Act of Ab­juration and Banishment made against Schismaticks. following to make a Law of Ab­juration, or Banishment, of such as should either persuade others, or be present themselves at these their Con­venticles, or Meetings, which Law is [Page 60] entituled; An Act to restrain the Queen's Majesty's Subjects in their due obedience.

69 LET the Reader now consider with what Contagion, and Leprosy, many poor Souls had like to have been infected through the divul­ging of their wicked Libels, and dan­gerous Positions, tending to Innovation and Rebellion, had not the stroke of Justice, and providence of the State, wisely prevented the same; selecting as out of an hundred thousand seditious Mutineers (for, so many they confessed were ready for that purpose) only four Only four Per­sons prosecuted of a very great Number. Persons, as the chief Ring-leaders, whose lot it was to be proceeded withal, for the quenching of the fiery outrage of the rest, kindled already to the like Attempts, as those in Germany of the Great Troubles in Germany; just cause of sears here from like Prin­ciples and Pre­tences of Re­formation. Cabinet-teachers, and Reformers, both at Mulhusin, and Munster in Westphalia: Which Seditions could not be appeased, till Fifty thousand of them were killed, and cut in pieces by the united Forces of most of the Princes of the Empire: And though some, not of the greatest foresight, may think that the fear which our Archbishop conceived of Dangers to ensue out of these Sectaries Attempts, [Page 61] was far greater than there was just cause, yet the Examples of those foreign Pretenders of like Reformation as is aforesaid, compared with these our Re­formers Designs, taught him not to be without fear, or care, for preventing these dangerous Events at home. For all their Intendments sorted to one end, viz. Reformation, and to be brought to pass by one and the self-same means; viz. by commotion of the unbridled mul­titude.

70. For was it not in their Assemblies The Discipline decreed in their Assemblies to be put in Pra­ctice. Classical and Synodical concluded, ‘That the Discipline should, within a time limited, be put in practice, and erect­ed all in one day by the Ministers to­gether with the People? whom these Disciplinarians bragged to be already enflamed with Zeal to lend so many thousand hands, for the advancement of their Cause, by whom they hoped, and said, such Reformation must be brought in: And how, I pray you, did they incense the common People, not only in their private Conventicles, (decreeing that the Queen's Authori­ty The Queen's Authority Ec­clesiastical to be restrain'd. ought to be restrained in Causes Ecclesiastical) but in their publick Sermons, and Exhortations; aliena­ting [Page 62] the hearts of their Auditors from all obedience of the Ecclesiastical Ma­gistrates? As namely Master Cart­wright, who saith, That no obedience Cartwright's seditious Do­ctrines. ought to be given unto them, either in doing that which they command, or abstaining from that which they pro­hibit: And that it should not be law­ful for any one of the Brother-hood to take an Oath, whereby he may disco­ver any thing prejudicial to himself, or his Brother, especially if he be per­suaded the matter to be lawful, for which the punishment is like to be inflicted; or, having taken it, he need not discover the very truth. And in his Prayer before his Sermons, he used thus to say; Because they Cartwright's charitable Prayer for the Bishops, in his Sermons at Banbury, 1589. Penry's Sup­plication to the Parlia­ment; threat­ning them with Plagues. (meaning the Bishops) which ought to be Pillars in the Church, do band them­selves against Christ, and his Truth, therefore, O Lord, give us grace and power, all, as one man, to set our selves against them. Which words, by way of Emphasis, he would often repeat. And how, I pray you, doth Penry, in his Supplication to the Parliament; incite both the Lords and Commons, threatning them with Plagues, and Bloodshed, if they gathered not Cou­rage, [Page 63] rage, and Zeal? And withal, scof­fing at their unwillingness hitherto for disturbing of the State, forsooth, to set upon the Hierarchy of the Bi­shops; telling them, if they refused so to do, they should declare unto their Children, That God had raised up but a company of White-livered Soldiers to teach them the Gospel in the sincerity under Queen Elizabeth. And doth not Udall threaten that the Presbytery Udall's Threats a­gainst the Re­sisters of the Presbytery. shall prevail, and come in by that way, and means, as shall make all their hearts to ake, that shall with­stand or hinder the same?’

71. And when, I pray you, were These Stirs set on foot at the time of the Spanish Inva­sion. 1588. these Classical Assemblies, and these Se­ditious Stirs, and Hurli-burlies of Mar­timists, and that Reforming Sect put in practice? In the Year 1588. at that time, when the Invincible Spanish Na­vy (as some vainly termed it) was up­on our Coasts, and should have invaded us; albeit it was by the gracious Pro­vidence of our Omnipotent God, pre­vented, and their Ships so dispersed, as that no Enemy was able to put foot on English Shore, but as a Prisoner or Cap­tive. At which time, as the Care of her Majesty, for the preparation of [Page 64] Forces to encounter and resist them, was very great; so might her Grief also be, to behold a discord and dissention of her own Subjects within her Realm. The Archbishop also himself had not the The Archbi­shop's prepara­tion for De­fence of his Prince and Country. The whole Clergy of his Provinçe Armed. meanest part to perform in so great and weighty an Action; when the whole Forces of the Clergy, not only within his particular Diocess, but through his whole Province, were committed unto his care, and charge, to have in readi­ness, besides his own Family, and Te­nants, which were by him gathered to­gether, and all prepared, mustered and trained for defence of Prince and Coun­try.

72. Now, of the aforesaid Stirs, and Seditious Attempts of sundry Persons in this our Archbishop's time, that Ma­ster Cartwright was the Fountain, and Cartwright the Head of the Puritan Party. principal Author, it may appear by sundry Passages, and also by the Opini­on and Dependencies which all the Fore▪ named had upon him, especially in their Proceedings; as their Confe­rences, and Conventicles do sufficiently declare, which are extant in the Re­cords of the Star-chamber; whence I have taken my chiefest Instructions in this behalf. The recourse of Hacket, [Page 65] Coppinger and Arthington unto him, and Hacket, Cop­pinger, and Arthington resort to him. his Fraternity, and the vain Conceits of extraordinary Callings which they were put into, both by Speech, and Letters, and the Opinion which they all three conceived of Master Cartwright by name, both before, and after their Apprehen­sion, Penry and Udall his Con­sorts. may appear sufficiently, both by the Records, and Conspiracy for pretended Reformation. Books published, whereof mention is already made. That Penry, Ʋdall, and the rest of the Libel­lers, Dangerous Positions. were of his Consort, by his sight of divers of the Books, and knowledge both of the Authors, and Publishers, and his not revealing them to the State, he could not deny, being examined thereupon. And that he approved their hateful Libels, it appeared by his own words; when, being asked his Opinion of such Books, he said; Seeing the Bi­shops, Cartwright's words in the Articles in the Star-Chamber. and others there touched, would not amend by grave Books and Advertisements, it was therefore meet they should be dealt withal to their further reproach. Which was not unsuitable to one of his own Decrees in a Synod, where it was de­termined, That no Books should be put in The Discipli­narians Decree about Books to be printed. print, but by consent of the Classes; that some of those Books must be earnest, some more mild and temperate; whereby they [Page 66] may be both of the Spirit of Elias and Elizeus.

73. That Barrow and Greenwood were Barrow and Greenwood infected by Cartwright. so infected with his Grounds, and Opi­nions, which brought them unto their fatal Ends, shall manifestly appear unto you upon Barrow's own Confession. For when Doctor Ravis (then Chaplain to the Archbishop, and late Lord Bishop of London) at the earnest desire of Barrow himself, and direction of the Archbi­shop, dealt with Master Cartwright to confer with Barrow, they being then both Prisoners in the Fleet: Master Cartwright (having been once before with him at the entreaty of Master Spe­rin a Minister) would by no means be drawn to further Conference with him again: Which his refusal, when it was by Doctor Ravis signified to Barrow, in Bishop Ravis's Conference with Barrow and Green­wood, 1592. the presence of divers of good Reputa­tion and Account, he fetched a great sigh, saying, And will he not? Hath he only brought me into this brake, and will he now leave me? For from him received I my grounds, and out of his Premises did I infer, and make the conclusion of the Posi­tions which I now hold, and for which I suffer bands.

[Page 67] 74. Again, when Sentence of death Bishop An­drows and Bishop Parrey, with others, their Confe­rence with Barrow and Greenwood. was given against the said Barrow, Doctor Androws (now Lord Bishop of Ely) Doctor Bisse, and Doctor White, were sent unto him to counsel him for his Soul's health. There also accompanied them Doctor Parry, now Lord Bishop of Worcester. After many pas­sages of Speech with Doctor White (un­to whom he then seemed especially to address himself) he brake forth into these words. ‘You are not the men whom I most dislike in these Diffe­rences. For although you be out of the way, yet you think you are in the right: But I cannot but complain of Master Cartwright and others of his knowledge, from whom we have re­ceived the truth of these things, and have been taught that your Callings are Antichristian; who yet utterly, against their Consciences, forsake us in our Sufferings, and will not come out of Babylon for fear of their lives.’ It being farther replied by Doctor White that those Callings which Barrow re­proached as Antichristian, were the ve­ry same which Archbishop Cranmer, and Ridley, and many other holy Bishops, &c. (that suffered Martyrdom in Queen [Page 68] Mary's time) did embrace; Barrow re­plied in this vain-glorious manner; ‘True it is that Cranmer and others Barrow's Vain-glorious Answer. were Martyrs in Queen Mary's days, but these holy Bands of mine (and therewithal shook the Fetters which he did wear) are much more glori­ous than any of theirs, because they had the mark of Antichrist in their hands. Thus he, in Newgate at that time, in the presence of many, with great insolency, did triumph.’

75. Men therefore, not partially af­fected, The danger of Innovation. may hereby observe and con­ceive what danger Innovation bringeth to the People, and what hazard to a State; when, by little and little, it en­creaseth like the swelling or flowing of the Sea; which if it surpass the bounds wherewith it was confined, or gain ne­ver so small a Breach, it spreadeth it self over a whole Country, and groweth to that violence, and stream, that it cannot by any contrary force be kept back, but without pity or mercy putteth all things to wreck where it rageth. Which, as it seemeth, Master Cartwright himself did now find; when after his first Con­ference, he perceived how impossible it was for him to make up the Breach [Page 69] which he had unfortunately begun; for that Barrow, like a tempestuous Surge, would have forced him (by finding his own oversight and Errors) back again from his former Positions, or drawn him inevitably to his Conclusions.

76. And therefore observable it is, Cartwright withdraws privately. that Master Cartwright, having upon his first discontentment (as hath been delivered) made a desperate assault and breach in Sion's peaceable and blessed City, now like a sly Captain did steal away secretly (after Summons given) from his own Siege, fearing upon his entry by the force and press of his own Soldiers, to be environed and kept with­in the Walls (as Pyrrhus was) to the loss of his life; or doubting belike, the outrage and violence of his Army, whose Fury he could not have appeased when he list, but have been enforced (as Titus was) to see his Soldiers sack, spoil, and burn the Holy City of Jeru­salem, though he vehemently laboured, and with great earnestness cried out un­to them (whom yet himself first set on work) to save the Sanctuary of the Lord, but could not be heard, or at least, was not able to stop their rage and fury, until it was with fire consumed and destroyed.

[Page 70] 77. Not much differing from the said Positions of Barrow and Greenwood, Brown the Author of a New Sect of that Name. were the Opinions of Robert Brown (sometimes of Bennet Colledge in Cam­bridge) from whom that Sect beareth the Name even to this day. But be­cause His Positions little differing from Barrow and Green­wood. in this Archbishop's time the said Brown was changed from those Fancies, and afterwards obtained a Benefice cal­led Achurch in Northamptonshire (where he became a painful Preacher) I will not much insist upon him.

78. I let pass many like Schisms in The Archbishop suppresseth ma­ny Schisms, and also Con­troversies in the Universi­ties. other parts of the Realm which this good Archbishop suppressed, and the Controversies in both Universities, which by his Wisdom were appeased; as also the reverend Opinion which di­vers honourable Personages had of him for his great temper and moderation in handling these Businesses toward some of great Place (whose Reputations, if he would, he might have blemished with her Majesty, for favouring the aforesaid Libellers, and Libels, which He procures Cartwright's Pardon of the Queen. had stowage and vent in their Cham­bers) as also in procuring, at her Ma­jesty'y hands, both pardon and dismis­sion for Master Cartwright, and the rest, out of their Troubles.

[Page 71] 79. For which, and sundry other his Favours, Master Cartwright held himself much obliged unto him, as he confessed in his Letters, written with his own hand to that effect. In which Letters he is also pleased to vouchsafe him the stile of a Right Reverend Father in God, Cartwright's Letters, March 24. 1601. ac­knowledging the Archbi­shop's favour. and his Lord the Archbishop's Grace of Canterbury. Which Title of Grace he also often yieldeth him throughout his Letters, acknowledging his bond of most humble duty so much the straighter, because his Grace's favour proceeded from a frank disposition, without any desert of his own. Yea the Archbishop hath been heard to say, That if Master Cartwright had not so far ingaged himself as he did in the be­ginning, he thought verily he would in his latter time have been drawn to Con­formity. For when he was freed from his Troubles, he often repaired to the Arch­bishop, who used him kindly, and was contented to tolerate his Preaching in The Archbishop tolerates Cart­wright to perach pub­lickly without Conformity. Warwick divers years, upon his Pro­mise, that he would not impugn the Laws, Orders, and Government in this Church of England, but persuade and procure, so much as he could, both publickly, and privately, the estima­tion and peace of the same. Which [Page 72] albeit he accordingly performed, yet when her Majesty understood by others that Master Cartwright did preach again (tho temperately, accordingly to his Promise made to the Archbishop) she would by no means indure his Preach­ing any longer without Subscription; and The Queen re­quires his Sub­scription. grew not a little offended with the Archbishop for such connivency at him. Not long after Master Cartwright died rich, as it was said, by the benevolence Cartwright dies Rich. and bounty of his Followers.

80. After these Stirs, thus suppres­sed, they began to tamper with the Earl of Essex; who was grown into a great height of favour with the Queen; and by reason that sundry of his Kin­dred The Earl of Essex favours the Puritans as far as he durst. and Allies were inclined that way, they so far prevailed with him, that he did privily, and far as he durst for fear of the Queen's displeasure, give way and countenance to them. But upon better consideration, finding by the heady Courses of some of them, the danger that thereby was like to grow to her Majesty and the State, and the Resolution had of all hands to cut them off by the Law aforesaid, he grew very calm, and was careful how to carry himself uprightly betwixt both. And [Page 73] yet the Archbishop had still a vigilant Eye over him, that he could not, though he would, do any great hurt.

81. For, to say the truth, by this Upon timely execution of the Laws, the state of the Church at quiet. due execution of Laws, in the begin­ning, and the provident Courses of the Archbishop, with the Assistance and painful Endeavours of Doctor Bancroft, and Doctor Cosin, and the publishing of their learned, and unanswerable Books, the state of the Clergy was in good quiet; especially, so long as Sir Chri­stopher Hatton the Lord Chancellor did live.

82. Immediately after whose death, Sir Christo­pher Hatton died Nov. 20. 1591. Lord Buck­hurst chosen Chancellor of Oxford on the Queen's Let­ters. the Archbishop attending upon her Ma­jesty, and advising with her who was fittest to succeed him in the Chancellor­ship of Oxford, found her graciously en­clined toward the Lord Buckhurst; in whose behalf she presently dispatched her Letters to the University, and pre­vailed: Whereat the Earl of Essex was Earl of Essex offended at it, is pacified by the Archbishop. so offended (his Friends having labour­ed exceedingly therein, on his behalf) that being then Lord General of her Majesty's Forces in France, he made open profession of his dislike of the Archbishop. But, upon his return in­to England, finding how firm her Ma­jesty [Page 74] stood for him, and that his stirring in the matter must needs call in questi­on her Majesty's Judgment, did there­fore in a temperate manner expostulate the matter with the Archbishop, from whom he received such an Answer, as he knew not well whom to be angry withal, unless with the Queen her self, who thought him too young a man (being yet no Counsellor) for so grave a Title; and fearing happily, lest if she should have committed the guiding of that University unto his young Years, and unexperienced Judgment, some hot and unruly Spirits there (like Phaeton's untamed Horses) might have carried him in such an headlong course of go­vernment, as that the sparks of Con­tention, which were then scarce kind­led in that University, might have bro­ken forth into open flames, to the utter destruction and devastation of the whole State Ecclesiastical. And, besides this, she held the Lord Buckhurst (being an ancient Counsellor, and her Kinsman,) more fit for the Place a great deal. And so much it seemed the Queen had told The Queen ju­stifies the Archbishop to Essex. the Earl in justification of the Archbi­shop, before his questioning of the mat­ter with him; for in effect, he acknow­ledged [Page 75] so much, and thereupon they parted in no unkind terms, but with due respect of each other in very friend­ly manner. The Queen, not long af­ter, She makes them firm Friends. was the mean of their entring into further Friendship; having oftentimes recommended unto the Archbishop the Earl's many excellent Parts, and Ver­tues, which she thought then rare in so young Years. And the Earl likewise confessed to the Archbishop, that her Majesty's often speech of her extraordi­nary opinion of him, and his worth, was the cause of his seeking after the Archbishop; and therefore did offer to run a course for Clergy Causes, accord­ing to his directions, and advice, and to cast off the Novelists, as indeed he did, immediately after Sir Francis Wal­singham's Sir Francis Walsingham died Apr. 6. 1590. The Archbi­shop's firmness to Essex in his Troubles. death; which was a special cause of the Archbishop's constancy and firmness to the Earl in his disgrace and trouble afterwards.

83. But now to return to our former course: The Lord Chancellor's death much troubled and perpexed the Arch­bishop; The Archbishop fears on the Lord Chancel­lor's death. fearing that new Troubles would befal him and the Church. Howbeit, things were then so well and firmly setled, that he had no great ado [Page 76] afterwards, saving with their dispersing New Pamph­lets dispersed by the Puri­tans. of Pamphlets, and that some few Per­sons (though thanks be to God not powerful) both in Court and Country, Attempts in Parliament on their behalf. did attempt, as much as in them lay, by motions in Parliament, and Bills there preferred, to bring in I know not (nor they themselves) what kind of new Government in the Church, but were prevented by the Wisdom of her Majesty, who always suppressed those Bills and Motions, and still comforted the Archbishop (who was oftentimes The Queen comforts the Archbishop with fresh As­surances of her Countenance and Favour to the Church. much grieved with their causeless Com­plaints) and assured him they should not prevail to do any hurt, except it were to hurt themselves. For she did see in her Princely wisdom, how dange­rous they were to her and all Imperial Government. And when she found them still bent to pursue such Bills, and Motions, she (to deliver the Archbi­shop from farther trouble and vexation) before it was expected, and as it were with silence, brake up the Parliament.

84. AFter the death of Sir Christopher Sir John Puckering Lord Keeper, June 4. 1592. Hatton, Sir John Puckering was made Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, of whom (because he lived [Page 77] not long) I shall not have occasion to say much: But for ought that I ever Upon Hat­ton's death the Queen of­fered the Archbishop his Place: But he declined it, because of his Age and Ec­clesiastical Bu­siness Sir Thomas Egerton made Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, May 6. 1596. heard, he shewed himself a Friend to the Church, unto the Archbishop and his Proceedings, and acknowledged him to have been amongst his other good Friends, a Furtherer of his Ad­vancement.

85. Sir Thomas Egerton, Master of the Rolls succeeded him, May 6. 1596. Her Majesty and the State had long ex­perience of his Integrity and Wisdom, as may appear by the great Places which he worthily held; being first her Highness's Sollicitor, and then At­torney General. In which time (be­sides his many great and weighty Ser­vices) he was very careful and indu­strious in labouring earnesty to suppress the aforesaid Libellers; a lover of Learning, and a most constant Favourer of the Clergy, and Church Govern­ment He is a con­stant Friend to the Church before and af­ter his Ad­vancement. established; as also a faithful lo­ving Friend to the Archbishop in all his Affairs; insomuch, as after his advance­ment to that Honour, and that the Earl of Essex and the Archbishop con­curred together, being also (out of the affection of his most honourable Friend, the Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer) [Page 78] further strengthned by the friendship The Archbishop cherished and strengthened by union of many Friends. and love of Sir Robert Cecyll, principal Secretary, (and now Earl of Salisbury, and Lord Treasurer of England) he be­gan to be fully revived again, and as well fortified by them as ever he was, when he was most and best friended. And her Majesty finding in him a zea­lous care, and faithful performance of his duty and service towards the Church, and her Highness, shook off those Clergy Cares, and laid the bur­then The Queen throws the whole care of the Church upon him. of them upon his Shoulders, tel­ling him, ‘That if any thing went amiss, be it upon his Soul, and Con­science to answer it; for she had rid her hands, and looked that he should yield an account, on her behalf, unto Almighty God.’

86. And now, though the Archbi­shop He disposeth of Bishopricks and all other Ecclesiastical Promotions. was in this singular favour and grace with her Majesty, so that he did all in all for the managing of Clergy-Affairs, and disposing of Bishopricks, and other Ecclesiastical Promotions, yet was he never puffed up with Pride, His great Hu­mility and Le­nity. nor did any thing violently (by reason of his Place, and greatness with her Ma­jesty) against any man. For he ever observed this Rule, that he would not [Page 79] wound, where he could not salve. And I leave to the report of the Adversaries themselves, when he had that sway in Government, and favour with her Highness, whether his Carriage were not exceeding mild, and temperate, and whether he did not endeavour rather by gentle Persuasions, and kind Usages to win them, than (as the Law and his Place required) to pronounce Sen­tence, or lay any sharp Censure upon them. Hath he not many a time, when Sentence hath been ready to be given by consent of all the Commissioners, found some occasion to delay the Sen­tence to another Court-day, and in the mean time so plied the Delinquents, and set on others to persuade them, as thereby many of them were won, which otherwise would never have been brought unto Conformity? Wherein he was of Antoninus Pius his mind, who Opus de tem­poribus mun­di in vita, Antonini Pii. said, when he was taxed by Aurelius for like Remisness, and Lenity, That he had rather save one Citizen of Rome, than kill a thousand Enemies. And yet they knew this Archbishop had Cou­rage enough in him, and Credit, and Authority to back him, if he would have extended it unto severity.

[Page 80] 87. But it was truly noted in him by The Earl of Salisbury's Observation on him. a great Counsellor in the Star-chamber, when Pickering was there censured for libelling against him after his death, That there was nothing more to be feared in his government (especially toward his latter time) than his mildness and cle­mency. And he said that which was most true; for did he not, after that Udall and others were condemned unto death, draw upon him the dislike of his dear and honourable Friend Sir Chri­stopher Hat­ton., in making earnest Suit, and never ceased until he had obtained pardon for them at her Majesty's hands? And, besides the dismission of Master Cartwright and his Consorts out of the Star chamber, did not divers Gentlemen of special note, find the like favour there, by his Intercession, and were eased both of Many favour­ed and eased by the Arch­bishop's inter­cession. Fine and Punishment for entertaining the Presses and Printers before-men­tioned? The very truth is, I cannot sufficiently express his singular Wis­dom, and Clemency, albeit some Younger Spirits were of opinion, that he was much to blame in that kind, and imputed it unto his Years, and want of Courage, and sometimes would be bold to tell him, that he [Page 81] knew not his own strength with her Majesty.

88. But he knew the Court well, and that Queen Elizabeth was the wisest The wisdom of the Queen in her moderate Government. Governor of any Prince then living; and that she had always entreated her Subjects graciously, and ruled with all mildness, and moderation, and that she brought her Subjects oftentimes rather by gentle means to yield unto her just and profitable Demands, than enforce them thereunto by Rigour and Autho­rity; which peradventure she would have used, considering her absolute So­vereignty, and great Occasions, had she not found out of her singular Wis­dom, and long Experience in Govern­ment, that she was the more observed and reverenced of her People, by inter­mingling and tempering her Authority and Sovereignty with Mildness and Le­nity. And this her Highness's Example The Archbishop follows her Ex­ample. Plutarch, in vit. the Archbishop followed; agreeable to that which was said of Pericles, That he would steer and govern the Commonwealth with two principal Rudders, Fear, and Hope; bridling with the one the fierce and insolent rashness of the common People, when they were in prosperity, and in their jollity; and reviving and comforting with [Page 82] the other their discontented Spirits, by gi­ving way for the time, unto their Humour and Passion. And happy surely was it for that crasy state of the Church (for so it was at this Archbishop's first coming, and a long time after) not to meet with too rough and boisterous a Physician; for he preserved it with Conserves, and Electuaries, and some gentle Purges, which with strong Purgations in all likelihood might have been much more endangered; so that it may be very well verified of him, which Ennius wrote of Fabius Maximus.

89. As you may perceive his Cle­mency towards the irregular sort, so, towards the Conformable he was car­ried with an exceeding tender respect and kindness. He loved a learned Mini­ster, vertuous and honest, with all his heart; framing himself unto that Rule of Aristotle, which directeth a good Magi­strate Aristot. Polit. lib. 1. to be as careful in encouraging good men, according to their merits; as in pu­nishing the bad, according to the quality of their offences. If he found a Scholar of [Page 83] extraordinary Gifts, or Hopes, that out The Archbishop a great lover and encoura­ger of Learned and Virtuous Clergy. of wants, grew discontented, and encli­ned to Popery, or Puritanism (as most of their discontentments and wayward­ness proceeded thence) him would he gain both with supplies of Money out of his Purse, and Preferments of his own gift, or otherwise, as opportuni­ty served.

90. Now as our own Countrymen of all sorts had daily taste of the kind dispo­sition of this our Archbishop, so was it not wanting unto sundry Men of Learn­ing, Was bountiful to Foreigners of Learning and Quality. and Quality, of Foreign Countries, whom he entertained both with his Love, and his Bounty. He sent sundry times much Mony to Master Beza out of his own Purse, besides the general Collections and Contributions to Gene­va, which he also greatly furthered. Upon which occasion many Letters pas­sed betwixt them, especially towards his latter time. In some of which Let­ters Master Beza confesseth, That in his Theod. Beza his Letters to the Archbishop, March 8. 1591. Approving the Policy of the English Church. Writings, touching the Church-govern­ment, he ever impugned the Romish Hie­rarchy, but never intended to touch or impugn the Ecclesiastical Policy of this Church of England, nor to exact of us to frame our selves, or our Church, to the [Page 84] Pattern of their Presbyterial Discipline; and that as long as the substance of Do­ctrine were uniform in the Church of Christ, they may lawfully vary in other matters, as the circumstance of Time, Place, and Persons requireth, and as pre­scription of Antiquity may warrant. And to that end, he wisheth, and hopeth, that the sacred and holy College of our Bishops (for so he calleth them) will for ever con­tinue and maintain such their right and title in the Church's government, with all equity and Christian moderation. Yea so far was he from denying our Church to be a Church, that often, and in most pi­thy manner he confesseth, That as Queen Beza his high commendation of the Church of England. Elizabeth was the true nursing Mother of the Church of Christ, so England and our English Church was both the harbour of all the godly, and the preserver of all other reformed Churches. So far was he also from esteeming the Archbishop an An­tichristian Prelate, as he never omitted to term him, A most Reverend Father in His great re­spect to the Archbishop. Christ, and his most honoured good Lord. I wish that our Disciplinarians, who seem to direct themselves by the Rule of Geneva, would learn thus to disci­pline their Tongues with him, and imi­tate his Modesty.

[Page 85] 91. The Archbishop, as from Master Beza, so from other famous Men be­yond the Seas received many Letters, arguing their great love, and due re­spect of him. At their request and re­commendation, he relieved and enter­tained into his House, for many years The Archbi­shop's kindness and charity to Foreign Di­vines of the Reformation. together, divers distressed Ministers out of Germany and France, who were enforced to forsake their own Countries; some by Banishment, others by reason of Wars and extremity which they were put unto. And at their de­parture he dealt bountifully with them; as namely Drusius, Renicherus, Frige­vill, and Monsieur Buse, a French Mi­nister, who read weekly a Lecture in Latin in his Chappel. And although his French pronunciation, and want of good delivery, did somewhat blemish the goodness of the matter which he handled; yet the Archbishop's proper­ty ever was, to cherish and encourage him, and all others that preached be­fore him, and was never heard to give the Preacher distaste, but rather would commend, or excuse him against other mens Censures; saying, If he were young, better experience would correct his defaults; and if he were in years, [Page 86] he was in that respect to be born withal; alledging for both, that some would take exceptions sometimes ra­ther to satisfy their own too much cu­riosity, than for any just cause of dislike in the Preacher.

92. Wherein he shewed a Disposi­tion very rarely to be found; in that, having himself an excellent gift in that Faculty, his modesty in prizing himself, and his mildness in censuring others, was extraordinary, and very singular: His backward­ness to censure other mens Gifts and Per­formances. so that thereby he gave great encou­ragement unto some, whom otherwise his exquisite Judgment might have daunted.

93. Neither herein did he, as in ser­vice of War the Trumpeters use to do, who encourage others to fight, never taking Weapon in hand themselves, or as Plutarch noteth in Aristogiton, who Plutarch, in vita Phocio­nis. animated others to take Arms, but himself in excuse, pleaded lameness, and came halt­ing to the Musters in pretence thereof: But as his continual Endeavours were to re­ward those of best Gifts, and to encou­rage those of meaner; so (as often as Church, and State-affairs gave him leave) he was industrious in propound­ing wholesome Doctrine unto the Peo­ple, [Page 87] and a worthy Pattern of true Divi­nity and Diligence unto all others of the Clergy to follow him therein. When he was Bishop of Worcester, un­less The Archbishop a constant Preacher when publick Affairs would admit. extraordinary businesses of the Mar­ches of Wales hindred him, he never failed to preach upon every Sabbath­day; many times riding five or six Miles to a Parish Church, and after Sermon, came home to Dinner. The like he did also when he was Archbi­shop, and lay at Croydon, the Queen being in her Progress. No Sunday es­caped him in Kent, as the Gentlemen there can well witness, who would ex­ceedingly resort unto him: And he would oftentimes preach so early in the Morning in some Parish-Church, both in Worcester, and Canterbury, that he came afterwards to the Sermon in the Cathedral Church.

94. His Gift that way was excellent, Had an excel­lent Tallent in Preaching. Learned, elo­quent and ju­dicious. His Gesture grave and de­cent, without affectation. as if you had heard Saint Augustin him­self, or some of the ancient Bishops in the Primitive Church. His Gesture, and Action in the Pulpit, so grave and decent, his words coming from him so fatherly, and comely, and though plain­ly (for the most part) and without af­fectation, yet always elegantly, with [Page 88] special choice, and substantial matter, full of good and sound Learning, plen­tiful in Authorities out of Scripture, Fathers, and School-men, so singularly applied, that he much affected his Au­ditory therewith. Thus he oftentimes stirred and moved mens minds and af­fections; and that not by the force of Eloquence only, but by his pious Life, answerable to his religious Sentences; the opinion and confidence which the People had of his Integrity, being very Of great In­tegrity and unspotted Life. great, because he did live unspotted of the world, and would not any way be corrupted.

95. He never preached, but he first He wrote the Notes of his Sermons. wrote his Notes in Latin, and after­wards kept them during his life. For he would say, That whosoever took that pains before his preaching, the el­der he waxed, the better he should dis­charge that Duty; but if he trusted on­ly to his memory, his preaching in time Disapproved trusting only to Memory. would become pratling. Wherein (out of a true religious care, and divine wis­dom) he did express the grave and pru­dent Counsel that Demosthenes held in his Orations, and pleadings in the Court. For (as Plutarch saith) He would never Plutarch. in vit. Demosth. offer to speak unto the People, before he [Page 89] had made briefs of that which he had to de­liver, alledging that he loved the People well, that would be careful before-hand what to say unto them. And this prepa­ration (saith he) doth shew that a man honoureth and reverenceth them too. Con­trariwise, he that passeth not how the Peo­ple taketh his words, it is a plain token that he despiseth them, and their Authority, and that he lacketh no good-will to use force against them, if he could, rather than reason or persuasion.

96. When he was Bishop of Wor­cester, When at Worcester, he treated the Recusants mildly, and won many of them over. and Vice-president of the Mar­ches, he did exceeding good by that his continual preaching, as also by his of­ten conference, and conventing of the Papists, whom he used with mild and temperate speeches, and thereby got many of them to conform themselves, both Gentlemen, and others, whereby, as at his first coming unto the See of Worcester, he found many Recusants, so he left very few at his coming thence.

97. Immediately after he came to be When he came to be Archbi­shop, he dealt with the Learnedst of them by Au­thority Ecclesi­astical. Archbishop, he convented before him the chiefest and most learned Recusants throughout all England. He also wrote Letters to the Bishops, his Brethren, [Page 90] within the Province of Canterbury, to proceed with the Recusants by their Authority Ecclesiastical, and Censures of the Church, and called yearly upon them for an account of their doings. He sent forth also many Warrants, by vertue of her Highness's Com­mission for Causes Ecclesiastical, and thereby had daily brought before him both Recusants and Priests; who ac­cording to the quality of their Offences were restrained, and proceeded against, or delivered over unto the Civil Ma­gistrate to be dealt withal, as to Ju­stice appertained, after the Laws were enacted against Recusants and Semina­ry Priests.

98. Thus this grave and prudent He kept a straight hand over the Semi­nary Priests and subtle Pa­pists. Archbishop always carried a most vigi­lant eye, and straight hand over the subtle-headed Papists; as fearing lest they conceived an hope of advancing their Cause and Quarrel by help of the aforesaid Contentions betwixt the Bi­shops and these Sectaries; and so soon as they should have found the Forces on both sides sufficiently weakned and enfeebled by a long continuance of the Conflict, to have destroyed the Van­quished with the Vanquishers, where­by [Page 91] to re establish their Papal Jurisdicti­on, and superstitious Impieties; as not long after this Archbishop's death they attempted to do, by the divelish De­vice of that damnable Powder-Treason; which if it had succeeded, their intend­ment then was, to have put both alike to the Sword.

99. You may perceive by the Pre­misses, He is unjustly traduced by the Sectaries. how untruly some of the uncha­ritable and precipitate Sectaries tradu­ced him for a Papist, and called him The Pope of Lambeth in their Libels, and Conventicles, and most unjustly reproached him with the Title of Doctor Pearn's Servant, whom they likewise taxed with Popery, and falsly charged him to have infected the Archbishop therewith, because of his affection and love unto him, for the reasons specified before. The truth is, as the Archbi­shop was of his own nature a very loving kind man, so he did hate in­gratitude He hated In­gratitude. in any, and could never be taxed with that fault. He was likewise (as the Gentlemen of Worcestershire and Kent had daily experience) very firm, Is firm in his Friendships. and marvailous constant, where he af­fected and professed love, which brought him in great displeasure in the Cause of [Page 92] the late Earl of Essex; with whose Life, and Actions, though I have nothing to do (having only taken upon me to re­port another Man's) yet thus much I may truly say, that his misfortune drew upon the Archbishop the greatest dis­contentment, and severest reprehension Censured for his affection to the Earl of Essex. from her Majesty, that he had ever be­fore undergone in all his life.

100. For after that the Earl began to fall upon Courses displeasing and di­stastful unto her Majesty, nevertheless such was the confidence the Archbishop had in the Earl's Loyaly, and his own stedfastness in that Friendship which he had formerly professed unto him, that he could not be drawn from being a continual Intercessor for him; where­with her Majesty was so highly dis­pleased, The Queen dis­pleased at his inter cession for the Earl, which much grieves him. and so sharply rebuked him for the same, that the good old Archbi­shop came sometimes home much grieved and perplexed.

101. Within a while after, the Earl (forgetting that unto Princes the highest Tacit. An­nal. lib 4 judgment of things is given, and unto us the glory of obedience is left) went out indeed. The Archbishop being that Sun­day Earl of Essex apprehended, Feb. 8. 1600. Morning at the Court (whether by direction, or by his own accord, I know [Page 93] not) hastned home without any Atten­dant, and commanded as many men as he then had in the House to be presently armed, and sent them over unto the Court, but not to go within the Gates until Master Secretary Cecill, or some other by his instruction, should appoint them a Leader. There were immedi­ately The Archbishop arms his Ser­vants for the Queen's de­fence. presented unto him Threescore men well armed, and appointed, who with a Message from the Archbishop, shewed themselves before the Court, of whose arrival there Master Secretary Cecill, with the rest of the Lords of the Council, were right glad, and said he Well taken at Court. was a most worthy Prelate. They had speedily a Leader appointed unto them, and marched presently, and were the first that entred into the Gates of Essex­house; and in the first Court made good the place until the Earl yielded himself, Earl of Essex brought to Lambeth­house, then sent to the Tower. and was by the Lord Admiral brought to Lambeth-house, where he remained an hour or two, and was from thence con­veyed to the Tower. The Archbishop had likewise in readiness that Afternoon Forty Horsemen well appointed, and expected Directions from the Court how to dispose of them. The next Morning he sent a Gentleman to know [Page 94] how the Queen did, and how she rested all night. To whom she made answer, that she rested and slept the better for his care the day before; but I beshrew his heart (said she) he would not be­lieve this of Essex, though I had often told him it would, one day, thus come to pass.

102. After this, when her Majesty understood that her own recommenda­tion of the Earl had wrought that good The Archbishop in the Queen's good opinion and favour to her dying-day. opinion of him in the Archbishop, and that she now found his readiness for her defence, with Horse, and Men, and the nearness thereof unto the Court, to stand her at that time in great stead, she began to entertain him in her wonted favour and grace again, and ever after conti­nued her good opinion of him unto her dying day.

103. Towards which time, though Queen Eliza­beth died March 24. 1602. The Archbishop, Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Watson, Dr. Parry, attend the Queen in her Sickness. by reason of her melancholy Disease, she was impatient of others speeches with her, yet was she well pleased to hear the Archbishop, the then Bishops of London, and Chichester, and the now Bishop of Worcester, with some other Divines, give her comfort and counsel to prepare her self to God-ward, and most devoutly prayed with them, ma­king [Page 95] signs and tokens unto her last re­membrance of the sweet comfort which she took in their presence, especially when towards her end they put her in mind of the unspeakable Joys she was now going unto; where, no doubt, she remaineth a glorious Saint of God, and as a most religious Prince, rewarded with a Crown of Immortality, and Bliss.

104. NOW the much-lamented The Faction take heart on the Queen's death. death of this noble Queen gave great hope to the Factious of challenging forth with all exemption from the Censures, and subjection of Ecclesiastical Authority: But how vain their hopes were, the issue hath decla­red; and although the Archbishop was much dejected and grieved for the loss of his dear Sovereign and Mistress, who had so highly advanced him, yet he, with the rest of the Lords, repaired im­mediately to Whitehall, and after two hours sitting in Council about the pen­ning of the Proclamation, he principally (as his Place required) with a chearful countenance, and the rest of the Lords in like sort accompanying him, first at the Court-gate at White-hall, with the [Page 96] applause, and unspeakable comfort of all the People, proclaimed her most rightful Successor, JAMES (then King James proclaimed King of Eng­land, March 24. 1602. King of Scotland) King of England, France, and Ireland. Afterwards, in like chearful sort, the Archbishop with the rest of the Lords, trooped up to the Cross in Cheapside, and there with like acclamation of the Lord Mayor and Ci­tizens, Sir Robert Leighe, Lord Mayor. The People are pleased at the Archbishop's presence in proclaiming the King. proclaimed him again.

105. I am doubtful to speak (lest I might seem to detract from others) of the great comfort which the common People and Citizens took in the pre­sence of the Archbishop, and how hear­tily they prayed for him at his return, as if they nothing doubted, but that all went well for the State in that Coun­sel, among whom he was present.

106. He was indeed beloved of all sorts of People, yea even of some of them who were the most fervent Re­prehenders themselves, as they have confessed since his death. And well worthy was he so to be, for that he carried a most mild and moderate hand over them. A more particular love also he deserved of many, for his affection Archbishop a lover and in­courager of Liberal Arts. unto liberal and ingenious Arts, where­of his domestick government and care [Page 97] was no less argument than his publick; which I have formerly spoken of. For, besides the pains which he took himself (after he was Bishop of Worcester, and Archbishop of. Canterbury) many years with a number of worthy young Gen­tlemen, in reading unto them thrice a­day, he took into his House, besides his Chaplains, divers of quality to instruct them in the Mathematicks, and other Lectures of sundry Arts and Languages; giving them good allowance, and Pre­ferments His Liberality great. otherwise, as occasion was of­fered. And besides the many poor Scho­lars, He kept many poor Scholars in his House, whom he kept in his House till he could provide for them, and prefer them (as he did sundry to good Estates) he also maintained divers in the Univer­sity And main­tained divers in the Uni­versities. at his own charge, and gave liberal­ly to them and others of any towardli­ness, as he heard of their necessity, and wants.

107. He kept likewise for the exercise of Military Discipline, a good Armory, Is an incoura­ger of Military Exercises. and a fair Stable of great Horses; inso­much as he was able to arm at all points both Horse and Foot, and divers times had One hundred Foot, and Fifty Horse of his own Servants mustered, and trained; for which purpose he enter­tained [Page 98] Captains. He had also skilful Ri­ders, who taught them to manage their Horses, and instructed them in war­like Exercises, all whom he rewarded in liberal manner. By this means he had divers of his own Gentlemen that afterwards proved good Soldiers; ma­ny whereof became Captains and Com­manders, and some for their Valour and Service were Knighted in the Field. There were also divers others, that for Learn­ing, Languages and Qualities, were fit to be employed by any Prince in Chri­stendom. Insomuch as his House, for the Lectures and Scholastical Exercises therein performed, might justly be ac­counted a little Academy, and in some His House a little Academy. respects superior, and more profitable; viz. for Martial Affairs, and the Expe­rience that Divines and other Scholars had, being near, and often at the Court, and chief Seats of Justice, from whence they continually had the Passages and Intelligences both for Matters of State, and government in Causes Ecclesiasti­cal and Civil. By which their conti­nual Experience, many of his Dr. Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. Dr. Ravis, Bishop of Lon­don. Dr. Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln. Dr. Goldisbury, Bishop of Glou­cester. Dr. Parry, Bishop of Worcester. Dr. Redman, Bishop of Nor­wich. Dr. Buckeridge, Bishop of Rochester. Dome­stical His Chaplains promoted. [Page 99] Chaplains, both before, and since his death, attained unto the chiesest Ho­nours and Dignities in our Church and Commonwealth.

108. And here I may not forget his religious care and provident order for the due execution of his Charge, and determination of all such Causes as be­longed unto his proper cognizance and place. To which end and purpose, he appointed every Thursday in Term a so­lemn and set Commission day; upon which he had a Sermon in his Chappel by one of his Houshold Chaplains, and entertained the Commissioners, and their Attendants, though to his great expence, which he little esteemed in regard of the well guiding, and order­ing the Affairs, then by him underta­ken. That day you should have had a Senate of the worthiest and greatest Counsellors of State, with the assistance of the chief Prelates, Justices, Judges, and sufficientest Lawyers of both Pro­fessions, that those Times afforded.

109. You may then hereby observe the The Archbi­shop's care and wisdom in de­termining Causes. Archbishop's exceeding care and singular wisdom in proceeding with the Advice of so many worthy, prudent, and learned Men of several Faculties; whereby the [Page 100] Subjects came chearfully to the hearing of their Causes, and without fear of partiality in any particular Person. And howsoever the Cause went, the Arch­bishop could not be impeached of rash or inconsiderate proceeding, seeing he had the consent and approbation of all Professions. For the Archbishop always gave Sentence, and ordered matters as the greater part of the Court did encline, beginning at the Junior first, although himself would sometimes dissent from them in opinion, and so he would tell them, but without tartness; yea in such kind and loving manner, as no man was hindered in delivering his mind. By which means he was sure always to have the Cause fully debated, and eve­ry man's opinion fully known; which when he found concurring with his own, and the Proceedings ordered ac­cording to the Rules of Justice, he would go on to sentence and determine the Cause.

110. Wherein he carried himself His Resolution in Judgment. with great resolution, and courage, were the Persons never so great that were interested in the same, as you may perceive by one Instance (among many) when himself was yet no Counsellor of [Page 101] State. A Gentleman of good Note see­ing An Instance. how the Court was enclined to or­der his Cause (not according to his de­sire) told the Archbishop, that upon another occasion there grew some speech of that Cause before the Lords of the Council, and their Lordships were of another opinion than his Grace, and the rest of the Commissioners, seemed to be; what tellest thou me (said the Archbishop) of the Lords of the Coun­cil? I tell thee, they are in these Cases to be advised by us, and not we by them. He would upon such like Oc­casions oftentimes say unto his private Friends towards his latter time (when they talked familiarly with him, and observed his courage and stoutness) That two things did help much to make a man confident in good Causes, namely, Orbitas, & Senectus; and (said he) they steed me both.

111. This orderly proceeding and He upholds the Dignity of the High Commis­sion-Court. course upheld the Reputation and Dig­nity of the Commission Court; which albeit it be of great Authority, and deal­eth for the most part in matters of great weight and importance, yet the want of worthy Assistants and Counsel (if the like care should not be continued) may [Page 102] make it grow to be of little reputation, as experience hath somewhat taught us since the decease of this good Archbi­shop: Whereunto not unaptly may be applied that which Plutarch reporteth Plutarch. in vita. of Cato Utican, When he was Praetor: For he would oftentimes go on foot, bare legged, and without his Gown, unto his Praetorian Chair, and there give sentence of life and death, whereby he rather defa­ced and impaired the majesty and dignity of his Office, than gave it countenance by his manner of proceeding; although other­wise he were a good Commonwealth's man, and ministred justice uprightly unto all.

112. But I return unto our Archbi­shop His dispatch of Causes to great satisfaction. again. He gave audience unto Suitors twice a day, and afforded them set hours for their dispatch, at which time he would so courteously entreat them, giving them so mild and gentle Answers, that even they that sped not of their Suits, did depart without dis­contentment. Wherein I may justly compare him unto Titus, qui neminem Sueton. in vita. unquam à se tristem dimisit; he dismissed no man sorrowful from his presence. Wherefore he gave also express com­mandment unto his Officers, that Sui­tors and Strangers should ever be cour­teously [Page 103] entertained, as well for expedi­tion of their Suits, as for Hospitality sake.

113. He had a desire always to keep His great Hos­pitality. a great and bountiful House; and so he did, having the same well ordered and governed by his head Officers there­in, and all things in plentiful manner, both for his own service and entertain­ment of Strangers, according to their several Qualities and Degrees. He of­ten feasted the Clergy, Nobility, and Gentry of his Diocess and Neighbour­hood. And at Christmas, especially, his Gates were always open, and his Hall set twice or thrice over with Strangers: Upon some chief Festival­days he was served with great solemni­ty, sometime upon the Knee, as well His State. for the upholding of the State that be­longed unto his Place, as for the better education and practice of his Gentle­men and Attendants in point of ser­vice.

114. Every Year he entertained the His entertain­ment of the Queen. Queen at one of his Houses, so long as he was Archbishop; and some Years twice or thrice; where all things were performed in so seemly an order, that she went thence always exceedingly [Page 104] well pleased. And besides many pub­lick and gracious Favours done unto him, she would salute him, and bid him farewell by the name of Black Hus­band; calling also his Men her Servants, as a token of her good contentment with their attendance and pains.

115. Every third Year he went into He was always honourably re­ceived by the Gentlemen of the Country. Kent (unless great occasions hindred him) where he was so honourably at­tended upon by his own Train (consist­ing of Two hundred Persons) and with the Gentlemen of the Country, that he did sometimes ride into the City of Can­terbury, and into other Towns, with Eight hundred or a Thousand Horse. And surely the Entertainment which he gave them, and they him, was so great, that, as I am verily persuaded, no Shire in England did, or could, give greater, or with more chearful minds, each unto other. The Fatherly care which he had of his Clergy, (whom he never charged with visitation, but once in twenty Years) his Affability amongst the Gentlemen, and courteous usage of his Tenants, gained him so great a love, that he might very far pre­vail with them; yea, they never denied him any request that he made unto them.

[Page 105] 116. At his first Journey into Kent His first jour­ney into Kent, July. 1589. with pomp and solemnity. he rode to Dover, being attended with an hundred of his own Servants, at least, in Livery, whereof there were forty Gentlemen in Chains of Gold. The Train of Clergy and Gentlemen in the Country, and their Followers, was above Five hundred Horse. At his en­trance A Romish In­telligencer ac­cidentally lands, he ad­mires the Ap­pearance, and owns a mista­ken prejudice concerning the meanness of our Church. into the Town, there happily landed an Intelligencer from Rome, of good Parts, and Account, who won­dred to see an Archbishop, or Clergy­man in England, so reverenced, and at­tended: But seeing him upon the next Sabbath day after in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, attended upon by his Gentlemen, and Servants (as is aforesaid;) also by the Dean, Preben­daries, and Preachers in their Surplesses, and scarlet Hoods, and heard the so­lemn Musick, with the Voices, and Organs, Cornets, and Sagbuts, he was overtaken with admiration, and told an English Gentleman of very good qua­lity (who then accompanied him) That Sir Edward Hobby. they were led in great blindness at Rome by our own Nation, who made the People there believe, that there was not in Eng­land, either Archbishop, or Bishop, or Ca­thedral, or any Church or Ecclesiastical Go­vernment; [Page 106] but that all was pulled down to the ground, and that the People heard their Ministers in Woods, and Fields, amongst Trees, and bruit Beasts: But, for his own part, he protested, that (unless it were in the Pope's Chappel) he never saw a more solemn sight, or heard a more heavenly sound. Well, said the English Gentle­man; I am glad of this your so lucky and first sight, ere long you will be of another mind, and, I hope, work mi­racles when you return to Rome, in making those that are led in this blind­ness, to see and understand the truth. It is (said the Intelligencer) the chief cause of my coming, to see with mine own eyes, and truly to inform others. Where­upon the said English Gentleman ac­companied him to London, and so to the Court, where he saw and heard many things to confirm the Gentle­man's report, for the government of the Church, and civil carriage of the People, in their obedience to the Clergy and Magistrates in the Commonwealth. Afterwards this Intelligencer had pri­vate The Intelli­gencer had private speech with Secretary Walsingham. speech with Sir Francis Walsingham (then principal Secretary to her Majestey) who related all this to the Archbishop with due approbation of his Kentish [Page 107] Journy; confessing that he should re­verence and honour him therefore while he lived. And although he were one of the honourable Counsellors, be­fore mentioned, that seemed to favour the precise Faction, yet, undoubtedly, he was, after this time a kind Friend to the Archbishop, and did him many good Offices with the Queen.

117. Howbeit, some of near alliance unto Sir Francis, bearing themselves very boldly upon his favour, would of­tentimes handle the Archbishop very roughly, and much provoke him by vain Speeches, and brags of their own worth and scholarship; and (being meer Lay-men) would very unman­nerly compare themselves with the best conformable Divines, for true knowledge, and understanding of the Scriptures. But the Archbishop smi­ling at their Vanities, would notwith­standing courteously handle and entreat them in his own House, according to the true Rule of Hospitality; not unlike unto Pericles, who being reviled by a leud Plutarch. [...]n vit. Fellow in the Market-place all the day long, returned no bad languge, but dispatched his Affairs in hearing the Suppliants, and de­termining their Causes; and when night [Page 108] came on, the Party followed him still, rail­ing upon him till he came to his own House: It being now dark, Pericles, as he entred in, commanded one of his Servants to light him home.

118. You see now of what an excel­lent The Archbi­shop's good na­ture. Nature this Archbishop was, how far from giving offence, how ready to forgive a wrong, merciful, compassio­nate, and tender-hearted. Yet was he not void (as no man is) of infirmities. The Holy Scripture noteth of Elias, that James 5. 17. he was a man subject to the like passions as we are. But, as Horace saith,

So may it be confessed of this Archbi­shop, that the greatest, or rather only fault known in him was Choler: and yet in him so corrected, not by Philo­sophy alone (as Socrates confessed of his Faults) but by the Word, and Grace of God, as it rather served for a Whetstone of his Courage in just Causes, than any Weapon whetted against the Person, Goods, or good Name of any other. So that it may (as I am verily persuaded) be rightfully said of him, That he was [Page 109] such a Magistrate as Jethro advised Mo­ses to take in judging the People of God, and such a Bishop as St. Paul requireth in the Church of Christ. Provide (saith Exod. 18. Jethro) among all the People, men of cou­rage, fearing God, dealing truly, hating covetousness, and appoint such over them to be rulers. And a Bishop (saith St. Paul) 1 Tim. 3. must be unreproveable, the husband of one wife, watching, temperate, modest, harba­rous, apt to teach, not given to wine, no striker, not given to filthy lucre, but gen­tle, no fighter, not covetous, one that can rule his one house honestly. He may not be a young Scholar, lest he, being puffed up, fall into the condemnation of the Devil. He must also be well reported of, even of them which are without, lest he fall into re­buke, and the snare of the Devil.

119. And now what is there that the Devil himself, with all his Imps, Po­pish, or Schismatical Libellers, can re­buke or condemn, in this good Arch­bishop's Saintly Life? Let them exa­mine his Actions, in all his carriage and course, if so they can convince him in any thing, that was not agreeable to the directions of Jethro for a Magistrate, and answerable unto the Rule of Saint Paul for a Bishop.

[Page 110] 120. As for good Works (whereof His good Works in Lincoln, Worcester, Wales, Kent, Surry. the Papists so vainly brag, as particular effects of their superstitious Doctrines, yea, for which Heaven it self is a due reward by condignity) many Towns, Cities and Counties can yield a plenti­ful Testimony for him in this behalf; namely, Lincoln, Worcester, the Marches of Wales, Kent and Surry, wherein he lived, and, in particular, that notable Monument of our time, his Hospital of the Blessed Trinity in Croydon, which he built very fair, and College-wise, for a Warden, and Eight and twenty Bro­thers and Sisters. He builed also near unto it a goodly Free school, with a Schoolmaster's House, allowing unto the Schoolmaster Twenty pounds by year for ever. All which he performed with such alacrity, and good success, that he hath been heard divers times to profess with great comfort, that, not­withstanding the charge of the Purchase and Building was not small unto him, in comparison of his Estate (who nei­ther impaired House-keeping, nor Re­tinue at that time) yet when he had finished and done that whole Work, he found himself no worse in his Estate than when he first began, which he as­cribed [Page 111] unto the extraordinary blessing and goodness of God.

121. After the finishing of this Hos­pital, among many other his good Deeds, the French Lieger Embassador in England, called Boys Sisi, enquired what Works the Archbishop had pub­lished, for that he would willingly read his Books, who was reputed The Peer­less Cambden Britan. in Comit. Lin­coln. Prelate for Piety and Learning in our days, and whom in conference, he found so grave, godly, and judicious; when it was answered, that he only published certain Books in the English Tongue, in defence of the Ecclesiastical Government (although it be very well known to many, who were near unto him, that he left divers learned Trea­tises in Written-hand, well worthy the printing) and that it was thereupon in­cidently told the Embassador that he had founded an Hospital, and a School, he used these words; Profectò Hospitale, Boys Sisi, the French Em­bassador, his opinion and speech of Arch­bishop Whit­gift. ad sublevandam paupertatem, & Schola, ad instruendam Juventutem, sunt optimi Libri, quos Archiepiscopus conscribere po­tuit; Truly an Hospital to sustain the Poor, and a School to train up Youth, are the worthiest Books that an Arch­bishop could set forth.

[Page 112] 122. And albeit the Archbishop had His love to Croydon for retirement. ever a great affection to lie at his Man­sion house at Croyáon, for the sweetness of the Place, especially in Summer time; whereby also he might some­times retire himself from the multi­plicity of Businesses and Suitors in the Vacations; yet, after he had builded his Hospital, and his School, he was farther in love with the Place than be­fore. The chief comfort of repose or solace that he took, was in often dining at the Hospital among his poor Bre­thren, as he called them: There he was often visited by his entire and honoura­ble Friends, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Worcester, and Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Bishop of London, and others of near place about her Majesty, in whose company he chiefly delighted.

123. In the absence of his Friends, Chearful and affable in his Family. he would be exceeding chearful and af­fable with his own Gentlemen and Ser­vants, though his Bounty towards them and the Poor did not consist in words, but in deeds, for he was very liberal in Liberal to his Servants. rewarding them, both with Leases, Of­fices, and otherwise with Supplies, as their Occasions required, out of his Purse; and would, I make no question, [Page 113] have done much more for them out of his own Estate, if he had had ability, and time (after his Sickness first seized upon him) to dispose of his worldly Affairs.

124. As his Bounty was very great Bountiful to the industrious Poor, and to the Disabled and Necessi­tous. towards his own (for in that number likewise he always accounted the poor Society of his Hospital) so were his Hands every-where reached out to the necessities of all sorts. Yea such was his Charity, that if he had seen poor men addicted to labour, he would have given them Money, and waste Ground to employ in gardening, or some such use as might be for their relief. Or if he heard that any of his poor Neigh­bours were decrepit, or destitute of means to follow their Trade, he would supply their needs either with Money or Fewel, and sometimes poor Watermens wants with Boats, and such like; where­in he dealt no worse with them, than that famous Bishop of Lincoln, Robert After the manner of Ro­bert Grost­head Bishop of Lincoln his usage of his Kinsman. Grosthead, dealt with his poor Kinsman; in whose behalf when he was sollicited to advance him, and thereupon enqui­ring what course of life he followed, and receiving answer that he was an Husbandman; Why then (quoth he) [Page 114] if his Plough be broken, I will repair it, or rather than fail bestow a new one upon him, whereby he may go on in his course of life; but so to advance him, as to make him for­sake his Trade, or Condition, in which he was brought up, that mean I not to do.

125. I fear lest I have held the Rea­der too long in these private matters: therefore I will for brevity sake, omit to speak of the fair Library which he left behind him, with many other me­morable things (worthy the observa­tion) and return again unto his publick Affairs.

126. THE Archbishop (respect­ing the welfare of the Church, and publick Cause) albeit he was very confident of the King's Prince­ly wisdom, by the experience he had thereof (being now an ancient Counsel­lor) and well understanding the pas­sages of Matters betwixt his Majesty, and state of our Country, (whereby he did conceive that it was not probable so wise and learned a Prince could be overcome with the Conceits of such In­novators, whose Fancies could not stand but with hazard of the State) yet he held it most expedient to send that Re­verend [Page 115] Gentleman, Master Doctor Ne­vill, Doctor Nevill, Dean of Can­terbury, sent by the Archbi­shop and Cler­gy into Scot­land to King James. Dean of Canterbury, into Scotland to his Majesty, in the name of the Bi­shops, and Clergy of England, to ten­der their bounden Duties, and to un­derstand his Highness's pleasure for the ordering and guiding of Clergy Causes. The Dean brought a most gracious An­swer of his Highness's purpose; which was, to uphold and maintain the Go­vernment of the late Queen; as she left it setled. Which Answer did much The King's Answer that he would up­hold the Church, com­forts the Archbishop. comfort the Archbishop; and the ra­ther, because it did yield full satisfacti­on unto some others, who peradventure might conceive some doubt of altera­tion, by reason of the Puritan brags, and their affections unto the Presbyte­rial Government in Scotland.

127. In this mean while, the prepa­rations Queen Eliza­beth's Funeral, April. 28. 1603. very sumptuously performed. were great for solemnization of the late Queen's Funeral; which being performed very sumptuously, as became the dignity of so great a Prince, the Archbishop, as he was the principal in the Custody of the Kingdom, and chief in all Councils of State, under his Ma­jesty in his absence (for there is no in­terregnum in England, as Watson the Priest did trayterously pretend) so in [Page 116] this last Solemnity of Obsequy unto his ever honoured Sovereign, and Mistress, he was the most eminent Person of the whole Land, and principal Mourner; The Archbishop the chief Mourner. who received the Offering, and had the Banners presented unto him.

128. After this, when at his Maje­sty's King James gives him per­sonal assurance of preserving the setled State of the Church. first entrance into England, the King had spoken with him at Theobalds, whereby he more fully conceived his religious pleasure touching the Affairs of this Commonwealth, he was there­with put into heart, especially, when after his coming to London, he did again perceive his Resolution for the conti­nuance of the well setled state of the Church, which made him more chear­fully prepare himself for performance of his Duty (as a thing belonging unto King James's Coronation, July 25. 1603. by the hands of the Archbishop. his Place,) against the day of Corona­tion, July 25. 1603.

129. At which time the Archbishop, with all due Ceremonies and obser­vances for so great a Solemnity, crown­ed and anointed his Sacred Majesty King JAMES in the Collegiate Church of Westminster. Then also, and there he crowned our most noble and gracious Queen ANN, his Ma­jesty's Queen Ann also crown'd at the same time. happy and fruitful Wife; whose [Page 117] blessed Seed God grant so to encrease and continue, as there may never be wanting thereof to rule and reign in this Kingdom.

130. The Puritan Faction did not surcease, until by their importunity they obtained a Conference before his The Conference at Hampton-Court, Jan. 14. 1603. betwixt the Bishops and the Puritans in the King's presence. The King sa­tisfied with the Bishops reasonings, And orders the reprinting the Liturgy. Highness, which continued for three days. His Majesty having now at full heard their Objections, and the Bishops Answers (the weakness of the one, and the foreible Reasons of the other, much confirming his Royal mind in his former Opinion) was pleased immedi­ately thereupon to signify publickly his Resolution for the continuance of the Religion, and Ecclesiastical Govern­ment, formerly established: highly commending the Wisdom, Care, and Constancy of his Sister the late Queen Elizabeth, in constituting and main­taining all things so well; as also ap­proving the Bishops Learning Wisdom, and endeavour to uphold so godly and well governed a Church; which him­self (by God's assistance) would ever advance and defend. Likewise he gave present command touching the new printing of the Common-Prayer-book, for the further ratify­ing [Page 118] of the Liturgy and Orders of our Church.

131. The Parliament now growing A Parliament comes on. on, the Archbishop, that he might be the better prepared, did appoint a meeting at Fulham, at the Bishop of The Bishops have a meet­ing at Ful­ham. London's House, to confer with some of the Bishops and Judges of his Court, concerning the Affairs of the Church, which were then to be treated upon. As he was thus going in his Barge upon an extaordinary cold day, and having his Barge-cloath tied up (as his custom was) to the top of the Bales, the Wind blew very sharply; so that the young Gentlemen (shaking with cold) desired to have the Cloath down, which he would by no means permit, because the Water was rough, and he would there­fore see his way. By reason whereof the flashing of the Water, and sharp­ness of the Air, did so pierce the Arch­bishop (being above Threescore and The Archbishop 73 years old, is seized with a cold on the Water. thirteen years of Age) that he com­plained the same night of a great cold, which he had then taken in the mould of his Head.

132. Notwithstanding which di­stemperature, for performance of his accustomed duty unto the King's Ma­jesty [Page 119] (as formerly unto the Queen) he went upon the next Sabbath following (being the first Sunday in Lent) over unto the Court at Whitehall, where Goes to the Court, has speech with the King about Affairs of the Church. meeting the then Bishop of London, they both had long speech with his Highness about the Affairs of the Church, both before and after his Ma­jesty's coming from the Chappel. For which cause, staying long at the Court, and having fasted until it was near One one of the Clock, as he was going from his Majesty unto the Council-chamber to dinner, he was taken with a dead Is taken with the dead Pal­sey. Palsey; whereby all his Right side was benummed, and he bereaved of his Speech. From the Council-chamber he was, by means of his dearest Friends, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Trea­surer, and the Bishop of London, with the aid of the King's Servants, carried to the Lord Treasurer's Chamber, and afterwards in his Barge conveyed home Is conveyed to Lambeth. to Lambeth.

133. His Majesty (being much trou­bled with the report of his Sickness) came upon the Tuesday following to visit The King vi­sits him. and comfort him with very kind and gracious Speeches; saying, That he would beg him of God in his Prayer: [Page 120] Which if he could obtain, he should think it one of the greatest temporal Blessings that could be given him in this Kingdom. The Archbishop made offer to speak to his Majesty in Latin; but neither his Highness, nor any there present, well understood what he said, save only, that by the last words, pro Ecclesia Dei, He earnestly recommends the Church to his Royal Care. pro Ecclesia Dei (which in earnest man­ner with his Eyes and Hands lift up, he oftentimes iterated) his Majesty con­ceived (as it pleased him afterwards to report) that he continued the Suit, which sundry times before, and at his last attendance on his Highness, he had earnestly recommended unto his Royal and Special Care in behalf of the Church.

134. After his Majesty's departure, the Archbishop had neither perfect use of his Speech, nor ability to write his mind; as he did desire, by the signs that he used for Ink and Paper. Which being brought unto him, and he making offer to write, had no feeling of his Pen, for it fell out of his Hands. When he perceived his impotency to write, after two or three assays, he setched a great sigh, and lay down again; and on Wed­nesday following (at Eight of the Clock [Page 121] at night) the last of February, 1603. He departs this Life, Feb. ult. 1603. he quietly, and like a Lamb, died the Servant of Christ; as in the time of his Sickness, by many infallible signs, was manifest unto my self, and those that attended him in that time of his visita­tion. Which cannot be better testified by any, than by Doctor Barlow, the now Bishop of Lincoln, together with Doctor Buckeridge (now Bishop of Ro­chester) and Doctor Charryor, his then Houshold Chaplains; who for the most part, were continually with him, from the beginning of his Sickness, unto the end of the same. Of the manner of whose death, though some undiscreet men have censured uncharitably, yet I may truly say, as Solon did for the hap­py ends of Eleobis and Biton, who in the absence of their Mother's Oxen, did yoke themselves, and drew her in her Coach to the Temple, and after their Sacrifices performed, went to bed, and were found the next Morning dead, without hurt or sorrow: So fared it with this good Archbishop, who want­ing the assistance of some, who by their Places should have undergone with him the Charge of guiding and supporting of Ecclesiastical Affairs, took the yoke [Page 122] and burden thereof himself for his Mo­ther the Church's sake. And when he had performed his Oblations of Prayer and Thanksgiving to God; was carried to bed, and there died, without suffer­ing hurt or sorrow. Thus he, as Abra­ham Gen. 25. 8. (of whom he was a true Son) yield­ed up the Spirit, and died in a good age, an old man, and of great years, and was gathered unto his people. He was Bishop He was Bishop of Worcester six Years and five Months. And Archbi­shop of Can­terbury twen­ty years and five Months. Camden. Bri­tannia, in Com. Kent. pag. 338. He was libell'd after his death by Lewis Pickering. of Worcester six Years and five Months, and Archbishop of Canterbury twenty Years and five Months.

135. Now though he lived and died, no doubt, a chosen and beloved Ser­vant of God, and one, who as a learned Man truly saith, had devoutly consecrated both his whole life to God, and his painful labours to the Church; yet there wanted not some, who after his death fought by an infamous Libel to stain the glory of his ever honourable Name. But their Malice was soon discovered, and the Author, at least the Publisher, punished by an honourable Sentence, given in the High Court of Star-chamber.

136. And if what was then spoken by their Lordships, and the rest of that great and judicious Court, concern­ing this Archbishop's Piety, Wisdom, [Page 123] Learning, and Government, were pub­lished in Print; he that would have ad­ventured to write any thing more of him, might justly have been condemn­ed of indiscretion. Therefore, as a bur­den that I am not able to undergo, I forbear to enter into any particular rela­tion of their Speeches and Sentence.

137. His Funeral was very honou­rably Was honoura­bly interr'd at Croydon, March 27. 1604. (as befitted his Place) solemni­zed at Croydon the 27th of March follow­ing, 1604. where the Earl of Worcester, and the Lord Zouch, did him the honour in attending the Hearse, and carrying his Banners: Doctor Babbington, Bishop of Worcester, made his Funeral Sermon; His Funeral Sermon by Bi­shop Babing­ton. who like wise was his Pupil in Cambridge, and performed that Duty (among ma­ny other due observances of him in his life-time) with very great commenda­tion, chusing for his Text a portion of Scripture most fitting the worthiness of his Person. But Jehoida waxed old, and The Text. 2 Chron. 24. 15, 16. was full of days and died. An hundred and thirty years old was he when he died. And they buried him in the city of David, with the Kings, because he had done good in Israel, and toward God and his house.

138. Having now committed the Bo­dy of this most Reverend Personage [Page 124] (which was sometimes the Mansion of a most excellent Soul) unto his Grave (where it rests in assured expectation of a glorious Resurrection) I will for con­clusion, speak somewhat of the outward shape and proportion thereof. He was Description of his Person. of a middle Stature, of a grave Coun­tenance, and brown Complexion, black Hair and Eyes, he wore his Beard nei­ther long nor thick. For his small tim­ber, he was of a good quick strength, straight and well shaped in all his Limbs, to the habit of his Body; which began somewhat to burnish towards his latter years.

139. And thus, gentle Reader, that I may not extend this Discourse beyond the period of his Life, who was the Sub­ject thereof, I withdraw my Pen from Paper, intreating either thy friendly ac­ceptance of this my Labour, or thy far­ther pains in writing and publishing some more compleat and learned Obser­vations of thine own, touching this re­nowned Archbishop's Actions, and Fame; which could not without great shame unto my self, and others his Fol­lowers, be buried in Darkness with his Body.

CONSPIRACY FOR Pretended Reformation.

ONE of the three prin­cipal Persons in this Action (whereof we intreat) was Edmund Edm Cop­pinger, Gent. a younger Bro­ther of small Estate. Coppinger, a Gentleman descended of a good House and Linage, and one of her Majesties sworn Servants, but a younger Brother, ha­ving no great Livelihood. His chief abode (as I have learned) for some years past, hath been in and about the City of London.

Another of them is Henry Arthington, a Henry Ar­thington a Yorkshire Gen­tleman of mean Estate, and in debt. Gentleman likewise, whose place of Birth and Dwelling is said to be in Yorkshire: Howbeit for the greatest part of certain years past, he hath remained and sojourned in or about London. It is constantly (how credibly I know not) reported by some, who pretend to know it, that this Arthing­ton (at the times of his long abodes at Lon­don) did most converse with another Gen­tleman [Page 2] of Yorkshire, by whose means he pre­sently stands more deeply engaged, than his mean Estate might well bear, and whose company is feared to have wrought in him small dutiful opinion of the godly Reforma­tion planted and established by the means of her Majesty. It is discovered by the mutual Dispersers of Seditious Books printed in Scotland a­gainst the Established English Re­formation. Letters of Arthington, and the aforesaid other Yorkshire Gentleman, that certain Seditious and Slanderous Books against the Council, Judges, and this whole Estate, were received and dispersed by them, being printed in Scotland.

Now by such remaining about the City of Coppinger and Arthington, they fell to be acquainted together for some Years past.

These two made semblance, and so were Both zealous Professors of the Gospel, and hot for Inno­vation. holden to be Professors of the Gospel, nei­ther of the coldest or lewk-warm sort (as such do untruly term others, who be indeed godly wise, with a sober moderation) but rather of those that more justly may be said, to be scalding hot in desire of Innovation, which they falsely call Reformation. They therefore standing thus affected, most wil­lingly They consort with such who spend their zeal in re­proaching the Government Ecclesiastical. sorted themselves in familiarity with such, as by their demeanor may seem to re­pose a great part of their Christian Profes­sion and Zeal in the only reproacing, and odious traducing of Governors and Govern­ment Ecclesiastical.

These two having itching Ears, most usu­ally They hear and follow chiefly such Preachers as inveigh a­gainst and de­prave the Established Ec­clesiastical Po­lity, and are for advancing that they call the Disci­pline. heaped to themselves, and made choice to hear and follow such Preachers as were [Page 3] thought fittest to feed their humour: Which Preachers with their sad looks, frequent sighs abroad, long and vehement conceived Prayers, bitter and plain Invectives in pri­vate, and privy depraving in publick, of the Laws and Policy Ecclesiastical, joined with their usual Speeches, besides sundry infamous Libels and other Pamphlets spread already for advancing that Government (which they strangely term The Discipline) may seem so to have inflamed these two Persons, as that they thought this Discipline a worthy Subject whereupon they should spend most of their Actions and Cogitations.

Their minds being thus prepared, it hap­pened Some Preach­ers of the Dis­cipline prose­cuted in the Star-cham­ber. that some Preachers of this Discipline were begun to be proceeded with in the most honourable Court of Star-chamber, a­bout the same time that this Coppinger (by means of one Giles Wigginton) came acquaint­ed Coppinger brought ac­quainted with Hacket by Wigginton a Puritanical Minister of Northamp­tonshire. with William Hacket, the third Actor and chief Setter forth of this Tragedy.

Concerning the said Wigginton (because this also tendeth to the better understanding of the whole Action) he was born or bred up in Oundel in Northamptonshire (where Hacket dwelt) and he often resorted into that Country by that occasion. He was not long since a Minister, and Vicar of Sed­berghe and Dent in the North parts, but for Wigginton some time Vi­car in the North, for his insolences and contempt a­gainst the Laws and Peace of the Church, de­prived ex Of­ficio & Bene­ficio. Hacket lived at Oundle, Servant to Mr. Hussey, afterwards to Sir Thomas Tresham; a quarrelsome Fellow. his intolerable Insolences and Contempts a­gainst Laws, and the Peace of the Church, was both deprived of chat his Benefice, and deposed from his Ministry by Authority of [Page 4] her Majesty's Commission for Causes Eccle­siastical, a man (by report of such as know him best, and favour him not a little) whose zeal never came behind knowledge, nor bold-hardy forwardness, at any time went after discretion in him.

This Hacket had dwelt also by a long space in Oundel, where first he served one Master Hussey an Esquire, by the space of ten Years; and after, for some time, he served Sir Tho­mas Tresham, Knight: He was a notable bragging and quarelsome Fellow, yet thought in truth to be but a very recreant Dastard.

He long together used one lewd and un­godly practice, which was to resort unto He frequently resorted to Ser­mons to mock and carp at them. Sermons (of purpose) to gibe, mock, and carp at them: And having a good Memory (which was the only commendable part in him) he used in scoffing manner to preach over again in Alehouses the Sermons that he had heard, most insisting and sporting him­self and others at such Passages thereof which pleased him least, or whereat he imagined any likely matter of deriding might be ga­thered.

Whilst thus he served Master Hussey, he Married a Widow with Substance, but wasted it by Idleness and Lewdness. obtained (by his Master's countenance) the marriage of one Moreton's Widow, of reasonable Substance, having also a good Farm in that Town. But he follow­ing loose and licentious Company, and an idle course of life, without labour or indu­stry either to get or save, lewdly and rio­tously mispent and wasted in short space all her Goods.

[Page 5] It fell so out, that at length he pretended Pretended from a Papist or Atheist to be converted to the Truth, got intimately ac­quainted with Wigginton. from a Papist or an Atheist, to be converted to Religion and knowledge of the truth: At what time he grew to be of familiar and inward acquaintance with the said Giles Wigginton, and was an especial Follower and Disciple of his, both at publick Sermons and private Conventicles. Of late times he was also consorted in Partnership of Malt­making with Wigginton: Their great ac­quaintance and familiarity may appear by a Letter sent from Hacket unto him, the third of March last, and by his lending unto Hacket of ten Pounds: The Superscription is, To the Worshipful Minister of God's Word, M. Giles Wigginton at Newgate. In the Letter thus he writeth: M. Wigginton, I desire to communicate my Spirit at large with you, but I know not your Keeper. And in the end thereof, thus: Good M. Wigginton make my sound heart known to Master Cartwright, Ma­ster Snape, Master Udall, Master Lord, &c.

By his and such others (like affected mens) Grew a for­ward Professor, and great Railer against the Laws and Orders of the Church. Instructions and Example of life and beha­viour, he so profited, that in short space he proved one that professed with the forward­est, and practised with the frowardest. For falling as Fools do, from one extremity to another, Qui dum vitant vitia, in contraria currunt, he grew to a most insolent, proud, and contemptuous disdain of all Preachers and others whomsoever, that flew not his pitch, or lay not to the level of his pretend­ed zeal. But most gladly, and with greatest [Page 6] felicity that might be, he used to spend his mouth largely in Invectives, Railings and Contumelies against Bishops and other Go­vernors of the Church, and also against the Laws, Orders, and whole Government Ec­clesiastical, not sticking (as was probably suspected) to procure also sundry lewd in­famous Libels against them and other Preachers, &c. to be framed and set up thereabouts.

His detestation of Ecclesiastical Orders Despised the Town-Minister for his Confor­mity. commanded was so great, that he could not endure to frequent the Sermons which Ray the Minister of that Town did preach, be­cause he seemed to him a little more confor­mable in some few matters (by Authority established) than Hacket liked of. Where­fore on Sabboth days Hacket usually did resort to a Place a Mile off called Stoke (where the Minister fitted his Humour better) in company of some of like strain to himself, and of certain light idle Gossips, whereof some of the sincerest were said to love and like him so little, as that she could oft-times be content to take the Meat off his Trencher, which he had cut for himself, and to eat it up from him. But whensoever this devout Slighted the Divine Ser­vice. Flock came so near to Stoke Church, as they might perceive the Minister to be yet at Di­vine Service and Prayer; then they used to stay abroad and rest themselves in the Green Churchyard there (without going into the Church) until they heard the Psalm begun before Sermon, for fear lest they should be polluted by those Prayers.

[Page 7] One most memorable Prank (above o­thers) was plaid in Oundel by Hacket, which is renowned far and near for the unmanly brutishness of it. It happened that M. Hus­sey his Master fell at debate, and was offend­ed with one Freckingham an Artificer of the Town. This Freckingham had a Son which was a Schoolmaster, who (as in nature he was bound) did take part with his Father. Now Hacket meeting this Schoolmaster in an Alehouse or Inn, did lovingly (as seem­ed) signify unto him how sorry he was, that there should be any breach betwixt his Ma­ster and him the said Schoolmaster, enter­taining him (that suspected no Treachery) with such good Speeches, till spying an ad­vantage, he so grasped both Freckingham his Arms, as that he might easily hold him, and throw him to the ground. Thus having gotten him down on the ground under him, He treache­rously bit off a man's Nose in a Quarrel. Hacket most savagely and currishly bit off the poor Schoolmaster's Nose with his teeth, which when he had so barbarously perform­ed, both the said Freckingham and one Cle­ment (a cunning Surgeon) instantly desired the Nose of him again, that whilst the Wound was fresh and green, it might be stitched on and grow again (as they con­ceived it would) to avoid so foul and great deformity: But the Canibal Varlet not only utterly refused so to part with it, but held it up triumphantly, and shewed it with great vauntery and glory, to all that would be­hold it; and after (as some have reported) [Page 8] did in a most spiteful and divelish outrage eat it up.

In process of time it happened that his Master fell out with him, and put him from his Service (I think for no good Conditions) yet it is said that he was retained afterward Retain'd in the Service of Sir Charles Morrison. in service (by what means I know not) with a very worshipful Gentleman, Sir Charles Morrison, Knight, Nephew to his first Ma­ster; and one of those against whom he lately caused his two small Prophets so vilely to exclaim, and so unworthily to charge, even openly in Cheatside.

Besides his former Vertues and good Quali­ties, Hacket a great Swearer and Blasphe­mer in his Youth. this Hacket was also a very great Swearer and Blasphemer of the Name of God in his younger years; which course, when after­ward, to retain the reputation of a Professor of the Gospel (whereof he made great pre­tence) he was forced to leave, he turned his single Oaths (in truth) into worse and more horrible, joined with most fearful Im­precations Which after his pretended Conversion he turn'd into areadful Exe­crations. against himself, whensoever he would make any Asseverations, wherein he desired to be credited, as namely these: So God judge me, I renounce God, and God con­found and damn me, or do so, or so unto me, if this be not true: which was so usual, and by long custom so inveterate in him, even till the time of his apprehension, that in the midst of his counterfeit Holiness (whereby he seduced Coppinger and Arthing­ton) he often burst forth into this kind of ex­ecration against himself, as an especial motive [Page 9] (amongst others) to have his words to be better believed by them. Arthington noted this course of Hacket's as a notable vertue in him, and a matter of rare zeal. His manner (saith he) of praying is as it were speaking to His strange Expressions in Prayer. God face to face, denouncing his Judgments a­gainst himself, if he dissemble, lie, or seek him­self in any thing, but the honour of God only. He prayed so confidently for Mistress H. that he char­ged God to have given her unto him, to restore her to her former health and liberty every way, saying, Lord, according to thy promise thou hast power, and I have faith, therefore it shall come to pass. This Mistress H. is a Gentlewoman of London, who pretendeth or feareth to be possessed with a Devil now fourteen years together.

Besides these he was given to quaffing and Addicted to Drunkenness and lascivious Life. drunkenness: Being not only a Maltster, but a Malt-worm, and was addicted also to lascivious life with Women, which com­monly accompanieth the other vicious Ex­cess: For credit whereof his own Story or Legend (which himself endited as a notbale Monument of his excellent Vertues and spe­cial Holiness) may give too sufficient testi­mony: For therein he telleth of many tem­ptations in this kind with Women, which (as himself confesseth) he rejected not alto­gether, but went further than either godli­ness or yet civil honesty would permit. But he pretendeth that these Baits were offered and laid by his Enemies (who sought matter a­gainst him) as Snares and Traps whereby [Page 10] to take his holiness tardy, that belike was so hard to be entangled. Insomuch as Ar­thington in the forefront of that History (which he did whilst he was yet seduced by Hacket) doth stamp this brand and censure upon it, That they were prophane Speeches and matters of Women, which he would not have set down, but that he could not otherwise reveal the villanous practice which Hacket's Enemies intended for the over­throw of the Gospel of Christ, as he most childishly and ridiculously excused then the matter. For further proof and manifesta­tion of his lascivious Disposition, it is also informed from the Place of his Abode, that on a time (under colour of giving godly Counsel) he attempted to have wickedly ravished a poor man's Daughter, whereup­on he was forced to step aside out of the way for a season.

Neither did the wickedness of this Wretch here rest it self: For he was vehemently holden in suspicion for committing also of sundry Robberies.

But that which maketh up the heap of Covers his Wickedness with Profession of Religion, and zeal for Reformation. all Wickedness, is this: That the sink of these Sins in him he always smoothly cover­ed and parieted over (especially for sundry late years) with a very rare outward ear­nestness in profession of true Religion, and with a most entire (yea burning) desire of reforming (forsooth) the Church and Com­monwealth, by establishing the Presbyterial Discipline, which he did imagine would [Page 11] prove like the Box of Pandora, for it promi­seth cure for all Maladies and Disorders.

But this his zeal and desire of Reforma­tion, Which he then chiefly pretend­ed to after he had wasted his Substance. begun then most of all to enkindle it self in him, and to break forth, after that (by riotous mispending and licentious life) he had wasted the Wealth that he had with the Widow, whom he married, whose hap was very hard to match with him, albeit he made more of her than she desired, for he made the uttermost peny. For then he be­gun He pretended to a Prophe­tick Spirit, and to miraculous Works, in or­der to erecting the Discipline. with counterfeit Holiness to set out him­self (amongst such of the simpler sort as had zeal without knowledge) to be a man in­dued with an extraordinary and singular Spi­rit, such as (in old time) the Prophets and Holy Men of God were; making shew with­all, as if he had some peculiar Gifts and Qualities, to be able even to tell Secrets and work Miracles, which many believed; whereof some did attribute them to Sorcery and Enchantments, but the simpler sort un­to his rare Spirit and Holiness.

For he trusted by this persuasion to get such credit with the unstable Multitude, as that by their hands he might one day be able (whosoever should withstand it) to bring his Purposes about, for erecting of such pre­tended Discipline, to his own great estimation and advancement. In this vain and seducing Humour he is reported (I know not how truly) to have travelled in the North parts unto York: For among the simpler People (where he was not known) he hoped by the [Page 12] Vizard of Holiness and Religion not a little to prevail in setting forward his Design­ments. For which purpose he took upon him there the Office and Spirit of St. John Affirmed at York to have the Office and Spirit of John Baptist. Baptist, affirming, that he was sent thither by God to prepare the way of the Lord be­fore his second coming to judgment. But the counterfeit holiness and lewd seducing purpose of the Varlet being discovered unto some in Authority, he was welcomed not with loss of his Head (as that holy man un­justly was, whom he wickedly counterfeited) Being detected he was whip­ped out of the City. but was well whipped and after banished that City.

This Medicine wrought not so effectually with him, as that it could terrify him whol­ly from the like Attempts. For it is report­ed, that after this he assayed again to put on the like Person or Mask at Lincoln, where Had the same usage after­wards at Lin­coln. he also found the same Cheer and Enter­tainment for his pains, as he received afore at York.

But this erroneous Opinion (whereby through self-love and illusion of the Devil, he thought that he was reserved of God for Fancied him­self reserv'd of God for some great Work. some great and excellent Work, being blown forward by the shew of zeal, and of an ear­nestness for such a Reformation) could not thus easily be quenched and rooted out of him: the rather, for that by use and imitati­on of such as he most followed and conver­sed with (though wholly otherwise he were unlettered) he had grown to such a dexterity in conceiving of Extemporal Prayers, with [Page 13] bumbasted and thundering words, as that Was an illite­rate Fellow, but had ac­quired a great dexterity in Extempore Prayers. he was thereby marvailed at, and greatly magnified by some Brethren and Sisters, as a man greatly vouchsafed with God, and adorned with rare and singular Endowments from Heaven, so that through admiration of such supposed Excellencies in him, he still continued to fancy unto himself, that he had rare Gifts and an extraordinary Calling. For he gave out to divers that he was a Pro­phet Was much ad­mired, and af­firm'd himself a Prophet of God's Ven­geance. of God's Vengeance, where his Mercy is refused: Saying, That if Reformation be not established in England this present Year, three great Plagues shall fall upon it, the Sword, Pesti­lence and Famine. He pretended also that God had revealed unto him most wonderful things, Which he would (he said) utter to none but such as himself knew to be very resolute in God's Cause: But he told unto Arthington and Coppinger, that there should be no more Popes hereafter.

Upon confidence of which Spirit and Gifts in himself, in Places of his resort, with an intemperate and fanatical boldness, With Fanati­cal boldness ut­ter'd seditious Speeches a­gainst the Queen, &c. (even as if he had sufficient warrant for it) he dared oftentimes to utter most vile, lewd, and seditious Speeches both of the Queen's Majesty, and of certain the greatest Subjects whom he thought to be hinderers of his Practices. Which his Outrages being once or twice brought unto the Ears of certain in Authority in Northamptonshire, and else­where (not sufficiently acquainted with the strange Humours of such Anabaptistical Wi­zards [Page 14] and Fanatical Sectaries) and perhaps unwilling to let his words be drawn so far against him, as they justly might; they were therefore content to attribute them to some spice of phrensy in him, and in that Was corrected in Northam­ptonshire as Phrantick. quality to be corrected, rather than to con­strue them to have proceeded from any set­led and advised malice, as the event hath since made most manifest they did. For in the whole course besides of other the Speeches and Actions of his Life, both be­fore and after, no alienation of mind or madness could be noted in him.

At one of the times that he was brought in question for his Seditious, and indeed Treasonable Speeches, it happened that he was convented before that honourable Counseller Sir Walter Mildmay, who com­manded him (for more safegard) to be watched the night before he was to be con­veyed to Northampton Gaol, at what time the counterfeit dissembling Wretch willed Put into Nor­thampton Gaol. his Wife to let him lie alone in the Chamber that was to be watched, for that he had to confer with one that would come unto him that night: Insinuating unto her, as if he were to have at that time some special Con­ferences with God, or some Angel. Where­upon Pretended to have confe­rence with God or some Angel. it was straightway blown abroad there­abouts amongst the credulous multitude of those, that either favoured him for supposed Zeal, or feared him for Sorceries, that (al­beit there were no Candles used) yet there was a great light (that night) seen shining [Page 15] in his Chamber: so that by this Tale the erroneous Opinions afore conceived of him, were greatly encreased.

After he had lien in Northampton Gaol a good space, and was come unto his Trial (in the absence of Sir Walter from thence) the matter is thought to have been so hand­led by some (who in favour of his forward­ness, would needs interpret his Felonies to be but Follies) as that (no Evidence be­ing given against him) he was dismissed for that pull; upon Bond entred for his appear­ance, when he should be called for again.

Now Hacket (a man thus qualified as ye Wigginton brings him ac­quainted with Coppinger. hear) was of all other men thought by Wig­ginton most fit and worthy to be recommend­ed, and straightly linked unto Coppinger's Fa­miliar acquaintance; as most aptly consort­ing with his humorous Conceit; long ere this apprehended by him, whereof it seem­eth Wigginton was not ignorant, nor mis­liked.

Their acquaintance was wrought in this An Account thereof out of Hacket's Hi­story, Ar­thington's Prophesies. Both Manu­scripts. manner, as Hacket testifieth in that Dis­course (which they since call Hacket's Histo­ry enlarged) endited by himself, written by Coppinger, and afterward copied out fair by Arthington, as it should have gone to the Press, being annexed to Arthington's Prophesy. For there it is said: That the Lord brought Hacket to London (about the beginning of Easter Term last) to see what would be done against Job Throgmorton, and partly to reckon with M. Wigginton about the making of malt [Page 16] between them together: At what time Wiggin­ton said, That there was a Gentleman in the City, a very good man; but Hacket (as the Lord knoweth) did not think that there had been one godly man in the Land; and supposed the Twelfth Psalm belonged to this time. When Wig­ginton was describing the Man, and the matter that he was entring into, viz. that the Man whom he spoke of, had a message to say to his Sovereign, concerning some practice intended a­gainst her, from dealing wherein, the Preachers in London had wonderfully discouraged him: then Hacket answered thus: Did you so also? No, saith Wigginton: Then said Hacket, en­courage him in any wise: for what know you what matter it is he hath to say? Hereupon Wigginton sent for the said Edmund Coppin­ger to come to the Counter to speak with him; who (by God's Providence) came forthwith, and Wigginton willed them to take acquaintance one of the other, assuring Coppinger that he knew Hacket to be a man truly fearing God, and such a Person, as by whose Conference God might mi­nister some comfort to Coppinger: Whereupon they two, (viz. Coppinger and Hacket) went from thence presently unto Hacket's Chamber, at the Sign of the Castle without Smithfield-Bars: So soon as they were entred the Chamber, Cop­pinger desired that before any speech should pass between them, they might first pray to God toge­ther, which they did: Hacket speaking to the Lord first. After which Prayer, Coppinger delivered unto Hacket, how he had been very strangely and extraordinarily moved by God to go [Page 17] to her Majesty, and to tell her plainly, that the Lord's pleasure was, that she must (with all speed) reform her self, her Family, the Common­wealth, and the Church: And that the Lord had further told him, by what means all the same should be done; but that Secret he would not then deliver unto Hacket. Then Coppinger also prayed into God, desiring him, if he would be with him, and bless that Business (which he had committed to his charge) that then he would both furnish him with Gifts fit for so weighty an Action, and knit the heart of Hacket and his so together, as David's and Jonathan's, Moses's and Aaron's: For answer hereof, Hacket took fur­ther time till the morning, at which time in the morning (a Prayer being first made) Hacket laid all the Lord's business (which was to be done by himself) upon Coppinger's back; telling him the Lord had appointed him to it, and would stand with him in it. Thus far in this Point goeth that Discourse.

But long before this time of their two first Acquaintances, Coppinger (upon his re­turn forth of Kent, in Michaelmas Term last) had signified unto Arthington, and to one T. Lancaster, a Schoolmaster in Shoe-lane, (both being of his familiar Acquaintance, and whom he had requested to fast and pray Coppinger pretends to a secret Mystery revealed to him relating to the Disci­pline, and the Queen's repen­tance about it. with him, for success in obtaining a Wi­dow) that God had shewed him, the said Cop­pinger, great favour, by revealing such a secret Mystery unto him as was wonderful, being in substance thus much, viz. That he knew a way how to bring the Queen to repentance, and to [Page 18] cause all her Council and Nobles to do the like out of hand, or else detect them to be Traitors that refused: All they by such Repentance, mean­ing and understanding (as it seemeth) the erecting of their fanciful Discipline. For this Phrase being usual with them in Con­ferences of this matter, he thereby suffici­ently declared his mind to them, and they well understood what was meant, without further a-do.

Now it had been inconvenient that Cop­pinger He imparts it to Wiggin­ton. should all this while conceal this My­stery (which he imparted unto them, and after to Hacket) from Wigginton, who brought them acquainted together, unto whom he so oft resorted, and so highly above all other Preachers esteemed, for his resolute dealings in God's matters, as he terms them; whom he also after advouched unto Arthington, as an irrefragable Witness to be persuaded by, that would justify the truth of Hacket's Torments, and whom he also knew more often busied for attaining of that Discipline (which himself also laboured for) than perhaps for Heaven it self. And you see that he had accordingly done it, Wigginton not discouraging him therein.

This Proposition so made by Coppinger, Arthington and Lancaster mislike the matter as im­practicable. Arthington saith, that he and Lancaster misli­ked, as a matter impossible by Coppinger to be done, but by the Lord Jesus only, and such, whereof the issue could not fall out well any way, and so put him off for the first time; not un­derstanding in what manner, and by what [Page 19] special means, Coppinger conceived that such repentance should be wrought in the Queen's Majesty, and in others.

The manner and other circumstances of the first revealing of this pretended Myste­ry, Coppinger himself at large declareth in a Letter written the 4th of February last, unto T. C. in Prison: The occasion of writing it, The manner and circum­stances of re­vealing the Mystery, Cop­pinger de­clares in a Letter to Cart­wright, then in Prison, de­siring an An­swer to some Questions. he there saith, was the said T. C's offer to take knowledge (by writing) from him of such matter, as might induce him to suppose himself to have received some hope of special favour from God, to some special use: But yet, without warrant from the Word, direction of the Holy Spirit, and approbation of the Church, he was (he said) most unwilling to enter into so great an Action. The Letter is long, but to this ef­fect: That upon some extraordinary humiliation of him, he, with some other, and a Guide of their Exercise, joined in a Fast: Their Guide (in the Evening) spake of the use of Fasts, &c. and then willed the others to add to that, which he had delivered, either for the general, or parti­cular Causes, which moved them to humble them­selves: That a great part of the said Night Coppinger found himself very extraordinarily exercised, &c. by such a motive, as he could not well describe; partly comforted with a wonderful Zeal, which he found himself to have, to set forth God's glory any ways, which lawfully he might enter into; partly cast down by such a burning fire of Concupiscence, as in his greatest strength of body, he had not found the like: That the next day he riding into the Country (as he [Page 20] rid) fansied to himself, that there was leave gi­ven him to speak to God in a more familiar man­ner, than at any time before: And also persuaded himself, that God's Spirit did give him many strange Directions, wherein the Lord would use him to do service to his most glorious Majesty, and to his Church. Upon which, he had thought to have returned presently back, and to have left his intended Journey: But going on, and after being returned back, he imparted to his former Fast-fellows the work of God in him, and desired they might again join in the like, (which he (with some other) went forward with, to their comfort, but without their chief Guide, for he re­fused to join. Hereupon (he saith) that he was Note. again stirred up to such business of such impor­tance, as in the eyes of flesh and blood, were likely to bring much danger to himself, and unlikely to bring any good success to the Church of God: Hereof he writ to some Preachers out of the Realm, and to some in the Realm: At length he writ hereof to one in the City that was silenced: Who resolved him, that God did yet work extra­ordinarily in some Persons to some special uses. Hereupon he obtained this Preacher's consent to join with him, and about four others, on the Dord's-Day, in a Fast: Which Day was chosen, that they might not binder their worldly Affairs in the Week; and that they used means to have notice given to some of the Preachers in Prison of the Day of their humiliation, desiring them to commend to God in their Prayers the holy Pur­poses, which any fearing God, should (in time) Note. attempt to take in hand, by seeking to bring glory [Page 21] to God, and good to the Church: That in their Prayers at the said Fast, he and others did be­seech God, That if he had appointed to use any of them to do any special service to him and his, that to that end he would extraordinarily call them, that he would seal up his, or their such Calling, by some special manner, by his Holy Spirit, and give such extraordinary Graces and Gifts as are fit for so weighty an Action. The Night following (he saith) he thought (in his sleep) that he was carried into Heaven; and there being wonderfully astonished with the Ma­jesty of God, and brightness of his glory, he made a loud, and most strange noise, whereby he awa­ked his Brother that lay with him, and some in the next Chamber. Since which time (saith he) I find every day more and more comfort: And suppose, that there is somewhat in me, which my self am not so fit to judge of: And therefore I de­sire the Church (I mean your self, and such as you shall name unto me, because I cannot come to you without danger to your self and me) to look narrowly into me: And if I be thought to be any way misled, I crave sharp censuring: If I be guided by God's Spirit to any good end, as here­after shall be adjudged, I shall be ready to acquaint you and them with generalities and particularities, so far forth as you and they be desirous to look in­to. At this time the end of my writing is only to acquaint you with the occasions of mine entring into this great Action, and to have your further answer to some Questions, wherein I desire to be Note. resolved; with your direction also, what hereafter I am to signify to your self, concerning the matter [Page 22] it self. Of the Questions wherein he thus desired resolution, I do find two Copies of Coppinger's own hand: The one more large and confused, the other briefer, and in bet­ter order, but both to one purpose, which to have set down, may give good light (in mine opinion) to this Narration.

The Questions to be resolved, viz.

1. Whether there be (in these days) any ex­traordinary The Questions to be resolved are, 1. Whether there be not extraordinary Persons in the Church in these days, as Apo­stles, Evange­lists, &c. 2. Whether their Call be not immediate from God, and manifested to the Church by extraordinary Gifts and Graces? 3. Whether the Church may examine the same? and in what manner? 4. Whether may the same be found in a Country where the Gospel is truly preached, but the true Discipline not established, but oppugned? 5. If no extra­ordinary Calls to be expect­ed, but where there is waste in the Church; and if there be waste in the Church where Prince and Magistrate op­pose the Disci­pline, Whether may not an ex­traordinary Call be expect­ed of some to deal with the Magistrate in the Name of God to Execute the True Disci­pline? 6. Where the true Discipline is wanting, whether a Pa­stor thrust on the People without their choice have a lawful Call? Workers and Helpers to his Church, either Apostles, Evangelists, or Prophets, where need requires, more or less? or Nazarites, Hea­lers, Admonishers, in any special sort?

2. If there be, is not their Calling immediate from God, and his Spirit, a Seal unto their Spi­rits, through which they have such excellent gifts and graces of Wisdom, Knowledge, Courage, Mag­nanimity, Zeal, Patience, Humility, &c. as do manifest such their Calling to the Church?

3. If such Graces and Gifts shall appear, whe­ther may the Church enter into consideration of the success which God may please to give, yea or no? If they may, in what manner are they to proceed with such a Person, extraordinarily called?

4. If it shall be confessed, that there may be until the end of the world immediate Callings from God: Whether may the same be found in a Country where the Gospel is truly preached, and the Sacraments (in some sort) truly administred, though not universally, but here and there, not perfectly, but in part: And where the true Dis­cipline [Page 23] is not established, but oppugned by the pub­lick Magistrates, &c.

5. If it shall be answered, that no extraordi­nary Callings are to be looked for, but where there is a waste of the Church, whether can it be truly said, that there is a waste of the Church, where the Prince and chief Magistrates are ignorant of the necessity of the Discipline, opposing themselves against it, persecuting such as seek it: By means whereof, all wicked Persons whatsoever be ad­mitted to publick exercise of the Word, and to the Lord's Table: Whether (I say) may it be hoped for, that God for his glory's sake, and the good of the Church) may extraordinarily call some, by giving him a Spirit above others, to deal with the Magistrate in the name of God: To provide that the People may every where be taught, and true Discipline executed, where the People already have knowledge?

6. Whether, where there be wanting Pastors, Doctors, Elders, Deacons, and Widows, &c. in the Church established, and only a Minister thrust upon the People to be their Pastor, without their choice or liking: Whether it can be truly said, a man so placed (though furnished with all inward Gifts and Graces of God's Spirit fit for that Cal­ling) hath the lawful and perfect Calling of a Minister, or no?

To these I find Wigginton's Resolution Wigginton's Resolutions of Coppinger's Questions in the affirma­stive. made under his own hand, to this effect briefly, viz. That God hath, doth, and will, from time to time raise up extraordina­ry Workers, and Helpers, to his Church, a [Page 24] Apostles, Evangelists, and Prophets, where need requireth, and as Nazarites, Healers, Admonishers in special sort, and such like; that these cannot be known to themselves, but by God's Spirit; nor to others, but by godly effects: That he who is so called, need not to ask many Questions of mortal men for his Calling, yet must be approved godly before he enterprize his Work, espe­cially if he have been a known wicked Per­son before.

That where the chief Rulers of any House or Country, or the most part of any House or Country be ignorant, and untaught, there it may be truly said, that House or Coun­try is out of frame, desolate, or waste: much more then, when one part of Thirty or Forty is not well framed, rightly taught, or guided, &c. in that House or Country.

And in another Paper of his own Hand, he avoucheth such extraordinary Callings, by Such extraor­dinary Callings justified by two Examples. example of one that cried up and down the Streets in Jerusalem, before it was besieged; and by another, which (he saith) the last Parliament came forth of Yorkshire to London, saying, he was charged from God by an Angel in a Vision, to signify great Vengeance from God upon the whole Realm, for cer­tain great Enormities by himself (in ano­ther man's person) untruly and seditiously surmised. So that hereby it appeareth, that Wigginton is the silenced Preacher, meant by Coppinger in the former Letter, who resolved him of extraordinary Callings in those days; [Page 25] who consented to fast and pray with him and others, for a Seal, &c. of such Calling; and who (as he afterward affirmed to Hacket) would not discourage Coppinger in his Purposes.

This Conceit hereupon waxing stronger Coppinger waxeth strong­er in his Con­ceit. and stronger in Coppinger, he often came to Lancaster's House (where also Arthington then lay) to confer with them; specially to know the certainty, whether there were any extraordinary Calling in this last Age, and how the same might be tried? They both told him (as is now said) that they were meer ordinary men, not able to resolve him, much less to take trial of his Gifts, and therefore willed him to keep his Secrets to himself, or else to go to others, that could better judge of them. Whereupon Coppinger Seeks direction from Divers Puritanical Preachers, is assisted by Penry. sought for direction to divers Preachers, and others in London, and elsewhere, of what setled disposition may easily be conjectured: For resolution also herein (by the help of his diligent Fellow-labourer in this business, John ap Henry aliâs a Penry) he sollicited the Reformed Preachers (so these Fellows term them) of some Foreign Parts.

It may also be gathered by some Letters written by him to a Gentleman near about a great Counsellor, that he bare the said Gen­tleman in hand, as if he had intelligence touching some matter of great service to her Majesty, and the Commonwealth, to be imparted to the said Counsellor. For in the Copy of a Letter of his, of the 28th of Ja­nuary [Page 26] last, he thus writeth. Your signification Coppinger's Letters to a Counsellor, pre­tending some service to the Queen. of some service, which you heard I was desirous to do, in discharge of my duty to her Majesty, may give his Lordship cause to suspect that I ho­nour him not so much as I do. Your revealing thereof to his Lordship, I do assure you, doth much trouble me, because I am not furnished with such matter as I wish. My meaning was therefore to have forborn his Lordship's trouble, until I had learned out that which my heart desireth to do, &c. And in another Letter of his written to the same Gentleman the 1st of February after, in this sort: If you think he looketh to have me come to his Lordship, (about any thing which you have put into his head) let me under­stand from you when I may attend his Lordship's pleasure, which being known, I will (according to my duty) do it, though I wish my self to be freed, until I may know that which may give his Lordship cause to think of me, as I do desire to deserve, &c.

Now that this matter was the same where­of he desired such resolution, may be ga­thered by a Note of his own Hand, set up­on the back of these two Copies, thus: viz. By these Letters it may appear, what care I had In his Letters to the Preach­ers pretends some service to God and his Church, mean­ing in both the same matter. to carry my self in this Action. But in his Letters (about this matter) written unto Preachers, and others of his own humour, he goeth more plainly to work, and decla­reth another purpose, and that it is a special service by him to be done, to God and his Church, and so no Civil Matter, as he elsewhere pre­tendeth.

[Page 27] For I find by a Letter of another Gentle­man P. W. a Lay Gentleman, his Letter to Cop­pinger, incou­raging him to go on in his Work. of the Laity, dated the 25th of January last, and written unto Coppinger in answer: that Coppinger had sent for him up to receive advice of him in some matters of importance, tending to the true Service of God, wherein he was labouring: In the end whereof are these words, viz. You are in a plentiful Soil, where you may use the advice of many godly wise: Use the benefit thereof: And then (as Joshua said) be bold, and of a good courage: Fear not to be discouraged, for God, even the mighty God, will protect, and defend you.

In his solliciting the Preachers to take trial of his Gifts and extraordinary Calling, it appeareth he used some more plainness, without much disguising of the quality of the Action, which he intended, and like­wise how faintly he was discouraged from it by them. For in a Letter of his unto T. L. written the 29th of January last, he report­eth, that M. E. (a Preacher) most Christianly, The Preachers advise him to Caution; but do not discou­rage, nor re­prove him. wisely, and lovingly persuaded him to be careful and circumspect over himself: To take heed lest he were deceived by the subtilty of Satan, and so misled; whereby he might endanger himself both for his Liberty, Estate and Credit, and also be an hinderance to the great Cause, which he would seem to be most desirous to further; but Note. withal, the said M. E. concluded, that he would be loath to quench the Spirit of God in him, or to hinder his Zeal.

About this time and matter, Coppinger writ also another Letter to T. C. which [Page 28] thing (besides the Letter it self) appeareth also by a Letter of his, written the 24th of February last, to one M. H. The whole te­nor Note. Coppinger's Letter to Cart­wright about some special service to God and his Church; he fancied him­self call'd for. of the Letter unto T. C. is (in mine Opinion) meet to be here inserted, in ma­ny respects, viz. Right Reverend Sir, I have with much grief been put back from doing some special service to God, and to his Church, which I hope time will manifest, that I am appointed for: Which if it had been done by Enemies, it should not much have troubled me: But being done by Persons as much regarded by me, as flesh and blood can regard men, it goeth near unto me. From you I received this Message, That I should attempt nothing but by advice of those whom you would procure to counsel me: This was done from you in the name of the Lord of Heaven and Earth, and therefore I obey it with great care and conscience, expecting at your hands, that Monday, being the day appointed for con­ference, that it may hold; that I may be justified in my course, or condemned. The danger that Note. some stand in for their lives, is not unknown: And if I had not been letted, I durst have ven­tured my life to have procured their release ere now. God help us: I see Wisdom, Zeal, Cou­rage, and Love are seen but in few, and those who would gladly use those Graces and Gifts which God hath given them, cannot: But God seeth what is best to be done, and he will by con­trary effects bring to pass whatsoever pleaseth him. If you will answer my last Questions, there may much use be made of them. I desire them as much in regard of others, as my self, who are [Page 29] resolved of divers things, whereof I crave to be resolved, which I do to good purpose. And as you commanded me (in the name of God) to be wise and circumspect, and to deal by counsel, so, (as I may) I command you in the name of God, that you advise the Preachers to deal speedily and circumspectly, lest some blood of the Saints be Note. shed, which must needs bring down vengeance from Heaven upon the Land. Return this Let­ter, I beseech you, to me, that I may shew it (a­mongst other things) when the meeting shall be, and commend me and my Purposes to God in your holy Prayers, that they may so far be blessed, as himself is the director of them: God keep us ever his, this 14th of February. There is also this Postscript. I am so full of worldly business, as I have no time to attend this weighty Action, but do only weight upon God for the direction of his Spirit, saving my heart and soul are still mind­ful hereof, and to morrow (by God's grace) I will humble my self before his Majesty in fasting and prayer, and hope that God will stir up some other to join with me in spirit, though few or none in person do, only one I am assured of, the Prisoners know it: I leave it to them to join or Note. not, as God moves them; but if ever men will fast and pray, I think it is now more than time to do it. The Superscription was this: To my very loving and reverend Friend, Ma­ster C.

He dealt also (about this matter) with another Gentleman of the Laity, in one of J. T. a Lay Gentleman, his Letter to Cop­pinger, inti­mating caution about some sin­gular Course or special Pra­ctice. whose Letters written in answer to Coppin­ger's, the 18th of the fifth Month (meaning [Page 30] thereby May) I find these words of some mark. I confess (saith he) I heard some buz abroad of a sole and singular course, that either you or some other had plotted in his head. And a little after thus: I would wish you, and all that bear good will to the holy Cause in this perilous Age of ours, to take both your eyes in your hands (as they say) and to be sure of your ground and Strive to put in execution. warrant before you strive to put in execution.

Besides these and some others, he instant­ed both by word and Letters (in Easter Term last) about this business, a certain Gentleman. In his first Letter to the said Gentleman, dated the 19th of May last, Coppinger promiseth to him in the name of the Coppinger comforteth a Gentleman censured in Star-chamber for the Cause. Lord, a recompence in the life to come, for that in the Star-chamber he feared God more than Man, in such a glorious Action, so pleasing to God, so behoveful to his Church, which shall also remain of record here to all posterity. And a little after thus: If after your own holy private Prayer you find any desire of speech with me, let me intreat you, either to send this Letter to M. Cartwright, or rather (if you can) carry it unto him, &c. The second Letter which he writ to the said Lawyer the 21st of May (they having in the mean time conferred to­gether) was thus word by word. Let thy Spirit (O gracious Father) direct us now and for ever, in all our ways, especially in those, whereby greatest honour may redound to thy glori­ous Majesty, most benefit to thy Church, and most danger to thine Enemies.

[Page 31] Good Sir, and my loving Brother in the Lord, though such as are admitted to consult with God, and have by prayer and meditation much fami­liarity and acquaintance with his holy Majesty, need not doubt of good success in all things which he setteth them a work in, (though Satan and his Vassals cross their course, and hinder their labour by all the means they can) yet is it also necessary that while we remain in the fellowship and com­munion of the Saints, that we communicate one with another, that as loving Children we may all join together, to help each other, to be doers of our heavenly Father's will here on Earth, as the Angels do it in the Heavens. The conscience which I had hereof, enforced me to write unto you lately, and the like moved you to speak with me upon that Letter. And truly I did observe many things (in that little time we spent toge­ther) were said and done, which might move either of us to praise our good God, and to cheer us up, to further so holy an Action as now is in Note. hand, which must needs speed well in the end, because it is the Lord's own work. And if we adventure our selves to do him service here, he will reward elsewhere. You may be bold, for you have the warrant of the Word, the allowance of the State, and you walk in your own Calling: But I am to be fearful and circum­spect, because the Dangers I enter into be infinite, my Course misliked (though unknown) because it is extraordinary; which Callings be ceased in all mens opinion of judgment, and have not (of long time) been heard of, or to be hoped for, but where the Word is not preached at all, or the [Page 23] Church in a great waste, which no body dare affirm our Church of England to be. Wherefore it seemeth that every step that I shall make here­in, shall be upon thorns, and therefore I am to fear pricking: Yet for all this I am not without hope, neither is the same grounded but by good warrant. The end why I write unto you, is this, to intreat you to give thanks to those holy men all on my behalf, who are now in question. I have reaped much benefit from them, by their carriage towards me, though they know it not: For I durst not (in regard of danger which might grow Note. to them) visit any of them, since I found my self carried with a zeal to do somewhat in the same Cause, for which they suffer. If by some effects hereafter I may shew it, that is it which I desire to do, and in the mean time do what I can to persuade the Saints, that in this Action I seek God's glory, and not mine own. I have been heretofore put back and dissuaded from attempt­ing any thing (lest I marred all) by the wisest, the learnedest, the zealousest and holiest Preachers of this City, gene Causes and weighty Reasons moving thereunto. But yet this will not make me leave it, but still I am enforced (by little and little) to labour to make my self fit to take upon me the managing of it. Wherefore, if it please you to shew the other Letter and this, and beseech them from me to lay them before the Lord, when they shall meet and join together in prayer: And if the Lord's Spirit shall assure their Spirits, that he hath been, is, and will be with me in this Acti­on (how hard soever it seemeth to be) let me by their means be vouchsafed this favour, that I may [Page 33] be allowed conference with the Preachers of the City: which Sute I make not for that I would seek to have approbation from them, or any other living Creature, but from God himself: Or that I purpose to do that which heretofore I have been advised unto; namely, acquaint them with the Courses (which I purpose by God's assistance to Note. take in hand) whereby great danger might grow to them, and little good to me: But that my car­riage towards them, may witness unto them the humility of my mind, and lowliness of my spirit, and care and conscience not to enter into the mat­ter, without offer to have my Gifts examined; and if they shall be supposed to be such as the Church may have use of, then let all holy means be used, which shall be advised to be fit to be done in such a dangerous time, and weighty Acti­on. So beseeching God to govern us in all our ways, and preserve us in all our dangers, and supply us with whatsoever we stand in need of, I humbly and heartily commend you to God, this 21st day of May, 1591.

The effect of the Speeches which Coppin­ger Coppinger incourageth the said Gen­tleman to per­severe in de­fence of the Cause. He declares to him his Reve­lations and extraordinary Gifts and Cal­ling touching the Reforma­tion of the Church. had with him at their Conference (as the said Gentleman himself reported) was to commend the Cause of the Preachers committed, to incourage him to the defence of it; adding, that it was the truth of God, and that in the end it would prevail. Then the said Coppinger began to declare unto him his Revelations, his great fasting and prayer, and how God had indued him with an ex­traordinary grace of Prayer, Persuasion or [Page 34] Prophecy: And that God had appointed him (as he was persuaded) to reveal the will of God touching the reformation of his Church, that he had an extraordinary Calling to do good to the Church, and what several conflicts he had in himself before he yielded to this extraordinary motion or calling from God. Therefore his Request was, That by He desires that his Gifts and Calling may be tried and al­lowed by the Preachers. the said Gentleman's means, his Gifts and Calling might be tried and allowed by those godly Preachers, &c. What the Preachers and others that were conferred with, an­swered to Coppinger herein, and whether more dutifully to the Estate, than warily; so as they might neither (as they thought) endanger themselves, nor kill or discourage the Zeal of that their Brother, in so pre­tended holy a Cause, may partly by that which is afore spoken appear, and we may then believe them when they shall tell us the whole truth thereof.

But how slender and cold discouragement A cold Answer from some. he found with some Preachers of London (with whom he dealt) touching his fantasti­cal extraordinary Calling, and dangerous Plots, may also appear by these words found in a Letter of his, viz. Good Master L. as Master E's former carriage in this Action (which standeth me much upon to deal advisedly in) did somewhat trouble me, so his Christian and loving Answer (delivered now by you from him unto me) doth much comfort me, though by reason of some particular business (which I must necessarily follow) I cannot attend till Friday in the After­noon, [Page 35] or Saturday any part of the day. And after in the same Letter, thus: Satan by his Angelical wisdom (which he still retaineth) doth many times prevail with the holiest to make them fear good success in the best Causes, in regard of the lets and hindrances which himself layeth in the way. It cannot be denied but that the Cause is good, which I desire to be an Actor in: But it is said by some, that it is impossible that I should be fit to meddle therein. So that here a Chri­stian A further Conference. The Course not misliked, but Success only doubted from his unfitness. and loving Answer to his great com­fort is given, further conference by speech is offered, and the Course not so much misli­ked, as the Success only is doubted by rea­son of his unfitness that was to be an Actor in it.

But what Resolution herein was also re­turned from the Preachers of Foreign Parts to this Case of Conscience propounded by Coppinger, may hereby (not unprobably) be gathered. Arthington at one of his Exami­nations confessed, that Penry sent a Letter unto him forth of Scotland, wherein he sig­nified, Penry writes to A thing­ton from Scotland, that Refor­mation must be set up in Eng­land. that Reformation (for so they speak) must shortly be erected in England: And herein he said, that he took Penry to be a Prophet. Now it is sure that Penry con­veyed himself privily into England, and was lurking about London at the self-same time when these other Prophets arose in Cheapside, attending (as seemeth) the fulfilling of this his Prophecy also by their means.

How dutifully and advisedly those that be Subjects have dealt, which (having intelli­gence [Page 36] hereof) did conceal it, till it burst forth of it self, with apparent danger to her Majesty and the whole State, may thus be The concealing of this Design dangerous to the State. gathered. For by this Conceit of Coppin­ger's (you hear) it is pretended and surmi­sed, that a commendable Cause, a Cause to be defended, yea the very truth of God, (which must prevail) is by the State sup­pressed and kept under: That it is the will of God to have such a Reformation: That impeachment of it is offered by the Queen, Counsel and Nobles: That this is a great sin meet to be repented of by them: That they must be brought to this repentance: That the penalty against any of them that refuse to be brought, is to be detected as Traytors, an offence deserving death: That this must be done out of hand: That the will of God (in great favour for the good of his Church) was revealed to him in this behalf, being a man of much fasting, prayer, rare gifts, a Coppinger calls it the Cause and Truth of God, which must go or, and to op­pose it is a Sin deserving death. That this was revealed to him as a Pro­phet, and not to be discredi­ted. Prophet, an extraordinary man, with an ex­traordinary Calling; such as was not to be judged of, or discerned by meer ordinary men, and whereinto he entred not rashly, or on a sudden, but after many conflicts with himself before his yielding to God's ex­traordinary motion and calling: But submit­ting himself nevertheless, to have his Gifts and Calling tried and allowed of, by the best reformed Preachers, and therefore not worthy to be suspected, or discredited: That the way to bring them to this repentance was a secret Mystery, such as those Preachers [Page 37] and others whom he conferred with (albeit The Preachers thought the ways of effect­ing of it dan­gerous, and refused to be made ac­quainted with them, but con­sent he should run the ha­zard. they held it a work to be wished at God's hands) yet by his talk gathered the manner of bringing it in, to be so dangerous, as that they feared the success, and refused to be made acquainted with the particular ways and means which he had plotted to effect it. Thereby making choise rather that Coppinger should venture to put it in practise (if he re­mained resolute herein, which they found by him) of what dangerous consequence soever such a way might be, than that they, by bewraying of him to Authority, should be any means to break off and prevent his Resolution, or quench his Zeal. And thus (with opinion of safety to themselves) they merchandized the hazard of their Friend's life, or else the rearing of Sedition in the Realm, with the hope that secretly they nourished, to have the Discipline (which they dream of) erected.

Thus Coppinger (remaining still more con­firmed Coppinger brought ac­quainted with Hacket and Arthington. and setled in this vein) by his Pew­fellow Wigginton, about Easter-Term last, being (as is aforesaid) brought acquainted with Hacket (as with a most holy man) soon after would needs bring Arthington also ac­quainted with him, as one, whom (upon so small knowledge) he had observed to be a very rare man. For this purpose he sent for Arthington to Dinner or Supper unto Law­son's House, near to Paul's Gate, where Ar­thington met first with Hacket, together with another, whom he calleth a godly man: Of [Page 38] whose ordinary talk then had, Arthington liked very well; but had (as he saith) at that time no further conference with him. After which time, Arthington discontinued from the Ci­ty, Arthington retires into Yorkshire. and remained in Yorkshire until Trinity Term, leaving Hacket and Coppinger behind him, plotting of their purposes together: What Purposes they had, what Counsel they entred into, and what Conferences they entertained betwixt themselves, and with others, by the Events ensuing, will best be discovered. After this Hacket stayed Hacket goes also into the Country. not long in London, but desired Coppinger at his departure, to write unto him what suc­cels J. T. had, and withal assuring him, that whensoever he should write for him, he the said Hacket would streightway come up a­gain. Hereupon Coppinger writ unto him first Coppinger sends for him to London, and provides him Chamber and Board. at the end of Easter Term, and after again very earnestly to be at London three days before the beginning of Trinity Term last, but he could not be here so soon by three or four days. When he was come, he lodged the first night at Istington; but sent his Horse down again into the Country, as purposing to stay long in London. Then after a night or two (one of which nights he lodged at the said Lawson's House by Wiggington's directi­on) he was provided of a Chamber and of his Board at one Ralph Kaye's House, in Knight-rider-street, by Coppinger's means, and at his Charges, for he cost Coppinger there Eleven Shillings by the Week: But Kayes waxing weary of him (in part for that he [Page 39] seared Hacket was a Conjurer or Witch, in that the Camomil (he saith) in his Garden where Hacket either trod or sate, did wither up the next night, and waxed black) there­fore Coppinger provided at his own charges likewise another Room for him, at one Walker's House by Broken Wharf, where he remained until his apprehension.

Whilst Hacket was at Kaye's House, he Hacket leaves the Queen out of his Prayers. used before and after Meals to pray (as seemed) most devoutly and zealously, but never for the Queen's Majesty. Hacket also told Kayes, That if all the Divines in Eng­land should pray for Rain, if he said the word, yet it should not rain.

The first of the aforesaid Letters which Coppinger writ unto Hacket to move him to come up, doth contain matter of note be­sides, not unfit to be known. Brother Hacket Coppinger's Letter to Hacket. (saith he) the burthen which God hath laid up­on me (you being the Instrument to make me bold and couragious, where I was fearful and faint) is greater than I can bear without your help here, though I have it where you are. The workings of his holy spirit in me, since your departure, be mighty and great: My zeal of spirit burneth like fire, so that I cannot contain my self, and con­ceal his mercies towards me. And a little after in the same Letter, Master Thr. is put off till the next Term, the zealous Preachers (as it is thought) are to be in the Star-Chamber to mor­row, the Lord by his holy Spirit be with them: My self (if I can get in) am moved to be there: And I fear (if Sentence with severity be given) I shall Note. [Page 40] be forced (in the name of the great and fearful God of Heaven) to protest against it: My desire is, that you hast up so soon as you can; your Charges shall be born by me. And somewhat after, thus: If his most holy Spirit direct you to come, come: If not, stay: But write with speed, and convey your Letter, and inclose it in a Letter to him who brought you and me acquainted (viz. Wigginton) put not your name to it, for disco­very: Direct your Letter thus, To my loving Brother in the Lord, give these my Letters: I put to no name, but the matter you know, which sufficeth. Pray that the Lord may reign, and that his Subjects may obey: That all Instruments whatsoever, that shall be used, may be furnished with such gifts and graces as every one have, or shall have need of: That it may appear, that the Action (now in hand) is his own; and therefore he will provide safety for his holy ones, and de­struction for those who are vessels of wrath; who have accomplished the number of their sins, which call for vengeance from Heaven. These Letters Hacket carried to Pamplin, Schoolmaster of Oundell, to be read unto him, for that him­self could neither write nor read: But I have not yet heard that he complained there­of to any in Authority.

When Arthington also about the midst of Arthington returns to London, Coppinger visits him, and magnifies Hacket to him as the Holiest man that ever was, except Christ. Trinity Term last, was returned to London, Coppinger (hearing thereof) came to his Lodging, and then (with many words) ex­tolled and magnified Hacket unto him, for the holiest man that ever was, Christ only excepted, and one that travelled (together [Page 41] with him) for the good of the Queen and the Land, but after an extraordinary man­ner, and not both by one means. And al­beit Arthington seems not desi­rous of their Secrets. Coppinger persuades him to hear Hacket's ex­tempore Prayers, which he admires as divine, and esteems him as a most holy man. Arthington (as now he saith) desired them to keep their Secrets to themselves, and not to trouble him with them, (who had other business to attend;) yet Coppinger im­portuned him so, as he could not avoid, but yield to hear Hacket pray before them (as a man of a singular Spirit, albeit utterly un­learned of the Book.) The first Prayer of his (that Arthington heard) was about four or five Weeks before their apprehension. All which Prayers conceived by Hacket (even since his apprehension) the said Arthington praised to be so divine, sweet and heavenly, that thereby he was drawn into a great ad­miration of him. In all the Prayers that Hacket made in his presence, Arthington ob­served this difference from other mens: That he usually therein desired the Lord to confound A horrible ex­ecration used in his Prayer. him, if he did not seek only his honour and glory in all things: Which Arthington marking from time to time in him, and seeing him still to be so perfectly sound and very well, was thereby drawn (together with Coppinger's words and experience of him) to reckon and esteem of him, as of a most holy man.

This Lesson of wishing themselves con­founded, his said two Scholars (by imita­tion) did so perfectly learn of him, that to the great astonishment and horror of such The same used by the other two in their Affirmations. (that afterward examined them) they used this Execration: Wishing themselves confound­ed [Page 42] and damned, if they said not the truth, in every matter whereof they made any asseve­ration, and wherein they desired to be cre­dited, thinking (as Arthington confesseth) that whatsoever the Spirit (as he fansied) told him was a truth, he was bound to bind it upon his Salvation or Damnation. These being joined with the Relation of certain extreme Torments, which Hacket had signi­fied Hacket pre­tends to suffer extream in­ward torments from the De­vil, as well as outward from men, for trail of the truth of the Gospel, which they conclude he is to establish in all Kingdoms, and that all Scepters are to be yielded to him. unto them that he suffered, not only out­wardly by the instigation of certain noble and worshipful Persons (as he untruly made them believe) but more grievously a great deal (he said) by suffering whatsoever ei­ther Devils in Hell, Sorcerers or Witches in Earth, could practise against him (all which he pretended to have endured for trial and proof, that the Gospel was the true Religion against Popery, and all other Sects) did so deeply astonish, or rather infatuate them; that (after great fasting and prayer used, which fasting they usually performed on the Sabboth days) they all did resolutely conclude, That if Hacket indured in truth all these torments and practices against him, for so holy an end, no doubt he was a man, which should not only establish the Gospel in all Kingdoms, but all Kings and Princes should also yield their Scepters unto him, and he should be established chief King over all Europe. Reasoning thus with themselves, that surely the Lord had some great good to be done by him that had indured so much for his sake.

[Page 43] Now, this was the Opinion, which to This was the main drift of Hacket's cun­ning, and it succeeded. have firmly planted in them two (as indeed it was first in Coppinger, and afterward in Arthington) was the main scope and drift (as may seem) of all Hacket's cunning coun­terfeiting of so much Holiness, Piety, Zeal and Religion.

To work this, he handled his Actions so Coppinger avouched that God would de­ny Hacket no­thing. warily with them, that Coppinger seriously once avouched unto Arthington, how him­self had by good experience found, that God would deny unto Hacket nothing which he prayed for or desired, and namely protested, that Hacket begged of God in a Drought (that was not long afore their apprehension) a Shower of Rain, and that it was presently sent in good abundance; Coppinger also so firmly believed Hacket, that he told his own Man Emerson, how Hacket being imprisoned, the Bolts would (often) fall off his heels miraculously.

But for proof that such incredible Tor­ments were indeed suffered by Hacket, he appealed herein to some of the Nobility, and to divers others both of worship and good credit. This did Coppinger further con­firm Coppinger and Wiggin­ton attest to the truth of Hacket's pre­tended Tor­ments. unto Arthington, saying, that Master Wigginton also did justify the truth of the Torments that Hacket suffered, and could do it with a hundred honest Witnesses more, if need required. And Arthington himself al­so once heard Wigginton pitifully tell, how great and extreme Torments Hacket had en­dured.

[Page 44] But being asked by them, why he was so tormented, and how these could tend to prove the Gospel to be the only true Reli­gion? Hacket answered them thus: That his Tormentors (the better to colour their lewd purposes and malice) gave out and surmised him to be out of his wits, but the truth was (said he) that being once at Ta­ble with one G. H. an obstinate Papist, and reasoning which was the true Religion (I Hacket's strange way to prove the truth of Reli­gion against Popery, &c. defending this which we now profess to be the truth, against Popery and all other Sects) amongst other Speeches, I protested upon my Damnation, that this was the truth, and withal prayed, that I might sink presently down into Hell, if it was not so: And that, if he the said G. H. would say so much for his Religion, if he did not sink presently in­to Hell, then would I take Popery to be the true Religion. But he refusing so to do, and being greatly moved thereby against me, complotted with a Knight (a neer Kinsman of his) and with another Gentleman (being a Papist) and with sundry others, who found such means, as that they procured Devils to be raised, Sorcerers, Witches and Enchan­ters (all which (said he) I know and can name, and mind one day, to help to burn them) to work upon my Body, with intent to make me call back my said words of pro­testation, concerning the truth of this Reli­gion, which if I would not do (said they) but could endure the Torments that they would inflict, then they all would be of my [Page 45] Religion, and would make me Emperor over all Europe.

This Tale to them that had minds afore His Tale cre­dited. prepared, and took Hacket by reason of his most earnest Protestations, Prayers, shew of zeal pretended, favour with God, and such like, to be a man that would not tel an un­truth for all the world, seemed no way un­probable, or to be discredited: So that these three principal Actors having as well among themselves, as with others, often conferred hereabouts (both by word and writing) were by the midst of Trinity Term become most resolute, for the advancing of their designments. For in a Letter written by Coppinger (about that time) to the aforesaid J. Thr. it is thus contained. Mine own dear Bro­ther, Coppinger's Letter to J. Thr. my self, and my two Brethren, who lately were together with you in Knight-rider's Street, do much desire conference with you, which will ask some time. The business is the Lord's own, and he doth deal in it himself, in a strange and ex­traordinary manner in poor and simple Creatures. Much is done since you did see us, which you will rejoice to hear of, when we shall meet, and there­fore I beseech you (so soon as you receive this Let­ter) hasten an Answer in writing to my Sister's House; therein advertise (I beseech you) when I may come to speak with you; for delays are dan­gerous, and some of the great Enemies begin to be so pursued by God, as they are at their wits end. The Lord make us thankful for it, who keep us ever to himself, to do his will and not ours. By occasion also of hearing Master [Page 46] Chark on a Friday about that time at the Coppinger's Leter to Chark about his extraordi­nary Course for the ad­vancement of Christ's King­dom. Black-Fryers, Coppinger saith, he was there­upon moved by God's Spirit to write unto him a Letter, which beareth date the 9th day of July last. In which Letter (amongst other things) thus he writeth unto him. I do not deny, good Sir, but that I have now (a good long time) taken a strange and extraordinary course, such as hath offered occasion of suspicion, of my not only doing hurt to my self, but also to the best sort of men now in question, and to the Cause it self. But by what warrant I have done this, that is all: For if the Holy Ghost have been my Warrant, and carrieth me into such Actions, as are differing from others of great note in the Church of God, what flesh and blood dare speak against me? This is it that 1 desire at your hands, and at all the rest of God's Servants, that you forbear to censure me and such others, as shall deal extraordinarily with me in the Lord's busi­ness committed to our charge, and judge of us by the effects that follow; which if you hereafter see to be wonderful great, then are all ordinary men (placed in Callings within this Land) to fear, and to call themselves to examination before the Ju­stice Seat of God, and see whether they have walked faithfully before God and man, in seeking the salvation of the Souls of the People, and the advancement of Christ's Kingdom, and the over­throw of Antichrist's. And if all and every one Note. in their places shall be forced to confess, to have failed in not discharge of their duties, let them acknowledge their sin and repent, before Plagues and Punishments fall upon them. The waste of [Page 47] the Church cannot be denied to be great, so that there is place for extraordinary men (though tem­porizing Christians will not admit this) therefore God's mercies shall appear to be wonderful great, if amongst us he have raised up such, as I know he hath, and hereafter I doubt not (by God's grace) but I, with the help of the rest, shall be able to avow against all gainsayers whatsoever. My desire heretofore hath been to have counsel and direction from others: But now (by comfor­table experience) I find that the Action (which the Lord hath drawn me into) is his own, and he will direct it himself by the Holy Ghost, and have the full honour of it, and therefore I wait upon him, and yet most heartily crave the Prayers of the Saints, that they will beseech God to bless all his Servants, that he hath set awork in his own business. And I further beseech you, to shew this Letter to Master Traverse, and Master Orders it to be shewn to Tra­verse, Eger­ton, and the other Preach­ers. Egerton, and all the rest of the godly Preachers in the City, and judge charitably of me and others, and let every one look to his own Calling, that therein he may deal faithfully, and let us judge our selves, and not judge one another, fur­ther than we have warrant. After this Letter, it hapned that M. Chark preached in the same place again the next Sunday after, at which time Coppinger took himself to be par­ticularly meant by one part of the Sermon. Whereupon he wrote a Letter to another Preacher (as I do gather) the Thursday af­ter, viz. the 15th of July; whereby he thus signifieth. M. Chark told the People, that there were some Persons so desperate, that [Page 48] they would willingly thrust themselves upon the Rocks of the Land, and Waves of the Sea. This I took to be spoken principally to my self; and therefore I thought good to advertise you, that he spake the truth in those words; but he touched not me, but himself, and the rest of the Ministers of the Land, who have not only run desperately themselves upon the Rocks and Waves, but car­ried the whole Ship, whereby they all be in dan­ger of Shipwreck, and should have perished, if the Lord had not immediately called three of his Servants to help to recover it, who are not only sent from God to his Church here, but also else­where, through the World. My Calling is spe­cially to deal with Magistrates. Another hath to do with Ministers, who hath written a Let­ter to you of the City, but it cannot be delivered hardly this day. The other third is the chiefest He pretends to be chiefly cal­led to deal with Magi­strates. (who can neither write nor read) for he is the Lord's Executioner of his most holy will. This Letter is thus subscribed, The Lord's Messenger of Mercy, Ed. Coppinger.

These three therefore strongly fancying to themselves such extraordinary Callings, and standing resolute by all means to advance that (which they falsly call Reformation) and being thus seduced and bemoped by Hacket, it is no marvel though they entred further (as by degrees) into many lewd, dangerous, and traiterous Attempts.

For first having conceived mortal hatred against two great and worthy Counsellors of this Estate (who they thought would not a little stop the course they had taken, and [Page 49] hinder the purpose which they pursued:) Coppinger therefore (by Hacket's advice) di­rected Coppinger having hatred to two Counsel­lors of State, pretends to im­peach them of Treason. several Letters unto some Honoura­ble Personages, whereby he signified, that certain Treasons were intended even against her Majesty's own Sacred Person; meaning after to appeach those two thereof; and hoping by this means, either to take them away, or at least their Credits with her Ma­jesty, until he and his Complices might bring their Purposes to some better pass; or else (by this colourable Pretence having access and opportunity) to have executed some wicked Practice against her Royal Person. The discovery, avouching and proof of these supposed Treasons, Hacket and he did take (especially upon themselves.)

The first two Letters that (I find) Cop­pinger He writes a Letter to them, with one inclo­sed to the Queen. writ to the said honourable Personages about this pretended matter of Treason to be discovered, was the third day of June last; both to this purpose, To have them acquaint her Majesty, that intelligence was given unto him of some Treason intended against her own Sacred Person, but naming no particular. In the one of them, he in­closed a Letter of his to her Majesty, and cer­tain Petitions, which he would have had to be offered up to her Highness, being to this effect: ‘That he might have leave to en­tertain the Action of such discovery; that as matters should come to light, he might resort to a certain worthy Counsellor (by him there named) to acquaint him there­with, [Page 50] and to have his Counsel and di­rection: That he the said Coppinger might confer and examine Jesuits, and all Pri­soners (suspected or condemned of Trea­son) about these matters, in the presence of certain others: That for better furthe­rance of his Service, he might have this favour to stay judgment, or at least exe­cution against condemned Persons for Crimes capital or smaller, until her Ma­jesty might have account given of the cause of his so doing: That he might be pardoned for so bold an Attempt, if in over-much fear of danger to her Sacred Person, he had, or afterward should go too far, and not effect that in the end, which he hoped to do: And lastly, That this matter might be concealed from all men.’ But the said honourable Personage finding this to be an unlikely and strange Course to be yielded unto (as may be ga­thered by the Answer, and by the other Let­ters) directed him to a more sound way, viz. To learn first the grounds perfectly, to acquaint none other with the matter, and to do it speedily. Hereupon the 8th of the said His second Let­ter to them, with one of Hacket's in­closed; ani­mating him to do the Lord's business. June, he addressed another Letter to the same Personage, enclosing therein a Letter written to him from Hacket, and dated the last day of May, and another Letter of his own to her Majesty, to have been delivered unto her Highness. His Letter to the said honoura­ble Personage, is to commend the Writer of that Letter inclosed, not naming him, (for [Page 51] Coppinger had raced out both Hacket's Name, and the Name of Oundell from whence it came) as a Man able and willing to do her Majesty some principal service, to offer their attendances to come before her Maje­sty, and to urge the delivery of the Letters, for that the matter (he said) admitted no delays. The Letter from Hacket is nothing but an inciting and animating of Coppinger to perform the Lord's business (he had in hand) by many holy and devout words and hypo­critical Allusions to certain Stories of the Scripture. Coppinger's Letter to her Majesty Coppinger sends another Letter to the Queen, and presseth to get to her Presence, pretending some special service. commendeth the Inditer of that inclosed, for a Man beloved of God, and fearing him unfeignedly, and one enabled (by God) to do her Highness some special service: He also humbly desireth thereby, that they two might appear before her own Princely Per­son, in the presence only of two certain Lords, and one Lady. But the said honou­rable Personage sent Hacket's Letter again unto Coppinger, as of no moment for that purpose, and stayed the delivery of his Let­ter to her Majesty, till some particular intel­ligence might be had, to be first delivered to her Highness. The same day Coppinger also writ two several Letters to the same two Lords, in whose presence he and Hacket de­sired to come before her Majesty, and to de­liver their Intelligence; this he did to ad­vertise them hereof aforehand. That which is written to the one of them, mentioneth a Supplication which Coppinger sent (the day [Page 52] afore) unto his Lordship to make passage to some better service to her Majesty, which he hoped should be done shortly to her High­ness's good liking, and to his Lordship's great honour, for that he should be the chief Actor therein. Upon some answer returned Coppinger, j alous that what he had to reveal would be slighted, writes to Hacket for more impor­tant Intelli­gence. from the Lady afore-mentioned, craving some Particulars of that which they meant to discover, Coppinger writ to Hacket (being in London) to urge him unto some more spe­cial point of Intelligence: Whereunto Hacket (the said 8th of June) answering by Letter to small purpose, and subscribing his Letter thus, As you find me, so call me: Coppinger therefore returned in answer another Letter presently unto him, whereby he signified, that Hacket must manifest somewhat more plainly of some practice worth the revealing, otherwise they both should worthily fall in­to her Majesty's indignation; for that which he had then writ, would not satisfy her Ma­jesty and the State, concerning the danger which Hacket supposed to be coming upon the Land, and wherewith he seemed to be acquainted.

Upon such overture (as afore is touched) made to one of the said Lords, he had the Both of them are examin'd by one of the Lords, who finds little in their Informa­tion, so shakes them off. said two Appeachers before him on the 10th of June: but finding Hacket's demeanour of himself very strange, and their Imputations as frivolous, he dismissed them (as is said) without further ado, to their great discon­tentment. Hereupon Coppinger (in stomach so far as he durst) writ another Letter to [Page 53] the said Nobleman the 11th of June: Here­by he signified, That were it not that he had been before acquainted with the Graces and Gifts of the Holy Ghost, which he did assure himself to be in Hacket in an extraor­dinary manner, he should have esteemed of him (by his behaviour) as his Lordship did. Therefore what trouble or danger soever might come to himself by it, he was reso­lute to abide it; and further chargeth the said Nobleman (in God's name) to deliver the Letters and Copies there inclosed to her Majesty, signifying, that what punish­ment should in that respect be allotted to him, or unto Hacket, they would undergo it, and not depart the City, till they might further understand what God would do therein. Sure it is, that (being thus shaken They thus slighted, grow malicious a­gainst him. Coppinger writes another Letter in Hacket's name to the Queen, threat­ning dreadful Judgments from God, and offers a Sign. off by him) they grew extremely malicious also against the said worthy Nobleman.

I find also a Copy of a Letter written in Coppinger's hand, but meant to be sent as from Hacket, unto her Excellent Majesty; wherein (amongst other things) he desireth he may enjoy that which God hath appoint­ed him, and then lewdly and falsly accuseth and revileth two great and worthy Counsel­lors. In the end he saith, That if he should tell her the judgments of God that lie at her Gate (which the Lord hath shewed him) they would be over-fearful for her to endure, or to hear of. And if she doubted of his sending from the Lord, he willeth her to ask a Sign, and if he give it not, let him die.

[Page 54] A second course taken by them besides the former Appeachments, was a Conspira­cy They conspire the death of some Lords of the Council, in case Judgment be given a­gainst some of their Preach­ers, then Pri­soners for Mis­demeanors. of the death of certain of the Lords of the Council, when they should be at the Star­chamber, in case they should give any Judg­ment against certain that were (sometime) Preachers, and are now Prisoners for Mis­demeanors perillous to the peaceable state of the Realm, as is intended. That this de­vilish Purpose was rise amongst them, may appear by a Letter sent by Coppinger in Tri­nity Term last, unto the aforenamed Lan­caster. In which was contained to this ef­fect, That if the Lords should give a hard cen­sure against those Parties (the next day) if God shewed not such a fearful Judgment against some of those Lords, as that some of them should not go alive out of that place, then never trust him. And albeit some that saw this Letter, could not pick any further matter out of it, than Coppinger's Conceit, that God (without some speedy and miraculous Judgment from himself alone) would not suffer such men to be punished; yet Lancaster (to whom it was directed) justly suspected some further meaning, and that the concealing of it might be both accounted undutiful, and fur­ther also dangerous unto him, and therefore asked counsel of some more skilful than him­self, whether he might safely suppress it, and tear the Letter in pieces.

Another Device they also had for prepa­ring (as is supposed) of the minds of the People, and to stir them up to be in readi­ness, [Page 55] which was by certain Seditious Letters They scatter Seditious Let­ters among the People. that were purposely scattered five or six Nights afore, in many of the Streets of Lon­don, by some of these Actors, or by their Complices and Favourers. Likewise there was found in Wigginton's Chamber (in the Great numbers of Printed Li­bels found in Wigginton's Chamber. Prison where he remaineth) about a thou­sand printed Pamphlets of two sorts; the one of Predestination, the other carrying an odd and needless Title to every man that knoweth but the Author. For it is entitled on the first side, in great Letters thus: viz. The Fools bolt: And immediately under that Title, this Sentence is set down worthy to be duly considered, with all his Circum­stances now apparent, viz. Such as do sur­mise the complaint of Innocency to be revenge, and the report of Truth to be slander, shall never want the due reward of their gross Error, whilst Inno­cency and Truth shall endure. On the other side of the Sheet the Title is, A Fatherly Ex­hortation to a certain young Courtier. The matter thereof is conceived into an halting Rime, roving lewdly not only at the Governors Ecclesiastical, and at other Ministers, but also at sundry having Civil Authority and high Places. Amongst the rest, the first two Staves and last Stave are most perillous, if ye respect the present Action these Per­sons had in hand, their Opinions of this State, and the base Condition and State of the chief of them. The first are these, viz.

And in the last Stave are these, viz.

These Papers Wigginton (by the means and help of one Brown) procured privily to be printed at Whitsontide last, and being ex­amined Wigginton confesseth that they were all to be sent to Women, and by them to be dispersed. touching them by her Majesty's Council and others, he confessed, That they were all to be sent to Women, the weaker Vessels: viz. to Mistress L. Mistress B. and to I know not how many Mistresses, by them to be dispersed abroad; to the intent, that every one (to whom they might come) should conceive of them as the Spirit should move them. And Hacket also confessed, that a part of certain Writings which Wig­ginton and Coppinger framed, was, that a Clown might teach a King to wear a Crown.

Now that Wigginton held intelligence in Wigginton in the Conspi­racy for ad­vancing the Discipline. these matters with the Conspirators, and that there was mutual and ordinary corres­pondence betwixt him and them in all Plots for advancing of their Discipline per fas & nefas (besides that which in this behalf hath been touched afore) is made also manifest by the confession of Arthington, who saith, [Page 57] That about the 15th of July, or not long before, he heard Hacket singing of certain Songs, who then wished that Arthington had also some of them: For it was a very special thing, and (said he) M. Wiggington hath a great many of them.

Also Coppinger had once conference with Wigginton (in the presence of Arthington) touching his extraordinary Calling. At what time it is pretended, that Wigginton refused to be made acquainted with the manner of Coppinger's Secrets; and that he used these Speeches to Coppinger, viz. You are known to be an honest Gentleman, and sworn to the Queen, and therefore I will not be acquainted with those things which God hath revealed unto you for the good of your Sovereign. And his Opinion of such extraordinary Callings (set down un­der his own hand) doth elsewhere appear, whereby is argued, that he was made a common Oracle for such Fantasticks: That he knew the matter in generality, which by Coppinger was to be wrought upon the Queen, to bring her (forsooth) to repentance, how­soever he refused to know the particular manner of such Secrets: That he acknow­ledged it to be good for the Queen, and yield­ed it (without scruple) to be revealed unto Coppinger from God, so that it could not be, but that Coppinger hereby was much anima­ted to go forward in his conceived Wicked­ness. Besides, Wigginton taketh knowledge (as appeareth by a Paper of his own hand­writing found in his Chamber) that Hacket [Page 58] had defaced the Queen's Arms, and had ut­tered Hacket de­faceth the Queen's Arms, and uttereth dangerous words. dangerous words, importing himself to be a King, and his mislike of all Kings now reigning, since his last coming to Lon­don. Hacket further declared unto M. Young on the 24th of July, that he was once (in company of two Gentlemen, and of Mistress Walker and Mistress Lawson) with Wiggington in his Chamber, where and when he heard Wigginton say, That if the Magistrates do not govern well, the People might draw themselves together, and to see a Reformation. This dan­gerous Opinion of his may be also gathered out of a Letter of his own hand-writing (found with him) being dated the sixth of November last, wherein he thus writeth. M. Cartwright (saith he) is in the Fleet for refusal of the Oath, as I hear, and M. K. is sent for, and sundry worthy Ministers are disquieted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some bickering ere long, and then a battel, which cannot long endure.

A fourth Purpose of theirs was not only to They design a Change in the Civil Govern­ment, as well as the Church. make an alteration in the state of Church-Government, and to plant in every Congre­gation their Elderships, or Consistory of Doctor, Pastor, and certain Lay Elders, with the Ap­purtenances; but also to change the Civil Policy of this Realm. For which considera­tion, they meant to displace all the Lords and others of the Privy Council; therefore (in their Speeches and Writings touching these Counsellors) they used of late no Ti­tle of Honour, but their bare Names and [Page 59] Sirnames, or else their Names with this ad­dition; Late L. Ch. or late L. Tr. as if they were already disauthorised, and in their steads they had nominated and set down certain others (in truth very honourable and worshipful Persons) that should be Counsel­lors, of whom every honest man nevertheless is persuaded, that they detest both these and all other such Vile, Seditious and Fanatical Persons and Courses.

Coppinger (not long afore their rising as it seemeth) penned a Letter to have been sent to the one of the aforesaid honourable Per­sonages. In this Letter he chargeth a great Coppinger chargeth two Privy Coun­sellors with Treason. and worthy Counsellor (using only his Christi­an Name and Sirname) that he, together with his bellish and infernal Companions (for so he raveth) had committed Treason in the highest degree against her Majesty. He desireth that honourable Personage to effect, that the said Counsellor, himself, and two others of the Lords Messengers, may be brought before the Queen's Ma­jesty; and if he be not proved a Traytor to God and her, then let me (faith he) for my Pride and Presumption, be banged at the Court Gates. Then he exclaimeth against another great Counsellor (terming him but by his bare Name likewise) to whom he had sent Let­ters and Copies to have been shewed to her Majesty, and there sheweth himself greatly offended with him; because he was not (as he hoped) brought to her Royal presence; Note. adding thus thereto, but he and the rest (saith he) of her wicked Counsellors, and ungodly Ma­gistrates, [Page 60] shall be forced to acknowledge, what they are worthy to have; the Lord pardon their Souls, for in their outward man they must be pu­nished, though they repent: And a little after, thus; I do advise also that every one of her Council be commanded to keep their House or He appoints to her Majesty a new Council, and recom­mends Wig­ginton for her Chaplain. Chamber, for fear of stir or danger. Then he doth appoint to her Majesty a new Council, advising that Wigginton (a man in more fa­vour (he saith) with God, than any man of his Calling whatsoever) be commanded to be near her Highness, to pray to God, or to preach privately.

By the like resolute vein Arthington also Arthington chargeth the same Counsel­lor. chargeth the said Counsellor as deeply, and upon the like and greater penalty to himself, in a Supplication penned by him to have been sent to her Majesty. But I will give you a taste how frivolously, and upon what fond Proofs he groundeth his Accusation, to the end it may appear, that this was but a colourable Pretence, wherein they reposed no great surety of success, but hoped at length thereby to have brought themselves and Hacket to her Majesty's presence. The issue he tendereth is this, That if in her Ma­jesty's His Fanatical Proposal. presence be prove not the said Counsellor to be the most dangerous Enemy that was discovered since her Highness's Reign, then let his Body and Soul be for ever damned: Provided always, that if her Majesty cannot (by his Evidence) judge him the said Counsellor to be so bad as be makes report of him, yet that she would give him the said Arthington leave in her sacred Presence, to fight the Combat of Prayer with him, wherein, [Page 61] if it please him (saith Arthington) I will first New Trial by combat in Prayer. begin to pray against my self, that if he be not as deeply guilty as I have charged him, then that God's Vengeance may presently consume me both Body and Soul into Hell for ever, which if it come to pass, the Victory shall be his, and he re­turn an Innocent. But if he see me leap up for joy, as one that hath discovered him to be a Tray­tor, then if he dare fall down in like sort, and make the same Prayer, that the like Vengeance may fall upon himself, if he be so deeply guilty as I have charged him; and if God's Vengeance fall not upon him before he depart out of her presence, let me be hang'd, drawn and quartered, for la­bouring to impeach a Counsellor's Credit; but if he dare not thus enter the lists with me before her Majesty, let him be holden guilty.

Their last and most damnable Designment Their last De­sign was the destruction of the Queen. of all, was the deprivation of her Sacred Majesty from her Crown and Dignity, and the destruction of her Royal Person, whom the Eternal God (in mercy) long preserve, to the confusion of all Seditious Wretches her Enemies of all sorts.

The very particular and principal means how these devilish Purposes were meant to be effected by them, Arthington now saith, that they were not opened unto him; pre­tending, that though the other two seemed willing to have imparted some of their Se­crets unto him, yet himself was always unwil­ling to hear any of them. But for the special means that Coppinger had plotted to bring the Queen's Majesty and Counsel to repentance, [Page 62] he saith that this was a secret Mystery (as Hacket and Coppinger affirmed to him) which they would keep to themselves, and were so enjoined of the Lord. But whether soever the way to effect these, was meant by some open violence, or secret practice; sure it is, that popular Tumult was not the least means they trusted of, to bring them to pass, which they hoped to stir up by their pretence of so great holiness, with calling the Realm to repentance in the open Streets of London, by offering joys and mercy to the Penitent, and by their Proclamation al­so then made in Cheapside, as hereafter com­eth to be declared.

Now that these their two last Purposes were indeed the principal and main ends which they propounded to themselves (be­sides that which by the way is noted alrea­dy, and that which comes hereafter to be mentioned) let these few Proofs ensuing suffice. First, for the alteration of the whole Government Ecclesiastical, and erecting of the new Discipline: It is confessed, that Cop­pinger Coppinger and Arthing­ton (two false Prophets) their words to Wig­ginton the day before the Insurrection. and Arthington, the two Counterseit Prophets (on the 16th of July last, being Friday, and the self-same day that they arose in Cheapside) told Wigginton in the morning these words amongst many others, viz. That Reformation and the Lord's Discipline should now forthwith be established, and therefore charged Wigginton in the Lord's name, to put all Chri­stians in comfort, that they should see a joyful al­teration in the state of Church-Government short­ly. [Page 63] To which words Wigginton made no re­ply, nor further demand, as of any matter strange unto him, how it was so shortly to be compassed. Wherein may also be ob­served, that these kind of Persons do reckon and term only those Christians that will take comfort and joy at such an Alteration. So that (by their Opinions) it skilleth not what be attempted or done against all others, be­ing but as Heathens and Paynims, or at least Idolaters.

Thus much (with their seditious Purposes Their Seditious Purposes ap­pear in Cop­pinger's Let­ter to Udal, then condemn­ed for writing the Demonstra­tion of Disci­pline. also) is plainly implied in a dangerous Let­ter written by the said Coppinger since Easter last, unto one John Udal, a condemned man for Felony, in the White Lyon in Surrey, for writing of the Book termed the Demon­stration of Discipline: That Letter beginneth thus: Right Reverend Sir, my forbearing to vi­sit you and the rest of the Saints (who suffer for Righteousness sake) do give you all cause to think that I have forsaken my first Love, and have embraced the God of this World. But my Con­science beareth me witness of the contrary: The Reasons of my absence being so great and so weigh­ty, that hereafter when they shall be examined by your selves (who are endued with the spirit of wisdom and discerning of Spirits) I doubt not but Note. you will allow of my not coming, which might bring you into more trouble and danger, than it would do me good, or breed me comfort. And afterward thus, You have care and conscience to further the building of the Lord's House which lieth waste, and to seek the final overthrow of [Page 64] Antichrist's Kingdom: which being the Lord's own work, he will bless it, and all the Actors in it. And this I dare be bold (of mine own know­ledge) to report, that in this great Work he hath divers that lie hid, and are yet at liberty, who are hammering their heads, busying their brains, and spending their spirits in prayers to God, as much as you, or any of you that are in Prison, Note. and hope in short time to be brought forth into the sight of their and your Enemies, to defend the Cause you stand for. And again afterward in this wise: I beseech you, cheer up your selves in the Lord, for the day of our Redemption is at hand, and pray that the Hand of the Lord may be strengthened Note. in them, whom he hath appointed to take part with you in this Cause, and beseech him that bles­sing may be upon Sion, and confusion upon Babel. Pardon my long Letter, I beseech you, and impart mine humble suit to all the rest, to whom I nei­ther dare write, nor offer to see. I neither put to my Name, nor make Subscription: The Bringer can report who sendeth the Letter, and let that suffice.

Furthermore, that they hated deadly and maligned her Majesty (as a principal Obsta­cle to their Innovation and Kingdom, and therefore sought to deprive her Highness of her Sovereignty and Life) may be gathered by their own Words and Actions: For Hacket confessed before the other two, that They usually at­tend Egerton, a Preacher in Black-Frairs. at a Sermon of one Egerton's preach'd in the Black-Fryars (whither they usually resort) he the said Hacket remained uncovered all the Sermon time, until the Preacher came [Page 65] to pray for her Majesty, but then (he said) that he put on his Hat. And when Arthing­ton demanded why he did so, Coppinger streightway answered thus, There is a mat­ter in that. Likewise when as (in their private Prayers amongst themselves) Arthing­ton used to pray for the Queen, Coppinger Coppinger and Hacket forbear to pray for the Queen. would sundry times tell him, that his so do­ing did much grieve Hacket, adding, that in the beginning himself did also pray for her, but Hacket had now drawn him from it: saying, there was a cause why, which Ar­thington knew not, but should know here­after. For (saith he) you do not know this man (meaning Hacket) who is a greater Person than she, and indeed above all the Princes in the World.

And whenas on the very Sunday before their rising (for so themselves have since termed that Action) it happened that Ar­thington prayed again for the preservation of the Queen's Majesty: Hacket (not digesting this) suddenly with indignation turned his face away from him, but when he prayed for other matters, then Hacket cast his coun­tenance towards him again; which he per­ceiving that Arthington also marked by him, and purposing (as it seemeth) to salve up this matter again, (left Arthington happily might yet have fallen from them) therefore when they had ended their Prayers, Hacket took him with his Arms about the middle (in very kind sort) affirming, that he loved the Queen as well as either of them, and de­sired [Page 66] him not to be offended, for the Lord had commanded it: Adding further, that there was a matter in it that Arthington as yet knew not. Hereupon Coppinger (being in hearing thereof) said, that she might be prayed for in general terms, but not so spe­cially as Arthington did (whereby Hacket was grieved) nor yet to be prayed for as a Sove­reign: For (said he) she may not reign as Note. Sovereign, but this man Hacket; and yet (saith he) she shall live better than ever she did, albeit she must be governed by another, thereby also meaning Hacket. And to the intent they might the more assuredly retain Arthington without suspicion of their poison­ful malice (wherein they boiled against the Queen's Highness) Hacket himself (once af­ter this time) very subtilly prayed for her Majesty.

For proof that they also meant to deprive her of life, the several Confessions of Ar­thington Arthington confesseth that Hacket and Coppinger design'd the Queen's depri­vation of Go­vernment and Life. at sundry Examinations may be al­ledged. Whereby (upon that which he heard and knew) is confessed, that he is verily persuaded Hacket menat her Majesty should have been deprived both of Kingdom and Life, which he also gathered by Coppinger's Letters, albeit he denieth, that he was ever made acquainted by what special means it should be done.

Thus having in some part described the Qualities, Persuasions in Opinion, Familia­rity, Inducements unto mutual crediting [Page 67] one of another, Exercises and Designments of these Persons: It resteth to go on with the Narration of the rest of the Action, for better perfiting up of this History.

Hacket on a time recounting up unto the other two his Torments (which he pretend­ed to have endured) told, how (amongst others) one Pigg a Preacher did so beat him with Rods at a place in Hartfordshire, (whilst he lay bound there in a Sink-hole) that this cost him the said Hacket more dear, than all the rest of his Torments; because thereby he was enforced to suffer for all Hypocrites also; adding thereunto, that all their best Preachers (so they term such as thirst after and persuade Innovations) were no better in very truth than Hypocrites, nevertheless he They account their Purita­nical Preachers Hypocrites and Idolaters for their confor­mity to the Laws of the Church. would (he said) daily hear them preach. Hereupon Arthington took occasion to tell him, that he could prove all such Preachers to be Hypocrites and Idolaters both (albeit of ignorance) because they do yield (in some sort) to the Commandments of the Go­vernors, and unto the Laws of this Church, that they may be tolerated to preach.

This pleased Hacket so exceedingly well, as that he began highly to esteem of Ar­thington, and hereby the rather he thought good, that Arthington should be made ac­quainted with their Letters. For about ten days before their rising (Arthington saith) that Coppinger did greatly importune him to read the Letters which he and Hacket had [Page 68] written, if it were but to see the stile; as­suring him they tended to nothing else; but to make a way to acquaint her Majesty with their Secrets. So that when Arthington saw so great Counsellors so resolutely thereby charged with matter of so high quality, by Coppinger especially (her Majesty's sworn Ser­vant) he was induced to believe it, and to think they had some very good ground thereof.

Arthington also (with great contentment unto Hacket) framed certain Syllogisms (I believe) in a lewd Mode, and in an unperfect and fond Figure, to prove (forsooth) one of the said honourable Counsellors (whom he and Coppinger villanously afterward proclaim­ed Traitors) to be such as they do charge him to be. This worthy work of Syllogisms there­fore being first finished, his other Treatise (to prove those Preachers to be Hypocrites and Idolaters) was straightway set upon the stocks, and began to be built on the Monday before their rising; after they all had (for obtaining good success in this and the rest of their business) humbled themselves on the Lord's day Fasting and Prayer on the Lord's-day be­fore the Insur­rection. afore in fasting and prayer, for so be their words. This latter Treatise Arthington finish­ed up the Thursday morning next after, and termed it A Prophecy of Judgments against England, whose skill in this precipitate kind of Pistling, the other two so magnified, as that they termed him by a Title mentioned in a Psalm, viz. The pen of a ready writer. Whereas wiser men think they might have [Page 69] looked a little lower, and he have better compared it, as the Wiseman doth the like, where he saith, A word in a fool's mouth is like an arrow in a dog's leg, because he will never leave wrinching and fisking till he have got it out.

In this Prophecy he first setteth down Arthington's Prophecy. the Third Commandment, inferring what Plagues shall light on himself if he offend therein. Then cometh he to his nine seve­ral Assertions, adding to every one of them, The Lord to confound him, viz. that if he think not himself to be the vilest sinful Wretch living: If he take not himself to be the most ignorant in God's Book of any man that hath professed the Gospel so long: If he acknowledge not himself most unfit and unworthy of all men to serve the Lord Je­sus: If nevertheless he be not extraordina­rily called to do the Message of God more faithfully than any Preacher in England hi­therto hath done: If the Scripture do not justify extraordinary Callings before the ends of the World: If he know not two Persons within the City of London, that have greater extraordinary Callings than himself, videlicet, Edmund Coppinger, and William Hacket: If the former be not a Prophet raised up of the Lord to bring a Message of great Mercy to the Land, if all the People truly repent of their Sins: If the latter be not the holiest Man, and of the greatest power to bring fearful Judgments upon the whole Earth, that ever was born, Christ Jesus excepted: [Page 70] If the said Hacket (as the Messenger of God's Vengeance, where mercy is refused) do not bring such great Plagues upon this Realm of England, the like whereof was ne­ver seen: In these, and in every of these several Cases, he prayeth the Lord to con­found His dreadful Imprecations. him.

Whereupon he inferreth, that having thus denounced so many fearful Woes against his own Soul, as would sink it into the bottom­less Pit of Hell, if he were guilty in any one of them. Then thereupon with chearfulness he cometh to declare his Message to England, accusing it to be the most rebellious, though it have been most blessed of all other Na­tions. Then he affirmeth the City of Lon­don, and the Courts of Justice at Westminster, and the counterfeit Worship of God with Cross and Surpless, to be worse than Sodom and Gomorrah, or the Purple Whore of Rome, or else desireth to be confounded. Nay he preferreth Rome before London; because at Rome they sin only of ignorance. Of her Majesty he saith, she is least guilty of the common Sins, but most abused (of any Prince that ever was) by those whom she hath most advanced.

Then he speaks to three great Counsel­lors, C. C. T. daring them to protest for their innocencies against themselves as deeply as he hath done, and then, if they be not swal­lowed up quick, he is contented to be hang­ed up in Chains at Paul's-Cross. Then he threatneth them, that they three shall be other­wise Note. [Page 71] detected ere long, and all those that are their Partakers, when her Majesty shall reign and live to see better days, if God give her true repen­tance. Then he saith he will leave all other of the Clergy (as sufficiently detected alrea­dy) save such as pretend to seek Reformation, who (he saith) are as guilty (in two points) as any of the other. The first point, for not crying out continually against Archbi­shops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, and others, as wicked Usurpers in the House of God. The second, for not crying out against the wicked Magistrates of this Land, because they keep out the Elderships out of the Church, and maintain in their room Officers and Of­fices of Antichrist: Hereupon gathering thus: How can God spare this Land any longer, where­in both the Magistrates and Messengers of God have dealt so unfaithfully in the Lord's service? Adding, That the fearful Judgments of God shall be sure to fall on the Reprobate; being al­ready prepared, and put into the hands of the Mighty Messenger of the Almighty God, Willi­am Hacket, to be poured out upon this great City of London, and upon all Places, where re­pentance followeth not this publication. Then he goeth about to prove all such Preachers to be Idolaters, or consenting to Idolatry, which Practise or Consent, and suffer others to use Surpless and Cross, because (he saith) they are the marks of Antichrist. Preferring herein the Papists afore them, as sinning herein only of ignorance, seeking also to engreeve their Faults in this behalf, for that [Page 72] they are all Hypocritical Idolaters, in that (ne­vertheless) they profess Reformation: Where­unto he addeth (he saith) a Secret: That this their halting and hypocrisy hath so hardned God's heart against their Requests, for bringing in the Discipline, that for this unfaithful and Note. unsingle walking in their Function, he hath hi­therto denied it. Neither shall any one of them, or all of them together, have that honour given, to bring in Reformation: For (saith he) I tell you truly, the Almighty God hath put his Cup of Vengeance into his trusty and faithful Servants hand, William Hacket, to pour it down shortly upon every wilful and obstinate Sinner that doth not repent upon the notice hereof, or else the Lord confound me. Lastly, he giveth a charge to have this Prophecy, together with the incredible, (but most certain) History of the holiest Servant of God, William Hacket, that ever hath been, is, or shall be born, (Christ Jesus only excepted) with all speed possible, printed and published to­gether, as in substance true (saith he) or else the Lord confound me. This wise Prophecy is thus subscribed: By the most unworthy Servant, but yet a faithful Prophet of the Almighty Jesus, or else his Wrath confound me. Henry Ar­thington.

While Arthington was about this his Task, Coppinger writes Hacket's Hi­story at large to be published with his Pro­phecy. Coppinger (as it seemeth) was neither idle nor well occupied, for he was setting down from Hacket's own mouth a long Ragman's Role of Hacket's Torments, Revelations, and (I know not what) called Hacket's Hi­story. For by Thursday morning Hacket ha­ving [Page 73] enlarged the first draught thereof, (which was at first but scribled out by Cop­pinger) Arthington was to write out again fair the enlarged Copy, that being persited, it might be annexed unto the aforesaid Pro­phecy. All that Thursday was spent by them in consultation and writing: Hacket being also present, and assisting them. But with what joyfulness amongst them all, it is in­credible, if we may believe their own Re­ports. Yet Arthington was forced (for the haste that was made to have all in readiness against the Friday following, and for the de­sire he had to yield unto Hacket all satisfa­ction and contentment that might be) to sit up most of Thursday night, writing out again of the said History, so enlarged.

But on Thursday it self (being the 15th of July) amongst other their Actions, Coppinger and Arthington writ a Letter to the aforesaid T. L. which is of this tenor: first at the top of it, thus, viz.

That the perfit and enlarged History of Hacket be briefly gathered into a Summary, and here set down, it will not (I think) be amiss, for such as shall be desirous to know, what mysteries may be therein contained, which drew these two (amongst other mat­ters) into such a extraordinary admiration, and opinion of him.

Now if any shall marvail, how such an ab­surd and ridiculous lying Legend should seduce men of any consideration, so earnest for a supposed Re­formation, and so exercised in praying and fasting; let him remember, not only the effectual, but the efficacy it self of illusion, and the spirit of slumber, falling (by God's secret, yet always just Judgment) upon the Children of disobedience, such as be wise in their own conceits, and not wise with sobriety; that they might believe Lies, because they have not believed the Truth: And that they might ask and not obtain, because they ask not as they ought.

‘After Arthington (On Thursday morning) had ended his aforesaid Treatise of Pro­phecy (being the very day before their rising) Coppinger told him, that God (the [Page 83] night before) had enlightned him the said Coppinger, who they all three were, saying, that Arthington had unawares pro­phesied truly; for he was the greatest Pro­phet of God's Judgments against the whole World that ever was, but that they both were greater than he; for Coppinger him­self was (he said) the greatest that ever was, and last Prophet of mercy: and that he must describe the new and holy Jerusalem, with the several places of joy that the Elect should enjoy after this Life, and that they the said Coppinger and Arthington, were or­dained to separate the Lambs from the Goats before the Lord Jesus at the last day. Whereat (it is said) they were both asto­nished, considering their own unworthi­ness and unfitness, crying out against themselves and their Sins; yet submitting themselves to the direction of God's Spi­rit, which they were assured should suffi­ciently furnish them to do him that service which himself did command. Then Cop­pinger proceeded to tell further, That Hacket was greater than either of them, and that they two must obey him in what­soever he commanded, but told not then what, nor how great he was, other than King of Europe; which Title was (afore this time) concluded of amongst them. Hereupon (according to Coppinger's com­mandment) Arthington offered to honour Hacket with his Title of the King of Eu­rope, and to demean himself toward him [Page 84] accordingly. But Hacket himself herein dispensed with him, until the time should come, that he was to honour him before others, bidding him withal to be of good cheer; for (faith he) I serve a good Cap­tain, who makes so dear accompt of me, that all the Devils in Hell, nor Men in Earth, can­not take my life from me. Then Coppinger (for confirmation of the like unto them two also) said, that Arthington and him­self were possessed, not only with Pro­phetical, but also with Angelical Spirits, which Arthington taking to be true (by a great burning that he felt in himself after that time) did thereupon fancy to him­self, that no power in Earth nor Hell could hurt either of them, because they had the spirit of Angels, and they were subject to no Power, but to God alone: And that (God being the master of the whole Work) all things should prosper with them, they only seeking his glory, which (he faith) he vowed with himself, and to deal throughly in his Office, to rebuke the World of Sin, and to denounce Judgments against whomsoever the Spirit should move him, without fear or favour of Men, or of Devils in Hell: which Spi­rit (he faith) then moved him (accord­ing to his hatred afore conceived against them, and his opinion that they were Trayors against the Queen's Majesty) to utter and to declare his detestation he had against the aforesaid three worthy Counsel­lors, [Page 85] being by their places the greatest Sub­jects in the Land.’ But herein may be said with the Poet: