THE HISTORY OF VENICE, In the Times of

Popes.
  • Iulius the 2d
  • Leo the 10th
  • Adrian the 6th
  • Clement the 7th
  • Paul the 3d
  • Iulius the 3d

Emperors.
  • Maximilian the 1st
  • Charles the 5th

Kings of Spain.
  • Ferdinand the Catho­lique.
  • Charls the 5th

Kings of France,
  • Lodowick the 12th
  • Francis the 1st
  • Henry the 2d

Kings and Queens of England.
  • Henry the 8th
  • Edward the 6th
  • Q. Mary
  • Q. Elizabeth.

Dukes of Venice.
  • Leonardo Lordano,
  • Antonio Grimani,
  • Andrea Gritti,
  • Petro Laudo,
  • Francisco Donato.

Written Originally in Italian, By PAULO PARUTA, PROCURATOR of St Mark.

Likewise, the WARS of CYPRUS, By the same Authour.

Wherein the famous Sieges of Nicossia, and Fama­gosta, and Battel of Lepanto are contained:

Made English, By HENRY Earl of MONMOUTH.

LONDON, Printed for Abel Roper, and Henry Herringman, at the Sun against St Dun­stans Church in Fleetstreet, and at the Anchor in the lower Walk of the New Exchange, 1658.

HENRY, Earl of Monmouth, TO THE READERS His Country-men.

IN my Author's Sololo­quie, in the latter end of his Politick Discourses, wherein he gives you a short Relation of his Life, He men­tions this History of his, which he terms, Opera buona, & degna, a good and gallant Work. I took his own word for the Approbation thereof, and truly I finde he hath made it good: and if I have not in­jured [Page] him in making it speak my Language; I am very confident you will be of my opinion: for you will finde in it, great variety of History, handsomly woven, and delightful, intermix'd with Negotiations, Treaties of Warre, and Peace, Leagues, and Confederacies made between Christian Princes, several Speeches and Orations, made upon many several occasions, and strongly argued; and indeed, whatsoever may make a Book seem pleasing to the Reader: Which, that it may do to thee, is the wish of

Thy Compatriot, MONMOUTH.

An Alphabetical Table of the most Remarkable Passages contained in the Twelve Books of the present History of VENICE.

A
ADrian a Fleming cho­sen Pope, 196. He endeavours to com­pose the Differences th [...] were between the Christian Princes, ibid. He honourably receives the Venetian Embassadors, 197. He dies,
204
Agostino Abondio, Secretary, hanged for revealing the secrets of the Venetian Senate.
588
Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, and his Designs, 167. Is in League with the French, and the Venetian 176. Hath many private Dis­courses with Burbon, 244. Ioyns in League with the Princes of I­taly
267
Admiral of France sent by King Francis into Italy with an Army, 201. Draws neer to Milan, and takes Lodi, 202. Is driven out of Italy by the Imperialists and the Venetians,
205, 206
Andrea Gritti, a prisoner in France 8. Is chosen by the Venetians for their Embassadour to that King, 12. Comes along with the French into Italy, 19. Is crea­ted General of the Venetian Na­vie, 164. Is chosen Duke of Venice, 204. Perswades the Senate to defend their Country, 425 He dies,
556
Andrea Doria a Genouese, serves the Pope with eight Gallies against his own Country, 231. Is sus­pected by the Colleagues, ibid. Hired by King Francis to serve him, 258. Q [...]lts the King of France, and agrees with the Em­perour, 284. Censures past up­on him for the business of Prevesa
440, 441
Antonio Grimani chosen Duke of Venice, after he had been many years banished
171
Antonio da Leva commands the Garrison in Pavia, Comes with an Army into Lombardy, 180. Routs the French Camp, and takes their General prisoner, 309▪ 310. Goes to fall upon the Venetian Camp, and is repulsed with loss, 310, 311, 312. Is declared Captain of the League, Is chosen Governour of Milan, He dies,
The Authour, what he propo­seth to write of in this Hi­story, [Page] 3. Whence he takes his Rise, ibid. The great Army [...]f Charls the fifth in Italy,
315
B
BArbarossa, a famous Pyrate, taken into pay by Soliman, 339 Takes in the Kingdom of Tunis, Driven thence by Charls the fifth. Saves himself in Algiers. Counsels Soliman to make War upon the Venetians, 384. Takes some of their Islands in the Archipelagus, and is So­liman's only General at Sea, 420, 421. Leads out the Fleet in the service of the King of France,
593
Bartolomeo d'Alviano set at liberty by the King of France, whose pri­soner he was, 12. Is chosen by the Venetians for their General, 16. Takes Cremona, and other places, 17. Goes against the Im­perialists, 47. Fights Cardona, and is beaten, 48. Passes to Fri­uli, and beats the Imperialists, 70. Succoureth King Francis in Bat­tel, 113, 114. Goes to assault Brescia, 119. Dies before it,
120
A Battel between the French and the Switzers near Novara, 25, 26. Alviano and Cardona at Olmo, 48, 49. King Francis and the Switzers before Milan, 112, 113, 114. The same King and the Imperialists at Pavia,
218
Bernardino Frangipane, a Venetian Rebel, 57. Seizeth on the Fort of Marano, 58. He relieves Marano, and routs the Venetians, 60. Takes Strasoldo, and Mon­falcone, ibid. Falls upon Ossofo, 64. Is beaten thence, 71. Ta­ken prisoner, and carried to Ve­nice,
ibid.
Brescia taken by the Spaniards, 28. assaulted by Alviano for the Ve­netians, 119. Much straitned by the Venetians, 127. Relieved by the Germans, ibid. Besieged again by the Venetians & French, 131. Assaulted by the Vene­tian and French Forces, 139. Taken by the French, and yeilded to the Venetians,
140, 141
C
CAuses for which the Venetians may not easily fall out with the Turks, 161. Why Charles the fifth drave the Turks out of Tu­nis. Why Soliman turned the War against the Venetians, 381. Why the Peace treated of between the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and Francis, King of France, came not to a conclusion, 416. What at last moved the Emperor, and the King of France to make peace, 603. The cause which moved Charls the Fifth to make peace with the Turks,
608
Cardona General of the Spaniards in Italy, 27. Takes in Brescia and Bergamo, 28. Makes ma­ny shot at the City of Venice from Margera, 38, 39. Assaults the Venetian Army, and is repulsed, 45. Fights it, and routs it, 48, 49. Recovers Bergamo,
85, 86.
Charls of Burbone, sent by King Francis into Italy, 99. Left by King Francis to govern the af­fairs of Italy, 129. Returns into France, 139. Declared Lieutenant General for Charles the Fifth in Italy, 203. He re­lieves Milan, 229. Promiseth his Souldiers the sacking of Flo­rence and Rome, 224. Slain with a Musket shot, as he scaled the Walls of Rome.
250
Charls Duke of Burgondy, Prince of Castile, King of Spain, 130. Stands for the Empire, 162. De­clared King of the Romans, and [Page] Emperour, by the name of Charls the Fifth, 163. Intends to pass into Italy with an Army, 165. Desires the Venetians to joyn with him, 171, 177, 192. Makes a League with the Venetians, 199. His Designs after the Victory gotten of the French at Pavia, 221. Comes to an agreement with King Francis, and sets him at liberty, 224. Restores the Dukedom of Milan to Francesco Sforza, 324. His designs upon Milan after Francesco's death,
364.
Cattaro assaulted by Barbarossa, and defended by the Venetians, 563,
564.
Clement the 7th. Pope, 204. Treats with the Venetians about the af­fairs of Italy, 207. Treats to joyn with France, 209. Proposes conditions of Peace between Charls the 5. Emperour, and Francis King of France, ibid. Confederates with the King of France and the Venetians, 216. Disswades the King of France from fighting the Emperour at Pavia, 218. Agrees with the Emperour, 221. Ioyns with the Venetians to drive the Spaniard out of the Dutchy of Milan, 227. Treats of an agreement with the Viceroy of Naples, 240. Crowns the Emperour in Bologna, 330, 331. Comes to a Parley with the Emperour in Bologna, 346. Comes to a Parley with the King of France in Marcelles, 354. Dies,
358
The Colonnesi plunder in Rome, St Peters Church and the Pope's Palace,
358
The Conditions of the League be­tween Lodowick K. of France, & the Venetians 12. Of the agree­ment betwixt the Emperour Maximilian, and Francis King of France, 149. Of the agree­ment betwixt Maximilian and the Venetians, 152. Of the agree­ment between Charls the 5 and the Venetians, 199. Of the league between Pope Clement the 7th, Francis King of France, and the Venetians, 127. Of the agreement made by Pope Clement the 7. with the Viceroy of Naples, 260. Of the Peace made by Charls the 5. with the Venetians,
325, 326, 327
A Conspiracy of almost all Christi­an Princes against the Venetians,
5
Counsel given by the Venetians to Pope Clement the 7.
246
Corfu assaulted by the Turks, 384. Its description, ibid. Besieged by the Turks, 389. Freed from the Siege,
390
D
DIsagreement between the Ge­neral of the French, of the Venetians, & the Duke of Milan, about the manner of assaulting Milan, 309. New ones between the Emperour Charls the 5. and Francis King of France, 576. Amongst the Cardinals, at the election of the Pope
629, 630.
Discourses, or Debatements, of the Captains of the League, how Naples should be assaulted, 241. Of the Venetians, about coming to an agreement with Charls the 5. 320. Of the same, about making War upon the Protestants, and Hans-Towns, 335. Of the same, concerning the conferring of Ec­clesiastical Dignities upon their own Gentlemen, 337, 338, 339. Of the same, about joyning with the Christian Princes against the Turk, 341. Of the same, touch­ing the Imposition of Tythes upon the Clergie of their own Domini­ons, 356. Of the French Embassadour, with Soliman's Ba­shaws, [Page] 362, 363. Of the Com­manders of the Christian Fleet, about the manner of fighting the Turks, 435. Of the Venetians, whether they should make peace with Soliman or no? 398 399. of the same concerning the peace between the Emperour and the King of France, 605, 606. Of the Italians in general, upon the death of Francis, King of France 618. Of the Venetians, about joyning with the Pope, and Henry King of France, against the Em­perour, 622. Upon the actions of Pope Paul the third in his old age, 624. Of the Venetians, about standing to their neutrality, 647 Designs of Paul the third in the interview of the Emperour and the King of France, 418. Of Doria and Barbarossa, at Pre­vesa 438. Of Charls the Em­peror, and Francis king of France 599. Of Henry king of France in taking up Arms, 625. Dragut, a Turkish pirate infests the Sea of Corfu, 558. Routs Commissary Pasqualigo's Gallies, 558.559. pillageth the Island of Candia, and is shrewdly handled by the Islanders, 559. is taken by Gianettin Doria.
575.
E
EDict of the Senate of Venice, concerning those of Verona, 29 Ernando di Toledo Duke of Alva, in Piemont with the Emperour, left by the Emperour in charge of king Philip, and of Spain.
594.
F
FErdinand king of Spain makes a Truce with Lewis king of France, 15. Maintaines an Ar­my in Lombardy, 23. joynes in a league with the Emperour Maximilian, against the Vene­tians, 101. his designs upon Ita­ly, 103 he dyes.
130
Ferdinand of Austria brother to Charls the 5th aideth his brother against the French, 175. Over­comes the Vaivode of Transilva­nia, 266. Raiseth men against the Venetians, Is declared King of the Romans, 295. Goes over with an Army into Saxony, in service of his brother, 615. Ob­tains of Soliman a Truce for five years, 627. Causeth the Bishop of Varadino to be slain,
642
A Fort built in Siena by the Spani­ards, called the Stocks of Italy,
637
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, yeilds up the Castle to the Spani­ards, 232. Ioyns in League with the Pope, the King of France, and the Venetians▪ 233. Sends Embassadours to Charls the 5th, 316. Meeteth the Emperour at Bologna, 322, 323. Restored by the Emperour to the Dutchy of Milan, 324. Marrieth one of the Emperours Neeces, Dies.
363
Francis the 1. succeeds Lewis the 12. in the Kingdome of France, 94. His designs upon Milan, 95 Desires to see Venice, 101. Pas­seth into Italy with an Army, 104. Assaulted by the Switzers, valiantly fights, and overcomes them, 111. Takes in the whole State of Milan, 115. Passes the second time into Italy, takes Milan, and besieges Pavia, 209. is routed, and taken prisoner by the Emperour, 218. Is set at liberty; and returns into France, 224. Makes a new League with the Pope, and the Venetians, 227. Prepares to repass into Italy with a mighty Army, 304. Comes to an agreement with the Empe­rour, 317. Marries the Em­perours Sister, and recovers his [Page] Sons out of prison, 337. En­deavors to kindle war between the Venetians and the Turk, or be­tween them and the Emperour, 361, 362. Holds secret intelli­gence with the Turks, to the great damage of Christendom, pursues his friendship already begun, with Soliman, 362. Falls upon three parts of the Emperour's State with three Armies, 587. Presseth the Venetians to joyn in League with him against the Emperour, 599. Makes peace with the Em ­perour,
604.
Francesco Maria Duke of Vrbine, chosen General by Land for the Venetians, 200. Proffers to go to Rome to set the Pope at liberty, 257. Is confirmed General of the Venetians, 206. Strikes a Captain of the Switzers for pra­ting mutinously, 290. Assaults Pavia, takes, and sacks it, ibid. After the French had been routed, retreats, 310. Routs the Impe­rialists, 311. Much esteemed of by the Venetians, 416. He dies, and his Encomium,
444
The French beaten out of Italy, 4 Return for the recovery of Milan 15, 16. Assault Novara often, and in vain, 22, 23. Are routed by the Switzers, 25, 26. Return into Italy, 104. How basely they lost Milan, 177, 178. Beaten out of Italy by the Imperialists and Venetians, 205, 206. They pass again into Italy, 206. They take Milan, 208. Are routed by the Imperialists at Pavia, 218. Besiege Naples, 279. Assaulted by the Imperialists, and of Con­querours, become conquered, 287. Are routed near Milan, 309▪ 310 Fall upon Piemon [...], and take in some places there.
367
G
GEnoa besieged by the Leagues Fleet, 231, 232. Reduced into the power of the King of France, 263. Taken from the French by Doria, and made a free State,
287
Girolamo Savorgnano, 58. He defends Osofo, 64. Routs the Imperialists, 71. Is made Count of Belgrado and Osofo,
ibid.
Guido Ubaldo Prince of Vrbine, taken into pay by the Venetians, 296, marries Giulia, daughter to the Duke of Camerino, Succeeds his Father in the Dutchy of Vr­bine, and confirm'd by the Vene­tians in their service, falls into the Popes displeasure for the Dut­chy of Camerino, 361. Yeilds up that Dutchy to the Church, 557. Is made General of the Venetian Militia, 611. Marries Virginia, Neece to Pope Paul the third.
621
H
HEnry the 8. King of England, undertakes to reconcile the Ve­netians with the Emperour, 76. enters into a League with Charls the 5th, 193. Offers to engage for the safety of Italy, 223. Treats about relieving Pope Clement, besieged by the Imperialists, 255. Angry with the Venetians, and why? 349. Is displeased that he was not included by the Chri­stian Princes in their League a­gainst the Turk, 414. Makes a League with the Emperour a­gainst the King of France.
591
Henry the 2. Son to King Francis, marries Catarina, Neece to Pope Clement the 7. Succeeds his Father in the Kingdom of France 354, 355. Intends to make war [Page] in Italy, 620. Negotiates a League with the German Princes against the Emperour, 638. Fa­vour [...] the Senesi in their insurre­ction
649
Henry the 3. King of France, in his passage through Venice, made a Noble Venetian,
616
I
IAnusbei, sent from Soliman to the Venetians, 363. Being sent to the Venetian General, is taken by those of Cimera, and restored gratis.
379
Islands of the Archiepelagus ta­ken from the Venetians by Bar­barossa,
392
Julius the 2. (Pope) his Death, and Character,
12
Julius the 3. (Pope) elected, with great hopes (from all men) of fu­ture goodness, 630. He answers not those expectations, 632. Dis­covers himself to be an enemy to the French,
639
L
THe Landgrave of Hessen, and other Protestant Princes, raise up a vast Army in Germany
355
A League negotiated between the Ve­netians & the French 8, 9, 10, 11 Concluded 12. A League between the Pope, the Emperour, the King of Spain, Sforza Duke of Milan, and the Switzers, 101. Between Pope Leo, and Charls the 5. and the conditions thereof, 174. Be­tween Charls the 5. and Henry King of England, 193. Between Charls the 5. and the Venetians, 199. Between the Pope, the King of France, and the Venetians,
227
A League between the Pope, the Ve­netians, and the Florentines, 223 Between the Venetians, and Fran­cesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, 318. Between the Pope, the Emperour, and many Princes of Italy, 348. Of the Christian Princes against Soliman, 387. A League between the Pope, the Emperour, the Venetians, and other Princes, against the Tu [...]k, 413 414. Of the Princes [...]f Germany against the Emperour
641
Leo the tenth chosen Pope, 13. His Designs in the beginning [...]f his Popedom, ibid. His ill Will to the Venetians, 31. Negotiates a Peace between the Emperour and the Venetians, 72, 73. His De­signs in that Negotiation, 75. Enters into a League with the Emperour, 174. Restores Par­ma and Piacenza to the King of France, 125. Gives the King of France a meeting in Bologna, 126. Negotiates an accord be­tween the Emperour and the Ve­netians, 125. Sends his Legate to the Emperour, 133. Suspects the French, 138. Puts for an universal Truce among Christian Princes, 160. Sideth with the King of France in the Election of the Emperour, 162. Unresol­ved to confirm the League with France, 165. Ioyns in League with Charls the 5. against Milan 174 Dies,
179.
Lodi taken by the Switzers, and re­taken by Alviano, 107. Sacked by the Switzers, 137. Yeilded to the French, Taken by the Imperi­alists, 178. Taken by the French 202. Taken by the Venetians,
228
Lodowick the 12. King of France, gets the Dutchy of Milan, and the Kingdom of Naples, 4. Hath new practises on foot for the reco­very of Milan, 7. Makes a League with the Venetians, 12. Makes a Truce with Ferdinand King of Spain, 15. Raises an Army for Italy, 16. Annulleth the Coun­cil of Lions, and adhereth to that [Page] of Lateran, 31. Dies whiles he prepares for invading Milan,
92
Lodowick King of Hungary, pre­pares for his own defence against Soliman, 163. Sends an Em­bassadour to Venice, 168. 170. Is relieved with monies by the Venetians,
ibid.
Lewis, Lord of Tramogly, General for the King of France in the En­terprize of Milan, 16. Passeth into Italy, and takes Milan, and other Cities, 19. Assaults No­vara, 22. Draws off from before it, 23. His Camp is routed by the Switzers, 26. Returns into France,
ibid.
Luigi Badoara Embassadour for the Venetians in France, 395. And in Spain, 398. Commissary Ge­neral in Dalmatia, 425. Em­bassadour to Constantinople, and his Commission, 571. Concludes a peace with the Turks, and yeilds up to them Napoli, and Malva­sia.
573
M
MAffeo Leone, and others, pu­nished for revealing the se­crets of the Commonwealth of Venice to forraign Princes,
574
Malta bestowed upon the Knights of Rhodes, by Charls the 5.
Marano seiz'd upon by Frangipane, [...]8. Assaulted by the Venetians, 58, 59. Taken by Baltrame Sacchia, and yeilded up to the French, 589. Given by the King of France to Pietro Strozzi, who selleth it to the Venetians, 598. The Marquess of Saluzzo with the French Army in Lombardy, 228. Succeeds Lautrech before Naples, whence he suddenly rises, 287. His Army is defeated by the Imperialists, and himself taken prisoner,
ibid.
Maximilian the Emperour intends to drive the French out of Italy, 5. His qualities, 10. He stirs up the Great Turk against the Venetians, 55. Makes great pre­parations for the War of Italy, 102. Agrees with the Switzers, and some Princes, against the king of France, 127. Affirms that the State of the Church belongs to the Empire, 130. Passeth with an Army into Italy, 133. Takes in many places of the Dutchy of Milan, and besiegeth Milan, 135, 136. Returns into Germany, 137. Makes peace with France, 151, 152. Makes a Truce with the Venetians, ibid. Dies,
161
Maurice, Duke of Saxony, helps the Emperor in his Wars against the Protestants
615
Milan yeilded up to Francis, King of France, 115. Besieged by the Emperour Maximilian, 136: Taken by the Army of Charles the 5.178. In what condition it was by Pope Leo's death, 180. Assaulted by the Popes and Vene­tians Forces, 229. Besieged by the French and the Venetians, 309. Returns into the hands of Duke Francesco Sforza, 324. Falls into the Emperours,
363
Monsieur de S Paul sent by King Francis with an Army into Italy, 288. Ioyning with the Veneti­ans, he takes Pavia, 190. Makes new progresses in Lombardy, 308. Goes against Genoa, 309. His Army is routed, and he taken prisoner by Leva.
310
N
NAples, assaulted by the Leagues Army, 240. Besieged by Lautrech, 279. Much streight­ned both by Land and Sea, 282. The Siege is raised,
287
The Nature and Customs of Charls the Fifth, 167. Of Francis, [Page] King of France, 168. Of the French,
296.
Noble Venetians, go to the defence of Padua and Trevigi, 51. Employed in great Gallies into the Levant upon diverse sorts of merchandise, 159. Sent by the Senate to the defence of their Cities in Terra Ferma, 280. What they are that are so called,
615.
The Number of the vessels that were into the Leagues fleet against the Turke at Prevesa, 432. Of the Army which king Francis brought in Italy, 108. Of the Galleyes and Souldiers to be raised by the Christian Princes against Soli­man, 413. Of the Souldiers sent by the Pope to the Emperour in his war against the Protestants, 61. Of the Imperial Army against the Protestants, ibid. Of theirs against him.
613.
O
ODetto di Fois called Monsieur de Lautrech, sent by King Francis to assist the Venetians, 129. Goes to the defence of Mi­lan, 135. is declared by the King General in Burbon's stead, 139. Ioyned with the Venetians goes towards Verona, 144. Assaults Verona, 145, 146. Riseth from before it, 147, 148. Having re­ceived the keyes of Verona, he immediately delivers them to the Venetians, 153. Drawes his Army into Milan, 177. Is beaten out thence by the Imperialists 177 178. Takes Pavia, 262. Quit­teth Lombardy and goes towards Naples, 265.269. Enters that Kingdom, and proffers the Im­perialists battell, 278. Takes in almost the whole Kingdom of Naples, 279. Besiegeth Naples, ibid. vexed at the many suffer­ings of his Army, he sickens and dies,
286, 287.
The Oration of Andrea Loredano to the Army, 40, 41. Of Car­dona to the Army, 44, 45. Of Antonio Grimani to the Senate, 69. Of Pietro Bembo to the Senate of Venice, 88. Of the Cardinal of Seduno to the Swit­sers, 110. Of Domenico Tri­visano to the King of France, 116. Of the King of Hungary's Embassadours to the Senatours of Venice, 168. Of Alberto Pie­tra Commander of the Switzers, 186. Of Georgio Cornaro to the Senate of Venice, 210. Of Domenico Trivisano to the same, 213. Of the same man to the same Senate, 271. Of Luigi Mocenigo to the Senate of Venice, 273. Of the same man in the same place, 297. Of Marco Antonio Cornaro, in answer to him, 300. Of the same in the Senate, 373. of Lunardo Emo in answer to him, 375. Of Marc Antonio Cornaro in the same place, 406. Of the Car­dinal of Ferrara, in the Col­ledge of Venice,
599.
Osofo, its Situation and strength, 63. Assaulted by the Imperia­lists, 64. The siege raised by Alviano,
71.
P
PArma assaulted by the Imperia­lists, 176. Yeilded to the Em­perour, together with Piacenza, 178. Attempted by the French, 181. given by the Pope, toge­ther with Piacenza to his son Pier Luigi, 610. Pavia taken by the French, 108. Yeilded up to the Imperialists, 178. Besieg­ed by Francis King of France, 209. Taken by Lautrech, and the pillage of it given to his [Page] Army, 262. Taken and sack'd by the confederates army,
290.
Paul the 3. of the family of the Farnesi, succeeds Clement the 7. in the Papacy, 358. Seekes to make peace between Charles the 5. and King Francis, 361. Ne­gotiates by his Nuncioes for an universal peace among Christian Princes, 368. Denies the Vene­tians the Tything of their Clergy, 366. Concludes the league of the Christian Princes against Soli­man, 387. Procures an Inter­view between the Emperour an [...] the King of France at Nice in Provence, 417. His designes in this Interview, 418. Gives the Emperour a meeting; and with what design, 595. His designes fall not out to his hopes, for which he complains of the Emperor, 616 617. Seekes to bring the Vene­tians to joyn with him and the King of France, 622. His vast designes and irregular thoughts, 624. Sends the Bishop of Verona his Legate in Germany, 626. He dies,
629.
Peace, between the Switzers and the French, 151. Between the Em­perour and the King of France, 152. Universal between Christian Princes treated about, 235. Negotiated between the Em­perour and the Venetians, 323. Concluded, and the condition of it, 325. Between the Veneti­ans and Soliman, 573. Con­cluded between the Emperour Charles the 5. and Francis King of France, and the conditions,
604
Prelates of Rome, how handled by the Germans in the sack of that city,
252.
Princes of Italy, call in forrain Nations to their own ruine,
45.
Princes named in the confederacy between Charles the 5. and the Venetians,
200.
Princes of Italy affrighted at the great forces of Charles the 5. 315. Much troubled for the death of Paul the 3.629. A treache­rous Priest hanged up by one foot in Venice, and there stoned by the common people,
58.
New Pretences of Francis King of France for the State of Milan, 94. Of the Venetians for Ra­venna,
293.
Proffers made by the French to the Venetians if they would enter into a League with them, 370. by Charles the 5. to his brother Ferdinand if he would yeild the title of King of the Romans to his son King Philip,
626.
Prospero Colonna in the Imperial camp, 27. Disswades from the enterprise of Trevigi, 51. I [...] declared by Pope Leo, General of the Ecclesiastick army, 174. Assaults Milan, and takes it, 177, 178. Raises the siege before Pa­via, 184. Takes Lodi and Cre­mona, 189. Upon the French­mens passage into Italy, provides for the Cities of Lombardy,
208.
Q
THe Queen mother of France Negotiates with the Christian Princes for her son Francis his liberty, 221. Meets at Cambray with Margaret of Austria to treat about a Peace between the Emperour, and the King her son,
313.
R
RAvenna desires of the Vene­tians a Commissary and a Gar­rison, 256. By what right the Venetians held it, 293. It is re­stored to the Pope,
325.
[Page] Renzo da Ceri Commander of the Garrison in Crema, and his gal­lant carriage, 33. Defends Cre­ma against the Imperialists, 65 Being declared by the Venetians General of the Horse, will not ac­cept of the place, 67. Frees Cre­ma from the siege, 80, 81. Takes in Bergamo, 85. Makes a Truce with Milan, and goes to Venice, 86. Quits the service of the Ve­netians, and goes to Rome,
107
Rome taken by the Duke of Burbon and sacked by the Imperial Army 250. Much affrighted at the com­ing of Barbarossa with the Turk­ish Fleet to Ostia
593
S
SAvii del Con [...]iglio, what Office it is in Venice
366
A Sea-fight near Naples between the Imperialists and the French,
282
Skirmishes between the Venetians and the Imperialists at Valeggio and Anfo, 132, 133. The Impe­rialists and French at Bicocca, 185, 186. The Imperialists and Venetians before Monopoli, 306 307. The Duke of Urbine and the Spaniards,
311, 312
Soliman confirms the Truce to the Venetians, 164. Is very curteous to them, 265. Threatens to drive Charls the 5th out of the Empire, pretending that it belonged to him 343. Shews himself an enemy to the Venetians, and why, 364. Passeth with a mighty Army to Vallona, with a designe for Italy, 368. makes peace with the Vene­tians, 575. Sends his Fleet to the King of France, 594. A friend to what is just and honest,
610
Spaniards, under the conduct of the Viceroy of Naples, against the Venetians, 27. Take Brescia, and Bergamo for the Emperour, 28. Fall upon the Venetian Camp, 45 Defend Brescia be [...]eged by the Venetians, 119. Those which took Rome, would fain carry the Pope Prisoner into Spain
[...]4
Stefano Tiepolo General of the Venetian Fleet. 593. [...] ­d [...]ur to Soliman in Hungary, 597. Chosen General of the for­ces in Terra Ferma, 62 [...]. [...] ­neral of the Fleet [...] General the third time.
[...]
Switzers, Of great authority [...] Princes, 9. Take upon them the protection of the Duke of Milan, 19. Resolve to make War on the French in relief of the said Duke 22. They enter Novara, 23. Fall upon the French Camp, and rout it, 25, 26. Forty thousand of them enter Milan, to defend it from the French, 108. They as­sault King Francis his Army, and are routed, 111, 112. They quit Milan, and return home, 115. They abandon Verona, 144. Why quit the Leagues camp, 180. Their impatience before Pavia, 183. They complain of the French, 184 Their foolish vapouring and im­patience, 184, 185. They leave the French Camp,
188
A Subsidy granted the Venetians by Pope Clement the 7. to be levied of the Clergie under their Domi­nions.
356
T
THeodoro Trivultio, Gover­nour of Padua, 70. Embas­sadour from the King of France to the Venetians, 99. Comman­der of the Venetian Army, 129. Goes with the Venetian Army towards Milan in favour of the French, 175. Taken prisoner by the Imperialists at Milan, 178. Being discharged by the Venetians [Page] goes into France, 200. Is Go­vernour of Genoa, 263. Not being relieved, he surrenders the Castle, 291. Sent by King Francis to Venice, and why,
314
Tribute imposed by Charls the 5. upon Muleasses King of Tunis, 363. By Soliman upon Ferdi­nand, King of Hungary, 627. Offer'd to Soliman by King Fer­dinand for Transilvania
640
V
VErona, how situated, 145. Assaulted by the French and Venetian Army, 146. Relieved by the Dutch, 148. Is restored to the Venetians, 153. Fortified by the Venetians, 157. Is garri­son'd by the Venetians for fear of the Imperialists,
316
The Venetians make a League with Lodowick King of France, 12 Exhort the King of France to the conquest of Milan, 31. They re­new amity with Francis the new King of France, 95. Their great joy for the recovery of Brescia, 141. Recover Verona, and send great presents to Lautrech, 153. Make a Truce with the Emperor, 152. Their answer to the French Embassadour, 162, 163. They disswade the King of France from coming to a Battel with the Impe­rialists at Pavia, 218. Are resolved not to abandon the Duke of Milan, 291. Restore Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope, and Trani, with other Cities of Apu­lia, to Charls the 5, 325. Desire the Pope that they may have the nominating of the Bishops of such Cities as are within their Domi­nions, 337. Enter into a League with the Pope and the Emperour against the Turk, 413, 414. Be­gin to think of coming to a Peace with the Turk, 554. Their answer to the Emperour's Embassadour, 556. They send Embassadours to the interview of the Emperour and the King of France, and their Commission, 570. They make Peace with the Turk, 573. Deny to lend Vicenza for the keeping of a General Council therein, 582 They continue Neutrals in the War between the Emperour and the king of France, 592. Their answer to the Cardinal of Ferrara 594. To the Protestant Princes requiring their aid, 613. To the Pope and the king of France, pressing them to declare them­selves enemies to the Emperour, 622, 623. Their custome at the Creation of Popes, 630. Continue firm in their friendship to the Em­peror, 647. Their answer to the French kings Embassadours,
648
Vicenza taken by the Imperialists, 36. Taken again, and sack'd by the Imperialists, 61. Returns into the Venetians hands
86
Vicenzo Capello, Commissary of the Venetian Fleet, 32. Made Lieutenant General of the Vene­tian Fleet, 308. Created Gene­ral of the same, 344. Relieves Antivari, 427. Routs a squadron of Barbarossa's Gallies, 434. Adviseth to fight Barbarossa, 438. A description of his person and Gallantry, 439. He takes Castel nuovo.
442, 443
W
WArs of the Venetians with Maximilian the Empe­rour, 5. Between the Emperour Charls the 5. and Francis king of France, troublesome to many Nations, 362. Of Charls the 5. against the Protestant Princes, 611, 612. Between Soliman and the Venetians, 381. Of Germa­ny against the Emperour,
641

An Alphabetical Table of the Remarkable things contained in these Three Books of the War of CYPRVS.

A
AN Agreement made between those of Famagosta and Mu­stapha
124
Agostino Barbarigo chosen coad [...]u­tor to General Venieri.
75
Is Commander of the Left wing of the Leagues fleet, 128. His valour in fight, 1 [...]9. Is mortally wound­ed with an Arrow.
ibid
Alvaro, Marquess of Santa Croce, Commander of the Rear in the Leagues fleet.
128
He succours Don John's Gally,
138
Ali, General of the Turkish fleet, 42 Goes to Cyprus, 100. Is resol­ved to fight the Christian fleet, 132 His vain arrogance, 133. [...]uts his fleet in order, and goes to meet the Christians, 134. Is slain, and his Galley taken,
138
Andrea Badoaro, and his Oration to the Senate of Venice, 87. Is chosen Embassadour to the Turk, 204. Goes to Constantinople ▪ where the Articles of Peace are con­firmed,
205
Antonio Canale, Captain of the Ships, 93. His Gallantry in the Battel of Lepanto,
139
The Arsenal of Venice much endam­maged by fire,
12
Astor Baglione, Governor General of the Militia of Cyprus, 47. Be­ing desireous to go over from Fa­magosta to the defence of Ni­cosia, is not suffered, 52. His valour in the defence of Fama­gosta, 122. Perfidiously mur­ther'd [...]y Mustafa's orders,
126
The Articles of the League between the Christian Princes against the Turk,
91
B
THe Battel of Lepanto,
136, 1 [...]7, 138, 139, 140,
How long the fight lasted,
140
Briefs sent by Pope Pius the fifth to the King of Persia, [...]o Prestor John, and other Kings.
152
C
CAuses of the War of Cyprus, 6, 7. That put Selymus upon it, 7, 12. Why Mustafa brake his word with the Governour of Fama­gosta, 126. Alledged by the Spa­niards for their delays in passing to the Levant, 155. Moving the Venetians to make peace with the Turks,
199
Charles the 9, King of France; and the reasons by him alledged, why he could not enter into the League a­gainst the Turk, 20. Absolutely refuses to joyn with the League, and his reason, 151. Yet makes as if he would side with it, 165. His An­swer to the Venetian Embassadour,
167, 168,
Cyprus, and its discription, 44, 45 How it fell into the Christians [Page] hands, and how into the Venetians, ibid. After the taking of Nico­sia, yeil [...]s all of it without any re­sistence to the Turks, except Fama­gosta,
61
Conditions of the Peace treated of with the Turks by the Venetians, 81. Of the League between the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Veneti­tians, 91, 92. Concluded upon at surrendring of Famagosta, 124. Of the Peace between the Venetians and the Turk,
201
Consultations held by the Venetians at the comming of the Chiaus from Selino, 25, 26. In the Christian fleet what course should be taken for the releif of Cyprus, 62, 63. Held by the Magistrates and Chieftains in Famagosta about the the sur­render of it, 123, 124. In the Christian fleet near Corfu, 129, 130. Of the Venetian Comm [...]ders before the Battel of Lepanto; 132. Held by the Commanders of the Christian fleet at Corfu,
170 171.
Cruelty used by Mustafa, and why,
126, 127
Cubat a Chiaus sent from the great Turk to Venice, to demand the Kingdom of Cyprus, 25. His ar­rival, Entertainment and behavi­our, with the Senates Answer,
27, 28
The Town of Curzola how preserved,
108, 109
D
THe Description of the City of Ni­cosia, 51. Of the place where­in the Sea fight between the Chri­stians and the Turks,
134
Discourses upon Selino (or Selymus) 6, 7, 8. Upon the War with the Turks accepted by the Venetians, 29 30. Upon Dorias carriage at the Battel of Lepanto, 141 Upon the Christians success then, and whence it was, 142 Upon the Peace which the Venetians made with the Turk. Upon the Christians after their Victory,
145.
Designs of the Spaniards in treating for a League against the Turks, 69, 70. Of the Christian Comman­ders after the Victory, 144, 145. The divers designs of Christians in general after the Victory was blaz'd about,
149, 150.
E
AN Edict set out by the King of France against such as should go armed into Flanders,
165
F
FAmagosta ill provided both for [...]en and Commanders, 47. Be­sieged by Mustafa, 61. The scitu­ation of it, 115, 116. Assaulted and Batter'd by the Turks, 117. Valiantly defended by the Christi­ans, 118. Reduced to a sad condi­tion, 123. Is surrendred to the Turks upon Agreement,
124
Feasts and Tryumphs in Venice for the Victory at Sea, 143, 144. In Rome at the entrance of Marc' Antonio Colonna, when he returned from the said Victory;
147.
Forts made by the Venetians at St Ni­colo, Malamocco, and Chiog­gia,
1 [...]
G
GIacomo Fosca [...]ini, Commissa­ry General in Dalmatia, 96. Chosen Generall of the Venetian fleet, 154. Proffers battel to U­luzzali, 175. Discovers the ene­mies fleet again, and stirs up his men to fight the Turks, 178. Goes to charge Uluzzali, and is [...]dred
179
Giacomo [...], Commissary of the [...] i [...] the place of [Page] Barbarigo, 144. Commander of the Right Wing of the Christians fleet at Lepanto, 172. Charges some of Uluzzali's fleet, 179. Chases Uluzzali to the Castle of Modone, 189. Assaults, [...]akes and slights the Fort of Varbagno, returns to Corfu
192
Giovanni Andrea Doria, vide,
John Giorgis Cornaro, brother to the Queen of Cyprus, perswades her to yeild the possession of that Kingdom to the Venetians,
4
Girolamo Zan [...], General of the Ve­netian fleet, 14. Ioyning with the Galleys of the Pope, and of Spain, Presses them to go for Cyprus, 62. Hath a design to relieve Famago­sta, 74. Lays down his Charge, 75 He dies in a deplorable condition▪
93, 9 [...]
Girolamo Paruta, Governour of Tine, valiantly defends that place against Piali,
43, 44
Gregory the XIII. confirms the League with the King of Spain, and the Venetians, 157. Much troubled at the Spaniards carriage, 166. Being angry at the Peace which the Venetians had made with the Turk, denies audience to their Embassadour, 20 [...]punc; Is reconciled to them,
204
I
THe Iealousies of States how great they are,
168
The Immoderate desire of Empire and Military glory, of the Ottoman Princes,
[...]
The Authors Intent in writing of the War of Cyprus,
ibid.
John Andrea Doria, having orders to go with the K. of Spains Galleys, and joyn with the Venetians, pro­longs his going into the Levant, 34, 35. Comes with the Galleys to Can­dia, 41. Hearing that Nicossia was lost, would [...]e d [...] go back, 64. Commander of the Right Wing in the Battel of Lepanto, 128. Char­ges Uluzzali's wing, routs it, and puts it to the flight,
140
Don John of Austria, declared Ge­neral of the League, 92. Receives the Standard at Naples, 114. Goes to seek out the Enemy, 127, 128. Discovers the Turks Fleet, and im­mediately makes the sign of Battel be given. 135. Boards Ali's Gal­ley, and takes it, 138. Gets the victory, ibid. Blamed in Spain for fighting, 15 [...]. Delays going into the Levant, and at last gives his reasons for it,
161.
John Baptista Contarini, sinks a Turkish Gally, 138. His valour at Corone,
184.
L
A League negotiated by Pope Pi­us the V, between Christian Prin­ces against the Turk, 16. Between the same Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetians against the Turk, 91. [...] published in Venice,
105.
Luigi Mocenigo chosen Duke of Ve­nice, 32. His Speech to the great Council, 96, 97, 98, 99. His O­ration before the Council of Ten for Peace,
196, 197, 198, 199.
Luigi Martinengo Commander of the relief sent to Famagosta, 74. Cap­tain General of the Artillery there, 118, His Worth, 122. Basely mur­ther'd by orders from Mustafa.
126.
M
MArco Antonio Quirini, Cap­tain of the Gulf, 39. Takes in Brazzo di Maina, 40. Scowres the Archipelagus, ibid. Carries Suc­cour to Famagosta, 94. Sinkes three Turkish Gallies by the way, ibid. de­stroyes some Forts of the Turkes and returns to Candia, ibid. at the Bat­tel of Lepanto forces a Squadron of [Page] thirty Turkish galleys to run themselves on ground, 138. Ut­terly routes the Right wing of the Turkish fleet, 139. Takes Mal­gariti, and sleights it,
146.
Marc Antonio Colonna, general of the Popes galleyes, 35. Sent by the Pope to Venice, 82. confirmed General of the Popes fleet, and in Dons John's absence, of all the fleets, 92. At Lepanto assaults Portau's galley, 137. Enters Rome in triumph,
147.
Marc Antonio Bragadino, Go­vernour of Famagosta, and his speech to the defendants of that City, 118. Surrenders it to the Turkes, 125. Upon Mustafa's invitation, goes out into his camp, accompanied with most of the chief Commanders, ibid. Put to divers tortures, and flead, alive,
126.
Marc Antonio Barbaro, the Vene­tians Consul at Constantinople, informes of Selinos resolution to wage War with them, 12. by or­der from the Venetians negotiates with the Turk for a Peace, [...]00. Which after many obstructions and troubles, he concludes,
201.
Maximilian the 2. (Emperour) distasted with the Pope, Pius the 5. for the Title he had conferred on the Duke of Florence; 19.80. resolves not to enter into the League with the Venetians, and why, 73. Propounds new dif­ficulties, not to enter into the League,
150.
Mehemet the first Bashaw, is against the enterprise of Cyprus, 9. Dis­courseth with the Venetian Consul about a treaty of agreement, 162. Endeavours to preserve friendship between the Christians Emperour and his own master,
153.
Mustafa, a Bashaw; General by land of the Turkes in the enter­prise of Cyprus, 42. Passeth thi­ther, and landeth without any ob­stacle at Saline, 46. Goes to as­sault Nicossia, 49. Gives the assault, and the course he takes, 54, 55. Exhorts those of the town to yeild▪ 56.57. As­saults it in four places at the same time, and is repulsed, 58. Takes Nicossia upon a Parley, and most per [...]idiously sackes it, 60. Marches with his army to Famagosta, 61. Encourages his Souldiers to the assault, [...]21. Hath Famagosta delivered him upon Articles of Agreement, 124. Most impi­ously and per [...]idiously breakes all those Articles,
126.
N
NIcossia in Cyprus reduced to a Fort Royal by the Venetians, 51. [...] provided for defendants, 47. Assaulted by the Turkes, 54.57. Taken and sackt,
60.
The Number of the Turkish ves­sels of all sorts that were [...] for Cyprus, 44. Of their forces that went against it, 46. Of the De­fendants in Nicossia, 52. Of those which were slain in Nicossia, when it was taken, 60. Of the vessels in that Fleet which was conducted by Zann [...] for the relief of Cy­prus, 63. Of what the Col­league [...] Christians forces were to be, in vessels and men, 91. Of the Turks fleet at Lepanto, 133. Of the vessels of the [...]eagiles Fleet, 127. Of the Christians slain in that battel, 140. Of the Turkes slain therein, ibid. Of the galleyes and Prisoners that were then ta­ken, 14 [...]. Of the vessels of the Christian Fleet under [...]oscarini, 176. Of the Turkes Fleet, under Uluzzali,
ibid.
O
THe Oration of the Bishop of Baffo to the people in Nicossia, 53. Of Marc Antonio Colon­na to the Colledge of Venice, 82 Of Paolo Tiepolo to the Senate, 84. Of Andrea Badoa [...]o to the same, 87. Of the D. Moceni­go in the Great Councel, 96. Of Uluzzali to the chief Comman­ders of his Fleet, 173. Of D. Mocenigo in the Council of Ten
196
The Order of the Leagues Fleet sayling from Messina to Corfu, 127. Of the Turks Fleet, sayl­ing from Lepanto, 134. Of the Christian Fleet expecting to be assaulted, 135, 136. Of the Leagues Fleet under Foscarini,
172
The barbarous Outrages committed by the Turks at Rethimo
101
P
PEace is treated of between the Venetians and the Turk, 200 Concluded
201
Philip the 2. King of Spain, desired by the Pope to joyn with the Vene­tians against the Turk, 17. Pro­miseth great matters in service of the League, 112. Will not give way for Don John to winter in the Levant, 169. Shews no manner of displeasure at the peace made by the Venetians with the Turk, but rather justifies them,
202
Pope Pius the v. entreated by the Ve­netians for assistance against the Turks, 16. His desire to help them; and that the Christian Princes should enter into a League against the Turks, ibid. His speech at the concluding of the League, 67. Sends his Briefs to the King of Persia, Prester John, and some Arabian Kings, 152. Grows jealous of the Spaniard, 153. Dies,
156
Portau, General of the Turkish Fleet 100. At the Battel of Lepanto, escapes in a Cock-boat,
138
The Christian Princes care not to make use of their victory gotten at Sea, 150. They are justly repro­ved,
190
A solemn Procession in Venice at the publication of the League, 105 Ordered to be observed there every year on St Justinas day,
144
A Proclamation made by Mustafa, throughout the Army before Ni­cossia.
59
R
REasons alledged by Pope Pius the 5. to the King of Spain f [...] his entring into a League with the Venetians against the Turk, 17. By the Venetians to the Pope, for the hastening of the Spanish Fleet 112. By Silocco to Ali, not to fight the Christian Fleet, 132, 133. By Doria, for his falling Room-ward at the beginning of the fight, 141. Against the King, and likewise for him; about sus­pension of his Fleet, 162, 163. For the moderation which the Spaniards shewed in their dis­course of the Peace which the Ve­netians had made with the Turk, 202. Alledged by Nicolo da Ponte to the Pope, for the said Peace,
202, 203
S
SEbastiano Veniero hath the chief charge over the Militia of Corfu, 13. Assaults and takes Sopporo, 36. Chosen Commis­sary General for Cyprus, 47. [Page] Preparing to relieve Famagosta, he falls sick in Candia, 74. Is made General of the Venetian Fleet, 75. Adviseth to go fight the Turkish Fleet, 129, 130. Causeth one of the King of Spains Captains to be hanged, at which Don John is much troubled, 131 His diligence at the Battel of Le­panto in ordering his Forces, and encouraging his men, 135. Ioyns with Don John against Ali, 137 Being sent for by the Venetians he comes into the Gulf, 156. Returns to Venice, and is received with much honour,
191
Selino (or Selimus) the 2. succeeds his father, 6. Why he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus, 10. Is much incensed at the Ve­netians answer, 31. His design upon Rome,
99
Stratagem used by Uluzzali in his retreat from the Leagues fleet,
177
T
THe Tumults of Flanders, a great impediment to the pro­ceedings in the Levant,
153
The Turks much troubled for the loss of their Fleet
154
V
THe Venetians resolve rather to make War with the Turk, then to give him Cyprus, 26. Trou­bled at the loss of Nicossia, and other misfortunes, they begin to think of making an Agr [...]ement with the Turk, 78. Growing jealous of the Spaniards, and o­thers, they resolve to negotiate a Peace with the Turks, 79▪ 80, 81 They put it to the question, whe­ther they should make a League with the Christian Princes, or peace with the Turk, 83, 84. They resolve upon the League, 91. They send a Commission to their Consul at Constantinople, to Treat and conclude a Peace with the Turk, 200. They send an Embassadour to the Pope, in justification of that Peace,
201
Vluzzali, Viceroy of Algiers, goes to joyn with Ali, 100. Does much mischief to the scattered Gallies of the Christians right wing▪ 139, 140. Seeing Doria, and other Vessels of the Battel make towards him, he flies, and escapes with some few Gallies, ibid. Being after­wards made General, he comes to Malvasia with 200 Gallies, and his designs, 173. His Speech to his Officers in the Fleet, ibid. He goes to meet the Leagues Fleet, 175. But shuns the Encounter, 175, 176. Being met by the Chri­stians, puts himself in Battel A­ray, ibid. But flies again, 179, 180. Is offered Battel before Modone, 183. But will none of it, ibid. Puts to Sea again very strong with Pioli Bashaw, in prejudice of the King of Spain, 204. He plunders Puglia, and burns Castro
ibid.
The Errata of the twelve Books of the History of Venice.
pageLineforread
833TrinusioTrivulcio.
1912ViscountVisconte.
ibid19N [...]varNovara.
2010UndecidedUnconcluded
2811LiguagoLignago
ibid19SoTo
344TrevigpeTrevigi
3525disturbedisturbed
391dispatchdespiseth all
413between && the put of
ibid4StatState
491CityArmy
5130CardonaColonna
ibid35ifIl
5324laught atdeluded by
5431HysmaelIsmael
ibid31GitturiVitturi
ibid34SavorganoSavorgnano
731faithfulnessfaithlessnes
ibid15be easilyeasily be
81 [...]7themhim
8715waswere
[...]810takingtaken
914dele the first to
9650injur'd byafraid of
9910hadmade
1043GuiromeGaironne
ibid34PennimenAp [...]nnine
ibid MontcinenseMont Seny
10635Writewrote
10850dele the second the
10946FilesRanks
11022arrayarmy
11213before they insert which
1137picktpitcht
ibid17thereonthereof
ibid36PisiglianoPi [...]igliano
11713WorthValour
11832thenthat
1193dele of consideration
ibid39andor
12016dele the
12316insert miscarried
12421dele all incontra
ibid33his ofof his
3335eff [...]ctspassions
ibid46molesthonest
13813forestowedfor-slowed
ibid19BullenBologna
14642after Camp put sat down
14937CharlesFrancis
15139ConsciousnesCoveteousness
15311Cuon [...]Buono
15943TaragosaSarago [...]a
ibid45le Sirte to Tunis not far from the Syrtes at Tunis
16842eminentimminent
17343LerceLeseu
ibid dele the second to
1774Francisco La [...]sAlfonso Saus
1813PopePo
18222120001200
18713oughtdoubt
19323after might insert not
[...]0534infectedinfasted
20814whichwith
21030after opinion dele on
21236after for insert if
22045100010 [...]00
2212eminentimminent
ibid36LormanoSormano
2288SonSonnes
ibid18100010000
13029SangeLange
23242Gal [...]iazzodi Gaiazzo
22431descentdissent
23630LagniLagri
24745Fu [...]iliFurli
25122CountyCount
ibid32onof
2554dele given them
ibid14thingsKings
ibid17interveneinterview
25741AlconeAlarcone
25943after and insert the
ibid45CidoCibo
2703RomagaRomania
ibid17San TermoSan Fermo
ibid33Sepontinoof Sipontium
2724Agreement prejudicial
28031TownTowns
ibid40MarcMarca
ibid50LanudoSanudo
2926dele not 
29317imposeoppose
2945conjunctconvinc'd
1934whichwith
ibid38dele and 
29621N [...]viNani
30523JialioIulio
31234MousaMonza
3287theytheir
33245CruzadoCruzada
33434AugustaAusburg
337 [...]7en [...]ringenduring
34325atof
354 before to insert daughter
37040CantarinenContarin [...]s
37519inby
38123handsheads
39 [...]24before come insert was
39147N [...]plesNapoli
39 [...]21Quirinathe Quirini
4279D [...]cutariof Scutari
43030themhim
44012ParuPaxu
55724SamitoSanuto
5611after 2d and insert the
5674thoughthought
57114hisher
57327PadinoNadino
5792StrozzitiaStrozzi A
58849GersGens
5976StrigoniaStrigonium
60911thoughtthough
6 [...]32dele any 
ibid3thedthey had
61431himthem
ibid39gave themselvesgiven them
61548havehaving been
62749before rest insert the
64039dele that 
64135after but insert for the next year 1552
64728itthe hope

The Errata of the three Books of the Wars of Cyprus.
PageLineforread
314the second thetheir
424 [...]Mamalucohi
1213after Church insert and
408victoryoverthrow
4522latterformer
4633Barthneburthen
5136toby
5942before Piazza insert the
ibid47with theby the
ibid50quitquitted
6044fourthfourteenth
6715Vicentinoof Vicenza
7033ill Serifothe Serif
8113after that insert the
9442shelvesthe rocks
ibid50dele of 
9740before not insert may
9847after do insert not
10043CessanCassan
10226fill itit fill
10321after could insert do
1161TeveroTeucer
1 [...]46andan
ibid12O [...]ten [...]a [...]lousnessobstinateness
12630ma [...]tmain-yar [...]
13537disposeddisputed
14536pleadedcalled to mind
15135del Dieuof Diu
15324LesleSessa
15416before not insert were
1555TyreTine
16221CalariaCalabria
ibid26after the 2d to insert the
ibid27Ales [...]andrinoof Alex­andria
17717after yet insert without
ibid38ForecastlesPoopes
18024AndreaAndrada
18246ParuPaxu
19243dele of Za [...]cheria
2 [...]030BayloConsull
2048BarbaroBadoaro.
[...]

THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK I. THE CONTENTS.

A Preparatory Prooemium to the Description of the ensuing History; Framed upon some Actions of the Common-wealth of Venice. Italy (being made a woful receptacle of forreign Nations) is miserably lace­rated, and almost reduced to slavery, which is remedied by the Venetian Forces. The Miseries of Italy are renewed by Lewis the twelveth of France; and by the Spaniards, who occasion the contentions in Naples. Bajazet and the Venetians are agreed. Maximilian of Austria, is deny­ed entrance into Italy, by the Venetians: He makes war with them, and loseth some Castles upon the Confines of the Empire. Almost all the Kings, and Princes of Christendom, conspire together against the Vene­tians: Lewis of France is the Authour thereof. They re-gain some Cities; They refuse to make Peace: The intentions of King Lewis: Of the Pope: His Treaties. Of the Swissers: Of the Vice-Roy of Na­ples. The Senate is in dispute whether they shall embrace Peace, or War. At last they make a League with the King of France. War is renewed; The Articles of the League. The Election of a new Pope. Alviano, his first successes. The Dutch go out of Verona. Novara is defended by the Switzers. Alviano doth in vain assault Verona. The attempt of taking Padua, by Bishop Gurghense, the Emperours Lievtenant; The Siege is given over. Various accidents which befel the Common wealth. The War by reason of the Winter, is deferred till a better season.

THe Common-wealth of Venice, for the long continuance of her Command, and for the excellency of her Government, is de­servedly held to be the goodliest, and most fortunate, of as many as ever were in the world; and if her remarkable Actions, both of [Page 2] Peace and War, had been more lively kept in memory by writing, and by mens mouths; so as her Fame had been equal to her deservings, she would by this time have arrived at such Renown, as her glorious Actions would have far exceeded the memory of all other Cities, Rome only excepted. And certainly, that such a flourishing Com­mon-wealth; both for good Laws, and wholesome Institutions, should not, in so long a concourse of time, have atchieved greater Em­pire; And also, that the glory of her Enterprises hath been so little celebrated by famous Writers, and not preserved in that Dignity, and Splendor, as becomes their merits, ought not to be imputed to the baseness nor wretchlesness of her Inhabitants, but rather to their Modesty: For the custom of our fore-fathers, was not to undertake War out of a desire of Rule; but to preserve their Liberties: and be­ing wholly intent upon the welfare of their Country, they did not mind their own greatness; but studied more to be, then to appear, good. Hence it was, that not placing the chiefest Glory in extent of Empire, or in the praise of other men; but in the good Govern­ment of the City, and in the uprightness of their own consciences; they lost many occasions of aggrandizing their Common-wealth; and suffered many of their glorious Actions, to sleep in silence: But in the following Age, the Common-wealth being much encreased in Citizens, Riches, and Laws, whereby she had drawn upon her, the envy of many other people; it might easily be known by their dan­gers, and by their affairs, that the Common-wealth stood in need of larger Dominions, and of greater Forces; to the end that she might provide for her safety, and for her plenty, both by Sea and Land: Therefore whereas formerly our Ancestors, being provoked to war by their Neighbors, thought they had done enough if they kept them­selves from being injured by them; They began to take in Cities, and to enlarge their borders on all sides, to the end that they might put their Affairs into a safer, and a more honourable condition. It also oft times hapned, that by their civil ways, without any noise of war, which was supprest by peace; by their negotiations, and hopes of tranquility; they won upon the Peoples good will, and did en­large their Confines; In so much as the City being already become very powerful, both by Sea and Land; she seemed to represent the greatness and Majesty of the ancient Romans: Which things, if they had been sooner done, the City of Venice would have arrived to such a height, as she might have been paralel'd to the Common-wealth of Rome, for Empire, and warlike Glory: But this advice was so long a taking, as that all things fell out cross unto her: For the Times began already, apparently to favour the Ottoman Family, which being come from a small beginning, it is a wonderful thing to say how soon it increased; so as having by great contest in war, overcome many Kings, and States; and by its formidable greatness, utterly ruined the Eastern Empire, it bereft the Venetians of all hope of inlarging their Dominion in the Maratine parts: Other hopes like­wise of happy success, were by a short delay spoiled, and corrupted; for if the Common-wealth had turned her Forces sooner upon the Vic [...]gerents of the Empire; who taking occasion by reason of the [Page 3] Emperors troubles in the tedious wars of Germany, usurped the free Dominion of many of the noblest Cities of Italy, She might easily have regained them from their unlawful possessors, who were yet weak and of no repute. And then Italy being subdued, how easie it was for them to subdue all other Nations, and to spread their Empire from the East unto the West, is easily demonstrable, by the very proceed­ings of the Romans: But howsoever the Forces, Customs, and Laws, of this rich and flourishing Common-wealth, continue in greater vi­gor, and the Fates will one day open them the way to great At­chievements.

I have proposed unto my self to spend the time which shall be per­mited me, in writing the Actions of this so famous City, as well in times of war, as of peace; the memory wherof, I will endeavor to leave to posterity, with as great sincerity, and uncorrupted Faith, as I possi­bly can. I thought it became me chearfully, and readily, to undertake this, being laid upon me by publick Commission, that I might im­ploy my time in the service of this my Noble, and dear Country, in that point wherein (as I have said) the care of our Predecessors may seem sometimes to have been wanting; in which duty assuredly I will do my best. Therefore, laying aside all partiality and passions, I have, with a peaceable and free mind, undertaken this business; and if any one shall peradventure think, that I do sometimes praise the Affairs of the Venetians too highly; let them excuse me, and think, that it is not the love of my Country that moves me thereunto, but only the desire of speaking truth; the memory of these times, and men, not being to be sufficiently celebrated, whose excellent worth was able to govern so many affairs, and to sustain the violence of adverse fortune.

I am by the commands of the Counsel of Ten; the supream Magi­stracy of this our Country, to take the rise of this my Narration, from the time wherein the History of Cardinal Bembo, a Famous Personage ended, and therewith the League made by the Venetians, with Pope Iulius the second, and with Ferdinand, King of Spain, against the French; which League ended almost together with the life of this Pope. It will be good and useful, that in the continuati­on of this History, the perfect form of our Republick be represented; wherein may be seen the true Image of perfect Government, for those things to which the wit of man hath not been able to attain, in their fancying the Government of an excellent Common-wealth, are all seen to be confirmed by time and experience, in the City of Venice. The memory of these times will afford various Examples of both Fortunes, which may help very much to the acquiring of State wis­dom; and moreover, many Testimonies of worth, whereby great moderation and constancy, in prosperous and adverse Fortune; at home, and in the wars, true Justice and Fortitude, may be found in our Citizens. But before I begin what I intend to say, I must expound some things, taking them a little higher, to the end that the truth of what is to be said, may appear the more clearly.

It was already long since Italy was fallen into great calamity, and being become the Seat and Receptacle of Forraign Nations, she ad­vanced a pace towards a long and hard slavery; being by them rob'd of [Page 4] her Empire, and of her Military glory: For the French having a little before the time from which I am to take the rise of this my History, assaulted the Kingdom of Naples, by the means and advice of Lodo­wick Sforza, Duke of Millan, (who did not therein foresee his own ru­ine) the way was ever afterwards laid open for all the Italians greatest enemies to enter Italy, to her prejudice and ruine: For all our Princes being desirous of Noveltie, and confiding in Forreigners, they waged war against themselves, renting this their unfortunate common Coun­try in pieces by the Sword, and by all injurious proceedings, for they beleeved they might easily come by those Dignities and States, by disturbing her peace, which they dispaired of obtaining whilst Italy was in a quiet condition; wherein how they were cheated, the event did prove: For they soon saw those evils turned upon them­selves, which they had prepared for others; In so much as there was not any one part of this Noble Country, which tasted not deeply of the miseries of war; and which being long tormented with slaughters, rapine, and all sort of cruelty, hath not lost almost all their ancient Priviledges and Dignities, and changed their whole Aspect. The unlooked-for coming of the French into Italy, whether they brought a dreadful and unusual way of warring, did so terrifie the Kings of Aragon, as having more respect to their safety, then to their Honour, they forsook a Noble Kingdom, and left all things as a prey to the avarice of the Conquerors. But the French, who had got the Victo­ry, more by an opinion which was had of their Forces, then out of meer worth, did through their negligence, lose the fruit thereof, and were soon driven home out of Italy: which was chiefly done by the advice and Forces of the Venetians; And had our Princes been able then to have bounded their Appetites, the power of the French had not peradventure, extended it self beyond the confines of their own Kingdom. But hardly was this first Combustion over, when suddenly another war was kindled in Italy; the same way of civil discord be­ing opened unto the French, by which they had at first entred our Countries: Their King Lodowick, the twelvth, having made a League with the Venetians, did again assault Italy, with yet a greater prepa­ration for war, and won one of her most fruitful Provinces, and which did most abound in Inhabitants, and goodly Cities, having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it: And soon after, having a mind to be Master of all Italy, calling in the Spaniards to assist him, he, together with them, possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples. Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain, about the division thereof; and Italy being made the Seat of war, they often fought with various success, and keeping themselves out of danger, ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire. In these troublesome times, whilst Italy, was full, almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies, and troubled with various successes of war, the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully, and prosperously on; for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them; and they having accomodated the differences between them, and Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks, with whom before they had made war, and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition, they turned [Page 5] their thoughts upon their Land Militia, and to their Dominion on Terra firma; and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces, and their Empire; that their Common-wealth might be able, when occasion should require, to resist forreign Forces. The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increa­sed, as it now held the first place for Authority and Power, in all Italy; and by common consent all differences were referred to her: there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy, who did not chiefly indeavor to have the Venetians for their Friends, and Confederates.

Thus Maximillian of Austrea, King of the Romans, Elect Empe­ror of the West, desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire, according to the customes of his Predecessors, and to re­store Italy to her Liberty, by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French; and to reduce her under the civil Germane Empire, en­deavored very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his, or at least not to have them his Advers [...]ries. But the Senate of Venice, not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruine Italy, whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes, resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French, but to oppose the Emperour Maxi­millian, if he should come into Italy in a war-like posture. Hereupon arose war between them, which hapned succesfully; for the Vene­tians entring with greater Forces into the Emperours Confines, took from him some Castles, which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austrea, and joyned them to their Empire. The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians, where power being become so formidable, they thought fit to suppress: where­fore allmost all the Kings and Princes of Europe, conspired against her, and proclaimed war against Venice, Lodowick, King of France, being the chief Author thereof, who was obliged to the Common-wealth by many ancient and modern good Offices, wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship. As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice, the Senators not shewing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War; but being resolved to meet the Enemies Forces, left nothing undone which might make for their defence, and which might be done by Advice, Gallantry, and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times: the Common-wealths Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy, up­on the Banks of the River Ada; and after the bad success of this Bat­tel, as if the Common-wealth had received a fatal blow, out of a sud­den dispair, she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions, from their former Oaths; and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy: So as falling on a sudden from the hight of Happiness into great misery, she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs. Yet soon after, the Senators resuming courage, began to Rally their dispersed Forces, to raise more Forces; wherewith in a short time, the Ene­mies Forces being separated, and they having gotten some of the Enemies to joyn with them against their own confederates, they re­venged themselves of the French, who were the first occasioners of [Page 6] their Calamity, and drove them out of Italy; and did likewise reco­ver, and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles: by which success, growing higher in their hopes, they oft times refused peace when it was offered them; being resolved either to obtain such con­ditions, as whereby they might recover their ancient State, or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war. Wherefore all men said, that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune, some light did yet remain of the antient Glory of Italy, and of the Venetian vertue, in the perpetual constancy of that Senate, and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit. The Venetians oft times when they were worsted, treated with their Enemies which had over­come them, as if they were to give, not to receive Laws; demand­ing restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began, before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Padua, Trevigi, Vicenza, Crema; and besides these, the Towns in Freuli, and the Cities of Feltre, and Belluno, submitted to the Venetian Empire; but Verona was still in Maximillians hands: the [...] of Naples held Brescia, whereinto he powered a great ma­ny Spaniards; and the Switzers having won Cremona, held it in the name of Maximillian Sforza: Ferdinand, King of Spain, possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia, which formerly belonged to the Com­mon-wealth; having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples, as Members thereof. And the Castles of Romagnia, which were won by Pope Iulius, were by him annext to the Ecclesiastical State. The Common-wealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope, nor with the King of Spain, though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them▪ Not with the one, because he did favour Caesar too much, and not with the other, because con­trary to Articles, he detained the City of Brescia, which appertained to her. The Switzers friendship was greatly suspected, though they professed adherence to the Common-wealth; as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful, as also for the new success of Cremona. But she profest open enmity to Lodowick, King of France; and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperour Maximillian, was expired, all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain; out of their con­stant resolution to recover, and the like in him not to quit Verona.

This was the Condition of the Times, and of the State of Venice; When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ, and 1092. from the building of Venice, Leonardo Loredano, being then Duke, which is the highest degree of the Common-wealth; there began some appearance of peace and quiet, after so many trou­bles; for the French, who had been the beginners of the late Cala­mities, were already driven out of Italy, and had the Mountains gi­ven them for the bounders of their Empire, and together with them it was thought that the sink of all other mischiefs was thrown out. It was to be conceived by no improbable Arguments, that Peace would be acceptable to all those who had any Dominion in Italy; Caesar was not thought to be able of himself to make good the War, having no hope of assistance from the French, and invironed with many ne­cessities; [Page 7] wherefore it was likely that he would give way to some agreement; nor were the Venetians averse unto it, being now by the continual troubles of so many sore wars, invited to rest. The Pope, who had wont to boast that he by Counsels, had freed Italy from the slavery of the French, it might with reason be thought, that nothing could be more desired by him then this; That, since he had much inlarged the Churches Dominions, and re-invested the Duke of Mil­lan in his State, the Affairs of Italy might begin to be in a better con­dition by injoying peace. And it was very manifest, that Ferdinand King of Spain was to desire peace more then the rest: This wise Prince knew that it was by Peace that he was to confirm himself in his new possession of Naples, and by his own industry, or other mens negli­gence, increase his Force and Reputation; therefore under appear­ance of the Common good, but indeed minding more his own ad­vantage, he had oftentimes sent Embassadours to Caesar, and to the Venetians, labouring to compound their differences. But hardly did this light begin to appear out of cloudy by-gone-times, when sud­denly it vanished.

Some seeds of the former mischiefs remained yet in Italy; for the strong astles of Genua, Millan, and Cremona, held still for the King of France, and many factious men began to desire Novelties; and to the terror of all men, news was spread abroad of new stirrings in France, which as it was believed would suddenly break forth into open war. Lodowick did greatly desire to recover the State of Millan, and his ancient Reputation; and he was much the more incited by the discord of the Colleague Princes, hoping that he might easily divide them, and get some of them to joyn with him, when he should send his Army into Italy. He therefore sometimes egg'd on Caesar to war against the Venetians, and sometimes the Venetians against Caesar. He offered all his Forces to each of them, he propounded great re­wards of Victory; he made himself appear to them to be in a con­dition of joyning with any one of them, when the other should un­dervalue his Friendship. Moreover, to the end that a more firm and inviolable agreement might be made between them, he promised Caesar to give him his Daughter Renea for wife, to his Nephew Charls, or else to his Nephew Ferdinand, and to give with her for Portion, the State of Millan, when it should be regaind by their joynt Forces. The Pope was hereat greatly troubled; for he saw that great dangers were threatned to Italy, by the power of the French, which he did no less hate then fear: but he was much in doubt which side he should favour: If he should lean to Caesar, he feared least the Venetians ha­ving no hopes of peace, should have recourse to the friendship of the French, and should endeavour to secure themselves by their Forces; so as he should lose all that Glory, which during all the time of his being Pope, he had so much laboured after. And on the contrary, if he should lose Caesar by assisting the Venetians, he thought he had not sufficiently provided for all dangers; and being very jealous, he perswaded himself it might easily happen that Caesar siding with the Council at Pisa, which the King of France had long before set up against him, and which was at this time removed to Lions, his Glo­ry, [Page 8] and Dignity might be exposed to great danger. But a fervent desire to get the City of Ferrara did most of all prevail with the Pope in making him alter his first resolution of assisting the Venetians. Re­jecting therefore at the last all things which might perswade him to the contrary, he resolved to be govern'd by Caesars Interest; and whereas formerly he had wont with great dexterity and humanity to exhort the Venetians to Peace, he began now to threaten them se­verely, if they did not accept thereof upon whatsoever severe condi­ons, as soon as it should be propounded: Whereby he hoped to in­duce Caesar to give over the defence of Ferrara, which losing his assi­stance▪ must needs fall into his hands. But the Venetians being certainly advertised by their Embassadour Francisco Foscari of these the Popes new inventions, began to listen to the reasons which had been many times before urged by Andrea Gritti, of joyning in League with the French.

This Andrea being taken Prisoner in Brescia, and afterwards car­ried into France, was for his wisdom, good behaviour, and affabili­ty, very well esteemed of by all men, and especially by the King, and kept with great respect and honour, so as he now convers'd and treated in the Court, much liker an Embassadour of his Country, than a Prisoner; the Venetians thought it an unworthy thing, and not to be endured, that their prosperous Success in War against the French had brought them no advantage, by reason of the great In­jury that was done them by their Friends and Confederates; who notwithstanding would have it believed that they had undertaken that War chiefly for the Venetians good, and that their Common-wealth might flourish again. By which appearances the Venetians being nourisht in hopes, they were the cause why they willingly con­tinued the War, underwent much labour, and danger, not sparing for expences; but as soon as the French had a way made them for the League, Constanso Ferrario was suddenly sent to Venice to nego­tiate it, not without the Kings consent and knowledg. This man brought Letters with him to the Senate, from Giovanni Giacopo Tri­nusio, one who was then in great Authority with the King, wherein he appeared to be very well inclined to the Common-wealth, and then shewing the reason which had moved him to send this his Ser­vant of purpose to them, left the whole Authority of negotiating, and concluding the business to him; that it might be the more close­ly carried, this business of Treaty touching the League with Ferrario, was committed to Antonio Iustiniano, one of the prime Senators, and who was then in great esteem for his Wisedom. These after divers meetings agreed, that some things being altered which the condition of the times did require, those capitulations should conti­nue which were made some years before, when the Venetians joyn'd in League with the French against the Sforza's. Gritti was made acquainted with all this, and was desired that he should by all means endeavour, that this Friendship and Peace might be confirm'd by the King as soon as might be. Lewis seemed to be content with what was done, and promised to make good all that had been agreed upon by Ferrario, except that Article of ye [...]lding up Cremona, and [Page 9] Giaradada to the Venetians; which places he absolutely denyed to surrender up to any. The Venetians would very gladly have had Cremona restored: for when they called to memory what expence and labour they had been at in the getting of it, the more desirous they were to re-possess it. To which purpose they used these reasons to the King, that either of their States ought to be bounded by re­markable Confines, to take away all future occasions which might arise of breaking their Amity, which could be none else but the two Rivers of Poe and Ada; that the Cities of Brescia and Cremona were so scituated, as unless they were Masters of Cremona, their Domini­on must be continually divided and weak, and subject to many In­conveniences. That the better to strengthen the new League, it was best to renew it upon the same conditions which were formerly accepted of by the King, that the King could not retract (without in­jury to them) from any thing which was treated upon and concluded by Fe [...]rerio, not without his knowledg. Thus whilst both the parties were firm to their opinions, Affairs grew every day more difficult, and there appeared less hope of bringing them to their desired end. The Pope was very much moved, when he heard of this Treaty, though it came to him but by an uncertain Rumor, and was occasio­ned rather by Jealousie than by apparent Evidence, he therefore be­ing desirous to keep the French and the Venetians divided, began to lay aside much of that severity wherewith he had wont to treat with them, and endeavoured to sweeten them with many Courtesies and Humanities. He excused himself for having entred into a new League with Caesar, whereunto he was inforced, for the avoiding of many mischiefes: He promised that when he should have secured his own Affairs, he would declare himself a Friend to the Common-wealth; that the mean while he would not take up any Temporal Army against them, but would annull the Ecclesiastical Censures which he had laid upon them. Moreover the Switzers exhorted thereunto by Cardinal Sedunensa, a great Friend to the French, and being also stirr'd up by the Pope, sent their Embassadours to Venice, to use their Authority in this business, which at this time was very great with all Princes, out of the high esteem which was had of their Military Valour. These exhorted the Senate to Peace, and making great boasts of themselves, and of their Power, strove to make all other Friendships less safe, and less desirable than theirs. Likewise by Advice of the same Pope the Vice-roy of Naples sent Pietro di Ca­stro to Venice, to let the Senate understand that the Vice-roy had Power to prolong as long as they should please, the Peace which but a little before they had concluded with Caesar, by Ferdinand's pro­curement, and to use all means to confirm such as were jealous in their ancient Friendship and Affection with his King. The Senators being assaulted by these several Adresses, as if it had been by so ma­ny Engines; whereas they were joyntly minded before, to make Peace with France and renew the War, some of them began now to think upon Peace; which they did the sooner, because News came every day from several parts, of great Preparations for War, which Henry King of England was making to assault France. Whence it [Page 10] was to be feared that King Lewis being busied in defending his own Kingdomes, could not that year bethink himself of the Affairs of I­taly, nor imploy his Forces therein: Therefore as soon as any Pro­position was made tending to the new League, the others by spinning out time endeavoured to abstruct the business.

They put them in mind of the great miseries of those times, affirming that after so much labour and danger it was now time to endeavour Peace to themselves, and their Subjects. That all humane things were gover­ned with a certain variety and change, and by a perpetual turning about, were seen sometimes to increase, sometimes to diminish; that their Com­mon-wealth had enjoy'd Prosperity for a long time; it now became them to bear with some Adversity, that when the times should alter, she might recover her ancient Reputation, Empire, and Glory. That therefore they were to use such Wisdom and Temper, as not to bring their Common-wealth to ultimate ruine, by pressing upon time, and by too hastily accele­rating the n [...]w growth of their Common-wealth; that all Italy might bear witness of the French mens cruel dispositions, which being imperiously used by them as well in Peace as in War, might prove how this Nation was e­qually [...]roublesome and insupportable both to their Friends and Enemies. That to open the way again to this barbarous Nation, was to return Italy into much misery and calamity. That Maximillian's nature was such, as through his Inconstancy and immense Prodigality, which had oft time brought him to greatest Extremities, they might assuredly hope shortly, and at no great expence, to recover all that he possest of theirs.

But others laboured to perswade the contrary, who were of opinion, that a high, though no assured hope, ought to be preferr'd before safer, but more humble thoughts. They said the Venetians were never so overcome by fear, as by so great a desire of quiet, to forego all occasions of just and glorious War. That it was therefore, that the fame of their Common-wealth was so highly extoll'd, and lowdly cryed up even in the farthest distant Nations. And that she had then purchas'd most praise, when she appeared to be almost extinct, triumphing over victorious Fortune. That they should still keep the same noble resolutions; for all things do at last bow to Worth. That their greatest dangers were already over, that they did not fight now for safety, but now for Glory and Empire. That since they had so freely undergone the weight of so great War, there was no necessity of oppressing the little remainders by Peace and Agreement, but to secure their Affairs for a longer time by a famous Victory: That they should re­member what the common Proverb sayes, That every one builds up his own Fortune. That the loss at Geradada was accompanied by many o­ther unfortunate successes, because dispairing so soon, they neither hoped for, nor put for any thing. But as assoon as they began to rouze up their minds, their Fortune began likewise to rouze up, and their good hopes were accompanyed by good success. That if the Affairs of Italy should be established in a setled Peace, and that Venice now accustomed to the In­conveniences of War, should be abased with idleness and wantonness, it would be too late to hope for the recovery hereafter of her former State and Dignity: That the condition of Italy was now such as she needed not to fear any prejudice by the coming in of the French, but that she might the rather recover her liberty by means of their Forces, so much the more easily, for [Page 11] that being now Lorded over by several powerful Princes, every one of their Authorities would become weaker, and less formidable; and one not bear­ing with an others greatness, it might so fall out as she might shake off the yoke of all forraign Nations. That if she should now sit down by so great injuries done her by her Collegues, she would assuredly be hereafter scorn'd by all people, and injur'd without any manner of respect; that this might be argued, by the French mens so much desiring amity with the Common-wealth for no other reason, save only that they knew how generous and pow­erful she was by the revenge which she had taken of them.

From this diversity of opinions and contention, the advice for War or Peace was carried on uncertainly: The doubtfulness of the thing it self was rendred yet more doubtful by the nature and condi­tion of those with whom they treated. For the Emperour Maximil­lian was of a lively Spirit, able Body, patient in undergoing Labor, and with all was well acquainted with Military Affairs. But his dri [...]ts and affections were contrary to one another: He was hasty in Council, his Speech and Actions differ'd, he willingly imbraced all that was presented unto him, but did not much minde the effect­ing of them. The Name of the Empire was large and magnifick; but this Dignity was rather sustained by an appearing greatness, then by any real strength. It was otherwise with King Lewis, the power of whose Kingdom was very great, and his desire of War no less. But his desire of Dominion was such, as he made it lawful to break his word, and to violate all Justice, which the Venetians were sufficient­ly taught by the remembrance of their late received Injuries: There­fore as his Friendship seemed in some respects greatly desireable; so in some other it was as dangerous and suspitious. No certain hope was to be built upon the Popes, nor the King of Spains promises; their assistance being weak and uncertain, and their Counsels not ve­ry sincere, which was sufficiently witnessed by their past Actions: So as it might easily be known, that their thoughts were set only upon their own particular designs, not upon the preservation of the Com­mon-wealth. Hence it was that the hopes and hazards of War were equally poysed. The Senators opinions being thus divided, the good Fortune of the Common-wealth did at last decide the business, which had destinied her to a larger and more lasting Empire. For this business being long discust by the Colledg of the Savii (who are sixteen pickt out by the Senate, distinguisht amongst themselves by several degrees of Dignities, and by distinct Offices, to whom it belongs to advise of all publique Affairs, and report them to the Senate) it was by a joynt Vote propounded, that by all means the League was to be made with the French; whereby the Common-wealth might be freed from the Treachery of the Confederates. The Senate was well pleased with the agreement, and with almost an uni­versal consent, the renewing of the War was agreed upon: and that the business might be the more easily proceeded in, (they not having of many days received any Letters from Gritti) the Senate sent one speedily away to treat the business with the King, and Luigi di Pietro, Secretary to the Council of Ten, was chosen out to this purpose. He was enjoyn'd first to endeavour Gritti's liberty, if it were not al­ready [Page 12] granted him: For the Senate had at the same time chosen him for their Embassadour, authorizing him to confirm the agreement, and to bind the Common-wealth by oath, to the observancy thereof▪ but that if Gritti's setting at liberty should be too long delayed, that he himself should act that part with the King: that he should leave nothing undone to get Cremona and Giaradada to be restored to the Commonwealth: but that if he should finde no hope thereof, he should not notwithstanding delay setling the agreement; provided that things agreed upon should imediately be put in effect, and that the Kings men should forthwith come into Italy. For all the hopes of Victory seemed to consist in making haste, and in the terror of a sudden War, whilst the Enemies being but yet weak, might be easi­ly supprest. But before the Secretary could get to the Court of France the Pope unexpectedly dyed, notwithstanding which News, he was not sent for back, it being uncertain who should be chosen next Pope, and no less uncertain how he would stand affected to Ve­nice; and howsoever the Senate thought the Friendship of so great a King must be a great Establishment and Reputation to their Affairs. It was said that a great affliction of mind was the chief cause of Pope Iulio's death; for being very much subject to passion, and immo­derately desirous of Glory, he could not long lye under the grief, hearing his advice mightily blamed by all men: That by his too much severity he had forced the Venetians to make Friendship with the French, and was cause of re-kindling the War in Italy, which not long before he had much to his Praise, extinguished. It was e­vidently seen by many signs that Iulio was of a very eager Spirit, which neither his Age nor Dignity was able to correct or temper. As soon as the Secretary was come to France the King granted Gritti his full Liberty, and the League was suddenly concluded upon these conditions.

That Cremona and Giaradada should be understood to be annext to the State of Millan, and to belong unto the King; but that Brescia, Bur­gamo, and Crema should remain free to the Venetians, and that the King should quit all his Claim or Right therein to them. That the Collegues should be bound to assist each other, and to run the same fortune in War, till such time as the King should be Master of the whole State of Millan, and that likewise the Common-wealth should be re-invested in all that she was possest of in Terra Firma before the War. That all Prisoners on ei­ther side should be set at liberty and restored to their Goods and Countrie; and that free commerce might be granted both in the State of Venice and in France. It was afterwards added that by joynt consent they should use all diligence to draw any Prince of Italy into the League, and particularly the Pope, who if he would enter thereinto should be allotted the first place.

The League being thus concluded, and establish'd by Oath on all sides, free power to depart the Kingdom was permitted to Gritti, to Bartholomeo a' Alviano, and to all the other Prisoners. Things be­ing thus disposed of and confirmed, the Senate thought it was fit to give an account thereof to the other Kingdomes, and chiefly to the King of England, which by publique order was done by the Com­mon-wealths Embassadour, then resident in that Court. Who said,

[Page 13] That the Venetians moved by the Counsels and friendly Advertise­ments of that King, had the more readily accepted of Peace; that they had with patience suffered many unjust offences done by the Collegues, to the end that by their Friendship, some occasion migh be offer'd of co [...]ing to a fair agreement with Caesar. But that now it was too apparently seen that his Affairs grew dayly w [...]rse and worse; and that the League being bro­ken, not under the appearing name of Peace, but with apparent Injury, he plotted against their Liberty. So as being violenced by necessity, and not to abandon the welfare of the Common-wealth, they had contracted Friendship with the French. That they call'd God and man to witness the sincerity of their Souls and Counsels, and of the present necessity. But they excused themselves handsomely to the King of Spain, laying all the fault upon the late Pope; for that being long troubled, and confused by his dubious and importune Counsels, and also often provokea by Injuries, they were inforced to betake themselves to new Friendships, and to better helps to preserve their Affairs, which were in danger of precipitation. But howsoever they said they did not contemn the League which they had made with that King, but that they desired to continue his Friendship.

This mean while Iohn, Cardinal of Sancta Maria in Dominica, one of the House of Medeci was chosen Pope by the universal consent of the Cardinals. All men were over-joy'd with this Election, but chiefly the Venetians, as those, who had always been very kind and civil to the House of Medeci, which was at that time received into the City, and put into the number of the noble Families, in whom the power of chusing the Magistrates, and the Majesty of the Em­pire in the Common-wealth of Venice lay. Wherefore the Senate hoped they might easily draw the new Pope to joyn with them in League and Friendship. But Leo, as soon as he was made Pope, had many high thoughts, revolved many things in his mind, fit­ting his Counsels sometimes for War, sometimes for Peace. He was moved by his ancient Customes, and by the Life which he had formerly led to imbrace quiet, chiefly now, when he found he was in such supreme Authority: He thought it became him, who had always profess'd an Inclination to Learning, and to the Love of the Liberal Sciences, to foment Peace and Concord, by which those Studies are nourished, and do marvelously increase. Moreover he was to have respect to his high Dignity, wherein he knew he had taken upon him a great Charge, especially since he had raised so great an expectation of himself amongst all men, as he was very vigilant­ly to think upon the common welfare and safety; to the end that I­taly and all other Nations who hoped to find some ease to their long sufferings, by his Popedom, might enjoy peace and safety. To these Considerations it was also added, that having often times try­ed adversity, he ought to shun all occasions of putting himself into the hands of Fortune. By experience of the late evils he did hate the name of War. But yet he thought not peace safe, amidst such rumour of Wars and general Confusion. He knew that men were naturally apt to grow insolent by successful victory, which bore them headlong to satiate all their appetites. That therefore whosoever should prove Conquerour was to be feared; that all Forraign Prin­ces [Page 14] had so great a desire to be Masters of Italy, as whosoever of them should be very powerful, would endeavour to bereave all the weak­er Princes of their States. Nor was the memory of the last Pope a small means to incite Leo to War, finding that by his Actions and di­ligence, the Church Territories were very much increased both for Dominion and Reputation. But if he should resolve upon taking up of Arms, he was in great dispute, with which party he should side. He was much troubled to think of the returning of the French into Italy, remembring the late private Injuries; and calling to mind the dangers of his Predecessor Iulius the second, and those wherewith he himself was likewise threatened by the Pysan Council, which was removed to Lyons, but not extinct; he held the Power of the French to be very formidable. But on the other side, the French being joyn'd with the Venetians, did dayly increase so much in Force and Reputation, as no apparent means was seen how to make head a­gainst so great a Power. He knew that the Cities in the State of Millan, being plundered sometimes by their Enemies, sometimes by their Friends, were so exhausted, as it was impossible to get any considerable sum of money from them to maintain the War. And the Switzers, in whom all the hopes of safety seemed to remain, were known not to be willing to undertake any thing which they might not greatly gain by. And an opinion was had of them, that they had so given themselves over unto Avarice, as not being with-held by any shame, they grew oft times so very greedy and so immoderate in their demands, as the Treasure of a King was not able to satisfie them Nor saw he how he could lay any good Foundation for his designs, upon help from the Spaniards, though their Actions should be answerable to their words. Leo being thus full of various thoughts, did often alter his opinion, and was not stedfast to any one resoluti­on. In the beginning of his Popedom he by his Briefs had exhort­ted all Christian Princes to peace and union, and to bring them the more easily thereunto, he resolved so to carry himself, as not to seem to incline to either party. Yet at the same time, as if he had laid aside all hopes of agreement, he incited the Venetians against the French, endeavouring to perswade them, that not only the Common-wealth of Florence, would side with his Authority, but that the Switzers would take up Arms, for the Liberty of Italy, and joyn in League with him and the Duke of Millan. But the Veneti­ans would not harken to this Advice, as well for that they thought they ought not to forsake the certain League which they had already made with the French out of any vain hopes; as also that looking more inwardly into the truth of the business, they knew that those things which at first sight did promise apparent liberty, did much in­crease the dangers, and hasten the Slavery of Italy. For it is most certain, that the French had not so regulated their designs by the Forces and favour of the Venetians, but that they treated the same time concerning divers things with Cesar, by whom they were sure they might always be easily received, for he very much desired their Friendship; neither did they think it was harder to agree with the King of Spain for what concerned Italy, since they had al­ready [Page 15] accomodated their most important businesses with him, be­yond the Mountains. Ferdinand who was a very wily Prince, was already accustomed to abuse the French by his wary Courses, and to reap the fruit of their Labours. Therefore the Venetians mind­ed the Pope that there was nothing more dangerous, then by too much trusting the Spaniards, to put the whole Affairs of Italy into their hands; that they had condescended that an Italian Duke should be Master of Millan, because they knew he was rather to be a Prince in appearance than in effect, whereby they hoped they might reduce that State upon the first occasion that should be offered, under their Dominion. That therefore moved by the same Interests, they profess'd now to defend Maximillian Sforza, that they might make use of the Millaneses and of the Switzers, to drive the French out of Italy, whom they thought they ought only to fear. That it might clearly be seen the Spaniards did no less aspire to the Empire of Italy, then did the French; but whereas these made their way by open Force, the others finding themselves to be too weak, sought to work their ends by cunning and by cozenage, and did under a colour of Friendship with the Italians, undermine their Liberties. That therefore it was very advantageous to suffer the Forces and Re­putation of an other Forreign Prince to increase in Italy, to obviate their Power, since that the Italians, who had been so long afflicted with War, were not able of themselves to defend themselves against Forreign Nations.

The Venetians did by these reasons make good their Counsels and Actions, but whilst these things were in Treaty with the Pope, all sides made diligent preparations for War. Nay Princes seemed to be the more set thereupon, for that Leo by his various thoughts and promises, made many of them hope to be able to maintain the War by his Help and Authority. But the Venetians were more solli­citous in this business then the rest, as those who found themselves most necessitated to continue the War; therefore they raised men di­ligently in all parts to make up an Army. They sollicited the King of France continually to come speedily into Italy, shewing him that the Victory consisted chiefly in celerity. That if such Cities as were not yet provided of Garrisons should be on the sudden assaulted, they might be easily reduced into their Power. But that if the business were spun out in length, greater difficulties would daily arise. King Lewis being moved by these Exhortations, bent himself wholly upon this War: and being desirous to imploy his whole Forces therein, he agreed with Ferdinando to lay down Arms on the other side of the Mountains for a certain time. This King was so carryed away with a vain glorious desire of recovering the State of Millan, as he valued neither fear nor infamy. So as not caring what blame he might in­curre thereby, he by this suspension of Arms gave over his Friends and Kinsmans Cause, the King of Navarr, who for having taken part with the French, was a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Spaniards, and reduced to a miserable condition. And being likewise advertised of great preparation for War made by Henry King of England, a powerful Prince, to assault France, he contemn'd [Page 16] the Forces of that Kingdom, though they had oft times made the French feel them to their Cost. For having already in his mind ta­ken in the whole state of Millan, and taken the Victory for granted, he thought he might bring back his victorious Army time enough to defend his own Kingdom, before the English, devested of all Mi­litary Preparations by reason of their long Peace, could provide all things necessary for so great an Enterprize. All the Kings men me [...] then according to Orders, in the City of Susa, that they might the more easily pass from thence into Italy. Lewis Lord of Tremu­glia, a Personage very famous both for his Birth, and for many pla­ces which he had discharged, was made chief Commander of the Army. Yet the War was for the most part govern'd according to the pleasure of Giovanni Giacomo Trivulcio, who was at that time in great estimation for his great experience in Military Affairs. 'Twas said that the French Army consisted of about 20000 fighting men; [...] muster'd 8000 choice Italian Foot, to which were ad­ded 200 C [...]rassiers, and 500 light Horse, and a great Train of Ar­tillery, which did much strengthen the Army. Two noble Vene­tians, Domenico Contareno, and Andrea Loredano were the Commissa­ries general, whose particular care it is to provide Victuals, Monies, and all things requisite for the Army, and then to be assistant in their Advice to the Captain General in all difficult businesses; for the Venetians do themselves execute all the places of the Militia by Sea, but in Terra firma, by their ancient wont, and the Custom of their Fore-fathers, they manage their War by Forreigners. At this time Bartholomeo Alviano was Captain General of the Venetian Ar­my, who being lately returned from France, and Count Pitigliano being dead, was chosen by the Senate to succeed in his place, with the same Conditions, which were granted formerly to Pitigliano. His yearly pay was 50000 Duckets, and he was bound to keep still on foot 300 Curassiers, and 500 Cross-bow men on Horse-back, to be ready upon any occasion to serve the Common-wealth. This man when his place was conferr'd upon him, went to the Army, which was then upon the Banks of Adice, and thinking it fit to be speedy in the business, began forthwith to exhort the Senate that he might anticipate the time, and that they would suffer him to march with his Army into the state of Millan, whilst the Enemy were un­provided of aid, and the Cities ungarrison'd. That all other at­tempts would be in vain, or to very little purpose: that it was requi­site that the Venetians should run the same fortune as did the French in [...] War. That if Affairs should go well with them, it was no question but they were to share in the good Fortune; but if other­wise, they had no hope, neither of getting any thing, nor yet of keeping any thing that they had lately re-gained. But the Senate after they had well and narrowly examined the business, resolved that the Army should not pass the Rivers of Po and Ada; for what remain'd they left the whole managing of the War free to Alviano, with leave to direct his Forces and Designs, whither he should be invited by the negligence of the Enemy, or advised by his own In­dustry and Reason. There was not as yet any certain News come [Page 17] that the French were past the Alpes; therefore the Senate thought it a rash Counsel to leave their Countrey exposed to the Injuries of the Enemy, and to send their Army to a place, from whence, in any case of adverse fortune, they could not return. But Alviano, being very fervent in all he took in hand, and very quick and bold, think­ing that the occasion and the present condition of Affairs invited him so to do, resolved to advance immediately with his Army, and took his way first towards Verona, hoping to get that City. Pandolfo Malatesta was taken into pay by Cesar at this time, and made Gover­nour of one of the Towers, who allured by greater rewards, had sided with the Enemy when Affairs went ill with the Common-wealth. This man had agreed with some Citizens who stood well affected to the Venetians, to let in Alviano by St. George his Gate, as soon as he should be come unto the walls of the City. But the Con­spiracy being discovered, and Alviano knowing that the Town could not be easily stormed, as also that though he should take the Town, he must spend much time in taking in the Towers, he thought it better to hasten towards Cremona, and in his March thither took the Town of Vallegio, and the Castle of Peschiera; places for their scituation very fit and convenient for the State of Venice. He gave the cha [...]ge of Vallegio to Zacharia Ghisi, and that of Peschiera to Lui­gi Bembo, and gave 200 Souldiers a piece to each of them. The News of the Venetian Armies approach being come to Cremona, those of the Town who were of the contrary Faction, soon left the City, and the rest who were of the Province of Marcha, received Alviano and all his men readily into the City, who were allowed to plunder a thousand Spanish Foot, and 200 Curassiers, who had the custody or the City; the Commanders not suffering any prejudice to be done to the Citizens, and keeping the Souldiers from plunder. As soon as Alviano was entred within the Walls, he soon made him­self Master of the whole City; for the Castle whereinto the Veneti­ans had formerly put a Garrison, who had sent a supply by Renzo de Ceri, held still for the French.

Alviano displaying the French Colours upon the Walls, let the City know that he received it in the Name of Lewis King of France, for whom Theador de Triulcio, who was then his Legate in the Venetian Army, did take it. He afterwards endeavoured to free the Common-wealth from any b [...]ame, if having tryed all things in vain she were forced to accommo­date [...]er self to the Times, and yeild up so rich a City, and one which she did so dearly love, to another. He moreover exhorted the City to keep their Loyalty to so puissant and bountiful a King▪ under whose Govern­ment, if they would be honest and faithful men, they might promise them­selves to live for ever after safe, and free from many grievances: for which they were obliged to the Venetians, who had procured them that good which they could never have hoped for from the afflicted Fortune of a pet­ty Duke.

These things being so happily and so speedily done, wonne great Reputation to the Venetian Army; in so much as Soncino, Lodi, and other Towns of Giaradada, following the Example of Cremona, sur­rendered themselves to Alviano. But the Venetians fared other­wise [Page 18] in the Territories of Verona and Vicenza: For after Alviano was gone with his Army, and had left small Garrisons in the Cities and Towns which held for them, and that Sigismonde di Cavalli Com­missary General of the Venetian Militia stay'd behind with some few men at St. Bonefaccio; the Germans, who kept Verona being adver­tised thereof, sallied out of the City with 2000 Foot and 500 Horse, and unexpectedly assault the Commissary. Our men, who for the most part were rude and unexperienced, troubled at the sudden as­sault, betook themselves to their heels, and those few which stayd and would stand the Enemy, being forsaken by their Companions, fell into their power, and amongst those Costanzo Pio, a man famous for Birth and Worth. The Commissary Cavalli seeing all his men routed, and chiefly the Alban Horse, wherein he had placed his chiefest hope, began likewise to run, and with him Giovanni Forte, a Captain of Curassiers, and a Tro [...]p of Horse which had tarryed with him; wherewith they got to Cologna; but were so hotly pur­s [...]d by the Enemy, as being hardly entred the Town, and not ha­ving [...]ny the least time to take a better Garrison into the Town, or to put the men who were there in a posture of defence, they under­stood that the Enemy were come, and were about the Walls: The Town being therefo [...]e strongly assaulted, and but slenderly defended, was storm'd and sackt. Cavalli, and Vector Malipiero, Mayor of the Town, together with some others of quality, knowing that they were not safe in the Castle whereinto they were retired, yielded themselves up to the Enemy, and were by them taken Prisoners. The Dutch men loaded with prey, and not having received any harm returned back to Verona, the Enemies grown insolent by their successes, began to promise themselves greater prosperity; and thus going forth of the City with 4000 Foot and 500 Horse, they mar­ched towards Vicenza; which coming to the knowledg of Giovan Pa­olo Manfrone, who had the keeping of that City, he took in many Countrey men to a Band of Souldiers which he had with him, and provided for any accident that might happen.

But the Dutch-men over-running the Territories of Vicenza, ru­in'd all things with sword, fire, and rapine; and being come to the Town of Arzignano, after having taken it, they committed great slaughter amongst the Towns-men, set fire on the Castle, and on o­ther Buildings, and dispairing of ever getting the Town of Vicenza, they returned safe to Verona. Whilst Affairs went on thus in these parts, tumults did dayly increase, and disorders grow greater in the state of Millan; nothing there was safe or quiet. There was neither City nor Castle, which either could, or endeavour'd to re­sist the Enemy: for the people of Millan, and the other Towns there­about, being moved again by the approaching of the Venetian Ar­my, and by the French mens passing over the Alpes, began to wa­ver in their Loyalty. The people wearied but a little before with the Government of the French, did very much desire the return of the Sforzas, their ancient Lords and Masters: But finding afterwards that they had not got that Liberty nor Immunity which they expect­ed (for Maximillian their new Duke, being but a weak Prince, was [Page 19] forced to burthen the State with many impositions, and being jea­lous of many, was necessitated to injure many for the better secu­ring of his Dominion) changing their minds, as is common with the vulgar people to do, were desirous of Novelties: thinking that for the future they should be in better condition, and under more just Laws, if the State should return again to be govern'd by the French. Many also who hated idleness and quiet; some who were poor and banisht, and other moved by the diversity of Factions, fa­vour'd the French. Therefore Count Mausocco, son to Giovan Gia­copo Trivulsio being gone with a Troop into sundry places to make the people rise, finding them ready thereunto, did easily work his ends. Moreover Sacramoro Viscount, who had the Charge of be­sieging the Castle of Millan, forsaking the Sforzas as soon as he saw them forsaken by Fortune, wheeled about with her, and suffering the besieged to be relieved both with men and victuals, discovered himself so far an Enemy to Duke Maximillian, as it was now said a­broad that he did not only plot against his State, but against his life. Maximillian being therefore greatly troubled, seeing his Affairs in so bad a posture, and seeking to provide for his own safety, retired with some few Horse into Navar, to try the utmost of his Fortune. For he understood that some Troops of the Switzers were already got thither, expecting to be followed by many others of their Nati­on, who came in much greater numbers to defend that State. Where­fore the Millaneses, seeing their City bereft both of Commander and Souldiers, that their Castle which was well garrison'd, was in the hands of the French, and that the Enemies Army drew neer, some allured by hopes of better Fortune, others moved by fear, thought it best to put themselves willingly into the power of the French, and to this purpose to send Embassadours to the General of the Venetians Army, who having already made a Bridg over the Ada, threatned to bring his Army before the Town. This mean while the French, with whom was Andrea Gritti, as Embassadour from Venice, assaulted Italy, took many Cities and Castles, some by slight skirmishes, some without any withstanding. Thus the state of Millan, straitned at one and the same time by the French and the Venetian Armies, fell in a short time into the French mens hands. Two only Cities, Navar and Como held still for Maximillian. The Venetians heightning their hopes by these prosperous successes, pro­mised unto themselves a happy end of all the War. Their Army was grown into such Reputation, after the getting of Cremona, as Renzo da Ceri being ordered by Alviano to go with a Band of Soul­diers to recover Brescia, the City yielded as soon as he came before it. For the Spaniards who had the Guard thereof, when they heard of his approach, withdrew themselves into the Castle. There was but one thing which appeared might hinder the conceived hopes of Victory, which was, that it was said, the Switzers had so zealously undertaken to protect Duke Maximillian, as it was thought they would prefer his honour, before whatsoever other thing. Their Nation was then in very great esteem, out of the opinion which was had of their excellent Discipline in War. Wherefore they were [Page 20] much celebrated and feared by all people. So as blown up with Pride for having once had good success in their attempts, chiefly be­cause the French Forces were once worsted by their means, and Duke Maximillian restored to his state, aspiring yet to greater Glory, they did totally despise the French Nation, which they had once over­come. Their haughty minds could not endure to be despised and under-valued by King Lewis, who when there was a treaty of renew­ing the League with them, seemed more desirous of some little ad­vancement of Moneys, than of their Friendship; whereupon the bu­siness remain'd undecided. These men said that they had always highly esteemed the King of F [...]ance his Friendship, that they had toyled very much in several Wars to the end that he might by them receive Glory, that having by their egregious actions deserved much better salary then they demanded, they could not receive such rea­sonable reward from that ungrateful King, as they by their service and hazard had won. King Lewis repenting this his advice, sent his Embassadours to their Dyets to accord those differences, who though they had endeavoured to please some of the best amongst them with presents and promises, yet could they not get them to receive the King into their Friendship. 'Tis thought that the hopes of great Re­ward, and an Opinion of vain Glory did incite the multitude to fight against the King of France since they saw their Friends and Compa­nions rich, and return'd with Conquest from the late Wars of Italy. The Popes authority and exhortations were added to these things; for Iulio was wont mightily to magnifie the Helvetians, whom he had honoured with the glorious title of DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY: and Leo did continual­ly, though under-hand, solicite them to take upon them the defence of the state of Millan. Besides he had sent them a certain summe of Money, by Morone, Maximillian's Embassadour, under pretence that it was due unto them for service done in the other Popes time.

And since the recent Memory of the glorious Actions done by that Nati­on invites me thereunto, I have thought it greatly suiting with the busi­ness which I am now in hand with, to say something of their Customes and Discipline.

The Switzers are a Nation of Rusticks, far from any neatness or civil breeding, but very desirous of War, and for strength of body, beyond all the Nations of Europe. They inhabit those high Hills which bound France on the West side, and on the East and North Confine upon Germany. Therefore as formerly this Countrey was held a part of Gallia Belgica, so now it is placed as a member thereof, within the Confines of Germany. The Inhabitants suffer much in the scarcity of all things, by reason of the Countries barrenness; the which they use to remedie, not by cultevating the ground, or by marchandizing, as other people for the most part do, but by the pay which they get in the Wars: They think that curious and deli­cate living makes men effeminate, therefore despising Learning and all civil Adornments, they spend their lives in continual sweat and labour. So as being naturally strong of body, and accustoming themselves to hun­ger, watching, cold, and thirst, they do so strengthen themselves, as they can easily undergo the hardest things. As soon as their years will suffer [Page 21] them to bear Armes, they leave their own homes, put themselves into o­ther Princes pay, and learn all Military Affairs in Armies. Hence is it, that strength of body, and experience in War, makes these fiercely minded men, so daring, as they dread not any Enemie; nor is there any Enter­prize so hard or difficult, which they do not willingly undertake; where­by they have won singular praise for matter of War, amongst all Nations: and their Discipline is chiefly esteemed in pitcht fields, when people fight with Banners flying. For they so order their Squadrons, as they stand fast and firm, and bear any shock of the Enemy without any disorder. But this their great Industry is marr'd and corrupted by many bad Customes, so as they deserve not that praise which is due to true Worth. For they e­steem nothing a fault in War, but to fear the Enemy, and think it not a fault for able valiant men, to take Liberty in committing other faults, so as the Soul being sick and weak in what concerns true Honour, suffers her self the more easily to be contaminated. They have often therefore been observed to despise Loyalty, to refuse obedience even to modest Commands, and to measure all things according to their own Interests, more then ac­cording to Honesty. They have Liberty in great esteem, and veneration, and profess the maintaining thereof more than any other Nation doth. Wherewith being contented, and secured by their cragged scituation, they go out of their Confines, not with any intention of inlarging them, but to fight for other mens Power and Glory. So they exercise the Militia rather for profit and private praise, then to acquire Empire and publick Dignity. They are divided into many Communalties, which they call Cantons; and order their Affairs after a form of civil Government, according to the Rules of a popular State. Every Canton hath its particular Laws, and have peculiar Magistrates to do them Iustice. But when they treat of most important business, which appertain either to War, or Peace, they all convene in a common Council, which according to occasion is appointed in several places The way to publick Imployments is open to all, for vali­ant Actions are those which are only esteemed as ornament and greatness in this Nation, which knows no other Riches or Nobility then what is pla­ced in Military Valour. Finally their whole Life is nothing but Warfare, whereby they have won such Reputation with all other Nations, as great provisions are paid in unto them, both in publick and in private, by the most potent Kings of Europe. And Embassadours are sent to them from all parts, to seek League and Friendship with them. But the Switzers seemed to love the Venetians above all others, only for the name of Liberty which is so acceptable to them. Therefore our Common-wealth, to ho­nour them the more, was wont to call them not only Friends, but Cousins, and hath often made use of their Friendship, particularly at that time when by their assistance they drove the French out of Italy.

Therefore the Venetian Senate relying much upon the Switzers, chose Pietro Stella, Secretary of the Consiglio di Pregadi, and sent him to them in the Common-wealths name, to endeavour the taking of them off from the League which they had made with their Ene­mies, and to reduce them to Friendship with the French. But when the Secretary was come to Zurick, and began to acquaint them with his Embassie, the fierce multitude, highly incens'd against the King of France, could not only not be perswaded so to do, but scandali­zed [Page 22] with the motion, suffered themselves to be so carried away with an uncurb'd fury, as violating the Laws of Nations, they used vio­lence upon the Venetian Secretary, who with much ado and by means of some of the chiefest, and wisest amongst them, escaped the danger, and by order from the Magistrates was secured in his own house. The Council being then called hereupon, war against the French, was with such joynt consent and such fervour resolved upon, as most upon receiving very little pay, and many without a­ny pay at all, made themselves be listed in the Militia, and having in a short time made up a numerous Army, they began to fall down by Squadrons into the Dukedom of Millan. When the French Commanders heard that they were come, they were much troubled, remembering their gallant late actions; but considering that they had neither Horse, Victuals, Artillery, nor any other thing fit for an Enterprise, they thought they were not to fear such Enemies as came without any warlike Preparations, rather to pillage than to fight. So as they thought that being dissipated by their own neces­sities, they would return home without doing any thing, as they had sometime formerly done. Therefore the French not valuing this the Enemies succour, left the City of Alexandria well garrison'd, where they had made their first stay, and march'd with their Army towards Novara, they intended first to try the Switzers with gifts and promises, and see whether they could sooner overcome them with Gold, then with the Sword; hoping that they might easily bribe them to deliver up Duke Maximillian into their hands, follow­ing therein the example of their own Countrey-men, who had vio­lated their Faith some few years before to his Father Lodowick, in the same place: Which though it should not succeed, thought the taking of that Town would prove no hard business, wherewith they hoped the War would be ended. But this advice was even then bla­med by men of great Experience and Fame in Military Affairs, who said the French did not manage the War well, who having already reduced almost all the Cities and Castles in the Sforza's possession, had bent all their Forces upon the taking of Novara, where they would find imployment for a good while; when to have done well they should have marched forward with their whole Army to en­counter the Spaniards, whom when they should have overcome, and driven out of the State of Millan, it might be hoped that the Switzers seeing themselves deceived in their hopes from the Spani­ards, would take some other course, now that they were not far from their own homes. Therefore Gritti had often times exhorted the French Commanders to mind chiefly the beating of the Spanish Army, whereon the Enemies chief refuge did seem then to depend, and the maintaining of the War. And the Venetian Senate, think­ing that the Enterprise should be handled thus, had given order to their General, and to their Commissaries, to make a Bridg over the A­da, giving out that they would suddenly pass their men over to meet with the French, to the end that the Spaniards frightned thereat, should not only forbear sending succour to the Switzers, but might be inforced to think of their own safety, and retire into the Kingdom [Page 23] of Naples. The Vice-roys mind was various and uncertain, and his way uncertain; for being gotten but a little from the River Tre [...]bia, he returned the next day to the same place, and quarter'd his Camp there, which made all men grow jealous of him, it not being eviden­tly seen whether he meant to retreat, and abandon the Switzers, or by seeming to do so, to assault the Venetian Army at unawars: But seeing that he kept the same Quarters a good while, every one belie­ved that he stay'd expecting the event of things, and accordingly to govern himself, either in continuing Peace with the Venetians, or in making open War against them. Therefore the Venetian Senate carrying themselves in all their resolves, according to the various­ness of his Designs, ordered Alviano, that if the Spanish Army should pass over the River Poe, to joyn with the Switzers, who mar­ched towards Novara, that he should advance with all his Forces to free that City from being besieged, and to give credit and assistance to the French Affairs. But that if they should pass the Poe on the lower side, and that he did conceive they meant to come upon the Territories of Verona, to joyn with the other Enemies of the Com­mon-wealth; that then he should keep his men in such a place as he might be ready to assist wheresoever need should require. Alviano therefore halted with his Army in the Territories of Cremona, that he might turn any whither according to the Proceedings of the Enemy. This mean while the French had in vain made many assaults upon Novara, which was stoutly defended by the Switzers, and now dis­pairing to take it by force, they were in a great strait; for they had certain Intelligence that the Defendants did dayly expect great suc­cours: Wherefore the undertaking grew more difficult; they thought that if they should give it over and retreat, the honour of their Army would be much lessened, and the Enemy would be thereby much in­heartned; and if they should tarry longer in the same Quarters, they saw it would be to no purpose, and not without danger. Some of the Commanders were of opinion that the Army should remove from those Marish Grounds, and march into open Campagnia, where the Chivalry, wherein their chiefest hopes lay, might shew their Worth. That therefore they should go to encounter the Enemy, and set upon them on their way, whom they might easily overcome, since they were unfurnish'd of all warlike Preparation. But Trivul­sio's opinion prevailed, whose experience Fortune began already to mock. He said they were not to hazard themselves upon the uncer­tain Event of a Battle, wherefore they withdrew two miles further from the City, and encamped themselves neer the River Mora, to the end that lying in a safer place they might keep the Enemy from Victuals, and by this means inforce them to surrender. When the French had altered their Quarters, the Switzers not seeing the Ene­mie appear any where, entred safely into the City of Novara, and were exceeding joyfully received by the besieged; and without ta­king any manner of repose, they called a Council of War, and be­gan to consult how they were to carry on the War, and suddenly it was resolved with a general consent, that they would assault the Ene­mies Camp the next night.

[Page 24]They were so inflamed with a desire of Glory, as they despised the worth of all other Nations, which heat of theirs was made the greater by the exhortations of some of the Commanders, who la­bour'd to perswade the multitude,

That Affairs would grow worse by delay, that dangers did dayly in­crease, and that therewithal Glory would decrease. For they knew that some other of their own Companies would shortly come in to their succour; which, in case that they should get the Victory, would usurpe the greatest part thereof: And that notwithstanding, after such an assistance, their condition would be impared, if they knew not how to make use of the pre­sent occasion of fighting, which was offer'd them. For that there was certain News come that both many Foot and Horse were come into the City of Alexandria, sent by the King of France to joyn with his Army; which if they should be s [...]ffer'd to joyn with the rest of the Enemies Forces, Max­imillian's Affairs, and the defence of that City would be reduced to great difficulties. That therefore a short delay might produce great difficulties, and spoil a fair advantage. That they were to make use of the opportuni­ty of place, and time which was offered them, whilst they had means so to do. That they had then great commodiousness to order their Army in the open Campagnia, and to assault the Enemy, who were not encamped in any strong scituation, nor had yet time to fortifie themselves by Art, or by their Souldiers labours; so as those little works wherein the Enemy were, would rather prove a hinderance, then an advantage to them. But that above all things nothing made so well for them, and so ill for the Enemy, as the obscurity of the night, for then they could make no use of their Guns, wherein they placed their hopes of Victory, more th [...]n in their own cou­rage: Moreover they came with resolution and minds prepared to fight, whereas they should find the Enemy half asleep, astonish'd at the Novelty and unexpected Assault, expecting nothing less at such a season, then bat­tle. That they should not fear the smallness of their numbers, nor for that lose any of their ancient Courage, since the Enemy, though they ex­ceeded them in the multitude of men, were not to be compared to them for Valour. That if they should put this off till another time, there was no hopes hereafter of Battle, whereof the Enemy would be very far from gi­ving any occasion, at they who having opportunity by time to fortifie their Camp, and being sure to keep the City from Victuals, hoped to get the Victory with less hazard. That gallant men might be thus indangered by base people, when they should suffer themselves to be reduced to such ne­cessity, as they must either fight upon much disadvantage, or else being tyred out with want and molestation, fall at last into the Enemies hands. That it better became their Generosity to run the same hazard of life by making Tryal of their Valour, then by suffering the Inconveniences of a Siege. That it was greatness of Spirit, not wariness which was the true Ornament of Souldiers.

These warlike men being wholly set on fire by these speeches, they all with lowd voice desired to be led on to the Enemy. And feed­ing themselves with the desire of Glory, and hopes of Victory, were not overcome by the weariness of the way. The Commanders praising their Courage and Resolution, dismiss'd them, ordering them to be in readiness with their Armes, against the sign should be [Page 25] given. The French having been in Armes all that day, and part of the night, and being told by their Scouts, that all was quiet in Novara, had betaken themselves to their rest; and this being the first night after the raising of their Army, they lay scatter'd and confutedly amongst their Baggage. The better half of the night being past over in silence, 10000 Switzers sallied ou [...] of the Town, and having divided themselves into three bodies, marched speedily strait towards the Enemy, and proceeded in such order, as the far­ther they advanced, the farther did the Army spread abroad. The greatest Squadron was ordered to assault the Enemies Camp on the Front, and to begin the Battle: The other two, when they should be come to the Flanks of the Camp, were to tarry there, and keep the French Horse from succouring the Foot. The Switzers began now to march with displayed Banners against the Enemy, who being advertised of their coming by their Scouts, had but very little time allowed them to stand to their Armes, and put themselves in order; for being startled out of their sleep, and the Commanders being no less abash'd at the first with the Novelty, then the rest, they were much terrified, not knowing well what to do; yet soon after, ga­thering such Troops together as the suddenness of the accident would permit, they began to give order for such things as were most neces­sary; and the Souldiers following their Commanders Orders stood to their Arms, and got to their Colours as well as they could. Tri­vulcio kept in the midst of the Battle, Monsieur de Tremuglia took care of the right Flank, and Ruberto Sedanio commanded the left: They all of them exhorted their men the best they could valiantly to with­stand the Enemy, affirming they had no reason to fear them, who were weary and tired with their Iourney, whilst they themselves were fresh and lusty. They shew'd them how much superiour they were to the Enemy both for advantage of Place and numbers of men; that they wanted nothing to obtain the Victory, if they were not wanting unto themselves in boldness and Courage.

The first thing the French did, was forthwith to order their Ar­tillery against the Enemy, whereby to retard the Violence of the Assaulters. But the Switzers, though many of them were slain by the Cannon, keeping their Orders, advanc'd, and bending towards the right hand, they wonne the Ditch, which did inviron the French Camp, and addrest themselves against the Enemies middle Squa­dron, which consisted of Dutch Foot, and wherein their chiefest strength lay. Thus a cruel Battle was begun, all sides fighting with no less hatred then Courage: For these two Nations, as they use almost one and the same Discipline in War, so being Rivals in Glo­ry, they strive for Precedency in Military Valour. The Dutch were not to be made forsake their Station, and the Switzers were very loth to depart without Victory. The Issue of the Battle was there­fore a long while doubtful; but the other two Squadrons of the Switzers, which were sent on the Flanks of the French Camp, be­ing safely got neer the Enemy by by-ways, whereby they escaped the danger of the Cannon; and seeing that the Horse did not move to succour their Foot, they put on another Resolution; the one of [Page 24] [...] [Page 25] [...] [Page 26] them assaulted the Camp in the Rear, where the Souldiers that were on that Guard being slain, and run away, it turn'd suddenly to pil­lage the baggage; the other moving with great violence against the French and Navarese Foot, who guarded the Artillery, and making them run, advanced to succour their own men, who were fighting with the Dutch; and coming very opportunely, fresh and intire up­on the Enemy who were wearied, and weakened with fighting, put them into great disorder. This mean while it was noised, that the Switzers were entred the Camp, and were pillaging the Baggage; which as soon as the French Horse heard, who till then had stood still, neither spur of Honour, nor fear of Infamy, being of Power enough to make them enter the Battle, they suddenly ran behind the Camp, to recover the prey from the Enemy. Therefore the Dutch being assaulted on all sides, and forsaken by their Friends, were at last forc'd to yield. The Commanders and all the rest seeing all hopes of Victory lost, fled, and provided as well as they could, for their own safeties. The French Horse, as if they had quite laid a­side their ancient Discipline, did nothing that day worthy praise. There are some notwithstanding that say, that being placed in an ill Quarter, because there was a great Fen between them and the Ene­my, they were so hindred as they could not get out of the Camp, nor put themselves into the Battle. This was the Battle of Novara, which I thought I could not pass over with silence, as well for the weight of the business it self, as likewise for the great Calamities which by reason thereof befell the Venetians. Great alteration of Affairs arose suddenly in Italy from this adverse Fortune of the French; and especially of those wherein the Venetians were concer­ned; For though the greatest part of the French Army, and chiefly the Chivalry, was got safe into the City of Alexandria, the Enemy wanting Horse to pursue the Victory, yet the French, parting soon from thence, retreated to Piemonte, using no less diligence to return into France, then they had done to come for Italy. But Gritti, who being then in the French Camp, accompanied them in this their fight, was not wanting in exhorting them not to be dis-heartned so soon at Fortunes first blow. He put them in mind, that by this their im­moderate fear they would beget an opinion in men, that what had befallen them by chance, and through the obscurity of the night, proceeded from the Enemies Gallantry, or else from their Cowar­dize, and that so they would make that their own fault which was the fault of Fortune. That by this base flight the King of France would suffer in his Honour, and the Fame of that Nation, glorious for so many Victories would be obscured. Trivulcio and the other Commanders used the like Perswasions; and it fell out very oppor­tunely, that in their retreat they met with some Foot Companies, and some Troops of Horse which the King had formerly sent to re­crute his Army into Italy. But nothing was sufficient to make them stop; they despised their Commanders exhortations and commands, all Military Honour, and whatsoever else, suffering themselves on­ly to be guided by their own Wills. Therefore Gritti seeing the French Army wholly defeated, and knowing he could be no longer [Page 27] serviceable there for his Common-wealth, return'd by Savona to Gen [...]a, and from thence took his way towards Luca, and at last after much ado, and having ran many hazards, got safe to Venice, from whence he had been four years absent. After this Victory, Maxi­millian Sforza, who being but a little before neglected by all his own men, was not in any good condition, did hereby get such Reputati­on, as the peoples minds altering together with Fortune, Embassa­dours flock apace to him from all his Cities to return under his Obe­dience; and the Millaneses by a solemn Embassie of the chiefest of their City, did strive most of all to obtain his favour and pardon, excusing their Rebellion, and shewing themselves willing to do whatsoever he should command them. The Cities were received in­to favour, upon condition that they should pay a certain sum of mo­ney to the Switzers, that so they might reap the fruit of the Victory which was got by their labour and hazard.

The Vice-roy this mean while, who keeping his Spaniards with­in their Quarters upon the River Trebia even till this day, which was the thirteenth of Iune, had not discovered himself to be Enemy nei­ther to the French nor Venetians; following the Fortune of the Conquerors, past over the Poe, and marched towards the Territo­ries of Cremona to assault the Venetian Camp, which he knew was there: Which when Alviano understood, and finding that the peo­ple began to tumultuate in all parts, and that being already begun to be Enemies as well to the Venetians as to the French, they prepared to take up Arms in Maximillians behalf, he thought it became him to hasten out of those Confines, and to draw his Army safe out of so many difficulties. The Senate hearing the bad News of the rout of the French, had ordered their General, and Commissaries to re­treat with their Camp to Valeggio, to defend their Confines; but that they should proceed in such manner, as their Retreat might not seem a running away, whereby their Friends might grow fearful, and their Enemies be imboldned. Yet Alviano putting on such re­solves as became him to do upon such an accident; seeing his Affairs grew dayly worse and worse, withdrew hastily with his Army to the Territories of Verona. But Cremona having none to defend her, when he was gone, fell quickly into the Spaniards hands, which was sack'd for having received the Venetian Army within her Walls. Thus the Vice-roy, seeing that other mens dangers had opened a safe way unto his Counsels, resolved to make use of the Occasion, and to fall at the same time upon divers Enterprises. He sent Prospe­ro Colonna with 3000 Foot, and 300 Horse towards Novara to re­crute Maximillian with fresh men, if he needed them. He ordered Francisco Hernando Marquess of Pescara to march with a good Band of men towards Genoa, willing him to make what haste he could, to the end that he might assault the City at unawares, and drive A­dorno out of it, who was newly made Duke, and who was of the French Faction, and to put Ottaviano Fregoso into his former place, and use all means possible to reduce that City to Ferdinan [...]s devoti­on; which things were performed very boldly and luckily by the Marquess. The Vice-roy passing with the rest of his Army first o­ver [Page 28] the Poe, and then over the Ada, entred the Venetians Confines, and took Brescia and Bergamo almost without any gain-saying, toge­ther with many Castles in those Territories wherein were left either no Garrisons at all, or but very weak ones. These towns were re­ceived in Caesars Name, and according to the abilities of each of them, had great Fines set upon them, which being severely raised, were distributed amongst the Spanish Army. Alviano being very much grieved to see himsel [...] bereft of that Glory, whereunto he had with great hopes aspired, but not any whit lessening his desires, and re­solving howsoever to make some gallant Attempt, did without diffi­culty take the town of Liguago as soon as he came into the Territories of Verona, and leaving Giovan Paolo Baglione with 2000 Foot and a good Troop of Horse to take in the Castle, he march'd apace with the rest of his Army to Verona, to endeavour the taking of that City by an unexpected Assault. Baglione apply'd himself diligently to the taking in of the Castle, and having beaten down part of the Wall near the Gate with his Artillery, took it after it had been long and valiantly defended by the Spaniards. Whereby he according to his deserts received thanks by publique Order from the Senate. But soon after finding that the town could not be made safe in any conve­nient time, and that when it should be so, it would require a strong Garrison to keep it, they advised the General and Commissaries, that taking out the Artillery and Victuals, and burning, or throwing the other things into the River, which they could not easily carry a­way, whereby the Enemy might be deprived thereof, they should quit it, slighting the Castle and the Walls; which was immediate­ly done. This mean while, Alviano, being of a ready and sharp wit, coming with miraculous speed so before the City of Verona, placed his whole Army on that side which appeared to be weakest, and having by frequent shot of cannon thrown down a good part of the Walls, and thereby made way for an Assault, he made all his light Horse advance, and followed in very good order with the rest of his men, that his Army might seem the greater, and more terri­ble. Then chusing out 3000 of the most valiant, he divided them into three Squadrons, so as they might undergo the labour and pe­ril by turns, and might according to occasion assist one another. With these he gave the first Assault so fiercely, as those who were within upon the Guard of the Wall being frighted, our Souldiers scaled the ruin'd Walls; but the Wall was so high, though in part batter'd, as kept them from descending into the City. So as being forc'd to stay there, many were slain by Musket-shot, and the rest endeavouring often to advance, met with greater difficulties. For the Dutch Foot running from all parts to the place of greatest dan­ger, threatned to receive such as should dare to descend, upon their Pikes point. Wherefore Alviano seeing the difficulty of entring the city hourly to increase, and that those who sided with the Com­mon-wealth, did not rise within the Town in his behalf, as he ho­ped they would have done; dispairing to do any good in this Enter­prise, he thought it best to give it over, fearing lest his Army might receive more prejudice, having lost 50 men in this Assault, amongst [Page 29] which Tomaso Fabrone a very valiant Gentleman, and a Captain of a Foot Company. Thus with incredible speed he took away his Artil­lery the same day that he had begun the Battery, and given the As­sault; and came with his whole camp to the Tomba; where thinking himself more safe, he put on new Resolutions, hoping to effect his design by another way of Warfare. He block'd up all passages by which any Victuals might be brought to the City, and then began to waste and consume the Territories round about just when the corn was ripe in the fields, hoping that by this means the Citizens and Souldiers might be brought to yield, the one to preserve their In­comes, and the others to shun the Inconveniences of a Seidg. The Senate had published an Edict a little before, that if the City of Ve­rona would willingly of her self return under the Dominion of the Common-wealth, all those who had been of the contrary Faction, should be pardoned; and those who were well affectioned to the Ve­netians should be largely rewarded. Yet were it either that the Ci­tizens minds were alienated from the Common-wealth, or rather that keeping the same affection still towards her, they were forc'd by fear to conceal it, no commotion at all was seen in the City, nor was there any sign of surrender shewn. Whilst these things were done by way of War, endeavours of Peace were not wholly laid a­side. Leo, as he had formerly often times exhorted the Venetians to Peace, so did he now the more sollicite them thereunto, hoping the better to compass his desire, for that he thought the Venetians be­ing prosecuted by so many ill Fortunes, might be now somewhat more humbled, and better disposed to listen after Peace: And that on the other side Cesar being wearied with the length of War, might be no less desirous to have things accommodated in Italy; chiefly at this time, when he had undertaken other Wars, to make use of the occasion which was offered of recovering Bretagny to his Nephew Charls by Arms, and by the asistance of the Switzers; who to re­venge their own particular Injuries, prepared to assault that State, at such time as France being molested with sore Wars by the English was less able to defend it. Yet there were some that imagined these the Collegues endeavours for Peace with the Venetians, proceeded only out of a desire to make our State less careful in providing for War; which suspition appeared the more rational, for that their Actions did not correspond with their words. The Pope sent Gen­tile Santesio to Venice, to treat of Peace, which the King of Spain sought also to procure, and yet inclining sometimes to favour Caesar, sometimes the Venetians, his Proceedings were so various, as it was not easie to discern whether it were Peace or War that he desired. Ferdinando was so ambitious of Glory, as he would not have any thing thought to be agitated by any Prince which was not done by his Council and Authority. Wherefore it was that at the same time, and by the same means he endeavoured contrary things. The Count di Caretto who was gone a little before this time from Venice, to the Vice-roys Camp, his Secretary who stay'd at Venice to dis­patch such things as should occur, was present at the treaty of Peace which was negotiated by Santesio, and did by Order from him inter­pose [Page 30] the Kings Authority therein. But this business which had been so often in treaty, had no better success now then it had at other times. For the Venetian Senate being disposed alike in all Fortunes, and not yielding any thing to the present calamities, resolved not to ac­commodate their counsels to their Enemies desires, but to do in what concern'd either Peace or War, what they thought stood most with the Dignity of the Common-wealth. There was one thing only which might seem to detract from their hopes, and from their con­stancy of mind; which was, that certain News was given out, that the King of Fra [...]ce, with whom (as it hath been said) Ferdinando had made Truce for what concern'd Affairs on the other side the Mountains; did also treat with him upon conditions of Peace, which if it should succeed, there was reason to doubt that Caesar would like­wise joyn with them, and that being all joyn'd together, they might once more endeavour the prejudice of the Common-wealth. And this was the more likely to be believed, for that the King of France stood in need of such Friendships, now that a heavy War was threat­ned him by the English. The English Army which was very nume­rous, was already past over the Sea to Callis in France; and King Henry was ready to pass over himself, to be present at this Enter­prise. Therefore upon this so weighty occasion, the Senate thought fit to confirm King Lewis by all means possible in his former taken re­solution, and to exhort him by the mouth of their Embassadour Dandalo, who was then Resident at that Court, not to give the Af­fairs of Italy quite over.

That he would endeavour as soon as might be, to renew the War before the Reputation which he had wonne was lessened, and before his Claim to the Dukedom of Millan, which did now begin to be of Force and Vigour, should grow stale. That the Forces of so great a King were not so much lessened for one Rout received at Novara, as that he should suffer the Swit­zers, a Mountainous Nation, and which wanted all things, to say they had driven a powerful Prince out of his Dominions, and rob'd him of all the Praise and Profit of the Victory which he had almost already got. That his Majesty of France would put on such Resolutions as became his great­ness, and assure himself that the Venetians would never be wanting in any thing to him. That he might command their Forces, Men, and Money, for whilst they had any Power, nay whilst they should have Breath and Life they were ready to expose themselves to all hardship and danger, for the Greatness of the Kingdom of France, and in defence of the common cause.

To these things King Lewis answered, That he very much thanked the Venetians for this their Civility, he gave them very good words and hopes, shewing a great desire to revenge himself of his Enemies, for the Injuries which he had received; that it was true his Forces were somewhat diminished, but that his mind continued still the same; and chiefly in pro­secuting the War, and continuing League and Friendship with them. That it was the ancient Custom of the Kings of France not to be grievous, but helpful to their Friends: That therefore though he should little mind the Affairs of Italy for any Interest of his own, he would not be unmindful of his Obligations to the Venetians; wherefore he would be ready with all his might to help them to recover their ancient Dominions, and to increase their Honour and Dignity.

[Page 31]But it was certainly held that the King of France could not minde the Affairs of Italy that year, his Kingdom being infested in several parts; for not only the K [...]ng of England, but Cesar, and the Switzers had declared themselvs his enemies. Yet the Venetians thought it must needs make for their Affairs to keep the Kings mind by these means still set on Glory, and confirm'd with hopes of better successe, and to keep him their Friend as much as they could. And that they might begin to receive that advantage by this Negotiation at least which they could not as then expect from his Forces; they exhorted the King, that since he could not at present imploy his Forces, nor his thoughts upon the Affairs of Italy, he would the mean while en­deavour to remove all those Impediments which might afterwards, when he should have leisure to think thereon, make his acquisition of the Dukedom of Millan more difficult. That therefore he should endeavour to get help from all parts, and that he should chiefly get the Pope to joyn with him in League and Friendship. Which thing being desired very much by his Nobility, and generally by all the people of France, Lewis was perswaded to send the Bishop of Mar­celles Embassadour to Rome, to let the Pope know, That he had an­null'd the Counsel which he had formerly removed to Lyons, and was ready to joyn with that of Latheran, which was then celebrated in Rome, and that following the Custom of his Ancestors, he would alwayes highly honour the holy Name of Pope, and would be ready to defend the Church of Rome to the utmost of his Power.

At the same time the Venetians sent ten Embassadours to the Pope, all of them both for Age and Dignity the chief of the City, that they might witness the singular Affection and Reverence which they bore unto him, which having formerly endeavour'd to do, they had appointed their Embassadour at Rome, Francisco Foscari, that as soon as the Counsel should be begun which the Pope had intimated to be held at St. Iohn of Latherans, he should be present there in the name of the Common-wealth.

But afterwards they found the Popes mind to be otherwise dispo­sed than they had thought; for fearing now no more the French Forces after the Rout at Novara, which was the reason why till then he had handled his business variously, desembling his secret Inten­tions, expecting the Issue of that War, he began to discover himself, and the Practices which he had held secretly before with the Com­mon-wealths Enemies.

He reprehended the Venetians, and blamed them for having call'd back the French into Italy, to their own prejudice, and the like of others; and that they, who ought mo [...]e then all the rest to have laboured the quiet and liberty of Italy, were the cause of raising new Commotions, and of bringing her again under the Slavery of Barbarians. Which that they might appear the more hainous faults, he accused them of being minded if their Affairs had succeeded prosperously, to turn their Forces against the Church; which he said might be easily seen by their League made with the French, wherein having obliged King Lewis to a [...]st them in recovering whatsoever they were possest of before that War, there was no doubt but that they aspired at the Recovery of the Lands of Romagnia.

[Page 32] Leo did oft times expostulate these things; for not being able long to conceal his Counsels, he endeavoured to excuse himself by laying the fault on others, and by supposing a necessity for what he had done, and by alledging false reasons for it, to deserve Praise instead of Blame. He was continually sollicited by Cesar to send him those Aides which were promis'd him by agreement by his Predecessor, and which were renewed by him. Therefore Leo being no longer a­ble to make either excuse or delay, he ordered Toroilo Savello, and Mutio Colonno, who commanded his Gens d' Armes, that they should depart from Bolognia, where they then were, and go with their Troops, which consisted of one hundred Horses apiece, to joyn with the Dutch and Spanish Army. The Venetians were troubled at nothing more then to see that the Pope had declared himself their Enemy; for they having never been faulty in their Love and Obser­vance to him, in any whatsoever condition of his Fortune, as he himself had confess'd, and seemed desirous of an occasion to deserve it of the Common-wealth, they presumed they might safely build upon his favour: And though he had not as yet joyn'd with them in any League against their Enemies, yet they thought him no whit less well minded towards them, but rather that he desired to have no hand in the War, to the end that he might be the freer from all sus­pition, and be the better able to use his Authority in serving them u­pon managing any Agreement. The Venetians seeing no hopes of Peace, and that their Enemies did increase in numbers and Forces, placed all their hopes in themselves, and betook themselves to pro­vide more diligently for all things, which they thought might secure them from so many dangers, and revenge their Injuries. They took many Foot Souldiers into pay out of Romagnia, and listed a great many light Horse: Moreover they ordered Vicenso Capello, who was Commissary for the Fleet, that he should recrute the Gallies with Marriners, and furnish the Fleet with all things necessary, that he should recall the Candie Gallies, and having gotten what num­bers of Vessels he possibly could from all places, he should with all speed bring the whole Fleet to Sara. With the like diligence they provided Victuals, Ammunition, and Moneys, and all things else, as it were, for the beginning of a new War. Some Senators were of opinion, that the Fleet should put into the Rivers of Puglia, and in­fest the Maritime Places, and that they should by all possible means seem at lest to revenge themselves of King Ferdinando, who being provoked by no Injury, had declared himself an Enemy to the Com­mon-wealth. Yet having thought better hereupon, they thought it was not fit, in so calamitous times as these were, to incense a great King so far as to block up all wayes of ever returning into his favour. The Venetian General was this mean while with his Army upon the Banks of Adice, and being advertised by the Spies, that the Spani­ards were gone towards Vicensa, intending to go to Padua; and that Cordona, with whom those men were already joyned, which, as we told you before, were sent by him upon other Enterprises, was mar­ching with his whole Army towards him, he thought it fit to get be­yond the Adice, so to free his own men from danger, and by them [Page 33] to secure the Cities of Padua and Treviso. Therefore the Senate, though it had been of an other Opinion but a little before, fearing least their Affairs might run into some greater disorder, commended Alviano's Advice, and forthwith sent Luigi Barbaro to re-build the Bridg over the Adice at Albaredo, which as soon as it was finished, the Army past immediately over, and stay'd at Montagnana, where it quarter'd. But after the departure of their Army, the Venetian Affairs, which by reason of their first good successes, began a little to hold up their head, fell to precipitate again. Polesine d [...] Rovigo yielded presently to the Enemy, and great Risings were in all parts; for the people in the Venetians Dominion, seeing their Enemies to grow strong, and their Friends weak, and that they were grievously molested by the one, and but slowly defended by the others; even such Towns as had been most faithful to the Common-wealth, did on all sides, for their own safety surrender to the Enemy. Only Renzo da Ceri, who stay'd with part of the people to defend Crema, wonne some Praise in War at this time, and did somewhat maintain the ancient Venetian Reputation; for sallying frequently out of the City, he much incommodiated the Enemy, he pillag'd and over­ran their Confines, fired their Towns, took many Prisoners, took away their Monies, which he brought to the Camp, and maintained the Souldiers therewith. The Spanish Army being this mean while advanc'd to countenance and assist Cesars Affairs, the Town of Pes­chiera, having made some little resistance, fell into the Power of the Enemy, and the Castle likewise, though it were strongly walled, and well garrison'd, was the easilier lost by the disagreement of the Captains. Lodovico Contarini, who was Purvoyer for the City, was taken Prisoner together with the Captains, and most of the Souldiers, the rest escaped the Enemy by flight. From hence, the Spaniards losing no time, went presently towards Verona, and joyn­ing with the Dutch, at the Town San Martin [...], they began to con­sult, how they were to manage the War, whereupon there being several Votes given, the Opinion of the Bishop Gurghense was at last followed, which was to march with the whole Army to the taking in of Padua. Gurghense was the Emperours Lievtenant in Italy, and was particularly at this time as Head of all the rest in Verona, from whence going to the Army, he held therein likewise the supream Authority. It was not well known whether this Enterprise were propounded by Gurghense, as by command from Cesar, or of his own mear Advice, that so if it should succeed, he might win the greater Praise, the Enterprise being very difficult. But howsoever, Gurg­hense despising the Opinion of the Military men, who were all against him, did obstinately persist in his Opinion; and yet in his Speeches he stood rather upon amplifying the Greatness of the Rewards which they were to expect from the Victory, than upon giving any reason why they should hope to be victorious. But Alviano, who had al­ready convey'd all the Artillery and Baggage into Padua, that he might be the freer and readier to march accordingly as he should see the Enemy move; when he heard their Resolution, arose presently with his whole Army, and was very sollicitous in putting good Gar­risons [Page 34] into Padua and Trevigi; for it was generally thought that the whole success of the War did depend upon the Preservation of these two Cities. Baglione went with 2500 Foot and 400 Horse to the custody of Trevigpe; and Andrea Malipiero was sent thither likewise from the Senate, that he might take particular care for Ammunition, and all other things which might be requisite for the Souldiers. And Alviano went himself with the rest of the Army into Padua; and though the City might seem to be sufficiently therewith garrisoned, yet the Senate would have some companies chosen out of Venice and Istria which should be put into Arms, and sent to guard that City: Moreover many of the Country people who were run into Venice to save themselves from the Enemy, were sent thither, to be made use of as Pyoners upon any occasion. To infuse the greater courage and confidence into all which, many of the young Nobility of Ve­nice, and many other well born Citizens, went with their Servants and Friends to the defence of Padua, and readily exposed themselves in common with the other Souldiers to all labour and danger of the War. Gritti also, who had hardly been eight dayes in his Country, was sent by order of the Senate to that City to discharge the same place which was formerly done by Malipiero. Padua, a great and noble City, was kept by the Venetians with great care and vigilan­cy; for the Common-wealth having placed the surest Foundations of her Empire by Land in that City, both for the opportunity of its scituation, fertility of ground, and certain other fortunate Auspices, they had not been wanting in these hardest times, to attend the Pre­servation of that City with all sort of care; so as it was made very strong, and those parts of the Suburbs were thrown down, which extending themselves into a great length, could not be walled in; the Trees were cut down for a good space round about the City; and all the neighbouring Villages pull'd down to the ground, so as being inviron'd on all sides by open fields, no Enemy could ap­proach the City, but must be discover'd from a far off, and expos'd to the shot of Cannon. The Emperour Maximillian had formerly endeavoured the taking of this City with great warlike Preparation; but finding all to be in vain, was forc'd to quit the Enterprise. But the Venetians hereby instructed, had with all care and diligence cau­sed works to be made about the Fort, and had brought it to great se­curity and perfection. The City was likewise excellently well pro­vided with Victuals, and much corn was every day voluntarily brought in by the Neighbouring Inhabitants. There was great store of Artillery of all sorts, which being very well ordered and disposed of, did sufficiently guard the Walls on all sides, though they were of a very larg circute. Thus had the Venetians carefully provided for all things requisite to the Preservation of this City, moved there­unto rather out of the considerableness of the cause, then fear of dan­ger. All these things being thus ordered, those who were to defend the City did couragiously expect the Enemies Approach: who be­ing gone to the Castle of Este, and from thence falling down along the River banks till they were come within two miles of the City, encamp'd themselves on the right hand of the river Bachiglione. There [Page 35] was nothing in the enemies Army except the train of Artillery which could give such Reputation as was requisite for the winning of so re­nowned a City. The men were but few for such an Enterprise; the Foot did not exceed 8000, nor the Horse above 1000 in all: And their provision for Victuals was but by hazard, from day to day; so as it was conceived the Army would in a short time be reduced to great straits. There were several Commanders in the Army of very great Renown in War, but their experience was of no avail here, by reason of the Bishop Gurghense his great Authority, and his greater Obstinacy. But that which did most of all trouble, and confound the Commanders, was the difficulty of bringing the Artillery to the Wails, and of leading on their Souldiers safe to the Assault. Which could not be done without a long and laborious work of Trenches, under the shelter whereof they might escape the Cannon-shot which play'd from all parts. But such work required so many men to make them, as though all the Countrey round about was fetch'd in with great severity, yet could they not find men enough for the business. Insomuch as the Enemy having begun to make a broad and deep Ditch, which was led on by crooked lines from the Camp to the City, to make a Fence against the cannon-shot which was made from off the City Walls, with the earth which they threw out; they were forced quickly to forsake that work, as well for want of Pioners, as for the continual disturbance which they met with from the City, and chiefly by the light Horse, which sallying out often at unawares, fell upon the Pyoners, disturbe the work, and did continually infest the Enemy sundry wayes. So as nothing passing on either side but slight Skirmishes, the time past on and but little was done; and the Inconveniences of the Enemies Army increasing every day more and more, their hopes of getting the City grew lesser and lesser; for the Camp being pitch'd in a low scituation, and subject to the often Inundation of water, and consequently less healthful, the Souldiers began to fall sick apace, so as they could not tarry there; moreover the Camp being kept from being victuall'd, by Light Horse which sallied often out of the City, and not being furnish'd with any great store out of the Countrey, the Army was greatly inconvenienced. The Souldiers not being content with their abode there, complained grievously, and with injurious words told their Commanders,

That that Enterprise was idlely undertaken, that the business was too difficult, and which by other Tryals was almost impossible to effect; that they would not refuse any duties how sore soever, nor shun any danger if there were any hope of good success, but that a business which was not ac­companied with any hope of good, was certainly not only vain, but very dishonourable, and mis-becoming Military men. What hopes had they to win a strong City now, when numerous Armies of several joynt Princes being brought before it to the same purpose four years ago, were forced with shame to forego it? What reason had Caesar to perswade himself, that his very name, though at a far distans▪ should make so much for the Victo­ry now, when his presence could not effect it before? That a War of such importance ought not to be govern'd by the Authority and Counsel of Bishop Gurghense, a man wholly unexperienced in what belong'd to War. That [Page 36] he minded only Caesars Affairs, and cared not for the Souldier; that they had not received their due pay, nor had not had such Aids sent them as was promised. What remained there now to be done but immediately to raise the Camp.

These Speeches being noised throughout the whole Camp, came to Gurghense's car, who being moved thereat, and dispairing now to perfect his work, it being taken into consideration to raise the Camp, he who had formerly tenaciously defended the contrary opi­nion, gave suddenly his consent thereunto: So as on the 16th of Au­gust by consent of all, the Camp was raised, and Padua was freed from the Siege, which had laid before it 20 dayes, occasioning more fear then danger.

The Enemy marched towards Vicenza, and finding it without a­ny Garrison, and forsaken by the Venetian Magistrates, and chief­est part of the Citizens, who hearing of the Enemies approach, had with-drawn themselves into stronger Holds, they soon took it: and the Souldiers began to commit many enormious cruelties; they plun­dered private mens Houses, not forbearing Churches, nor sacred things, but tore and rent the miserable City; not for that they had therein received any injury, but because the Army was for the most part maintain'd by Rapine, which did never receive pay in due time. When the Camp had stay'd there a while, it began to find want of many things; for the City being wasted by War could not supply the Army with sufficient Victuals, the Inhabitants having transport­ed their corn and cattle to other parts; and it was hard to get any from other parts by reason of the free-booting Carobines, which by perpetual In-roads kept the Enemies Army from Victuals; being then forced out of these respects to quit those Quarters, the Bishop Gurghenses went with the Dutch to Verona, and the Vice-roy went to encamp at Alberedo upon the River Adice. Over which he began to cause a Bridg be made, intending as he affirmed to lead his Soul­diers into the Territories of Bergamo and Brescia. But seeing that the Vice-roy tarried long in those Quarters, Alviano was of opinion, to draw the men out of Padua and Trevigi, and to assault the Enemy, who free from all suspition, and scattering themselves about the Countrey for Pillage disorderly, might soon be routed. He said that the whole Remain­der of the War lay in this Army, which if it should be beaten, the War was ended; and that as long as it should be kept together, the Enemy would always be able to molest the Common-wealth.

But the Senate thought otherwise, being constant in the opinion not to hazard that Army to the uncertain event of Battle, in which the chiefest hopes of their Preservation lay. Neither thought they it safe in such hazardous times, to draw the Garrisons out of Padua and Trevigi. But howsoever keeping this their Intention secret to themselves, they endeavoured to beget an other opinion amongst men, to the end [...]hat such News being spred abroad, and that the Enemy hearing that their Army was to take the field, they might for­bear free-booting, and might hasten out of their confines. But Cordona, little valuing such Rumors, which he saw not in many days seconded by any effects, but rather taking courage hereby, and ho­ping [Page 37] for better things, he began to promise himself good success in whatsoever he should take in hand. Wherefore changing his former opinion, and calling back the Dutch Souldiers to him, he marched once more towards the Territories of Padua, with intention (as it was seen since the season would suffer him to do nothing else) to o­ver-run and pillage all that Countrey. Some say that Cordona was moved to this by the many complaints which Gurghense made a­gainst him, calling him a Liconian, of an unsetled mind, that he did too much affect the continuing in that Dignity, and that he used de­ceit, because he proceeded slowly in the Seige of Padua, and in all his other works. Others believe that Cordona was inforced to take this course; for that the Army being much in arrear for pay, which they demanded with great fervency, and not without insolency and tumult, it became him since he wanted moneys to satisfie the Soul­dier, to stop their mouths by suffering them to prey upon the Enemy, so to supply their want of pay. Prospero Colonna was of a contrary opinion, who held the next place in the Army, after Cordona. This man having often overcome the Enemy both by Counsel, and by the Sword, had wo [...]ne great Renown both for his Valour and Wis­dom in Military Affairs.

He after his accustomed manner, affirm'd the other to be a rash and un­becoming Counsel; for that good part of the Autumn being now over, and the time drawing neer wherein Armies began to draw out of the field, this would be to ingage the Army in action out of Season; that they could not go into the Enemies Countrey without much danger, they being to pass between two strong Cittes, full of Souldiers, as if they went through the jaws of the Enemy; but that the chiefest difficulty would lye in getting out of the Countrey, which was so environed with Rivers, and in a season when great rains were likely to fall, and where snares were to be laid for them by their Enemies on all sides; that therefore that Counsel was to be held the best, whereby the Army was to be preserved from great danger, which when it should be closed in by great Rivers and in the midst of the Enemy, and should also want Victuals, might insteed of spoiling the Enemy, be made a prey of by them. That therefore some better Proposals ought to be made for the preservation of the Army, and not seek to prevent uncertain dangers by certain ruine. But Colonna's advice would not be listned to; for Piscara, who confided much upon the Spanish Foot, and to­tally slighted the Italian Souldiers, joyn'd in Opinion with Cordona, and got it to be put in effect. Wherefore the Camp suddenly mo­ved, and that they might march with more speed, they left the bag­gage behind them, neither did they take all their Artillery with them. They took up their first Quarters at the Castle of Montagnana; and went from thence to that part of the Paduan Territories, which ex­tends it self towards Chioggia, and towards the Sea; which was the richest part of all the rest, both for fruitful fields, and store of Inha­bitants: And was at this time particularly full both of people, and of cattle, because many of the Countrey people had with-drawn themselves thither, as into a place of safety. There is one Town in these parts observable, called Bovolenta, seated in a place free from the sudden In-roads of the Enemy; for the River Bachelone which [Page 38] takes its course from the Territories of Vicenza, as soon as it comes to the Town of Bassanello, two miles distant from Padua, runs a va­rious and crooked course through the Paduan Territories, having received into her bosom some parts of the waters of Brenta, which invironing a great space of ground, meet and joyn together in this place. There was a Castle here of old, which being taken by Al­phonso Duke of Ferara, when things went worst with the Common-wealth, was afterwards recovered by the Venetians, and fortified as much as the scituation could bear. The Enemies came first hither, and passing over the River with some Boats, they took, and burnt the Castle, and sack'd the Town; hav [...]ng opportunity to make the greater Booty, for that the Inhabitants of that Countrey, thinking that the Enemies Army was so far advanced, as not to return, fear­ing no farther danger, were returned to their own houses; so as the Enemy coming upon them at unawares, they had very little time left them to escape their hands. The Vice-roy then led on his Army farther to that part of the River which comes from Padua, over-run­ning and plundering all that whole Countrey even to the Gates of Chioggia. Nothing was seen through all places that they went, but death and rapine. From thence he went towards the Castle di Pioue di Sacco, a rich place, and well inhabited, which they ransack'd, with all manner o [...] injurious dealing, pardoning nothing neither sa­cred nor profane. And whilst the rest are busied in these Rapines, Tro [...]lo Savello one of the Popes Captains, understanding by some that fled away, that many Countrey people were with-drawn with their Wives, Children, and Goods to those Marishes, made by the waters of Brenta, five miles distant from the City of Venice, where the Terra firma parts from the Wash, past over the Brenta with 150 Horse, and some Foot Companies, and marched speedily thither, which when the many that were there without either Arms or Garri­son, understood, they began suddenly to flye, and being scattered here and there as they ran, they were taken Prisoners; yet many out of the knowledg of the passages, escaped. The prey which they got here was forthwith carried away by the Enemy, whereby they got but little good, though much Infamy.

Savello past on then towards Mestre, whither Mutio Colonna was gone a little before with some of the Popes men, and chasing away some Horse, nor meeting with any to with-stand him, had taken that Town: Wherefore Savello's Souldiers, which came thither af­ter, minded nothing but Booty, and not leaving any thing behind them, burn'd the Castle. These were followed more slowly by Cor [...]ona, who being come to the Wash at the utmost point of the Terra Firma, which is commonly called Marghera, he gave order for the planting of his cannon there, and made many shot towards the city of Venice, which was just over against him. This City which is round about environed with salt water, hath no way which leads unto it by Land, and the ways by Sea which are known to those who are acquainted with the sundry and uncertain channels, are block'd up to others and concealed. Therefore safe by her scituation, and needing no Garrison to defend her, she is preserved from any cala­mity [Page 39] of War, and dispatch the power of her Enemies. But this proud Spaniard, to whom this was well known, would be able to boast as of a very glorious thing, that he had got so near so famous a City with so small an Army, whereby he might, as it were, bereave her of that Renown which she had won amongst other Nations. 'Tis very true that Fortune had shewn her self at this time very bitter and cruel towards the Venetians, who were not able now to stop the force of so weak an Army, having formerly with much boldness and success, opposed the greatest Forces which threatned the liberty of Italy. The Citizens were therefore sorely grieved, seeing the Ho­nour of Venice with such insolency offended, and that they must be inforc'd to suffer those who were so well affectionated to the Com­mon-wealth, and who had lived so long safe and quiet under her Empire, to be now thus lacerated by all sorts of cruelty: And that whereas formerly they were wont to assist distressed Forreigners, they could not now defend their own. The Venetians were former­ly formidable to others, but now so cow'd, as they were forced to fear their own Affairs. Which variety of Fortune was the harder to be tolerated, out of the memory of their former Felicity. But the Enemy fore-going those parts the next day that they were come thither, went still wandring up and down the Paduan confines, and wheresoever they came, laid the Countrey waste, all things were stoln and consumed by the Souldiers, who where they found no In­habitants, and consequently nothing to bear away, that they might even there leave some signs of their rage and wickedness, they shew­ed their madness against the Walls and Houses, firing all as well publick as private Buildings, as were any thing beautiful. But Cor­dona, growing now aware of his rash counsel, was desirous to hasten his departure, but could not keep the Souldiers from pillage and plunder, who had so long a time lived licentiously, neither by laying before them the necessity of departing suddenly, nor by his Power or Authority.

At this time Alviano kept with his Army in Padua, and much troubled to see these Proceedings of the Enemy, could not well suf­fer, that so much to his disparagement, and to the dishonour of the whole Italian Militia, they should be permitted to pass by, leaving so strong, and so well garrison'd a City behind them, without pay­ing for this their rashness, and for having ruin'd and wasted so larg a space of ground. He therefore advertised the Senate, that he would march out of the City with his men, and meet the Enemy to block up his way in his return.

He alledged, That being loaden with prey, and marching in disorder, they might easily be beaten; that their Common-wealth was fallen into a most miserable condition, very much unworthy of her former Glory, nor was she to be put into a better, but by a noble daring, and by a gallant, and generous Assault. But the Senators were of another mind; thinking that to have respect to all things, was not the part of abject and cow­ardly, but of solid and resolute persons, and that it did not suite with the Gravity of the Venetian Senate, nor with the praised Wisdom, which they had in the perpetual course of so many years won, to place their re­solutions, [Page 40] and the totall of their Affairs in the power of chance; the suc­cess of Battle being always doubtful, and uncertain: That therefore their Iudgment was, that the Enemy should only be molested by the Chivalry, leaving the rest of the Army to guard the City.

But Alviano was too head long born to the desire of Victory, so as his mind being blinded with a desire of Glory, he oft times knew no danger, and did dispise the safest and wisest counsels. There­fore pressing daily more and more that the Army might remove from Padua, and the Venetian Commissaries being of the same opinion, being induced, as they said, to hope well, out of a singular good affection which they found in the Commanders and Souldiers to­wards the Common-wealth, and as great a readiness in them to de­fend her honour, the Senate departing a little from their first resolu­tion, left the business to Alviano; that if he thought it might make well for their Affairs, he might march with his Army out of the Ci­ty: always provided that he would be sure to quarter his Army in so secure a place, as he might not be compell'd to run the hazard of a Battle. And that he would so follow the Enemy, as without indan­gering himself, their Army might be inforced to dis-band, being consumed through their own Inconveniences. And that he should remember that it was the duty of a Commander to overcome the Enemy no less by counsel than by the sword. The Senate also char­ged the Commissaries, that they should use all means possible to con­firm the Souldiers minds; and that in the name of the publick, they should thank the Captains, and every man of any account in the Ar­my for their good will to the Common-wealth. The Souldiers were then quickly drawn out of Padua; they took up their first Quarters at Limina, where the Brent dividing her self into two bran­ches, takes her course by several ways into the Sea: This place was made choice of, because 'twas thought the Enemy could not pass the River lower, it being deeper there. Our Army being fixt here, Andrea Loredano, one of the Commissaries, having assembled all the Horse Commanders, and Captains of Foot, and some other of the chiefest Souldiers together, spoke thus unto them, according to the Order he had received from the Senate.

The Senate having understood by Letters from us, and by the relation of many others, with what Courage, and hopes, You my fellow-Souldiers have taken the Field, as if you were assured of Victory, but yet with a mind prepared and disposed for all events, were all of them so over-joy'd with the News, as even with tears in eyes, they humbly thanked God, that amidst so many blows of adverse Fortune, he had afforded them this of comfort, that in so calamitous times he had given them proof of your Loyalties, and of your singular affection to the Common-wealth. There­fore they have commanded us in their Names [...]o let you know that our Ci­ty bears the like good will to you; and to witness unto you how great an ob­ligation the whole Common-wealth acknowledgeth to owe unto you for it; and that her Citizens will always thankfully remember it, which they de­sire you to take in good part till such time as when Fortune shall better upon us, they may witness it better by effects. The Common-wealth doth now by me give you many thanks. Let nothing then be of force enough to re­move [Page 41] you from the affection which you seem to bear her, or to make you re­pent this your purpose. You have taken upon you to defend▪ a noble City and her just Empire, which is the Seat of the Liberty, and the Glory of Italy; which City whilst she shall have either Seat or Power, you may be sure will not be wanting in rewarding your great deserts; for we have ever greatly esteemed, and honoured all valiant and honest m [...]n. It is too ap­parent that the Transalpine Nations envy our re-rising greatness, out of the memory of the ancient Worth and Empire of the Italians; and that therefore they do use all the means they can to ruine our Common-wealth▪ which is the true Glory of Italy. But we having formerly made much greater Forces of our Enemies prove vain, our City hopes we shall now [...]e easily able to beat the remainders thereof, which are all now in this Army. The Aids which we have had from the Friendship of Forreign Princes, and from Trans-Alpine Forces, have been of no advantage to us, but have of­ten done us more harm than good; but our Common-wealth will find all things in your love and affection, a ready Will, perspicuous Worth, and as I hope, successful Fortune. We are not now to fight with Souldiers, but rather Thieves; for they do not wage War according to the Custom of Military men, nor do they thereby endeavour Empire and Glory, but gui­ded by fury, are contaminated with all sort of Rascallity: God will not suf­fer their wickedness to remain long unpunished; so as our Militia will be crown'd, as I trust, with Victory and Triumph. We have a faithful, and loyal Army, and in it many gallant Souldiers chosen out of the Flower of all the Italian Militia; the Enemy are opprest with much want of Vict­uals, and their men, now many moneths accustomed to pillage, not to fighting, being beyond measure imbased, slothful, and wanton, have made their bodies weak, and th [...]ir minds effeminate▪ Yet must not we for all this be the less diligent, we must observe all the removes of the E­nemy, block up their way, and finally we must leave nothing undone, whereby either by mature advice, or forward d [...]ing, according as time and place shall require, we may be able to stay these insolent Enemies; [...]o take them, scatter them, and recover what they have got of ours. If those things which we have resolved upon, be duely put in execution, doubtlessly the Enemies Army, which is now become so insolent through the prey which they have gotten, will become our prey. Things are now grown so hopeful, as the [...]enators, and the whole City, believing the Vi­ctory to be certain, begin to think how they shall reward you, and pay you the merits of so gallant an action. The eyes of all Italy are be [...]t upon this, and are big with expectation what the success will be, hoping to be one day revenged for all the Injuries which she hath rec [...]ived from the Bar­barians. You must therefore endeavour by all means not to defraud the Senate of the fruit of their hoped for Victory; nor [...]he rest, of the opinion they have conceived of your Gallantry, nor yet your selves of Praise and Glory.

Loredano having said this, the whole Army answered with one joynt voice, That they were rea [...]y for all things▪ nor would they refuse chearfully to undergo any whatsoever danger, for the welfare of the Com­mon-wealth, and for their own honour; that they wished the Common-wealth might for the future be more prosperous and successful, which for their parts they would by all industry endeavour, and whatsoever her for­tune [Page 42] should be, they would think it to be their own: That the Common-wealth might many times before have known their Fidelity, but that they were glad she should now have tryal both of their Fidelity and Valour.

Thus with universal consent, and great alacrity, the Camp re­moved, and the Army was brought to Fontanina, two miles distant from Cittadella, where our men resolved to wait for the Enemy, because the River could not be well waded over any where else. They planted their Artillery upon the Banks thereof, and placed sufficient Garrisons in every fitting place, and not far from hence was the Army encamped, betwixt which and the Artillery, a large Ditch was drawn, that the Souldiers might upon any whatsoever occasion be fenced within a strong Trench. The Enemy hearing this, began to hasten their March, to the end that they might pass the River before those men which they knew were led on by Baglio­ne, might joyn with Alviano's Army. But as soon as they were come to the Banks of Brent, and that they found them to be guarded by many Garrisons, and that their passage was stop'd there, they resolved without delay to march farther on; Cardona gave order, that whilst the rest of the Army marched, the Light Horse should stay behind, and that keeping about the River Banks, they should let themselves be seen by our men who were on the other side, where­by their departure might not be suspected; and the Enemy having marched three miles towards the upper part of the River, where they found no Guard, they past their men safely over, using such dili­gence therein, as our men hearing afterwards that Cardona was gone to pass over the River; before our men could be drawn forth to hinder their passage, the Enemies whole Army were past over, and had put themselves in order to stand our Assault. Alviano finding that the business had suceeded much otherwise then he had thought, was much afflicted, that he had miss'd the opportunity of assaulting the Enemy, whilst they were divided, and busied in passing over the River; for by the opinion of the other Commanders, and his own also, it was resolved, that they would not come to a day of Battle with the Enemy, but upon some noteable advantage, and that they would expect the succour which Baglione brought them from Treviso. But Cardona, as soon as he ha [...] past the Brent, turn'd towards Vicenza, and because he was to take his way about, Alvia­no, that he might prevent the Enemy, and possess himself of the passes by a nearer way, took his way suddenly thitherward: The mean while he sent Nicolo Vendramino before with all the light Horse, to the end that he might vex the latter Squadrons of the Enemy, and retard their March as much as he might. He then gave order that all the Bridges which he thought the Enemy might make use of, should be broken down, that the tops of the Mountains should be possess'd by Countrey people, and that many Trees should be cut down, and laid cross the High-ways, and that all Avenues might be with all diligence block'd up, Manfrone, having assembled a great many Mountainers of all the Country thereabout, to near about the number of 5000, with these, and with some small pieces of Artille­ry, possess'd himself of the pass of Montecchio. At the same time [Page 43] whilst these things were a doing, Alviano having left Gritti, and Baglione with a third part of the Army in Vicenza, to defend that Ci­ty, he past on three miles farther, and finding a Plain fit to receive the Camp, [...]e took up his Quarters there, and began forthwith to fortifie it. This place was thus scituated. In the High-way which leads from Vicenza to Verona, when you come to the Village Olmo, there is a little Plain out of the way, somewhat on the right hand, which being guarded on the right hand by Monti di Creazzo, and in­viron'd almost every where on the other side by a Valley, is natural­ly very strong, and there is but one way that leads unto it. In the midst thereof the ground is somewhat raised up, and makes the place fitter to encamp in. Alviano chose this as a fit and safe place to tarry in. He together with the rest of the Commanders, resolved to ex­pect the coming of the Enemies Army there, according to the Se­nates Order, and blocking up his Passes to reduce him to a scarcity of Victuals; not affording the Enemy any opportunity of coming to a day of Battle, for it was clearly conceived, that without running a­ny hazard, the Victory was to be ours. The Venetian Camp was pitch'd (as hath been said) in a very strong place, and very fit to draw the business out in length, and where they had plenty of all things necessary; on the contrary the Enemy suffer'd many Inconve­niences, and their difficulties did daily increase.

Cardona this mean while, following the journey he had begun, was come to within about four miles of the Venetian Army, and making his Camp tarry in a place which is called by the Countrey people La Motta, being much confused and troubled, he consulted with the rest of the Commanders, what course they had best to take in the very great straits which they were in. They differ'd in their Opinions, but they all agreed in their very small hopes of safety, or remedy for so many dangers and difficulties. They could not keep longer in those parts for want of Victuals, and it was almost impos­sible for them to get away, the Passages being strait, difficult, and guarded by strong Garrisons. They must either go towards Trent, or towards Verona, to either of which they might go by two ways; for they might go from where they were into Germany either by a shorter cut over the Mountains of Schio, or by a longer way about, through the confines of Basenese; and likewise they might get into the way which leads to Verona by the way of the Plain wherein they were, or by climbing up the Mountains on the right hand. But whichsoever of these ways they should take, they were to meet with almost the same difficulties, some of these passages being very rough and crag­gy, and the rest fortified and guarded by the Venetians; so as the Commanders knew not which way to chuse, nor how to make their passage. Thus after long and various disputes, they at last resolved to make their way by the Sword, since in great difficulties, great and unwonted Valour is to be shewn. Wherefore Cardona, seeing that the present wants, and the greater ruine which over-hung the Army, could be no longer concealed, without farther delay, thought it was best to acquaint the Souldiers how Affairs stood with them, and to encourage them as much as he might; wherefore calling them all together, he spoke thus unto them.

[Page 44] Were not your Worths, my Fellow Souldiers, well known to me by many gallant Tryals, I should not dare to lead on this Army, recommended to my trust by two great Princes, Cesar and Ferdinando, where I know you are to make your way by your Swords. But if I should take any other course, your Glory would be the less, and your c [...]ndition the less fortu­nate, by losing the Honour which this noble Attempt, and the rich Booty which you have taken from the Enemy, doth put into your hands. As the memory of your former actions hath put me upon this bold and gene­rous undertaking, so trusting to your Worth and upon the Fortune which attends this Army, I assure my self I shall conduct you all safe out of dan­ger. And certainly if you will be men, and mindful of your own actions, these difficulties which seem now to threaten ruine to you, will turn to your greater Glory. Necessity sometimes makes even abject and cowardly men, daring and generous; but to tarry till you be thereby constrain'd to shew your Va [...]our, suites not with the opinion which is held of you, and of your Worth. You ought to know into what condition we are brought: All ways whereby to march away, are stopt, either by the Mountains, or by our E­nemies Forces. On the one side we have craggy and Mountainous places, strong by nature, and possest [...]y the Enemies Garrisons; on the other side our return is impeded by the Venetian Camp: Want of Victuals, against which there is no fence, will not suffer us to tarry any longer here, though otherwise it might be good for us so to do: We cannot march any whither, be it either by way of the Plains which lead to Verona, or back by the Mountains, without meeting with many Inconveniences, which will be still occasion'd by our Enemies. So as whats [...]ever resolution we shall put on, the Danger will be the same, but not the Glory. But I have always been of opinion, that it became a good Commander to have a care of the pre­servation of his Army so far, as he be not unmindful of their Honour: And yet not to value that so much, as that he have not a like care of their safety. If we turning our back upon our Enemies, shall take our way by the Mountains, we shall not be able to shun many dangers before we can come thither, being that the Enemy will always pursue us, and when we shall have most need of rest in respect of the journey which we shall have made, and of perpetual Skirmishes, we shall then (being come to the nar­rowest places) be to fight both with the difficulties of the ways, and with th [...]se that do guard them. Therefore I think it better by much, that you, who profess Souldiery▪ may fight with those of the like profession, in an o­pen and equal place, and by your Worth, experience the event of Battle, then suffer that this Army being molested, and outraged by Mountainers, be at last consumed. But let us suppose, that by excessive good Fortune, (after having left our Artillery, Baggage and Booty in the Power of the Enemy) we escape safe through the jaws of these Mountains, and get into Germany, (which truly I cannot expect we shall do) we may perhaps free our selves from danger; but how can we cancel such shame and igno­my? or how can that life be dear unto us, which we shall have valued more than our Honour? And what greater Infamy can we undergo, then through base fear, to have shamefully abandoned an Enemies Countrey, which we have but just now victoriously over-run) without being over­come in Battle? I think it therefore our best course, to fight the Enemy as soon as may be, and to make our way with our Swords through the midst [Page 45] of their Camp. As this resolution suites best with the Honour of this Ar­my, so doth it carry along with it more hopes of safety. Whereas if we tar­ry longer disputing, and shall suffer our selves to be over-born by immode­derate fear, our Enemies will have so much more reason to grow resolute and insolent: But if they see us ready to defend our selves, I am confident they will soon re-assume the same Cowardliness which they have hitherto shewn. If they did confide in their Forces, who sees not that being so of­ten provoked and invited by us, they would not have staid so long lock'd up within their Cities Walls; and now they are come into the field, only to make a vain shew of Valour, not with any intention of hazarding them­selves in Battle. They very well know that the Italian Souldiers can no ways stand in comparison with the stout and valiant Spaniards, and Dutch, who are much better then they at the Militia; I have often try'd their Va­lour in War, and their desire of Glory: Therefore if you will imitate your domestick Gallantry, nay if you will be what you always have been, we may assuredly account the Victory already our own. These clownish peo­ple, and unexperienced in War, who have neither learnt to observe Or­der nor to follow their Colours, and who practise the Militia for a little gain, not out of any desire of Praise, cannot long sustain nor retard our Assault: Therefore for what I can at the present foresee, we may promise our selves assured Victory, and by that Victory, great and certain rewards. But say that we should meet with some ill success, and that I should be de­ceived in my expectation, we may miss the fruit of Victory, but certainly this our gallant action cannot miss of Praise; since having done what was possible for us to do both by Counsel, and by Force of Arms, all men must confess, that neither daring, nor Valour was wanting in us, but only Fortune.

The Souldiers being greatly moved by this discourse, casting a­way all doubts and fears, began to desire what they had formerly avoided, promising the General to do their parts: And Cardona finding the Souldiers willing, led the Army, though the day were far spent, out towards Alviano's Camp, and being come within two miles of him, he made almost all his Chivalry, together with some companies of Spanish Foot advance, who gave furiously upon those who were upon our Guard. But being terrified by our Artil­lery, (for the Trees were cut down every where round about, so as they had no place to shelter themselves from shot) they faced about, and having past over the Valley, went against those, who as it was said, were left by Alviano at the Gate of Vicenza: Our men made presently towards the Enemy who came to assault them, and having stoutly stood their first Onset, quickly repuls'd them, the Horse staying to skirmish, a little while after the Foot were retreated. But the night drawing on, and being much gall'd by our Artillery, they were likewise soon glad to quit the field, and retreat to their own men.

Whilst these things were a doing, Cardona was drawn with the rest of his Army, very near the Venetian Camp, and had kept his Army in posture to fight Alviano's Camp, even till Sun set. Where­fore the night being already come on, and our Quarters being so near, Cardona would not suffer the Tents to be set up, nor fall to [Page 46] fortifying, fearing left his men might be unexpectedly set upon by our men, whilst they should be busied about the works. The Soul­diers did not quit their Arms all that night, lying down upon the ground, without any light, and in great silence, to keep from being hurt by the Artillery of the neighbouring Camp. This mean while the Commanders, possess'd with great fears, bethought themselves of many things, but could not well say which was the least danger­ous course to take amidst so many hazards; they stay'd expecting day, hoping that it might chalk them out what to do amidst these difficulties. Alviano's Souldiers kept in Arms all that night like­wise, diligently observing every motion of the Enemy, as well in their own respects, as also for the safety of those other people, with whom Baglione (having taken them away together with the Artille­ry to whither we told you he was gone) had possess'd himself of the other part of the Valley which stood over against Alviano's Camp. Which as soon as the Enemies knew, utterly despairing to make their way on that side, and being by necessity dictated so to do, they alter'd their way, and turn'd backwards towards the Mountains of Schio, the which they might the more easily do, for that they found themselves less incumbred, and not bounded within any Quarters. They divided their whole Army into three Squadrons, wherewith they marched in close order; and that they might march the faster, and be the readier to fight, if they should be thereunto inforced, they left such part of their Booty behind them, as was of least value; and the greatest part of their other Lumber, and though they made great haste, yet they marched in good order, and with much safety. That day being the 9th of December, chanc'd to be so dark and cloudy, as the Enemy had thereby opportunity of getting out of the ken of our Army, unseen by us; so as the day was well advanced before our men were aware of their departure, which when it was known, Al­viano being very glad, said,

What have we now to do but to make use of time? If we lose this oppor­tunity which is now offer'd us of utterly overthrowing the Enemy, when shall we ever meet with the like? The Victory is undoubtedly ours, the Enemies confess themselves overcome, they have already turn'd their backs, having no hopes of safety but in running away; this is the time for us to recover the Honour and Dignity of our Common-wealth, and of all Italy.

Alviano said this with the greater assurance; for that Loredano, who had scowr'd up and down the fields all that night, had much in­couraged the Souldiers to fight, and had had such discourse with the Commanders, as he appeared to be clearly of Alviano's opinion, saying,

That they were not to refuse the first occasion of Battle which was offer'd; for if they should suffer these Rascals, their bitter Enemies, to depart safely and quietly away now that they were almost routed of themselves, it was to be feared that they might incur very much blame; for that it being in their Power to free the Common-wealth from a bitter War, and the I­talian name from great Infamy, they had either through negligence or cowardliness let stip so fair an occasion.

[Page 47]Besides Alviano, and the Commissaries, had sundry times given such an account of the State of Affairs to the Senate, speaking very lowdly of themselves, and lewdly of the Enemy, as all men had conceived an assured Victory, and they began already to feel the fruit of Praise for these their Services. Alviano being hereby infla­med, and being of himself very hasty and confident, thought the Victory so clear and certain, as he counted his Glory so much the longer retarded, as the Battle was deferr'd. So speedily quitting his Quarters, he made Nicolo Vandramino; and Barnardino Antigni­vola advance with the Stradiotti a Cavallo, or Dragouns, to the end that following the Enemy, and skirmishing with them, they might the more molest and hinder their March, to boot with what impedi­ment they were to meet withal by the Mountainers, who waited for them on all sides. The Venetian Army consisted of about 10000 Italian Foot, and 1500 Curassiers, and 1000 Light Horse. Half the Foot were new men, drawn to that purpose out of the Towns and Villages by the Venetians, some of them coming by command, some of them of their own free will: The rest were veterane Souldi­ers, who had been a good while under the Common-wealths pay. Of all these Alviano framed three bodies, mingling the old and new Souldiers together in some of them, but he placed all the stoutest men in the middle Squadron, which was the greatest. There was therein, besides Alviano's own person; Guido Rangone, Giulio Man­frone, Giovan Ba [...]tisto da Fano, Giovan Paolo da Sant' Angelo, and di­vers others. These did inclose, with their several Companies dis­posed of in two wings, 500 Curassiers. Antonio di Pio commanded the left wing, who had with him the rest of the Foot, and on the right wing was Baglione, with 1000 Gens d' Armes. Things being thus ordered▪ Alviano commanded Pio that he should keep where he was, diligently observing what way he should take, and expect Orders from him. He charged Baglione (who had with him the Gens d' Armes, as hath been said) that fetching a compass, he should go beyond the last Squadron of the Enemy, and that as soon as he should see the Battle joyn'd, he should at unawares assault the Ene­my on the Flank. He moreover made 20 pieces of Artillery be drawn on before the Army in very good order, he himself riding sometime on one hand, sometimes on another, incouraged the Soul­diers to Battle,

Praying them not to suffer so great a shame, as to let the Enemy go a­way without being reveng'd of them, who were a people contaminated with all sorts of wickedness, hateful to God and man, that therefore they should hasten to an assured prey and victory which was prepared for them. That they should not any wh [...]t fear that Enemy whom they saw grown so weak, and already reduced to the utmost extremity: That they should remember what they had by Oath promised to the Commissary Loredano but a little before touching their Loyalty and Courage; and then that they fought for a Common-wealth, where, as in a safe place of refuge; valiant and ho­nest men had always been largely rewarded; nay that they were to fight for the Liberty, and Glory of all Italy; that therefore it was expected from that Army, wherein were none but Italians, that they should shew how ex­cellent [Page 48] that Nation was for Military Knowledg, and true Valour.

This mean while the Enemies Army having marched two miles, was come to the same place della Motta, from whence we told you it was gone but a little before, having our Horse still in their Rear, who continually held them play, and did much molest them. Then Cardona, finding that he was followed by our whole Army, seeing no other way of safety, incouraged by dispair, resolved to hazard all upon the event of Battle: Whereof the sign being given to the Souldiers, he made them all halt, and turning his last Squadron up­on our men, made thereof the Front of his Army; wherein were the Dutch Foot, who were commanded by Prospero Colonna. These men couching their Pikes, did stoutly stand the Assault made by our Horse, who had first begun the Skirmish, whom a great Band of the Enemies Horse coming from two parts did furiously charge, seeking to cut off our men in the midst, and though they were repul­sed at the first Encounter, yet the Enemy continuing to press vio­lently upon us, and being much the stronger, they forc'd us to re­treat: Which when Alviano saw, he hastened his March, to bring timely succour to his men; wherein he was the more diligent, be­cause he feared lest that part of the Horse being made to run, all the rest of the Army might thereby be put in disorder. Thus the two Armies joyning suddenly together, a terrible Battle began. Alvi­ano being formest in all dangers, endeavour'd both by words and actions to infuse Courage into his men, nor was Colonna wanting this mean while in exhorting the Dutch Foot not to forego their an­cient Worth, telling them often that therein only did all their hopes of safety lye: and truly they fought couragiously; but notwith­standing Alviano had given them so fierce an assault at first, as they could not possibly long sustain it; so as in this first Encounter the Battle began already to favour the Venetians; which being seen from above by those Country people who were placed upon the Mountains, they in hopes of Prey, ran down into the Plain, and mixed with the Souldiers: But Cardona coming in presently after to the aid of his men, who was somewhat advanced with the main body, wherein the Spanish Foot led the Van, those Countrey peo­ple who were come to pillage, not to fight, being affrighted to see so many Enemies, began to cry out they were overcome, and at the same time turn'd their backs; at which noise, and by their sudden running away, the Venetian Souldiers began to slacken their former violence, and to give over the Battle. Wherefore the Enemy still advancing, our mens Out-cries, Tumult, and Fear began to in­crease throughout the whole Army. At first Alviano, nothing at all astonished at so strange an accident, provided for all things; he stay'd his affrighted men, re-order'd them, call'd every one of them by their names, encouraged them, excited them to shew their worth, in [...], left nothing unattempted: But the Souldiers were so possest with sudden fear, as all that their Commanders could say or pray, was in vain; they could not be made to stay neither by shame nor by command. There was not any one of them that remembered their former worths, nor hopes. Thus in a moment the fortune of [Page 49] War did so alter, as nothing was to be seen in our City (which but a little before was as good as Conquerours) but fear, flight, and death. The Souldiers being routed, and made to run, fled towards Vicenza, believing that they might there save themselves. But those who were upon the Guard, fearing lest in such a confusion, the Ene­my might together with our men enter the City, clapp'd to the Gates, and kept both Friends and Foes out. So as the Venetian Souldiers, not being in a condition of re-ordering themselves, nor expecting a­ny succour from elsewhere, were almost all of them shamefully cut in pieces before the City Walls, suffering themselves to be slain, without any revenge. Many of them also who fled another way towards the River Rorone, finding the Bridges broken, and not a­ble to overcome the violence of the River, were therein drowned. But Baglione, who as we told you, was past forwards by another lower way, whilst he hasted to assault the Enemy, being intricated, and hindered by the Bogs of the neighbouring Vally, could neither then, according to Alviano's directions, assault the main body of the Enemies, nor after our mens Rout, get himself into any place of safety: Wherefore being inviron'd on all sides by the Enemy, he together with many of his Horse, fell into their Power. But those who escaped so many dangers, by taking another way, got into Pa­dua, and Trevigi, amongst which were Alviano, and Gritti, who being gone to Vicenza a little before, to raise men, was not present at the Battle. Of Commanders there dyed, Sacramor [...] Visco [...]te, Hermes Bentivoglio, Costanz [...] Pio, Francisco Sassarello, Alfonso da Parma, and Meleagro da Forli; who amongst others had won very great Praise; for thrusting himself into the thickest ranks of the Ene­mies, and killing many of them, he himself was at last slain. Many also were taken Prisoners, either in the Battle, or as they ran away, a­mong which, of the better sort & who had any command in the Army, were Giovan Paolo Baglione, Malatesta Malatesta, O [...]tone Visconte, Bat­tista Savella, Pamfilo Bentivoglio, and Allessandro Fregoso. But Com­missary Loredano who whilst he endeavour'd to stop the Fugitives, had forslowed his departure, was wounded, and fell into the Pow­er of the Enemy, and met with an end far unworthy such a man; for two Dutch Souldiers striving which of their Prisoner he should be, the one of them by slaying him, ended the contention. By this days Battle it may be known what various and unexpected chances are occasioned by Fortune in War, and what strange turns arise our of slight accidents. Those whose hopes lay first more in their flight, then in their fighting, being of conquered become Conquerours, pursued their routed Enemies with great cheerfulness, and courage; and those who before the Conflict built upon assured Victory, being beaten, overcome, put to flight, and having lost all hope, found no relief to their miserable condition. The nearness of Vicenza was thought to be the chief occasion of this our Armies so great calamity, and of so strange a variation; for our Souldiers believing that they should there receive sure refuge, as soon as disorder arose in our first ranks, the rest giving over the Battle, placed all their hopes in their [...] On the contrary part, the Enemies being invironed on eve­ry [Page 50] side in an Enemies Countrey, were forced to defend themselves, and boldly to encounter all danger. The place was likewise thought to be very much prejudicial to our men; for the Plain being on that part very narrow by the Neighbour-hood of the Vally, our men could not be all of them put in good Order, nor could they make use of all their Forces; for that part of the Army which was, as hath been said, divided together with Baglione from the rest, was not of any help, when the Battle began to retreat. Alviano was greatly blamed by all men for these things; for that un-inforced by any necessity, he would forsake the very strong situation which he had first chosen to quarter in, and put himself upon the hazard of a Battle, when he might more safely have overcome the Enemy by Counsel then by the Sword. It is most certain that the importunate sollicitousness of the Venetian Commissary, and the immature Coun­sel of the Commander in chief, made amends for the Enemies unad­visedness, insomuch as Cardona who was the Authour of their incon­siderate departure, won Honour, and advantage, insteed of the shame and prejudice which he was threatened with. As soon as this unfortunate News came to Venice, the Senators were greatly afflict­ed, seeing the condition of their Affairs so strangely alter'd in a mo­ment: The blow was the greater, for that by reason of the Generals and of the Commissaries Letters, they had all of them conceived hopes of an undoubted Victory; for they had inform'd the Senate but a little before, that the Enemies Army was by them besieged, and already reduced to such a necessity, as they had no means left, neither of running away, nor of trying their Fortune by Battle; so as the Victory was in a short time to be assuredly theirs, without loss of blood. Yet the Senators were not hereat so much troubled, as to make them do any thing mis-becoming the Magnanimity, and Dig­nity of that Order, which may be witnessed by this, that the very same day wherein they received this unfortunate News, the Senate with a joynt consent resolved to write thus to Alviano.

That they could not deny but that they were somewhat troubled at this so strange an accident, yet were they not thereat affrighted nor cast down; for this adversity should rather awaken them to more diligence, then any whit detract from the constancy of their minds; therefore they desired him to be of good Courage, and not to yield to Fortune; for the News of his safety in whose Valour they had always very much confided, was of great comfort unto them all, amidst this their sore Loss; and that if he would still continue his ancient stoutness of mind, they hoped they might yet be able to stop the Course of their adverse Fortune, to asswage the seve­rity thereof, and perhaps at last to get the better of their Enemies, who were now Conquerours. That therefore he should attend the defence of Padua and Trevigi, that he should imploy all his diligence, thoughts, and pains therein; that the Senate would be ready to furnish him with Souldiers, Arms, Victuals, Monies, and of all things that was else needful.

After having written this Letter, the Senators betook themselves carefully to advise of, and provide for all things that were requisite. [Page 51] Prince Loredano, who was their Duke, speaking gravely in the Se­nate, exhorted them all to lend what help they could with all possible spe [...]d to the afflicted Common-wealth, that they were not at this time to expect help from any but themselves; that therefore in this so great necessi [...]y the Country must have recourse to their own Citizens; that every one should endeavour to raise her up again, and to lend her their help and advice in what they were best able. As for himself he would not forbear to do any things which might be servicea [...]le to his Country; to which purpose he had already resolved to send his two Sons, Luigi, and Bernardo presently a­way, the one to Padua, the other to Trevigi, and by readily exposing them to all events to dedicate them to his Countr [...].

These words spoken by the Duke, were of great efficacy, but the example greater, by which many other young Gentlemen, the chief­est of the City, who were of great worth and expectation, went to the Custody of those Cities: Moreover many of the common sort of the City were listed, and many of the Ar [...]enal, together with ma­ny Gally-slaves, and Mariners commanded (for at this time many Gallies were luckily come to the City) to go suddenly to Trevigi; to the taking of which City, the Enemy after their Victory, prepa­red to go. But Prospero Colonna, by his Counsel and Authority put off the execution thereof for a while.

Therefore having put off the Enterprize for many days, by pro­pounding several difficulties, at last he wrought it so, as before any resolution should be put on, the whole business should be referr'd to that Bishop Gurghense; alledging, that nothing could be done more to the prejudice of that Armies Reputation, then to undertake any thing that might prove vain, as the business of Padua had done, but a little before. Thus Cardona and Prospero agreed to go to Verona, leaving the Army at Vicenza; where having spent some 20 days, Cardona agreed with Maximillian Sforza to take his pay as General of all his men; and so quitted the Service of the Spaniards. To make amends for which the Vice-roy made some Conductors of Gens d' Armes come with their Companies from Bergamo and Brescia, saying, that as soon as they should be arrived, he would go to the taking in of Trevigi, [...]f Gritti, the Cavalliere della Volpe, Ugo de Po­poli, Giovan Paolo Manfrone, and other Commanders of great esteem, had the Custody of this City; and at this time when the City was not molested by the Enemy, it was sufficiently garrison'd and victu­all'd: So as Cardona being advertised thereof, and the Winter com­ing on, an unfit Season to fall upon such a business, he went with all his Army into the Territories of Padua, and quarter'd his men in E­ste, Montagnana, and Moncelese.

Thus only through the advantage of the Season, which forced the Enemy to lay down their Arms, the Calamities of War which the State of Venice was likely to have undergone, did for this year cease, and Affairs were brought to some short condition of quiet.

This likewise was the only remedy for the many afflictions and adversities of France; for the King of England who had taken Ter­win and Tornai, two great Cities, and who had slighted the Walls of the former, and put a strong Garrison into the other, resolved [Page 50] [...] [Page 51] [...] [Page 52] to return with all his men to his own Kingdom, to the end that his Army might be refreshed with commodious Winter Quarters. Thus the W [...]r was not ended, but deferr'd till another Season, and so many remainders and seeds of Discord continued still in all parts, as it was clearly seen, that Arms must quickly be re-assumed with greater Violence.

The End of the first Book.

THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK II. THE CONTENTS.

SElino having possess'd himself of the Ottoman Empire, during the life of his Father Bajazet, renews the Peace with the Venetians. He suppresseth the boldnes [...] of his Brother Achamet by death. He be­gins to plot the destruction of Italy, and of the Venetians. The Plots of Amurath, Son to Achomate, are hindered. Pope Leo, having many things in consideration, cannot accord the Christian Princes. Marano is lost by the means of Frangipane, a Rebel to the Common-wealth; neither can it be re gotten. He sacks Strasoldo and Mon­falcone. Vicenza is sack'd by Risano's means. Calepino not long after is routed, and taken Prisoner. Udine, not making any resistance, surrenders it self to the Dutch. The Fort Osofo cannot be taken by the Enemy.

Crema is defended by Renzo Ceri. Baglione is taken Prisoner by the Enemy. He is changed for Caravagiale, a Spanish Prisoner. A mi­serable fire in the Rialto of Venice. Alviano by order from the Senate goes to take in Friulye. He sacks Porto Gruaro. Savorgnano's Victory. Frangipane is taken Prisoner. Gurghense disturbs the Treaties referr'd by the Senate to the Pope, concerning the differences with the Emperour. The King of England finds faults with the Se­nates Counsels. They are justified by the Lieger Embassadour. Ren­zo frees Crema from being besieged. Este is taken by night by Scula­do, by Alviano; and is plundered. The Spaniards cut to pieces. Alviano his Victory at Rovigo. Bergamo returns into the Spaniards hands. The Vice-roy of Naples is laught at for Alviano's retreat to Padua. Selino's Victories in Asia makes the Pope treat again with the Venetians of Peace, but in vain; who whilst they make closer Friend­ship with the French, King Lewis dyes.

[Page 54]AT the same time that these things hapned in Europe; in Asia Seli­no, during the li [...]e of his Father Bajazet, possessed himself or the Ottoman Empire, hav [...]ng ove [...]come h [...]s brother Achomate in se­veral Battles, who pretended likewise to the succession of the Empire; but though he had got the Victory by much Gallantry in War, he was therein so very severe, as he gave clear and evident signs not on­ly of wonderful Magnanimity of mind, but also of great cruelty. Therefore all Christendome was much afraid, that as soon as Selino should be rid of civil Wars, he would turn himself against the Chri­st [...]an K [...]ngs, and be the cause of much mischief. Which mischiefs though they were fore-seen by all men, yet not any one appear'd to provide for the common safety. Wherefore the Venetians, though the greatness of the Ottoman Emp [...]re did more molest them then o­thers, yet suffering under many adverse Fortunes, and weakened by many Wars, and knowing that they could neither extinguish nor les­sen his Power, they thought it their best course to keep him their Friend, and to accommodate themselves to the times. Therefore A [...]tonio Giustiniano was chosen to be sent Embassadour to Selino, who w [...] in name o [...] the Common-wealth to congratulate his accession to the Empi [...]e, and also to ratifie their ancient Friendship with the Ot­t [...]m [...]n House, and to establish Peace. The Venetian Embassadour was received with great Honour and alacrity by Selino in the City of Andrinopoli, where he and his Army winter'd. Selino knew he could no ways better secure his Dominions in Europe, then by Peace, at this time, when he was to pass armed into Asia, to oppose his brother Achomate, and by suppressing him to end the War. Achomate was fled to Armenia the Le [...]s; where bewailing his Fortune, and de­siring aid of the Neighbouring Kings, he had got together a good number of men, being assisted, and succour'd by many, and espe­cially by Hysmae Sofi, K [...]ng gf Persia, who had sent many Troops of Persian Horse into Achomates Camp; by which Forces being en­heartned, he had already taken many Towns in Capad c [...]a ▪ and hast­ned to assault Selino, who was not yet very well provided to resist him. Therefore Selino finding that offer'd him, which he did so much desire, he willingly embraced the Venetians Friendship, pro­mising to keep it always inviolably.

Thus the Peace was renewed, and established, almost upon the same terms that formerly it was made with Bajaset. Herein regard was had to contract such an Amity, and good Intelligence on both sides, as not on­ly the States [...]f both Princes should be free and secure from War to be made b [...] e [...]ther of them against the other, but that the Venetian and Turkish Subjects (who [...]ad traffique much at that time in eithers Iurisdiction) might have free and safe Commerce; and also that safe Harbour might be permit [...]ed to the ships of b [...]th parties in all their Countries; and that their Navigation by Sea should not be hindered.

The Venetians reape much advantage by the frequency of Mer­chants, who do bring in, and export great store of Merchandize into Venice, where, for this their Interest, they procure that people of all Nations may inhabit safely there, and exercise Commerce. [Page 55] Giustiniano having agreed thus upon all things, he return'd for Ve­nice. And Selino sent his Embassador Alemb [...]i along with him, to the end that what had been concluded by the Embassadour might be confirm'd by the word of the Prince. He also gave credential Let­ters to Alembei to present unto the Senate, wherein highly magni [...]y­ing his own Power (according to the usance of that Nation) he ex­horted the Venetians to keep Friendship with him, which he promi­sed should on his side remain firm, and inviolabl [...] for ever. The Turkish Embassadour being come into the Senate House, Duke Lo­redano did before him, in his own Name, and in the Name of the whole Common-wealth, swear to observe whatsoever Giustiniano had concluded and agreed upon. Selino free from fear of any War in Europe, since he had made Peace with the Venetians, and renew­ed League with the Kings of Poland and Hungary, having speedily muster'd as many Horse and Foot as he could, march'd towards A­masia to suppress Achomate before he grew too strong. Fortune fa­vour'd his Designs, for Achomate whilst he made too much haste, and rashly put himself upon the event of Battle with but half his men, was routed in fight, his Army made to run, and he himself by Seli­lino's Commandment was slain. After whose death, all Asia the less fell without any dispute into Selino's hands; who grew so proud by this good success, as he began to promise unto himself already the Government of the whole world. And having ended all civil Dissentions by the death of almost all his kindred of the Ottoman Family, and being become sole lord of all the strength, and riches of that Empire, he thought he should meet with less difficulty in all other things. His mind was chiefly set upon Italy, thinking he might easily subjugate it, since it was very weak and much wasted by long Wars. He was hereunto likewise sollicited by Maximillian the Em­perour, who for many years past, had left nothing untry'd whereby to plot the Venetians ruine. He shew'd him how opportune a time it was to make this War, since Selino might assault the Venetians in their Maritime parts, whilst he himself molested them by Land, and kept their Forces busied elsewhere. But it does not appear with what Preparations of War, or against what State more particularly the Turks designed this Enterprise. It is most certain that Maxi­millian had sent his Embassadours to this purpose to Constantinople, and that his Embassage being heard, many Mariners were listed, old Gallies were new calked, and new ones built, and Order was taken for all things belonging to a great Maritime War. These things were done in the Winter; but the next Spring News came to Con­stantinople that Amurate, son to the late Achomate, who was not pre­sent at the Battle unfortunately fought by his Father, and who was the only Surviver of Bajazets Race, being fled into Persia, was un­expectedly entred Capadocia with many Horse and Foot, laying the Country waste, and had what by Force, what by fear reduced ma­ny Towns of that Province into his Power. At which Selino was the more troubled, because he knew the Sophy, King of Persia, was the chief occasion of this, and of the other troubles which he had for­merly received from his brother Achomate, whose Fame being very [Page 56] great both for extent of Empire, and Glory of War, Selino though his own Dignity reproached, and lessened, if he should any longer suffer such Injuries to go unreveng'd. Wherefore quitting all other thoughts, he resolved to go for Asia with all those men and that Pre­paration for War, which he had formerly intended for Europe: Which, as is confess'd by all, fell out very happily, for the Prin­ces of Christendome; since just then when the War was hottest a­mongst them, this powerful Prince, whose Enmity threatned great danger to their States, was inforced to forbear those his designs, be­ing busied in other War. By reason of these Selino's Prosperities, and for the immoderate desire of rule which was seen to be in him, Pope Leo began to be not a little troubled, he thought it became him and his place, to imploy all his power and diligence, to keep these potent and formidable Barbarians from growing more power­ful, who were already so much increased both in all things belong­ing to the War, and in the extent of Empire, through the discords of our Princes, having possess'd themselves of many Christian King­domes, almost without any gain-saying. The Cardinals upon this occasion putting the Pope frequently in mind in the Consistory of his duty, and of the imminent dangers, were resolved to make him re-assume the Treaty of Peace, nor to be quiet till he had effect­ed it; to the end that Peace being had amongst the Christian Princes, they might all of them with all their joynt Forces bend themselves against Selino the common Enemy. They shewed plainly that nothing appertained more to his charge and degree then this, or which at least might be of greater glory to him: But the Pope, though hee were of the same mind, yet being troubled and perplexed he be-thought himself of many things; for as this Counsel, if it should take good success, promised assured Praise, so divers considerations of Peace and War, and much difficulty which appeared to be in the whole business, made him afraid and with-held him from the Enterprize; for to put an end to so many Wars was of it self thought to be a very difficult Affair, but more difficult to find out such a composure, as Leo thought might prove good for him, and advantagious for the Affairs of the Church▪ for he could have desired that the French might neither have been kept so low, nor yet have been so exalted: If no remedy were to be found against such great Preparations of War as were preparing against them, it was to be feared that the Af­fairs of France might grow to so low an ebbe, as they could no long­er give a just Counterpoise to the Dutch and Spanish Forces; so as they being become Masters of all, they might at last put Fetters up­on whole Italy; but on the contrary, if the Enemies Forces being weakned, and divided by his Counsels, France should be freed from so heavy a War, he knew he had not sufficiently provided for his own safety, nor for the Liberty of Italy; for nothing was more sure then that King Lewis being an Enemy to peace and quiet, would ne­ver give over his ancient and natural desire of War: But that being freed from the fear of the English Forces, and having put his own Affairs into a sure condition, he would soon turn both his thoughts, and his Forces upon Italy, for the recovery of the state of Millan: [Page 57] which might be evidently seen, since that though he found himself beset by many difficulties, yet he had always refused all conditions of Peace, which might make him quit his pretentions to the State of Millan.

The Venetian Affairs were almost upon the same conditions the which the Pope thought could not he reduced to such terms, but that they must bring great difficulties along with them; for he desi­red that the Dignity of that Common-wealth might not be much diminished, nor yet her Forces much increased. He knew that it imported much for the Honour of all Italy, that the Venetian Com­mon-wealth should remain whole and intire; that to this end Pope Iulio had endeavoured the re-raising of her much abased condition, and that following for the same reasons the last, and wisely taken Counsels of his Predecessour, he had labour'd much to put the Ve­netians into a peaceable condition. But on the other side, calling to mind their ancient greatness, he thought that if Fortune should smile on them again, they would become no less formidable then the other Potentates. Thus whilst he waver'd in his Resolves, som­times hoping, sometimes fearing, his proceedings were different and contrary; sometimes he shew'd himself to be but ill satisfied with the Venetians and to be no good Friend of theirs, other times he would appear well disposed towards them. Whilst the Pope was thus doubtfully minded, the War continued still in the same heat, the sharpness of the Winter not having any whit hindred it; for Prospe­ro Colonna being past with the Millaneses to Crema was joyn'd with the Spaniards; so as that City was the sorelier[?] besieged. The Paduan Territories, wherein the Vice-roy had taken up his Quarters, were vexed with continual Inroads; and the War grew sharper in Friuli, that Country having been some years before mightily terrified; for not having any City or Cittadel in it strong either by art or scituation, nor able to hold an Enemy play long, the Inhabitants were forced to follow his Fortune whosoever was Master of the Field. But the Emperour, nor the Venetians having neither of them any strong Army in that Country, the unfortunate Inhabitants were by the va­rious success of War, continually vexed with Pillage, and Taxes: So as for a long time it had undergone much Calamity, and they who were most affectionate to the Venetians, were by their Enemies worst used. Amongst the rest Christofolo, Son to Barnardino Fran­gipane gave a noteable Example of Cruelty; for after having burnt a certain Town in the Territories of Marano, he commanded that all the Inhabitants should have both their eyes put out, and that their right thumbs should be cut off, because they adhered to the Venetians, and had hindred him from Victuals. Bernardino Frangipane was a little before this turn'd Rebel to the Common-wealth, and had si­ded with Cesar, and much vex'd that whole Country. He often sol­licited the Dutch Commanders, that drawing some Country people out of the next Towns of Carnia and Carinthia, they should mischief the Territories, and Subjects of the Common-wealth: So as these people entring into Friuli, not as Souldiers, nor after the manner of War, but as Theeves and Murtherers, they destroy'd the Coun­try [Page 58] by plunder and fire, and robb'd the Citizens of all that they had. By which Injuries when the Venetians were at last constrain'd to send better succours into that Country, to keep their Affairs from falling into farther ruine, the Enemies who had no warlike Tackling, and who were come, as hath been said, rather to pillage then to fight; being loaded with Booty, when they heard of our mens coming, ha­sted homewards. But hardly was this Country reduced to quiet, when our men being to go elsewhere to oppose other designs of the Enemies, who assaulted the State of the Common-wealth, not in one part only but in many at one and the same time, either the same men who were but a little before gone from thence, or others of the same sort, drawn by a desire of prey, return'd with great fury to as­sault the Territories of Friuli, insomuch as they left not any thing at all to those unfortunate Inhabitants. The Enemies being at this time grown very powerful, so as keeping in that Country, they kept some Towns which they had gotten by fraud, longer then they had used to do, the Senate thought it fit for their safety and reputation, to turn their Forces into those parts, to the end that the Enemy might not grow more bold to their prejudice, and that those people might not totally forego their love and esteem of the Common-wealth. A little before this Frangipane had by fraud possess'd himself of the Fort Marano, having to this purpose made use of a wicked perfidious Priest, Bartholomeo, who being familiarly acquainted with Alessan­dro Marcello, Commissary of Marano, prevailed with him that one morning before day a gate of the Town should be opened under pre­tence of going out early to hunt, by which means Frangipane, (ha­ving formerly agreed thereupon with the Priest) possess'd himself of the gate, before which he was unexpectedly come with some Dutch Foot Companies, and a Troop of Horse, wherewith he en­tred the Town. For which wickedness the Traytor was justly pu­nished; for being taken Prisoner by Nicola Pisaro, Podesta of — Porto Gruaro, he was sent to Venice, where he was hung up by one foot, and stoned to death by the common people.

This Town, as it was very convenient for the Venetians, by rea­son of the situation thereof, being placed in the innermost part of the Gulph, and wash'd by salt water on the one side, so it being at one and the same time to be assaulted both by Sea and Land, it promi­sed speedy and good success to any one that should fall upon it. Wherefore the Venetians resolved to make the taking thereof their first business; to the end that if they should find easie success there­in, they might go to the recovery of Goritia, which being taken by the like fraud by Frangipane, held for the Emperour. Baldissera Scipione, one of Luca, went by order from the Senate to this Enter­prize of Marano, together with four other Conductors of Gens d' Armes, each of which commanded 50 Horse men; besides all the light Horse, in number 500 under the Conduct of Ulatico Cosazza, and of Nicolo da Pesaro, who were likewise to be accompanied by Barnardino da Parma, with 400 Foot. To these Forces were added about 2000 Country people, whom Gierolamo Savorgnano (who was at this time of great Authority with the people, and not less af­fectionate [Page 59] to his Common-wealth) had gathered up from all the parts thereabout. Scipione commanded the whole Army, who had the charge of all that was done by Land; but Bartholomeo da M [...]sto had the charge of the Maritime Affairs, who was then Savio di Terra firma, a man famous for his experience by Sea; he was followed by order from the Senate, by the Podestu's of Murano, Torcello, Chi­oggia, and by those of Caurle and Pirano, and of other Towns of Histria, who were all commanded to rig out as many Barks as they could for this Enterprize; who being all met at the time appointed, the whole Fleet past into the Washes of Marano, where when they were come, our men sent Heralds to the Citizens, and Dutch Soul­diers of the Garrison, to demand restitution of that Town in the name of the Common-wealth; exhorting them not to force them to use violence, but rather that they should lay aside all hopes and thoughts of being able to defend themselves. But discovering thoughts much of another nature in the Defendants, who returned injurious words, our men much incensed, and being greatly desirous to re-gain the Town, they resolved not to stay for the Arrival of some Gallies which were to come up unto them, but to advance, and assault the Walls. But as soon as our armed Barks began to be divided, and disordered by their Cannon shot, and many that were therein slain, the Marriners and Gally-slaves who being unexperienced in War, and not acquainted with danger, had earnestly desired to be led on to the Assault, were strangely terrified, and falling to their Oares every one as fast as they might, they endeavoured to carry the Barks out of the reach of the Artillery, being more indamaged in their flight by the fear and confusion which they were in. Our men be­ing thus taught their danger by experience, durst make no farther Attempts till more aid was come up unto them; but four lesser Gal­lies being afterwards come up unto the Fleet, whereby they were made the stronger, and the better incouraged, they resolved to as­sault the Town again. The Walls were lower, and the Towers much batter'd by the Artillery on the side which was towards the Haven, wherefore our men thought they might land the easilier on that side; and to the end that the Enemy being kept busied in divers parts, might be the less able to resist, they thought their Enterprize might prove the more successful, since the Town was set upon at the same time by the Fleet by Sea, and by Scipione and Savoragnano by Land. The business began now to have good success, when those Land-men that were with Scipione, and some others that were got out of the Gallies, and had landed some Artillery, were kept from coming nearer the Walls, by a great deluge of water which fell from the Skies, which fill'd all the Plain and Marrish Grounds which were round about the Town. The Defendants being therefore safe on that side, ran all to the other side where they were assaulted by the Fleet, and repuls'd our men, who began already to scale the Walls. At the same time that these things were a doing, the Souldiers which were sent by Scipione to possess themselves of the Passes, and to keep the besieged from being relieved by any succours which might come from Gorilia, which is not above 20 miles from thence, sent Savo­ragnano [Page 60] word, that Frangipane was drawing near with a great many men; so as if they had not more help sent speedily to them, they should be forced to quit those places, not being able with a few men long to resist a far greater number. Savoragnano hearing this, and dispairing now to take the Town by Assault, marched suddenly with his men thitherward; and was hardly advanc'd one mile when he met those very men, who had but a little before sent to him for suc­cour; for being terrified at the fame and great opinion which was had of the Enemies Forces, they durst not tarry till they came: Wherefore joyning them with his own men, he went to find out the Horse, who were within their own quarters, in somwhat a higher place, not far from the rest of the Army, that they might be ready upon any occasion to wait upon the enemy, according as they should see them move. Savorgnano strove by entreaties, and all other means to perswade the Horse-men to come nearer Marano, and joyn with the rest of the Army, shewing them what had been done, and what was to be done; which as not concern'd any ways in point of shame, they refused to do: Some of them being frighted by what was com­monly noised in the Camp touching the great Power of the Enemy, other mutinying for not receiving their pay in due time; so as many began to forsake their Colours, and dissolve their Companies. Wherefore Savorgnano fearing that the strongest part of the Army might be weakened, and that the Common-wealths Forces might be thereby diminished, endeavour'd to perswade the Gens d' Armes to retire towards Udine, into a place of safety, promising to go along with them, and to secure the way. In this Interim, Frangipane, meeting with no obstacle, advanced, and entred safe with all his men into the Town of Marano; and without any delay, taking along with him the Dutch Foot that were of the Garrison, he unexpect­edly went out of the Town, and assaulted our men before they were aware of his being come; wherefore possest with fear, they began to run, thinking on nothing but how they might every one of them save themselves. The Enemy pursuing our affrighted and scatter'd men, some of which endeavoured to pass over the Washes, others to get unto the Fleet, cut them in pieces, and made themselves Ma­sters of their Quarters, and of some pieces of Artillery: Moreover one of our Gallies, which was too late in putting forth, and could not get free by reason of the Ebbe, fell into the power of the Enemy. Scipione being struck on the head with a stone, recover'd the Fleet by swimming, though he were almost half dead. Bobizza was this day slain, a gallant man, and who in several Battles had given great Testimony of his Valour: Those who saved themselves by flight, got into Udine. In this so great fear and confusion, one of ours on­ly, Francisco Trono, Captain of a Gally, wonne some praise; for being mindful of the Venetian Dignity, he with a few of his Souldi­ers, did valiantly with-stand the first Encounter of the Enemy, nor did he forsake his station, till all his men were either slain or sorely wounded. Frangipane, making use of his victorious Fortune, went forthwith to Strasoldo, and to Monfalcone, two Towns in Friuli, and finding little or no Garrisons in them, took them at his very first ap­pearance, [Page 61] and pitifully plundered them. At the same time, some other Dutch Foot Companies, fell unexpectedly upon the Territo­ries of Vicenza, these being got together from the neighbouring parts of Carnia by the two Captains, Rifano, and Calepino, sack'd many Towns of that Country, and even Vicenza it self. Then di­viding their Army, they went to plunder the neighbouring places; Calepino went towards Feltre, and on the sudden possest himself there­of; but hardly was he three days Master of it, when he was driven out by Giovan Bradolino, who being sent by Commissary Girolino Pesaro to relieve that City, did behave himself very valiantly; for having assembled a great number of Country people in the Vally of Marino, he past speedily with them and with his light Horse into those parts, and forced the Enemy, who were affrighted at his un­expected coming, to abandon the City, and save themselves by flight. But Calepino being driven out of Feltre, retired into the confines of Bassano, intending to sack that Town: whereof Francisco Duedo, Major of that Town being advertised, he assembled together many of the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Towns, and calling Bernardino Antignola with his Troop of light Horse into his aid, he went to meet the Enemy, who being by him assaulted at the Town of Carpenedo, amidst the strait passages of the Mountains, were rou­ted, and dispers'd. It made much for our men, that they were ac­quainted with the places, which made the Victory the greater and the more easie. Many of the Enemies were slain, and many taken Prisoners, amongst which their chief Commander Calepino, very few came off safe. But Risano who had taken his way towards Gori­tia with 800 Foot and 300 Horse, meeting with Frangipane by the way, who was come from thence, he joyn'd his Forces to his, which amounting in all to about 5000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, they joynt­ly resolved to go to the taking in of Udine. When this News came to Venice, Malatesta and Giovan Gitturi were speedily sent towards Udine; the one as Commissary General of the Militia of Friuli, the other Commissary of the Camp; these when they came to Udine; where they found Girolamo Sourgano, began to consult with him, and with the Governours of the City, how they were to govern the War. Many things were variously propounded: Some were of o­pinion that they should chiefly endeavour the safety and defence of Udine, others were of another opinion, that they should quit the Ci­ty, and remove with their Army into some safer place: Those that were thus minded, pleaded that they understood by the Spies, that Frangipane was marching thitherward with his men, and that he would suddenly sit down before the City, the defence whereof would be very doubtful and difficult for many reasons: Their small num­ber of Souldiers, no train of Artillery at all, and generally a want of all things necessary for War; and notwithstanding the City was very large, begirt but with a very weak Wall, which would require many valiant men to defend it. But many good reasons being al­ledged to the contrary, they were doubtful what to resolve upon: Their hopes were somewhat bettered, when they considered that the Enemies Army consisted altogether of Country people, unex­perienced [Page 62] in War, that their Commanders had neither experience nor reputation, that they had but few Guns, and that they had not men enough to besiege the City. At last, after mature advice, they all agreed, that they would defend the City, provided that the Ci­tizens should promise they would take up Arms, as well as the Soul­diers, and do all the duties of the Militia; for besides the Horse and some few Country people there was but 400 Foot in the City, which were no ways sufficient to guard the Walls, and sustain the Assault of the Enemy. Savoragnano was therefore enjoyn'd to try how the Citizens stood affected, and what might be expected from them. He therefore calling before him many of the best and valiantest men of the City;

He exhorted them to take up Arms for the safety of their Country, and Honour of the Common-wealth, and that being moved by the desire of praise, and by their own danger, they would strive to keep the cruel Ene­my far from their own homes. He shew'd them what they were to do for their own defence, and how an idle fear of the Enemy might turn to their real ruine; that if things were rightly cast up, they needed nothing but Courage, and a stout resolution to defend themselves; that if they would shew themselves willing to do this, though but for a short while, making at least but an appearance to fight, and to stand the Assault, the Enemy who had undertaken this business, not out of any desire of Glory, but out of Booty, confiding more in the small numbers of our Souldiers then in their own Worth, would doubtlesly soon quit the Enterprize: So as within a few days they might free their City from the great danger it was in: what could they hope for of any truth from the Enemy? And how bitter use were they accustomed to make of their Victories, was known sufficiently by woful experience to that whole Country; that if they should resolve to submit themselves to the will of the Enemy without making any resistance, they could not notwithstanding have any hopes of saving the City, for it was almost impossible to keep the Dutch Souldiers from committing Inso­lencies, who were usually greedy of Booty, but now almost necessitated thereunto for want of pay: So as they were to expect nothing but plunder.

Thus did Savoragnano endeavour to encourage the Citizens, part­ly out of a desire of praise, partly out of fear of having their City sack'd. But they differ'd in their opinions: Some of them moved by Savorgnano's Authority, promised willingness to be assistant in all things, and to obey the Commanders will; others though they seemed to be of the same mind, yet laying the fault upon others, said that all they could do would be to no purpose; for that they were more then jealous that the Souldiers of the Garrison would betray them, since some of them had said publiquely, that if the Enemy should draw any nearer, they would quit the City: Moreover they excused themselves as being unacquainted with what belong'd to War, so as let them do what they could they should do no good, nor could they long undergo Military Duties. Those who at the beginning seemed to be somewhat moved by Savorgnano's Speeches beginning now to be irresolute and fearful, the Commanders upon fresh debate resolved not rashly to expose all the Chivalry that was in the City to danger: Thus both Horse and Foot went out of the [Page 63] City, and marched towards the Liuenza that they might pass over it, and get into some safe place; fearing lest the Enemy might pre­vent them, and hinder their passage: and Savorgnano went to Osofo, a Castle in his Jurisdiction, to put a Garrison into it, to defend it, when the Enemy should be farther advanced. Thus Udine being quite bereft of all defence, yielded quickly to the Dutch, upon con­dition that the Citizens lives and goods should be preserved, and up­on payment of a thousand Duckets to the Army, to keep the City from being sack'd. Cividale, Porto Gruaro, and other Towns, com­pounded with the Enemies upon like terms; and the Enemy not find­ing wherewith to feed their Army any longer in that Region, which they had wholly over-run and pillaged, went towards Trevigi, to joyn with the Spanish Foot, who winter'd in the Territories of Vicen­za and Padua; that so being become stronger they might fall upon any Town or City, that should hold for the Common-wealth; there was only one thing that did obviate this result, to wit, the leaving of the Fort Osofo behind them, which might be a hinderance to the Vi­ctuals and men which were to come to them out of Germany. This business and the occasion seem to require that the nature and situation of this place be particularly shewn, and described as if it were in a Map.

The Mountain Lauro, is as it were cut off in many parts on that side which divides Italy from the Dutch, affording sometimes by Valleys, sometimes by no very high Mountains, an easie passage from the one Regi­on to the other; but the readiest and best is that which leads from Vilacco to Venzone, which is commonly called the Imperial Way. When coming from Germany into Italy by this way, you arrive at a certain place called L' Ospitale, the Mountains extending themselves into two several arms, do divide; the one of which turns Westward towards Trent, the other to the contrary side towards Goritia, the former are called Carnician Alpes, the other the Giulian. All that Country which lyes in the midst between these two Mountains, and turns towards the Eastern Sea, is now called Friuli; as soon as you come out of this row of Mountains, you see the Ca­stle Osofo, which is not above two miles from the bottom of these Moun­tains; the Castle is placed upon a little rock of stone, which riseth up in that Plain, as if it were placed there by Nature it self to preserve Italy from the Forces of such Forreign Nations as have the easier passage on that side to us. And consequently it is fortified and secured by Nature, just as such strong Holds are used to be by humane Art. The Mountain hath three sides; that which looks towards the East is water'd by the Ri­ver Tagliamento, and on each of the sides some little heaps of Stones are raised up, like so many little Towers, so as they afford commodity for the defence of themselves, and of the space that lyes between them. Upon one corner of the Mountain there stands a little Rock, which is sever'd from the Mountain by a little Vally, the Rock being about 20 paces long, and but 8 over; a high and strong Wall is raised hereupon, whereupon stands a work, whereby all that space being a little more heightned, is made a safe Fort. The Mountain is naturally sterile, unmanured, and very steep on all sides, save only upon one, on which side the rise is less diffi­cult.

[Page 64] Frangipane having brought almost all his Army to this place, re­solved to attempt the taking of Osofo, being thereunto the more en­heartned, for that having at the same time that he drew near to it, sent some of his men to take in the Castle Chiusa, he suddenly effect­ed it, and put a good Garrison thereinto; for our men did shame­fully surrender it to the Enemy at their very first appearance, not so much as waiting for the approach of cannon. This place is by its natural situation very strong, being placed in the very jaws of the Mountains, so as it became as it were a Gate which shut up the way to those who would on that side enter into the state of the Common-wealth, from whence it was called Chiusa. When therefore the castle Osofo should be taken, the Enemy had nothing else to hinder them; for being abundantly furnished with men and provisions from Germany, they might easily make themselves Masters of all Friuli, and make a longer abode there then they had yet done. But Savo­ragnano trusting upon the strength of the situation, and upon the va­lour of his men, though he had not above one hundred Foot, and fourscore cross-bow men on Horse-back, to boot with some Coun­try people, hoped to be able to defend the Castle against all that the Enemy could do; and to this purpose had chosen Theodoro Burgio Captain of his Horse, whose Loyalty and Valour was very well known to him, and who did very good service in this Siege. The Enemy pitched their Camp on that side which looks towards the South, and began to play upon the Castle with ten piece of Cannon, wherewith having thrown down part of the Wall, they had made some other works, like unto a Pent-house, whereby being shelter'd, the Souldiers prepared for another Assault. But Savoragnano to provide against this imminent danger, went from the Castle into a­nother work, where sparing for no labour, he diligently provided for all things, and did much encourage the Souldiers by his exam­ple. The Enemy strove to open their way by a continual Battery, that they might bring on their Souldiers to an Assault; but all in vain, for the lower part of the work, being made of soft stone, recei­ved all the shot without any prejudice, and the upper part of the Wall being built of Brick, though it were beaten down by the Can­non, yet falling inwards, it served the Defendants for a Rampiere. Wherefore the Enemy dispairing to get the Victory that way, resol­ved to try another, and to open their way into that work by new Engines. They put some rafters together at the foot of the Moun­tain, in somewhat an eminent place made like Towers about some ten foot high of earth, by standing wherein they hoped they should be the better able, and with less disadvantage to fight those that did defend the work. But Savorgnano planting his Artillery on the op­posite part of the Mountain before these raftters were raised any high­er, began to trouble them, and finally by many shot beat it down to the ground. All the hopes the Enemy had lay now in their Soul­diers Valour. Wherefore Frangipane having chosen out the valian­test of all his Army, prepared for the Assault, drawing near the Walls by those very steps which were formerly made by Savorgnano and cut out of the hard Rock, that they might be of use for the Ca­stle. [Page 65] But herein their many Attempts did likewise prove vain, for they were always stoutly repuls'd by Savoragnano's Souldiers, who did not only make use of their Weapons against them, but tumbled down great stones upon them, which precipitating from those steep crags, and falling upon them that were underneath, proved very mortal to them: So the Enemy were forced to fall from assaulting the Castle to besieging it. Those within had Victuals and Wine e­nough to serve them for a long time, but so great scarcity of water, as the greatest part of their Horses being already dead for want there­of, there was hardly enough left to make bread with. The Senate did this mean while encourage Savoragnano with many Letters, and did invite him to a greater desire of praise; they said they did all of them very much confide upon his Worth and Loyalty, for which he might promise himself an answereable reward from the Common-wealth, which was always very grateful to her well deserving Sub­jects; that when his Glory and the like of his Souldiers should be considered by all men, it would be immortal; but that the Senate in particular would be always mindful of his deserts. It is hard to be said how much joy and good hopes these praises and encourage­ments did infuse into the Besieged: And it so fell out as they were also befriended by divine Providence; for there fell such store of rain as did suffice a long while for all their occasions: Wherefore it was thought that the supply which was long before treated of in the Senate, might safely be deferr'd unto another time.

Whilst these things past thus in Friuli, the Venetians Affairs went prosperously on in Lombardy, though all things were not quiet there; for the Spaniards and Sforzeses being encamped (as hath been said) before Crema, Renzo da Ceri had very valiantly defended that City, rendering all the Enemies endeavours vain, who had gone about the taking of it both by Assault and Siege: Nay the Souldiers of the Garrison had much indamaged the Enemy by many bold Sallies, and returned safe into the City. Renzo being advertised by his Spies that Cesare Feramosca, one of the Spanish Commanders was come with 50 Gens d' Armes, and 50 light Horse, to take [...]p his Winter Quarters at Calcinato, a Town in the Bergamasco Territories, about 20 miles from Crema, thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him, of doing a noteable Act, if he should assault at unawares the Enemy, whilst they lay lazying, not apprehending any danger, but thinking themselves safe by reason of the season of the year. He chose out three valiant men, in whose Worth he thought he might very much confide, to wit, Silvestro Nerni, Baldisera da Rastano, and Marcello Astoldo, the first two being Foot Captains, the last a Commander of Curassiers; he acquainted them with what they had to do, and told them that the chief hope of dispatching the Enterprize lay in expedi­tion; they with all diligence and courage strove to do what was com­mitted to their trust. They went in the dark of night out of the Ci­ty, and got to Calcinato before day, where they entred the Town by Scalado, not meeting with any resistance, and possessing them­selves suddenly of the Gates, they let in the Horse, and the remain­der of the Foot, and having guarded the Gates, they fell to pillage [Page 66] the Country (the Enemy being astonished at the unexpected chance) and made themselves Masters both of the Goods, and persons of the Inhabitants, not receiving any the least harm themselves. Which being done, our men returned to Crema loaded with prey, and much commended for so noble an Action, Renzo's diligence and vigilan­cy was highly commended; for that with a constant and undaunted courage, being long opposed by the Enemy both with Sword and Famine, he had not only with-stood them, but had much indama­ged them. But the more he was cry'd up, the more desirous was he of Glory. He was very careful in observing the Enemies remo­vals and abodes; he considered both place and time, when any oc­casion might be offer'd of doing some other handsom Action: and being advertised that Count Santa Severina was in the Territories of Brescia with 50 Gens d' Armes at Quinzano, he suddenly bethought himself how to be Master of them; the which that he might the more safely do, he intended to deceive the Enemy with a piece of Military cunning. Hearing that many of the Enemy were got to the Town of Triogol [...], and fearing lest his men might receive some prejudice by these either as they went to Quinzano or in their return from thence, he sent 20 Horse with ten Drums into the Territories of Cremona, who were to pass by all the Towns beating an Alarm, and making a great noise, to affright the Inhabitants, and make them believe that the Enemy was at hand, so as they should (as they did) retreat speedily into Trigoli, where shutting to the Gates, they endeavour'd to secure the Town, expecting every moment to be assaulted. In the interim those that were sent by Renzo about this business, came speedily to Quinzano, and falling at unawares upon the Gens d' Ar­mes that were in the Town, took them all, and their Commanders Prisoners, and took much corn, cattle, and other things from those Territories which were of great use to the Besieged in Crema. The readiness of the Citizens and Country people to serve the Common-wealth to the utmost of their Power was a great furtherance to Renzo in doing these things; for they did not only shew themselves wil­ling to do what was commanded them, but when money was want­ing to pay the Souldiers, (for all the Avenues were shut up, so as monies could not be safely sent from Venice) the Citizens maintain'd the Army at their own charge: No News was ever heard of yield­ing, no complaining upon the times, no weariness of being besieged, nor of so many burthens and toyl; all things were govern'd with great concord and good order, as if the City had been in great quiet, and far from any danger or trouble of War; and yet another great mischief was added to all their sufferings, for the Plague began to grow hot amongst them.

For which the Senate charged the Magistrates to thank the Citizens in the Name of the Common-wealth, promising them that these their good Services should be kept in perpetual Memory, and that their Deserts should be acknowledged, and rewarded even to posterity: That they knew their singular Worth and Loyalty: That therefore they might promise unto themselves all things which could be expected from a grateful Common-wealth, which did always willingly embrace and very much cherish all such as were faithful and valiant.

[Page 67]The Senate did likewise commend Renzo da Ceri, as they had done many times before, striving to confirm him in the loyalty and worth which he had hitherto shewn; and herein they used many gracious expressions, exalting his deserts, so to honour that man with praise, (which is the reward of Virtue) who was so desirous of Glory, and to invite him to the undertaking of other worthy Enterprizes.

They said, That the Venetian Souldiers had learnt to overcome under the Conduct of such a Commander, who by the greatness of his Courage had overcome even the greatest difficulties, and made them appear easie; that they expected yet greater things from his Gallantry.

And having occasion soon after to shew themselves thankful to so well deserving a man, he was by general consent chosen to succeed Giovan Paolo Baglione in his Office, who having ended his Conduct, had taken his leave of the Venetian Army. Baglione being taken Prisoner, as you have heard, in the unfortunate Battle at Vicenza, had got leave of the Spanish Commanders to go to Venice, upon ex­change for Caravagiale, a Spanish Commander, which if he could effect he was to have his liberty, but if otherwise he was to return Prisoner to the Enemy. Baglione got leave of the Senate for the ex­change, and Captain Caravagiale was carried from Venice to Padua; but Gurghense, without whose knowledg this exchange was made, opposed it, saying it was not to be observed, the quality of the per­sons not being alike, nor the good which might redound to the seve­ral Princes by the Exchange. Wherefore Baglione thinking he was free from his Parole, since the fault proceeded not from him, refused to return any more Prisoner to the Enemy, and having obtain'd leave of the Venetians, went to Rome, whither he was sent for by the Pope. Baglione held the next place in Dignity after Alviano, who was the Venetians General; his pay was 30000 Duckets a year, and he was bound to have in his Troop 200 Gens d' Armes, and 100 light Horse. His place was granted to Renzo upon the same conditi­ons, but he refused it;

Rendering notwithstanding many acknowledgments to the Senate, who of their own free wills had conferr'd that Honour upon him who was absent, and had no ways sought it, though it was wont to be much put for by others; he told them that his abode in Crema at this time of many eminent dangers, was of much concernment to his own Honour, and to the service of the Com­mon-wealth; that he desired nothing more then to preserve that City to the Common-wealth; that he knew very well the Senate had offer'd him that preferment, not to invite him to serve them well and faithfully, but to witness the love they bore him; for nothing could now adde to his ancient affection, which he knew he could not more apparently manifest, then in defending that City.

There were some who thought Renzo the more to be commended for having preferr'd Worth it self before the badg of Worth; but many suspected what did afterwards appear by many signs more clearly: to wit, that Renzo would not be obliged to go unto the Ar­my, because he bore a secret enmity to Alviano, and shunn'd to be under the command of another, especially of one who was of so se­vere a nature, and who was no very good friend of his.

[Page 68]Whilst these things went thus, the year of our Lord 1514 began, and began unfortunately; for on the 10th of Ianuary, the first hour after midnight▪ some shops fell on fire in the Rialto (which is seat­ed in the midst of the City, a place much frequented, and held in great esteem for the happy Auspice of the Cities first rise, which be­gan first to be built there, and wherein all things are usually sold) which fire taking hold of the neighbouring houses, did soon mighti­ly increase, and in a moment burnt many publique Buildings, and great store of Merchandise of all sorts; and for the greater misfor­fortune, the wind blew very furiously then from the North, which carried the fire into the most remote parts of the City; and the hou­ses that were nearer hand were soon irreparably consumed; there was not any one who either by Council or Action could suppress the violence of the fire, in this sad and sudden chance, and in this con­fusion, which fill'd the whole City with fear, though the Nobles and common people flock'd presently thither from all places. The fire dilating it self on all sides got to the Pescaria on the one side, and on the other side to the Temple of Santo Apollinare, (places which stood far asunder) miserably consuming, and throwing all things down to the ground. Many gallant Ornaments of the City, and much wealth of private people, which was long in gathering, pe­rish'd almost in a moment, which caused great lamentation, and out-cries throughout the whole City: The Citizens and Merchants bemoaned themselves that their so long labours should be so soon lost; others were more troubled at this misfortune, as if it fore-bo­ded greater mischiefs; they began now to fear the greatest: Some in these common afflictions shew'd some more moderation; for be­ing inured to so many afflictions, they were not easily sensible of new sorrows. It was never clearly known whether this hapned by chance, or by the Enemies abominable wickedness; yet by many tokens it was thought that the fire was fraudulently and by cunning convey'd into those shops where it first brake forth. Thus at this time nothing was free from the treachery of the Enemy. The Senate though perplex'd with so many adversities, managed the War with their wonted constancy, and did not slacken in providing for all things which might either maintain their Honour, or obviate the Enemy. But the Affairs of Friuli did chiefly trouble them; for Frangipane, having (as you have heard) possess'd himself of ma­ny places of the Country, did still besiege Osofo. Many of the Se­nate were of opinion, that they should gather all the Forces they could together, and endeavour to relieve Savorgnano: Others were of a contrary opinion, affirming,

That they had already sufficiently try'd the fortune of War, and that the many damages which they had suffer'd, might teach them and others, to how many various and uncertain chances Battles are subject, and how often it falls out that men come to a day of Battle even against the deter­minate will of the Commanders. That after so many losses the best course would be to endeavour the keeping of Trevigi and Padua, and to reduce all their Garrisons thither, knowing that upon the event of these two Towns the end of the whole War would finally depend. Wherefore they were not [Page 69] now without necessity to alter their managing of the War, nor suffer those Cities for want of better Garrisons to be exposed to the will of the Enemy: That they should consider their men were much diminished, become less loy­al, and less ready for Military Actions, by reason of their slow pay: But that they were chiefly cast down by reason of the last rout; so as it was hard­ly to be known whether their worth or fidelity were less to be trusted to; that therefore they should not proceed contrary to their ancient custom, and con­trary to their last resolution: who could be sure that a powerful Army of the Enemy being so near, and succour so far off, some tumult might not be raised in those very Cities, either out of fear or desire of Novelty, es­pecially when the whole War, nay the total of all things, was committed to a few, and those not over valiant?

Others on the contrary, amongst which were Antonio Grimani, who then held the place of Savio del Consiglio, and Luca Trono, one of the Council of six, who endeavour'd by all the means they could that succour should be sent to Savorgnano; and that the recovery of the Towns in Friuli should be put for.

These shewed how that the Common-wealth was much concern'd in the preservation of Osofo not only out of hopes that by the means thereof, other places in Friuli might be preserved or recovered, but for the preser­vation even of those very Cities which by common consent were to have a high esteem put upon them. Assuredly (said Trono) nothing hath re­tarded Frangipane from not arriving safe at the Spanish Army, but his fear of leaving this strong Hold behind him; which if it should fall into the hands of the Enemy, there was no other thing which could hinder them from coming with all their Forces quickly into the Territories of Padua, by whose assistance the Spaniards being become the stronger, they would suddenly attempt the taking of Padua or Trevigi, which we know is the thing they chiefly desire, and that their not having done it hitherto, hath only been, because they dare not venture upon it with so few men, as do not exceed 4000 Foot, and 600 Horse; therefore when mention is made of sending relief to Osofo, it must be granted that the preservation of those Cities is treated of; so as though we cannot promise our selves easily to rout Frangipanes Forces, yet the advantage is not small which we shall receive by sending our Army into that Country, since the Enemy will be thereby necessitated not to make any longer abode in those parts, and to for­bear plotting our farther ruine. Our late experience may teach us how dangerous a thing in War it is to suffer the Enemies to joyn together, meet, and s [...] increase their Forces, when they must fight though they be but weak and divided; for if the French Commanders had been better advised at Novara, and had endeavoured either to fight the Spaniard, who expect­ed the coming of the Switzers, or had else encountred the Switzers who came to relieve the Besieged, all things would have succeeded more prospe­rously with them, since one only Enemy would have been the more easily overcome, and the others would have been made affraid: If we shall aban­don the Towns, Lands, Men, and the Goods of our Subjects of Friuli, leaving all things in the power of bitter, but weak Enemies, without en­deavouring any revenge, I am shrewdly affraid we may fall into such con­tempt both of our Enemies, and of our own men, as that the Honour of our Common-wealth will fall too low to be ever raised up again, all men being [Page 70] already of opinion, that the Common-wealth of Venice is reduced to so low a condition, as she is either not able, or else not willing to secure them from injuries, who live under her Iurisdiction, and who have always been faithful to her. But if by shewing courage we shall strive to repair the losses we have received, our men will be inheartned again, and the E­nemy will be more humble: and we may hope to enjoy the Country more qui­ [...]tly hereafter: No man is ignorant of what importance and conveniency the Castle of Osofo is; and the stronger it is by natural situation, the more carefully it ought to be kept; for if it should fall once into the hands of the Enemy, we cannot hope easily to recover it, as we have done other Towns; for the Enemy having taken, as we are inform'd they have, the Castle Chiusa, they will always have the way open whereby to be abundant­ly furnish'd with Artillery, Victuals, and all things necessary for War.

The Senate being perswaded by these reasons, resolved to draw out as many men as they could out of Padua and Trevigi, and send them to Friuli, leaving Theodoro Triulcio the mean while in Padua, with charge of all the Militia, and with him Dominico Contarini, who being Captain of Padua, was made Commissary. The business of Friuli was committed to Alviano, the Senate having formerly given him charge to proceed with much safety, and not to pass with his Army over the Livenza, unless he had certain knowledg which way the Enemy went, and were sure to return quickly; for it was thought very dangerous, lest the Dutch, when our men should be gone far off, might pitch in some strong seat to hinder their passage, till such time as the Spaniards hearing of Alviano's departure might come in unto their aid, and so our Camp might be at the same time beset with two Enemies Armies. Alviano took 700 commanded men with him out of Padua and 400 Horse, the one half whereof were Albaneses, and came in two days march to Sacile, whither it was said that the Horse and Foot which were come out of Udine, were re­tired to save themselves. Alviano understanding here that 500 of the Enemies Horse were in Porto Gruaro, from whence they were of­ten wont to go out and skirmish with our Horse in the Plain which lyes between Sacile and Porto Gruaro, he suddenly drew forth into the field, and sent the light Horse before, with commission that when they should come within sight of the Enemy, they should pro­voke them to fight. The Enemy according to their custome, were easily perswaded to come out of the Town, and began to skirmish with our men, who according to their directions retreated; the E­nemy pursued them, and not knowing that the rest of our men were come, drew at unawares near our Army; then Malatesta Baglione, who was sent with a hundred Curassiers to succour the former who had begun to give way, seeing that the Enemy could not well re­treat, fell furiously upon them, and amongst the rest, charg'd Cap­tain Risano, who was easily known by his Armes and by his corpu­lency of body; whom he hurt dangerously, unhors'd him, and took him Prisoner; the rest having lost their Captain, after a whiles fight, began to run, and got into Porto Gruaro; but Alviano, though night drew on, pursuing the flying Enemy immediately clapp'd lad­ders to the Town Walls, and his Souldiers being gotten upon the [Page 71] Walls, fought with those that were upon the Guard, and after long dispute, drove the Guard from the Walls and entred the Town, and sack'd the whole Town, as well what belonged to the Towns-men, as to the Souldiers, and took a hundred Curassiers that were in the Town, Prisoners.

After this fortunate success, Alviano resolved to march towards the relief of Savoragnano, who having valiantly repuls'd the Enemy, did still maintain the Castle of Osofo: Frangipane hearing of the com­ing of our men, set fire presently upon all the works which he had made about the Castle, and raised his Camp, marching with his Army towards Germany; but being come into the Town of Venzone, and fearing that he was pursued by Alviano's Forces, as indeed he was, he resolved to make all his Chivalry stay there, to retard the Ene­my, that thereby the Foot might have the more time to get into some place of safety. But Alviano, hearing that the Enemy were gone, sent Nicolo Vendramino soon after them, with the Albanese Horse, and Barnardino Antignolo with the remainder of the light Horse, ho­ping that if they made haste they might reach Frangipane. But he was past a little forward, and having gotten over the Tagliamiento, had taken up his Quarters in the Castle of St. Daniele. Vendramino and Antignola, were so diligent in their March, as finding the Enemies Horse at Venzone, they fell upon them, cut most of them in pieces, and took the rest Prisoners; but the Foot which were marched for­wards with the carriages, escaped; our Horse not being able to fol­low them by those steep and craggy Rocks. Yet could they not well save themselves; for the Siege being raised, Savoragnano issued out of the Castle, and having assembled together 200 Horse, and a good company of Country people, pursued the Enemy by way of the Carnisen Alpes, and his Forces increasing where so ere he went, (for the Country people were very much affectionate to the Venetians, who led him by secret and shorter ways) he was got before Alviano's Horse, and assaulting the Dutch Foot had so routed them, as they were forced to leave their Baggage behind them, and seven pieces of great Artillery, which rendered the Victory more clear and remar­kable. They say that Frangipane pleaded for excuse, that he was at this time much indisposed by reason of a blow which he had recei­ved on the head by a stone, whilst he lay before Osofo, which disa­bled him for providing for such things as were fitting for the safety of his Army. Yet he could provide for his own safety; for as soon as the Enemy fell upon his men, he, with 30 of his Horse fled, and got into a safe place; but this was but for a short time; for being soon after cured of his hurt, as he was riding amongst the neighbour­ing Mountains, to raise new tumults, and gather more men to re­new the War, he fell into an ambush which was laid for him by Gio­van Vitturi, and was by him taken Prisoner, and sent to Venice. He was certainly a fierce and haughty man, but grievously faulty, and a mighty Enemy to the Venetians, whom he had long troubled by his incursions, and rapines committed in Friuli. Savoragnano grew now very famous for these prosperous successes, for which he was by the Senate created Count of Belgrado and Osofo; and to leave a [Page 72] testimony of his Worth to his posterity, he had 400 Duckets a year assign'd unto him out of the publick Exchequer, to descend to him and his Heirs for ever. The Enemies Army being routed, as you have heard, Udine, Belgrado, Monfalcone, and all the other Castles which were formerly taken by the Enemy, return'd into the power of the Venetians, and were by them received into favour; for it was evident that the people had done their duties, and had not quitted their Loyalty to the Venetians, otherwise then necessitated by For­tune, and by the power of the prevailing Enemy. Alviano hoped by means of this Victory to re-gain Goritia and Gradisca, if the Army should march thitherward; and he did this the rather, for that he understood there were but small Garrisons in these Towns, and that they were in great want of all things, especially of Gun-powder, which was all spent in the Siege of Osofo; yet being unwilling to fall rashly upon this Enterprize, he sent a Band of men to discover the condition of the places, who having diligently observed all things, brought word, that the taking of those places would require much time and pains; wherefore Alviano having ended what he went for into Friuli, and knowing that by tarrying longer in those parts, his return into the Territories of Padua might be hindred by the Spani­ards, whose numbers increased, he resolved to return with his Ar­my into the City of Padua.

At the same time that these things were done in Friuli, many Treaties had been in Rome concerning Peace with the Emperour; for the Pope having at last overcome all doubts and difficulties, had taken this business in hand, and was very diligent in the negotiation ther [...]of, to the end that peace might be effected, he used all possible means by his Nuntios both with the Emperour and the Venetians, ex­horting them to concord.

He shewed them that both of them had made sufficient triall of their for­tune, and that things were already reduced to such a pass through the length of War, as though they should refuse to come to any accommodation, they would both of them be forced shortly to lay down Arms out of very weariness; but that then the Issue would be this, that Forces being bro­ken on both sides, yet Enmity would still remain to the common ruine; for it was to be feared that by means of these discords, and the weakness oc­casioned by so long Wars, both the Conquerours, and conquered would fall into the power of Selinus Ottaman (a bitter and powerful Enemy) if the Fortune of War favouring his designs, now that he was upon difficult, but glorious Attempts, he should turn his victorious Forces into Europe. He moreover told the Venetians, that France was so weakened, both by the last received rout, and by the greater dangers which did yet over-hang them, as it was in vain for them to think to be able to maintain the War by assistance from France. But that whilst peace was on treaty between England and France, the event whereof was yet uncertain, and whilst the Common-wealth was yet in good esteem, both by reason of her own strength, and the like of her Confederates, they might accommodate their Affairs upon honourable conditions; which being afterwards reduced to disadvantage, they would not be able to do. He laid before the Emperour, the length of the War, the various and doubtful successes of Enterprizes, [Page 73] the faithfulness of Confederates, the certain advantages of peace, toge­ther with the inlarging of his Empires Confines. But because the Pope had many times endeavoured this in vain, from which he might ground what now he was to trust unto. Cesar and the Venetians having never been able to be made friends, he knew it was necessary a third person should take upon him the conditions of Peace. Wherefore he made known to them both, that if it might stand with their consent, he had resolved to take up­on himself this whole Treaty of Peace, and to judge and determine what was fitting to be done therein, and what each of them should be content with; that though he was not ignorant of what a burthen he was herein to take upon him, yet laying aside all other respects he would mind only the peace of Christendom, and the duty of his charge and office. And that the mean while, whilst Affairs might be brought to some composition, and friendship might be renew'd, they would lay down Armes, to the end that when his determination should be heard, War might the more be easily ap­peased, and all things might remain quiet.

The Venetian Senate, moved thereunto out of the hopes of peace, and by the Popes Authority, resolved to referre to him whatsoever had been long in dispute between them and the Emperour, thinking they should do well and worthily to acquaint the Pope and all Chri­stendome with their pretences and injuries; that all men might know how great reverence and respect the Venetians bore to the Pope, and that all their designs aimed at agreement. The chiefest difficulty lay in whether the City of Verona did belong to the Emperour, or to the Venetians, and in what monies the Venetians should pay unto the Emperour, and what time they should have for the payment thereof. The reason of paying these Monies was, as well for the expences of the War, as also that Cesar should cancell all his pretentions, if he had any, either by claim of the Empire, or of the House of Austria, to those Cities and Towns which were by agreement to remain unto the Common-wealth. The Venetians made Leo the Arbitra­tor of these things, leaving the Arbitrement thereof in him by pub­lick Authority. Leo not content herewith, desired that this might be drawn up in another manner; to wit, so as without mentioning any particular Controversie, the Senate should referre the whole business to him, as the Compounder of all differences: saying that he desired this for the taking away of all occasions of difference, and that he might bring all things the sooner to the desired end; where­fore he pawn'd his faith, not to use any farther freedom, nor to pro­nounce any sentence, then what he should have first communicated to the Embassadour of the Common-wealth, and by the will and consent of the Senate; adding that for the future he would use no less diligence, to have Verona, and all the other Towns which were possess'd by the Common-wealth before the War, restored unto her, then he now used to make peace. Thus he obtain'd free leave and power from the Senate to put an end unto the War upon what conditions pleased him: He having promised that when this should be done by the Embassadour of the Common-wealth then resident with him, that he, the Pope, would be sure not to propound any thing for reconciling the differences, which might prove the beginning of [Page 74] new difficulties, or which might disturbe the whole business, for it was much to be feared, that the Common-wealths Enemies (whose request whether they did agree with what was just and honest he him­self might very well know) knowing that all things were now left to his free disposal, would egge him on, as it were against his will, to propound such conditions as might be too prejudicial to the Com­mon-wealth, and which he himself should not be very well pleased withal. When the Pope began to negotiate this Affair, he met with many things which gave him reason to be doubtful and jealous; the rather because he desired both Cesar and the Venetians satisfaction. The Emperour demanded that Verona, which was then in his possessi­on, should still continue in his power; to which though it had been al­ways heretofore deny'd, the Venetians did at this time condescend upon condition that Gange and Valegio, two Towns of the Territories of Verona, should be yielded up to them; alledging that without these their State being as it were cut off by anothers Jurisdiction, it was evident that all that part of their Dominion which lay beyond the River Adige, would be of no use at all to the Common-wealth. On the contrary, the Emperour, who seemed at the first to be con­tented with Verona, demanded Crema likewise; and somewhat to ho­nest this his desire, he said that this City ought to be put into the Popes hands, since he was content to put Vicenza thereinto. But it was apparent to every one how unequal this proposition was; for Crema was a very strong and safe City, long in the Venetians posse­ssion, and lately defended with much cost and labour against the E­nemy; whereas Vicenza being neither strongly walled, nor well garrison'd, had often changed Fortune and Masters, and was now in these latter times possess'd by Cesars men, only because it was ne­ver strove for: So as it could hardly be said that he possess'd the Ci­ty; for if the Venetians would send their Forces thither, they might easily drive the Emperours weak Garrison out, and recover it.

Whilst these things were in treaty Cardinal Gurghense, who had ever been an utter Enemy to peace, came in an unhappy hour to Rome. He began (as he had done formerly) to trouble the busi­ness, finding many occasions to draw it out in length, and bending all his Might against what was just and honest. The Pope had ob­tain'd that the Spanish Foot should abstain from doing any new pre­judice, since the business of right was to be treated of: yet the Vice-roy [...]aining sometimes not to understand this Treaty, sometimes bla­ming such advice, proceeded in hostile manner against the State of Venice, and the Affairs thereof; nay taking occasion by reason of the truce to pillage more securely, he entred the Territories of Padua, and plundered the whole Country, nourishing his needy Souldiers with what they got from miserable Inhabitants, in a time when they thought themselves free from such Injuries. By which proceedings it might be conceived that the Pope and the Venetians were much de­luded; that the Common-wealths Enemies had no mind to peace, but that they play'd the Counterfeits, as well not utterly to lose the Pope, as also to make the Venetians through their hopes of peace less careful in providing for things appertaining to War; and they the [Page 75] mean while might have opportunity to recrute their Army, which was much diminished.

Wherefore the Venetians discovering their Enemies cheats and deceitful Proceedings, entreated Leo, That he would penetrate into the secret Counsels of the Emperour, and of King Ferdinando; for then he would clearly find that Ferdinando did not only aspire to the States Do­minions, but to the Government of all Italy. So as if he would keep up his Dignity, and Authority amongst Princes, which he might perceive be­gan now to grow less, he should not suffer them so to abuse the reverend name of Pope. That therefore quitting his first Counsels, he should betake him­self to new and safer cogitations, and should resolve upon things becoming the safety of Italy, and his own Dignity, and that he should forthwith re­call his Troops of Horse from the Spanish Army; for that the Enemies ha­ving placed much hopes in his friendship and assistance, they would proceed with more sincerity when they should see themselves deprived thereof, that they would abstain from injurious proceedings, and treat less arrogantly hereafter. That he on his part had abundantly satisfied the tye of confe­deracy which he had with them; that it became an Italian, especially him who was pla [...]ed in so high a degree of Dignity, and who was endow'd with so much wisdom, by the present troublesome state of things, to fore-see the beginnings of greater evils, and to provide such remedies for them, as became their importancy, and which might as yet be used; that if these Princes, whilst their Affairs were in so bad a case, by reason of the few Spanish and Dutch Foot which were then in Italy, had notwithstanding arrogated so much Authority, and would make such use of bare reputation, without Forces, it was much to be feared, that when their power should be increased, they would endeavour to d [...]mineer over all Italy.

The Venetians used reasons to exhort the Pope to keep up his greatness and authority: They told him he could by no other way better effect it then by entring into League with the King of France, and their Common-wealth. But finding that these endeavours did no good, they went to work with him the same way that they knew their Enemies had done. It was generally thought that Leo favour'd the Emperours Affairs; for he thought that thereby he promoted his own designs: He had set his whole mind upon the aggrandizing of his own House, hoping that he might be much farthered therein by Cesars favour, whereby he might be inabled to alienate the Cities of Parma, Piacenza, Modena, and Reggio, from the Church, and pass them over in fee by the Emperours help and consent to his Brother Iuliano.

Wherefore the Venetians labour'd to perswade him, that he might better advance his Family by this new confederacy; the Venetians being very willing to grant the Kingdom of Naples in fee to his Brother Juliano, when it should be won by their common Forces, upon the same conditions that he had desired those other Cities; and to defend, and maintain him in the possession thereof by all their forces and endeavours: And that he should not need to doubt their promise, nor suspect the Common-wealths faith, as well in commemoration of the benefit, which would be esteemed the greater in these unfortunate times, as also for the States peculiar Inte­rest, for whose advantage and safety it would make very much that an I­talian [Page 76] Prince, a Friend of hers, and obliged unto her for so great a fa­vour, should be Master of so noble and rich a part of Italy. That doubt­lesly he might promise himself the like from the King of France, who set­ting his heart upon the reputation and keeping of Millan, it did much im­port him that more potent Lords should be kept far from the Confines of I­taly, the parts whereof which should belong to the French, would be the better confirm'd unto them by the Popes Friendship. That this was the only way to make the House of Medici truly glorious and splendid, which was famous enough already of her self: And the best way likewise for the quiet and security of the Church and of all Italy. That the Senate did re­commend these things to his consideration in pursuance of their ancient cu­stom, and out of their particular observance of his own Person, and their affection to his Family. That he should not argue out of these their per­swasions that they were so weakened by adverse Fortune, or that they were so cast down, but that they were able to renew and maintain the War of themselves, though he should not be advised by them.

The Common-wealth had above 6000 Foot and 1500 Horse in pay at this time, divided between Padua and Trevigi; and Souldi­ers were continually raised for the service of the Common-wealth in several parts; so as she hoped to have 10000 Souldiers on Foot with­in a short time. Moreover new ships were a building to increase the Fleet, and to furnish it with all things fitting, that she might be rea­dy and able for any Enterprize. That on the contrary, though the Enemies men were very few, and impotent, i [...] great want and scar­city of all things, and that it was rather reputation, then true strength that made them subject, yet were they so encouraged by their past prosperous successes, as they thought all things easie, and promised themselves success in all their undertakings. Wherefore Leo fearing more the audacity of the Spaniards and Dutch, then he trusted or ho­ped in the French and Venetians, could not resolve to accept of these new conditions, but falling into his ancient irresoluteness, was the occasion why both War and Peace grew daily more difficult. But it was certainly known that Leo was more addicted to Cesar, and did too much covet his favour; for though he was not ignorant that the Emperours whole drift was to oppress all Italy, and that he himself did confess as much, yet he still spun out time, as if he durst not pro­nounce; nor did he limit any means, or time wherein to do it. Hen­ry King of England had formerly undertaken to reconcile the Vene­tians with the Emperour, behaving himself so therein, as it appear­ed evidently to all men that he was well inclined to wish well to the Affairs of Venice; but his affection seemed now to be quite altered, out of jealousie that the Venetians had aided the French in the War which he made with their King the year before.

He complained particularly that the Common-wealth had sent her Al­banese Horse into France. Which suspitions were conceived to be purpose­ly taken to the end that he might afterwards have the better colour to fa­vour the Emperour in his proceedings, whose good will he endeavour'd by all means to win, out of a desire to draw him from the Truce which he had began to treat of with the French. Therefore whereas Henry was former­ly wont to exhort the Venetians to peace, and to comfort them, and assist [Page 77] them in their greatest nacessities; he now proceeded clean otherwise, accu­sing them by his Letters to the Senate for having persevered too much in breaking of the hopes of peace when things went well with them, and depri­ved Christendom of much good; saying that they ought to behave them­selves according as the times went, and not carry themselves higher then their present Fortune required; wherefore he was very earnest with them to lay down their Arms, and not to trouble Maximillian any longer with that unreasonable War.

These Letters being read in the Senate, they resolved to justifie the Common-wealth by their Embassadour, who was then resident in the Court of England; and to free the King from such false suspi­tions.

The Senate seemed to wonder very much why Henry, towards whom the Common-wealth had shewed such affection as became them well to do to a great Prince who was their Friend and Confederate, a well Wisher and Amplifier of their Dignity, should believe that the Venetians would injure him, or should have endeavoured to disturbe his Victory whereat they had much rejoyced; to witness which, they had at this time sent Francisco Capello, Embassadour into England, who dyed in his journey thither­ward. But that as for those things whereof he particularly complained, he was to know that all the Albanesi were not Subjects to the Common-wealth, nor were the Venetians able to inhibite them the Service of other Princes: That their Fleet was prepared not to assist others, but only to withstand the so great Forces which the Enemy had prepared against their State; that they had long before been Confederates with the French, as the condition of those times required, which was the reason why they had not satisfied Maximillian in his first requests: Which had made him wage War with that Common-wealth, not having been any ways injured by them; nor had the Venetians taken up Arms against him otherwise then in their own defence; that after these first successes, and Truce being made, it was violated by Cesar, who entred in an hostile manner into their Domi­nion; wherefore they were forced to take up Arms again to drive him out of their Confines: whereby Henry might conceive, that they had not been the first Authors of War against the Emperour, having only endeavoured to keep themselves from being injured, according to the wont of their An­cestors; who were always accustomed neither to do nor suffer wrong. And that notwithstanding they forbear not all this while endeavours by Letters, by Embassadours, and by all other means which they thought might do any good, that the occasion of controversies being removed, they might come to some Agreement with Cesar; that many might witness this, but espe­cially the Arch-Bishop of York, an honourable and worthy Gentleman, who had often interceded in this Treaty of Peace, and who knew very well what their intentions were, and what the Enemies were minded to do; that men would think that Cesar, who was a great Prince, should offer at nothing which was not honourable and becomming him; yet it could not be denyed, but that many of his Advisers did corrupt this his good Will, endeavouring their own advantage by drawing out the War at length, though they seemed to be concern'd in Cesars Interests only. That there­fore it became Henry, who was a great and excellent King, to be so just and moderate, as not to suffer himself to be diverted by any conjunction [Page 78] which he had with the Emperour, from what was fair and right; but as a just and upright Arbitrator to interpose his Authority for the laying down of Arms on all sides, upon such reasonable conditions, as might not be in­jurious to any one: So as the people of Christendom long molested with so many Wars, might n [...]w enjoy some rest and safety: and as for them they would the more willingly make peace with Maximillian in respect of Hen­ry's being the Authour of it.

But all these endeavours were of little avail with a Prince who minded more the composing of his own Wars then those of others; wherefore the Venetians finding no hopes of Agreement, began to bethink themselves of War. All people whom it became to speak their minds were enjoyn'd by the Senate, to propound such things as they thought fittest for the raising of Monies upon such occasions. Many things were propos'd and argued in the Senate with diversity of Opinions: New Taxes were laid upon the City, and several ways were found whereby to bring in Monies into the publick Treasury. There was a new Magistracy instituted consisting but of three; who had Authority given them to impose what sum they should please up­on every Citizen or Inhabitant of Venice, according to every mans condition and ability, provided that it should not exceed 300 Duck­ets for any one Family or Person. Moreover power was given to Alviano and two Savij of the Council, who upon occasion of some other imployment were then in Padua, to free such from exile as had been banished for no very grievous offences, enjoyning them to pay such sums of Money as they should think fit for payment of the Ar­my; whereunto if any one should be backward, their Goods were to be distrain'd. So as in a short time the scarcity of the Exchequer was provided for, and some hopes were had of being able to main­tain War for a while.

Alviano being this mean while gone out of Friuli, as hath been said, the Senate, being thereunto chiefly moved by the perswasions of Ierolimo Savor [...]gnano, resolved to re-assume the Enterprize of Marano, the chief care whereof was given to him; who chearfully taking the imployment upon him, and having got together about 2000 Country men, and drawn 400 of the best Foot out of Udine, went about this. And that he might do it with the more safety and Honour, Iovan Vitturi who commanded all the light Horse, and Iovan Paolo Manfrone Captain of the Curassiers, were ordered to pass with all their Horse over the Tagliamento, and to be aiding to Savoragnano in his Enterprize, by over-running the Country, and by securing it from any new commotions of the Enemy; moreover the Fleet was sent to the Marishes of Marano that it might be bese [...] both by Sea and Land.

As soon as Savoragnano came to Marano, he possess'd himself of a strong situation not far from the Walls, where he took up his Quar­ters: He then began to make Ditches, by which the Souldiers being shelter'd, might get to the Walls. The Town was situated much to our mens disadvantage; for it was environ'd all about with low Moorish Grounds, wherefore Savoragnano to overcome the badness of the Seat by Industy, made certain rises of several materials, like [Page 79] so many little Towers, and did munite them excellently well; where­by he got two great advantages; the one that they might be a great­er safety for his men, if the Enemy should sally out of the Town at unawares; the other, that for matter of fight, his men and the Ene­my might be upon equal terms, the one standing upon the Walls, the other upon the made Rises. Thus all things being prepared for an Assault, towards which the Souldiers had already made some ad­vancement, some Captains who did differ in opinion from Savorag­nano before, meeting with some let, by reason of deeper waters, were occasion why what was before resolved upon, was not put in execu­tion. And in the Interim Letters came to Savoragnano, and the chiefest of the Army from the Senate, wherein they signified their opinion, that it was better to take the Town by Siege, then by As­sault; moreover Manfrone had still been of that opinion, and had given particular account thereof to the Senate, being moved there­unto either out of Envy that he bore to Savoragnano, or by Alviano's Authority, who also advised to the not taking of Marano by Force. All things were then handled in order to a Siege: But there were many things also which made against this opinion; for the people that were assembled together being nigh at hand, the Country peo­ple (of which the Army did for the most part consist) could not be kept together any longer in those parts, for they were come thither out of hopes of a sudden Victory and of some booty without any pay: Moreover it was to be feared that these men being wearied by long labour, and a tedious Siege, were likely to abandon the Camp; but say they would have tarried, they could not have done so by reason of the condition of the place, and unwholesomeness of the Air, where­of many fell grievously sick daily. The Commanders adhering to the safest counsel, and to that which pleased the Senate best, alter­ing their way of warfaring, fell from Assault to Siege, and placed their Camp in many several Quarters, that they might the more streighten the Besieged, and keep them from Victuals. Thus whilst time was spent in vain, the Enemy had means afforded them of in­creasing their numbers, and of advancing to relieve those that were within. But our men understanding that the Dutch had muster'd many Foot and Horse about Villacco, and that many Country Moun­tainers were come from the Neighbouring Villages to Gradisca, and that great preparation was made both of men and Arms wherewith to assault our Camp, the Captains fearing lest they might be taken in the midst by two adverse Armies, resolved hastily to raise the Siege, and to march with all their men towards Udine and Cividale: and at the same time the Fleet parting from the Washes of Marano, went to Is [...]ria, to secure the Towns of that Country which were much mo­lested by Barnardino Frangipane. As soon as the Siege was raised from before Marano, the Enemy hasted to victual the Town, and to recrute the Garrison; so as growing more powerful, and more bold, they sallied out often, fell upon the Neighbouring Villages, wasting the Country, and laying heavy Taxes upon the miserable Inhabi­tants, from whom they injuriously, and oftentimes by torments did exact Monies. The Senate being much troubled hereat, and fear­ing [Page 80] lest greater dangers might issue unless some speedy remedy were taken, they ordered il Cavalliere dalla Volpe, who commanded all the light Horse, to march speedily into Friuli with 200 Horse, and Pietro Marcello was commanded to do so likewise, who was at this time sent Commissary into the Field, to succeed Ierolemo Pesaro in that place, who was chosen one of the six Counsellours which sit next unto the Prince, a chief Dignity of the Common-wealth. But before these could come, our men being sorely weakened, were much indamaged. Commissary Vitturi, who wanted more assistance, was retreated into a place of greater strength with only one hundred Albanese Horse; where being unexpectedly set upon by a great ma­ny Dutch Foot, after having resisted long and valiantly, his Horse being wounded under him, and all his men forsaking him, he was taken by the Enemy, and led Prisoner into Gradisca, and afterward farther into Germany. Of those Horse which were with him, some were cut in pieces, some taken Prisoners, and but few of them got safe into Udine.

At the same time Renzo da Ceri, who had stay'd long idle within the Walls of the City, whilst agreement was in Treaty; all hopes of peace being vanish'd, and a way being opened unto him to inda­mage the Enemy, he diligently observed their ways and their coun­sels that he might find some fit occasion of happy success. Having received advertisement that Silvio Savello was lately come out of Millan, with light Horse and 50 Curassiers, and 400 Foot, and that being sent towards Crema, they marched in some disorder, he resol­ved to send Mariano Ascoli and Alessandro Donato with two Troops of Horse, and Andrea, and Silvestro da Perugia with 400 Foot, to assault him at unawares upon his March, as they did Silvio running away at the unexpected coming of our men, was inforced to give o­ver his first design, and to retreat into the Town of Pandino, where fighting our men who pursued him, to keep them from approaching the Walls, he was at the first On-set put to the retreat, his men being so routed, as many of them were slain, others taken Prisoners, and he betaking himself betimes to Flight, with much ado escaped. But Renzo not content with these prosperous successes, was resolved ut­terly to defeat the Enemy, who were routed, and dissipated in many places; and to do his utmost to free the City from Siege; things be­ing therein reduced to such straits, all the Citizens wealth being con­sumed by the length of War, and the City full of many great wants, chiefly of corn, as meer necessity forced them often to hazard them­selves, and make tryal of their Arms and Fortune. Savelli retreated with those that had escaped out of the Fight at Ombriano into those parts where Prospero Colonna was (as hath been said) with the Duke of Millans men, and had made two camps, about a mile and a half one from the other: which Renzo hearing of, he thought he had an occasion given him of deluding the Enemy, by assaulting them with all his Forces, whilst they were divided. Therefore the day prece­ding the night wherein he was to assault the Enemy, he began with them on that part where Savello commanded, thinking that the Soul­diers, wearied with their days March, might sleep the longer: But [Page 81] as soon as night came on, he sent his light Horse to the other Camp where Colonna was, to make him keep within his Quarters. He with a thousand Foot, and all the Gens d' Armes that were in the City, marching through Marish places, and by obscure ways, when the night was well nigh past, assaulted the Souldiers who were upon the Guard of the Quarters, and before the Enemy were well aware, he fired the Ammunition. The Italian Foot were the first that resisted him; and having endured the brunt for a short while, the business being more tumultuous, and more dreadful as coming at unawares, they ran away: The Switzers made somewhat longer resistance, ma­king good their station for a good while, and endeavouring to re­pulse our men, but Renzo's Souldiers throwing many artificial Fire­works amongst them, whereby their Ranks were disordered, they gave way likewise: The Curassiers, who not apprehending any such thing had put off their Armour, and were laid to sleep, and not having leisure to put them on again, strove to save themselves by flight: Many whereof whilst they endeavour'd to get over the River Ada, were therein drowned: But Savello according to his custom, saved himself by flight. This was a great blow to the Enemy, for of 500 Horse, which were in the Camp, scarce 50 escaped free a­way; and but few of 1800 Foot. Renzo won much Honour by this Action; for though he had tarried long in those parts to ruine the Town of Ombriano, sacking the Neighbouring Territories, to bring all the Booty that he could get into the City, yet Prospero Co­lonna suffer'd these things to be done before his eyes, and his Army looking on, not daring so much as once to get out of his Quarters▪ nay hearing some days after that Renzo was coming with 300 Horse to relieve the Town, fearing lest he might fall into some greater mishap, he raised the Camp, and freed Crema from Siege, quarter­ing his Souldiers in several Towns of Ceradada. The Spaniards, though they treated of Peace yet had they not all this while forborn injurious Proceedings; wherefore the Senate, though they had re­solved not to suffer their men to go out of Padua, after what you have heard was done in Friuli, yet not willing that the Enemy should daily grow more insolent, gave way that Alviano (who had often desired permission so to do) should take men out of the City, putting them in mind that they were not now to revenge themselves upon the Enemy, but should think they had done enough, if they could keep them from committing rapine and plunder: But desirous not­withstanding that the Army might be stronger, so as it might be rea­dy upon all occasions, they commanded Iovan Paolo Ma [...]frone, who remained in Friuli with a hundred Curassiers, that he should forth­with go with his Horse to Alviano's Camp: Who before he took the field, sent Bernardino Antignola and Hanibale Lencio with 300 light Horse towards Cittadella to keep Bassano and Marostica in Loyal­ty, and to preserve them from being injured; having understood that the Enemy were dr [...]wing near those Castles. He went the next day out of Padua with the rest of the Army, consisting of 600 Cu­rassiers, 600 cross-bow men, 400 Albanese Horse, and about 8000 Foot, and marching towards the Eugenean-Mou [...]ins, when he wa [...] [Page 82] got four miles off to Brassegana, he there divided all his men into two bodies, and resolved to tarry there till he might better understand what the Enemy did. But the Senate, when they heard of this, writ him word that he should joyn all his men together presently, to the end that if peradventure the Enemy should come to assault him, he might not be necessitated shamefully to abandon one pa [...]t, or by asist­ing it, to ingage himself again in a Battle, which they wished him by all means possible to avoid. These proceedings, and resolutions of our men were very well known to the Vice-roy; wherefore tarrying at the Torre in the Territories of Vicenza, he commanded the Marquess of Pescara to march speedily to Cittadella with 300 light Horse, 500 Foot, and some pieces of Artillery, wherein Antignola was with the Chivalry: So as the Enemy being got thither before our men thought they would have done, they furiously assaulted the Castle, which Antignola did valiantly defend. But Pescara understanding that that part of the Town which was opposite to where they fought, was left without any men to defend it, he sent a Band of his men thither, with­out the knowledg of them that were within; to the end that scaling the Walls whilst the Defendants were fighting on the other side, they might the more easily overcome them, and fall on upon the backs of our men; which falling out just as it was designed, Antignola's Soul­diers being busied in several fights, and astonished at so unexpected an accident, some of them were slain, some taken Prisoners; amongst which Antignola's self was one, and Francisco Coco the chief Magi­strate of the Town another, and the Castle was sack'd by the Soul­diers. As soon as this was known at Venice, the Senators being great­ly moved, both for the present loss, and much more for the scorn thereof, and the remembrance of their late calamities, they comman­ded Alviano that he should suddenly pass his Army back again over the River Bachillione; but he thinking that this might be a dishonour to him, and to his Army, before this order was obeyed, let the Se­nate know, that he was in a very safe place, where he could not fear to be indamaged by the Enemy, that he was absolutely resolved to abstain from battle, whereunto he could not be by the Enemy en­forced. But some of the Senate continuing in their opinion that he was to remove his quarters, it was resolved that Dominico Trevi­sano, and Lunardo Mocenico, who were then Savij of the Council, should be sent to view his Quarters, that they might the better know the Captains Opinion and the reason of this advice. These brought word back that the situation was indeed such as Alviano had repre­sented it to be, for the Quarters were in the midst between two Ri­vers, Brenta and Bachilone, and the Fortifications such, as there was no fear to be had of the Enemy; for Alviano had been very careful in drawing a Trench and a Ditch, and had very well fortified all be­fitting places; so as there was no more speech had of changing Quar­ters. Yet the Spaniards, though the Army which was in Padua was drawn out into the field, did by continual Inrodes daily vex the In­habitants of those parts. Having heard that a great many Country people had with-drawn themselves and their cattle to Cavarzere, that they might be there the freer from Injuries, that place being eve­ry [Page 83] where environed with Fens, they betook themselves in great num­bers towards that part in many Barks which were got together upon the Banks of Adice; whereof when Andrea Bondelmiero, the Podestà, or chief Governour of Pioggia, heard, he caused many Barks to be armed, and sent them towards Cavarzere, whether also Iovan di Naldo went with the light Horse out of Padua. Wherefore the Ene­my altering their resolution, went to Carigiola and Candiana, two ve­ry rich Towns by reason of the fruitfulness of the ground; from whence they carried away much Booty. And as they had sack'd all the Banks of Bachillione on the left hand, the year before, so doing now the like on the other side, they left nothing but bare ground in that Country. All this while Alviano kept within his Quarters, ob­serving the Enemies Actions, and hearing that they had carried great store of corn to the Town of Est [...], and that there was 300 of their Foot, and 100 light Horse there, he sent Antonio da Castello thither with a good number of Foot, and a Troop of light Horse, who clap­ping their Ladders to the Walls by night, and entring the Town, took all the Enemies that were there Prisoners, carrying away as much corn as they could, and burning the rest. This was of more praise to our Souldiers; for that it was done almost in sight of the enemy. And soon after Mercurio Bua and Malatesta Baglione, as they were marching through the Territories of Padua and Vicenza, to se­cure those parts from being ransack'd by the enemy, they met with two companies of Spanish Foot at Camisano, whom they cut all in pieces, and put some others to flight who came to relieve them. This mean while Nicolo Vendramino came to the same place with 500 vali­ant Albanese Horse, who joyning with those of Bua and Malatesta, and growing thereby more powerful and more strong, they began to inlarge themselves, and to pursue the Enemy, destroying the coun­try with fire and sword even to Trent. And having sufficiently vin­dicated their Injuries, they returned safe to Alviano's camp, without the loss of any one Souldier. The Common-wealths Souldiers were much inheartned by these happy successes; and so much was the re­putation of Alviano's Army already increased, as a Troop of our men being com very near the Vice-roys camp, not any one durst come forth to skirmish with them; nay, not thinking themselves safe in those Quarters, they soon after quitted their Quarters at Montagnana, and went to Polesin [...]: By which departure of the Vice-roys, Alviano thinking that he had now opportunity to oppress those of the Enemies party, who tarried in the Territories of Vero [...]a, commanded Malate­sta Baglione and Mercurio Bua, to march presently with the Chivalry towards Verona, saying that he himself would follow them the same way with the rest of his Army. Baglione and Bua found the Enemy at the Town of Zevio, where they lay secure, not apprehending any thing from our Army: So as being set upon at unawares by night, they were very much damnified by our men, wherefore the Vice-roy learing some worser business, removed his camp presently into the Territories of Verona, leaving part thereof at Rovigo and Lendenara, that they might live the more commodiously in that fruitful Country: As he past forward, chiefly to secure Verona, he began to be more [Page 84] apprehensive, because he heard Alviano came on with his whole Ar­my, wherefore he sent 800 Foot and 500 Horse to succour the Town. The Veroneses began already to mutiny in that Town; for growing very weary of the Dutch Government, they desired to return under the Dominion of the Common-wealth: and being at this time chiefly given to rebel, they expected Alviano's coming; and the rather, for that they hoped when his Army should approach near the Walls, the Souldiers who were distress'd for want of many things, might out of danger, be the more easily be brought to yield: The Enemy there­fore were timorous in all their Proceedings, and our men the more hardy; which made our men the more successful, and theirs the con­trary. Alviano knowing that by the Vice-roys departure the Soul­diers that were at Polisine were much decreased, bethought himself suddenly of that place; thinking that he had now a secure occasion of Boory offer'd him. He at the present discovered his mind only to Baldesara Scipione, because the greatest hopes of success lay in assault­ing the Enemy before they could be aware of it, or provide for de­fence. He sent Scipione to those Confines, to discover the conditi­on of the Seat, the number of the Enemy, and their works; but he himself, to free the Enemy from suspition, march'd another way, towards the Territories of Vicenza, and hearing by Scipione that the business might easily be effected, if all the Army were suddenly brought to Rovegio, he departed from the Town of Malo, whither he was first bent, and marched thitherward; and came with such speed to within a mile of Rovegio, as the Enemy were not as yet aware of his coming, nor had they discovered any thing. Wherefore Al­viano sent Scipione with some few before, that he might enter the Town at unawares to the Inhabitants, and possess himself of the Gates, to make them sure for him who followed after with the rest of the Army. The Gates being seized on, all Alviano's Souldiers got into the Town, and quickly advanced even to the Piazza; for as good luck would have it, the Country people according to their custom, were come in great numbers to Rovigio, where there was a solemn market held, and the Spanish Souldiers mixing with the Coun­try people and Trades-men, went promiscuously through the Mar­ket-place, some to buy things, some for pastime; so as being unex­pectedly set upon by our men, they being dispers'd here and there could neither sustain the violence of the Assalliants, nor assemble themselves together for their better defence: Some drew their swords to defend themselves, but were either soon cut in pieces or taken Pri­soners. This Victory was the more remarkable, as being gotten without so much as any of our mens being wounded; for the Enemy without any fighting, lost almost all their Horse, and many of them of all sorts wree led away Prisoners; whereof 200 of the chiefest of them, and Mauricco's self, a Spanish Captain, who had the command of all those men, were sent by Alviano to Venice, where they were put into safe custody. The other Spanish Souldiers who were in the neighbouring parts, hearing of Alviano's being come, and what had befallen their Fellows, leaving their Baggage, and throwing their Victuals into the River, saved themselves by flight, wherein many [Page 85] of them were notwithstanding taken Prisoners, and Piscara retreated with the rest of his Army to Verona.

The News of this happy success did very much rejoyce all the Ve­netians, not so much for the thing it self, as that the Fortune of the Common-wealth being altered, they thought they might hope for better things for the future.

The Senate sent Letters of great acknowledgments to Alviano; Saying he had truly shewed how great his worth and experience was in Mi­litary Affairs, wherein he had manifested his love to the Common-wealth, and a great desire to recover what she had lost, and had much increased his own Glory, and his merits towards the Common-wealth.

But Alviano, though he had chased the Enemy, resolved still to proceed with the same diligence and circum [...]pection: So without de­lay he marched with his Army towards the Territories of Verona; where possessing himself of all the Avenues, and placing men of War in all fitting places upon the Shore side of the River Adice, he endea­voured to keep Victuals from being brought into Verona. But being advertised that Pescara was come with his men out of Verona to en­counter him, and fearing lest his Army might run the danger of be­ing caught in the midst between the City, and the Enemies camp, he resolved to go farther from the City; and finding safer Quarters, to keep there, and to inform himself diligently of the Enemies intenti­ons, and of whatsoever they should do, as well in the camp as in the City; that so he might resolve upon better grounds what he had to do. Renzo da Ceri hoping for better things by these the Venetians happy successes, began to think upon matters of greater moment. Wherefore hearing that the City of Bergamo was but weakly garri­soned, and imagining it might easily be taken, he committed the bu­siness to Mafsio Cagnuolo Bergamasco, one who was thought very ex­pert at Military Affairs, and very well affectioned to the Venetians. This man, taking along with him 500 light Horse, with each of them a Foot man behind them, made what haste he could to Bergamo, and assaulting the Souldiers that were upon the Guard unexpectedly, he put them to flight, and took the City at the first Assault. Which when Renzo heard of, he took with him 1200 Foot and went presently him­self in person to Bergamo, to munite the City, and make good the ac­quisition. Whilst he was in Bergamo he sent some of his men toward Brescia, under the conduct of Bartholomeo Martiningo to confirm the minds of those Citizens in their good affection towards the Com­mon-wealth, and to encourage them to make some Attempt against Cesars Souldiers; intending that if any tumult should upon this occa­sion arise in the City, to lead the whole Army thither with hopes to gain it. Whereat Cardona being much troubled, he caused Colonna's men to come unto him, resolving to go into those parts, to secure the City of Brescia, and to endeavour the recovery of Bergamo. And having brought all the Spanish Foot, as also those that appertained to Sforza, he went to sit down before Bergamo, and began to play furi­ously upon the Walls; which being very weak on the side towards the Suburbs of Santo Antonio, were thrown down by the Artillery, and there being no earth within to make Rampiers, Renzo could not [Page 86] hope to defend the City against so great a force; he bethought him­self of providing by times for the safety of the Citizens and Souldiers. He therefore articled with Cardona, that in case no succour came in 8 days space from Alviano's camp, he would yield the City up to him; upon condition that all the Citizens Goods should remain safe and untouched, and that the Souldiers might have leave to return to Crema: But no succour coming within the prefix'd time, the City according to agreement fell into the Spaniards hands, and Renzo re­turned to Crema; where finding great want of all things, he made Truce for six Moneths (but he did this of himself, without the au­thority of the Common-wealth) betwixt the state of Millan, and Ci­ty of Crema.

The Truce being made, Renzo leaving Giovan Antonio Ursino com­mander of the Militia in Crema with 500 Foot and as many Horse, he went with the rest of his men to Padua, and from thence to Venice, to give an account unto the Senate of what had past at Bergamo, and in Crema, as also to advise upon what was farther to be done. He was very welcome to Venice, and very honourably received; he had re­fused, as you have heard, the place of Governour General of the Militia, and there being no other place now vacant for him, where­by to exalt him to higher Dignity, the Senate did much increase his pay, and gave him the Castle of Martinengo, with all the Revenues and Rights belonging thereunto. Cardona having gotten Bergamo, turn'd towards Alviano, who (as you have heard) was quarter'd in the confines of Verona: And at the same time Pescara, whose For­ces were much increased by the Foot that were come from Germany, prepared to assault our camp: Wherefore Alviano resolved to re­treat with his Army into Padua, which he did so readily and so well advisedly, as couzening the Enemy, he got safe thither with all his men and carriages. He sent first the light Horse towards Montagna­na to entertain Pescara, till such time as the Curassiers might, toge­ther with the Commissary Dominico Contarini, get into some place of safety. But he himself having at the same time got together many Boats, whereinto he put his Foot and Artillery, falling down the River Adice till he came to Cavarzere, he landed his men there, and marching in by washy ways, he brought his Army at last safe into Pa­dua. The Vice-roy finding that he had come too late to where our men were formerly quarter'd, and that he had failed in his designs by Alviano's diligence, he quartered his Souldiers some in the Ter­ritories of Verona, and some in Polesine, and went himself into Ger­many to negotiate the renewing of the War the next Spring.

Whilst these things passed thus and that Fortune appeared various and inconstant to the Venetians, the City of Vicenza, which was come under their Dominions, kept always true and faithful to the Common-wealth, though it had but a small Garrison within, and so many Enemies Armies about it, which was chiefly attributed to the diligence of some Citizens, the chiefest of which were, Giorali­ [...] dalla Volpe, Dominico Almenico, Leonardo da Porto, Bartolemeo da Nievo, and many others, who having gotten great store of men out of the Territories thereabouts, kept the City excellently well muni­ted. [Page 87] Insomuch as Nicolo Pasqualigo who was the Podesta thereof, and was resolved to abandon the City by reason of the few Defendants that were in it, conceiving better hopes, exhorted the Citizens to de­fend themselves, and ordered all things so as the Enemies minds misgave them, and they made no Attempts upon the City. The Summer was spent in these slight skirmishes, and with uncertain hopes of peace for what belonged to the Affairs of Italy. But much greater things were done in Asia; for Selino having led (as you have heard) many men into Persia, met with Ismaels Army, and got a glorious Victory of him in Battle, which was chiefly occasioned by his Artil­lery; the use whereof was unknown to the Persians. It was here­by evidently seen that great mischiefs were threatned to other King­domes and Provinces by Selino, who through these prosperous suc­cesses grew every day more haughty and insolent: His thoughts in this point was easily discerned, for that at the same time when he made so great Preparations for War with the Persians, his Son Soli­man by his Fathers directions, enter'd the confines of Hungary in ho­stile manner with great store of Horse, kept the Inhabitants of those parts continually molested, and took some Towns, which he annex­ed to his Empire. Pope Leo, to put bounds to this audacious power, wrought it so, as that a certain order of Militia should be raised in Hungary, consisting of a multitude of men, who being thereunto bound by Oath, should promise to defend the cause of Christian Re­ligion against the Infidels, who had for their Badg a red cross, and were called Cruciferi. But it so fell out that what was intended for the good of that King, proved almost his utter ruine; for Arms be­ing rashly put into the hands of the Country people, who did greatly hate the Nobility, they had means afforded them of committing much wickedness, and of putting that Kingdom into farther dangers. At which Leo being very much troubled (as he himself affirm'd) he turn'd his thoughts and endeavours to peace; to which end, he re­solved to send Pietro Bembo, a noble Venetian, and who was then one of his Secretaries, to Venice. But many did suspect, that Leo, who was used to put on resolutions relating more to the present Affairs, then to the future, and to value only such as might make for his par­ticular Interest, and increase the greatness of his Family, not caring for any thing else, as but little relating to him, had an eye likewise in this business, to the honour and advantage of his House, though he sought to cloak these drifts over with the appearing zeal of the com­mon good; for when he should have reduced Italy to peace, and that by his means the Emperour should have gotten any state therein, he hoped to obtain from him in lieu of such a benefit, things which might mightily increase the Dignity, and Revenue of the House of Medici. There were great signs shewn of this his intention; for that having dispaired a little before of making an accommodation between the Venetians and Cesar, he had turned to the French party, promising to assist King Lewis, and exhorting him to come into Italy ▪ yet now being of another mind, and returning to wish well again to Cesar, he endeavour'd to disswade the King of France from that, to the which he had advised him but a little before, objecting many difficulties, [Page 88] and sometime plainly denying to help and assist him, as he had pro­mised, since he had so long deferr'd to wage War; alledging that many new accidents had hapned, which required that the War which was then made by the French in Italy, should be now drawn out into a much greater length; and moreover that the present dangers did require, that all Christian Princes laying aside all their home Hatreds and Wars, should direct their Forces and Power against the power­ful and formidable Enemy Selino, before that having ended the Wars in Persia, he might bend his Forces against Europe. Bembo having this mean while taking upon him his place of Legate, and being come to Venice, spoke thus unto the Senate.

That Pope Leo had been always very well affected towards the Venetian Common-wealth, and had much desired the greatness thereof; that he had been much afflicted at what had befallen her of ill, and had taken her very much into his care, as his Actions had clearly manifested: That it did likewise clearly appear, that all his endeavours tended to peace, and that he had not taken up Arms but inforced by necessity; that he had always imbraced the Common-wealth with a fatherly Charity; that he had conti­nually exhorted, admonished, and intreated her to accommodate her self to the present condition of times, and to her present Fortune. By which endeavours he thought he had abundantly done what belonged to him; that seeing he could do no good neither by his Authority, nor by his Favour, he had resolved with himself to be quiet for the time to come, without medling any more in the Treaty of pea [...]e, which he had so often endeavoured in vain: Yet he had since alter'd this his resolution, by reason of the present condition of times, and of his ancient affection to the Common-wealth: That he had sent him therefore as his Legate to exhort the Senate in his name, that they would have [...] sitting respect both to their particular Liberty, and to the safety of all Italy, and finally to desire them that they would be better advi­sed: That the Venetians might serve to instruct others, what the Proceed­ings of the French were, and how great a desire of rule they had, what [...] they used towards the Conquered, how soon they forgot benefits recei­ved, and that King Lewis his so eager desire to recover the State of Mil­lan, tended to nothing else but to make himself Master of all Italy; for when he should have overcome Maximillian Storza, and driven him out of his paternal State, he thought he should be easily able to get the Empire of all Italy, and to bereave the Venetian Common-wealth, together with all the other Italians, of their Liberty. That whereas formerly the Vene­tian Senate had in the height of all their misfortunes, and compell'd by ne­cessity, apply'd themselves to the Friendship of the French, it might per ad­venture be thought to be so far well done, as it related to the condition of Times and Affairs: But that if they would continue to do so any longer, let them take heed left whilst they went about to work more safety to them­selves, they did not accelerate their ruine; for such was the nature and cu­stom of the French, as their Friendship could not be long useful, which ought rather to be kept at a distance then near at hand. That many late examples might shew, what constancy and faith was to be expected from those people, who had abandoned the King of Navar, being driven out of his State for their Service, and for not having refused their Friendship; and that they had used the like ingratitude and inconstancy towards them, [Page 89] who had deserved so well of the Kingdom of France: That therefore they were not to hope that those who had abandoned their nearest Allies, would be more loving or faithful to the Venetians, who were Strangers; and that this was the more unlikely, for that the French had plotted the final ruine of the Common-wealth, at the very time when they had been much beholden to her, and had not been by her injured in the last War, wherein there had been many bitter proceedings which might upon better grounds have aliena­ted their minds. That therefore it became the Venetian Senate to gather that good from the friendship of the French, which occasion offer'd them, to wit, to treat upon agreement with Cesar more honourably, and to con­clude it upon more ra [...]ional conditions: But that they should endeavour a­bove all things to keep the French Forces far from Italy, there being no­thing less credible then that when the French should have got [...]en the Duke­dom of Millan, they would limite themselves, and not strive to make them­selves Masters of the other Dominions. That the Venetians being weari­ed with the length of War, ought now greedily to imbrace peace and quiet, to the which nothing could be more averse then the coming of the French in­to Italy, from whence a cruel War might easily be foreseen, wherewith whole Italy might be long molested. But on the contrary if the Common-wealth would joyn with the Dutch, Spaniards, and Potentates of Italy to drive out the French, when they should but hear of this confederacy, it would be enough to make them lay aside the thought of renewing the War, which they were now preparing to do; and so the Affairs of Italy might be reduced to a peaceable condition. That if this his counsel should be contemn'd, the Pope took God and man to witness that he had never been wanting to the common good of Christendom, nor to the particular welfare of the Com­mon-wealth of Venice. That it was to be imagined he had hitherto done as he was perswad [...]d by reason and experience: That he might peradventure give way hereafter to his own affections, siding with Cesar and the Spani­ards, and joyn with them to the prejudice of those, of whose safety he had so long been in vain careful; nor ought they to be the more confident of him, for that the Interests of the Apostolique See and of the Common-wealth were the same, so as they were both to run the same Fortune, being both of almost alike subject to the same chances: That they should remember that they also being govern'd once, more by their own peculiar affections then by reason, and to revenge the injuries done by Lodowick Sforza, had not such consideration as they ought to have had, to the danger whereinto they put the Common-wealth, by calling in for their Companion of War a pow­erful forreign King, who was to neighbour upon their Dominions, in stead of a weak Italian Prince. That therefore they should be well advised and learn how to reap some advantage by the Popes favour, which they had ever till now endeavoured to preserve.

Thus did Bembo deliver his Embassie in such manner as he was commanded; but the Senate were much otherwise minded, esteem­ing it neither a safe nor easie thing to have recourse to Cesar's favour and the Spaniards. So as these the Popes request being reported to the Senate by the Savij of the council, according to custome, they were not accepted of, but by frequent Votes they resolved to conti­nue in the favour of the French, and to give this Answer to the Popes Legate.

[Page 90] That his Embassie was very w [...]ll received by the Senate, as well in re­spect of his own person, whose worth and singular love to his Country was very well known to them all, as also in regard of that Prince who had sent him; for great had the observancy always been which the Common-wealth had born to the Popes of Rome, but that their inclination bore them more particularly to reverence, and observe Leo; wherefore the Senate had al­ways highly esteemed his wise Couns [...]ls and friendly Admonishments. But that it had fallen out by a certain Fatality, that the more they had desired his Friendship and Association above that of all others in so great variety of Affairs, the less could they get to joyn in confederacy with him; so as though their good wills were never sever'd from him, yet it behooved that their Forces should be always divided. That therefore as they returned many thanks unto his Holiness, and did confess the great obligations which the Common-wealth had to him, for his having by many endeavours readi­ly imbraced and favoured their cause; so were they very much troubled that they could not follow his advice, since the ancient custom of the Common-wealth would not permit, that leaving ancient Confederacies, they should make new ones, or unprovoked by any injury, forbear to do that which was convenient f [...]r them, and which by Articles and Conventions they were bound to do. That they had always been taught by their Fore-fathers that what was honest was useful; that therefore they could not without great Infamy to the Common-wealth, break that League which they had a little before made with the French. Moreover that if the Pope would call to mind the ancient merits of the Kings of France as well towards the Church, as towards the State of Venice, as also the Wealth and Power of so great a King, he would commend this their advice, and think that he himself ought to follow their example, for the safety of the Ecclesiastical State, and the greatness of his Family would be better founded, by his ad­hering to the Forces of the French, and to the Venetians Friendship.

Moreover they acquainted Bembo with their Jealousies, which made them believe that such a Treaty of Peace would not be very safe: Since the Pope was perswaded thereunto by the Emperour, and by Ferdinand, who, as it did plainly appear, did under a pretence of agreement, plot as they formerly had done, a pernicious War a­gainst the Common-wealth; for at the same time when the Embassa­bour of Spain treated with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy, Ferdinando had begun to renew these Treaties of Peace, out of no other end certainly but to make the King of France jealous of the Venetians, whereby he might make more advantagious conditions with him. Which when he should have done, and that the Veneti­ans were dis-associated from the French, what could keep him from making himself Master of whole Italy, which he had long endeavour­ed? Bembo returned to the Pope with this answer to his Embassie. The Venetians calling to mind what Leo had often affirmed, that he would never give way, no not though the Senate had assented there­unto, that any part of the Common-wealth should remain in the pow­er of any other, knowing that by her the Liberty of Italy was chiefly maintain'd, and that it behooved the Greatness of the House of Medi­ci to have her for their leaning stock, they certainly thought they ought not to believe much in his exhortations; for at the same time [Page 91] that he divulged these things under pretence of Friendship, he treated with them of peace after such a manner as that if it had been granted, the Common-wealth would be berest of the richest and noblest part of her Dominions; by consenting that Cesar should keep Verona, a gallant City, and the Gate of Italy, whereby he might always enter at his pleasure to ruine her. But the Venetians did build their chief­est hopes upon the coming of the French into Italy, which made them care so little for Peace; for Lewis not being able to fall upon the Enterprize of Millan the year before, by reason of the War with England, and yet longing very much to put an end to the War in Ita­taly, the differences being now accorded between him and Henry King of England; he had promised to send over a great and powerful Ar­my very speedily to Italy; to which when the Venetian Forces should be added, they thought they might be able to drive their Enemies from the confines of the Common-wealth. Who as they were more insolent by reason of the late troubles of the French, so the force of the League being strengthened by their return into Italy, and they themselves wanting many things, especially Monies, they would lay aside their audaciousness, and for their own safeties sake put on new resolutions. To increase these their hopes, and to confirm such Princes as were their Friends, still in Friendship with them, they chose two Embassadours, to send to the two Kings, the one of France, the other of England, to wit, Francisco Donato, and Pietro Pasquillio; but Donato falling soon after desperately sick, they chose Sebastiano Giustiniano in his place.

They were first to congratulate with both these Kings for the Peace, and Marriage which had ensued between them, (for Lewis had married Mary, Sister to Henry) and that they should render them many thanks, for that the one and the other of these Princes, had in the Articles of Peace made be­tween them, named the Venetians as their Friends and Confederates. That they should also assure the King of France, that the Senate had the same in­tentions as he had, and the like desire of renewing the War, and to increase the strength of the League; that therefore he should not doubt of the Vene­tians good will towards him, since they were not only most ready to continue the Friendship of the French, and to prefer it at all times, and upon what­soever events before any other Friendship which might be propounded to them, but also, if occasion should require, be as ready for their service to undertake new enmities; that the condition of times had often caused an in­terruption of their offices of good will, which was not notwithstanding irra­dicated out of their minds. And that though the Embassadours should find a ready willingness in the King, concerning the Affairs of Italy, and of the Common-wealths Interests, they would not notwithstanding forbear to make use of publick authority to exhort him to come as soon as might be into Italy, promising him that the Venetian assistance should be such and so ready, as it was not to be doubted but that being joynd with his Forces, they might break the Forces of the common Enemies, and taking from them that which they had injuriously possessed, reduce such things under the Dominion of the King of France, and of the Venetian Common-wealth, as did belong to each of them. The Embassadours were enjoyn'd to perform the like offi­ces with the King of England; that there had always many good offices been [Page 92] mutually observed between the Kings of England and the Common-wealth; that they were confident that Henry would carry himself so as they shewed not need to desire any farther demonstration of Love from him; but that he would of himself do whatsoever he knew might make for the good of the Common-wealth. But that they should chiefly entreat him, to endeavour the increase of the King of France his affection towards the Common-wealth, and by his exhortations incite him to send his Forces away immedi­ately into Italy to their succour; whereby great glory would redound unto his name.

This was that which was given in charge to the Embassadours. But whilst they were upon their way, King Lewis fell sick and dyed. It was thought that his death would have caused great alteration of Affairs. The Embassadours were not recalled, but commanded to go on; and for what concern'd their Embassie, they were to expect new commissions from the Senate. King Lewis afforded the Com­mon-wealth of Venice occasion of proving various successes of For­tune. His Friendship was useful to them at the beginning; for they made good advantage of his asistance to revenge the Injuries done them by Lodowick Sforza; so as she got Cremona, a great and rich City, and for a while the favour and friendship of so great a King, seemed to win the Common-wealth no small credit with other Prin­ces; but afterwards, when not to part from the Friendship of the French, the Venetians took up Arms against the Emperour Maximil­lian, they fell into great troubles and dangers. Moreover Lewis was the first Authour and Driver on of the League of Cambray, which was cause of great ruine to the Common-wealth; as may be partly known by what you have already heard. Lastly he who had plotted so great mischiefs against the Common-wealth, re-assuming his first affection towards her, began to desire and to endeavour her exaltati­on, and did at this time use all the means he could to make her return to her former Power and Honour. And certainly the Common-wealths recovery of her State in Terra firma afterwards by the asist­ance of the French, must be chiefly attributed to Lewis, who did use the same various and uncertain Proceedings all his life time; so as he made others, by reason of his inconstancy, make trial of Fortune seve­ral times, so did not he neither continue stedfast either in prosperous or adverse fortune, nor did he long make trial of the same luck. All humane Affairs are for the most govern'd by such mutual alterations.

The End of the Second Book.

THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK III. THE CONTENTS.

FRancis Duke of Angolema is declared King of France. He is well minded towards the Common-wealth, which send Embassadours to him; their Proposals to the King. They go from thence to England: Pasqualio sent to the Duke of Burgony; Martin Georgio Embassa­dour at Rome. The Pope cannot be reduced from his obstina y by the new Venetian Embassadours. The King of France prepares for War; he goes to Lyons. The Switzers differences are adjusted by the Empe­rour and Ferdinand; the Pope enters into League with Cesar. Embassa­dours sent by the King of Poland to the Senate. The French enter Italy. Alviano recovers Lodi. The Armies are described. Sedunense his Oration to incourage his men to Battle. Colonna taken Prisoner. A bickering between the French and Switzers before Millan. The business succeeds well at last on the French behalf, by Alviano's succour. The number of the dead, and the Victory uncertain. Millan is in the French mens hands. Sforza surrenders the Castle, and himself. The Kings Entry into Millan. Alviano attempts the taking of Brescia, and dyes there. Giovan Giacomo Trivulcio succeeds Alviano. The Spaniards de­fend Brescia stoutly. The Venetians recover Peschiera, and other Towns. The Bastard of Savoy joyns with the Venetian Army; departs from the Camp. Pietro Navarro serves the Venetians; he endeavours to take Brescia, but in vain. The Pope and King of France speak together at Bologno. Brescia is relieved by Roncandolfo. Wherefore the Vene­tians retreat from thence. Trivulcio being distasted leaves the Army. Theadoro Trivulcio succeeds him. The King returns to France. Andrea Trevisano near Barbone. The Pope endeavours to alienate the Venetians from the French, but fails therein. New Wars made by Ce­sar, [Page 94] by the King of England, and by the Pope. Cesar prepares to enter Italy. The Venetians recall the French▪ and take 8000 Switzers into pay. Cesar attempts to take Asola; but fails therein; the French be­ing afraid to retreat to Millan: and are incouraged by Gritti. Cesars Army is dissolved. Brescia returns under the Venetian Government. Lotreco betakes himself slowly to the Enterprize of Verona. He re­treats at last, and is distasted by the Senate, who are jealous of his Acti­ons. The King of France and Duke of Burgony meet at Brussels. Di­vers difficulties which arise there; an agreement is made at last; by which Verona returns to be under the Venetians.

THeir time of rejoycing for the death of King Lewis, who were troubled at the power of the French in Italy, lasted but a little; but the Venetians hopes began quickly to revive, who desired the re­turn of that Nation into Italy to reduce their Affairs to a better condi­tion, who were likely to have suffer'd longer by the late Kings death; for Prince Francis, Duke of Angulesne, to whom by their ancient rights of that Kingdom, he being descended of the House of the Ca­pets, and the nearest a Kin to the late King, the succession did belong, was declared King of France. He being young, and of an eager Spi­rit, of a lively and ready wit, greatly desirous of War, and all things fitting for War being ready and prepared by King Lewis, every one thought that the new King, who suddenly had his eye upon Millan, and wanted not Forces to assault it, would forthwith send a powerful army to that purpose beyond the Mountains; and he was the more fervent herein, for that he thought he had just cause to undertake this War, since new reasons were added to the ancient pretences which the Kingdom of France had to that State; for he had married Claudia, eldest daughter to King Lewis, to whom the state of Millan might seem to belong; her Father being [...]on to a daughter of Iovan Galleazo Vis­conte. But the desire of redeeming the ancient reputation of the French Militia, which he knew was much lessened by the unfortunate success of the battle before Novara, by the dishonourable conventions made with the Switzers at Dijune, and by the loss of two noble cities, Ter­roana and Tornai, which were taken by the English, prevailed most with this young King, who was desirous of Military Glory. Which mischiefs King Lewis could not remedy; for just when Fortune began to smile upon him, and that the honour of France began to revive, he dyed. Francis therefore thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing what he so much desired, if by his Forces he should win a noble Dukedom, which did of right belong unto him, by which En­terprize the Glory of his name would be much increased, and the Power of France, and whereby way would be made for greater at­chievements. He therefore together with the Government of the Kingdom, took upon him the same thoughts of renewing the War in Italy, wherein his Father in Law, Lewis, had been much vers'd. And knowing that Friendship with the State of Venice, might make much towards his getting the Victory, as soon as he had taken the Crown upon him, he writ kind and affectionate Letters to the Senate, wherein [Page 95] he acquainted them with his being King, and shewing a ready and good affection towards the Common-wealth, he seemed to desire to know their opinion touching their renewing of their League with the Kingdom of France; and that if he should find them disposed like himself, the League and ancient Friendship might easily be renewed to the common good. He made the Bishop of Aste signifie as much unto them, who was then in Venice, having been sent Embassa­dour thither by King Lewis. Wherefore the Venetians who at the same time coveted friendship with the French, and desired that they would come into Italy; and who as soon as they had heard of Lewis his death, had charged their Embassadour Marco Dandalo that he should endeavour to pry into the secret counsels and intentions of the new King, and should begin to treat of renewing the confederacy; when they had received these Letters, and Embassies from the King, seeming to put an high esteem upon his Friendship, they humbly thanked him for his affection to the Commonwealth, and for his de­sire to assist them. They promised to correspond with him in love and affection; saying they knew very well how much it imported both of them to keep the Forces of France and theirs joyn'd together by re­ciprocal obligations of League: That they were therefore ready to re­new the present League, and would always be ready to assist him in getting some Footing in Italy, and in aggrandizing his Power, so as he might be a terrour to his Enemies, and a friend and sure help to the Common-wealth. Moreover the Embassadours who were sent, as you have heard, to the Kings of France and England, and who being upon their journey, had tarried at Lyons after Lewis his death, were ordered to go on, and had commissions sent them to renew the League with the King of France. These when they were come to Court, did easily renew the League upon the former Articles: To which the King was already so much inclined, and treated with such fervency of the Affairs of Italy, as he labour'd in all his discourses with the Ve­netian Embassadours, to shew them what reasons had moved him to undertake this War; affirming that he would never lay down Arms, till he had gotten the state of Millan, and till the Common-wealth had recovered all the Cities which she had lost, and were returned to her former Dignity. The Venetians were very glad of this the Kings resolutions: and fearing lest this so great fervency, might (as it of­ten falls out) be by some new accident abated, they shewed him how that the chiefest hopes of Victory lay in expedition, to the end that the Enemy whose Forces were now much diminished, and their resoluti­ons doubtful and uncertain, might not have time to recrute and re-as­sume courage: and that the City of Crema this mean while, which was known by experience, might be a great help towards the reco­very of Millan, might not run any farther hazard, which having for so many years undergone the inconveniences of War, was now brought to great extreamity; and that the Truce made with their E­nemies being now near an end, stood them in no stead; for they had heard it credibly reported, that Prospero Colonna had assembled his Forces together from all parts, and prepared to besiege that City. That the Senate would not be wanting in any thing that was in them [Page 96] to do, who had already begun to raise new Souldiers, and to provide Arms, Money, and Ammunition. Moreover, that though the War were chiefly to be made by Land-men, yet thinking it not fit to lay aside the thought of ordering their Fleet, that they might upon occasion therewith molest the Enemy, they had resolved to rig out many Gallies, entreating his Majesty that he would do the like. The Embassadours having thus done all they had in command with the King at Paris, they went into England to fulfill the other part of their Embassie; where being graciously received, they shewed in their first Audience.

The Venetians great sorrow for the death of King Lewis, husband to King Henry's Sister, a great Friend to the Common-wealth. They then told the King how highly the Common-wealth was bound unto him, for that in the Agreement made formerly with King Lewis, and lately with King Francis, he desired that she, as a Friend, and sharer with him in all his Fortunes might be particularly named and included in the League. But afterwards at a more private Audience, they earnestly desires him, that he would by his Authority, and by his exhortations, confirm the King of France in the mind he seemed to be in, of intending the Affairs of Italy, and of sending assistance speedily to the Venetians; and that in the mean time peace and friendship should be held inviolably between them, from which great safety was to arise to both their States, and much advantage to all Christendom; that the Senate of Venice for their parts would never be wanting in any thing which might make for the g [...]od of the Crown of France, or that of England; and did very much desire that these present Kings, as their Predecessors had done, might know that the Common-wealth was much bound and tyed unto them.

This Embassie being done, Giustiniano stay'd behind with Henry to treat of the Common-wealths affairs, but Pasquillio return'd to France, and being come to Paris, he met with Letters and Commissions from the Senate, commanding him to go immediately to Charls Duke of Burgony, and to congratulate the Marriage, and Peace with him. From which as the Common-wealth knew that great honour and safe­ty was to redound to her, so was she very much pleased with her love and observance towards them both. And that to make known this her good will, they had sent this Embassie to make faith thereof unto him. By these complemental ceremonies the Venetians strove to pre­serve themselves in the favour and good will of other Princes, as the condition of times did require; but they were desirous above all things to draw over the Pope unto them, and to make him joyn with the French in Friendship: whereof they had the greater hopes, for that Iuliano, the Popes Brother, who was of great power with the Pope, having married Filiberta Daughter to the Duke of Savoy, who was ally'd to King Francis, it was believed that he would favour the Af­fairs of France. Moreover, that the Pope would hereafter be better inclined to friendship with the French, for that they having by the last confederacy and alliance secured the King of France from the King of England, and Duke of Burgony's Forces, it was known their power in Italy would be much increased, and might become so formi­dable, as that the proudest of Potentates might be injur'd by them. [Page 97] Yet the Pope, continuing still doubtful, and never fixing upon any one resolution, was sometimes one ways minded, sometimes ano­ther: Sometimes his hatred being overcome by fear, he thought up­on friendship with the French; but he held discourse oftner, and more willingly, with Cesars and Ferdinando's Embassadours, touching a­greeing with them. And he answered the Venetians, who desired to learn somewhat of his Intentions, that for the present he would be a Spectator of the Wars; and that when either side should have the Victory, he would then declare himself and side with them that should have the better of the business. Yet men thought otherwise, and that the Pope had many thoughts in his head, but that he would keep them secret, to spin out the business in length, hoping that in the inte­rim, the King of France wanting his assistance, and by his authority the like of the Venetians, would fore go all thoughts of Italy.

But it was hardly credited that the Pope would have no hand in the War, but that he would adhere with his Forces to some one side, when King Francis should have past over the Mountains with a pow­erful Army; for he might clearly see then, that things were brought to such a pass, as there was little security to be hoped for from stand­ing idle, and but little praise; and that he must either fear others, or make others fear. So as when he should see the War resolutely made by the French, and knowing the uncertainty of relying upon the Switzers, how weak the Emperour was, and how cunning Ferdinand, so as he could not hope for good by making League with them, he would be inforced to provide better for his Affairs, by Friendship with the Venetians. Wherefore the Venetians thinking it better to send Marino Georgio Embassadour to Rome, then Pietro Lando, they wished him to treat otherwise with the Pope, then had hitherto been done, to try whether he could make him alter his resolution; by ac­quainting him with what danger he was in.

That therefore he should heighten the Forces of the King of France, which since France was now free from War, might soon be sent into Italy; that then he should let him know the king of France was so bent upon the get­ting of Millan, as there was nothing how hard or difficult soever which could divert him from this his constant resolution. That the Venetians had the same desire of renewing the War, and of adhering to the French: That they had always greatly desired to joyn with the Common-wealth of Rome both in time of Peace and War, running the same Fortune, which they had always very much endeavoured to do, But that not being able to perswade Leo thereunto, and finding that the hopes of Victory did not only not go less, but was not in any part diminished, the Venetians saw no reason why they should forego the friendship of the French, knowing that they had there­by very well provided for themselves; that therefore his Holiness might put on such results as best became his Wisdom and the weight of the Affair; that he might do well to think what hopes or what helps he could have recourse unto, to hinder or to retard the King of France his resolutions; and that if he could find none, that he should keep from resolving upon any thing which did no ways stand with his Dignity, and which he himself knew, and thought to be such. And that if the French should succeed well in their At­tempts, who would be able to defend the State of the Church, or the Pope [Page 98] from their victorious Forces? That he might learn by what had already past, what the strength of his Confederates would be, what their intentions, and what reason they would have to wage War. That there was but one way to prevent all these eminent dangers, by which the discords of so many years might receive a period, and Italy be freed from fear; to wit, the Popes joyning in League with the French and Venetians; for it was cer­tainly believed that the Switzers being abandoned by his authority, and de­prived by his assistance, would no longer defend Maximillian Sforza, but would lay down their arms which they had taken up against the French: So as the Confederates being bereft of their aid, would be inforc'd to change their counsels: and Cesar quitting any farther thoughts of Italy, and Ferdinando resting satisfied with his Kingdom of Naples, others might recover what was theirs; the French the Dutchy of Millan, and the Vene­tians such Cities as were injuriously detain'd from them: and all things might be reduced to perfect Peace and Tranquillity; but that if this busi­ness should be otherwise handled, the War would without all doubt be pro­longed, and the Miseries of Italy would be renewed. Which things as they made much for the universal good, and for the quiet of Christendom, so would they bring glory to Leo, and to the House of Medici; for what could there be more glorious to him, then by his Wisdom to have put an end to so long a War, which had been so unfortunate f [...]r Italy; Or what could occa­sion greater safety to his Brother, and to his Nephew, then this universal quiet, wherein their greatness might be confirm'd, and their riches and dignity increased; that no account was to be had of Maximillian Sforza, a new and weak Prince, where the Interests of so great Princes were in que­stion, who had always deserved so well of the Apostolick See. That the Kings of France, and Common-wealth of Venice, had so often undertaken sore Wars, not without great danger to defend the Pontifical Dignity, as if Leo would have respect either to ancient or more modern Affairs, he might easily know that these Princes ought to be upheld by Pontifical Autho­rity, and to be thereby assisted.

For all these well grounded reasons, Leo could not be perswaded to agree with the French and Venetians, but being constant to his first resolution, thought he might more easily draw the Venetians to con­descend to his will; and finding he could not compass his mind by fair means, he resolved to proceed more rigorously with them. He published an Edict, whereby he prohibited all the Subjects of the Church upon grievous penalties, to take any pay of the Venetians, though at this time many Captains of that State had taken monies of them; moreover he commanded all his Captains of Horse, who were gone a little before to Verona, under pretence of guarding that City, to go with all their Horse into the Spanish camp; and in fine left nothing undone which he thought might lessen the Venetians strength or reputation; to the end that being invironed with so many evils, they might be at last inforc'd to accommodate themselves to his pleasure and to the times. But on the contrary, the Venetians keeping firm to the French, hoped by that means to be able to sustain themselves, and to defend their State, affirming that they thought themselves safe enough in their Friendship. And thinking that this might be much witnessed by keeping a French Embassadour in their [Page 99] camp, they prevailed with the King Francis that Theadoro Trivulcio, (who having been sent by the King to Venice, as you have heard, had kept still in the Army) should be still kept Embassadour, and not have leave, according to his desire, to return into France. Francis this mean while provided with all possible diligence for all things ne­cessary for War: He knew that great endeavours were made by the Enemy, especially by the Switzers, and that he must have powerful Forces to suppress them. He therefore resolved to go himself in per­son to Lyons, to the end that greater conceits being had of the prepa­rations for War, and more haste being had, the Enemy might be ter­rified, and their inconveniences might be augmented, by a sudden and continued War. The French resolved to send part of their men before into Piemont, to force the Switzers, when they should hear of their approach, to quit their own homes the sooner, and block up their way: From whence they thought they might get this good, that falling sooner into want of Victuals and Money, and consequently beginning to dislike that Militia, which they had adhered to only out of a desire of Novelty, and great hopes of prey conceived by reason of their last Victory; and that being troubled likewise, as they oft times were, by domestick discords, they would give over the business at the first, and return home leaving the passage open for the French Army. And the fear of the Switzers being taken away, they need­ed not fear any of the other confederates; for if they would keep suf­ficient Garrisons in the Cities which they had taken from the Veneti­ans, their numbers would be so lessened, as they would not have For­ces sufficient to make up the body of an Army, able to oppose the French, when they should be entered Italy.

The King gave the charge of this whole business to Charls Burbone Grand Esquier de France, to whom he gave the chief authority of or­dering the War, in case he himself should not go along with his Army out of the Kingdom, whereof he was not yet positively resolved. Burbone was at this time in great esteem and authority at Court; for his Mother, who was daughter to Frederick Marquess of Mantua, a woman of a man-like Spirit, and indowed with many noble qualities, had purchased much favour and authority both to her self and son from all the chief Personages about the Court. Whilst these things were doing in France, the Vice-roy to debar the Venetians from any quiet, when the Popes Chivalry was come, as hath been said, to the Spa­nish Forces, and many Troops of Horse being according to order come to the Cities of Brescia and Bergamo, he marched with his Army towards the Banks of Adice, with a resolution of coming to Vicenza, hoping to win that City easily and in a fitting time, to sieze upon the revenue of silk, wherein that Country did much abound, and to turn it into pay for the Souldiery. But Alviano having notice thereof, re­solved to march out of Padua, where he then was, and to go with all possible speed to the Territories of Vicenza, taking along with him so many of his men, as were sufficient to munite the City of Vicenza, to disturbe their intentions, and to break their designs; and many being of a contrary opinion, Alviano gave them reasons for this his resolu­tion, shewing chiefly of what importance it was to him and to his Ar­my [Page 100] which was beaten in the last rout, to get some reputation for the inheartning of the people, who seemed to be very affectionate to the Venetians, and to keep them in their Loyalty and Duties, he therefore kept upon those confines till such time as the Inhabitants had time to gather in their silk, and to carry it into more safe places; the Enemy having this mean while endeavoured in vain by often change of Quar­ters, to force our men to forego those Territories, and to retreat to where the other Army remained. But the cause of his coming thither being ceased, and knowing that he could not tarry longer there with­out some danger; for the Enemy being gotten very near, were en­camped at Barbarano, where people flocking to their camp from else­where their Forces did daily increase, Alviano retreated with all his men towards Padua, where Renzo Ceri was with the rest of the Army, and resolved to take up his Quarters at the Town Brentelle, two miles distant from Padua, where he tarried a long time; for the Senate ta­k [...]ng the safest way, ordered Alviano not to stir with the Army from thence, unless he were so sure of the Enemies ways, as that he might not be compell'd to fight; from which the Senate being always averse, it was now thought he ought chiefly to abstain; for if he should receive any the least prejudice, whereby he might suffer either in his Forces or reputation, the King of France would cool very much in his thoughts concerning Italy; since he himself had often affirmed that he relyed very much upon the Venetians asistance; to which purpose he had of­ten let them know by his Embassadour that he wish'd them not to ha­zard a Battle, nor put themselves upon any the least danger, before he should be come into Italy; for it would not be wisely done, to ha­zard the whole success of that War, upon a part of their Forces. The Venetian Army being therefore come to the castle of Este, after the Spa­niards were removed from the parts about Vicenza to those of Verona; the Senate out of the same consideration would not listen to Alviano touching the leading of his men into the confines of Rovigo; for the French drawing near to Italy, by whose coming the Spaniards would be soon forced to keep aloof from their confines, they thought it became them to wait for such an opportunity, to the end that they might both keep their forces farther from their own State, & assault the others with better hopes: Yet at this time the Souldiers of the Common-wealth made many incursions, whereby the light Horse did chiefly disturbe and trouble the Enemy. This business was committed to Mercurio Bu [...], and to Giovan di Naldo, who behaved themselves very gallant­ly. Naldo, passing into the Territories of Rovigo, took many Cura­ssiers Prisoners; and Bua entering into the confines of Verona, brought away good store of prey, and came so near the Walls of Verona, as meeting by chance with the Count di Caretto, who was a little before come out of one of the Gates of the City, he had taken him Prisoner, had he not saved himself from the Enemy who pursued him, by throw­ing himself into the Ditch without the Wall. Thus did both the Ve­netian and Spanish Army pass away many days without making any Attempts, each of them governing themselves according to the ap­proach of the French. Yet the Senate resolved at the same time to send Renzo da Ceri with most of the Infantry, to Crema, to witness [Page 101] unto the King how much they desired to infuse terrour into the Ene­my. This mean while the French were very busie in preparing Arms, Horse, warlike Instruments, in raising Souldiers in all parts of their own Country, in taking in Forreigners upon great stipend, and Com­manders of best esteem, and in making haste to put all things in or­der for a great and powerful Army, wherewith it was generally said that the King would go himself in person to recover the State of Millan. The King would often say in his discourse with the Venetian Embassa­dour, that he had a great desire to see the City of Venice, and that now, that he was to be so near, he would not sl [...]p the occasion, which he de­sired several times to acquaint the Senate with, The like was confir­med by all the chief of the Court, who spake very honourably of the Venetians. There was so great a desire seen in them all of coming for Italy, and so general a consent to undertake this War, as that there was not any considerable man in France, who did not mind this busi­ness with all his might; every one strove to wait upon the King in this journey, and all places sounded of Preparations for War. The Pope being much troubled hereat, seeing himself to be indangered by this War, began to lean a little to friendship with the French: Yet he was on the other side incited to keep his confederacy with Cesar out of hope of very great matters which were offer'd him, in reward for his pains, and danger by the Emperour, and the other Confederates; for at this time the League which had been treated of with the Switzers was finally concluded, in which Maximillian Sforza, Cesar, the King of Spain, and the Switzers did joyn for the defence of the State of Millan, with a resolution not only to oppose the French with all their might, if they should make War in Italy, but to assault the confines of France in several places; in which confederacy the Pope being named, they used all the means they could to have his company in this War. Inso­much as certain difficulties arising upon the confirming of the agree­ment, by reason of the Cities of Parma and Piacenza, which the Pope would keep to himself, and the Switzers professing on the contrary, to defend Maximillian Sforza and his Dignity, they could not be brought to consent that he should be deprived of these two noble Cities; to ac­commodate which difference, the Confederates promised, that instead of Parma and Piacenza, the Cities of Brescia, Crema and Bergamo, should be joyn'd to the Dukedom of Millan, when they should be ta­ken by the common Forces: In which case not only Modena and Reg­gio, but Parma and Piacenza, which were then in the possession of Iu­liano, the Popes brother, Feudatory of the Church, should be left to the Apostolique See. Cesar and Ferdinand were perswaded to yield to these agreements, for fear lest the Switzers, when they should see the Pope depart with his authority and Forces from the League, they might also forego the agreement made with them, and joyn with the French, to which they were by many Embassies continually sollicita­ted. Then which nothing could be more pernicious to the Confede­rates, nor was more to be feared. The Pope being long assail'd by two powerful affections, Fear and Ambition, at last thinking that he had certain hopes offer'd him of his brothers greatness, coveteousness overcame, and forced him to yield to what she propounded; and [Page 102] trusting that those things might easily fall out which he so much desi­red, he changed his former fear into confidence, thinking that assu­redly when the French should understand this conclusion of a League made against them by so many Potentates, they would give over the design they had for Italy. The agreement being thus made, the Pope forthwith sent the Florentine Forces, under the Government of his Brother Iuliano into Lombardy. Cesar at the same time being accord­ing to his custom, greedy of Money, but very poor, did continually sollicite the Towns and Princes of Germany to assist him both with men and monies: Nor did he leave any thing undone which might make for the muniting of Verona, and the increasing of his Army in Friuli, to the end that growing stronger, it might advance and fall upon o­ther of the Venetian Territories. From whence he expected this ad­vantage for the Confederates, that the Venetians being busied in de­fending themselves, should not be able to assist the French at their first coming into Italy. He assembled many Dyets in divers parts of Germany, he desired, intreated, commanded them, not to abandon him now, when he was endeavouring things which would be so ad­vantageous for himself and for the German Nation. He moreover chose several principal men to send them with the Army into Italy; to wit, Casimere, the Marquess of Brandebourg, and Bartholomeo a Com­mander of Slesia; Casimere had the charge of keeping Verona given him, and the Marquess was to enter Friuli with a new Army to ran­sack the Country; but Bartholomeo as he was going into Bohemia to raise men was drownd in the Danube; notwithstanding all these Preparati­ons, Maximillian did not trust so much in his own Forces, nor in those of his Confederates, as to hope to overcome the French and the Ve­netians, wherefore he began to incite other Princes against the Com­mon-wealth. To this purpose he called an assembly in Hungary, in the City of Possonia, where he endeavour'd to have Sigismond King of Polonia, and Udislaus King of Hungary present, with whom giving out that he had to treat of many important things, his chief drift was to move those Princes to take up Arms against the Venetians; but he, handling all things with a certain natural negligence, when the rest were met at the Assemby, he came not thither himself; but being bu­sied about slighter Affairs, sent the Cardinal Gurghense thither in his name, giving him in charge to propound such things as were to be treated of in that Dyet. But nothing was concluded in what Cesar chiefly desired; and particularly touching the proposal made, against the Venetians; answer was made by both the Kings.

That they had no reason to take up Arms against the Venetians, with whom they had had long friendship, and which had been confirm'd by many good Offices: Moreover that the present condition of times were such as the weakening of that Common-wealth could not but turn to the great prejudice of all Christian Princes; and that the power and reputation thereof, ought rather to be maintain'd, that they might be the better able to resist the Turks, who were grown so insolent and bold by the late Victory which they had gotten in Persia; and had at the same time so inlarged their Confines by their ha­ving overcome John King of Da [...]ia, as all Christendom had reason to dread their Forces: That therefore it would be much better done to endeavour the [Page 103] reconciling of such Christian Princes as were at odds and enmity by reason of so long and heavy Wars, that so they might with joynt consent oppose the so formidable power of the Ottoman Lords; lest whilst Christian Princes out of greediness strove to make themselves Masters of one anothers States, they might not all of them be inslaved by barbarous people.

Both these Kings did therefore promise to use their best means and authority with the other Princes, and chiefly with the Common-wealth of Venice, to perswade them to lay down Arms; which Udislaus did immediately endeavour by his Embassadour, who lay Leiger at Venice. And Sigismond chose Mathew Bishop of Udislavia, and Rafaelle di Li­cusco, Commander of Scodovia for his Embassadours, whom he sent to Venice, to acquaint the Senate in his name,

That it was the King of Polands desire, that the Common-wealth after so long and tedious Wars, would at last be reconciled with Maximillian, with whom as he had often formerly treated of Peace, so he did now the like with the Venetian Senate, in desiring them to lay aside the memory of past Injuries, and imbrace peace and concord; and if any thing of hatred or pre­judice remained in them by the late Wars, that they should pass it over for his sake, and for the like of all Christendom. The Senate thought fit to give the same Answer to these Embassadours, as they had formerly done to the like propositions.

That the Venetians did not first make War with Cesar, but had taken up Arms in their own defence; that they did not desire to possess themselves of any thing that belonged to another, but to recover, what of right belonged to themselves, and that they would willingly lay down Arms, when they might do it upon honourable terms.

Thus, and by these means did Cesar endeavour to renew the War, but Ferdinando, though he were bound by Articles of agreement to wage War from the Perenean Mountains, yet not thinking that to do so would make any thing for their advantage, he neither prepared any men for that Enterprize, nor did he hasten to send Foot into Italy to increase his Army, being resolved, as it appeared, not to keep any Souldiers as then in pay, save such as were under Cardona's command, which he kept upon very small expence, upon design, that keeping his Forces intire, he might take the Empire of the States of Italy from out of the hands of others, when they should be weary and wasted. But the Switzers made open profession of maintaining that War, say­ing that they preferr'd the Honour of Maximillian Sforza, and the li­berty of intire Italy, before their own particular good; for they were so inheartned by the good success which they had had in many Battles, as they believed they were able of themselves alone to free all Italy from the fear of the French. Wherefore as soon as the League was made, they began to chuse out their best Souldiers, and to order ma­ny Companies, and having received two moneths pay, they came in great numbers into Piemont, and quartering themselves in three pla­ces, Susa, Pignarv [...]lo, and Saluzzo, they block'd up all the ways o [...] that side. The French prepared this mean while to make War more settedly, and upon better advice, then did the Confederates; for that their affairs were govern'd with a joynt consent, and for that they did cheerfully hasten to pass into Italy; their Army being the greater [Page 104] by reason that the Kingdom of France was on all sides free from Ene­mies; for though Ferdinand was ty'd by the articles of the League to enter with an Army into the confines of Guirome, and the Switzers in­to the Dukedom of Burgony, to perplex the French, yet neither of them had made any Preparations to do so. Wherefore the French having prepared all things ready for their departure, began on the 15th of Iuly to march towards the Alpes; and being come to Grenoble they quartered their Army in the neighbouring parts; for they were neces­sitated to stay there awhile to resolve upon what way they would go. There were great difficulties on all sides; for all the passages were so block'd up either by the nature of the places, or by the Enemies, as they could not make their way without much labour and danger. If they would go by the right and ordinary way, and enter Italy by the Confines of Piemont, the Switzers had possess'd the narrowest passes, so as they must cut their way through with their Swords, and fight the Enemy upon great disadvantage: and if leaving the Cotian Alpes on the left hand, they would pass lower with their Army, they were to overcome the tops of steep craggy Mountains, and to pass through large Valleys, with great inconvenience and difficulty, which would be the greater by reason of the numbers of men, and cattle, and the train of Artillery which they brought with them. Yet the King could not be pacified with these considerations, who resolved to pass upon whatsoever conditions, and not to leave any thing unattempted which might be done either by labour or industry; hoping by power and constancy to overcome the natural asperity of the places. So taking their way by the right side of the Alpes, which looks towards the South, and terminates upon the Tuscan Sea, the French came in three days to the Mountain Argenta; and going from thence on the left hand by divers unaccustomed paths, they overcame all difficulties on the fourth day, and to the great joy of the Souldier, brought their whole Army into the Confines of the Marquisate of Saluzzo; they past from thence unto Vercelles, where they tarried to advise how they were to manage their War. About 2000 Switzers kept all the ways at the Foot of the Pennimen, and Cotien Alpes, called Montcinese, guarded and block'd up, that they might oppose the French on that side, by which they thought they were to come and hinder their passage: and when they heard that the powerful Enemy had deluded their Forces, by taking another way, and that they were already got out of the hardest and most difficult passages, they admired the worth, and Fortune of the French; and chiefly the constancy of the Kings re­solution, to which it seemed even nature her self had yielded obedi­ence; and then they began to abate much of their former forwardness, and to despair of Victory. So laying aside all thoughts of joyning Battle without the advantage of place, they retreated to Novara; which made the French hope they might soon end the War, and get the State of Millan without the loss of blood. They were well ac­quainted with the nature and customes of the Switzers; how that they were fickle, seditious, easie to fall at oddes, desirous of Novelties, but chiefly greedy of money; they therefore began quickly to bethink themselves to overcome them with this engine of gifts, and fair pro­mises. [Page 105] Many of them being hereby tempted, laid aside their first desire of glory in War; and preferring the certain reward which by agreement was promised them, before the uncertain hopes of Arms; minded presently to return home; they with much arrogancy deman­ded pay, left their Colours, refused to obey Sedunense, and the rest of their Commanders; and all things went tumultuously on. They gave these reasons chiefly for this their so great change, that things had succeeded prosperously, nay with great glory to the French at their first entrance into Italy, and on the contrary, whatsoever the Switzers had attempted, had proved vain and ignominious; that therefore ha­ving lost all hopes of Victory, and more certain gain being offer'd them, it was in vain to spin out the War any longer. The Duke of Burbone, who commanded the first Squadrons of the French Army, past first on the left hand not far from Ville Francha, where Prospero Colonna by chance was, who hearing of the arrival of the French, came thither to muster the Switzers Army, which till then was divided in several parts; to the end that being all in one body, they might op­pose the Enemy in their passage into Lombardy, and fight them whilst they were tyred and weary with their journey. But the French pre­vented Prospero in his designs; for Palissa and Obegny went with a good number of Foot towards the Town, where Colonna with his men thought himself to be safe; and having sent some few Souldiers before clad like Pedlers, who made as if they would lodge in the Town, the Guards at the Gates, who suspected no such thing, were by them slain, and the Gates being possess'd, the French Commanders and those that followed them entred, and took Colonna Prisoner together with all his Horse. At which all the rest being discouraged, as well for the loss of so gallant a Commander, as for shame of the thing, fell into such disorder, as the Collegues Forces were of several opinions, and divided in all things. The Vice-roy, who had stay'd long in the Ter­ritories of Verona, and taken up his Quarters about the Banks of Poe, durst not advance any farther; and Lorenzo di Medici stay'd to little purpose, with the Popes men at Parma, not undertaking any thing. So as no succour coming to the Switzers, Maximillian Sforza's diffi­culties grew daily greater, and his hopes of defending his State, which was set upon at one and the same time in several parts, grew less, for King Francis, thinking it made much for the Victory to keep the Ene­mies Forces divided in several parts, whilst the affairs of Italy were in great commotion, by reason of the unexpected arrival of his Army, had sent Emat de Pria, with a good Band of choise Foo [...], and with 400 Horse to Genua, to find out Ottaviano Fregoso. This man had then the Principality of that City, and had begun long before to adhere un­to the French Party; and having gathered together 4000 Foot, and received the French Forces, he joyn'd with them, and at unawares fell upon Lombardy beyond the Poe, and laid all that Country waste. More­over the King did much sollicite the Venetians (who were ready e­nough of themselves) to move speedily with their Forces: So as Renzo da Ceri being return'd, as hath been said, to Crema, the Senate commanded him to enter in hostile manner into the State of Millan, and to endeavour the recovery of some of those Towns, as occasion should [Page 106] serve, in the name of the King of France. And though the Truce was not yet ended which was formerly made between the Cities of Crema and Millan, it was thought that no private agreement could hinder this order, because the men that were drawn out then against the Enemy, were not taken out of the Garrison of Crema; but were newly come to the Army from Padua; and moreover they fought not at the entrea­ties of the Venetians, but for the King of France his service. The Ve­netians had likewise ordered their Captain General, that as soon as he should know the Spanish Army was gone from the Territories of Vero­na, he should go with all his men into Lombardy, and take with him those others that were sent to Crema, that so he might fall upon greater undertakings. He therefore understanding that the Enemy were gone, went from Polisine di Rovegio, where he had staid awhile, and past o­ver the River Adice, with his Camp, at Abbadia, and came neer Cre­mona, exciting all the people as he past by, to Rebellion. The French Army was in another part, which proceeded forcibly, and made great progress against the State; so as Sforza's Dominion, being set upon on so many sides was shortly to fall; the King of France being already with all his men within his Confines, and finding that the Treaty hand­led by the Duke of Savoy, was spun out at length, and proved vain, he prepared to lay Siege to Millan. The disagreement was occasioned by the coming of many new companies of Switzers to the Camp, who unacquainted with the troubles of War, were more hot in the prose­cution thereof; said that Sforza's reputation, which they had under­taken to defend, was to be maintain'd by the Sword, not by Treaty; so as the face of War was various and doubtful, both Peace and War being at the same time in discourse with the Switzers, and there being many Armies in the same State; some to oppugne it, some to defend it, but all of them so divided, as the Forces of neither party could be increased by the assistance of their companions; none of them having the means allowed them of meeting together, but were by the near­ness of the Enemy, forced to take uncertain and dubious counsels; wherefore the King did desire the more to have Alviano's Forces joyn with his: To which purpose he was gone to the Town of Marignano, where he took up his Quarters. From hence he write to the Venetian Senate, acquainting them with his safe arrival in Italy, and with his prosperous successes, and moreover made his hopes and his counsels known to them. Thus the affairs of the French and Venetians went on with great union both of mind and Forces. The others being this mean while doubtful what to do, Renzo da Ceri being entred the con­fines of Millan with 2000 Foot, 500 light Horse, and 200 Curassiers, had taken the Castle of Leone by force, and had received many other Towns into the Kings Loyalty, carrying away such Souldiers Prison­ers as did guard them: Wherefore he was more honour'd and respect­ed then the rest; and had wonne so great a conceit of Worth, as migh­ty things were expected from him; but certain secret enmity, increa­sing daily between him and Alviano, Renzo could not suffer that the supream degree of the Militia should rest in Alviano. Wherefore fore­seeing that when the Armies should be joyned together he should be compell'd to obey him; at a time of great importance, he asked leave, [Page 107] to give over serving the Venetians. They were both of them certain­ly very gallant men, but very proud and haughty minded. Alviano would not see any equal to him in Dignity, and Renzo could not be commanded by another: and both of them were highly esteemed by the Venetians, who had been very diligent in composing the differen­ces between them: To which purpose the Senate had sent Dominico Trevisano and G [...]orgio Cornaro, two Senators of great authority, to Pa­dua; but finding them both to be strangely high minded, and full of envy and hatred, they could not appea [...]e them, nor make them friends; wherefore they return'd to Ven [...]ce without having done any thing. Renzo's transcendent Worth, accompanied with like Fortune, had raised his name to that height, as by consent of all men, he was equal­led for fame and glory to the most cry'd up Commanders of Italy: But either his Worth or his Fortune beginn [...]ng to decline, he did not any thing from that time forwards worthy of his former fame. Ha­ving obtain'd leave of the Senate, he went to Rome, under pretence of negotiating his private affairs, but in effect, to be entertain'd in the Popes service, wherein he had but ill success, so as the things which he had attempted, but failed in, did in a great part obscure his former­ly wonne fame. Renzo being gone from Lodi, the Switzers finding the City without a Garrison, possess'd themselves of it; but hearing soon after that the French Army drew near, and thinking that they were not able to defend it, they quickly quit the City; which was soon possess'd by Alviano's people who were formerly gone into those parts. From thence Alviano went with some few of his men to Marignano, to advise with the French how they were to manage the War.

Whilst these things were done, Alphonso Duke of Ferrara was only a quiet Spectator of the success of War; and though he had often pro­mised to adhere unto the French, yet he had not as yet sent in any as­sistance; but minding his own interest, sollicited and entreated the Venetians to assault Modena and Reggio, whilst their Army was in the Territories of Rovigo; affirming that those Cities were so weakly gar­rison'd, as if their Army would but draw near them, they might easi­ly be taken; which when they should be, the Pope would be so much troubled thereat, as apprehending his own affairs, he would easily be perswaded to alter his resolution. But the Venetians, though the Pope adhered to their Enemies, did notwithstanding abhorre making War upon the Ecclesiastical State; and this the more, because they did not as yet well know the Kings mind herein; for Leo using his ac­customed cunning, had not as yet discovered his alienation from the King. Wherefore the Venetians not listning to Alphonso's advice, prest him to send his men unto the Camp, where the Common-wealths Forces were, and to lend his assistance to the War, affirming that no­thing was to be done, but to lay a good foundation for the French; for if they should prove prosperous, those Cities would certainly be restored to him, as a reward of his pains and fidelity; it not being to be doubted but that the Pope would follow the Victors fortune, and accept of such conditions of agreement as they should impose upon him, who being victorious, were become arbitrators of the affairs of Italy: That therefore, since the condition of affairs were such now, as [Page 108] there was no peace to be hoped for, it behooved him by all means to adde unto the forces of the League, against the common Enemies; for it was clear that those who had most men, would at last be Masters of the Field and Towns. These reasons did not notwithstanding pre­vail with Alphonso to make him quit his Neutrality, till he saw what would become of the War. Hardly was Alviano gone from the con­fines of Rovigo, when Mark Antonio Colonna, who had the keeping of Verona, issuing unexpectedly out of the City with 3000 Foot, and a­bout 700 Horse, entred the Confines of Vicenza, plundering and ru­inating the Country. At which though the Venetians were very much troubled, yet could not the grief thereof make them forget their promi­ses made to the King of France, nor change their resolution, of pursu­ing the War in the places, and manner already begun. Alviano gave order therefore that not any whatsoever accident should make his men alter the way they had taken, but that they should march on, and chief­ly minde the good and greatness of the King of France; it being their chief design to oblige him; for they knew if the King should prosper in his attempts, the state of the affairs of Italy must change, and the for­tune of the Common-wealth must chiefly be raised up. Out of these reasons, all other respects being laid aside, the Venetian Army past into Lombardy; but the nearness of the Enemy kept them from joyn­ing with the French, so as all things concerning the War proceeded yet but uncertainly; for there were four Armies in the same Country, encamp'd not far from one another. There were in the French Camp above 40000 men, of which 1500 Curassiers, the choice Noble men of France. who being excellently well armed and hors'd, were of great beauty and strength unto the Army. The French men hoping that by these men chiefly they might be able to keep the Country open every where, past on, and having got the Cities of Pavia and Novara, they stay'd, as hath been said, in the Town of Marignano. The Ve­netians were not far from this place, who having taken the Town of Lodi, kept still in those parts, and this Army consisted of 12000 Foot and 3000 Horse; and both these Armies had great store of Artillery, and of all warlike Preparations. To oppose these there were two o­ther Armies ready of the Enemies, which were likewise forc'd for the same reasons to keep asunder. In one of these Armies were the Popes Militia, the Florentines and the Spanish Foot, of more esteem for the worth of their veterane Souldiers, then for their numbers: and these lay near Piacenza upon the Banks of Poe. The other Army was the Switzers, wherein 'twas said there was 40000 men, who being entred at this time into Millan, at Sedunense's entreaties, kept the City excel­lently well munited: and though they had neither Horse nor Artillery, yet were they full of courage and confidence, as well in respect of their valour and military discipline, as for the many Victories which they had wonne; so as the business seemed to be so evenly ballanced, as it was not easily to be discerned which party was likeliest to be worsted, nor what the event of the War would be. But whilst all labour alike, though upon several hopes and reasons, to weary the Enemy, and to reduce them into straits, and that therefore it was thought by all men, that the War would be spun out into the length, the Cardinal Sedunen­se [Page 109] put an end to these doubts and delays. He being return'd to the Camp, from whence he was gone for fear of the rising of the multi­tude, re-assuming courage, because many Bands of Souldiers, who adhered to his party, were come unto the Army, breaking all Trea­ties of agreement, which till then had been negotiated by the Duke of Savoy, he returned all things to the first covered War: Unto which it was not hard to perswade the Switzers, who were fierce, and desi­rous of money; for Sedunense magnifying the Triumphs, Rapines, and other things which wait upon Victory, as great and assured re­wards of their labours, shew'd them how that by getting the State of Millan, they might with much glory to their Nation, get much wealth, far beyond whatsoever was promised them by the King of France in guiderdon of an ignonimious Peace. The Souldiers believed this the rather, remembering the great Booty which they bore away in the last Wars; wherefore not valuing any faith plighted, a choice Band of Switzers were immediately sent to Castle Bufeloro to detain the Monies which were brought thither by the Kings agents to confirm peace with them. Thus all former conventions being broken, Sedunense, to keep the King from any opportunity of making those people who are subject to change, give over the thought of War, knew he must come to blows with the Enemy as soon as he could, and try the event of Bat­tle; saying it stood not with the Switzers fame and reputation to shun conflict. The French men in this interim, drawing near Millan, had taken up their Quarters at San Donato, which Town they fortified with­out much labour, because it was already invironed by many Ditches, made by the Inhabitants; by reason whereof the Commanders, think­ing that they had found a very opportune place, had in encamping themselves taken up such a space of ground, as that all their Troops were so ordered and disposed of, as though the whole Army was divi­ded into three parts, the first Squadrons might easily succour the last; and likewise that in the midst, those of either side. Which things be­ing known in the City, where they were advising touching the going forth of the Army, some of the Switzer Commanders thought it a rash and dangerous advice to assault the Enemy, who were ready and prepared for Battle; especially since it was likely that within a short time they might find a fitter occasion to fight them: It being said that the French Camp would rise, and go meet the Venetians who came to joyn with them. But Sedunense, thinking that any delay, how short soever, would thwart his counsel, (for as the desire of Battle was easi­ly kindled in them, so might it be easily extinguished) and fearing likewise lest the Souldiers incited by their factious Commanders, might either listen again to an accommodation, and refuse to go out of the City, or else might manage the War otherwise; made it be falsly re­ported by frequent Messengers, that the French had gather'd up their Baggage, and made ready their Arms and Horses, and that the first Files were already on their march to go meet the Venetians; and that they intended when they should be met, to return, and fight the Ci­ty joyntly. From hence he took occasion to excite them to make haste, and shun all delay that they might fall upon the Enemy whilst they were raising their Camp, and were in some disorder, not suspect­ing [Page 110] to be set upon: That they might make use of that opportunity which they had so much desired, and which now did offer it self: Which if they should let slip, or be slow therein, they would hereaf­ter seek for help from Fortune in vain, when they should through sluggishness have basely shewed that they valued not her favours, nor the hopes that she had laid before them of Victory. Upon this the Souldiers ran to take up Arms almost in a tumultuous manner, and many companies went one after another out of the City; and at last the whole Army moved thereunto out of shame, and by their Com­manders exhortations went out: So as orders being suddenly given for all things, they prepared for Battle. Then Sedunense, lest they should be discouraged when they should find the errour, riding up and down amongst them every where, spoke thus unto them.

That News was lately brought that the French did keep still within their Quarters; that it was to be believed that this was out of fear, they having heard of the Switzers being march'd out, strong and able men, whose vio­lence they knew they were not able to resist; and therefore desired to defend themselves by their works: But that if [...]he bare News of their coming, and the formidable name of the Helvetian Nation, had caused such fear in the Enemy, as it had made them alter their intended March, and forced them to change the whole course of their War, how would they suffer the presence, or withstand the violence of so great an array? And certainly, said he, the changing of the Enemies intentions, ought not to frighten you, nor make you give over what you have begun to do; nay rather you ought to be the more incouraged, since you find the contrary in your Enemies. If you mar­ched out of the City with such joy and such hopes of Victory, how can your generous purpose be retarded, by knowing that the Enemy, for fear of your approach dare not look out of their Quarters? Wherefore think you is it that they trust more in their Rampiers then in their Arms? Is it not an apparent sign that they trust little to themselves, or to their own Valour? If they made any account of themselves, they would have come out into the field al­ready, to make trial both of their Worth and yours. But certainly as there is no fence strong enough for fear, so stout and valiant men, safe enough in their own Worth, place their hopes of welfare no where but in their own right hands. You are not now to fight with a new, or an unknown Enemy; who know the nature of the cowardly French, and their unexperience in matter of Militia, better then you? You have fought so often both for them and a­gainst them, as you may easily conceive the French are no ways to be compa­red to you, neither for experience in Military Affairs, nor for fortitude of mind. These are the very men, who having taken up Arms against Charles Duke of Burgony, received so great a rout at Nansi, and afterwards were overcome by you in Battle near Novara, to their so great slaughter, as that action added glory to the Illustrious name of Switzerland. What reason therefore have you to fear an Enemy, whom you have so often beaten? Their retreat into their Quarters shews plainly, that they yield the field unto you, and esteem themselves already overcome; so as if you will be but minded like Conquerours; I already see all danger secure, and foretell that you may this day get a great and glorious Victory, with very little labour; that desire of Glory, which seems to be naturally infused into the Souls of all men, hath [Page 111] always so fervently, and so particularly inflamed those of our Nation, as nothing hath ever been so difficult or dreadful, which when the hope of praise hath been at stake, hath not been willingly embraced by you: and you your selves, calling to mind your Domestique Valour, and spur'd on by glory, have now left your houses, and exposed your selves to so great labour and danger: Therefore if any of you shall think the business may prove sharp and difficult, let him think what noble and rich Booty this Victory will bring along with it, when so great an Army of the French shall be overcome, wherein the Person of the King himself is. The hope of so great Glory and Triumph, will free your hearts from fear, and make you dispise danger.

Many other Commanders who were of Sedunense's faction, second­ed him, praising his advice, and encouraging the Souldiers to Battle. Wherefore going into every several company, they conjured them to be mindful of their ancient Worth, and of the late Victory: They shewed them what it became them to do; they amplified the great re­wards, which was to be expected from the victory; they told them that if they would undertake this business couragiously, one onely battle would put an end to their so many labours, & crown all their past victo­ries. The Souldiers being set on fire by these speeches, did greatly desire combate; and the sign being given, march'd speedily towards the E­nemy to assault them in their Camp. The French when they under­stood of the Switzers approach, were at first greatly troubled (as u­sually falls out when things come unexpected) they betook themselves hastily unto their Arms, and in some disorder made ready their Horses and other necessaries for Battle; afterwards taking courage, they went to their colours, took their several places, and drew out into the open fields. The whole Army was divided into three parts; the first was assigned to the Duke of Bourbone, with whom were Monsieur di Tala­mone, Son to Monsieur della Tremouglie, Giovan Giacopo Taivulcio, Pie­tro Navaro, Gabeano, and other Commanders, famous either for glo­ry of War, or for their Birth. All the Dutch, Gasconne, and French Foot were in this first Squadron; the King himself took care of that in the middle; about whom were placed the greatest part of the Chi­valry, and a select Band of German Souldiers; in this Squadron were many chief Personages, the Dukes of Lorrain and Albany, Lewis Lord of Tremuglia, Francis Bourbone Count of St. Paul, Odetto di Fois, sur­named Monsieur di Lotrecco, and some others: These were followed by Alanson, Palissa; and Obigni, who commanded the last Squadron, wherein were the remainder of the Foot. The Switzers leaving some of their companies in the rear for a reserve, made but one strong body of their whole Army, wherewith they marched apace in a close order, towards the French Camp, to the end that by coming up close unto them, they might keep the Enemy from making use of their Cannon, wherein they knew they did chiefly confide. Both Armies being come so near as that they might give Battle, the Dutch Foot, who were pla­ced in the Front of the French Army, growing jealous, by reason of some News that was given out, that the French and Switzers were a­greed, and that the Switzers out of a certain hatred and emulation in War, which is between those two Nations, meant to fight only with them, began at the first On-set to give way, and permitted the Ene­my [Page 112] to advance, and to come to where the Artillery was placed; which Navar being aware of, he called some of his companies of Foot, and made them immediately advance, and possess the Station which was appointed for the Dutch, so as the Enemy, who came in good order upon them, were made stay. In the Interim Monsieur di Bourbone comes in with his Gasconne and French Souldiers, and renews the fight; the combate was very hot on all sides; but the French had much ado to withstand the Switzers violence, who minding only to repulse the Enemy, had not yet possess'd themselves of any one piece of Artillery; the King going then from the middle Squadron into the formest ranks, brought the Chivalry along with him, which inlarg­ing themselves, assaulted the Enemies Squadrons on several sides, they might the better do, for that (as hath been said) their Quar­ters were very large. Wherefore the Switzers, after having in very close Files, kept off the Enemies Horse a good while with their Pikes, at last their Ranks being a little opened, began to separate, yet still fought though upon great disadvantage, being scattered here and there: Many of them were slain every where; others being forc'd from their places, and disordered, directly yielded; others charging fiercely in among the Enemies, were more sollicitous to kill others, then to save themselves, every one being his own commander and encourager. The King not being at all afraid in this so sharp and dangerous Battle, that he might the more encourage his Souldiers, by sharing in their danger, made himself be seen amongst the formest, and most forward of them, and did at the same time both encourage the Souldiers, and fight the Enemy, playing the part both of a good Commander, and of a good Souldier. And having wearied several Horses, he himself to all mens wonder, remaining still unwearied, he shew'd himself eve­ry where, and both by his presence, words, and actions, egg'd on the Souldiers against the Enemy, and incited them to fight: The night came on already (for a good part of the day was over, before the bat­tle began) and yet the conflict continued. Souldiers fell down dead on all sides, as well French as Switzers; for they were mingled toge­ther in every place in great confusion: They fought, not distinguish­ing their Colours, nor hearing their Captains commands: So as the heat of the Battle was comprehended more by the clashing of Arms, by dreadful voices, and by the miserable Out-cries of dying men, then by the eye, which was hindred by the obscurity of night. All places were full of tumult, death, and flight. One of the stoutest Bands of the Switzers being mix'd amongst the French, cry'd out France, France, to the end that couzening the Enemy, they might have way made them to get into their thickest Ranks, and make the greater slaughter. But the French soon after perceiving their deceit, environ'd the Swit­zers round, who being got so far from their Fellows, as that they could not be relieved, were all put to the sword: No end was put to the slaughter till the Souldiers of both Armies were so very weary as they could wield their Weapons no longer. The French and Switzers rest­ed that night in the same place, so as two Enemy Camps appeared to be but one Quarter: They kept on their Arms all night: The King shewing always an invincible spirit amidst such confusion and danger, [Page 113] call'd a Council of War, to resolve upon what was to be done the next day, and with great generosity comforted his Commanders, and bad them hope well. The whole Army was divided, as the day before, into three great Squadrons, but otherwise ordered; for all the most valiantest Souldiers were pick'd out, and placed in the Front, to the end that keeping close together they might stand the first assault of the Enemy, who being pick'd just over against them, were ready to give an assault; they disposed of all the Artillery in the most convenient places, the chief care whereof was given to the Dutch Foot, who pro­mised to witness their Valour and Loyalty that day. And these men were ordered, that keeping quiet at first, they should assist those who were first to enter Battle, if they should see them give back. The Swit­zers at the first appearing of the sun, having allowed almost no time for dressing their wounds, re-assumed their Arms, and, as they had done the day before, marched towards the French Artillery; for they knew that the greatest hope of Victory on the Switzers side, lay in pos­sessing themselves thereon, and on the French behalf in defending them; the business was therefore long and stoutly disputed about them, the Souldiers on both sides shewing great courage. The Dutch, to can­cell the fault they had committed the day before, and to remove the jealousie which was had of their truth, fought so stoutly, as the Swit­zers dispairing to win the Artillery, were forced to alter their way of fight; they divided all their men into two Squadrons, whereof one stay'd over against the first Squadron of the Enemy, the other passing over a Fen, near which the French Camp lay, assaulted the Rear at unawares. Monsieur d'Alanson, who had the charge thereof, was gone from thence a little before, to assist the Dutch Foot, who were sorely put to it by the Enemy; whereby the French did with greater disad­vantage sustain the assault, and being set upon on the Flank, they were compell'd to disorder their Ranks very much by facing about; and the condition of the place was such, as they could receive no help from the Horse. The French being by these reasons in great danger and disorder, Alviano came in in a lucky time, to succour the hindmost Ranks, who had much ado to withstand the Enemy. The Venetian Army had stay'd at Lodi; for first they could not march safely, the Enemy being so very near, and next the King, thinking that he had accommodated affairs with the Switzers, and that therefore he should not need their assistance, had agreed with the Venetian Commanders, that they should keep their Army at Lodi, and expect the final end of the business; for the Armies had this advantage by their being sever'd, that they might be the easilier victuall'd, and might pass to wheresoe­ver it was most behoveful for the War. But the King, upon occasi­on of this Battle, had dispatch'd Messengers speedily away to Alviano, to acquaint him with the condition of affairs, and that they required speedy help, wherefore he desired him to make all the haste he could to the French Camp. Which when Alviano understood, he immedi­ately sent for 200 of his best Curassiers, such as were known to be of great birth, and worth, and went his way with these immediately: Leaving order for the rest of the Army to follow after, and made what haste he could to the French Camp. Alviano knew he could do nothing [Page 114] which would be more acceptable to the Venetians, nor whereby he himself might purchase more honour, then by helping a puissant King, and Friend to the Common-wealth in time of so great need. There­fore finding at his first coming that the Battle was already begun; [...]a­ving briefly said such things to his men as the time would allow of, per­swading them to shew their courage and generosity, and to hasten the getting assured glory; he at his very first arrival assaulted the Switzers on the back, and falling furiously upon the Enemy where they were thickest, he broke, and dissipated their orders; then they who were first intent only upon one Battle, must now turn both their thoughts, and hand against the Venetians, and leave the French; and not know­ing what to do either by way of offence, or defence, by reason of this unexpected accident, they began to slacken that courage wherewith they fought at first. On the contrary, the French encouraged with greater hopes of Victory, gave more furiously upon the Enemy, the effects whereof were the greater, for that both sides believed the whole Venetian Army was come. The Switzers, finding themselves fought withal on all sides, began by little and little to draw out the Battle, and to wheel about, endeavouring to joyn with all those who fought the Enemy on the Front. And thus having made one strong body of all their Forces, they all of them retreated in miraculous good order, and safety into Millan: and the French, being wearied with long fighting, (for they had fought from the Sun-rising till after twelve a clock) suffer'd the Switzers to retreat safely, without pursuing them. But Alviano's Curassiers following some of the Enemy who retreated later then the rest, drove them into a Village not far off, where by Alvia­no's command they were all destroy'd by fire and sword. This Battle which hapned on the 17th of September, was very great and bloudy, and for a while uncertain; for it was valiantly fought on all sides, and lasted so long, as many were slain on both sides, and the field was e­very way covered with dead bodies. There is not any one who men­tions the number of the dead positively, yet all agree in this, that the loss was much greater on the Switzers side: But many illustrious men were missing of the French, as Francis Lord of Tremuglia, Imbercatio, Sanserio, Monsieur Ambaysa, the Count de Guise; and to boot with these, a son of Count Pisiglian, a youth of excellent Parts, who fought under the Venetians. Therefore though the French got the Victory, yet was it very sad and bloudy to them, and a long time uncertain. The French accounted themselves victorious, because they were not driven from their Quarters, which was the Enemies design to have done, and because they had forced the Enemy to retreat to within the Walls of Millan. But on the other side, since the Switzers had retreat­ed in good order, and gotten in such numbers into the chiefest City of that State, as that they were able to defend it, it cannot be said that this was a real Victory, the War not being thereby ended, nor the E­nemy routed. And certainly, as by the Switzers admirable Valour the French bought all dearly which they got by fighting, so by their natural fickleness the French got greater advantage by this Victory; for the very next day to the day of Battle, the Switzers giving over the thought of defending Millan, leaving only a Foot Garrison in the [Page 115] Castle whither Maximillian Sforza was forc'd to retire, return'd to their own homes: and Cardinal Sedunense, knowing that by the bad s [...]ccess of his counsels he had lost his former authority with the Souldi­ery, so as all that he could say was not able to make them stay one mi­nute longer, le [...]t Millan likewise, and went by the way of Trent to find out the Emperour. This may teach Princes upon how weak founda­tions the sa [...]ety of that State is grounded, which wanting a Militia of its own, is forc'd to have recourse to mercenary Forreigners. After this Victory the French were every where Masters of the field, and ea­sily reduced all the Towns in the Dukedom of Millan into their power. The Vice-roy, who had not stirr'd all this while from about Placenza, dispairing to defend the State of Millan any longer, and suspecting also that the Pope had quitted the League, went into Romagnia, and by little and little brought all his Army from thence to the Kingdom of Naples. And at the same time the Popes men went to Reggio in Lom­bardy; so as Sforza's State being bereft of all hope of help, or of re­turning to its pristine condition, Millan, and all the other Cities, yield­ed of themselves to the French, and sent Embassadours to the King to beg pardon for all that was past, and to promise obedience for the time to come; the Embassadours were received, and a great sum of money was imposed upon the Millaneses, to be paid according to every mans abilities. But the King would not as yet enter into Millan; for Sforza keeping the Castle still, he thought it stood not with his honour to en­ter armed into that City, which he had not totally reduced under his Dominion. But for the present the Duke of Burbone entred the City, who received it in the Kings name, and committed the reducing of the Castle to Pietro Navaro's charge, who having play'd upon it a good while with his great Guns, began according to his custom to fall a mi­ning. He was excellent good hereat, and by applying fire to the Gun­powder, wherewith he fill'd his works under ground, he was wont to blow up Walls and Towers which were otherwise impregnable. Wherefore Sforza being much terrified, and being a little besides him­self by reason of a long sickness contracted by so many adversities; being also advised by such as were none of his best friends, he resolved a moneth after the Siege began, to receive Antonio Bratano, a Doctor of Law, into the Castle to treat of surrender, and concluded at last that he would put both the Castle and himself into the hands of the French, though it were so well victuall'd and mann'd, as it might have held out a long while. He was upon these conditions received by the French.

That he should be forthwith carried into France, from whence he was ne­ver to depart; that he should for ever quit all claim and right which he had to the State of Millan, to King Francis; being to receive such a revenue from him, as whereby he might live commodiously and with honour.

The King having by agreement received the Castle, he entred Mil­lan in great Military Pomp, and almost in manner of Triumph, envi­ron'd by the choicest and richliest array'd of all his Chivalry. He here received an honourable Embassie sent unto him from the Veneti­ans to congratulate his Victory. These were four of the principal Se­nators of Venice, grave and reverend for their age, and famous for the [Page 116] supreamest Honours of the Common-wealth. Georgio Cornar [...], An­drea Gritti, Antonio Grimani, and Dominico Trevisano, Procurators of St. Mark, the chiefest Honour in that Common-wealth next to the Duke. It fell to Trevisano's part, as being youngest, to make the O­ration, which is said to have been thus delivered.

As soon as the so greatly desired News (most Christian King) that your Majesty had taken your journey towards Italy, came to Venice, all our Souls were overwhelm'd with joy, as if even then the Victory had been cer­tain; for we very well knew that there was no force which could withstand your singular Worth, and your invincible Army; wherefore our Common-wealth, judging that they had great occasion of joy offer'd them, at this your coming, that they might not let slip any thing whereby they might manifest their affection and observancy, had chosen us her Embassadours to wait upon your Majesty, and congratulate your having brought your Army safe into I­taly, and return'd your Affairs to that ancient Honour, to which question­less prosperous success in War would soon bring them. The Senate did af­terwards desire that all the Forces of their Common-wealth might be offer'd you by us, as hath been formerly done by other Embassadours; that your Majesty might please to make use of them upon whatsoever occasion, either for your own greatness, or for the conveniency of your Army. We could not execute this our Commission which was long ago given us, before now, because the ways were every where block'd up by the Enemy; but it hath hap­ned by divine providence, that we, who were sent to congratulate the hop [...]s of your beginning to be victorious, may now give you joy of your already won victory; for out-doing the thoughts of all men, you have atchieved those very great things, which we, out of a singular affection and desire of your prospe­rity, were in our thoughts designing: Since having by a miraculous confi­dence in your self, and constancy of mind, made your way through craggy Cliffs, and almost inaccessible Mountains, you have master'd all difficulties, past over the Alpes even there where they were thought to be impassable; and have conducted your Army in four days space intire and safe into Italy. Having thus overcome the asperous Mountains, you have instructed us, that nothing is so difficult through which the valiant man cannot make his way; and that a magnanimous Prince ought to esteem nothing too hard for him to overcome; but you have chiefly shewn your Worth to be such, and so excellent, as you can rule even nature, which rules and governs all things. That which amongst other of that cry'd up Commanders Actions, Hannibal, is numbred as a thing of singular praise, to wit, that he durst venture to pass over the top of the Alpes with his Army, and that in 15 days space he con­ducted it safe over; your Majesty by a more singular virtue, and in a more excellent manner have out-done, by having brought over your Army▪ Ar­tillery, and all your warlike Preparations in a much shorter time into the Confines of the Enemy, by rougher, and by straiter ways. But whilst men stand admiring this egregious action, and highly celebrate your name, you have by a much more glorious Enterprize, and that which none other durst to have done, out-done your self, out-shined your Glory, and have left to posterity greater and better memory of the French Gallantry; for though your Army was wearied with their long and toilsom march, yet you stuck not to joyn Battle presently with most bitter Enemies, wherein your Valour was such, as you have shewed that those may be beaten, who were before thought [Page 117] unconquerable. You have routed and put to flight the Switzers, who for­merly dispising all other Nations, did proudly usurpe unto themselves chief­est praise for what concerns the Militia; and have forced them to return home, whence they are not likely to come so soon again to disturbe your Affairs. And that nothing might be left desirable to your praise, Fortune, which for the most part useth to have the greatest share in Battles, dare lay claim to no­thing in this your happy success; for no cunning, no stratagem, nothing but meer Worth had any share in this Victory. 'Tis meerly this Worth then, which whilst all things else were equal in Battle, hath made you Victor, cau­sing fear, flight, and slaughter to your Enemies, and freeing your own Army from the like, which hath not only fought under your happy conduct, but whilst you your self acted both the Captains and Souldiers part: So as it is not the splendor of your Dignity, but your own peculiar Worth, which hath preserved you amidst the fury of Weapons, and hath freed you more then once from danger. Your Majesty may therefore promise unto your self all things prosperous, and favourable hereafter. Those things which are propounded as a reward to Conquerours, Glory, Wealth, and Empire are already yours; you have already recovered the State of Millan, and your Enemies the Spaniards, who being grown more insolent through the courage and labour of other men, attempted greater things, abandoning the Enter­prize, and retreating to within their own Confines, do hardly believe they can defend them against your victorious Arms; but we your true friends, well-wishers to your Honour and Greatness, being consolated and rejoyced by this your prosperity, have raised our Souls to greater hopes: and as we were rea­dy to partake with you in any whatsoever fortune of War, so you having by Gods good will, by your own Worth, and we may say partly by our assistance, gotten so great a Victory, we also promise prosperous success to our own Af­fairs: Which as we know it is much desired by you, so we hope that you will be assistant to our fortune, with all your forces, since thereby your power & glo­ry will be greatly confirm'd and increased; for to have aided such a Common-wealth, after her being opprest by many evils, so as she be returned to her an­cient state and dignity, will be numbred amongst your prime praises; and as you have always found us to be your faithful Servants, so remaining still such, but more powerful, your Affairs in Italy may peradventure receive greater security. Many therefore are the reasons of our joy, that a King who is our friend hath purchased so much glory, as will be envied by memory in all ages, but peradventure paralell'd by none; that we have hopes given [...]s of recovering our own State, and that Italy is freed from the fear she was in of the Dutch and Spaniards, who sought to inthral her Liberty. Cer­tainly since your coming into Italy hath been long desired by us, and assisted by all our endeavours, as you your self know, it cannot be doubted [...] our joy is great, in seeing all your designs prosper so successively; for we do very much rejoyce that we have had fortune to be aiding to so great a King, and do think our selves already sure of those rewards, which we assured our selves would be very great, when we resolved to adhere unto you even in your dubious condition. Then as our Common-wealth thinks that she hath got what soever your Majesty hath won by so great a Victory, and is therefore greatly consolated thereat; so we desire and hope that your Majesty will have the same respect to her, and her Affairs; being confident that our State Forces, and fortune, what soever it shall at any time happen to be, shall al­ways [Page 118] be ready to wait upon, and to attend your convenience and greatness.

To this the Lord Chancellour in the Kings name made a very civil and honourable reply; the Embassadours had private audience the next day of the King, who in a long speech endeavour'd to shew his good will towards the Common-wealth.

Saying, That he took their Embassie in very good part, and that the af­fection of the Common-wealth of Venice towards the Crown of France had been long since witnessed by several Testimonies, but that it was more clear by their recent deserts. That he had always much valued her Friendship, and was naturally given to imbrace it; that it was very fitting that they who had had their share of the labour and danger of the War, should partake of the fruit of Victory; that therefore being mindful both of their ancient ami­ty, and of their last service done him, he would not fail their expectation in the recovery of their State; that he had already destiny'd that many of his men should fight under their Banners, and that he would send them greater helps as soon as his Affairs should be brought to a peaceable and safe condition: In fine, that he would readily do any thing which might increase the Dignity and Power of the Common-wealth.

The Embassadours, though they had ended their Embassie, recei­ved orders from the Senate to keep with the King, and in greater testi­mony of the honour and observancy which they bore him, to wait up­on him whithersoever he should go, whilst he was in Italy. At this time whilst the Castles of Millan and Cremona were besieged, Alviano marched with the Venetian Army towards Brescia, to attempt the ta­king of that City. He desired very much to follow the Spanish Army, after the success of the Battle, that he might revenge both their form­er and late injuries, and utterly destroy that bitter Enemy. But the Vice-roy was so speedy in removing his Camp, as Alviano lost all hopes of encountering with him. Moreover, this his desire of follow­ing the Enemy was sufficiently cooled by Letters which he received from the Senate, wherein they signified their will and pleasure to be, then setting all other things whatsoever aside, he should endeavour the recovery of the Cities they had lost, and minde only that: That he should make use of the Victory, and his late won reputation, in things of greater importance; and that he should chiefly imploy all his labour and study, where greatest good, and most hopes of ending the War were promised. Wherefore Alviano passing over the Ada, went with his whole Army to the taking in of Brescia; Bergamo having been soon surrendered to him after the Switzers defeat. The Commanders in the Venetian Camp differ'd in their opinions concerning this: Some affirming,

That they were first to endeavour the taking of Verona, which City was, the Seat of the War, and which had always been a safe receptacle of the Ene­my; so as there was no hopes of ending the War, till they were driven out of that nest: That that City had still been the chiefest cause of contest, and had often been the only cause of hindring Agreement; that others difficulties would soon be ended, if this City were returned into the power of the Veneti­ans: Therefore if they could get Verona, all the Castles and Territories which were possess'd by the Enemy, might easily be reduced under the power▪ of the Venetians, either by force, or by agreement that the like advantage [Page 119] could not be had by the taking of Brescia, the possession whereof would always be uncertain and unsafe, whilst the Enemy was powerful in Veron [...]. They added that by the business of Brescia little more of consideration then the Town it self would be gotten, of much consideration either for War or Peace; that also great respect was to be had for the accommodation of the Army; that questionless if they should sit down before the Walls of Verona, they might be better furnish'd both with Victuals and with all things else by the conveni­ency of the River Adice, whereby they might tarry longer, and more com­modiously in that Country, and make use either of Siege, or assault as time and occasion should require.

The Senate being moved by these reasons were at first of this opini­on, but not being so long, and taking the business again into conside­ration▪ to the end that they might not spend time to no purpose in the diversity of opinions, and that if the condition of Affairs should alter upon any accident, (as it often happens) they should not be forc'd to do what were not fitting, they resolved to leave the resolution to Alvi­ano, after they had acquainted him with their opinion therein. Thus the Venetian Camp, not staying for any help from the French, came before the Walls of Brescia, and Siege was laid to the City, and great diligence was made to storm it; Alviano thought he might easilier and more honourably do this, then take Verona, because the one City be­ing near friends, and the other near the Enemy, if he should carry his Army before Brescia.

He thought the business might prove the easier by reason of the vicinity of the French, and that it might be done with more reputation, and readier help; whereas on the contrary, if the Army should be imployed in battering Verona, he feared le [...]t the Spaniards and the Popes men, not being far off, might, though they were gone out of the Country, return thither, and hope to set upon our men whilst they were in disorder; and making of Trenches, or other works. Whereby he knew he could not tarry in those parts without much danger; nor depart from thence, and give over the Enterprize without as much shame, and loss of honour. Moreover Verona was better walled and was excellently well provided of Victuals, and men, by the Garrison of Dutch Foot which was lately come thither. Whereas there were but few Souldiers in Brescia, and little provision of things necessary for defence▪ the Citizens very well affectioned towards the Common-wealth, and the E­nemy driven out.

But Icardo a Spanish Captain, a shrewd, and nimbly witted man, who had then the command of of Brescia, having heard, and suspect­ed this resolution of the Venetians, had with great speed caused 1000 Foot to come from Verona to that City, had brought in much corn, and all things requisite for defence, so as it was sufficiently munited against an Assault. And he had used such speed, and industry in all this, as that the Souldiers of the Garrison of Verona might safely enter into Brescia, and not only not be hindred by Alviano, but do it before he should know of it till after it was done. Alviano's advice was to assault the City on several parts, at one and the same time, and to storm it; but whilst he was contriving these things, and that his thoughts were much troubled, fearing le [...]t the number of the Defendants being increa­sed by the new Garrison, the business might prove more difficult then [Page 120] he had thought at first, and having at the same time undergone much bodily labour, he fell sick, and his sickness increasing daily upon him, he was carried from the Camp to a Town called Ghedi, where being seized on by a violent burning Fever, he dyed on the seventh of O [...]to­ber in the threescore year of his age. He dyed just when Fortune be­gan to smile upon him, he having in his former days endured many ad­versities; for he had won great reputation by his prosperous successes the year before in Friuli, and Polisine di Rovigo, and likewise by the confession of all men, he shewed singular Valour in the last Battle of the French near Millan.

Alviano was acknowledged generally by all men for an excellent Comman­der, of great courage and experience in Military Affairs; and he proved the more famous, because he flourish'd in a time, wherein he had field room enough to shew his Worth and Military Skill in managing important Wars. But he suffer'd a little, by being thought more bold in fighting, then good at the counselling; for he was so desirous of Military Glory, as he was often too hasty in coveting Victory. Yet it may be numbred up amongst his praises, that in point of execution he used miraculous, and at that time unusual speed: He was very much beloved and yet very much feared by the Souldiery. His great Liberality purchased their love, and his severity in making Military Discipline be observed their fear. He was more patient in taking pains then is to be believed, wherein he would equal any whatsoever private Souldier; wherefore he was wont to say, that the Commander was not so sensible of la­bour as was the Souldier, the hopes of Glory, which sweetens labour not being equal in them. He served under the Venetian pay almost 20 years, always with great fidelity, but most commonly with ill luck; for having fought successively in the German Wars, near Cadore, he was soon after abandoned by Fortune, and these good beginnings were not followed by like success. 'Tis true that he himself by the fierceness of his nature did often times increase dangers and difficulties; for even then Alviano was thought to be born for greatest Attempts, though through greatest dangers, and to be one who might with praise serve any Prince in War, who was desirous of Glory, and willing to hazard himself upon Fortune, upon easie terms. But this his forwardness did not suit well with the Common-wealth, which being always the same, keeping still the same orders, though she change Officers, cares not for undertaking things though never so glorious, if dangerous: But that she may deal in them with more security, waits for time and occasion, and walks on to her greatness with more mature advice.

Alviano's body was carried to Venice, where his Obsequies were very solemnly celebrated, his Funeral Oration being made by Andrea Navagiero, a man of excellent wit, famous for learning and eloquence; and for the greater honour of his memory he was buried in San Stefa­no's Church at the publick charge. And because he left his wife and children very poor, he having continually loved Glory and the good will of his Souldiers more then riches, the Senate, the more to grati­fie his Worth and Loyalty, rewarded him in his posterity, they gave his wife and his only Son, to be paid them during their lives out of the publick Exchequer, 60 Duckets a moneth, and gave them a commo­dious house in the City, exempting them from all taxes belonging to their livelihood; they gave also 3000 Duckets a piece to his three daugh­ters, [Page 121] to be paid them out of the publique Treasury at their day of Mar­riage.

After Alviano's death, Commissary Emo took the care of the War, and for some days commanded the Army as Captain General. The mean while the Venetians thought upon Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio, to confer the Generals place upon him, for his singular vivacity of wit, for his exquisite knowledg in all Military Affairs, and especially for his ready, and well disposed inclination towards the Common-wealth. Wherefore the Venetians very much desired King Francis that he would permit them to make Trivulcio, who (as hath been said) was at this time in pay under the French, to be their General; which ha­ving obtain'd, they forthwith conferr'd Alviano's place upon him, and the Senate writ Letters unto him.

Wherein they signified the great love which the whole Common-wealth bore him, and the assured hopes they had in his singular Worth, and that confiding therein, and hoping to meet with the like willingness and desire in him to serve the Common-wealth, they had freely of themselves offer'd him that degree of Dignity, which they had not wont to grant others, but upon much entreaty and intercession; wherefore they desired him that he would behave himself so in that Service, as became him, who was an able and famous Com­mander, greatly desirous of the Liberty of Italy, and affectionate to the Ve­netian Honour; that he would shew himself to be still the same man in this great and honourable imployment, as he always had been.

Trivulcio having received these Letters, willingly accepted of the imployment offer'd him, and went suddenly to the Venetian Camp, where being received by Commissary Emo, he began to govern discreet­ly and diligently.

The first thing he did, was to call the Council together, and to be truly informed of the Enemies strength, as also of ours, what had been done, and what was to be done, and finally to inform himself of the whole State of Affairs. He afterwards began to consult with the rest of the Commanders how the War was to be carried on, wherein there were divers opinions according to every mans judgment.

Some dispairing to get Brescia, were for raising the Siege, and carrying the Army into the Territories of Verona, that they might be ready upon any occasion that should be offer'd to take Verona: Others affirm'd that the be­gun Enterprize was not to be given over, that the business would not prove so difficult if it were govern'd by the ordinary ways of War; that they them­selves being wearied with the trouble of a longer Siege, would not quit the hopes of Victory.

But there were many things which made against these advices. Those that perswaded to be gone, might receive for answer, that by raising the Siege from before Brescia, the opinion which was had of their For­ces would be lessned, and it would seem a vain and foolish thing to un­dertake greater and more difficult matters: And those that were for keeping the same Quarters, that Winter being near, the very season would not permit them to be long about the business, they therefore all agreed in this, which was first Alviano's opinion, to wit, that en­vironing the Town on that part where the Walls were weakest, and setting their Artillery in order, they should play uncessantly with their [Page 122] Cannon upon one and the same place, till so much of the Wall might be thrown down, as might make way for an assault. Bringing then their Artillery into a certain place, where a little Rivolet called la Gar­zetae enters into the City, they began to play violently upon the Walls; so as having thrown down the uppermost part, the rest might be easi­ly master'd by the Souldiers. And now this first action taking effect, the Venetians began to hope well in the victory, but the City was stoutly defended by the Spanish, and Dutch Souldiers, who were ve­ry ready upon any action; they kept diligent Guard every where, they raised their Rampiers, and did munite the Walls with their own bodies; nor did they leave any thing undone which appertain'd to defence. Therefore our men growing daily cooler in point of assault, and all re­solution being drawn out at length, the Enemy growing bolder by our delay, accused our men of cowardliness, and not content to keep them aloof from the Wall, did often times in damage them by Sallies. And growing more confident by some small successes, about 2000 of them sallied one day out of the City, intending to drive away some of the Venetians that were gotten nearest the Walls; and bending their chiefest force against those that guarded the Artillery, they slew many of them, and chasing away the rest, forc'd them to retreat and to for­sake that Station, pursuing them even unto their Quarters. So as our men would have been notably prejudiced that day, had not Trivulcio speedily sent them a recrute both of Horse and Foot, by which relief they being stay'd, who ran away, they began to fight in their own de­fence, and being encouraged did not only sustain the Enemy, but af­ter many Skirmishes, drove them to within their Walls, and recover­ing many pieces of Artillery brought them to the Camp; the rest were either broken by the Enemy, or carried into the City. Amongst the rest Iovan Paolo Manfrone wan great praise in this action, but Trivulcio did not only dispair by this to take the City by force, but growing some­what afraid, by seeing the Enemy encouraged, and his own men aba­sed, that somewhat of worse might befall him, thought it his best course to remove the Camp to a place two miles from the City, called La seconda Pietro: To the end that the Army might have means to re­fresh themselves, and to expect aid from the French, whereby he might afterwards with greater force, and better advice return, and re-assume the business. In the interim, that the Souldiers might not grow lazy through idleness, and to keep up the Venetian honour, which being be­gun to get head again, might seem by so small an adversity to decline; the Commanders resolved to send some of their men to Peschiera, and re-gain that Town to the Common-wealth, which was very useful to the War. Wherein they had such happy success, as they took it the very first day by assault; and soon after, encountring with a Squadron of Curassiers, and some Foot Colours, who were sent to relieve Pes­chiera, they put them to flight, slew many of them, and took many Prisoners. Hereupon Asoli, Lonato, Sermione, and some other Towns thereabouts soon surrendered; so as the affection to the name of Venice which seemed to be fallen asleep, began to be awakened in the peoples minds. It was now November, wherefore the Venetians, partly by reason of the time of the year, partly by reason of the difficulty of the [Page 123] business, resolved for that time to give over the Siege of Brescia; when News came to the Camp, that many Horse and Foot would soon come in to their succour. The King of France had thought to have sent these recrutes much sooner to the Venetians, but they being to have been commanded by the Gran Bastardo di Savoia, a Kinsman of the Kings, and a man of great Worth and Authority, who had likewise given him in charge, first to take in the Castle of Cremona; he spent more time therein then he thought to have done▪ which had caused him to defer his coming thus long. He brought along with him 5000 Foot, 800 Horse, many pieces of Artillery, and great store of victuals; wherefore as soon as he was come to the Venetian Camp, they alter'd their opi­nion, and were all of one mind, to re-attempt the taking of Brescia im­mediately with the whole Army; thinking that the bitterness of the season might be overcome by the number, and assiduity of the Souldi­ers. But the business, though first attempted with great hopes of vict­ory, rather by the falseness and foolish obstinacy of friends, then by a­ny Worth in the Enemy; for the Dutch Foot commanded by the Gran Bastardo — soon began rather to be a trouble, then a help▪ They oft times raised tumults in the Camp, they refused sometimes to fight against Cesar, sometime cry'd insolently for pay, before they had deserved it, and despising their Captains commands, ran into the neigh­bouring parts, ransacking all things, and plundering as well their Friends as Foes. Another great inconvenience was added unto this, able to disturbe any design how good soever; for the Gran Bastardo — falling very sick, was forced to depart the Camp. The Venetian Em­bassadours who were with the King of France being advertised of this, did by commission from the Senate, again very much desire the King to send more aid; they desired other Souldiers, other Commanders, but chiefly Pietro Navaro, who was at this time in great repute; for being very expert at the taking in of places, & wont to get the victory by a new way of Militia: He used such art and industry in working Mines, and in using several unusual Engines, as made all men wonder. This man being sent by the King with succour to the Venetian Army, the Siege was a­gain begun to be laid to Brescia; Trivulcio was encamped on one side with about 900 Venetian Foot, and 2000 Horse; on the other side, which lyes over against the Gate usually called delle Pille, and of which ill Bastardo — had had formerly the care, Navaro placed himself, with 5000 Gasconne and French Foot which he had brought with him; so they began to play upon the Town in several parts at once, and the City being besieged on all sides by continual Guards, nothing was free nor safe to them that were within; they were forced to keep Sentinels in all places, to be in perpetual work every where; and herein lay the Venetians chiefest hopes, that the Defendants tired out with continual action, and consequently growing weak, would be forced to give over much of their defence; for the Spanish Souldiers, having had leasure time enough to fortifie the City, had been so diligent in raising Ca­valiers, in making Trenches, places of Retreat, and in well defending the Walls, as not any one part lay open, or naked to the assaliants; and if any part of the Wall chanc'd to be thrown down by the Cannon, a new Rampier was raised for defence in the place thereof. So as the [Page 124] Souldiers might use their Artillery under shelter, and all other sort of Arms. But the business drawing on in length, and the Venetians knowing that their labour was but in vain, and that the City could not be taken by assault, Navar betakes himself to his other accustomed Stratagems, which he had not yet made use of here, because it requi­red much labour and pain▪ and because he feared lest all his labour and design might meet with disturbance, by the condition of the season, and by the great store of rain that was fallen. He began to make a passage under the earth, which led from the Camp to the City, through which the Souldiers were to march, and on the sudden fall upon the City within. This work being diligently, and with much labour wrought upon by the Souldiers both day and night, so as it was now brought almost to an end; the Spaniards, moved thereunto by some sign, or were it only out of suspition, because they saw our men had given over their Battery, and that Proceedings went slower on in the Camp, be­took themselves to observe diligently in every part of the City, whe­ther or no they could find or hear any motion of the earth, they dug Ditches in many places, and searched diligently into Navar's hidden ways, of which as soon as they discovered any the lest shew, to the end that they might be the more certain of it, and apply remedy, they began to make countermines all in contra, and throwing great store of Gun powder thereinto, they gave fire unto it, and overthrew our work, slaying all the Souldiers that wrought upon it: Thus many days labour was lost in a moment; yet the Venetians had one hope left whereby to get the City; the rest proving vain through various acci­dents; to wit, to straiten it by Siege; for they knew it wanted many things, which would force it to surrender. Corn was grown to such a scarcity, as the Dutch Souldiers not able to endure it, not having received neither any pay of along time from the Emperour, refused to do duties, grew insolent with their Commanders, put all things into confusion, and began to rebell. Which when the Venetian Camp knew, Trivulcio thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of taking the City, without the loss his of men; wherefore neither the inconveni­ence of Winter, nor the Snow, nor the trouble of a long Siege, were able to make him alter his resolution. He knew it made much for his Renown, and for the proving of his affection to the Common-wealth, that he should prosper in his first attempts. He therefore kept the Ci­ty environed on all sides with his Army, to keep any victuals from be­ing brought into it, and to keep the Souldiers that were within from coming out, intending likewise to seize on such monies as might per­chance be sent them; and in the interim there past light Skirmishes be­tween them and the Enemy; for many Foot came from the Garrison of Verona, striving to get into the Brescian Territories, and to preju­dice our Army. But to hinder these the Souldiers of the Common-wealth came from out Pesc [...]iera and Valeggio, and meeting with some of them, they often fell to blows with various success of both sides; nothing hapning notwithstanding worthy of memory, nor which did much concern the main business.

Whilst Brescia was thus besieged, many things had past concerning peace: The Pope, seeing that his attempts by Force and Arms suc­ceeded [Page 125] not according to his thoughts, betook himself to his wonted artifices the better to secure himself thereby. He therefore resolved to be a Mediator of peace between the Emperour and the Venetians: Which if it should succeed, he thought he might treat of peace with the French upon better terms. But the Venetians weary of such Pro­ceedings, and being often deluded by vain hopes, could not believe much in the Popes words. Wherefore thinking that the safety of their State and of their Affairs could be grounded no where better then on the friendship of the French, which they desired might be made as much known to them as might be, they refused all offers of agreement, and thought it better to acquaint the French Embassadour with all things that were propounded to them by the Pope concerning peace: And to do the like with the King by their Embassadours that were with him; who told him in the name of the Common-wealth, that the Senate in their present troubles of War, placed their hopes in nothing but on their own Forces, and on the King of France his help and favour. The King was of the same mind, to keep friendship with the Venetians, and to pursue the War. Wherefore Cesar who was much troubled at these prosperous successes, having by his Embassadours endeavoured to come to some agreement, the King utterly despising the Friendship and League which was offer'd him, dismiss'd the Embassadours, and acquainted the Venetians particularly with the whole Treaty. The French knew very well by many examples, that Cesars mind was so mutable, and so desirous of Novelties, as their affairs could never be reputed safe nor quiet, whilst he had any Footing, or his men any re­ceit in Italy: So as they must be forced to be at great cost, and not out of danger in maintaining the State of Millan, till Cesar and his Armies were driven from thence; but the King thought otherwise of the Pope; for though he had alienated himself from him, when he thought him to be most his friend, yet he greatly desired the Popes Friendship; nor was he parted from him, but upon great necessity. Wherefore the Pope, having sent his Nuntio into the French Camp, without know­ledg of other confederates, to treat of agreement, the King received him graciously, seeming very well pleased that there was means left him whereby to be easily received again into favour, and friendship with the Pope; yet being resolved not to buy it at any dear rate, since it was voluntarily offer'd him, the Nuncio could get no positive an­swer, unless the Cities of Parma and Piacenza, which were then de­tain'd by the Pope, should be restored to the power and possession of the French. The Pope though he thought it very severe for him to be bere [...]t of those two Cities, and to lose that reward which he had pur­chas'd by so many dangers and labours, yet after having spent many days and nights in great agitation of mind, he at last resolved to satisfie the King, and to resign up those Cities. Finding that all his labour was lost in going about to bring the Venetians to agreement with him and Cesar. Nor could he defer it any longer without hazard, not thinking either his own Forces, or those of his colleagues sufficient to secure him and his affairs from the power of the Conquerours. These chief points being therefore accommodated, to the end that they might treat the better of the rest, and that the League might be the more firm­ly [Page 126] made, it was resolved that the Pope and King should have an Inter­view, for which a certain time being appointed, the one parted from Rome, and the other from Millan, and met both at Bolognia, as the most convenient place for them both. The Venetian Embassadours accompanied the King▪ the more to honour the Royal Court in a time of such solemnity; the Court being then full of many French Lords, and very glorious in all manner of Preparations; as also for that it was reported, that many things belonging to the Common-wealth were to be treated of at that convention, and touching universal agreement; which caused much rejoycing in all Italy, which had been so long mo­lested, but especially amongst the Venetians, all of them hoping well in a future peace, Yet for what concern'd the Common-wealth, be­cause divers difficulties lay in it, it was only resolved, that Cardinal Egidio Eremitano, a Personage of singular Integrity and Learning, should be sent Legate to the Emperour from the Pope, to treat of this business, and to endeavour to make him comply, and agree with the Venetians. Pontifical Briefs were likewise sent to the Venetians, where­in they were exhorted to embrace peace; but as concerning the com­mon condition of affairs, and the ordering of a general peace, nothing was either concluded, nor so much as treated of, but rather many seeds were sown of other Wars; for on the one side King Francis, not be­ing able any longer to cloak his desire of winning the Kingdom of Na­ples, which he had long thirsted after, had by his civility and compla­cency with the Pope, got leave of him, that by the Popes favour and authority, he might, when time should serve, fall upon that Enter­prize; on the other part, Leo discovered a no less ardent desire in him­self of the greatness of the House of Medici, by denying the King, who had very much desired it at his hands, to pardon Francisco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbin, if he had found any fault in him. Whence it might be easily comprehended how he was minded (when there should be occasion again of taking up of Arms, and of exposing him­self again to the danger and troubles of War) to put his Nephew Lo­renzo [...] Medici into possession of the State of Urbin, wherein he had a little before invested him. Thus the Sequel did shew manifestly, that both Leo and Francis, aim'd only in this their convention, at their own advantage, and their present accommodation; and that they did not almost at all think upon the common agreement, and peace for the fu­ture; for having establish'd divers things touching their own security, and the aggrandizing of their States, they both departed from Bolognia, after having spent six days in this Treaty. 'Tis most certain that both these Princes did very much desire this Inter-view, out of a thought of reaping much advantage thereby; for the Pope, being strangely in­genious, and knowing how to handle business best for his advantage, thought he should be able by his perswasive speeches, and elegancy of words, to pacifie the King, and make him become his friend, if he should find him otherwise; and if he should find in him a well disposed will, to be then able to increase it, and to dispose of the Kings Forces at his pleasure. But King Francis, seeing his ancient Enemies re-kin­dle their hatred, and his Friends behave themselves as Enemies, and that they all conspired together against him (as it is always seen that [Page 127] prosperity produces envy) thought nothing could make more for his good at the present, then to take the Pope from his Enemies, and joyn his Holiness to him. Cesar and the Switzers were already joyn'd toge­ther, and it was commonly said that the King of Spain and King of England were likewise joyn'd with them; the latter because he could not willingly endure to see the King of France his power and glory in­crease so much; and the other, because it was held for certain, that when the French should be at peace with the rest, he would soon make War with him, either to put the King of Navar into his State, or else to recover the Kingdom of Naples. Wherefore King Francis, find­ing such dangers threatened him by so many Enemies, thought he had provided the better for his affairs, by how much he should joyn in a straiter League and Friendship with the Pope. Those things being then thus disposed of, which concern'd the annexing the Forces and Authority of the Church unto him, he began to think of his return into France to comply with his wives entreaties; but much more to secure his Kingdom from the imminent danger of War, by the men that he brought back with him; and he stay'd now only that he might first somewhat establish the Venetians affairs, and so increase the Forces of the League, as though he were not himself in person in Italy, he might have no reason to fear the Enemy for what concern'd the State of Mil­lan. Therefore as soon as he was gone from Bolognia, and arrived at Millan, he chiefly minded the sending of more Forces time enough to the Venetian Camp before Brescia. Which was already reduced there­by to so great straits, as it was thought it would soon fall into the Com­mon-wealths hands. It was known that the Souldiers who defended it, and who had already shew'd great Valour, in resisting many assaults; being weary through so many inconveniences of the Siege, and chiefly not having received pay nor relief; nor Cesar not having taken any pro­vision for it, were brought almost to the very last point of despair; in so much as the Spanish Souldiers had agreed, that if the promised re­lief should not come from Cesar within twenty days, they would deli­ver up the City to the Venetians, upon condition that they might be permitted to go forth with their Colours, and their other Military Af­fairs. The King was particularly inform'd of these Proceedings by the Venetian Embassadours, who accompanied him all this journey; and shew'd him how affairs went, and desired him not to give over the hopes of getting that City; but to send his men forthwith to the Vene­tian camp to keep the Dutch Foot from relieving the City, who were led on by Captain Roncandolfo, which if it should succeed well, so ma­ny moneths time would be spent in vain, and they should lose so fair an opportunity of putting an end unto the War. But though the King very well knew the importancy of the business, he could not use such diligence as that the French aid could prevent the coming of the Dutch Foot, who being 8000 in number entred all safe into the City the 20 days not being yet expired, not meeting with any obsticle; for the Common-wealths Souldiers, who when News came of the Enemies approach, were sent to the strait Passes of the Mountains, basely re­treated to the Army, not staying so much as to look the Enemy in the face. The Dutch had for their guid in this their voyage Captain Lodo­vico [Page 128] da Ladrone, who being very well practised in those parts, led them over the tops of Mountains by unusual ways, so as getting at unawares out of those strait and difficult Passes, they caused thereby more fear in our men. When News came to the Venetian camp that the Enemy was come, they differ'd in their opinions, some were for continuing the Siege, some for carrying the Army elsewhere; but the number of the Dutch Foot being given out to be greater then indeed it was, and the Spies having informed at the same time that Marco Antonio Colonna was gone out of Verona, and entred into the confines of Mantua, and hasted to assault them; the Venetian Commanders, fearing that if they should tarry any longer they might easily be incompassed on both sides by the Enemy, thought it best to raise the Siege. So the Artil­lery being brought into the Cities of Crema and Cremona, the Army march'd to Castelnedulo, six miles from Brescia. When this News came to Venice it caused much wonder, and as much sorrow in all the Citizens, who built confidently upon the getting of Brescia. The Captain General and Commissaries had by letters advertised the Senate that all the Passes were so guarded by our Souldiers, as it was impossi­ble for the Besieged to receive any succour. And this was the more credibly believed, because News came at the same time, that the For­ces which were sent from the French to assist our Camp (which were 3000 Dutch Foot, and 400 Horse) were already on their way from Millan. And assuredly the Common-wealth lost no little reputation hereby to think that so few men gathered together out of the Countrey, unexperienced in the Militia, without either Artillery or Horse, should infuse such fear into a numerous Army, so well provided of all things as was that of the Venetians and French, and which expected new suc­cours suddenly, as should make them give over their hopes of getting the City by Siege, and to change their Quarters. Trivulcio was accu­sed by many of too much haste and bad advice, in losing the opportu­nity of putting an end unto his business, which so much labour had been bestowed about. Whereat he being very much incensed, he de­manded leave to quit the Service of the Common-wealth; alledging that he was sent for home about some private affairs of his own, which would not suffer him to tarry any longer in the camp.

But the Senate, who thought this mans reputation and skill might be of great help in that War, writ unto him, and exagerating his Worth, said,

They had always found much fidelity in his Actions, and much readiness, and had never found fault with him, but much commended him for it; that it became not the gravity of a Senate, when things wisely undertaken, did not succeed well, to lay the fault upon the Authors, according to the custom of the common people; that they therefore never blamed any thing but the bit­terness of the Season, and the Fortune of War, which had been so long averse to the Common-wealth; so as though they might be sometimes troubled at the success of the Commanders counsels and advices, yet knowing them to be good, they did not blame the counsels: That for all this bad fortune the Senate would not go less in their former intentions of providing for the War, but would take care that the Army should be abundantly furnish'd with all things, which belong'd to the care of a General, as if he himself were present at their [Page 129] Counsels. And that the General should want nothing whereby to shew his Worth.

These, and the like means were often used not only to Trivulcio, but to the King of France, yet were they not able to make him alter his resolution. He therefore departed from Millan, and the care of the Venetian Army, and the administration of the War, was committed to Theadore Trivulcio. This man was formerly entertain'd by the Ve­netians, and had the same place and imployment as Renzo da Ceri had before; but was not able to come unto the camp till now, whither as soon as he was come, he had the same authority given him as Giacopo Trivulcio had before, though not the name, nor degree of Captain General. This mean while King Francis, having provided all things for his departure, and sent some of his men already before, he left the Duke of Burbone in charge with the Government of the affairs of Italy, wherein he endued him with great authority, and returned into France. But being resolved before he went to send more aid to the Venetian Army, he recommended the men to the care of Monsieur Odetto de Fois, named Monsieur di Lautrech, one famous in War, and desirous of Glo­ry, who for his worth and courage was thought fit to exercise the place of any Commander. His commission from the King was to go with those men to the taking in of Brescia, and to do all things for the good and service of the Venetians, with the same care and diligence as if the City were to be recovered for him, and to be annex'd to the Crown of France. And certainly all the Kings Proceedings were such, as plainly shew'd he bore a great good will to the Common-wealth; for he had often constantly affirm'd, that if the occasion of War should re­quire it, he would be ready to return again into Italy, with no less For­ces then he had done now, to the end that the Common-wealth might be restored to her former Power and Dignity.

Wherefore the Venetians to purchase more grace and favour with the King, thought fit to send an Embassadour who might continually reside with Monsieur di Bourbone, who, as it hath been said, was left in Italy in the supremest place of Dignity; since it was likely they might have many occasions to treat with him in: To which imployment they chose Andrea Trevisano, who as soon as he came to Millan, Andrea Gritti, who had tarried in that City after the Kings departure to pro­cure the coming of the French to our Army, returned to the camp by order from the Senate, where he was made Commissary in the place of Dominico Contarini, who falling sick, had got leave of the Senate to be gone. Almost about the same time came Monsieur di Lautrech to the Army; and now the French aid being come, it was thought it was no more to be doubted, but that Brescia, not being able any longer to ressist so great Forces, would at last fall into the power of the Com­mon-wealth. The Pope thinking that such success would make much against his designs, sought by all means to hinder it. He propounded a Truce, and howsoever desired that the business might be spun out at length; hoping that if the Siege of Brescia should prove long and difficult, some occasion might arise, which might make the Venetians listen the sooner to agreement, though upon bad conditions. And because he himself was able to do but little in this business, no great [Page 130] belief being given to his words, nor exhortations, he thought to in­terpose the King of Polonia's authority, perswading his Embassadour, who was yet at Venice, to re-assume the business of Peace, by making new Proposals.

As, if the Venetians would forego the friendship of the French, and side with Cesar, the noble Cities of Cremona and Lodi might be added unto their State; for the King of France might be easily driven out by the joynt Forces of the Emperour, the Pope, and the Common-wealth; and then those Cities might be obtain'd from Cesar, by the King of Polands Intercession, and Authority; so as being for the future sever'd from the State of Millan, they might be added to the Dominion of Venice, which would make way by occasion of handling other particulars, for the re-gaining all the other things which were now held by Cesar.

Upon the same design, the Pope, to the end that by absence of the Commander the business of Brescia might be drawn out more at length, exhorted King Francis to send Monsieur di Lautrech to Rome, seeming very desirous to treat with that grave and wise man in many things con­cerning the business of Naples, which he knew the King did very much desire, and therefore he thought this proposition would be very ac­ceptable to him. And though the Pope had contrary thoughts in his head, yet he seemed very desirous that the beginning of that War might not be deferr'd; for that Ferdinando King of Spain, after long sickness was dead, and the power of Charles Duke of Burgony, who had taken upon him the name of Prince of Casteile, grew daily more formidable to all those that had any States in Italy, but chiefly to him; that therefore all force and industry was to be used in not suffering his power to increase too immoderately. But as Leo's cunning, already sufficiently known to all, could not bring about his design, he having lost all credit; so did it afford great cause of wondet by his uncertain way of proceeding; for it seemed that these courses wherewith he thought to have joyntly provided both for his own safety, and the like of the Ecclesiastique State, did ill become his wisdom; for he endea­voured, as he had done all the time of his Popedome, that the Veneti­ans, who had always shew'd themselves obedient to the Apostolique See, whereof there wanted not many evident examples; being sup­prest by so many adversities, should be still troubled with the labour and dangers of War; so as their Forces should be kept low, and the dignity and power of the Common-wealth weakened; and that on the contrary he should so study to advance the Emperours greatness, when he knew that nothing could be so pernicious both to himself and all Ita­ly, as to suffer the Dutch Armies to continue long in that Country; giving occasion thereby to revive the ancient claim and pretences of the Emperours. And say he should have forgot ancient passages, where­by he might be instructed how many cruel and bitter things that Nati­on had plotted against the Popes of Rome; how could he forget modern affairs and speeches told unto him, used by Maximillian? Who was wont in all his discourses to say publickly, that the Churches State did belong to the Western Empire; and that it would be his Fate to re­turn the Dignity of the Empire in Italy by his Forces, to its former greatness. Therefore they who thought they saw more into Leo's in­tentions, [Page 131] were of opinion, that his chief aim was to take the Venetians off from the friendship of the French: Which if he could not do, yet that by the weakening of their Forces, those of the King of France would likewise be weakened, he being a friend and confederate of the Common-wealths▪ whose greatness (moved thereunto either by ha­tred or fear) the Pope could not tolerate. Whereas he was less jea­lous of Cesar's Forces as well in his own respect, as of that of the Church, by reason of his natural light headedness; by reason of his paucity of men, and want of monies; for which reasons he thought his greatness could never be so well grounded, but that it might by some chance be made to to [...]ter.

Thus did this year end, mens minds being variously possess'd with hope and fear; and not knowing what the end of so many evils would be; for in the beginning of the next year, which was the year of our Lord 1516, and the 8th year from the time that all Italy, and especial­ly the State of Venice began to be sorely molested with War, new Pre­parations for Arms, and evident signs of future troubles began to ap­pear. Souldiers were taken into pay every where; more means were used for the renewing of War, then was before: and chiefly the Vene­tians, refusing all Treaties of Peace, or of new Leagues, and being return'd to besiege Brescia, with great hopes of gaining it, were reso­lute to continue the War till such time as they should have gotten that City either by force, or by voluntary surrender. Cesar also (who had not been himself in person in any of the Armies the last year past, but managing the War by his Captains, had not managed it over well) re-assuming his former thirst after War, sought to raise commotions in all parts, and to augment his Forces that he might molest the affairs of Italy; he called many Dyets, craved aids, muster'd men, sent for Commanders; but he chiefly sollicited the Switzers to take up Arms, and to revenge the death of their valiant companions, promising to be their Leader, and to be willing to share with them in all labour and danger. The King of England did the like, out of envy to the King of France his recent glory, and out of anger that he had taken the King of Scotland into his protection. The Pope with the like intention, but more secretly, endeavour'd the same with the Switzers. All these affirm'd that the Switzers could undertake no War which could bring them greater glory or richer booty, then that of Italy, which being al­ready begun, must now again be renewed with greater Forces. They moreover promis'd them some pay for their Souldiers, but much hopes of greater advantage which they might always have by their Friend­ship. This mean time the Venetian Commanders, Lautrech being al­ready come (as hath been said) with aid to their camp, held many Councils, and did differ in their opinions touching the managing of the War.

Some were for the raising of the Siege from before Brescia, and for carry­ing the whole Army to Verona; for which they alledged that that City, now that their veterane Souldiers were gone to relieve Brescia, was but weakly garrison'd, and that the Enemy had made no provision for necessary defence; as not suspecting any such thing then. But the season of the year made much against this opinion; for the Camp could not without great inconvenience [Page 132] be removed in the midst of Winter, nor the Souldiers be led to a new Enter­prize. Besides it might appear a rash thing to change greater hopes of get­ting Brescia, with the uncertainty of what might befall about Verona; for the condition of Brescia being considered, it was evidently seen, that unless they did intermit their begun works, the Town must of necessity fall into their hands, either by force, or by surrender; it was apparent that the City was in great want of money, Corn, and of all sort of Victuals; the Commanders were at oddes within themselves; the Souldiers weary of being long besieged, and by reason of many sufferings, rather ready to mutiny then to fight; and the Citizens, as well by reason of their new grievances laid upon them by their new Masters, as out of their ancient affection to the Venetians, desirous of Novelties, and ready upon any accident to drive the Garrison out of the Ci­ty. Moreover the Defendants were reduced to a small number; for the Foot who were come a little before to assist the Besieged, seeing that with diversity of opinion, but no resolution, many discourses had been had of leading the Souldiers forth to fight, and that the scarcity of Victuals did daily increase, were most of them gone from the City, leaving the business unperfected.

These things being found by the report of many to be true, it was by general consent agreed, that they should keep their Quarters, and attend with all diligence to straiten the City more. Our Army aboun­ded in all things; for the Senate were so careful to provide all things requisite for War, as though the Enemy strove much to hinder it, all their endeavours proved vain. Amongst the rest Mark Antonio Colon­na endeavour'd often by sending his Souldiers out of Verona, to keep the Army from victuals, and by laying ambushes to intercept the mo­nies which were sent to the Venetian camp. To which purpose he kept continually good store of Spanish Foot and Horse at the Town of Leg­nano, which was now fallen into his power; to block up all the ways of that Country, and the Enemy growing daily more bold, and offer­ing at great matters, they made incursion even to the Territories of Brescia, which they might safely do, because they saw the Venetian Army was busied about the Siege. Wherefore the Captain General and Commissaries, thought that it stood not with the honour and repu­tation of that Army to suffer that so few men should come so near hand to insult over them. Wherefore having notice that Colonna endeavour'd to come into the confines of Mantua, to block up that way likewise, which as the safest, was frequented by those that went to the camp; Paolo Manfrone and Mercurio Bua were sent by our men to meet them, and to fight them. Who though they undertook the business couragiously, yet did they not succeed well therein; for Colonna having notice of their coming by his Scouts, took with him some companies of veterane Souldiers, and went speedily towards Valeggio, where he had such ad­vantage of place, as he might chuse whether he would keep safe there, or fight upon advantagious terms: Our men and the Enemy entred at the same time by several ways into this Town, and both of them strove to possess themselves of the Bridg, which joyns the Town together, be­ing otherwise divided by the waters of Menzo; each side hoping to re­pulse the Enemy, and to make themselves Masters of the Town. When they came to skirmish, our men at first did not only valiantly withstand the Enemy, but repuls'd them, and if after a long dispute they were [Page 133] sometimes forced to give back, yet soon after they would return and pursue them.

Thus this Conflict lasted a good while with dubious success: but the Enemy, who were many more in number, having at last driven our Horse from the Bridg, whereby they had power to settle their Ranks in a larger space, they charged so furiously upon our men, as not be­ing able to resist any longer, but being dispersed, and discouraged, our men began to run, some of them getting safe unto the Camp, o­thersome being taken Prisoners, amongst which Iulio, Son to Paolo Manfrone, was one. Ianus Fregoso, and Corrado Orsino, succeeded better in their Attempts, who being gone at the same time from the Camp, to suppress some Dutch Foot Colours, in some narrow passages of the Mountains, they met with them who were sent before to be a Convoy to certain Moneys which were brought to the Besieged. They fought them so couragiously, and so fortunately, as but few of the E­nemy escaped safe away: But being more incouraged afterwards, they made way for a greater Victory, being by an unexpected accident, put upon a business of much danger, but of more hopes; For Fregoso, and Orsino, being come to the Castle of Anfo, when they thought the Enemy were far off, they were unexpectedly advertized of their be­ing neer at hand; And although the night were already come on, they resolved to Assault them forthwith, without any delay, and at una­wares; They quickly put the first Squadrons to flight, whereat those that followed being dis-heartned, they likewise began to run; which they could not doe so fast, by reason of the craggy Waies, but that they were cut in peices. But the mean while these were Fighting, those who had the conducting of the Moneys, relying upon their knowledg of the wayes, and the darkness of the night, went over the sharpest tops of Mountains, and saved this prey, which the Venetian Souldi­ers thought themselves almost sure of. But these things made little for the main business, nor did they conduce any thing to putting of an end unto the War: And much greater businesses began now to be a­gitated, by reason of the news of the Emperours coming for Italy, which news encreased every day, affording both the Besieged and the Besiegers, various effects, both of hope and fear; and many new things were broaching both in the City, and in the Camp. The Em­perour had raised many Horse and Foot in his own Dominions, and having egg'd on many Switzers to take up Arms, he was already upon his way for Italy, intending to enter by the Mountains of Trent, into the Territories of Verona, and when he should have munited the Garrisons of Verona and Brescia, to pass into the State of Millan, and drive the French from thence. When the Pope heard of his coming, for his greater honour, and to witness how well he stood affected to him, he sent his Legate Bernardo Bibiena, to meet him, a man of great note, both for his honour of being a Cardinal, and for his favour with the Pope; which did not a little molest Cesar's Affairs, nor con­firme the Switzers. The Venetians, beleeving for certain that the Emperour would come for Italy, did several times earnestly entreat the King of France to provide betimes for the common Affair, and not to suffer himself to be bereft of the fruit of so much labour, [Page 134] neither by Cesar, nor by the Switzers, who envied his glory; That therefore he should either return arm'd himself into Italy, or if that might not be, to encrease his Army lustily, and to take order for all such provisions as the greatness of the Affayr did require; as for their part, they promised to spare for neither cost, nor labour. The King was very much troubled at these things, not only for the danger which he saw the Dukedom of Millan would be in, but because it would be a great hinderance to him afterwards in the business of Naples, which he had set his heart upon. Being resolved to defend his own Territories, and those of his confederates, he first propounded to the Venetians that 8000 Switzers might be taken into pay at the common charge; for ha­ving opportunely made League at this time with that Nation, in their agreement it was particularly declared, that it might be lawful for the King to have as many Souldiers out of their Countrey as he should please. To this the Venetians assented readily, promising for their parts to pay 2000 Foot of that Nation, and to be ready to disburse mo­nies for all other necessaries for the War. And though the publick Treasury was already much exhausted, and the whole City mightily opprest by the weight of so long a War, yet was there no provision o­mitted which was thought necessary for maintaining the Army, and continuing the War. Four thousand Italian Foot were raised, the Garrisons of Cities increased; Paulo Gradinigo and Luigi Barbaro were made Commissaries; the former to have particular care of all things belonging to the Militia in Padua, the other, the like in Treviso.

There were at this time in our camp 4000 Gasconne Foot and 500 Curassiers, commanded by French men; in the Army which was parti­cularly under Trivulcio's charge were 7000 Foot, & about 2500 Horse, part light Horse, part Curassiers. The Duke of Bourbone, after the Kings departure, had with him 4000 Gasconne and Italian Foot, and 700 Curassiers; these men being all joyn'd together, & the Switzers Foot being likewise to be added to them, whereof 6000 were already said to be come to Iurea, the French and the Venetians might seem to have great hopes of being therewithal able to defend the State of Millan, and to frustrate all the Emperours endeavours; for though it were given out that Cesar brought with him 25000 Souldiers to this Enterprize, yet it was confidently believed that his Army was more numerous then valiant, and that their other Requisites for War were not answerable; for the Dutch Foot were for the most part raised in his own Domini­ons, and tumultuously of all sorts of men; that his Horse were few, and unexperienced, the provision of victuals and monies but small, and no great constancy in the Commander himself to support these in­conveniences, nor much knowledg how to remedy them. There was only one thing which seemed to make for the strength of this Army, to wit, the Switzers Forces; yet Cesar could not much confide in them, by reason of their changeable disposition, and for a certain ill will they bore to the House of Austria: Therefore these Forces of the Emperours being greater in fame, then in reality, it was thought that the Venetians would encounter with them, and fight them with all their men, as soon as they were come near their confines; lest any longer delay might shew fear in them, and make the Enemy grow the bolder: and lest their [Page 135] affairs might fare the worse as if they durst not look the Enemy in the face, but had yielded the field unto them. They therefore considered, that though they should resolve not to give Battle, yet they might chuse some strong place opposite to the Enemies Quarters, wherein they might keep, and observe Cesars ways, and search into his counsels, and then change place and purpose according as time and occasion should counsel them. Yet because the French were of a contrary opinion, the whole Army was brought from the Territories of Brescia, and brought into those of Cremona, whither the Duke of Burbone was come but a little before with his Horse and Foot.

Their intention was to wait for the Switzers here, who were not yet past by, and to keep them from passing. Maximillian being this mean while past over the River Adice with all his men, came to the Town of Guscolenga, having met with many Souldiers from Verona in his March, as also with Mark Antonio Colonna with 200 Horse; for the Venetian Army being drawn off, they thought they might find all things sure in that Country. Cesar being entred into the Brescian Confines, resol­ved before he would go any farther, to possess himself either by fair means or by foul of the Town of Asola, which is the first Town on that side of the Country, thinking it neither became his safety nor his ho­nour, to leave any place behind him in the power of the Enemy, where­by they might keep back victuals from his Army. But this proving a business of great length by reason of the Defendants valour, all other warlike Proceedings were impeded, and in the mean time the French had better opportunity to increase their Army. Much praise was attri­buted for this to Francisco Contarini, Commissary of the Town, to Antonio Martinengo, and to all the rest as well Souldiers as Citizens that were in the Town; for having with so few men, but much courage withstood so great an Army, and by defending Asola frustrated the Forces of so great a Prince, and much lessened his reputation; since with expence of much time and labour he could not get so small a Ca­stle. Yet the Switzers had won such reputation and credit in their last Skirmishes, as the French resolved neither to keep where they were, nor to hazard themselves upon the event of Battle, unless their Army were munited and increased by the same Nation. Wherefore Maxi­millian being gone from before Asola, after having spent much time there in vain, for fear lest by keeping so great an Army so long a time, before so little a Town, his Souldiers might be discouraged, and might miss of doing greater matters; the French Commanders when they heard of his being gone, called suddenly a Council of War, wherein they resolved to raise their camp, and to carry it to the River Ada, ho­ping that by keeping upon the Banks thereof, they might hold the Ene­my play, and hinder them from passing over the River. But the French and Venetians were not well gone from thence, when all that lay between the Rivers Poe and Adice, fell into the Emperours hands, except Cremona and Crema, which redounded so much to his honour, and to the terrour of the others, as the French neither confiding in them­selves nor in others, march'd away with their Army so suddenly, and so fast towards Millan, as it was doubted, whether they went thither to defend the City, or to be defended themselves by the Walls there­of. [Page 136] Maximillian, making use of opportunity, pursued those that fled, and began already to promise all good success unto himself, and stay­ing six miles from Millan, he let the City know,

That if it did not surrender all the sooner, it must look for all severity: But if it would yield to him of its own good will, it might presume of obtain­ing many immunities, and much more freedom in all things. Affirming that he was come into Italy with intention, according to the custom of his Ancestors, of taking up the Ensigns of the Empire in that City, and to drive the French from thence, and out of that State, who were unjust and unlawful Lords thereof, and to recover the right dues of the Empire. This Message was answered, as pleased the French; that the State of Millan which was formerly a member of the Empire, was sever'd from thence by authority of the Emperours, and for a certain sum of money which was paid down for it; that therefore Cesar had now no more pretence to that City, which both by right of inheritance, and right of War, was lawfully possess'd by Franc [...]s Vallois King of France; that therefore the Millaneses would keep that City for their legitimate Lord, to whom they had sworn Loyalty, and that they had so provided for all things, as they doubted not but to be able to defend the City against all injurious violence.

Yet all things were full of fear in that City, the Citizens and Soul­diers doubted much what the issue of the War would be, and not know­ing well how to provide for their own safeties, which they more mind­ed then the preserving of the State for the King, all their consultations were full of fear and doubts: Amidst these doubts and difficulties, the Venetian Commissaries, especially Andrea Gritti, who had most pow­er with the French, being firmly resolved to defend the City,

Exhorted all the rest to do their utmost, and to be of good courage; they put the Citizens sometimes in mind of the Kings humanity towards them, sometime of what punishment they were to suffer if they should often provoke his anger; they likewise apply'd themselves to many of the chief of the Army, entreating them, and conjuring them, that calling to mind their late Victo­ry, and the Glory which they had wone, they should resolve upon serving the King and the Venetians: That the cause and common interest was the same therein, and that the business it self was not desperate, if it were couragiously and constantly defended; to what purpose (said Gritti) do the French take such pains, and put themselves into so much danger, to what purpose do they send so many Armies into Lombardy, if at the very first appearance of the Enemy all defence must be given over, and those things must be yielded, which they have gotten with long War, and with much expence, yea even of their own bloud? We, as knowing the Senates intention, and the like of our whole City of running the same fortune with the French, will willingly ex­pose all our men and all our Forces, not refusing to endeavour every thing e­ven to the utmost.

Thus by Gritti his counsel and exhortation, the Suburbs of the City were set on fire, to the end that the Enemy might not make use of them for their advantage; great Guns were placed upon the Walls, divers Corps de guarde were ordained, and all things were prepared for de­fence. These provisions did somewhat cool the Enemies courage, and afforded them occasion of many doubts and difficulties, so as taking time to think what to do, those within began to be of better hopes; for [Page 137] in this interim many Colours of the Switzers came opportunely to Mil­lan, commanded by Alberto Pietra, to the number of 4000, of the Cantons of Seduno and Berne, who were very welcome to the Souldi­ers and Citizens. By their coming the faces of things altered; all fear fled from the French to the Imperialists; for the City being muni­ted by such supplies, so as it was not to be taken but with expence of much time and labour, they within thought themselves safe enough, since Cesar could not tarry long before the City for want of money, victuals, and of all things necessary. Wherefore the French began to be of better heart, and on the contrary, Cesars hardships grew daily greater and greater. But he was chiefly troubled with jealousie of the Switzers, for calling to mind the past and present affairs, he found that there were many of that Nation as well in his camp, as in the City; whom the French might easily win over unto them by their moneys, which he could not so easily do by reason of his want thereof. More­over, that that Nation had always, unless it were upon some occasions in these latter times, been great friends to the French: And that they had always hated the greatness of the Emperours. These considerati­ons occasioned much fear in him, and took from him the chief ground work of his hopes of Victory. He likewise thought with much more commotion of mind, upon Lodovico Sforza's latter fortune near Nova­ra, where he was delivered up into the hands of the Enemy, by the perfidiousness of those people. He therefore held it the better counsel to free himself from that danger by reason of the Switzers fickleness. At last his mind being agitated by such like thoughts as these, and fear growing more powerful in him, he resolved to quit his Army without having attempted any thing, and to return himself into Germany. Where­fore taking only 200 Horse along with him, he gave out that the cause of his departure was only to provide monies for the payment of the Ar­my, and that he would speedily return to the camp. But the Souldiers seeing their chief Commander gone, began every one to do what he thought best for himself. The Switzers went to Lodi, and ruinating the Country every where, sack'd the City: And would have continu­ed to commit the like Out-rages, had not the Switzers which were in Millan protested, that unless they would give over those injurious Pro­ceedings, they should be forced to come out against them, together with the French and Venetians; so as Switzers fighting against Swit­zers, they were to imbrue their hands in one anothers blood. The for­mer Switzers for this respect forbearing doing any other damage, after having made some peaceful abode in those parts some few days, return­ed all of them to their own homes, except it were some few companies, who went with their Commander Morco Setio to the custody of Verona, whither Colonna went also with his Horse, and with the Spanish and Dutch Foot who were before drawn out from that Garrison. The rest of the Spanish and Dutch Foot, returned by several ways into their own Countries, having been much prejudiced in their journey by the Venetian Horse.

Soon after the Emperours departure came the Marquess of Branden­bourg to the camp with a certain sum of money, who though he did his best to rally the Souldiers that dis-banded, yet things being already [Page 138] grown to great confusion, and the Moneys that were brought not be­ing sufficient to satisfie all, he could doe no good. Thus a great Ar­my, which was at first so formidable to the Enemy, being in so short a time vanisht to nothing; not any danger at all having befalen it, may teach us that men are oftentimes deluded in their Councels by various accidents, and meet with much unexpected ends: And that we are of­ten times deceived through hopes, and fears, arising out of meer opi­nion, without discerning any thing, save the first appearances.

In this preturbation of Affairs, the no great good will which was be­tween the Pope and King of France, began to be more manifestly known, sprung from former reasons, which were unknown till now; for King Francis complained that the Pope, out of some bad intention, had forestowed the sending of such recrutes unto his Army, as by a­greement he was bound to doe, that he had privately incited the Swit­zers against him, and had given many other signes of his bad inclinati­on towards him. Certainly 'tis worthy note (since occasion leads me thereunto) with how many several affections, and sometimes contrary within themselves, the mindes of Princes are agitated. Pope Leo, and King Francis, thought when they parted at Bullen, that they had suf­ficiently provided for their Affairs; and that the Friendship and League that was confirm'd betwixt them, was likely to last long, and to be cause of much safety to them both: But soon after, construing the same Affairs otherwise, they began to doubt that the things agreed upon be­tween them would not be observed; so as each of them grew jealous of the other. The Pope being conscious how bitter, and open an E­nemy he had already shewed himself unto the French, how often he had abused their hopes, under a fained pretence of Friendship; that even then when they were in treaty of reconciliation he would not sa­tisfie him in many things, prest hard upon by the King, in behalf of his Friends and Confederates; began to doubt the King of France could never be his true Friend: Moreover, calling to minde the ma­ny injuries done by the two preceding Kings, Charles, and Lewis, to the house of Medici, he could not perswade himself that then when the French hoped to get some principal places in Italy, King Francis could willingly tollerate the greatness of Lorenzo de Medici, should still in­crease; whereby he had opportunity given him to revenge the ancient injuries done to the prejudice of his reputation, and to the States which he held in Italy. On the contrary, the King thinking that the same reasons remained still, which had formerly disgratiated him with the Pope; and that this the Pope's ill will towards him was the more in­creased, by how much his power was increased in Italy, and was be­come more formidable to him, interpreted all things to the worst, and according to this his aprehension, that Leo had concealed his truest in­tentions from him, that it was necessity which had made him accom­modate himself to the condition of the times at their meeting; and that as soon as he should meet with any means of hurting him, this would evidently be seen. The Venetians labour'd oft to free these Princes of these suspitions, and sought by all means how to reconcile them; for they knew how much it imported the strength and reputation of the League, that the Pope, King of France, and Common-wealth, [Page 139] should hold true intelligence together; and did of all things abhorre to be necessitated to take up Armes against the Church; wherefore pas­sing by the injuries they had received from Leo, they desired to have him less their Enemy. The King of England did also oft times out of the said reasons, indeavour to bring these two Princes to fair tearmes; for that it very well became a great and wise Prince as he was, and who had alwaies prefer'd the Interest of Christian Religion before any self-respect, to use his best indeavours to introduce peace amongst Christian Princes, that they might be able to defend their States against the Turks; who having overcome the King of Persia in Battle, totally de­stroyed the Empire of the Mamalucky, and taken the Kingdome from Cam [...]sone Gauro, King of Memphis, did very much advance by the ruine of other men; and to the end that they might win greater Favour and Authority with the King, the Senate, knowing that it would be acceptable and commodious to the Kingdome of England, resolved to send their great Gallioans, towards the Rodes of that Island, which had not for some late years been upon those Seas.

Whilst these things were treated of by Embassadors, the War did notwithstanding, still go on; for after the Switzers and Dutch were gone, Lautrech, having left sufficient Garrison in Millan, drew all the Army out of the City, and not making any delay, marched in­to the Territories of Brescia, intending to renew the Siege of that Town; the Duke of Burbone, being at this time gone from Italy, the supream Government of the Kings affairs were intrusted with Lautrech, a man famous for many indowments of mind, and who would have been more Famous in War, had he not been too much opinionated. Af­ter the departure of Cesar's Army, the City of Brescia was left almost without any defendants; for the Souldiers of the Garrison, seeing Cesar grow less in his reputation, and having no hopes of relief; being also weary of the toylsome labours, and inconveniencies of the late Siege, and not having received their pay at due times, were some of them re­turned home, and some gone over to the Venetian Camp: So there were but only 700 Spanish Foot left to guard the City, under Captain Hiccardo, but these were all men of known Valour, and Integrity; Where ore the Venetian Commanders thinking they might now hope well to get that City, made the more haste, not tarrying for the French (who followed them a little more slowly) to the end that find­ing the Enemy unprovided, they might be the more confused at their unexpected approach. Thus though the night came on whilst they were on their March, not allowing any the least time for the Souldiers to rest themselves, at the very instant of their Arrival they ordered their men before the Walls, and suddenly clapt their scaling Ladders there­unto, by which many of them began already boldly to mount, and to put for entring the Town. The Foot who were upon the defence, astonished at this unexpected accident, and confounded by the darkness of the night, ran up and down every where, striving to keep the Lad­ders from off the Walls; and if any of our men were got up to the tops thereof, they threw them down; they fought in several places, endea­vouring to defend themselves, some here, some there: They at the same time minded fighting the Enemy, and their own defence; The [Page 140] Combate drawing forth thus in length, the Enemy having borne the first brunt, grew hourly more corragious, so as the Venetians being in a disadvantageous place, where they could neither tarry, nor fight, were forced to quit the Enterprize, and to retreat. It was afterwards known that this designe miscarried by the Ladders being too short; soon after came Lautrech, with his Army, wherefore the Commanders thinking they were now strong enough, endeavoured to doe their best to storme the City: They surrounded the Walls with 5. bodies, and placed their Cannon in such parts as they thought most convenient, and began to play so furiously upon the Walls, as in a short time a part thereof fell down to the ground, which facilitated the way to make an Assault: Amidst these dangers and difficulties, Hiccardo, not at all dis­couraged, provided carefully for all things, not refusing any labour, and all the Souldiers being equally desirous to defend the City, labour'd both day and night about the Walls, by day in repairing the Rampiers, by night in bringing the Rubbish into the Town, wherewith they quick­ly rai [...]ed new Rampiers where the Wall was broken down; but the ru­ine which were made by so many Batteries, could not be repaired in so short a time, nor by so few men; nor could sufficient Guards be kept in all necessary places at once: Wherefore Hiccardo understanding that the Enemy were ready to give an Assault, which he could not sustaine without evident ruine to himself, and his men, he resolved to surrender the Town. This was welcome News to the Venetians, who desired the preservation of that Noble City, and to returne it unto the Common-wealth undefaced or ransackt, which would have been hard to doe, if the City had been taken by force; the Commanders not be­ing able often times to refraine the insolency and rapine of the Souldi­ers, especially if Forreigners.

Truce was therefore made by a certaine tacite consent of both sides; and by Messages sent between the Town and the Camp, an agreement was made upon these conditions.

That the City should be delivered up to Lautrech, unless it were releeved by 8000 men within three days, that the Souldiers of the Garrison should be permitted to goe whither they licted, provided it were not to Verona; that no prejudice should be done to the City, neither by the Venetian Souldi­ers, nor by the French; and that it should be lawful for the Count Gamba­ra, and for some few Citizens who had adhered to Cesar's party, to enjoy their Country and all their goods, and that all their faults should be forgi­ven them.

These conditions were the more easily given way unto, for that it was confidently beleeved so great a supply could not come unto the Ci­ty in so short a time; for the Dutch Souldiers who were come to the Castle of A [...]fo to relieve the Besieged; were returned back, being routed and put to flight, by a greater number of our Souldiers.

Things being thus agreed upon, and no succour appearing within the pre-limited time, Hiccardo and all his Souldiers march'd out of the Town in good order with their Colours flying, and Drums beating; and at the same time Lautrech and the Venetian Commissaries entred, who were received by a great concourse of people of all conditions, and of all ages, manifesting shews of much joy, whereby they witnessed [Page 141] their good will to the Common-wealth. Lautrech took possession of the City first, and then presently delivered it up to the Venetian Com­missaries, and the Common-wealths Standard was set up. Thus this famous City after so great confusion of affairs, having suffer'd very much and run several fortunes in War, returned under the Dominion of her ancient Masters, and was restored to her former peaceable condi­tion. When the News of the recovery of Brescia came to Venice, great joy was throughout all the City, and the Citizens by this success began to have better hopes of putting an end unto the War. The Venetians did always make very great account of Brescia, by reason of the num­ber of her Inhabitants, and she was of great service to the Common-wealth by means of her fruitful, rich, and copious fields; and more­over because the Gentry and commonalty therein were ever held to be faithful and loving to their Country. The Senate gave many thanks to the King of France for that by the ready assistance of his men they had re-gained that City, wherein, as his Commanders had shewn singu­lar Worth, as should always be by them acknowledged, so did his Majesty share in the glory, and the Common-wealths obligations to him was much increased thereby.

Letters were likewise written to Lautrech, wherein as his faith and dili­gence were much commended, so was he desired to make use of such fitting oc­casions as did offer themselves for other prosperous successes, since the fortune of the Common-wealth began to alter. They put him in mind, that if the Army (who were very desirous of the Enterprize) were suddenly carried to before the Walls of Verona, they might be almost sure to get that City; and so the whole War would be prosperously ended; that he could do nothing that would redound more to his own glory and to the advantage of his King then this; for assuredly when the Common-wealth of Venice should chiefly by the aid and favour of the French, be restored to her pristine greatness, their Empire would be confirmed for many years in Italy, to his particular and immortal glory, whereof he having shew'd himself to be at all times desirous, he needed imitate no body but himself.

Lautrech being much taken, as it appeared by these Speeches, he resolved to march with his camp in company with Trivulcio towards the Territories of Verona; but being come to Peschiera whilst the Army was yet on this side the River Menzo, Lautrech told the Venetian Commis­saries, who expected nothing less at this time,

That he could not tarry longer then three days in the Territories of Vero­na, for that he had had intelligence, that the Switzers were resolved to take up Arms, and that they were already prepared to assault the Dukedom of Millan, the danger whereof being considered, he thought it would make much against the Service of his King to keep his men any longer farther off from the Confines of that State.

These things being propounded in the Council, they were all of a joynt opinion, not to remove the camp from the place where it was, but to tarry there, till they might have some more certain News of the Swit­zers moving, which was brought to the camp only by a flying rumour.

Lest if the Army should advance farther, and be doubtful whether it should tarry there any longer or no, they might make men believe by their sud­den departure that they had raised the Army for want of Forces, or for fear [Page 142] of the Enemies approach, and out of dispairing to do any good upon Verona, which would make them lose the reputation they had won by their prosperous success at Brescia, and whereas now they were a terrour to their Enemies, they would become their scorn.

But the News of the Switzers advancing increasing daily, Lautrech would needs carry the whole Army into the State of Millan. And though this resolution was gain-said by all the other Commanders, who alledged,

That the place where the Army now was, was naturally very strong, and very fit wherein to put on such Resolves as the condition of Affairs, or the Enemies March, which was then uncertain, should require.

Yet he standing fix'd to his opinion of removing the camp, moved that it should be carried to near Asola, in the Brescian Territories, al­ledging,

That Verona was then gallantly garrison'd; for that after the dis-banding of Cesars Army, many of the Switzers and Dutch were retreated thither; so as that Attempt was likely to prove vain, and that therefore to undertake a difficult business, without assured hopes of effecting it, was no better then to hinder themselves in their other Proceedings, and to confound the whole Government of the War. He added hereunto sometimes (to find other ex­cuses for his counsel) that the Venetians had given ear to the King of Po­land, who was said to have treated of peace by his Embassadours, wherefore they were to expect an issue of that Treaty, before they fell upon any other bu­siness; and finally he complain'd that monies were not sent at the time appoin­ted to pay the 6000 Dutch Foot, as the Common-wealth had promised.

Gritti gain-said all these assertions, saying that things were much o­therwise then Lautrech had represented them to be.

That there was a great scarcity of all things in Verona, especially of Corn; that the Garrison which was entred thereinto, was likely to be a greater incon­venience to the City through the dearth of Corn, then a safety by increasing the numbers of the Defendants; that if the Army should fall off then when the Harvest was so near at hand, and should afford the Enemy opportunity to gather in the fruits of the Earth, and bring them into the City, they must make account to attempt the same Enterprize upon much greater disadvan­tage at another time, when they should have no other hopes then what lay in their Forces and Weapons; and that not without much danger, and uncer­tainty of good success. Moreover, that they understood by those Souldiers that were fled into their Camp, that there was great falling out in the City between the Citizens and the Souldiers, and great confusion in all things, whereby the Affairs of War were treated of with much negligence and jealousie: That therefore when the Army should draw near, 'twas likely that the people, partly to provide for their own safeties, and others out of the [...]r affections to the parties they sided withal, would make some commotion, and afford better opportunity of gaining the City. Assuredly said Gritti, it is not to be belie­ved that the Senate of Venice should [...]reat of any thing touching peace with the Polish Embassadour, contrary to the will of the King of France, nor yet so much as without his knowledg; the constancy of the Senators having been such, and so manifest, in renewing the War for so long a time, their obser­vancy towards the King, and their confidence in the French Nation having been so great, as that they had often times refused fair conditions of peace [Page 143] which had been offer'd them, and had always studied the Kings greatness no less then the good of the Common-wealth, which might be witnessed as well by their actions of the former year, as now of latter days near Millan; wherein rather an express Commandment, then tacite consent, came from the Senate. Let these suspitions and jealousies then cease, and let them not prevail so far as to make any of us less ready to do what the common good doth counsel; the monies which are due to the Dutch Foot are already prepared, and as soon as the ways shall be safe and open, they will doubtlesly be brought to the Camp; but when I think of our departure from hence, and of our going into the Bres­cian Territories, I find that greater inconveniences will insue thereby: And the like will befall our City; for the people of that Country who have been al­ways faithful to the Common-wealth, and who have suffer'd so much by the Wars, now when they should begin to make themselves whole, will be opprest almost with their late former grievances, by the coming of so great an Army into their precincts; since it is they that must feed it. So we shall be bur­thensom to our friends, and shall forbear our Enemies; we shall lessen the affections of the former, and encourage the others. When Gritti had spoke thus, to confirm his opinion, he added; that though Lautrech should not follow them, his opinion was that the Venetian Army should of, and by it self, march into the Territories of Verona.

The Captain General, and all the rest of the Venetian Commanders were of the same opinion with Gritti, so as certainly his opinion would have been followed, if after more mature consideration, they had not feared, that such a resolution would in some other respects be prejudi­cial to the Common-wealth; for by this division of the Army, the forces of the League would not only be diminished, but the Enemies would believe by this disagreement of the Commanders, that the confe­derate Princes might easily be divided. But Lautrech, were it either in pursuance of his nature, which was not to part easily from his opini­on, or that he would not willingly hazard the glory of having recove­red Brescia, to any new events of War; could never be perswaded ei­ther by reason or by entreaties to venture upon the taking of Verona ▪ but with much ado yielded at last to tarry awhile in those Quarters where he was. The opinion of many was afterwards confirm'd by the sequel of things, that Lautrech having notice of a Treaty of agreement which was in hand between King Francis and Charles Duke of Burgondy, which was begun in the City of Noyon, did by thus drawing things out at length, more mind his Kings conveniency, then either his own praise, or the Venetians service. The Senate being this mean while inform'd of all these passages, and esteeming it to be very disadvantagious and contrary to their designs, to permit the Enemies who were in Verona, to gather in their Harvest, they charged Commissary Paulo Gradinigo to draw forth a Band of the best Souldiers that were in Garrison at Pa­dua, and that with them, and those that were in the Territories of Vi­cenza under the Government of Frederick Gousaga, he should over-run the confines of Verona, spoil the corn which was upon the ground, and use all means possible to keep the corn from being brought into Verona. But the Enemy being advertised of these mens departure, went unex­pectedly out of Verona, and going by another way then our men did, went into the Territories of Vicenza and Padua, and did much mischief. [Page 144] Lautrech had stay'd in the same Quarters about some thirty days when the News of the Switzers being quite over, and having no other reason for his so long delay, growing likewise suspitious that it might redound somewhat to his disparagement that he had kept the Army so long idle, and had lost so much time, he resolved at last to remove the camp, and to go into the Territories of Verona; whereunto he was the rather mo­ved by a protestation made by the Venetian Commissaries that else they would not issue forth the monies which were then come to the camp for the Dutch Souldiers. The camp being raised the first day of August, all the Army was led to the Town Gotalengo, to be passed over the Ri­ver Adice. The first thing the Commanders did was to possess them­selves of the straitest passages of the Mountains, by which the Dutch were wont to come from Germany to Verona, by placing good Guards in them; to the end that the ways being block'd up, the City might be kept from being relieved: By which means the Spanish and Dutch Foot, (corn growing every day dearer and dearer, and not having received their pay from Cesar, whereby to help their many inconveniences) past over in great numbers to the Venetian camp, where they were wil­lingly received and muster'd amongst their Militia. And the Switzers, moved by the example of others, and hating the great inconveniences of a Siege, return'd most of them to their own homes. There were then in Our Army 8000 Italian Foot, and 6000 Dutch, to boot with the French aid; 1000 Curassiers, 2000 light Horse, many famous Commanders in War, and all other things necessary for the taking in of the City. It was resolved that the Army being divided into two camps, the City should be begirt on two sides; to the end that the De­fendants, who were already reduced to a small number might be the sooner wearied by doing perpetual duties. These things being begun to be put in execution, as was resolved of in counsel, the Dutch Soul­diers, though they had received three moneths pay, began to mutiny, and refused to obey their Commanders; and though Trivulcio was al­ready on his March with his other companies, they would not stir from where they were; saying they would not carry Arms against the Em­perour, nor be led to the taking of a City possess'd by him. These men not being to be perswaded out of their opinion, the Venetian Souldiers not being able to do of themselves what was particularly recommended to Trivulcio, Lautrech, promised to give them other companies out of his Souldiers; but considering afterwards that by the loss of those men his Army would be much weakened, and his camp not be over safe, he changed his mind, and without attempting any thing, fell aloof off two miles from the City; and the Venetians were forc'd to do the like, for they were not able to do any thing of themselves. This mean while the Garrison began daily to decrease within the City, for many Dutch Colours return'd home, and others past over to the Venetian camp; and came in such numbers, as no more fugitive Souldiers would be re­ceived into the camp; for the Venetians remembered that these men were rather a trouble and an expence then any aid; wherefore they thought it not safe to relye upon their Loyalties: And they feared like­wise lest a much greater number of Mountainers, who had formerly been in Cesars camp, seeing such hopes of gain given them, and that [Page 145] they might get those pays from Cesar's Enemies which he had not paid them might descend from the neighbouring Villages, into the Territo­ries of Verona.

Yet so many were the defendants, as though great store were gone, the City was notwithstanding well munited: Wherefore Lautrech not thinking it fit to attempt any thing without the hopes of effecting it, demanded more help of the Venetians, if they would have him take Verona; which though it were hard to do, yet that they might not leave a business of so great importance▪ unattempted, they sent 4000 Foot to the Camp, and great store of Artillery, Powder, and Victu­als, that nothing might be wanting which was necessary for War: All sufficient provisions being had, the Army drew neer the Walls of Ve­rona: This City is divided by the River Adice, which runs through the midst of it, into two parts; and is walled round about by Walls which look upon a large Campagnia, and are in compass 7 miles about; neer unto which are great Rampiers of earth, which take up the great­est part of the space which lies between the Wall and the Houses of the City, whereby the Wall is so secured, as it cannot easily be shot through, nor beaten down by the Cannon.

There are besides in the Walls themselves divers Bastions of several forms and greatness; which bearing out beyond the right line of the Wall in certain fit places, are very proper to disturbe the Enemies Artillery, to keep the Enemy aloof from the Wall, and for the safe­ty of the Souldiers who stand thereupon to defend the Town: The City was therefore thought to be strong enough, and safe according to the custom of those times, and the then manner of fighting; and the rather for the Count Carreto, who had the Government of that City, had added several new works, the year before, to the old Forti­fications, which made it more defenceable. Moreover grea [...] [...]tore of Artillery were carried thither, and many expert Cannoniers. And the Garrison was not to be esteemed small, for besides Horse, there were about 6000 Foot, what Spanish, what Dutch, what Switzers, in the City; who were all commanded in cheif by Mark Antonio Co­lonna, who was now no longer a Commander under the Pope, but un­der Cesar; a man very expert in Military Discipline, which he had learnt by being under Prospero, and Fabritio Colonna, in the Wars, very Famous Comanders in those times. He was very ambitious of glory in War, more of which he would have won had he not been gi­ven, according to the abuse of those times, too much to pillageing, and to other barbarous and dishonourable deportments. He had been very diligent in preparing all things fitting for defence, and having carefully, and with much confidence, exhorted the Souldiers, and Citi­zens to stand upon their defence, he expected an Assault.

Lautrech on the other side, divided his Army into two Camps; he pitcht himself, with his Foot and Horse, over against that part of the City, which lies towards Mantua; and Trivulcio having past over the Adice, with his Venetians, sate down with them opposite to that part of the Wall that looks towards Vicenza. Both Camps began to play up­on the Walls at one and the same time, but with some difference of designe; for Lautrech placed all the force of his Artillery, against one [Page 146] only part, that he might make way for his men to enter the City, and that the Enemy might not have leasure to repaire the breach made in the Walls by the violence of Cannon shot. But Trivultio having ta­ken more room to encamp himself, began to batter a larger place of the Wall, hoping that when he should have thrown it all down, he might fight upon better advantage; since the Enemy not knowing where the Assault would be given, must consequently be imploy'd in several places. Lautrech having observed that a certain place, neer the Gate commonly called della Calcina, was not very strong, for there was there no other defence, but one antient weak Tower, he turned his Cannon upon it, and having quickly beaten it down, he commanded his Souldiers to goe presently to the wall; who being incouraged by their Commanders, and egg'd on by the hopes of sacking so rich a City, went boldly on, and making haste that they might soon get out of the danger of Cannon shot, they came to handy blows with the Enemy, and a valiant fight was performed on all sides. The French, to win praise and shun shame, strove to get to where the Enemy were thickest, knowing that they fought in their Commanders fight; for Monsieur de Lescu, Lautrech's brother looked on, and was a witness of each mans Vallour and Cowardliness. But the Spanish and Dutch Foot were full of confidence, calling to mind their own Gallantrie, and what they had done formerly, which made them the bolde [...] against danger; for they were all Veteran Souldiers, who had been pre [...]ent at all these wars of Italy. The Assault was given, and sustained, with equal Valour. The Enemy brought many of their Artillery into the vacant place where the Tower had stood, and where the Combate was, and place­ing them in some more eminent parts, plaid therewith apace upon the French on the flank, and made much slaughter upon them. So as hav­ing lost many of their men, they were forced to retreat unto the Camp. But Trivultio, although he had already thrown down a good part of the Wall, and that there was space enough for the Souldiers to have Assaulted the City, forbore falling on; being aware that a great number of the defendants, having well munited the place from whence they had repulst the French, were run thither where they knew the greatest Effort was made to assist the weaker side; wherereof Trivultio gave notice to Lautrech, and desired some men of him, that he might the more sa­fely attempt to take the City: But Lautrech, though he might very well have done it, for the Venetians and French Camp were so joyned together by means of a very strong and safe Bridg which was made over the Adice, as the one might assist the other, and though he had of­ten promised to send him assistance, yet he prolonged the time, and sent none; it was now 15 daies since the Camp before the City, and the Enemy was reduced to great extreamety, a great part of the Wall was thrown down, the Souldiers were weary with fighting, great scar­city of Powder, and the Commanders, and Citizens differed in their oppinions: All which things invited to make hast, and yet the busi­ness must be drawn out at length. This mean time news came to the Camp that a strong band of Dutch Foot came speedily to relieve the Besieged, and that they had already upon Articles taken the Castle della Chivsa, which they had Assaulted at unawares, so as the way [Page 147] was open▪ for them to enter the City. Lautrech was hereat more dis­couraged then he had reason to be, which made him give over all thought of continuing the Siege; so as he seemed not to mind it much now, and that measuring more according to opinion then reality, he was solicitous of nothing but how to carry his Army quickly to a place of safety: At which sudden change, and pernitious resolution, the Ve­netian Commissaries being much perplext, they went unto him, and did all they could to entreat and to conjure him, by the loyalty he ought unto his King, and for his own honour, that he would not too much undervalue his owne Affairs, the reputation whereof he ought to inhaunce as much as he could.

They told him that it was usual to report the Forces, of Enemies to be greater then they were because the Authors of such News doe invent [...] ­ny things according as feare dictates unto them; but grant that all was to be beleeved, that was reported; none affirmed that the Enemies Forces ex­ceeded 7000 Foot, and those with out any Millitary Discipline, and with­out any War-like preperations; that a more unworthy resolution, nor more prejudicial to their honour, could not be taken, then to shew unto the Ene­my by raising of their Camp, wherein there was above 20000 Souldiers, many renowned Commanderes, gallant Horses both for Number and Worth, store of all things necessary, that they did so feare so small a number of the Enemy, as at the very News of their approach, they had retired them­selves; so as they might with reason be thought to be driven out of their Quarters, and to have given over all hopes of Victory: And wherefore (said they) should we not think rather of sending out our light Horse, follow­ed by our fleetest Foot, to encounter and oppose the Enemy? The business would not last long, nor would it be difficult; since those men who had no ex­perience in War, and were unprovided of all things, would easily be put in disorder, and routed: And say they should prove so stout, as to stand and make resistance; a little delay of succor, would make it come too late, and doe noe good, since if we doe resolve to use our utmost power, the City must needs yeeld, and fall into our hands, at the first or second As­sault.

To these things Lautrech answered.

That he had not taken this resolution by chance, or moved thereunto by any feare; but that he thought it fitting to doe so, that he might in time pro­vide for the safety of those men who were opposed by two Armies of the E­nemy, the one within the City, the other upon the Mountains: That the Dutch Foot were already gotten out of the straightest and most difficult waies, and that there was no hopes to keep them off, since they were already Masters of the passes that were naturaly strong: It was therefore to be considered, that if they should send some few men against them t'would be but in vaine; and that the nature of the places, the straight and Rocky waies would not permit them to send many. That he had a care of the safety of that Army, which being devided into two Camps, was thereby the weak­er: So as if they should lessen the numbers of their men by sending a great number to this action, they should not a little indanger the main business; since several accidents might bereave our Camps (which were divided by the River into two parts) of the means of Interchangeably succouring one ano­ther, if they should be Assaulted by the Enemy.

[Page 148] Lautrech standing thus firm to his first opinion, he commanded that the Ensigns should be suddenly removed, wherein being followed by the other Commanders, all the Army was brought to Albaredo; Com­missary Paolo Gradinige, and Giovan Paolo Manfrone being left with 800 Horse, and 2000 Foot to guard the Bridg left if it should be broken, the Army might not know how to come by victuals; but the Army ha­ving tarried there but a little while, went to Villa Franca, where they took up their Quarters, and fortified themselves. They began then to think upon the main business; but the advisers differing in their opini­ons, nothing was concluded on.

This mean while Rocadolfo who commanded the Dutch Foot, our Army being gone, and there being none to hinder him, entred into Ve­rona; and having brought good store of corn, wine, and cattle into the City, he tarried there some few days, and leaving many of his sound men in the places of such as were weak and wounded, fearing left his longer abode there might prove incommodious to the City by reason of the scarcity of corn, he return'd into Germany.

Our Souldiers, though they were removed from before the City, and though it were in the depth of Winter, did not notwithstanding for­bear to over-run all the neighbouring Country, to keep victuals from being brought to Verona. Whereupon many slight Skirmishes were had, and chiefly by the Horse; for the Enemy issuing out of the Town, endeavour'd to bring in some corn to amend the scarcity thereof; and our men on the contrary going out of the camp, and falling upon the Enemy as they were scatter'd abroad here and there, did seek to keep them from so doing. In these Skirmishes Mercurio Bua and Babone Naldo won great praise both for Man-like valour, and Military cun­ning; they left nothing quiet nor safe for the Enemy in that Country; they were every where, kept back victuals, and brought many of the Enemy Prisoners to the camp. The Castle of Crouaria was at this time held by the Dutch (this is a very narrow place, seated amidst the hardest passages of the Mountains upon a steep cliff, from whence the River Adice is carried with a swift and violent course towards Verona) which if our men could recover, that passage would easily be stopt, and victuals hindred from being carried by the River into the City. Mercu­rio and Babone were imploy'd about this, who by their worth and dili­gence overcame the craggedness of the ways, and the Forces of the E­nemy; for setting upon the Souldiers, who had the guard of the Castle, unexpectedly by night, they slew them all, put all the rest to flight, forcing them to quit the Castle, and to provide for their own safeties. This Castle being taken, a Garrison was put thereinto, which did much incommodiate the Enemy, by keeping them from such corn as was wont to be carried by the River. But nothing of great moment was done in the camp, nor did they think of altering their Quarters; which made the Venetian Commissaries complain yet more of Lautrech, for that by his means the City of Verona was not yet taken: And that at this time when the Enemies inconveniences perswaded them to return aga [...]n unto the Siege, the Army kept loytering within the camp, as if nothing remain'd to be done. And truly as all men wondred at these Proceed­ings, so there was not any one that commended them. But Lautrech [Page 149] bade the Commissaries be of good cheer, and finding several excuses for his delays, told them that all things sufficient should be had where­by to put a good period to the War, and bade them believe constantly that Verona should quickly return to the Venetians Dominion. Which words made the Commissary suspect that he meant some other thing then what was then in hand; for at that very time when the Army rise from before Verona, News was spred abroad in the camp, that a Mes­senger was come to Lautrech from France, and that having spoken with him in secret, Lautrech strove to keep his coming concealed from the rest. The Commissaries did very much press him therefore, to ac­quaint them with the reason of his counsel, and why so great an Army should be maintain'd, without any necessity or hope; and which through excessive expence weakened the Forces of the Common-wealth, which were always ready to serve the French. The Senate being acquainted by their Commissaries with what had past in the camp, were much per­plex'd, not knowing what course to take for the advancement of their Affairs; they who but a little before were so rejoyced and comforted for their good success at Brescia, began now to have new fears and trou­bles since when they thought the War to be near an end, they saw rea­sons arise of greater length and difficulties. And they were chiefly troubled to think that the French, in whose assistance they had put their chiefest hopes, should proceed with various and uncertain counsels; and perhaps, (as it was then believed) wholly seperate from the Common-wealths Interest.

Whilst these things were in agitation, Letters came from their Em­bassadour who was in France, by which they were fully informed with all that had past at Noion; for King Francis being desirous that the Ve­netians might have leisure to advise well, would have them quickly ac­quainted with whatsoever had past till then between him and the Arch-Duke Charles: To the end that as soon as the Commissioners of both parties should be come to Brussels, for the confirmation of such things as had been treated of, they might find all doubts resolved. The chief things treated of and resolved at this convention, were▪

That the King of France and the Duke of Burgony (a name which Charles of Austria took unto himself till this time) had by the means of their Embassadours contracted Friendship and Peace, and confirm'd it by the tye of Alliance; for King Charles had promis'd to give the Lady Renea, daugh­ter to King Lewis, to Charles for wife. In this Confederacy all the other Princes that were friends to either party were included: On Charles his part Maximillian Cesar was chiefly nominated, and the Common-wealth of Venice on the King of France his behalf. But those that would be compre­hended within this agreement, were bound to declare their minds within two moneths space. The Emperour being hereof advertised, promised to stand to what was agreed upon, provided that peace might be established upon fair con­ditions; wherefore Brussels was appointed for the place of convention, to treat more particularly of the conditions of agreement; where Charles his Embassadours and those of France were to be, who should intercede as Mode­rators and freely Composers of the business. One chief thing which they were to treat on, was how the Venetians might by this agreement recover Verona; for it was evident, that as this business had oft times before disturb'd the [Page 150] Treaty of peace, so if it should not now be decided, all other Negotiations would be in vain; for the King of France being mindful of the League which he had made with the Venetians, and being desirous to keep his word, was resolved not to come to any agreement with the Emperour, unless Verona were thereby first restored to the Venetians. Wherefore as soon as the Assem­bly was met, this was the first proposition which was taken in ha [...]d. Cesars Embassadours demanded a great sum of money in exchange for the restitution of Verona, and moreover the possession of some other Towns which were for­merly in that jurisdiction. It was farther added that Cesar would not con­sign over that City into the hands of the Venetians; but unto some of Charles his Ministers, in whose power after it had been six weeks, the French might dispose of it as they should please.

Notice being given of all these things by the Embassadour of Venice, the Senate was much perplex'd and full of various thoughts. After so tedious and troublesome a War nothing certainly could be more desi­rable then peace and quiet. They knew that they had often hazarded the fortune of the Common-wealth, that they were now to endeavour some case and amendment, to free them from the necessity of continu­ing longer in War. Yet some men of more mature years, and great­er experience, thinking how great a change of things a short time was often cause of, feared that (some time being by the agreement required for the re-delivery of Verona) some accident might happen the mean while, whereby all things being put in disorder, they might remain in the same troubles, and peradventure be plung'd into greater. This jealousie was much increased by the knowledg of Maximillian his nature, and tricks which he had wont to use, which if he should continue to do in this business, they feared left under the colour of Honour, by which he seemed desirous that Verona should be restored to the Venetians by the hands of some others, and not by himself, he might plot a greater mischief against them. For which doubt of theirs they seemed to have the more reason, for that being contented to yield up another place of much greater importance, he earnestly desired certain little Towns, from whence not being able to reap any profit, they judged he might have a mind to keep the way open in several parts, so as he might assault the States of the Common-wealth when he should please. Many things were moved in the Senate, but nothing concluded, because they gene­rally desired to recover Verona, which they thought they might effect better by force then by agreement. They ceased not continually to sol­licite Lautrech not to wait for the receiving of that from the Enemy, which he might take from them by force; for sure peace was not to be hoped for but by Arms. If Cesar did really desire friendship with the French, he would not stand so much upon the loss of Verona, but would covet their Friendship though upon conditions more advantagious to them. The Senate would therefore have the King of France acquaint­ed with these doubts which made them suspend their resolution; desi­ring him that he would so provide for the common Affairs as became his wisdom and his singular love towards the Common-wealth; and that he should take heed not to do any thing which might occasion great­er difficulties. As for them, they would willingly submit all things to his pleasure if it should be needful so to do; assuring themselves that [Page 151] he would have a great care of the Honour and safety of the Common-wealth.

The Assembly being this mean while met, there were many diffe­rences between the French and Dutch, which grew to that height as Cesar's Embassadors were ready to depart from Brussels, leaving the business unperfect. These differences were thought to be in a part oc­casioned by Cardinal Sedunense; for this man who thought to acquire much glory by disturbing peace, finding a fit occasion to provoke the Switzers, laboured to undoe whatsoever was formerly agreed upon between them and the King of France. He went likewise to Henry King of England, and sought by all means to incense that King yet more, who did already sufficiently envy, and hate the King of France. Sedunense had propounded unto himself to perswade both these Prin­ces to joyne their Forces with those of Cesar, or at least to promise him they would doe so, to keep him as he alledged from being necessitated to throw himself by headlong counsel into the Friendship of the com­mon Enemies; which could not be done without prejudice and danger to them. The King of England and the Switzers being wrought upon by these perswasions, they had sent their Embabassadors to the Empe­rour to make him large promises, Insomuch as he, who seem'd at first to be well inclined to peace, began now to be otherwise affected, and to raise new doubts, seeming sometimes to refuse, and sometimes again very much to desire the same thing. But peace be­ing finaly concluded between the French and the Switzers (for the In­habitants of some of those Cantons who were at first more averse, and opposite to the King, being made more plyant by means of a great sum of Mony, which by the agreement was to be paid to each several Canton) did afterwards desire the Friendship of the French, as well as the rest, and did by common consent confirme the League. Hence it was that Maximillian failing in the hopes of their assistance, and knowing that he was able to doe but little of himself, did much desire friendship with the French, and Venetians; and began to treat more calmely; yet the Venetians were so troubled at the slow proceeedings of all things, as well concerning War as Peace (mens minds being very changeable, and apt to believe every thing, when they are governed ei­ther by consciousness or feare) as they suspected every thing. Some­times they much doubted the Catholick King (which name Charles of Austria being already gone into Spaine, begun to take unto himself) though it was likely that he being a new Prince and inviron'd with ma­ny difficulties, should rather desire Peace, then War in Italy. Some­times they would not stick to be jealous of the very French; to whom they had wont to commit all their Affairs. firmly resolving to keep perpetual friendship with them. Whilst the Venetians were full of these doubts, and fears, the treaty of Peace was concluded at Brussels; for King Francis finding the difficulties did dayly increase, made friend­ship with Cesar upon condition, that he should likewise make peace with the Venetians; and that there should be a suspention of Arms be­tween them, and him, for the space of eight moneths; to the end that the mean while such particulars whereby a firm peace might be setled between them for the future, might be more commodiously [Page 152] treated of. Farncis, King of Farnce, and Charles, King of Spain, were to be Judges, and Arbitrators, to examine, and decide all diffi­culties; who were to meet together within the space of two moneths, to negotiate these things, and many others, appertaining to their own particular States: Charles was to come to Cambrai, and Francis to St. Quintans, within the time appointed, where they were afterwards to make choise of some convenient place between these two Towns, for them both to meet in.

But before all other things, it was established that the Towns of the Vene­tians which were in Cesar's possession, should be restored unto them, Cesar being by particular agreement bound to put the City of Verona presently into the hands of the Catholick King, and to take away the Garrison, and after six weeks the French were to receive the same, that they might deli­ver it unto the Venetians. But as soon as Verona should be delivered up into the hands of the Catholique King, or his Ministers, the French and Venetians were to remove all their men both from the City and from the Ter­ritories of Verona; that the City should not be munited the mean while, neither with new works, nor victuals; The Souldiers were to abstain from all inju­ries both in the City, and Country: The Dutch were likewise to quit the Territories of Verona and all the Towns that were therein except Riva, and Roveredo, which though they did formerly belong to those Confines, should notwithstanding be in the Emperours Iurisdiction: For the pre­sent both Cesar and the Venetians were to keep possession of such Towns as were now possess'd of in Friuli. The Souldiers of the Garrison which were in Verona, were to be permitted to return quickly to their own homes; and to carry all their goods along with them; and moreover 200000 Duckets were to be paid to Cesar, at three payments, within the space of one year, for the expence he had been at in the War, the one half whereof was to be disburst by the French, the other half by the Venetians.

All things being thus agreed upon between Cesar and the King of France, Lautrech was to see them executed, who was particularly in­form'd of all things that had past at Brussels. The Venetians moved thereunto by the irksomness, and inconveniences of so long a War; as also out of a desire to please the King of France, whom they had clearly found to be well minded towards them, did by approbation of the Senate approve of all that he had done, and promised to stand to the agreement that the Town of Riva and Roveredo did of right be­long to them, and had been under the power of the Common-wealth for above 100 years, yet to satisfie the King they were content that they should remain in the hands of Maximillian. The Bishop of Trent was then sent to Verona, to receive that City from the Emperours Mini­sters, in the name of Catholique King; but at his first meeting with Lautrech, out of a difference in opinion that arose between them, all things went topsie turvy; the Bishop would have it, that the time of restoreing that City should begin from the day that it was delivered up to him, and not before.

Lautrech counting the six weeks from the time that the agreement was made at Brussels, said that the time prefixed was already at an end, [Page 153] and therefore demanded that the City should be presently delivered up to him. Thus the business being left undecided, they departed. But when the Bishop return'd to Verona, the Souldiers seeing there was no provision made for their pay, and that the business drew out into length, began to mutiny, and threatened the Bishop as the Authour of these difficulties.

The Imperialists were therefore content that the City should be im­mediately deliv [...]r'd over unto the French, to the end that receiving the monies which by agreement was to be paid unto them by them and the Venetians, the Souldiers might be pacified. Wherefore meeting toge­ther again at the Town called Dosso Cuono, and Lautrech having given in security to pay the aforesaid monies, the Bishop promised that the Town should be delivered up unto him the next Tuesday, which was the 23 day of Ianuary. Things being thus ordered, the Citizens of Verona lent Nicolo di Cavalli and Leonardo Lisco, Doctors of the civil Law, to congratulate with Lautrech, and the Venetian Commissaries: Who, accompanied with 400 select Curassiers, and 2000 Foot entred the City the next day, and were met with unspeakable joy by all the people, and with such a concourse of men of all conditions, and of all ages, as they could hardly pass through the Streets; and being come to the cathedral Church, had much ado to get in at the Gates. Here Lautrech having received the Keys of the City from the Bishop of Trent, did at the same instant give them into the hands of the Venetian Com­missaries, Andrea Gritti, and Giovan Paolo Gradinigo. Then some of the chiefest of the Citizens did together with the Commissaries, and in the name of all the rest, congratulate the return of that City to under the command of the Common-wealth; attesting the Citizens constant good will towards her, and promising Loyalty and Obedience there­unto at all times.

These things being ended, and the French assistance being to be dis­mis'd, the Senate, that they might not omit to shew their respects and love to so gallant a man, and one who had deserved so well of the Com­mon-wealth, as Lautrech resolved to present him honourably in the name of the publick, and charged Commissary Gritti to wait upon him to Millan. When he came to Lodi, he found Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio there, who was come to meet him, and to bring him the Order of St Mihel from the King. Then after the passing of many complements on both sides, Gritti left him; who according to orders received from the Senate went to visit the other Cities belonging to the Common-wealth, to provide for all things necessary for them, and to confirm the people in their love to the Common-wealth.

And at last, after having for so many years perform'd his faithful service with much applause to the Common-wealth, having won much love amongst the Citizens, and glory amongst Forreigners, he return­ed to Venice. Great joy and general Feastings was had throughout the whole City: Every thing seemed to smile, and to eccho forth joyful ac­clamations. But chiefly all due praises were rendred to God, and so­lemn processions devoutly made by publick Decree for many days; thanks being given to God for his great goodness in having granted them a desired peace, after so long and troublesome a War. Great [Page 154] alms were given to Monastries and to Alms houses, and such Citizens, and Forreigners as had served the Common-wealth faithfully were well rewarded.

The Common-wealth being thus restored to her pristine greatness, after having suffered so many Calamities, and the Affairs of Italy being put (as it was thought) into a firm and settled condition, the Vene­tians hoped they had been freed from all Fears for many years.

The End of the third Book.

THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK IV. THE CONTENTS.

THe Peace of the Common-wealth; such Cities as were return'd to their obedience send Commissioners to the Senate. Padua and Verona are strangely fortified. The Venetian Merchants obstructed in Spain: The situation of Venice. A voyage of the Common-wealths Galltouns. An end of the Truce with Maximillian. A treaty of peace between him and the Venetians. Universal Truce treated by the Pope. Truce concluded be­tween Cesar and the Venetians; the conditions. Maximillians death. Francis King of France, and Charles King of Spain, contend who shall be Emperour. Francis sends Embassadours to Venice to stand for him. Charls is declared King of the Romans. Soliman succeeds Selino in the Turkish Empire. His nature. Lodowick King of Hungary prepares for War. He sends Embassadours to Venice. The Venetians send Embassadours to Constantinople to confirm the peace. The King of France scandalized at Charles his being chosen Emperour, treats of confederacy with the Veneti­ans. The Pope hisitates. The Dyet is held at Worms. Cesar endeavours to make the Venetians his friends; Cesars genius; the like of the King of France. The Peace of Italy is disturb'd. The King of Hungary sends an Embassadour to Venice. The Senate resolves to help that Kingdom. Soliman takes Belgrado, and frights all Hungary. The death of Duke Loredano. Antonio Grimani succeeds him. The King of France speaks with the King of England at Ards in Picardy. Commotions in Spain. Risings in Germany. New designs in the King of France. The Pope a­grees with Cesar. The Venetians endeavour Peace. Preparations made by the Pope and Cesar. Lautrech goes for Italy. The Venetians arm their Confines: Ioyn with the French. The Imperialists before Parma. They retire to before Millan: They take it. Lautrech gets safe with his Horse to [Page 156] Como. He winters in the Territories of Brescia. The Duke of Ferrara in Field. The death of Pope Leo the tenth. The consequences thereof. Lautrech marches into the field again. He attempts Parma and P [...]acen­za, but in vain. He returns towards Millan. Takes Novara, and Vi­gueano. The King of France prepares to go for Italy. Lautrech gives over the Siege of Millan. Sits down before Pavia. Withdraws from thence. The French and Imperialists meet at the Charter house of Pavia. The Im­perialists retreat to Biccoca, where they are assaulted by the French. The Switzers make a gallant retreat, are backt by the Venetians. The Swit­zers Impatiency marrs all. Alberto Pietra's speech to make them keep the field. They disband. The Venetians and French retreat to the confines of the Common-wealth. Lautrech repasses over the Mountains, to acquaint the Court how Affairs go in Italy.

THe ensuing years contain more prosperous successes, and will af­ford me more delightful matter to write on. Wherefore I hasten thereunto, as abhorring the memory of the past calamities; and as weary as if I had had a part in those troubles and dangers. The Com­mon-wealth after the past Wars, enjoy'd three years quiet, in which time being healed of her so great labour and grievous adversity, she began to hold up her head again; and to resume her ancient power and repu­tation. The Wars therefore which we now shall write of, made by the Common-wealth on Terra firma, though they be no less remarkable for the Grandetsa of Princes, for famous Commanders, Forces, length of time, and other circumstances, yet were they more prosperous, and of less danger; the Common-wealth having taken up Wars for the space of almost ten years, no less to defend the Affairs of her friends and confederates, then her own; and more for glory then safety.

In the beginning of the year 1517. all Truces being solemnly publish­ed, as you have heard in the former Book, and all men hoping that se­cure peace would assuredly ensue, all the Cities on Terra firma, which before the late War were under the Dominion of the Common-wealth, were returned to her obedience, and sent their Deputies to Venice to congratulate with the Senate, that Arms were laid down with Honour, and the State recovered: And they did also willingly offer all their means, forces, and fortunes, to be at the Common-wealths service. The Senates first and chiefest care was, to ease the City of Venice, and all the other Cit [...]es and Castles on Terra firma of many grievances, which were imposed upon them in the more troublesome times of War, by reason of the scarcity of publick monies; to the end that private mens means being restored unto them in the time of peace, they might be the readier to assist the Common-wealth at another time of need. It was likewise provided that the places of Magistracy, as well of the whole State as City which were formerly granted upon certain loans of money to the publick, should be disposed of without any such loan, conside­ration being had to every mans worth and merit; and likewise that all such as did serve the Common-wealth in any place, should be paid their full stipend; part whereof was formerly made bold with for the greater occasions of War. Nor were such things forgot as tended to the conve­nience [Page 157] or splendor of the Common-wealth. Study was renewed in the City of Padua, which had been given over for the space of eight years, and many famous men in all sorts of learning were brought thither. This University▪ famous throughout the world for the excellency of all learning, for the number and quality of Professors, and for the abun­dance of Scholars, was a great adornment to the Common-wealth; and a great convenience for all other Nations; for to this place came many from all Countries, to be instructed in the learned Arts.

But the pleasantness of peace, had not made them forget the occuren­ces of War, nor lessened their care in things belonging to the preserva­tion of the State. The wise Senate thought that whilst their thoughts were not imploy'd elsewhere, it became them in wisdom to provide for such things, which being ordered and disposed of in peaceful times, do either keep the storms of War far off, or if they shall happen, make the State the stronger, and more able to resist them. They were chiefly careful in seeing Padua, and Verona well munited, the soundest founda­tions of their Empire on Terra firma. The Senate spared therefore nei­ther for cost nor labour, to make these very strong Fortresses; to the end that for the future, the Enemy despairing to win them, might not think of assaulting them. Andrea Gritti and Georgio Cornaro were ap­pointed to take the care hereof; who going to those Cities, were, with the advice of Trivulcio, and the other prime men of the Militia, to deli­berate, and do whatsoever should be requisite for the exact and secure defence thereof. Many things were there renewed, which had been destroy'd by the War; and many new works were added: Great Ba­stions were built in several places of the Wall, according to the modern [...]ashion. Many noble Gates were also made, not only for safety and conveniency, but even for ornament. And certainly if we shall justly consider with what Grandezza, what illustrious shew, and what regal expence these strong holds were in these times built by the Common-wealth, we shall find that the Venetians ought to be as much admired for the magnificence and stateliness of these, as were the ancient Romans for their hot Baths, and Aquiducts, and other rare Fabricks. And because the friendship and sa [...]e commerce with the Ottoman Empire was of great importance for the preservation of the peace and quiet of that City by means of Traffique, the Senate chose two Embassadours Luigi Mocenice, and Bartholomeo Contarini, to send to Selino to congra­tulate the victories which he had won; who inflamed with the glory of War, after his prosperous success in Persia, had assaulted the Empire of the Mamalucchi with a puissant Army, and overcome in Battle Campsone Gauro King of Memphis, had chased and routed his Forces, and subju­gated great and rich Provinces which had been long under the Empire of the Soldans of the Mamalucchi; whereby he had much inlarged his confines. Therefore his friendships was for these respects much the more to be desired; h [...]s power being so much increased and become formidable, and since the Venetian Merchants exercised great Traffique in those Countries which he had lately won. To this was likewise ad­ded, that the pretentions of a certain Tribute paid by the King of Cyprus to the King o [...] Egypt, for which the Common-wealth paid 8000 Duck­ets yearly to the Soldans of Caire, as the Lusinian Kings had wont for­merly [Page 158] to do, were now together with the Empire of the Mamalucky past over to the Ottoman Princes. These Embassadours sailed therefore first to Cyprus, and from thence went to Damascus, where Selino winter'd with all his Army. Their commission was chiefly to endeavour,

That the Venetians, who by reason of their merchandizing, had w [...]nt to keep in Alexandria, Tripoli, Baruti, Damascus, and other places of Marchandize in those Regions, might enjoy the same rights and priviledges wh [...]ch had been long granted them by the Lords of Egypt and Soria: And that the Common-wealth might likewise be permitted to keep her Magistrates in those places, with the same authority and dignity as they had done formerly, who were to have a care of the Venetian Merchants Goods and Persons.

These things were easily granted by Selinus, who having at this time turn'd his thoughts, and forces elsewhere, desired friendship with the Venetians, and in the begining of his new Empire to increase traf­fique in that Province; for his own particular good, for the conveni­ency of his subjects, and for the Interest of the publique Revenue. They were at the same time likewise to treat of the like Affairs with Charles King of Spain; to wit, that the commerce and traffique which had been long before held in his Kingdomes and States might be confirmed; and that also the Venetians might be suffered to go into those parts, and to contract Merchandize, as they had always been allowed to do in King Ferdinands time: Wherein it seemed there was now some interruption; for Charles his Officers, he being but newly come unto his Kingdomes, had perswaded him, that he might easily, and much to the advantage of his customes, tranfer all the merchandi­zing which was had in divers Maritime Cities of Africa, into the sole City of Oran; which was in Charles his possession, if the Venetian Ves­sels which were wont first to touch there, and then to pass into the Spa­nish Rivers, should be forbidden to enter upon any such occasion into the Havens of his Dominion, when they had tarried to contract any Merchandize in any of the Moores Cities. By which prohibition it was hoped that those Inhabitants might be necessitated to come to Oran; and to furnish themselves there with divers sorts of Merchandize, which cannot be brought them from elsewhere; many whereof they keep for their own use, and make much advantage by carrying many others to the Ethiopians. Moreover the Spaniards had laid new Imposts upon our Merchants; for whereas formerly one only tax of ten in the hundred, and that only of such things as were exported, was wont to be paid, now two tenths of all things, as well imported as exported were exacted, and that according to a price limited by them. But the business was much otherwise then the Spanish Ministers represented them; for neither would the Moores have thought they could traffique securely in those Towns which belonged to the Spaniards, whom they held to be their bitter and perpetual Enemies; neither would the Venetians have run the hazard of so long navigation, if their profit should have been so much lessened by new impositions; and if they should not have been permit­ted to merchandize with the Moores, and make their best advantage in all places. Wherefore experience soon shewed that the Spaniards were much prejudiced, and did quite lose that Traffique, by which they thought to have increased their publique Revenues. And since so fair [Page 159] an occasion is now offer'd, I think it may stand with my intended pur­pose, who have undertaken to record to memory the Venetian Affairs, that I [...]ay something of their Maritime Negotiations, to the end that the chief reason of that Cities wealth may be the better known. The ancient Founders of this City, and their Law-makers, took special care that the C [...]tizens should exercise themselves in Voyages, and Traffique at Sea, and that they might by their industry indeavour to increase the riches both of the private and of the publique; and at the same time make the name of the Venetians famously known to far distant countries. The scituation of the City did invite to this manner of life, and exer­cise, and did almost of it felf adm [...]nister such thoughts to the Inhabi­tants; for the City not having any Territories of her own by land, by the fertillity whereof, or by mans diligence, she might enrich herself; nay, wanting such things as were necessary to maintain life, they were first necessitated to exercise their industry, and afterwards got abound­ance of all things. The antient custom was to sayle with great Gal­lies, built for Merchandize, into many Countries both Christian and Pagan; and to bring many things from thence which might not only serve for the use of their Citizens, but might be sent into forraign Nati­ons, and great gain might be made thereby. Many of the young Nobility had wont to go in these Gallies, as well to practise Merchan­dizing, as to learn the Art of Sayling, and the knowledg of Maritime Affairs. Others of them continued many years in Forraign Nations, and almost in all those places wherein they did traffique, to deal for themselves, and for others: So as hereby they did not only acquire riches, but experience in many Affairs; and that being to be imploy'd in the Government of the Common-wealth at their return, they might not appear rude or unexpert in managing publique imploy­ments. Hence it was likewise that frugality, modesty, all goodness, and the like, were better observed in that City, wherein the youth be­ing imploy'd in honest exercises, were not corrupted by idleness, and all that first age was voyd of Law-sutes, and ambition. The wise Authors of these good orders knew very well that the desire of honour and power did imprint it self early in our souls; and that as our age increaseth, it getteth to such a growth as it findes no bounds, and does sometimes grow immoderate, and plots things prejudicial to the State: And that in idleness youth grows effeminate; and that those are sooner corrupted by evil customes, who never parting from home, spend their lives in aboundance of all domestical Affairs. But that we may not digress too much from our first purpose, we will re-assume our discourse where we left. The voyages made by our aforesaid Gal­lies, that were commonly called Gallies of traffique, were these. When they put from Venice, their first voyage was to Taragosa, in the Island of Sicely; from thence they went to Tripoli, in Africa; then touching at the Island of Gherbe le Sirte, to Tanis: Here they turn'd their course towards the Kingdom of Tremisine, making their chief aboad at Tusen and Mega, which now are called O [...]a, and Oran, as in the fittest and most frequented places of those Regions. Lastly, they went to divers Towns in the Kingdom of Morocco, called in their language Fez, to Bedis of Gomiera; and having already touched all the Havens of Bar­bary, [Page 160] which were anciently tearmed Mauritania, and Numidia, they went to Spain, traffiquing in Almeria, anciently called Abdara; from thence to Maligo, Vallence, and Forora. But they did not use the same traffique in all places; for they carried many sorts of Mettals, and much linnen cloath from Venice to the Moores of Africa; to buy the which the Moores came at a certain time of the year to the aforesaid pla­ces, bringing much gold with them. Then passing with this gold into the Rivers of Spain, they bought there divers sorts of Merchandize, as silk, wooll, grain, and other things which that Country produceth, and all these they brought to Venice. This Navigation, which was long used by the Venetians, and was of great advantage to them, be­gan to be disturb'd by the reasons we have before spoken of; and divers accidents supervening afterwards, the State of Affairs being altered, it is wholly given over and lost. But let us now re-assume our interrupted Narration.

A good part of the time of Truce was now past, and the year 1518 began, wherefore it behoved them to come to a new agreement with Ma [...]imillian. The Pope endeavour'd as he had often formerly done, that this business might be transacted at Rome; but the Venetians confi­ding more in the King of France, desired that it might be handled at his Court, whither Cesar was to send his Embassadours with authority to as­sent unto, and to observe what should be agreed upon. The Treaty was begun by the procurement of the most Christian King, but things could not be brought to a settled composure; for the Venetians wearied with so long War, and no less cloy'd with Maximillians dubious and suspitious counsels, cared little for any other agreement save such where­by they might be put into an assured condition of peace and quiet. But the Emperour, according to his accustomed and natural inconstancy, that he might always have a loop hole for new designs, as also hoping to get a greater sum of money from the Venetians by these frequent a­greements, propounded a treaty rather of Truce then of Peace. At this very time Pope Leo was very earnest in procuring an universal Truce, whereby all Christian Princes might lay down their Arms, to the end that true amity and sincere peace ensuing, they might by a general con­sent establish and conclude a powerful and firm League against Selino; for the Ottoman Empire being so mightily encreased both in State and Power by the acquisition of Egypt and Soria, it was evident that great mischiefs were threatened to all Christendom by a powerful Enemy. The same immoderate desire of Reign which had made Selino wage War with the Soldans of the Mamul [...]ccchi, would always be the like in him, towards all Christian Princes. Therefore mature care ought to be had, that the Turk might not arrive at such greatness, as that without any im­pediment or gain-saying▪ he might hereafter make all other Provinces subject, and Tributaries to him.

These things being thus represented to the Venetians in the Popes name, and many principal Prelates of the Court of Rome being sent to all the Princes of Christendom to the same end, were a great means of moving the Senate to agree with Cesar touching a new Truce; since great­er and longer difficulties appeared to be in the establishing of a Peace: To the end that they might not be thought to disturbe so great a good to [Page 161] all Christendom, out of any particular respects unto themselves. But as for the motion which was particularly made unto them by Leo of making War against the Turks; they answered, when things should be hopefully begun, and that they should be prosecuted with like fer­vour, the State of Venice would be readier then any others for such an Enterprize; nor would they at any time be wanting unto them­selves, to whom they knew the care of these common dangers did more particularly belong, as being most concern'd therein: Nor would they be backward in the good of all Christendom, nor in obey­ing the Popes pious and earnest entreaties. But that notwithstanding by reason of the condition of their State by Sea, which was every where environed by the confines of this powerful Enemy; and not be­ing able with their much weaker Forces to withstand the first Onset of the Turks, nor to sustain the War in their own Territories, before the Ottoman Empire should be assaulted by the Armies and Fleets of the Confederates; they could not be the first in declaring themselves Ene­mies to the Turks. But Truce with Cesar being treated of by Antonio Iustiniano, who was Embassadour for the Common-wealth, with the King of France, it was at last concluded upon these conditions.

That all Arms should be suspended for five years: And that people might live peaceably in either State, without either doing or receiving any injury. That it might be lawful for Cesars and the Common-wealths Subjects to travel and traffique safely in each others Country, as in time of Peace. That each of them should keep such Towns as they were now possess'd of; that all Prisoners of War should be released, except Christopher Frangipane, who was to be sent into France to be kept there; that during the time of the Truce the Venetians should pay Cesar 20000 Duckets yearly: And that the Venetians should pay the fourth part of what they had got by the Revenues of such as had followed Cesars party, to the former Owners.

And the differences concerning the confines being many, and hard to decide, and chiefly in Friuli, they could not as then come to any determinate end; Cesars Commissioners saying that they had no or­ders nor power to treat thereof; but the settlement in this point, as in all other difficulties, was left to the King of France, as to the Authour of this agreement: Wherein he afterwards decreed; that the Empe­rour and the Venetians should chuse Commissioners, who meeting in Verona (whither he would likewise send one who should represent his name and authority) should treat upon, and resolve the business of confines. The State of Venice chose Francisco Pesaro for them, and acquainted the King of France therewith; saying that they would be ready to send their Commissioner to the place appointed, as soon as they should hear that Cesar was about to send his. Whilst these things were a doing, the Emperour Maximillian fell sick and dyed in the be­ginning of the year 1519.

Whereupon the Souldiers that were in Garrison at Gradisca and Ma­rano, entring licentiously into the confines of the Common-wealth, plunder'd many of the Venetians Subjects Houses, and committed many other Hostile Acts; wherefore the Senate write Letters to the Viccars of the Empire, telling them, that for their parts, they would not violate the Truce, nor innovate any thing for Maximillians death, [Page 162] provided that the Commanders and Souldiers of the Empire should ab­stain from doing injuries: Which being by them praised and embraced the Truce was afterwards inviolably observed on all sides. Now they began to treat of chusing the Emperour, whereunto Francis King of France, and Charles King of Spain, did chiefly pretend, Princes of rare endowments of mind, and very eminent for Fortune, but very for­midable by reason of their great power. The Princes of Italy were not a little troubled at this Election, considering that whether of these two should be exalted to the Dignity of the Empire, when they should have the reputation of the Empire added to the already potent Forces of their own Kingdomes, and be made much greater then the other by the help of Germany, he would endeavour to drive the other out of whatsoever he possess'd in Italy, and so this Counterpoise being taken away, they would at last bend their thoughts upon making themselves Masters of all Italy; for ambition does always increase in great Princes, together with new acquisitions and the unquenchable thirst of Government grows greater. Therefore such an Election could not but be bad for Italy. Yet ballancing all things well, it was thought less dangerous for Italy that the King of France should be made Emperour, then the King of Spain; for they considered that the former, as being a Stran­ger, would be of much less power in Germany; and that the French Nation, as it is very hot and violent at the first, so not being very con­stant to its purposes, often times neglects and gives over those very things which it did before so much desire, and endeavour; wherefore the French are commonly thought better at getting, then at keeping▪ The Italians hoped that the Empire of the French in Italy, though it were great, might by some accident decline, and at last be extinguish­ed. Which was not to be hoped for in the Spaniards; who when they have once much inlarged their Dominions, and laid a good ground­work for it, all labour and endeavour to drive them out would be but in vain. These were the reasons which did chiefly move the Pope, and the Venetians to favour the King of France in this his standing for the Empire. His Embassadours which he had sent to Rome and to Venice for this purpose, were therefore willingly listned unto. But to boot with all this, Monsieur de Taligni, who was sent by the King for this purpose to the State of Venice, made several other propositions.

He desired the loan of a good sum of money, that his King when he should be declared Emperour, might have wherewith to supply many gifts, and great expences which he was to be at; and moreover that the Venetians would forth­with send some Souldiers into Germany, to secure the Electors from any violence: And that the Senate would declare what was to be done, if Charles should enter Italy with an Army (as it was given out he would do) to go to Rome, and force the Pope to free him from the Oath, which he took from Julius the second, when he was invested in the Kingdom of Naples (note that it was decreed by Pope Urban, that whosoever should possess that King­dom, should not take upon him the Imperial Dignity) which was the chief reason why Leo used means to the Electors, to keep Charles from being cho­sen Emperour. To which demands the Senate answered, That the Common-wealth was so highly obliged to the King, as that they wish'd him all prosperity; for they had always thought, that whatsoever addition of State or Honour [Page 163] should befall the Kingdom of France, would be of no small importance for their security; wherefore they would imploy all their endeavours and power for the aggrandizing of the King thereof; and that though the publique Ex­chequer was very much emptied by reason of the long Wars, yet if need should require, they would overcome all dif [...]iculties, to accommodate him with the sum of 100000 Duckets. But as for sending their Forces beyond the Moun­tains, nothing could be of less use to the King, nor of more prejudice and dan­ger to themselves; for they should shew a great will to do harm, where they could do none. That all the strait and difficult passages, by which their Souldiers were to pass into Germany, were possess'd by the Dutch, and well guarded and garrisoned by them. That as it would be very hard for their men to pass over the Mountains, and to get into Germany, so it would be easie for the Dutch to fall down from several parts into the Confines of the Common-wealth, and put their Affairs into great confusion. But if that Charles, being unprovoked by any injury, should come armed into Italy, and should attempt to violate the sacred Majesty of the Pope of Rome, the Senate of Venice would not differ f [...]om what their Ancestors had ever pro­ved themselves to be; to wit, DEFENDERS of the ECCLE­SIASTICAL LIBERTY and DIGNITY, which name of Honour and true Glory was always held by them in high esteem, and should be preferr'd before the Imperial greatness.

Whilst King Francis treated thus by his Embassadours, Charles, who partly by favour, making large promises to the Electors, part­ly by fear, having already got many men together, had got the good will of the Electors, he was declared King of the Romans. Almost at the same time, Soliman, only Son to Selino, his Father being dead, possess'd himself quietly of the Empire, and was put into the Seat of the Ottoman Princes, without any contention. Only one Agazzel­le a Captain in Soria, proved contumacious, and a Rebel to the new Emperour; but his Rebellion was soon supprest, and all the Provin­ces of the Empire became obedient to Soliman, in whom there ap­peared evident signs of an high and great Spirit; so as being come to the Empire, there was no doubt but that he would flye high, and plot great mischiefs against Christendom. Yet the Christ [...]an Prin­ces not minding so great a danger, whilst the want of experience in the young Prince, their innate Enemy, might somewhat allay his power, having other thoughts, suffer'd the greatness of the Ottoman Empire to increase and be better established. Only Lodowick King of Hungary took up Arms, and endeavour'd help from all parts, whose Kingdom was likely to partake first of the mischiefs of War; for Soliman would not renew the Truce with Lodowick, which when it was formerly offer'd him by his Father Selino, was by him refused, being thereunto advised by the Emperour, and the King of Polonia, because Selino was then busied in Wars far off, which was perhaps a generous, but no good counsel. Lodowick sent therefore his Embassa­dours to all Princes Courts, chiefly to Rome and Venice, admonish­ing what danger others were in by his ruine.

To this the Venetians answered, that the Ottoman Empire was a good while since grown very formidable to all men, but more particularly to their Common-wealth, by reason of the neighbourhood of their States: [Page 164] That for their parts, they had never refused such invitations, but had oft times both by words and example excited other Princes to withstand the growing power of so great an Empire. But what were they able of them­selves to do?

They therefore chose Marco Minio for their Embassadour, whom they sent with their acustomed presents to Constantinople, to confirm the Articles of peace after the same manner as they were concluded a little before by Antonio Iustiniano, as you have heard; adding there­unto those things which Selino after his conquering of the Mamaluc­chies Empire, had lately promis'd to grant. To wit, that the Veneti­an Merchants might enjoy the same priveledges, and immunities in their goods, in Egypt, and in Soria, as they had anciently done. Which Soliman was so ready to grant, as the Eastern Seas being then much infected by Pirats, he offer'd to send out his Fleet against them if the Common-wealth would do the like, to the end that the Seas might be kept open, and that the Venetian Merchants might conti­nue their trafique by Navigation into Nations which were under the Ottoman Empire; of which his ready will, and desire of peace and friendship, Soliman had given testimony, having at the same time that Minio prepared to go for Constantinople, sent Acmat Ferrat on his behalf to Venice, to acquaint them with his accession to the Empire, and that he would continue those conventions and friendly offices with the Common-wealth, as his Father Selino alwaies had done.

This peace with the Turks was very opportunely made, to the yet unsetled condition of Italy: and for the quieting of those suspitions which the Senators were full of, the beginning of this year, by reason of News that was spred abroad of a great Fleet that was to put forth from Constantinople; wherefore the Senate not thinking it fit to be at the discretion of a barbarous Prince, naturally ambitious, and grown insolent by new victories, had been very diligent in furnishing all their Sea-Forts with great Garrisons, and added 50 Gallies to their Fleet, wherein the Common-wealth's chief hopes seemed then to lye; and they made Andrea Gritti Captain-General of the Navy: Moreover the order of the Militia, of the men of that same Country, was insti­tuted in the Kingdom of Candia, as it was done some years before in the State by Terra firma; to the end that upon any sudden occasion, the Garrisons of Cities in Countries far off, and which it would be hard to succour speedily, might be increased. The charge hereof was gi­ven to Gabriele Martiningo, who was honour'd with the title of Go­vernor of that Island. But these provisions proved unnecessary for that occasion; for Selino had by his death, put a period to these thoughts of War, and Soliman did readily confirm the Articles of peace, as hath been said; wherefore the Venetian Fleet, the other dangers being removed, went into the Seas of Barbary, which were in­fested with many Pyrats to secure their great Gallies, which Sayled through these Seas not without great danger of Pyrats; by the taking of many of whose ships, the Sea was much cleansed, and the way was opened for those Voyages.

Thus did the Venetians temporize with the Turks, and kept friend­ship [Page 165] with them, since there appeared no hopes of overcoming them: For that the Christian Princes kept still at en [...]ity within themselves, little minding the much greater common danger. The King of France being greatly scandalized at the con [...]erment of the Empire upon Charles of Austria; and fearing least his Forces and Authority being so much increased, he would suddenly fall into Italy, and bereave him of the State of Millan; had signified to the Pope, and to the Ve­netians, that their States would be in great danger, if the new Em­perour might be permitted to pass Armed into Italy; he therefore propounded that a firm League and good Intelligence, might be esta­blished between them three, whereby each of them should be bound to defend the Honour, and Territories of the rest, against whosoever should go about to injure them, and particularly to op­pose Charles his Forces, if he should come with an Army to Rome, to take upon him the Emperial Crown, as it was thought he intended; which could not be done without much danger to whosoever had any State in Italy, as well by reason of all Emperours ancient pretences, as for what was discovered to be in the mind of this new Cesar. The King of France did so much apprehend this, as he perswaded the Pope to send Charles the Crown of the Empire, by way of Bull, before he should be resolved to come into Italy; which being better examined by the Venetians, was found to be rather prejudicial then good for the common Interest; for this would not have been sufficient to have al­tered Cesar's desire; that indeed was not to take upon him the Ensigns of the Empire, but to get more Territories in Italy. The Venetians readily assented to the proposition made by the King of France of a new confederacy, having the same fear, and the same desire to secure themselves from Cesar's getting farther footing into Italy: And these were increased by the mischiefs they suffered in the late years, by be­ing of themselves to resist the Forces of so many Princes. They therefore said that as it had alwaies been their firme and constant reso­lution never to part from the friendship of the Crown of France, so upon this occasion they were to set the higher value upon it; as that by which they might recieve the greater advantage; wherefore they would still adhere to his counsels. But the Pope being irresolute, was assaulted by variety of reasons, and diversity of affections; for he thought himself not safe from the fear of Cesar's Forces, without the favour and friendship of the King of France, having manifestly opposed his Election, by shewing his incapability of receiving the dignity of Emperour, he having sworn at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples, that he would never indeavour it, nor accept of it; of which Oath the Pope had not as yet freed him.

On the other side, the Dyet at Worms being intimated, wherein Martin Luther's doctrine was to be treated of; not only concerning the Tenets of faith, but even of the Popes authority, Leo thought it im­ported much upon this occasion, to keep Charls his friend, at least, not to incense him with new Leagues, lest he might become less diligent in proceeding against Luther, and in condemning his Ten [...]yts, whereby his authority might encrease, to the great disparagement of the church of Rome. The Pope was likewise much troubled, that the reputation [Page 166] and power of the French should be encreased, whereby they might be confirmed in their possession of the State of Milan: Proceeding there­fore slowly, and irresolutely, he seemed desirous to joyn with the King of France, and with the Venetians, in defence of the common cause▪ but when the business drew to a conclusion, he would not yeild that any agreement should be made in writing, saying, That it was not good to exp [...]se themselves to danger by writing, whereby the business, wherein secresie was chiefly requir'd, might the more easily be made known: That the words of Princes, to do what was agreed upon between them, might su [...]ice. The business drawing thus out at length, and the King of France growing with time somwhat more cool in his former fervency, the Venetians began to grow jealous, lest he might hold some secret intelligence with the Emperour, which might be the chief cause of the Pope's irresoluteness, and of the so long delay in confirming the things agreed upon. This suspition was fomented by many things; as the certain knowledge that Monsignor di Chiures, a Spaniard, was gone from Cesars Court into France, to agree of an Interview with the King of France, as was by them given forth; and that in this Interview, the Peace should be confirmed which was made some moneths before be­tween the King of France, and the King of England; wherein Charls being named as one of the chief contractors, he had not as yet ratified it. More­over, the articles wherewith the King said he had dispatched away Monsieur di St Marscho from France, were kept very secret, when he was come to Rome; and also the said St Marscho departed from Rome, before the League was established, when there was most need of his presence for the consummation thereof, and left none with the Pope in the King's behalf, but Alberto Carpi, who was so grievously sick, as he was not fit for any negotiation: These were things which argued strongly that the King had altered his mind: Yet the Venetians conti­nuing their former resolution, of not foregoing the friendship of the French, acquainted the King with this their jealousie, but did not seem any way to resent it, nor to alter their resolution: Nay, they said, they did assure themselves, that if the King had an intention to make any new confederacy with Cesar, their Commonwealth should be menti­oned and comprehended in the agreement, whatsoever it should be; so as whatsoever differences they had had with Maximilian, should now be accommodated with Charls, and all occasions of new troubles should be laid aside.

But on the other side, Charls, when he was declared King of the Romans, having peradventure his thoughts bent upon the affairs of Italy, as hath been said, and knowing it would become him chiefly to hold fair with the Venetians, seemed very desirous to agree those diffe­rences with them, which had been formerly between the Common-wealth, and his predecessor Maximilian: and that his actions might correspond with his words, he had sent his Commissioners to Verona, with full power, not only to Treat of the things appertaining to the last Truce of five years, but also to accomodate all those other particulars which in the former agreement made two years ago, were not yet de­cided. Commissioners on all sides being met, Francisco Pesaro for the Commonwealth, who was chosen many moneths before for this em­ployment, [Page 167] and four of the chief Councellors of Ispruch in the Empe­rours behalf, to whom he had particularly committed the business, and Iouanni Pino being likewise sent thither as Embassadour from the King of France, who (as hath been said) was made Arbytrator in the differ­ences which were by reason of the last Truce: The Venetians pro­pounded that all Towns which were taken in the last War, should be restored by both sides, and that all things should return to their former condition▪ alledging, that only such an agreement could put an end to all past differences, and bring a certain and a long peace. But the Imperialists finding out somtime one difficulty, somtimes an other, spun out the business, not concluding any thing, and somtimes making new demands; as, That all such as had been banished from their Country by the Venetians, should be thereunto restored; together with some other such like things, whereof no mention had been made in the arti­cles of Truce, and whereby a firm agreement might be rather kept off then made. Some moneths being thus spent in vain, Cesar's were sent for home by their fellow Councellors of Ispruch: Yet at this very time the Embassador of Venice had great hopes given him at the Emperors Court, of a good issue of this business, promise being made, that new Commissioners should be chosen, who should be sent with better In­structions to Friuli, that being near the places of most important dif­ferences, they might decide them the sooner, and with more ease. All Charls his chiefest Ministers of State, shewed that he had a great desire to live neighbourly with the Venetians, and to make a firm peace with them; whereby it was clearly seen, that Cesar desired friendship with the Venetians, and that he cunningly prolonged the accomodation of differences with them, so to get them to make a straiter League with him, and forgo their respects with the French, whose friendship they seemed to value so highly, as he had but little hopes to agree with them answerable to his need and designs, unless they were moved thereunto out of some such necessity. But the Venetians replied, that they much desired peace and quiet; that the institution of their Commonwealth had alwaies been such, and that they would use the same means; but that it became them in honour to keep their plighted faith: wherefore they must profess clearly, that they could not, nor would not do any thing, which might any ways cross their League with the King of France.

But since I shall several times have occasion to discourse of things that past between these two most famous Princes, both in this, and in other ages, and with whom the Commonwealth had both War and Peace, and several Treaties of things of very great importance; it will not be far from the purpose of this our discourse, to know some thing of their natures and customs: for as they were both of them very desirous of Empire and Glory, so they took several ways to arrive at this their end. Charls was very wary, quick of foresight, mature at deliberation, grave at business, wonderful patient, and much given to perseverance; whereby he knew how to wait for time and opportuni­ty, and to make use of them to his best advantage. But Francis was of a magnanimous spirit, which made him willingly embrace any thing whereby he might purchase the applause of being generous, and honour [Page 168] in war; he desired to overcome his enemy rather by true valour, then by advantages, and craft. His words and countenance discovered his most inward thoughts: Cesar loved men that were wary and warlike: his words were few, his thoughts deep, he was very ambitious, but not very open therein; striving still to cloak his aspiring after greatness, under the pretence of uprightness, and common Interest.

But Francis favour'd and embraced all such, and was very liberal unto them, who were rare at any profession; he affected to be thought eloquent, affable, civil, liberal, and was chiefly desirous of warlike glory: Neither did he conceal this his desire, but discover'd his will and thoughts by his words and actions. These two Princes did at the same time, but by several ways, endeavour friendship with the Com­mon-wealth, that they might make use of her Forces in their Affairs in Italy, in which businesses this year was spent, without coming to a­ny conclusion in any one thing.

In the beginning of the next year, which was the year 1520. the peace of Italy began not only to be disturbed, but even Christendom in several parts to be molested with great mischief and dangers: Which though they were fore-seen by all, none did seek to prevent; for Soli­man, finding himself very prosperous, and not willing to grow effe­minate through idleness, nor to degenerate from the Worth of his Ancestors, resolved to wage War, as it was formerly suspected, in Hungary, hoping thereby to reap the greater glory, for that the fame of that Nation was very great for War, and because though that En­terprize had several times been undertaken by his Predecessors, it was not as yet brought to a good end.

Therefore the year 1521. being begun, Soliman march'd with a powerful Army from Constantinople, himself in person into Hungary. At which great warlike Preparations King Lodowick being much trou­bled, not finding himself able to support so great a bulk of War, and the danger growing every day more apparent, he did again by new Embassies sollicite all Christian Princes to succour him in the defence of his Kingdom, and therein befriend all Christendom. To this pur­pose he sent Philip More, Bishop of Agria to Venice, who being brought before the Duke and his Senators, spoke to this purpose.

My King, most Illustrious Prince, and you famous Senators, doth so much confide in your faith, humanity and power, in the strait conjunction which for these many years hath been between your Common-wealth, and his Crown, as that for the common Interest of both States, for the Iustice of his cause, and out of the usual custom of your selves, and your Ancestors, you will favour what is just, and assist him with your help, who in this emi­nent War of the Turks would make his chief recourse to you, and communi­cate his Affairs, and Needs first to you: Hoping not only to find you ready in your selves to do what you are able for the defence of his Kingdom, but that by your power and intercession you will apply your selves to other Prin­ces, and facilitate their assisting of him; and truly reason tells us that the first applications belong to this Common-wealth, when opposition is to be made to the increasing of the Ottoman Empire; for as her opportunity is great of troubling this Enemy, by the power she hath at Sea, so for the neigh­berhood of so many of her States, she ought to covet the abasing of it, and [Page 169] to be careful that together with the ruine of others, her own danger do not encrease. Therefore if you my Lords will be the first who shall move other Princes to take upon them the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary, so as the courage of this new, and fiercely minded Emperour may be allay'd, who will leave nothing unattempted whereby he may hope to purchase Glory and Empire, you will reap the fruit of real and true Honour, of great safety, and of the increasing of your State. Consider Gentlemen to what an height the Ottoman Family is risen of late years: And chiefly (if I may be per­mitted to say so) through the negligence of Christian Princes; for meet­ing with no obsticle, he marcheth on apace to Supream Monarchy; if Con­stantines entreaties and protestations had been listned unto when Mahomet assaulted Constantinople, assuredly the Grecian Empire would not have been destroy'd: Nor would the like of the Mamalucchi have now fallen, if that had stood. These two joyn'd together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces, as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary, and the rest of Christendom from danger. He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarchs, will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force, as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power. Other acquisiti­ons have been the sooner, and more easily made by reason of the almost insu­perable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Prin­ces joyn in the destruction of one alone. The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy, but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger then the rest, they in a few years vanquish'd so many Princes, as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces. It is therefore evident, that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks, they make the danger the greater, and the remedy more difficult. I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do, not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion, to their professi­on, not that it makes for every one of their Interests, but I will more tru­ly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States. This Kingdom being lost, which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Tur­kish Forces on this side, and retarded the course of their Victories, what remains to keep them from over-running Austria, from disturbing all Germany, and from entring into the Confines of this your State? This very Kingdom, which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing, if this be lost (which God forbid) it will be of great oppor­tunity for them, to the subjugating of other Nations, and to the ruinating of other Kingdomes. But this being defended, as it is necessary it should be, so is it neither impossible, nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress, if Princes do not rather want will then Forces. The Hungari­an Nation by ancient custom, and almost by nature, ha [...]h always been war­like, our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War; nor hath my now King and Master, nor his Subjects de­generated, nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors: They have minds, and for as much as is possible for men to have, Forces ready to defend themselves. But alas how can one only Kingdom, not very great, not very rich, find men, monies, munition, and so many other requisites for War, to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies, gather'd together out of so many Provinces? Marry if it be as­sisted [Page 170] and succour'd by other Princes, the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased, but even the Honour and Courage thereof, as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemies designs made against us; nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offer'd, to give him Battle in a pitcht field, so to secure by our own dangers (if God shall please to favour) as we are to hope he will, our pious and generous boldness) not only of our own Country, but all the Kingdomes and Provinces of Christendom for many years. But I find I have transgress'd my bounds by my too long speaking: I speak of things that are well known, and to those that understand them better then I do. The sum of all is this. Our Kingdom is one of the out­walls of Christendom, against the fury of the Turkish Forces; Common safety, and common defence, ought to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels: Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee, and consider dangers, and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto.

The Embassadour was very attentively listned unto, whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him, because they were all very well minded to the business, it was therefore resolved, that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom, by means of the Commonwealths Embassadors, to make them all joyn with common consent and force, to assist the Kingdom of Hungary, and to provide against such great dangers, to the which they readily offered their best assistance, and the power of the whole Common­wealth: But these Treaties wrought no better effect then they had for­merly done; so as the danger growing daylie greater, and King Lo­dowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks, for the freeing of Belgrado, a strong and important City, and the Frontire Town of that Kingdom, from the fury of the Turks, before which the Turk­ish Army was already incamped, he sent Iovan Statilio his Embassa­dor again to Venice, to borrow some monies of the Senate, by which he might increase his Forces, and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battel. The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with monies, to assist him against the Turks; and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular strait conjunction which they held with King Lewis, and for that by reason of the greatness of the Otto­man house, those respects were grown more considerable, for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom. The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick, together with greater promises and offers, and not concealing the friendship which they held with him, they or­dered Lorenzo Orio, who was their Embassadour in Hungary, to fol­low his Camp. Bet the King's forces had ill success, Belgrado was lost, nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces; for Soliman left his Artillery, and part of his Militia in Hungary, intending to return thither (as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus, whom he sent to Venice, to acquaint them with this his victory) and subdue that Kingdom. At this time, to the great grief of the whole City, Duke Loredano died, who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years, and [Page 171] who incouraging others by his invincible spirit, had overcome the malice of Fortune, and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition. He was of a great wit, and natural insight into Affairs, and of much experience in the world; having spent his youth in con­tinual Navigations, and his riper years in managing the most impor­tant Affairs of the Common-wealth, exerc [...]sing the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Common-wealth and abroad. He dyed being almost 90 years old, having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities. His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero, and he was buried with great pomp in St Iohn and St Pauls Church. Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him, a man famous for his wealth, and for the ho­nours he had attain'd to in the Common-wealth, and one who had often times tryed both prosperous and adverse fortune; and who was lately return'd to his Country, after having been many years ba­nish'd, for that being General at Sea, he had not made good use of occasion in fighting, and in overcoming the Turkish Fleet at Lepanto. Grimani took upon him the place of Duke, the Common-wealth be­ing (as you have heard by what is past) in Peace and Tranquillity. But such seeds of discords and war between Princes were already sown, as it was to be feared they might bring forth new troubles in the Common-wealth, and perhaps necessitate her to take up Arms a­gain; for Cesar (who was already gone to Aquisgrane in Germany, where he took upon him the first Crown of the Empire) had still a great desire to come into Italy, wherefore he had often times sollici­cited the Venetian Senate to joyn with him; thinking that the Friend­ship and Forces of the Common-wealth, would be of great import­ance for his designs. Therefore amongst other things, he promised to invest them fully with all those Towns and Territories which he then possess'd, and unto which the Empire laid any claim, or pre­tence; which the Venetians, who knew that by just title and right they had long belonged to them, did little value; and therefore this was of no greater force then his other promises, to make them alter their first intentions. Wherefore they delay'd sending to congratu­late with him, according to custom, for his acquired Dignity; and having chosen Francisco Contarini, for their Leiger Embassadour, in the place of Gaspero Contarini, who had stay'd at that Court the u­sual prefix'd time; lest they might give any the least suspition to the French, of their joyning with Cesar in any undertaking, they retard­ed his expedition. Wherefore Cesar dispairing to make the Veneti­ans forego their friendship with the French, he took a new resoluti­on, which was to send Monsi [...]ur Philiberto, Embassadour to the Court of France, with a resolute intention, as he would have it be­lieved, either to agree with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy, excluding the Venetians; or else that they being jealous thereof, might at last be moved to joyn with him, so to shun the great­er evils which they had a little before had tryal of, by the joyning of those two Crowns against the Common wealth. And that he might leave nothing unattempted, he, by his Embassadour, who was then resident in England, complained grievously to the King thereof, [Page 172] (whose Authority was then so great, as he was made Arbitrator and Moderator of all the important businesses which past amongst the Princes) accusing the Venetians, for that, not having observed what they had promised in the Agreement made with Maximillian, they had refused peace, when he had offered it them.

But the Princes did the less believe these things, for that Cesar, at that same time that he seemed so much to desire peace, was known to prepare for war. Therefore King Francis, acquainting with great sincerity the Venetians, with this whole Treaty, would not listen to Cesars Proposals, but growing rather every day more and more desirous, either to fall foul upon Cesars Territories, or else to defend his own Dominions from being assaulted by him, he applied himself to confirm his friends, thereby to increase his power and reputation: he therefore spoke with the King of England, at Ardes, a Town in Picardie, to confirm the peace made between them but a little before; and having a daughter born unto him, he desired the Senate, that she might be held at the Font by their Embassador, and proceeded very civilly in all things with the Commonwealth. But for all this, the League, which had been long treated of at Rome, was not yet con­cluded: but the Articles being drawn up by common consent, and the Venetians having sent sufficient Commissions to their Embassa­dour, then resident at Rome, to ratifie them, the Conclusion was de­fer'd by reason of new difficulties which arose: For the King of France, who was at first content that the League should aim onely at the peace and safety of Italy, to the which, the other Italian Prince▪ being invited, there was place reserved for such as would Confede­rate; to the end that they might join in the Common cause, made, now new proposals, which aimed at other ends; moved thereunto, either out of new desires, or out of some new occasion, seeing Cesar busied about many weighty affairs; for there were many Commo­tions in many of the chiefest Cities of Spain, which in a tumultuous manner sought to withdraw themselves from Charles his Govern­ment; and constituting a popular Government, to injoy Liberty, as many Towns in Germany doe: Besides, many of the Princes and people of Germany, shewed themselves to be but badly satisfied with the new Emperour, for divers of his actions; especially, for Martin Luther's being banished, by Imperial Proclamation, at the Dyet at Wormes; so that, he had reason enough to be troubled. Wherefore the King of France, thinking that those dangers were sufficiently se­cured, which had first made him endeavour the League, being little satisfied therewith (as humane mindes, especially those of Princes, disquieted with new longings, are easie to give way to new desires) he more fervently coveted greater matters; thinking, that he had now a fitting opportunity offered him, to oppose Cesar's greatness, which did already grow too immoderate; and particularly, to drive him out of his Territories in Italy, wherefore he made his forces move towards Navarre, to assist the King, and repossessed him of his ancient States, which were formerly taken from him, by King Ferdi­nando; and did little less then discover his intentions openly, in the Treaty of League with the Pope and Venetians.

[Page 173]The Pope moved by these or by some more hidden reasons, he likewise being full of new cogitations, began to propound new Ar­ticles in the conventions of the League; desiring, that it might be specified, that all the Colleagues should be bound to assist him, in punishing the Churches contumatious Subjects; whereby it clearly appeared, that his ancient desire of driving Duke Alfonso d'Este out of the Dominions of Ferara, was risen up in him again; which was nothing else, but to kindle a great combustion in Italy: for the less able the Duke knew himself to be, to resist the power of the Col­leagues, by reason of his small forces, and the little love his Subjects bore him, the more he should be inforc'd to have recourse to For­raign aid for his defence, and to leave no stone unturned.

The Venetians knowing that whereas they desired to procure quiet and safety, both to themselves, and to all Italy, the way would, by these new Obligations, be opened to new troubles, and to greater dangers; they began likewise to proceed more slowly in concluding the Agreement: For they maturely considered, that it made not for their good, wholly to break the Truce for five years, confirmed by Cesar; and to anger the King of England, who they knew would not be pleased with the new Confederacy; he having done many friendly offices to the Emperour. Whilst the business of the League, for these Respects, was delay'd, and doubtfull; it was known by a new, and unthought of Accident, which did alter the whole course of affairs, and was cause of grievous and important Tumults, that the Pope, after having shew'd so great a desire for the peace of Italy, and after so many negotiations had with the French, to oppose such as should go about to disturb it, had secretly agreed with the Empe­rour, to assault the State of Millane, by their joint forces. All men, especially the Venetians, did strangely wonder, and were very much confused, that the Pope, by taking away the Counterpoise of the French Forces, should by his forces and authority increase the Em­perours power in Italy, which he himself had, but a little before, made appear to be so suspicious and formidable to the Church, and to all the Italian Princes; and that it ought to be supprest, or at least mo­derated. By the Pope's consent and counsel, several secret practises were held by the Imperial [...]sts with those that were outlaw'd in Mil­lane, whereof there were many principal Noble men, of great atten­dance, and authority; that, by their means, tumults should be unex­spectedly raised, at one and the same time, in several Cities, to drive out the French of Force, who feared nothing less; whose Garrisons were already much lessned, and when Lautrech was absent, who was gone a little before to France. But these consultations coming to the knowledge of Monsieur di Lerce, brother to Lautrech, and to whom he had left his Lieutenant in Italy, before the time was ripe, to put them in execution, he speedily raised so many men as did suffice to suppress these Plots; and many of the Outlawed being by him driven out of the State of Milan, where they had secretly hid them­selves, and fled to the City of Regio, where they were received by him that was governour for the Pope, who, as hath been said, was conscious of what was formerly agreed on with Cesar, and knew all [Page 174] these Designs. And these men being pursued by the French, even to the gates of Regio, the Pope complained grievously, that the French, bea [...]ing so little respect to his dignity and authority, and to the friend­ship which he held with the King of France, should go to his Forts, and seek to use violence; anticipating by these complaints, which were chiefly made to the Senate of Venice, those which were rather to have been made by the King of France; that the Pope, contrary to the agreement which was made between them, should suffer that his rebellious and contumacious subjects, and who were Out-lawed, should be received into the Cities belonging to the Church, just when they sought to disturb his affairs.

But the Venetians being desirous (as much as in them lay) to ap­pease these tumults (for the Pope's more resolute will, and his confe­deracy made with Cesar, though it were ratified by him, was not as yet publiquely known) laboured to free the Pope of these suspitions; shewing, that the proceedings of the Kings of France, had always been such towards all Popes, and that upon their knowledge, the now present King bore so great a respect to the affairs of the Church, and such observance to this Pope's person, as a contrary opinion was not now to be grounded upon so slight an occasion; nor ought so conti­nued, and so good an Intelligence betwixt that Kingdom and the A­postolique See be broken upon such a cause: They therefore earnest­ly desired Leo, that before he should settle in such an opinion, as might produce many pernicious effects, he would be pleased to write to the King, to know his mind, and to be better informed of what had hap­ned. But it was in vain to perswade the Pope; who though he seem­ed to put on new resolutions upon this new accident, had notwith­standing, for certain established his agreement already with the Em­perour, wherein it was accorded,

That when the State of Milan should be recovered by their joynt Forces, the Cities of Parma and Piacenza should return to the Church, and all the rest of the State of Milan should be assigned over unto Francesco Sforza: That the Pope should forthwith absolve Charls of his oath, which he took at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples, that so he might with the better Title hold the Empire.

All Treaties of agreement being then despaired of, the Venetians resolved to be by no means failing to the obligations which they had to the King of France, touching the preservation of the State of Mi­lan. It was known that many souldiers were assembled by order from the Pope and Emperour, to the end, that since they succeeded not in their secret practises, they might forthwith betake themselves to open force: To which purpose the Pope, though under other pre­tences, had already taken six thousand Switzers into pay, and Pro­spero Colonna, who was declared Captain General of the Enterprize, went to Bologno to raise a great many souldiers, and the Viceroy of Naples, with the Cavalry of that Kingdom, and Marquis Pescara, with the Spanish Infantery, were come to the banks of the River Tronto, to be ready to pass over upon the first occasion. Wherefore the Ve­netians hasted to take six thousand Italian foot into pay, and muster­ing all their Horse in Brescia, they ordered their Governour Theadoro [Page 175] Trivulcio, to march with them to the banks of Ada; and that if the French affairs should require it, he should pass over it. They like­wise commanded Paolo Nani, who was then Commander of Berga­mo, that he should wait upon the Governour, and follow the camp, executing the place of Commissary. This news being this mean while come to France, Lautrech returned speedily into Italy, began to provide for the succouring of the State of Milan in time, there not being sufficient Garrisons there in it, to defend it, if it should be fallen upon by a powerful Army: His chief care and diligence was, to keep the new succour which the enemy expected (who had already a­bout a thousand Curassiers, and eight thousand foot) from joyning with them. The Pope had lastly taken three thousand more Switzers into pay; for half of his former number of them were diminished: And at the same time, Ferdinand, brother to Charls, being come to Villaco, to raise six thousand foot in those parts, prepared (as soon as his number should be full to pass with them into Italy, for whom Ce­sar demanded passage from the Venetians: They answeted, they could by no means satisfie him in that his desire, by reason of the agree­ments which they had made with the King of France; wherein to fail, was to falsifie their words: But to be sure that they should not enter against their wills, they gave order for the stopping of all pas­sages, and placed diligent Guards in them: And because there were several Passes whereby the Dutch foot might fall down into the Ter­ritories of Verona, and joyn with Colonna's men, so as it would be a difficult matter to secure them all, by putting sufficient Garrisons in­to them, the Venetians were minded to erect a Fort between Peschiera and Lonato, whereinto their Forces being put, which were then eight hundred Curassiers, six hundred light Horse, and six thousand Foot, they might hinder the enemy from advancing any further; whatsoe­ver way they should come; which it was thought they might easily do: for those Dutch Foot had neither Horse nor Artillery with them, nor any warlike tackling, whereby to force their passage. This ad­vice was at first much applauded by Lautrech, who affirmed, that he would come himself in person, with his men, and joyn with the Ve­netian Army; confessing oft, that this was the securest way to de­fend the State of Milan; yet altering his mind not long after, he de­sired the Venetians, that leaving the thought of hindering the enemies passage, which he thought to be impossible, they would send their men to joyn with the French in the Territories of Cremona: So the Venetians leaving the Passes, Guarded the best they could by the peo­ple of the Country, ordered Trivulcio to go with all his Horse and Foot towards Cremona; and for that Lautrech desired that he might have some Venetian Gentleman with him, of authority and experi­ence, with whom he might advise what way that War was best to be managed, the Senate sent forthwith Andrea Gritti to the Camp, con­tinuing Paolo Navi there still, to provide for all things necessary for the Army. Ierolimo da Pesaro, was moreover chosen Commissary General on Terra Ferma, to whom the care and custody of the Forts was particularly commended; where into were put 2000 foot new­ly taken into pay, and some Curasiers to secure themselves upon all [Page 176] occasions from danger. Moreover the Senate resolved at Lautrech's intreaty, to take 3000 more Foot into pay; and gave willingly way likewise to the contributeing of maintaining some Horse and Foot, with whom the Duke of Ferrara promised to march in behalfe of the French: To the end that the King, and all men else, might acknowledg that nothing was wanting one their side for the safeguard of the State of Milan, nor to the ready, and sincere maintaining of the agreement which was made between them and the French.

But the French were more diligent in exhorting the Venetians to make good the Articles of the confederacy, then to make requisite provisions themselves, wherein they proceeded but slowly; which is very prejudicial to the essence of War: For though Lautrech did continualy affirm that Monsieur di St Vallie [...] was to pass imediately over the Mountains with 6000 French Foot, and that 10000 Swit­zers being already raised by the King, would soon begin to march, yet they were never seen to appear.

On the other side the Enemy, being already grown very strong, the Dutch Foot being joyn'd with them, passed safely into the Terri­tories of Mantua, and from thence to those of Millan; and know­ing what advantage it was for them to make hast, they went to Be­siege Parma, the taking whereof would be of much safety and ho­nour unto them. But Lautrech, who when he first saw them begin to move, had some suspition of the business, and had sent his bro­ther Monsseur di Lescu thither with a good Garrison; which did not, notwithstanding, keep the Cesarians, and Ecclesiastick Comman­ders from pursuing their first intention, hopeing to take it, since the Town was but weak of it self, and their Army very strong: Which they had done, had not Lautrech, to whom a great recruit of men was come from France, resolved to march nearer up to the Enemy with his whole Army, by whose comming and because the Duke of Ferrara had raised a great many Foot, theatning to Assault Modena, and Regio; Colonna was forced (as he himself said afterwards) to rise from before Parma: Which the Pope▪ was wonderfully displeased at who in his joyning with Cesar did cheifly covet the getting of that Town. The bad success of this first enterprize begat (as it usualy happens upon such like ocasions) no small jealousies between the con­federates; for the Pope complained of the Imperial Commanders, as if cunningly prolonging the taking of Parma, they had taken an oc­casion to rise from thence to inforce him, whom they knew to be so desirous of that place, to contribute readily to all the expences of the War. And on the other side the Emperour, finding the Pope so ill satisfied, grew more confirm'd in his former suspition, that he would either forsake him, when he should have atchieved his end, in getting by the confederacy all that belong'd unto him; or else that failing that hope, and being soon weary of the expence and dan­ger of War, as also being naturaly given to change in opinions, he might as easily forego his Friendship, as he had done the like of the King of France. Therefore thinking it necessary, for the well grounding of his designes, to draw the Venetians into the confede­racy, because the Pope, by reason of the Authority and Strength [Page 177] that they would add unto the confederacy, would be more cautious in breaking it; and because the Common-wealths Aids would be readi­er, and more constant then those of the Church; he resolved to send Francisco Laus to Venice, to recide there as his Em­bassadour: And by him he did again very much press the Venetians to joyn with him and the Pope. Saying that this was the only way to that peace which he desired no less then they; and that this was his intention might easily be proved, by his ready condiscention to invest Francisco Sforza, Duke of Bari, in the Dukedom of Milan, thereby to reduce the affairs of Italy to a peacefull condition, when he might lay just claim thereunto. But the Senate, not altering their first determination, part­ly because they thought Cesar would not be as good as his word, part­ly calling to mind the last actions done by the French in service of the Common-wealth; thought it stood not with their faith and honour to abandon them, upon the first occasion of danger. The War went therefore on, and more men were daily raised, as well in the French and Venetians Army, as in that of the Emperours and Popes, by the coming of many Switzers to both Camps; for Cardinal Se­dunense went into Switzerland, where he took many of that Nation into pay in the Popes name, who finding the opportunity of some Barks, passed therein over the River Oglio, though the Venetians had endeavour'd by all means possible to hinder their passage, and to guard the Banks, and so entred into the Territories of Brescia, and not without great harm to the Country people, got to the Empe­rours Army: And the 10000 Switzers which had been so long ex­pected, came at last to Lautrech. Thus both Armies being very strong, so as they gave a just counterpoise one to the other, they did nothing for a good while, but stood doubtful; till at last Colonna was the first that moved, to pass over the River Ada, and marched to­wards Milan. Which when Lautrech heard of, he resolved to de­part immediately from the Territories of Cremona, where he had tar­ried a good while, and marched towards Cassano, to hinder the Enemy from passing over the River, but they preventing the French­mens design by their speedy March, past the River safely between Ri­va and Cassano, and continued on their March towards Millan: So as Lautrech failing of his first hopes, followed the Enemy with more dili­gence, intending, if he conveniently could, to give him Battle; b [...] Prospero who loved not much to hazard himself upon Fortune, kept him from doing so; and Lautrech at last brought his Army into Mi­lan, leaving the Venetian Commissary with the Artillery, and part of his men at Lodi. The rest whereof being led on by Trivulcio, en­tred Millan too. But Colonna thinking that he might attempt Millan without much danger, came speedily to the Suburbs, rather to try what he could do by an unexpected assault, then out of any hope of good success. Advancing therefore a Band of select Souldiers, he assaulted one of the Gates of the Suburbs after Sun set, when the Defendants did least fear it, giving order that these should be readily succour'd by a greater number, if the first assault should prove pros­perous. Trivulcio had the guard of this Gate with some companies of Venetian Foot, who (such Orders being given as the shortness [Page 178] of time, and the unexpected action would permit) made stout resi­stance, and advertised Lautrech of the sudden accident, and of what danger he was in. But many Harquebusiers coming in to assist the Enemy, and no supply coming to the Venetian Foot; for the Swit­zers being commanded by Lautrech to go thither, would not stir; and the Guascons who were sent afterwards in their steed, came too late; Trivulcio was inforced to retreat with his Souldiers, and to give way to a greater Force: So as the Imperialists entring the City, where all things were full of fear and confusion, they fell to plunder the Houses with such fury, as there was no distinction made between those that were for the Imperialists and the contrary party. In this tumult Trivulcio was taken Prisoner, Mercurio Bua Captain of the Venetians light Horse, Luigi Marino Secretary to the Common­wealth, & many others; Lautrech minding nothing else but how to save the Cavalry, wherewith he got safe and entire out of Milan, and got quickly to Com [...]. The Venetian Curassiers, who being gone from Lodi, were coming towards Milan, were stript by the way, and the greatest part of them got into Bergamo. And the Switzers who first began the mutiny, the tumult increasing, valued not their Captains commands, but returned to their own homes▪ Milan being thus ta­ken, and the French Army in so great disorder, Lodi, Pavia, Par­ma, and Piacenza, yielded suddenly to the Imperialists, as did Cre­mona soon after, though a great number of French arriving, who made good the Castle, it was soon recovered. Thus the French, not having received any rout, nor having so much as struck a stroke, being very strong, were by a very slight accident put to great disor­der and confusion, and lost so large and so fair a State, the winning whereof had cost them so dear. This is the change and uncertainty which all humane actions are subject to, wherein we often labour in vain, the labour of many years being lost in one day, in one moment. Colonna endeavouring to make use of this good Fortune, and to de­feat the remainder of the French Army, pursued Lautrech, who lea­ving Como, was gone towards Lodi; but not making any stay there, he went with his Curassiers into the Country of Geraddada, and not tarrying long there neither, he went to Leonato, in the Territories of Brescia. Which though it were very grievous to the Venetians, by reason of the inconvenience which would thereby redound to that Country, which had been already exhausted by long War, being to find food for so many Horse, whereof Lautrech had 5000. Eve­ry compleat Lancier having 10 Horses, yet being unwilling to refuse the admittance of the French into their State, they made other pro­posals to them. They put them in mind of carrying their men into the parts about Ferrara, which indeed the Duke did desire for his own ends; for that being a very fat Country, and not toucht upon by the War, they might be there fed commodiously, and it was ve­ry opportunely situated; moreover it might be advantagious; for the Pope, who was still apprehensive, being by reason of the Neigh­berhood of so many Warriers, jealous that Bologna, and the State of Urbine might run some hazard, had caused the Army of the League to come into those parts; so as this might be a means of some good [Page 179] success. But Lautrech refusing this and all other proposalls, the Senate was contented to please him, by suffering him to winter his men in their Dominions; at which, when the Emperours Embassa­dour seemed to be troubled, answer was made; that in case of such misfortunes, not onely friends and confederates, but even enemies ought to be assisted: that therefore, both in respect of their Articles of capitulation, and out of meer civillity, they could not but assist the French in this their adverse Fortune, and afford them all convenience, for the preservation of their men, which were to serve either for the defence, or recovery of the State of Milan, to the which the Com­monwealth was by particular agreement bound. It was therefore ordered, that the French, and our men also, should forbear molesting the enemy, whilest they tarried in those Territories; least the enemy might take occasion to pursue them too within the Venetian Confines, which would be very prejudicial to the Country.

But Bartolomeo di Villa Chiara, and Monsignor Visconte being past over the Ada, and entred with some of their Troops into the Berga­masco, to infest the Country; Commissary Gritti gave leave for the defence thereof against the Imperialists; so as some Troops of light Horse, and some Gentlemen that were banished out of Milan, com­ing out of Crema, and passing likewise over the Ada, they assaulted some of the Enemies Curassiers at unawares, plundered them, and did them further harm. This mean while Lautrech propounded to go with all the men he then had, to Cremona, intending to throw a Bridge over the Po at Pontinico, near the greater Cassal, that he might be master of the country on both sides of the River, and might hold intelligence with the Duke of Ferrara, who was come into the field with no small forces to attempt the taking of Modena and Regio. This Seat was likewise thought very opportune to fall upon the Territories of Mantua, and particularly Viadana, a very rich and opulent Town, from whence they might get good store of Victuals for their Army: and the Marquis of Mantua, who was in the Leagues Camp, as Ca­ptain General of the Churches forces, would be forced to depart from thence, and come to defend his own affairs. But the Venetians not thinking it fit to make any attempts before they had greater forces, not to draw new enemies upon them in time of ill fortune, not being there­unto necessitated, disswaded Lautrech from this: When things were in this condition, Pope Leo died, whereupon the face of things did soon much alter.

This Pope was famous for many vertues, particularly for his Princely liberality and munificence, wherewith he cherished and be­friended the Litterati, and all such as were excellent in any knowledg: But he would have left a better memory of his Popedom behind him▪ if he had not obscured his glory, by busying himself and others in troublesome Wars, and suffering himself to be somtimes transported by his affections: He seemed both by his words and intercessions, to be well affected to the Commonwealth, and to desire her greatness, yet covering his contrary proceedings, by various pretences, he was alwaies a back friend to her. It was evidently seen, that the re­putation of the Colleagues would be much lessened by the Pope's [Page 180] death: for the Switzers, who by reason of their confederacy, renew­ed (much to their advantage) with the King of France, were alwaies troubled to be led on against him, having already begun their wont­ed tumults, when they heard that Leo was dead, they presently left the Camp, and the State of Milan; and it was thought that the Col­ledge of Cardinals would at their first meeting, recal the Churches forces out of Romagna, whereby great opportunity appeared to be offered for the recovery of the State of Milan, with as much ease as it was lost before, the City not being over-well Garrison'd, and the Enemy not having sufficient forces in the field to succour it. Moreover the Town was full of confusion, the people were very ill satisfied with the Imperialists, by reason of the many mischiefs done by the Swit­zers, Spanish, and Dutch foot; hating them and their Nations, al­most as much now, as they had formerly done the French; and the Cardinals of Medices and Sedunences were gone from the camp, that they might be present at the election of the new Pope; and by their absence, the authority of the League, and all mens observancy thereof was much lesned. Out of these respects, as also to free their Terri­tories from the expence of feeding the French, the Venetians hasted to raise souldiers every where, taking the greatest part of the Garri­sons from their Cities; they [...]hose also new Commanders, for Mala­tes [...]a Baglione, and some others, had foregone the Venetian pay, that they might recover their particular States in the vacancy of the Apo­stolike Sea. But the hopes of good success consisted chiefly, in the Protection which the Switzers had taken with much fervency of the French affairs, and of the recovery of the State of Milan, in the last Dyet of Lucerna; to which purpose, they had, by resolution of the same Dyet, sent some to Venice, to desire the Senate, that they would continue their forwardness in favouring the affairs of France, and to make good their Articles of confederacy; promising that they would take upon them, to defend those who should in this case help, and adhere unto the king of France: wherefore Lautrech reassuming cou­rage, resolved, though it were in the very depth of winter, to move with those men which he had got together, and to enter the Territories of Milan. But Colonna this mean while minded the mending of the Rampiers, and inlarging the Platformes, and the securing of Milan, by many other works: the Garrison whereof (which consisted onely of Spanish Foot, was much increased by the Dutch, who were first brought from Como, to Marignano, and from thence to Milan. The Marquess of Mantua was no less diligent in Lodi, where he had 200 Horse, and but a few Foot.

The French and Venetian Commanders falling to consult what they had best do, at first, many things were propounded, with some difference of Opinion. Frederico di Bozzuolo propounded, the sudden assaulting of Parma and Piacenza, wherein there were but weak Gar­risons, and those made yet the weaker by the uncertainty of the Switzers Loyalty, it being gathered by some discourse which had been had with them, that they would pass over to the French camp, But it being necessary, that to effect this, the whole Army must be car­ried beyond the River Poe, it was openly gainsaid by the Venetian [Page 181] Commissary, as a thing wherein there was more danger, then hopes of good success; especially, since they could not very well guard the Pope, so as they might at their pleasure retire. He therefore was for carrying all their men to Cremona, and for getting the country there­abouts, the greatest part whereof held for the Spaniards, and that then they might make use of time and occasion, in falling upon other enterprises: Thus both of them persisting in their opinion, it was resolved, that (neither of these counsels being fully allowed of, nor yet fully rejected,) Frederick should pass the Poe, with part of the forces, and draw near Parma, but without any artillery; because, if his design did not succeed, he might retreat the sooner, and without danger: and that the rest of the French Army, and all the Venetians, should return to Cremona. But affairs not falling out succesfully about Parma, Bozzuolo, without making any atempt upon Piacenza, returned to joyn with Lautrech; who was already gotten into the Territories of Cremona; and this was all that was at that time done, and wherewith the year 1521 ended. But the two great Princes, Charles the Emperour, and Francis king of Fance, were still set hot upon war, which foretold great combustions in Italy, and other Pro­vinces, in the beginning of the next year.

The French Army being now very strong, for many Switzers were come unto their Camp, and the Venetians, who were then 6000 Foot, 600 Curassiers, and 800 Light-horse, being already thereunto joyn­ed; Lautrech, by the consent of the other Commanders, resolved to attend the final issue of the Warr, and to march towards Milan. Being therefore advanced with the whole Army, the French encamped themselves at Cassano, and the Venetians at Binasco, upon the Road that leads from Pavia to Milan, to hinder the Victuals which were brought by that way. Whilest they were in these quarters, some Companies of Switzers, and some Troups of French Horse, were sent to Novara, which place, not being time enough relieved by the Marquis of Mantua, who was come out of Pavia to th [...] end, it was easily taken and sacked by the Assalliants, and Philip Torniello, Commander of the adverse Partie, was made Prisoner. Novarra being taken, Vigevena soon surrendred; which purchase was thought the greater; because it opened the way for Succours, which were expected from France, to come and join with the Camp: in hopes whereof, they did the more easily bear with many hardships, which the camp began already to undergoe, for want of monies, and through other inconveniences; there being no hopes of bringing the War to a final good end, without other new and important succours; the King of France had given out, that he would come himself into Italy: and being gon in the beginning of April to Lyons, hee sent the Admiral there forwards to Granople, and gave order for the levying of 12000 Foot of several Nations, being very sollicitous in order­ing such a preparation for war, as became his forces, and such an enterprise, on which his heart was so set, as he would often times say, That rather then to give it over, he would hazzard his own person, and his kingdome. Hee therefore indeavoured, by many fervent solli­citations, to keep the Venetian Senate in their first and constant resolu­tion, [Page 182] of not foregoing his friendship, for any offers that Cesar could make them. Hee writ likewise particularly to Gritti the Commis­sary of the camp, as to one that hee knew very well, and esteemed very much, recommending the business to him, and assuring him, that he might safely build upon his comming into Italy, and upon the Forces which he would bring with him, which should be certain, and sudden: which made the Venetians concur the more readily to the charges of the war, not onely for what belonged unto themselves, but in the concernments of the French, assisting them at their needs with much amunition, and many other things; and with good sums of mony to pay their souldiers.

For all this, provisions came not from France, answerable to what was requisite, and to their promises: But after long expectation, Monsieur di Lescue came, without any men, and but with little monies. Therefore thinking that they should doe no good by tarrying longer about Milan, they resolved at last to remove, and to come with their camp before Pavia; hoping, that the strength of their Army, and the weakness of the Garrison which was in that City, being considered, they might get a sudden, and a safe victory; for though, out of some such suspicion, the Marquess of Mantua was entred the Town, with some souldiers, yet there was not, at that time there, more then 12000 Italian Foot, 500 Curassiers, and some few Light horse: wherefore it was thought, that when the Marquis should see the French Army draw nigh, he would come out, and forgoe the de­fence of the City, as a thing too hard to be done.

The whole Army, both of the French and Venetians, being in­camped before the walls, they began to batter, and having already thrown down about 50 foot of the wall, the Switzers: who are natu­rally impatient of delay, desired the French Commanders, that they might be led on to the assault. But they thinking it better to let the business grow more ripe, till they might be more sure of victory, dif­ferr'd the doing so, till a Mine might be accomplished, which was preparing to be made by the invention of Petro Navara under a great Bastiome, by the downfall whereof, the assault might be the better given. And the mean while, a bridg being made over the Tesino, the Light-horse made inrodes, even to the very gates of the city, keeping the enemy from either coming in, or coming out. Yet all passages could not be so diligently kept, but that some Foot sent with succour from Milan got into the City, by the way of Marignavo, though many of them were kept back by the Cavalry, and many brought prisoners into the camp. But businesses went slowlier forward then the present necessity required; for Na­varo's Engines required length of time, and were hard to compass; and some pieces of cannon were expected from Lodi and Crema, wherewith to renue the battery. By this delay, Colonna had oportu­nity given him, to draw forth his whole army into the field, and ha­ving taken up his station in a strongly situated place, upon the way to Pavia, the French were very jealous, lest he might advance farther, and indanger them, whilest being busie about assaulting the City, they were the less intent upon other business: Therefore they placed [Page 183] 10000 Switzers, and 600 French Curassiers on their back, who if need should be, might sustein the brunt of the enemy, who should come to assault them. In this interim, some French horse which were gone out to over-run the Country, advancing too far, fell upon the Enemies Van-guard, by whom they were chased, and many of them taken Prisoners; Colonna's men leaving their first Quarters, came and placed themselves in a strong situation at Binasco, about 8 miles distant from the French Camp, which made the French Command­ers more jealous and afraid; for to tarry long idle about the Walls of the City, without using any violence, redounded much to the dis­reputation of their Army, and there was much danger in making an assault; for if they should be beaten back, they feared lest the Swit­zers, having made this trial in vain, dispairing of good success, might quit the Camp, not being well satisfied that they had not received the pay which they had already deserved. Moreover, being of some days past much straitned in victuals, they could not have been able to refresh their wearied and afflicted Souldiers, nor supply their greatest necessities.

But say that things should have succeeded luckily, and that they should have taken the City, how could any Commander hope to keep his Souldiers, especialy the Switzers, from plundering; where­in being bu [...]ied without either any Order or Government, the whole Army was in danger of manifest ruine, having so powerful an Ene­my so neer at hand.

These things being considered, Gritti advised that they should raise the Camp from before Pavia, and go to some strong and safe place, where they might expect the coming of the King of France, which they were informed by new messages from France, would be very soon, and with great Forces. And it is most apparant that his presence accompanied with such a strength of men, would have brought so much reputation to that Army, and have won so much favour from some, and infused so much terrour into othersome, as they must have been sure of a notable Victory. Nothing pleaded a­gainst this commendable and wholsome advice, but the Switzers fickleness; who not admitting of any reason, did obstinately de­mand either to be dismiss'd, that so they might return home, or else brought to fight the Enemy: And it was the harder to appease them, for that the scarcity of Victuals was now grown greater, because the Country being overflown by very great rains, and the Bridges over Tessino being broken down, whereby Victuals was brought from Novarra, and Vegivene, they had much adoe to get provisions for the Army.

Whilst these doubts and difficulties were disputed in the French, and Venetian camp, they understood that the Imperialists being risen from Binasco, were marching forwards with all their Forces. Where­upon Lautrech resolved suddenly to meet them, and to fight them. He was very diligent in putting his Army in good order, behaving himself like a valiant, and well experienced Commander. But the Enemy hastening their march, got into a strong Station, so near the [Page 184] Charterhouse, as Colonna and the Marquis of Pescara, were quar­tered in the very Monastry of the Carthugiens; a place very Famous for the stately and excellent Building: Lautrech not being then able to doe what he first intended, moved to march forward, and get be­yond the Enemy, and to settle in some fitting place upon the way to Milan, thinking to make Colonna dislodge, and draw nearer Milan: But this being argued in the counsel of War, and many difficulties being found therein, it was resolved that they should go to within two miles of the Emperour's camp, and that the Switzers and French should Quarter on the outside of the Park of the Charterhouse, and the Venetians within the Park; but yet so as both parts of the Army might commodiously succour each other through some gaps which were made in the Park wall. And before the camp was settled, Lau­trech, to try the Enemy, ordered that two Bataglions of the Switzers and two great bodies of Curassiers, should advance neare the Ene­my, against which none appearing, it was thought that the Imperi­alists were suddenly removed, and returned to their former Quarters of Binasco, whither they came two days after; Colonna having the mean while, much to his praise, relieved Pavia, and made the Ene­mies camp to rise from before it. But the French camp were in great disturbances, by the Switzers mutinying, who though they knew that the Moneys destin'd for their pay was come to Arona, yet they continued still to mutiny, refusing to go any whither, save where they might soonest, and most commodiously receive their money. Wherefore they propounded that the whole Army might go by the way of Biagrassa, towards Vigivene, and that making a Bridg over the Tesino, a safe convoy might be sent to bring them their Moneys. Which Gritti did openly gainsay, saying, he would not go so far from the Territories of the Common-wealth, and expose his men to so much the greater danger, as that the Switzers being in a better, and safer way homewards, might the more easily forsake them. After divers debates, it was at last resolved that the whole Army should march towards Monz, to which the Venetian Commanders consented; having first caused Lodi to be well munited, and thrown a Bridg over the Ada at Trecco, that they might upon all occasions have a way to retreat safely, and to secure their Men and their Coun­trey.

When the Switzers were come to Monz, they would presently have passed over the Tesino,

Openly blaming the French for their irresoluteness, and backwardness, and complaining grievously, that they, who were a Valliant Nation, should be put to suffer so many inconveniencies so long, without recieving their just, and well deserved pay; and without being brought to try their Valour in War. That they had several times offer'd to be the first who should go on in assaulting Pavia, that they had often times desired to come to a day of Battle with the Enemy, who were more incouraged by the fear, and cowardliness of others, then by their own Forces. That they had ne­ver refused any danger, labour, or millitary action, wherein they might serve the Crown of France; but that yet they would not be held to be base, [Page 185] and servile, such as would doe their work, without such reward as their Valour and Labour did deserve.

And though the French Commanders did what they could to ap­pease this tumultuous proceeding,

Shewing that the Kings service (which was the thing they ought chiefly to respect) required them to do what they had done, and what at least would redound to their glory, and secure the Victory; that the delay of their Pay proceeded not from any want of care in the King, or negligence in his Ministers; but from unavoydable impediments, all the passages being block'd up by the Enemy.

Yet they had much ado to appease the tumult, and to keep them in the Camp.

The Cesarian Army which was come to Bicocca, a place about four miles from Milan, was in great disorder for the same cause: For the Lanschenets muty [...]i [...]d, demanding pay; and many Italian Foot, who were not paid, passed over into the Enemies Army, and were taken into pay by the Venetians; and some of the Spanish companies had let our Commanders understand that they were ready to doe the like, if they might be received. Moreover there was no good cor­respondency between the chief Commanders; for Pescara being high minded, scorned to do any thing by any other mans order, or counsel, or to depend upon Colonna's Authority.

But so great was the Switzers impatiency in the French Camp, as it marr'd all good resolutions, and would not suffer the Command­ers to make use of time, or to draw any advantage out of these the E­nemies disturbances. So as the Switzers affirming still that they would go over the Tessino, and Gritti being necessitated therefore to say, that then he must need depart the same day with his men towards Lodi; Lautrech, partly disdaining these Proposals which were made on all sides, partly to shun the being thought a Dastard (for the French are always naturally friends to sudden counsels, though not safe, more then to long expectance, though with more security) resolved to try the Fortune of Battle, though upon great disadvan­tage, being to assault the Enemy within their Quarters, which were naturally strong, being environ'd by many waters, and made the stronger by many works which the Imperialists had raised with much industry, for their better safety. The assault was so ordered as all the Switzers went in the first Squadron, being divided into two great Battalions, with 14 pieces of Artillery, and they were attended by Babon di Naldo, with 800 Venetian Harchebusiers on Foot: After these were the French Curassiers to follow, and then the whole body of the Venetian Foot with 9 pieces of Artillery, backt by their Curas­siers divided into two parts. The Switzers marching thus apace, but in great good order, went boldly on to the assault; and though the badness of the place appear'd to be far worse when they were at it, then they had conceived it to be, yet not at all abating their fierceness, they strove to beat the Dutch Foot back, who did defend the Ram­piers: Who making use of the advantage of place, fought the more couragiously, to the end that they might not dispute the business with [Page 186] the Enemy upon equal terms, if they should be suffer'd to win the Ditch. At the same time the Sw [...]tzers were play'd upon on the Flanks by great abundance of Musket shot, by the Spanish Foot; but all of them readily encountring the danger, those who remain'd alive, soon revenged their companions death. Whilst it was thus stoutly fought on all sides, on the Front of their Quarters, Monsieur di Lescu, wheel­ing about with the French Horse, assaulted the Enemies on the back, and finding the field open on that side, he advanced a good way in, committing great slaughter, and put the Enemy into great fear and disorder: So as it was generally thought, that if he had been follow­ed by good store of Foot, the French and Venetians would that day have easily routed, and defeated the Imperial Army. But the Swit­zers, who after five hours fighting, found they were in vain to over­come the disadvantage of the place, began to retreat by little and lit­tle to within their Squadrons in a stupendious order, carrying off all their Artillery, and being more encouraged in their orderly retreat, because they saw themselves backt by the Venetians, who making good the Rear, secured them from being prest upon by the Imperia­lists. O [...] the French Army there perished in this assault more then 20 [...]0 men, all of them Switzers; but the loss was peradventure greater in the Imperial Camp, they having lost many men of good condition. Though this action had no very good success, yet as be­ing full of confidence and courage, it was likely rather to have added unto, then to have lessened the reputation of the French Army, and to have invited them to other undertakings, had not the same impa­tiency of the Switzers, which formerly perswaded them against rea­son to attempt the Battle, disturb'd all their designs, and frustrated other hopes by their returning to their former tumults; Lautrech loa­ded the Captains of the Switzers with gifts and promises, and pray'd them that by their entreaties, reasons and authority, they would en­deavour to keep their Foot in due obedience, which they all did: But amongst the rest Alberto Pietra, a man in much favour and autho­rity with his Nation, calling them all together, spoke thus unto them.

You gave yesterday, My valiant Fellow Souldiers, so noble a proof of your daring, and military experience, as that action is not to be numbred amongst the least of praises which by common consent are given to our Na­tion, in all that appertains to the Militia: But to arise to the height of glo­ry, it is requisite that we persevere in the same purpose of beating and quite conquering the Enemies Army: And that we return to try the fortune of War, lest it be thought that by yielding to the first no very fortunate encoun­ter, it was fickleness, not true valour, which made us expose our selves to the dangers of Battle: Or else that we confess we are overcome, though in truth we be rather Conquerours, having assaulted the Enemy even with­in their works, done them much harm, and retreated safe and in good or­der, not any one of the Enemy having dared to come out of their Camp, and pursue us: No not so much as to shew any resentment, or that they do equal us in Force and Valour. But if we do first quit our Quarters which we now are in, it will assuredly be said, that the Imperialists got the Victory, [Page 187] and that we are gone, not of our own wills, but driven away by the Enemy. Whereas on the contrary, if we tarry here, we may get many notable ad­vantages; we shall confirm all men in the opinion, that the Victory was re­ally ours, we shall not a little encourage those that adhere to the French party, we shall infuse such terrour into the Enemy, as to avoid the danger of more assaults, and of more certain ruine, now that they are aware we are better acquainted with the situation of their Quarters, and with our ad­vantage, and disadvantage, they will retreat to within the Walls of Milan, and will leave us Masters of the Field, and free to fall upon what­soever Designe we shall please: We have understood by express Messengers, that it is the will, nay the express command of our Masters and Governors, that we continue during this Militia, in the service of the King of France, How can we disobey what they command? Or, wherefore ought we to do it, in a business, which for our own glory and profit, we ought to seek and pur­sue, yea, though we were forbidden? We must not then certainly refuse to do it, when it is enjoyned us under pain of disobedience. We are assured that the King will very shortly come into Italy with a great warlike prepa­ration, nor can I see what forces the Enemy have to withstand so great a Force, or how they can oppose our Designs. The whole State of Milan will assuredly fall suddenly into the King's hands, who to revenge himself of the City for her rebellion, and of those his Subjects for their many in­juries, and to reward the valour of his Army, will give the prey and plun­der of them and it, unto his Souldiers; and you who have hitherto shared in such labours, and in so many dangers, will you lose the advantage there­of, and not be at the sacking of so many, and so rich Cities; for the very hopes whereof, though you were in Countries far off, you ought endeavour by all means possible to be present at this Militia, that you might receive fitting rewards for your military actions? What consideration can there be of so great moment, I beseech you, which can counterpoise so great glo­ry, so great advantage? What else is it that can make you forego such hopes? You complain for want of pay, and in resentment thereof, will revenge your selves upon your selves: Consider better what the injury is that is done you, what it is you can with reason complain of: The King hath not provided monies time enough for your occasions: his Ministers may peradventure have been negligent therein: Can you doubt that your Pays are stopp'd▪ or that there is any doubt to be made of your receiving them? We know for certain, that the monies are already in your masters hands, and that the delay of payment, is only because the passages are so shut up and guarded by the Enemy, as the monies cannot without manifest danger be brought unto the Camp: If you will resent this, revenge your selves upon those that are the true cause why they are detained. Think of beating the Enemy, and so all the ways will be open, the Country will be ours, all things will depend upon us, and not upon the will of others: These are more useful, more generous thoughts, and more answerable to your former actions, then to think of returning home, as chased by your enemies, to whom you have been a terror, and will be so still, if you be not wanting unto your selves.

[Page 188]T [...]ese words unwillingly lis [...]ned unto, made no impression in the Souldiers, as being contrary to their already resolved will; who per­severing obstinately in their former refractoriness, required that the Camp might be removed from thence, and that they might be dis­mist the Mi [...]itia: wherefore Lautrech ▪ to shun further danger, was forced to rise, and went with his whole Army towards Trecco, where finding the Bridge already made, he lodged upon the Banks of Ada, [...]is men being quartered, some on the one side, some on the other side of the River; the Venetian Commanders desiring it should be so, for the better security of their affairs: Where having stayed a [...]ew days, the Switzers disbanded, and went several ways to their own homes; but most of them took their way towards Lecco, where they unde [...]stood the monies for their pay was come; The Grand Ma [...]stre, Monsieur de Mommorancie, Monsieur de Palissa, and other Frenchmen following them, with their companies, since neither words nor act [...]ons were able to prevail with the Switzers, to make them tar­ry any longer; for it was so provided by the Venetians, that they should be defrayed by them without monies, till their pay was come from France: For the Venetians were very much troubled, and dam­nified by the Switzers departure; Lautrech affirming, that he must be en [...]o [...]ced to return with all his men to France, together with the Switzers, and thorow their country, if they should resolve to go, so as the parts about the Ada being left unguarded, the Imperialists might freely at their pleasure enter in hostile manner into the Territories of the Commonwealth. But if the French should stay in Lombardy, they desired the Senate that they might be permitted to quarter in the Ter­ritories of Brescia, against which there were many objections to be made; the country was wholly ruin'd by so long Wars, and by so many Garrisons, and it was to be feared, that it might afford the Im­perialists occasion of passing into the confines of their State, who did alrea [...]y complain, that they had exceeded the bonds of their confe­deracy, in favouring the French; so as in many considerations, seve­ral inconveniencies and differences and difficulties arose by the depar­ture of the Switzers; who not being by any means to be detained, the Senate resolved to satisfie the French in their desire, and to receive them into their State, that they might not lessen their past deserts with the King, and because the preservation of those men made for the common safety, and facilitated the business of Milan, against the King should come into Italy▪. But Lautrech, and the other Com­manders, being perswaded either by the reasons formerly alledged by the Venetians, or out of no small fear of what might ensue, if they should so suddenly abandon the whole State of Milan, resolved that part of their men should go to Cremona, whither also Lautrech him­self went, and the rest to Lodi, with Frederico da Bozzuole, and Giovan de Medici; though Medici not being able to make his men move with­out money, came not time enough thither: and the French Garrison which was in Trecco, not being sufficient to defend it, the Venetian Commissary sent Giovan dal Saracino thither, who was under the pay of the Commonwealth, with two companies of Italian Foot: But [Page 189] Lautrech seeing that nothing came from France but fair words, and news of great warlike preparations, things which did little avail the present business, resolved to pass over the mountains, and to go him­self to Court, to give an account of the affairs of Italy, leaving his brother Monsieur di Leiscue in Cremona; whither Colonna coming with all his Army, and no succour appearing, Lescue was forced to ye [...]ld up the City unto him, he having taken Lodi but a little before by an unexpected assault.

The End of the fourth Book.

THE HISTORY OF VENICE, Written by PAULO PARUTA. BOOK V. THE CONTENTS.

JUdgment given upon the Venetians resolution, by reason of the misfor­tune of the French. The Emperour endeavours to part them from the French, and the King of England interposeth himself: A League be­tween these two. The Venetians advisedness; who being enclined to the French, acquaint that King with their sense of things. The League of London invalid by the death of Leo the tenth. Girolomo at Venice in Cesar's behalf, endeavours to separate the Senate from the French. The Spaniards encrease in Giaradada. The Venetians Arm by Land, and the reason why. Soliman prepares for the Siege of Rhodes. They Arm by Sea. Adrian the sixt is chosen Pope: He goes from Spain to Rome: His good disposition. Rhodes is taken by Soliman. The Pope propounds a League between the Italian Princes. An Embassie from Venice to Rome. An Agreement treated of with Cesar. Respect born to Soliman's Friendship. The Archdukes Embassadors break the League made with the Emperour. The Bishop of Feltre sent to Venice by the Pope. Adorno, the Emperor's Embassadour, dies. Marino Caraccioli succeeds him. Several French Embassadors at Venice. The King of France his Declaration. The Peace is concluded with Cesar: the conditions thereof. Embassadors sent from Venice to Ce­sar, and to the Archduke. Trivultio is discharged the Service of the Commonwealth. The Duke of Urbane in his place. The Commonwealth excuse themselves to the King of France, for making this Peace. He resolves to go into Italy, but is stayed by the Duke of Burbon's rebellion. He sends the Admiral thither. The Venetians succour the Imperialists. [Page 191] The French before Milan. The Viceroy of Naples passeth into Lom­bardy. Bourbone is declared Cesars Lievtenant General. The Ve­netians are jealous by reason of a Treaty of Peace between the French and Cesarians. The Venetian Embassadour is dismiss'd from France. The death of Adrian the sixth. Clement the seventh is chosen Pope. Antonio Grimani, Duke of Venice, dyes: and Andrea Gritti is chosen in his place. His conditions. The French fall upon the Milla­noise. The Duke of Urbane, General to the Venetians, does many things. Renzo da Ceri upon the Confines of the Venetians with 8000 Gris [...]uns. The Admiral joyns with the Switzers. The Embassadour of the three Leagues at Venice. The Pope exhorts the Senate to hold with him. The Popes designs. He sends his Datario, Giberti to France; The French again before Milan: They take it. The King of France besiegeth Pavia in his own person. Which causeth jealousie and irresolu­tions in the Pope and Venetians. Gregorio Cornaro and Dominico Trevisano make Orations in the Senate hereupon. The Siege of Pavia is prolonged. The Pope, Venetians, and Florentines joyn in a defen­sive War. The Venetians adhere to Trevisano, and secretly conclude a League with France. The Cesarians come to the relief of Pavia; they assault the Kings Army, get the victory, and take the King Prisoner. The Italian Princes fears hereupon. The Popes League with France troubles the Imperialists. The Duke of Ferara offers himself to the Pope. The Duke of Urbines Valour. The Pope being afraid, treats of agree­ment with the Imperialists, and draws the Venetians along with him. Cesars joy for the Victory at Pavia. His offers unto the Pope. The Queen of France her endeavours with the Venetians; their perplexity. The Pope makes an agreement with Cesar, who alienates the Venetians, from himself, by detaining the Dukedom of Milan. Who break off all treaties of agreement, and joyn with the Pope. They are favour'd by the King of England; the Venetians treat of a League with France: But grow jealous at France her agreement with Cesar. The King of France his complaints against Cesar. His entreaties thereupon to the Pope and the Venetians; his actions contrary to his Proposals. The League between the Pope, France, and the Venetians is at last publish­ed. The Armies of the Colleagues joyn upon the Territories of Milan. Burbons Valour renders their designs vain. Pietro Navaro, General of the Confederates Fleet, attempts to take Genua: But Andria Do­ria deals treacherously. The Duke of Urbin returns to before Milan: Sforza yields hims [...]f up to the Imperialists. The Spaniards fail him, and therefore he ratifies the League with the Confederates: Who winning Cremona, assign it over unto him. The Colones [...] enter Rome, and s [...]ck it. The Pope treats therefo [...]e of Truce with the Spaniards: His immoderate fear. The King of England presents him with 30000 Crowns. New treaty of peace. Cesar prepares to succour Genua. Gi­orgio Sfonspere musters 10000 Dutch at Bolzano; and in despite of the Confederates passes into the Country of Mantua. Giovan de Me­dici his Valour. The Dutch pass into Tuscany. The Venetians succour the Popes State, and send Marco Foscari to Florence. The Imperial Fleet towards Genua, is pursued by the Venetian Fleet, chas'd by Na­varro, gets at last to Gaetta, and lands the Vice-roy of Naples. [Page 192] Renzo de Ceri sent by the King of France to Rome. The Viceroy succours the Collonesi, and besiegeth Frussolone. The Colleagues attempt the taking of Naples: their proceedings. Important actions before the City. The Neapolitans are afraid, and are supported by Don Ugo Moncada: The Ecclesiastical Army in disorder. Bur­bone comes forth of Milan, to joyn with the Duth, and goes to Bo­logna: The Pope the mean while concludes peace with the Viceroy: his little discretion in laying down Arms: his fears, and his excuse to the Colleagus Embassadours. A Tumult in Florence, appeased by the Duke of Urbane. Burbone despairing of the Enterprise, marches towards Rome: desires passage from the Pope, which is denied; where­fore he besiegeth the City, he is shot upon the walls thereof with a mus­ket, and dies. The Emperours Army enters Rome. The Pope re­tires to the Castle of St Angelo. Rome, in a few dayes, undergoes the miseries of being sack'd, of Famine, of Pestilence, and suffers totall desolation of all things, as well sacred, as prophane.

THe Fortune and reputation of the French being much declined, by their being driven in a short space out of the State of Milan, and by Forces not greater then their own; it was generally thought, that the Venetians, whose Army was defeated, and the greatest part of their Horse by them dismist, they having likewise given leave to their Commissary Gritti to return from the camp, and come home: having largely made good their Confederacy with King Francis, though they got but little good thereby, would at last follow the victorious Fortune of Charles the Emperour: who as he had formerly seemed to desire their friendship, so did he now more then ever endeavour to draw them to side with him; hoping, by reason of the low condition which the French were in, to be able to seperate them from King Francis; and believing that the preservation of the State of Milan, and the good end of all the war did chiefly depend upon this new Confederacy, and upon the assistance and forces of the Venetians; for it was very certain, that king Francis made great preparations to pass into Italy with a powerfull Army; and that if he should be assisted by the Venetians, the Emperialists and Sforzas would not be able long to maintain the burthen of so heavy a war: As on the contrary, if the Venetians should joyn with the Imperialists, it was thought, that the French would be kept from retiring into Italy, being they were to meet with so stout resistance: and that King Francis, seing himself deprived of the Venetian's aid, would lay aside all thoughts of coming into Italy, as despairing of good Success. Cesar therefore laboured hard to effect this; and did not onely treat thereof at his own Court, with Gasparo Cotarini, who was Embassadour there, for the Com­wealth, acquainting him with many reasons, wherefore the Senate should be perswaded to joyn in like Confederacy with him, to defend the States of each other, as they had of late years done with the King of France; but he likewise interposed the authority of the King of England, with whom Charles having had speech at his return from Spain, he had had much discourse thereupon; and the Cardinal of York had the copy of the Capitulations, drawn up by the Emperour's Lord [Page 193] Chancellour; and having acquainted Gasparo Contarini with them, offered to moderate them, and to make them such as the Common­wealth (which had complained thereof, as being too severe) should have reason to accept them. But the business requiring some length of time, by reason of this distance of place, a League was concluded between Charles and Henry, reserving room for the Venetians to be comprehended therein, if they would declare within three months; and if they would accommodate their affairs first with Cesar, either by way of Truce, or Peace: which being communicated to the Senate, produced as then no other result, save onely fair correspondency in general, with a shew of being much inclined to peace, and to friendship with Cesar, so it might stand with the honour and safety of the Com­monwealth: and that, since the Cardinal of York had already offered himself to be a Mediator, and stickler in the business of greatest difficulty, it was requisite, to hear what he would propound, before any resolution could be taken.

But the news of the French preparations for the affairs of Italy in­creasing dayly, and greater doubts arising in Charles, and Henry, by reason of the Venetians delaying to put on any resolution, that their State would continue their confederacy with France, they resolved to send Embassadours to Venice, to accelerate the conclusion of the League which was propounded by them. The King of England's Embassadour came thither first, which was Richard Pace, who having received his Commission from his King, whilest the said Richard was at Rome, discharged his trust, together with the Emperours Embas­sadour, which was resident at Venice; desiring in their Princes name, that the Senate would declare, what they intended to do, when the King of France should return with an Army into Italy, to possess him­self of the State of Milan. But the Emperours Embassadour pro­ceeded further, desiring that the Commonwealth would wage war against the King of France, if he should not desist from troubling Cesar, and from disturbing the peace of Italy: alledging, that the Venetians were bound to do so, by a particular Confederacy made two years before at London, wherein by particular consent of their Senate, the State of Venice was named amongst the chief Con­tracters.

The Venetians proceeded very maturely in this Treaty; weighing how pernicious any resolution they could put on might prove to the Commonwealth, according to the various events which might happen in the affairs of Italy, and by the secret Counsels of Princes: for it was certain, That if the King of France should, through any accident that might happen, delay sending a powerfull army on this side the Mountains, his reputation would be so much lesned, and the Forces and authority of his enemies so confirmed, as the adherers to the French would be exposed to eminent dangers: and, on the other side, to forego their Friendship, to boot, that it went against their general inclination, brought with it no lesser difficulties: For it was rather to be believed, both in respect of the power, and wealth of the Kingdom of France, and out of the immense desire that King Francis had to get the State of Milan, that the French would return with [Page 194] powerfull Forces on this side the Mountains, and regain his former power, and authority, so as they might have means to revenge them­selves of the Italian Princes, for any injuries received by them; which if they should not be able to do, they might peradventure joyn in League with their own enemies, against the Common-wealth; as King Lewis had done some years before, which was the beginning of her so many and so heavy calamities. Out of these and other such respects, the Senate being resolved not to make any new confederacy, unless necessitated; and being unwilling either to forgoe Friendship with the French, or to make Cesar despair of what he was in treaty with them; acquainted the King of France with these practises; and answered Charles and Henrie's Embassadours, in general tearms: seeming to be as desirous of Cesar's friendship, as he was of theirs: But the present condition of Times, and the many late afflictions of the Common-wealth did require, that being to make any new agree­ments, they should aim at putting their State into a quiet and peace­able condition, and shun whatsoever determination might (though upon like, or greater hopes,) be an occasion unto them of new di­sturbance and danger: That therefore, if the King of France should come into Italy, they would so keep their Confederacy with him, as they would have a care not to violate the Truce, and their Promises made to Cesar; nor would they the mean while be wanting to do all good offices, as well for the common service of Christendome, as for their own particular good; to the end, that armes might be laid down, and injuries cease to be done on all sides: But, that if this might not be compassed, they had not any just pretence to make war with the French, with whom they had so long had Friendship, and that Friendship confirmed by many obligations: The League made at London not being any wayes valid to that purpose, as well, because it was never compleatly perfected; as also, that Leo being dead, who was one of the chief Contracters, it became invalid, and null.

Whilst the Imperial and English Embassadours could get nothing but general answers, though they labour'd that the Embassadours of the Common-wealth who were resident at their Princes Courts, might have Commission given them to come to some conclusion con­cerning this propounded League: Girollimo Adorno the Emperours Counsellour and Chamberlain, came to Venice, sent by Cesar with Commission, to treat upon and conclude those things wherein there lay any difficulties between him and the Common-wealth; knowing that to treat thereof at his Court, or at the Court of England, as was begun to be done, would require much length of time; a thing very unfit for the present business. Adorno labour'd in a long speech to perswade the Venetians to quit their Friendship with France, and to embrace the like of Cesar's, which was offer'd them upon honour­able, and advantagious tearmes. But the Senate still moved by the aforesaid respects, continued in the same answers, neither resolving nor dissolving this Treaty; but looking to find out in process of time what would be best for the Common-wealth to do; they excused this their delay by the Importancy of the business, by the conditi­on of the times, and of the state wherein their Common-wealth [Page 195] then was, and by the form of their Government; where all things being to be sifted, and resolved by the liking, and judgment of ma­ny, which are most commonly (especially in such things as are hard and difficult) several, and sometimes contrary, Affairs could not be so soon, nor so easily ended, as in Princes Courts, where they pass through the hands but of one only, or but of a few.

This mean while the number of Spaniards increased very much in Giaradada; wherefore the Venetians raised many Foot, and increas­ed their Garrisons, which begot many jealousies in the interessed Prin­ces (for mindes contaminated either by too immoderate desire, or fear, use to judge of things according as their affections lead them, not as they are in themselves) Cesar, and Henry thought this rai­sing of men to be made in favour of the French; and on the other side, the King of France being already grown jealous of these nego­tiations, though he were made acquainted with them, began to think that the Imperialists might be entred into Giaradada, by the consent, and counsel of the Venetians; and that the Souldiers raised by the Venetians, might be to effect some new confederacy, which they might have made privately with the Emperour. The one and the o­ther of them being much troubled hereat, they all of them indeavour­ed to make the Venetians side with them, or at least, to declare them­selves.

The King of England, to add necessity to his endeavours, made two of the Venetians great Gallies, which were full fraught with rich Merchandize, and which chanc'd to be then in his Havens, to be unloaded, under pretence that the Emperour would make use of them for his navigation: But notwithstanding all such occasions be­ing over, the vessels, and goods, were still detained in that Island, to the great inconveniency of particular Venetian Merchants, and to the offence of the publique dignity.

On the other side the King of France did often advertise the Vene­tians of the very great preparation for War which he made to come with, into Italy: Touching which, he desired to receive the Senates opinion and counsel. To which, answer being made in very affecti­onate terms, but without any particular expression concerning the Enterprize, they commended much the Kings wisdom, saying, that he knew best the fittest time, and the condition of Forces wherewith he might securely effect what he had designed; but that it was to be believed, it was speed which was to do him most good therein, so to prevent the counsels and preparations of the Enemy. At the same time that these things were in treaty, News came that Soliman prepa­red a powerful and numerous Fleet, to assault, as was better known afterwards by the effect, the Isle of Rhodes, the seat and peculiar ha­bitation at that time of the Knights of Ierusalem.

The News of this preparation made the Venetians make Dominico Trevisano their Captain General by Sea; they increased their num­ber of Gallies, and the Garrisons of their Islands, minding chiefly the security of the Island of Cyprus, which, according to no slight suspicions which were given out, Soliman intended to assault with this Fleet. Trevisano was ordered to advance towards Cape Malio, [Page 196] to observe the ways of the Turkish Fleet, which if they should make towards Cyprus, that then he should go first to that Island, and should possess himself of the Haven of Famagosta; and that if the Turks should intend any prejudice to the Common-wealth, he should by all means possible endeavour the safety of the State, and the indemp­nity of its Subjects: But that if he should see they bent their Forces elsewhere, he should carry himself so, as Soliman might know, that their Fleet was intended for the safety of their own affairs, and not to hinder his designs: Thinking it no wisdom to expose the Com­monwealth, which was hardly as yet freed from the malignity of fortune, and from so many cross and calamitous events of War on Terra firma, to greater, and more grievous dangers, for the safety of others, at a time when the other Christian Princes, being bent upon their private and present Interests, did not mind the publique cause of Christendom. Adriano Fiorentino, by Nation a Low Country man, was now chosen Pope, a man but of mean Parentage, but highly esteemed by all men, for his goodness and learning, as also by reason of Charles the Emperours grace and favour, whose Tutor he had been: He took upon him the name of Adrian the sixt, and de­parted soon by Sea from Spain, where he then was, to Nise, and from thence to Rome: Whither many Prelates and Embassadours from Princes, flocked from all places, to do their wonted obedience: The Senate of Venice sent six of their chief Senators in a solemn Em­bassie to Rome, to present themselves according to custom before the Popes feet; To wit, Marco Dandalo, Luigi Mocenico, Vicenzo Ca­pello, Antonio Iustiniano, Pietro Pesaro, and Marco Foscari. Who being gone as far on their way as Bologna, staid there, because the Plague was grown very hot in Rome, and the infection still increasing, so as the Pope himself was forc'd to quit the City, they after a few days returned to Venice.

The Pope wish'd very well to concord and general quiet, and was very zealous of the welfare of Christendom; for as soon as he took upon him the Popedome, he set himself wholly upon accommodate­ing of differences between Princes, and sent Briefs unto them all, wherein he piously and efficaciously exhorted them, all to lay down the arms which they had taken up one against another, that they might turn all of them joyntly against the Turks, the common Enemy, who threatened grievous and instant danger to Christendom, and had now assaulted Rhodes with so great a power, threatning ruine to o­thers. He gave many grave and fatherly admonitions in particular to the Venetians, exhorting them not only to dispose themselves to peace, but that they would, together with him, indeavour to accom­modate the differences which were amongst other Princes; to the end, that they might at last joyn all of them in a firme League, and oppose the power and greatness of the Ottomans.

But finding the Princes very slow, and cool in embracing his re­memberances; and on the other side the dangers of Christendom increasing; for the Island of Rhodes was already taken by Soliman, with a powerful Army; the Pope thinking it became him to proceed more severely in this business; he made his Legates who were resident [Page 197] at all Princes Courts, to present them with Monitories, whereby he made all such lyable to Ecclesiastical censures, who did not within the space of 3 Moneths, apply themselves to accept of the universal Truce, which was propounded and treated of: And because the dif­ferences which were between Caesar and the Venetians, was a princi­pal impediment to the bringing of this business to a good end, he offer'd to take upon himselfe the care of accommodateing all their difficulties. The mean while, he desired that a League might be made between the Church, the Emperour, Venetians, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, for the de [...]ence and quiet of Italy. Which thing though it was known to be of it self very good and advantagious and was willingly listned unto by the Senate; yet there arose some difficulty in the manner of the Popes propounding it, whereby it was clearly seen, that the end of this League aim'd at the taking up armes against the Turks; by which vaine rumour, the Venetians feared lest they might provoke the anger of a most powerful Prince against them; who was now more proud, and puffed up then ever, with his new victory: So as they might be the first, and peradventure, those alone, who were to withstand the violence of his Forces. The a­foresaid Embassadours were therefore more speedily dispatch'd away from Venice, to doe their obeisance unto the Pope; and that they might inform him with their rational respect, and therewithal ascer­tain him of the Senates good will, alwaies ready, and disposed to peace, and true quiet with Christian Princes; and no less ready to wage War with the Turks, when they should see it might be done joyntly, and with Forces fitting to suppress their power.

The Embassadours were honourably received by the Pope, who commended the Senates good intention, promised to inlarge their priviledges, and that he would so handle the League, as that it safely might be imbraced by the Common-wealth; hoping (as he said) that when he should have any earnest of the other Princes good will, the Venetians would be the forwardest, and most servent in providing for the safety of Christendom, and in preventing so many eminent dangers. The Venetians did not this mean while intermit the treaty of agreement with Cesar, but to the end the particulars thereof might be more commodiously treated of, the Senate deputed three Sena­tors, of several orders of the Colledg, to wit Luigi Mocenico, Coun­sellour, Georgio Cornaro, Savio of the Counsel; and Marc Antonio Veniero, Savio di Terra firma: To negotiate all things thereunto belonging, with Adorno. The chief difficulty lay in finding how to accommodate things which were taken by all sides in time of War. Cesar propounded that all parties should keep what they were then pos­sess'd of, but the Venetians desired that all places which were usurp­ed should be restored, and that all jurisdiction should returne to the same condition it was in before. Whereunto was added that Cesar would have the Venetians bound by vertue of this confederacy, to defend not only the State of Milan, but the Kingdom of Naples also, generally against all men; the which the Venetians refused to do: For to oblige themselves to take up Armes against the Turks, seem­ed so dangerous, as the safety of this League did not counterpoise it; [Page 198] and that by sending their men so far from the State, would more weaken their affairs, then Cesar's friendship could secure them. More­over this League aiming at the defending of Charls his Territories in Italy, from being offended by the French, the Kingdom of Naples was thought to be safe enough, by defending the State of Milan: the condition of times, and the Commonwealths occasions required, that before all other things, regard should be had to keep friendship with Soliman, who had a great Army ready to assault Hungary, as he did afterwards; so as it was wisely done to shun all occasions of irritating a powerful Prince, whose friendship they might make use of to the singular advantage of the City, by reason of the great good it reaps in time of Peace, by its many negotiations to the Levant: and the Common-wealth having at this time particularly sent Pietro Zeno to Constantinople, by reason of the success at Rhodes, he was honourably received by Soliman, and had quieted some former distastes, occasi­oned by certain dep redations made upon the confines of Dalmatia; and had obtained very large orders to the Sangiacchi of those neigh­bouring places, that they should deal friendly and neighbourly with all the subjects of the Commonwealth.

But to return to the Treaty of the League. Many things were ur­ged by Cesar's Agents to obtain their intent: That it was not reasona­ble, that since Cesar did prefer the friendship of the Commonwealth before his other conveniences and interests, he might also make use thereof for the preservation of his own States; nor ought it to be e­steemed so hard a thing, nor so prejudicial to the Venetians, to send their Armies into the Kingdom of Naples, since there was an exam­ple thereof, when not many years since, they sent the Marquis of Mantua with their men, to assist the King of France. To satisfie which particulars in part, the Senate resolved to promise Cesar some Gallies for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples, provided that in time of such need, they should not be busied in the Turkish War.

The slow and irresolute councels of France, concerning the affairs of Italy, made the Venetians the more inclinable to agree with the Emperour; which affairs they thought the French to be far from thinking upon; for that it was said, all their forces would be turned upon the Kingdom of England: and truly, if no other accidents had intervened, the confederacy with Cesar had then been concluded: for Embassadors came from the Archduke Ferdinand, in whose name Cesar's agents had formerly treated; who brought word, that their Princes pleasure was, not to come to any certain agreement of Peace at that time, but only to a renewing of Truce for five years: for be­ing but newly entered (as he said) into the Government, he was not so well informed of the State of his affairs, as was requisite, to come to such an agreement: so as the Archduke being excluded from this con­federacy, whereby the chiefest difficulties which were between the Commonwealth, and the House of Austria, were kept on foot, the Venetians resolved not to conclude any thing with Charls the Empe­rour. Moreover, the Pope had at this time sent Campeggio, Bishop of Feltre, to the Venetian Senate, to exhort them to embrace the Universal League, and to put all other differences which were between [Page 199] them and Cesar, into his hands; alledging for this his request, that he feared if the Commonwealth should first con [...]ederate with the Emperour, and so forego the friendship of the French, the French would the more hardly be brought to joyn with the other Christian Princes in the general League against the Turks: This gave the Se­nate a just cause of new delay: but of all things else, Adorno's death did chiefly impede the conclusion of this business, who died in the beginning of the year 1523. A wary and wise man, who by his fair carriage, had won favour with the Senators. Marino Caracciola, the chief Apostolique Notary, who was already gone from Spain, and destined an Embassadour for Rome, was sent to Venice by Cesar, to supply his place.

The King of France having certain knowledge of these practises, who did much suspect them before, sent Renzoda Ceri, and soon af­ter Ambrogio da Fiorenza, and Monsieur di St Valiere to Venice, that they might assure the Venetians of the many preparations for War, which were making in France, and of his resolution of coming him­self in person into Italy; and that consequently, they might solicite the Venetians to order their forces for the sudden attempting the en­terprize of Milan; thinking hereby to remove the chief cause of the Senate treating of a new confederacy with Cesar, which the King and Court knew to be, because they feared that Forces would not come so soon, nor so strong from France as was requisite: But all these endeavours were of less efficacy, because little belief was given to the words nor promises of the French, of whom they had heard so much, and seen so little. Wherefore some colour for delay being made, by reason of the endeavours of an universal Truce, as hath been said, which was so much put for by the Pope, the Senate an­swered the Embassadors, That they neither could, nor would do any thing, till they saw an end of this business, left they might seem to trouble the peace of Italy, and spoil the hopes of great good to Chri­stendom. But the King of France having reasons for Truce pro­pounded to him by the Venetians, and by the Pope himself, said, That he was not dis-enclined to lay down Arms, nor that he did desire to enjoy what belonged to another; but that his honour would not permit him now to desist from the recovery of the Dukedom of Mi­lan, which was his; wherein if the Pope and Venetians would assist him, they should finde him very ready for the future, to do any thing which might be for the common peace and safety: but that it was in vain to attempt the union of the Christian Princes, and the settlement of the affairs of Italy, without this. To which purpose, and in wit­ness of his good will, he sent Lodouico Canosa, Bishop of Bayeux, to Rome, and to Venice. But howsoever, there was more noise of Wars heard, then effects seen: so as many moneths being spent in these transactions, with great variety of counsels and opinions, Peace and League was at last with great solemnity concluded between Cesar and the Venetians, the particulars whereof were these.

That the Venetians should possess the Cities; Towns, Villages, and other places of their Dominion [...], in the same Iurisdiction as now they did▪ That [Page 200] they should pay two hundred thousand Crowns to Cesar within the space of eight years. That the Citizens of their State, who had adhered to Cesar, should return into their Country, and should be received into favour, all faults being forgiven to such of their Citizens as had followed Cesar's par­ty, to whom (in lieu of their confiscated goods) five thousand Ducats of yearly Revenue should be assigned. That restitution of all places taken, should be made by all parties, as was agreed upon at Worms; which, as soon as it should be performed in its other parts, the Venetians should be bound to disburse thirty eight thousand Ducats, as was likewise determined by the agreement at Worms. That it should be lawful for the subjects of the Venetians, as also for Cesar's subjects, to live freely, and commerce in either of their Dominions, and that they should be civilly and lovingly treated, as subjects of the same Country. That for the defence of Milan, Sforza (for whom Cesar engaged his word) should be bound to maintain continually in time of Peace, five hundred Curassiers, and that the Vene­tians should maintain as many; but that in time of War, the number should be increased to eight hundred Curassiers, five hundred Light Horse, and six thousand Foot, with an answerable Train of Artillery; and that Charls should be obliged to do as much, for the defence of the State of Venice: and they all of them promised to hinder, for as much as in them lay, the coming of any victuals to any Enemies Army, which should come to the prejudice of their States. It was also added, that the Venetians should be particu­larly obliged to defend the Kingdom of Naples in time of War, with five and twenty armed Gallies; which defence was intended to be made against Christian Princes, and when the Commonwealth should not be busied in any Turkish war. The Kings of Poland, Hungary, and Portugal, the Duke of Savoy, Commonwealth of Florence, Antonio Adorno, Duke of Ge­nua, the House of Medici, and the Marquis of Monferato, were included, as friends to all parties concerned in this confederacy; and the Pope and King of England were named as Keepers and Conservators of these Ar­ticles.

The Peace being thus concluded, Lorenzo Pri [...]li, and Andre [...] Na­vagiero were chosen Embassadors to be sent from Venice to the Empe­rour, and Carlo Contarini to the Archduke, Cesar's brother, to con­gratulate this renewed confederacy, and to witness the Senates de­sire to continue in friendship with the House of Austria. And because Trivultio, Governour of the Venetian Militia, depended much upon the French party, that charge was taken from him; yet they were very civil to him in their words, and seemed very well satisfied with his service, offering him a pension of three thousand crowns a year, if he would live in the Commonwealth as a private man, till a better time and occasion should happen. But he refusing all offers, would return to France. This place, under the same Title of Commissary General, and upon the same conditions as Trivulcio had served, was given to Francisco Maria della Rouere, Duke of Urbine, he and his State being protected by the Commonwealth, against whosoever should molest it. They discharged themselves to the King of France, an­swerable to the time and occasion, excusing this their resolution, part­ly by reason of the slowness of his provisions, by which their hopes, [Page 201] which were grounded upon his forces and assistance, were too much weakned; and partly by reason of the Pope's commands, that they might no longer hinder, nor delay the Treaty of universal peace, which he did so affectionately propound and desire.

But the resolution the King of France put on, when he was assu­red of the League made between Cesar and the Senate, was certainly very strange, differing from the common opinion of men, and very void of reason: Whence it may be conceived, how hard it is to know the secret thoughts of Princes, by any force of argument, or by the rules of ordinary reason; or to foresee their actions before they be done. King Francis, who being entreated and solicited by the Ve­netians to come into Italy, when he might hope to be received, and assisted by the Commonwealth, which he in his own judgment knew to be of great concernment, was either averse thereunto, or at least, but cool therein: now when he wanted such friendship and aid, when he was sure to meet with great opposition in Italy, where all were be­come his enemies, when the dangers and difficulties appeared to be greatest; resolved to undertake the business of Milan: But the Duke of Burbon's rebellion being at this time discovered, so as he had rea­son to apprehend danger at home, he was forced to forbear that his fervency at that time; so as tarrying himself with part of his forces in France, he sent Monsieur di Boniuette, Admiral of France, into Italy, with two thousand Lanciers, and twelve thousand Foot of se­veral Nations. Though Prospero Colonna was not ignorant of these preparations, yet did he not so much consider them, as the impor­tancy of the affair required.

But when the French Army began to move, and that those suspi­cions proved true, which he would not credit before, he assembled speedily all the men he could, and came first to the banks of the Te­sino, hoping to hinder the enemies passage; which quickly finding he could not do, he entred with part of his souldiers into Milan, and with the rest encreased the Garrisons of Pavia and Cremona, aban­doning Lodi; to the end that he might not weaken the more import­ant places, by dividing his small forces into so many Garrisons. The Venetians being advertised hereof, that they might readily make good their new confederacy, ordered their Curassiers to go towards the banks of Oglio, and resolved at the same time to raise six thousand Foot, and four hundred Light Horse, for the defence of the State of Milan, and other three thousand to dispose of in the Garrisons of their Cities. They made Lunardo Emo Commissary General of the Ar­my, and acquainted the Duke of Urbine, that he would come spee­dily into Lombardy, to execute the place which he had taken upon him. But the Admiral being quickly past over the mountains, and it being said that he advanced with his Army to pass over the Tesino, the Vene­tians resolved to bring their men into Giaradada, to secure the Cities of Bergamo and Crema, and that they might be the readier to succour Milan. And because the Duke was long a coming, they sent a Se­cretary of the Pregadi to hasten him. But the French having taken up their quarters between Binasco and Bigrassa, twelve miles distant from Milan, and the Duke not being as yet come unto the Army, they [Page 202] were doubtful whether they should pass over the Oglio or no. Think­ing it then the safer way to bring their Army (which they under­stood the French intended to assault) into some strong place upon the Banks of Ada, where it might be free from that danger. So the Venetian Camp was at last brought to Pontivico, whither the Duke of Urbin came within a few days. Not far from hence was the Mar­quis of Mantua encamped with other forces: Wherefore Colonna did earnestly desire both of them, that they would joyn together, and enter into Lodi, which was not yet possess'd by the Enemy. But they both of them refused to do it; the Marquis saying that he would go with his men to succour Parma; holding himself bound to do so, as being a Souldier of the Church; and the Venetians General, because he thought he could not do it without much danger. So as Lodi be­ing abandoned by all, fell easily into the French-mens hands. Who having resolved to succour the Castle of Cremona, sent to Marignano, Frederico Bozzole with 6000 Foot and 400 Launciers, wherewith they began to straiten the City; which having within it 4000 Foot, and 100 Curassiers, did manfully defend it self, and beat back the French several times. Yet Cesar's Embassadour and the Duke of Millans did earnestly intreat the Senate of Venice, that their men might pass as soon as might be over the River Oglio, and incamp in some strong situation in the Territories of Cremona; that so by rai­sing jealousies in the French, they might keep them from persisting in the Enterprize of Cremona. But the French intended nothing but Milan, before which they were sate down, and that they might keep it from being relieved, endeavour'd to hold those forces which might assist the Besieged, busied else where. For which their inten­tion it made much that they should keep their men at Caravaggio and Montia, in the Territories of Cremona: Whereby the Venetian Army was troubled much to advance.

This the Enemies counsel being discovered by the Emperours Commanders, who did not justly weigh the dangers and difficulties, was the reason why they did greatly sollicite the Venetians, that their men passing suddenly over the Ada at Trecco, might place themselves somewhere, whereby the City of Milan might be succour'd. Where­upon many things being discuss'd by the Senators, and knowing that the best resolution to be put on therein, consisted in the particular condition of places, and variety of accidents, they committed the whole business to the opinion, faith, and diligence of the Duke their General, leaving him to do what he thought might make most for the advantage of the Enterprize, and for the satisfaction of the Collegues: Having a convenient regard to the preservation of that Army, on which the security of their State did chiefly depend. But the Duke, having maturely considered all the situations, resolved to quarter his men beyond the River Oglio, between Romano and Martiningo: at which the Imperialists being but badly satisfied, they desired that the Venetian Camp might be brought nearer Trecco, and that if the Duke should not think fit to pass with all his men then over the Ada, he should at least send 3000 Foot, 200 Curassiers, and 100 Light horse to relieve Colonna, when they should be desired by him to do so. [Page 203] Which thing being very hardly to be done, the Duke sent Baldisera Signorelli to Milan, to inform himself more particularly of Colonna's pleasure and designs, and of the Enemies proceedings. This mean while other succours came to defend the State of Milan; for 400 Launce Knights, whom Cesar had taken into pay in the Arch-dukes Country▪ came to the Territories of Verona, by the way of Trent; and the Viceroy of Naples was already on his way with an Army: To whom for his greater honour, the Venetians sent their Embassa­dour Carlo Contarini to meet him, and to be assistant to him. The Duke of Burbone was likewise speedily expected, whom Cesar had de­clared to be his Lievtenant General, in Italy, and to whom he had committed the whole management of the War. Yet amidst the fury of arms, the business of agreement between the Emperour and the most Christian King was not pretermitted. The Arch-bishop of Bari, who was once Nuntio from the Pope in France, was at this time gone into Spain, to treat upon the conditions of peace. Which though of it self it was pleasing to the Common-wealth, in relation to the general agreement, yet could they not but be troubled there­at, by reason that by former example they could not be totally free from fear that these two Princes might agree, leaving them out, and peradventure to their prejudice. Yet the Senate unwilling to be faulty to the obligations of confederacy, without some more evident reason, gave commission to their Commissaries, that if the Imperia­lists should have a mind to go into the field with all their Forces, they should joyn with the Vice-roy of Naples, and pass over the Ada: But so as they might leave good Garrisons for the security of their Towns, and be sure to quarter themselves in some strong and safe place, and that above all things they should shun being necessitated to go into Milan.

But however, the execution of this Order was delayed; nor did the Army pass ouer the Ada: For the Duke of Urbane thought it not safe, to go into the field with those men, till the Lance Knights, and the Marquis of Mantua's forces were arrived: and especially, having understood, that more Switzers were come into the French camp, so as they now amounted to the number of 10000. Wherefore, being desired by the Imperialists to go with his Army to Belrisguarda, he refused to go; for, that quarter being but bare four miles from the French camp, he had reason to fear, that being so near the Enemy, he might be forced to fight, against his will, and upon disadvantage: He was moreover troubled, to think that the Territories of Crema, or of Burgamo, might be assaulted by those of Lodi, whether 2000 Switzers were lately come: which Country was threatned also with another danger, it being given out, that 6000 Grisons were sent by the King of France to endammage it; who, just at this time, had dismissed the Venetian Embassadour his Court. But at last, the Vice-roy continuing to sollicite the joyning of Forces, the Senate, to avoid the giving suspition of any distrust, resolved to send again to the Duke of Urbane, to joyn with the Imperialists; having, the mean while, taken into pay 3000 Italian Foot, & 400 Light-horse in Greece, for the preservation and safety of their State; and the charge of these [Page 204] men was given to Iovanni Moro, who was then chosen Podesta of Crema, with the Title of Commissary General in Bresciana: and Emo, who was Commissary of the camp, being at that same time very sick, he got leave of the Senate to return to his own Country; and Pietro Pesaro was chosen in his place. But Carlo Contarini, after having staid a while with the Viceroy, was sent to Milan, to the end that a Publick person might be near the Duke, till such time as Marc' An­tonio Veniero, who was intended to be sent Embadour to him, but was now sick, might go to perform his Embassie. By the Venetians drawing near to the Town of Trecco, the Marquis of Mantua being gone, to the same purpose, to Pavia, the French Army was brought to a great scarcity of Victuals; all passages being block'd up, by which provisions were formerly brought to the camp: in which the Venetians Greecian Horss did very good service: So as the Admiral fearing least his Army might be reduced to the same necessity, where­unto he had thought to reduce Milan, he resolved to enlarge the siege, and to take up his quarters 12 miles further off. The Apostolick Sea being at this time two moneths vacant, by the death of Adrian, a new Pope, to the general joy and satisfaction of all men, was chosen: For Iulio, Cardinal of Medici, being called up to the Supream dignity, who was afterwards called Clement the 7th, and was held by all men to be of a mature Judgmement, great Ingenuity, and of admirable dexterity, in weighty and important business; it was thought, that Christendome was fitly provided of such a head, as did become the conditions of those times.

The Senate, desirous to do all honour and reverence to the new Pope, resolved to send him eight Embassadours, all of them chief Senatours of the Commonwealth, to congratulate his election, and to do their obeissance to him: These were, Marco Dandalo, Ierolomi da Pesaro, Dominico Veniero, Vicenzo Carepello, Thomasa Contarino, Lorenzo Braggadino, Nicolo Tiepolo, and Luigi Bono. Soon after, the Duke Antonio Grimani dyed, having had the Dukedome onely 22 moneths: His funeral Oration was made by Frederico Valeresso, a young man, very eminent for his learning; and he was honoured with a stately Tombe in St. Antonie's Church: Andree Gritti was created Duke in his place; a man of great worth and fame, who had for many years before been imployed in all the most important busi­nesses of the Commonwealth, both at home and abroad; as partly may be seen by what wee have related: So as it fell out very happily for the Commonwealth; that in time of so great commotions of Armes, a man of mature Wisdome, and of very great Experience should happen to bee their head. Thus ended the Year 1523.

The Year 1524 followed: In the beginning whereof, the Affairs of France, which did already begin to decline, fell into much greater, and irreparable ruine: For the Admiral being brought into great streights, both of Victuals and money, so as many souldiers left the camp every day, did notwithstanding still continue obstinately in his opinion, increasing rather the disorders thereby, then seeking to remedy them, by some new resolves, till such time, as he was glad to free the State of Milan from all danger, rather by his flight, then by his retreat, as [Page 205] shall be said hereafter. By the enemi [...]s falling further off, the Vene­tian Army was advanced to joyn with the Viceroy, and with the Marquis of Mantua, who leaving a sufficient Garrison in Milan, were come before to those quarters; so as the Imperialists be [...]ng very strong, came too within five miles of the French camp: and did not onely hinder them from making any further proceedings, but did much indammage them; hindering, and disturbing their victuals: and afterwards, assuming more courage, the Venetians and Imperi­alists passed over the Tessino, near Pavia, to make themselves masters of the Country, and to keep the Enemy from those things which it did furnish them withall. Which the French Commanders not ha­ving timely foreseen, they were likewise forced to pass over the Ri­ver, to oppose the Imperialists designes: But the Duke of Urbane be­ing gotten beyond the Tessino, began to possess himself of the Coun­try, and much to the praise of the Venetian souldiers, stormed the Town of Garlasco, a place esteemed strong, both by situation and Art, and wherein there was a good Garrison, and did advance so gallantly with his Army, as many Towns did of themselves come in to the Imperialists; which harms the Admiral had hoped to pre­vent, rather by the forces and advice of others then his own; for having heard that Renzo da Ceri being already come to the confines of the State of Venice with 8000 Grisons, was ready to enter with them into the Territories of Bergamo, he thought that the Venetians, moved by this danger, would have recalled their Forces, to defend their own affairs: he hoped likewise that the Switzers, which were sent him by the King, would come quickly, whereby he might re­crute his Army, which was much diminished: but failling in both these hopes; for the Venetians provided sufficiently against the Inva­sion of the Grisons, who finding that they were likely to meet with opposition, and not with help, as was promissed them, retreated quickly to their homes: and the Switzers being come to the River which they found so swoln, as they could not pass over it, were for­ced to stay on the other side of the River; so as the Admiral marched thetherward, but was still pursued by the Imperialists, and infected by them, and throwing a bridg over the Sesia, pass'd his whole Ar­my over it, that he might joyn with the Switzers, and put himself into better order. But the Imperialists, finding in what disorder the French were in, (for in their March they had left many peices of artillery, and other amunition behinde them,) desired the Duke of Urbane, that he would together with them pass over the Lesia, and so make use of the occasion which was offered them, of destroying the Enemies Army totally: Which request the Duke did not deny, l [...]st the enemy might have stayed there, if they had not been follow­ed: But howsoever resolving to go no further, (for the Articles of confederacy were fulfilled on the Venetians part, in his having defend­ed the state of Milan:) he ordered Commissary Pietro da Pesaro, that, the very day which was destin'd for the passing over Sesia, he should retreat with the Foot: and the Imperialists beginning to pass over the next day before day break, the Duke pass'd over likewise with all his Horse: which when the French understood, they quitted their [Page 206] quarters, and hasted to return back over the mountains, lest they might have been faln upon by two Armies. The Duke after he had ridden a little further on with the Imperialists, told them the Com­mon-wealth was not bound to do any more then what they had done, nor could he enter into the Duke of Savoy's Country without a new Commission; so passing back again over the River, he joyned with Commissary Pesaro: for which the Duke was very much praised; who, having shewed his wisdome, valour, and Loyalty, in this, as in all his other actions, the Senate, in acknowledgment of his deserts, though he had served but some few moneths of 5 years which he was to serve, honoured him with the Title of Captain General, gave him the command of the Curassiers, and added to his stipend; and his name grew very famous throughout all Italy.

While the Venetians were busied in this War, they were threatned elsewhere with great dangers, and were full of Jealousie; which put them to many other expences: for they dayly discovered more haughty and ambitious thoughts in Soliman the Emperour of the Turks, numerous Armies, great preparations of Fleets, and a mighty desire of Warlike glory. Wherefore their State being to be in con­tinual jealousie, by reason of the power and ambition of so formi­dable an neighbour, the Common-wealth kept all her places by Sea strongly garrison'd; especially the Island of Cyprus, which they knew Soliman did very much thirst after. To supply so many ex­pences, they were forced to take several extraordinary courses for the raising of monies; particularly, by many Lones of particular Citizens, and Citties; who seing the occasion, did, with much rea­diness, offer some of them 10000 Duckets, some more, according to their several abilities. The difficulties with the house of Austrea were not at this time fully ended, nor all the Capitulations agreed upon: Wherefore, Guiddo d'alla Torre was sent to Venice by the Archduke Ferdinand, with whom they treated, and concluded what belong'd to the restitution of the places in Friuli: But more difficul­ties arising concerning the parts about Verona, to put an end thereto, it was resolved, that Commissioners should be sent, from all parties concerned, to Riva di Trento; whether the Arduke's Commissioners being come first, and not finding those of the Venetians there, after a short stay, they departed, and left the business undecided: nay, new disputes arose to hinder the effecting of what was formerly a­greed upon with la Torre: so as to the great displeasure of the Vene­tians, this root of discension between the Commonwealth, and the house of Austrea remayned yet alive. At this time, the King of France, not having given over his thoughts concerning the affairs of Italy, for all his Armies unfortunate success; nor any whit abated his former fervency; but being the rather more incens'd, for that the Imperia­lists, not content to have defended the State of Milan, had endea­voured to trouble him in his own Kingdome, and to provoke the King of England against him, had been very sollicitous, and carefull in providing all things necessary for his own comming very speedily, and very strong, into Italy: which he might the easier do, by reason that all his men were returned safe into France. The Venetians were [Page 207] much troubled at these mighty and important preparations of the French: Not only in relation to the great expences and disturbances, to which they were obliged by the League which they had made with Cesar, for the defence of the State of Milan; but for fear of their own affairs: The King appearing to be very much offended with them, not only for what they had at first done against him; but for that be­ing afterward desired to re-assume their friendship with him, they would not forego Cesar: and for that Martino Bouolino, being late­ly come to Venice, in the names of the Lords of the three Leagues, to intreat and exhort the Senate to renew their ancient confederacy with the French, the Senate persisting in their opinion, and justify­ing their last actions, by the necessity of the times, and by the Popes command, said they could not at the present satisfie their desires, by reason of their new League; which they could not be faulty to, without some marks of infamy, and peradventure not without some danger. Therefore things continuing in their former con­dition, and the French Army passing notwithstanding over the Mountains, the Venetians made all their Souldiers which were in the several Garrisons of the State, be brought to the Territories of Verona: and having thereof framed the body of an Army, they com­manded the Duke of Urbi [...], and the Commissary Pesaro, to come speedily thither, and there to expect Orders from them.

But the Pope, being more afraid, and full of jealousies, did continual­ly sollicite the Venetians to keep inviolably in good intelligence with him, and in reciprocal good will, and to proceed always with one and the same ad­vice and counsel, since the respects were the same in them both, for the de­fence of their own particular States, and for the common Liberty of Italy. He commended their keeping fast to the Imperialists, and their minding the defence of the State of Milan, if they really thought they could do it; but that if they should see they were not able to resist the powerful Forces of France, they should begin betimes to reconcile themselves with the most Christian King, not tarrying to make peace upon unreasonable conditions, when the King should use such insolencies towards them, as do usually ac­company the victories and good fortune of Princes: That they must consider the power of the French was very great, and apt to turn the whole State of Italy upside down: Since to boot with the numerous Army which the King brought with him, his Forces that had defended Marcelles (now that that City was freed from danger) were imbarked for Italy, and bent a­gainst the Kingdom of Naples, And on the contrary, that all the Empe­rours designs upon the Kingdom of France were proved vain, and no less then the rest, their hopes grounded upon the Duke of Burbones rebellions. That the King of England growing apprehensive of the Emperours too much greatness, gave certain signs that he would not keep the capitulations made with him: Wherefore if it should be thought fit for the Church, and the Commonwealth, to think of an accommodation with the Christian King, they must not lose time, which was to their manifest danger and prejudice: But that they should rather send sufficient commission to their Embassadour Marco Foscari, who was at Rome, to intervene and listen to those Trea­ties, which were already promised by the French.

[Page 208]Which things though they were propounded by the Pope by the way of advice, yet it was evident that he was inclined to a new con­federacy with the French, to secure the State of the Church, and State of Florence; which he had the greater care of, because the Duke of Albany being to pass through Tuscany, to the prejudice of Cesar's affairs, the Florentines were exposed to more certain and nearer dan­ger. But the Pope, cloaking this particular Interest as much as he could, labour'd to prove that his only aim was at universal peace, and to free Italy from War, for the common good of Christendom; and that he labour'd to break the business to the King of France, to dispose him the easilier to an agreement with Charles and Ferdinand of Austria. To which purpose he said he would send (as he did af­terwards) his Almner Mattheo Giberto to entreat the King to make peace with Cesar. But which commission even then, as was after­wards known, to negotiate particular conventions for himself, and for the Florentines; the Commonwealths interest, being neither wholly left out, nor wholly considered. But the Senate were of o­pinion, that no greater necessity appearing, they were not to forego their friendship and confederacy with Cesar, as unwilling to shew so much inconstancy, as also not to make the Emperour their Enemy, before they had more certainty of the King of France his good will: And therefore they had resolved that their men should enter in to the Dukedom of Milan, for Cesars service. But the Duke of Urbin, not obeying this order suddenly, gave them to understand that it was very dangerous for the affairs of the Commonwealth, to pass at that time so forward with the Army; for by securing the State of Milan so early by their forces, they gave the Enemy occasion to turn else­where, and peradventure, upon their Commonwealth; that there­fore they might expect till the French Army was passed over the Ri­ver Sisa, and then put their resolution in effect. But the French with­out any delay, came into the State of Milan, before it was thought they would have done; so as the whole Army drew near the City, and got into the Suburbs by the Gate Ticinese, before the City, which was but ill provided of Rampiers and victuals, could be sufficiently succour'd. So as all the Imperial Commanders together with their men, that were within the Town, were glad to retreat suddenly: the Duke of Bourbon, the Viceroy, and Sforza, went to Soncino, and the Marquis of Piscara to Lodi: But their chief care was, how to Garri­sonnize the City of Pavia very strongly, which they thought might be better defended then any of the other Cities. They therefore put Antonio da Leva thereinto, with three hundred Curassiers, and five thousand Foot, part Spanish, part Dutch, all of them being old Souldiers.

Thus did the French easily get Milan, which was abandoned by the Imperialists. But the King would not suffer the Souldiers to enter the Town, to preserve it from sacking.

At the same time, Iohn Stuart, Duke of Albany, sent by the King of France to assault the Kingdom of Naples, with two hundred Lan­ciers, seven hundred Light Horse, and four thousand Switzers, desi­red leave of the Pope to pass thorow the State of the Church, and [Page 217] thorow Tuscany, to go to Naples; which the French did the rather endeavour, that the Imperial Forces drawing towards those parts, the State of Milan might be the weaklier defended, whereof many Towns did daily surrender, without making almost any opposition: But the main point of the War was brought to about Pavia, to the taking whereof, the King was come in person with his whole Army, firmly resolving not to rise from before it, till he had taken it; for he thought, that to leave a City of the Enemies behind him, so well munited with men, would be to the danger, and certainly, to the dishonour of that his Army, which was said to consist of above 24000 Foot, 2000 Cu­rassiers, a great Train of Artillery, and wherein were all the famous Warriours of France: and on the other side, the Cesarians placed their chiefest hopes of good event, in the preservation of that City; wherefore all mens eyes were turned upon this business, whereupon o­ther important effects were to depend.

The Pope and the Venetians were chiefly solicitous herein; fearing on the one side, that the French forces, who were but badly satisfied with them, might prove victorious; and on the other side, that if the Imperialists should beat the French, they would remain the sole Arbytrators of all Italy: So as it being hard to know which party it was best to take to, in so difficult a business, they spun it out in length, pitching almost upon a Neutrality; therefore neither did their men go to assist the Imperialists, neither did they come to any agreement, with the French; but expecting what the success at Pavia would be, which the Town being now besieged, would require some time, they thought to make advantage of time.

Yet the Pope, to the end that if need should be, he might come to better conclusion with the French, he by means of his Almner, who was already sent to the camp, did negotiate divers things tending to agreement. To the which the King of France seeming to be very well inclined, the business would have been soon agreed, had not the arival of some new advertizements stop'd it on the Popes behalf; for News being come that 6000 Dutch Foot, which were sent by the Emperour to releive Milan, were already come to Ispruch, with whom the Arch-Duke Ferdinand was to come himself in person into Italy; and also that the Spanish Foot which were destin'd for the same purpose, were already imbarked the Pope being somwhat incoura­ged, and thinking it stood with his honour (since he was not infor­ced by any greater necessity) to seem that he had realy (according as it was given out) sent his Almner to the French camp to treat of ge­neral peace, together with particular agreement; sent Paolo Vittori to the Viceroy, to witness unto him his great desire answerable to the place he was in, to make peace between the King of France and Cesar, so as they might both attend, according to their callings, to repaire the present mischiefs, which were threatned Christendom by Soliman, who was already armed in the field. That having therein all fitting respect to Cesar's benefit and satisfaction he would pro­pound very good conditions unto him, if, as he had often affirmed, his mind were inclined to peace.

[...]
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[Page 218] To wit, that he might freely keep possession of the Kingdom of Naples, wherein he would oblige himself to maintain, and defend him: And that the French should possess the Dukedom of Milan, but upon particular pro­mise, not to make any other attempt upon Italy, without the Popes con­sent.

Which negotiations being held on for a few daies, produced no other fruit, but divers jealousies, both in the French, and Spaniards; so as both parties did continue to solicite the Venetians to favour them; Girolemo de Pij came to Venice, on the behalf of the French, indeavouring that the Common-wealth would renew their Friend­ship with the most Christian King, or at least, that she would not be against him. And the Vice-roy sent Charles of Aragon thither, de­siring the Senate that they would cause their men to joyn with the Imperialists. The French Embassadour was answered in general tearmes, shewing that they had referred this whole business to the Pope; but they gave the Vice-roy many reasons why they had de­layed sending their men. Thus they continued to proceed irreso­lutely a good while; till at last the Pope having made agreement, though very secretly, with the King of France, in behalf of himself and of the Venetians; reserving a caution unto themselves, and en­tering protestation likewise, that they did not enter into the League to interrupt the general peace; the Senate was necessitated to come to some resolution. Many things, and with much diversity of opi­nion were consulted hereupon. And the Senate being met upon a day appointed, to put a final end to the business; Georgio Cornaro, Procurator, who had still been of the same opinion, spoke thus.

I was never of their minds, who think that States may be always go­verned by the same Rule; and who are for the continuing in the same opinion on which they have once been of, without distinguishing of times or affairs. I very well know the uncertainty and variety of th [...]se affairs that we busie our selves about in these our discussions, and therefore I doe lit­tle rely upon my self▪ or my own judgment; and I use not to be t [...]o forward in speaking my sense of things, lest I may say somewhat which I may after­wards repent: Which custom of mine I doe now the more willingly follow, for that the business is dubious and difficult, and subject to various and important accidents. We speak of making a new League with the King of France, and of foregoing that which but some moneths ago we made with Cesar, which was published, and begun to be observed. I see that the State of the affairs of Italy is in a sho [...]t time altered; and our designs, hopes, and fears, altered through new accidents; but I see also and ve­ry well know, that this fluctuation and variety is such, as we cannot ground any counsels we can take, upon assured foundations; nor can we presume that o [...]r this days results, though now good, will prove so to morrow; for the Fortune of War is still in question, and what the success shall be of the offence, or defence of the State of Milan, is uncertaine: The whole condition of the affairs of Italy is most uncertain, she is shaken and disturb'd by the armes of two of the cheifest Princes of Christendom. Wherefore, to know whereupon we may with most s [...]ety repose our hopes, and our advices, we must accurately consider the State of affairs; bal­lancing [Page 211] the various, nay rather, contrary respects; but chiefly, we must lay aside all aff [...]ction of love or fear, by which we may be yet more blinded in coming to the knowledge of this truth, which is of it self obscure, and ha [...]d to be f [...]und.

The King of France is come into Italy with a most powerful Army contrary to the opinion of all men; and therefore finding the State of Mi [...] lan for the most part unprovided, he hath so happily begun his Enterprize as by marching, not by fighting, by the bare name and reputation o [...] his Forces, he without use of weapons, or exposing himself to danger, hath put the Enemy to flight, won a great part of the Country, taken the very City of Milan and found all things prosperous and obedient: But it seems this his too hasty Fortune is very soon at an end; and having now sate down before Pavia, he meets with expence of time, and unexpected dif­ficulties, in compassing his end: so as the issue thereof is not only doubt­ful, but the whole fortune, and end of the War, depends thereupon. It is above forty days since the French sate down before Pavia; yet do we not finde their hopes of getting it, much increase, nor the courage and fervency of those that do defend it, diminish; nor the Imperial Com­manders slacken in their diligence to relieve it: It is certainly a very hard bu [...]iness to foresee the event of this Siege; but it is easie to know, that all other successes will for the most part depend upon this: for the Im­perialists having the Cities of Lodi and Cremona, whereinto they have put great Garrisons, and are very busie in fortifying them, if they can likewise defend Pavia, who (as we know) do expect a succour of Spanish and Dutch Foot to be brought them by the Archduke Ferd [...]n [...]nd himself, they may easi [...]y maintain the State of Milan, and force the French to pass back over the mountains; and the more numerous their Army is, and full of all the Nobility of France, so much the more it may be doubted that it may disband, both by reason of the great expence, and inconveniences, which it will not be long able to undergo; as also, out of the natural custom of that Nation, not go [...]d at patiently supporting any enterprise lo [...]g, as of late years we have had many experiences. If then this should happen, as it easi [...]y may, and that the French being either driven away by the Ene­mies Forces, or confused by their own disorders, should forgo the Dukedom of Milan, and should return to France, and that we shall have abandoned Cesar's friendship, not have valued our Confederacy, broken our Cove­nants, and by this ou [...] inconstancy and fickleness of faith, shall have pur­chased, not only the Emperour's d [...]spleasure, but shall grow hateful to all men, what is it that we may not have reason to fear: The Imperialists being so very strong, s [...]ll satisfied with us, fit to offend us, and disposed so to do? Whereby our own troubles will not be a little increased, and our afflictions and dangers will be the less compassionated by others, since it is our selves who have been the occasion of our mischief, which God grant it may not prove very great; and that (together with our own ruine) we draw not after us, the r [...]ine of all Italy: For the Imperialists being armed, and strong in Italy, as they are, and the counterpo [...]se of the French Forces being taken away, who knows not that they will not only possess the State of Milan qui­etly, but will be Arbytrators of all the affairs of Italy. For the preventi­on whereof, si [...]ce the Forces of all the Italian Princes are not able to make head agai [...]st him, and effectually oppose so great and formidable a Power,

[Page 212] There is no other remedy against so eminent a danger, but to take all oc­casion of anger from the Emperour, by showing our selves ready and willing, whereby he may be the more induced to establish peace. But if we should be otherwise minded, it is not these reasons only which perswades us to continue our confederacy with Cesar, but even necessity does force us so to do. For, for us only to follow this advice, and to unhearde our selves from the other Potentates of Italy, in the defence of common li­berty, would be to take too great a weight upon us, with no small danger: For I know not what grounds we can have to rely upon the other Princes of Italy. The Pope is immoderately fearful, inconstant, irresolute in his Coun­sels, low in moneys, and ready to repose his safety rather in the reve­rence which is born unto his person, and in the respect which is to be had unto the Church, then in his own forces, or those of his confederates; The Florentines must do as he doth: The Duke of Ferara, fearing to be bereft of the City of Modena by the Pope, and of Reggio, is ready to side with any body, and come what will come, to close with the most powerful, [...]o [...] save his owne stake: And the other lesser Potentates, not thinking that they depend upon the Authority of any others; so as they may by any means, preserve themselves will side with the Conquerour. But on the other side, if we shall continue our League made with Cesar, and that the French get the upper hand in this War; we are not to fear the like dangers, for our Counsels, and Actions, will be much excu­sed by the tye of our League with Cesar, which is very well known to the French; and which they know it was necessity which forced us to no free will; nor was it without some fault of theirs, by reason of their slow­ness in making necessary provisions for maintaining War against Cesar. Moreover, as we being mindful of the friendship which for these many years we have had with them, those respects and dangers be­ing over, shall willingly joyn with them; so it is to be believ [...]d that they will have the like inclination; which clearly shewn by their Kings having so often and so fervently press'd us to close again with him, and to re­nue our ancient friendship, and confederacy. But that which may better witness his will thereunto, is his owne interest, which will al­waies easily perswade him, to indeavour our friendship, and to put an esteem upon it; either to keep what he hath gotten, or to make further acquisitions in Italy: For he shall happen to drive the Spaniards out of the State of Milan, he will not notwithstanding, have driven them out of all Italy: Nay, as long as the Spaniards possess the Kingdom of Naples, so Noble and so Principal a place, the French will still have new suspitions of their Forces, and new desires to possess themselves of that Kingdom; to the which they pretend as well as to the State of Mi­lan: Wherein our Forces, and our assistants will be too useful for them to make them dispise us or to refuse our friendship. By all these reasons it clearly appears, that come what will come, we may more easily make friendship with the French, then with the Spaniard. Therefore, my opinion is, that whilst things are in this doubtfulness, and suspention, and the event of War so uncertain, we make not too much hast to have that with danger, which we may soon after hope to have with more honour, and safety, when there shall be a fitter occasion to treat: For the p [...]esent, we may doe better to temporize, and put our selves [Page 213] as little as we can out of our own power; neither to agree with the French, nor totally to satisfie the Imperialists, but to wait the advantage of time: for a few days will shew us what we had best to do, for the safety of our Com­monwealth, and for the Liberty of Italy.

Cornaro was willingly listned unto, and his wise counsel much com­mended: But to the contrary of his opinion, Dominico Trivisan, Pro­curator, and a Senator of great authority, spoke thus.

Our Commonwealth is at the present in such a condition, both in respect of the potent Princes, who set all their thoughts, and bend all their For­ces upon Italy; and in respect of our own low and weak condition, by rea­son of long Wars, such expences, so many, and so grievous misfortunes, for so many years, as we are necessitated to accommodate our selves to the times, and to change often our opinions, our thoughts, our friends, and our enemies, to be jealous of all Powers, to fear much, to be but little con­fident, and vigilantly observing other mens ways, to govern our selves ac­cordingly; having amidst this Inconstancy, a constant, and firm object in all our actions, to wit, the safety of our State, and the flourishing of our Commonwealth: By doing thus, we have freed our Commonwealth from many calamities, whereinto she was fallen of late years: By the like we may still preserve her, and bring her at last into a quiet condition. We have for many years past followed the friendship of the French, and therein made tryal both of prosperous and adverse fortune; but in these last days, finding that the King of France neglected the affairs of Italy, and that the burden of the War whereinto we entred to serve him, lay upon us, we were forced to close with Cesar, to provide in time for our own safety. When we were joyned with the Imperialists, we were not wanting in our duties; but by the assistance of our forces, and of our Armies, the Admiral was driven out of Italy, and the Dukedome of Milan secured: But if the Imperialists have drawn the King of France his forces again into Italy, by provoking him, and by assaulting him in his own Dominions, and that through their negligence, and by their not having provided time enough for the affairs of War, they have left the way open and easie for a new In­vasion into the Dukedom of Milan, Are we to make good their faults, or to supply their Omissions? He who shall consider all things aright, will al­ways think, that the French first, and now the Spaniard, have rather been wanting both to themselves and us, then we to any of them: But such con­siderations are more esteemed of, by reason of a certain institution of this State, of preserving their Word and Honesty, then out of the ordinary rea­son of State used now adays by Princes; who measure all things by their own peculiar Interests. Let us then consider according to this true rule, what we are now to do; Whether (as the present condition of affairs stand, we may hope for greater security, peace, and quiet, by the King of France his friendship, or by the Emperors. We have always constantly hel [...], that the chief means to preserve our Commonwealth, and the Liberty of Italy, in these mis [...]rable times whereinto we are fallen, is to keep these two potent Princes powers equally counterpoised, that, of the Most Christian King, Francis; and that, of Charls the Emperour. And that to endeavour that both of them may have some footing in Italy, since the power, forces, [Page 214] and intelligence of the Italian Princes is not able to drive them both out, is a good and wholesome advice: So as that there may be continual emulations, suspitions, and jealousies between them. This it is that makes them put an high esteem upon the Friendship of the Common-wealth, and indeavour it by all meanes: For he who can joyn with us, gets the better of the o­ther, is more certain to keep what he hath, and confides more in getting what he desires. If we then shall continue in League with Cesar, and shall by our Forces make his weakness good; and when his Armies shall be grown stronger, and we joyning with them, we shall indeavour to drive King Francis out of Italy, (as lately befell his Commanders, and his Ar­my) are we not aware that we doe hereby draw great mischief upon our selves, and put all Italy under the Spanish yoake; and by confirming them in the greatest part thereof, make way for their immoderate ambition to become Masters of the rest. The French, if all these their so great Forces shall prove vaine, will dispaire of ever doing good in Italy; they will turne their Weapons, and their thoughts elsewhere, especialy when they shall see that all Italian Princes grow obdurate against them; it will be then too late to have recourse to them for help against so emminent sla­very, or to curbe the Spaniards insolency; for all that is said by him who is of a contrary opinion, makes much for what I say: Since the greater Cesar's power grows, the more need have we to withstand it betimes, by indeavouring to moderate it, and by not permitting, that, through our idleness, or (as some would have it) through our assistance, it grow more formidable. But if it be good for us at the present, neither to assist the Imperialists, as we are bound by our League to doe, nor yet to joyne in new confederacy with the French; we must consider on the contrary, that this our slowness may produce the same effect, as our total alienation from the King of France would doe; for by prolonging the War, the end thereof will be alwaies doubtful: Which may the more easily happen, for that we are certaine the power of the Imperialists will encrease very much, who finding themselves at the present inferiour in Forces to the French, we may assure our selves, that when they shall know that our Forces, wherein they do not a little trust, shall be turn'd against them, they will come to some agreement, and will yeild up the possession of the Dukedom of Milan; which is already in part lost, and so the War will be ended, and greater dangers for a time secured: So as by our speedy resolution the sole name and reputation of our friendship may be of more advantage to the French, and in my opinion, consequently to our selves, then our whole Forces will be able to doe at another time, if we do not retard our resolution. And if we shall forbear resolving any thing, to the end that in so great a suspen­sion and doubt of Affairs, we may be the better advised, and stay till we see an end of the War, or at least which way it is likely to leane, to the end that we may serve the time, and accomodate our selves to the fortune of the Conquerour; I am confident we shall be no less deceived therein; nay it may be our neutrallity will be so much the more pernicious, for that we are secure on neither side, and come what will come, we are expos'd to the discretion of the Conquerour. For it is not to be hoped that Cesar see­ing himself abandoned by us at his greatest need, will bear us any respect when he shall be at the highest pitch of his prosperity: Nor that King Fran­cis, who hath so oft in vain sought our friendship, when his fortune, [Page 223] though favourable, was yet doubtful, will have us for his Friends and Con­federates, when he shall be totally Victor, and free from the fear of his E­nemies: It is then the best course by much, to side early with those, whom we may promise our selves we may make use of, as our truest friends and neighbours, who can most opportunely assist us in our affairs, and who we have reason to believe, will in this great action bear away the victory; and these are doubtlesly the French, with whom we have been joyn'd in Amity for these many years, between whom and us there hath past so many friendly offices, and reciprocal good will, who have the same affections, respects, and ends that we have, to allay Cesar's immoderate greatness. I am of opinion, that we ought to carry our selves much otherwise in these affairs, then he ad­vised, who spoke last; for it is often seen, tha [...] greatest hatreds and enmi­ties falls out amongst those, who have been nearest joyn'd in affection and love, which usually happens, because the omissions of a friend, who is tyed by many obligations to another, is held to be greater, then those of a stranger would be; wherefore if we, who have so many ties of obligation to the King of France, shall defraud his hopes, and interrupt his designs, by se­parating our selves from him, I know not how we can hope, if we let slip this occasion, to regain his favour; and though his own Interests may per­swade him to embrace our friendship, yet we must think that Princes are but men, and subject to like affections as other men are, nay more then o­thers, because they may the more easily satisfie their appetite. Anger there­fore conceived by the King against us, may be of greater force, then any reason which should perswade him to the contrary: But that which more im­ports our present Resolves, is, we see that Fortune favours the French very much, and is ready to settle them in full possession of the Dukedome of Milan, the King himself is in Italy with a powerful Army, to the very fame whereof, as many Cities have already yeilded, so must Pavia quickly do to its Forces, and whatsoever else the Imperialists hold in this State. Moreove [...], the Duke of Albeny is ready to pass with a great many men into the Kingdom of Naples, to molest the Imperialists also in those parts who to succour it, will be forc'd to divide their men, and be the less able to de­fend the State of Milan: I see not therefore upon what foundation he ground­ed his judgement, who sought on the contrary, to shew that Pavia may be maintained, and that the [...]rench Army will soon disband. We know by the last advises, that that City is brought into great straits of all things, and that the Dutch Foot, who were at first so ready to defend it, being now op­press'd by many sufferings, and not satisfied for their want of pay, do daylie raise such tumults, as they make their Commanders despair of any good success; the Viceroy, and Duke of Bourbon confess, that unless Pavia be re [...]eved within a few days, it must be lost, and then withal, the whole Duke­dom of Milan: And what hopes can there be of relieving a City inviron'd with so great and so valiant an Army, there being but few men in it, and fa [...]ing of its expected succour. I therefore think, that it may be feared with reason, that the Imperialists despairing to be able to defend the State of Milan, will make use of all their forces in the Kingdom of Naples, and the whole burthen of the War will rest upon us, if we do not early stave off this danger: And certainly, it is too strait a precinct wherein he thought to save himself, and whereinto to reduce our hopes, who disswade us from friend­ship with the French, and slight this safer receptacle, affirming that the [Page 224] Kings Army will disband of its self, and will be ruin'd by its own disorders. On the contrary, me-thinks that nothing hath been attempted of many late years by the French Nation in Italy, which hath a fairer aspect of constant will, and of assured success, then this present business, wherein the King seems to be very fervent, wherein the whole glory, and warlike honour of that Nati­on is concern'd, there being therein the better sort of people, and the most cry­ed up Commanders that France hath; and it being assuredly known, that if their so great Forces prove vain this time, the Crown of France must for ever give over whatsoever it pretends unto in Italy, and much to its shame, and to its greatest dishonour, tolerate Cesar's so vast greatness, and the like of the Spanish Nation, which is very odious to them. Whence it may be pro­bably argued, that the French will be very constant in their prosecuting this Siege of Pavia, and that finally, they must have the better of the whole war, the end whereof, as it becomes the wisdom of this State to foresee, so it be­comes us in like wisdom to provide early against those evils into which our State may by such accidents fall, and to make use of those means, which God of his Divine grace, hath offered us, by suddenly concluding a Confederacy with the most Christian King, which hath been offered us by him himself, and propounded unto us.

These words of Trevisano wrought very much upon the auditory; and his reasons, together with the inclination which the Venetians have commonly had to France, in memory of their long friendship with that Nation, did at last prevail; but they were no less perswa­ded thereunto, by the fear which they had, on the one side, of the pre­sent danger of the French, and on the other side, of Cesars future ambition. Peace was then establish'd and concluded with the French, by means of Embassadours at Rome; and was afterwards confirmed in Venice, in the beginning of Ianuary, the year 1525.

It was said in the preamble thereof, That Pope Clement, from the very beginning of his Popedom, had alwaies had peace between Christian Princes, for his principal object, but that he could not effect this his desire before now, by reason of divers impediments and difficulties; that the pre­sent condition of times would not permit the deferring of laying the ground-work of universal Peace, by accomodating the affairs of Italy; wherefore his Holiness, and the Venetian Senate, knowing that the most Christian King was well enclined to the quiet and safety of Italy, long vexed with perpetual war, which drew on also other wars, were come to agreement with the said King, not to offend one another, nor to assist or favour either others enemies; whereby some hopes of Peace was commenc'd: and moreover, the Venetians agreed to renew their former interrupted confederacy with the King; but with a particular condition, of not being bound to assist him in this present business.

These things being privately concluded, the Senate excusing them­selves for not making their men advance, answered the Emperour's Agents, who still prest for a resolution, That they could not disobey the Pope, the rather, for that it was hoped, Peace would ensue there­upon; whereof the Pope, with Cesar's consent, had begun to Treat: they therefore would not interrupt it, by fomenting the War, or oc­casioning the prolongation thereof.

[Page 217]The agreement being thus established, the King sent Monsieur di Ron Cafore, to congratulate the concluded League, and to testifie his continual good will towards the Commonwealth; though through the malignity of times, and through various accidents, their friend­ships had been interrupted. He exhorted the Senate not to trust the Imperialists, and promised that he would never forego the Common-wealths friendship. He afterwards desired, that this League which was privately concluded, should be presently published: wherein he found the Venetians of the same opinion; thinking it would be a means, that when the Imperialists should know those Forces were now against them, which they hoped would have helped them, to make them quit the possession of that Dukedom, which they knew they could not keep, and so come to some agreement: whereas on the contrary, nourishing themselves with hope of being assisted by the Ve­netians, they would continue making provision for war, and growing in time stronger, it would be harder to come to any agreement after­wards.

But the Pope advised the contrary, alledging, That it was fit this confederacy should be kept secret; to the end, of reducing the Impe­rialists to greater necessity and danger; which they would be, when the French should be past over the Po, as they said they would do, pro­mising that they would pass back again, whensoever the Pope should please; but he was forc'd almost to discover it, being to grant passage to the Duke of Albenyes men, who was sent (as hath been said) by the King of France, into the Kingdom of Naples. Wherefore the Pope seeming as if the Duke had violently usurped licence to pass with his men thorow the State of the Church, and Tuscany, and that he was wholly minded to stand a Neuter, and to endeavour a general Peace: He began to proceed with protestations, admonishing both the Prin­ces to lay down Arms, and to put whatsoever either of them was pos­sessed of in the State of Milan, into his hands, that so they might come to make a firm Peace; wherefore the Imperialists growing jea­lous that the Pope had agreed secretly with the King of France, as indeed he had, and might seek to bring over the Venetians also to the French party, they offered the Senate to refer the investing of Fran­cisco Sf [...]rza to them, and the pitching upon what sum of money the Duke should pay unto the Imperialists for it: which the Venetians refused to do, saying, That such a decision did not belong unto them, but to the Pope.

There were many things which past at the same time between the Imperialists and the King of England, to move him to make War the next year against the King of France; to the which purpose, the Ca­valier Cassal was come to the Imperial Camp; which made the Im­perialists more fervent in their own defence; for that they hoped, the King of France being molested in his own Kingdoms▪ might be for­ced to pass speedily back again over the mountains, to defend his own affairs; the convention made between him, and the Pope, and the Venetians, being not yet published. For the news being confirmed of great preparations made by the King of England, which was thought would make the French turn their forces elsewhere, the Ve­netians [Page 218] did not much minde the divulging of it. But the event of the business of Lombardy, and of all those councels, was finally to de­pend upon the success of Pavia, the Siege whereof continued longer then was expected, whereat the Pope and the Venetians were exceed­ingly troubled; not so much for that the length thereof did much de­facilitate the good end of the business, as that they feared, the French Commanders, impatient of so long delay, might perswade the King to come to a day of Battel with the Enemy; whereby, together with that Army, the safety of their States, and of the Liberty of all Italy, would be put to the arbitriment of Fortune; and Italy having no o­ther means of making opposition, would be left in prey to the Impe­rialists, if they should prove victorious. Whereat the Venetian Se­nate being troubled, they did very much solicite Ronchfancora, laying before him, that the interest of the Confederates, and the Kings own safety and glory, and victory, did wholly consist, not in hazarding any thing, but in making good use of time, and of his enemies dis­orders and wants. The like desires the Pope made likewise known to Alberto da Carpi, Embassadour at Rome, and did also send an express messenger with the same desires to the Camp: But all these endea­vours did but little good, the King shewing himself every day more and more resolved not to rise from before Pavia; but rather, if the Enemy should draw nearer, come unto a Battel; whereby he was unnecessitated to hazard his own fortune, and the like of his confede­rates, which were all exposed to danger. Wherefore the Pope, the Venetians, and Florentines, resolve [...] to joyn in a defensive League, for the preservation of their own States; being to this purpose to take ten thousand Switzers into pay, upon the common expence, and each of them to encrease their own forces as much as they could: which things whilst they were slowly, and with various resolutions discuss'd, the rout of the French Army ensued, together with the death of many of the chief Lords of the Kingdom, and the imprisonment of the Kings own person. The Cesarians were come from Lodi to relieve Pavia, which was reduced to a great scarcity of all things, they being gotten to be strong enough, and for Foot, almost equal to the French Ar­my, though far inferiour to them in Horse; and drawing near to the French Camp, they forced the King either to suffer them to relieve Pavia, or to come to a day of Battel, the thing which they desired, that they might put their desperate affairs to the utmost tryal; and fortune favouring their forwardness, they had the opportunity of as­saulting the King in the Park, where he, contrary to the opinion of his best experienced Commanders, would needs stay: So as the French, not being able to come into the field till it was too late, nor to make use of their Horse, wherein they did exceed the enemy, the whole Army was routed and put to flight, and the King taken Priso­ner, Monsieur d'Alanson only escaping with the Reer.

This so great and signall Victory gotten by the Imperialists against the French, was cause of much trouble to the Venetians, knowing that a heavy load lay upon them; for the Counterpoise of the French failing, and all the other Princes of Italy being weak, and full of Terrour, by reason of this so mighty success, they were, almost of [Page 219] themselves alone, to defend the liberty of Italy, against the power of Cesar, which was increased greatly by this, his late good fortune; nor could they hope, that he would contain his Forces within the Con­fines of the State of Milan; it was rather to be believed, that his Ar­my, pursuing the victory, would enter into the neighbouring States; whereunto, their being so unprovided to make any stout resistance, might very well invite the Imperial commanders. The Venetian Forces were onely of some consideration: for they had 1000 Curas­siers, 600 Light-horse, and 10000 foot; they therefore resolved to make use of these forces, and to increase them, and to exhort the rest of the Princes of Italy to do the like, and to arm themselves so strongly as they could. But their chief study, and care, was to joyn themselves with the Pope, for they believed, that all the Potentates of Italy would finally depend upon his Authority, and that there might be thereby some hopes of good. They therefore solicited the Pope often; Shewing him into what great dangers Italy was brought, which, if they should not receive some sudden, and powerfull remedy, they would increase so fast, as all labour, and industry, and expence to prevent eminent ruine would be in vain: That Cesar's actions did clearly shew what his thoughts and intentions were; since he had not assigned over the Dukedome of Milan to Francisco Sforza, as by his Confederacy he was bound to do; but, that having defeated the French Army, so as there was now no more fear of any enemy; he did notwithstanding keep his souldiers still in that State, placed Garrisons in the Cities, and would have all things done by his authority, and in his name; and that certainly Cesar had so fair a way opened unto him, of making himself master of Italy (if the Italians would stand idle, and leave their affairs to the discretion of others) as one that were never so moderate, having so fair an occasion, could not abstain from turning his thoughts, and Forces upon the taking of Territories so ill defended: and that, in such a case the State belonging to the Church would be no freer from offence, then the like of their Commonwealth; but would rather be in more danger, because her weakness did the more expose her to injuries. Nor did such thoughts and actions as these want several appearances of a fair collour far war; Chiefly by reason of the League made by the Pope with the French; which being come to the knowledg of the Imperialists, they seemed to be more troubled thereat; because it was made contrary to their opinion or sense: they put him in mind that it be­came not a wise Prince to think upon giving satisfaction, when he was able to take up armes, and to depend upon himself, and his own Forces: and that truly the most expert men thought it a more easie thing, far the Italian Princes to joyn together, and being joyned, to defend themselves against the Emperours Forces, if the Pope would declare himself to be head and authour of such an Union; For the Florentines were alwayes at his com­mand, and had now particularly signified their will and readiness to defend themselves, by Francesco Vettori, whom they had sent to Rome, to that purpose, thereby to invite him, to take upon him the common defence: That the Duke of Ferrara would be ready to do the like, in consideration of his own State, and to free himself from the contumacy which he was run into with the Church, whereof he had already given sufficient signes, he having sent an express messenger to Rome, presently after the defeat of [Page 220] the French, to offer the Pope 250 Curassiers, 400 Light-horse, and all his other Forces, for the defence of the Apostolick Sea; and for the welfare of Italy: That the other lesser Princes could not, nor would not sever themselves from the authority, and from joyning with the forenamed; with whose joint forces the Duke of Urbane did promise to defend all their States: That it was to be considered, the Cesarians wanted money, and that the souldiers, chiefly the Dutch, being much behinde hand for pay, [...]ere readier to mutinie, and to return home, then to fall upon any other Enterprise, without being paid their Arrears: That the State of Milan was totally exhausted, and unpeopled: That the name of a Spanyard was now more then ever odious unto them, by reason of their many extortions: and since they now found themselves deceived in their hopes, wherein they were a while nourished, of having a natural Prince of their own: That the Emperour's Army was already much diminished: and to conclude, That part of his men were sent from Lombardy, to resist the Duke of Albany.

These things, though they were very punctually represented by the Venetians, and diligently listned unto by the Pope, yet were they not able to infuse any hope into him; or to keep him from precipi­tating into an agreement, and from thinking of securing his affairs, rather unworthily, by receiving any, whatsoever condition, from the Conquerours, then by his own forces, and by the aid of other Princes, and Confederates: so as without so much as expecting Cesar's will, or any orders from him, he had begun new Treaties with the Viceroy; being hereunto induced by an immoderate fear, that the Emperours army should be necessitated to pass thorough the state of the Church, or else thorough Tuscany, and to bring either the one, or the other, and peradventure both of them into great trouble and danger. The Viceroy listned willingly to the Treaty of agreement promoted by the Pope; knowing that peace and union with him did greatly con­cern confirming the Victory, and freeing the Army of many neces­sities which it then suffered under; whose Authority being, as he believed, to be followed by the other Princes of Italy, the State that was won would be secured for the future from the French Forces; who could not hope to do any good in Italy, without the assistance of some Italian Prince: These considerations being discovered by the Ventians, who knew, that such a security would at last cause more danger to them, and could not notwithstanding keep the Pope from making this Agreement; they proceeded slowly in their Councels, not making the Imperialists dispair, nor yet joyning in any streighter friendship, or confederacy with them: but they perswaded the Pope, that, to the end he might be provided for all events, in case the agree­ment should not be made good, he should forthwith send Monsignor Verulano, who was long before destin'd thether, into Switzerland, to make 1000 Switzers come in presently to the defence of the Liberty of Italy, the nation being greatly ambitious of the name of Liberty; and that he should, with the like diligence, dispatch away a Nuntio to England, whether the Common-wealth would at the same time, send Lorenzo Orio, whom they had chosen for their Embassadour, to negotiate with the King thereof, who was in great esteem with all [Page 221] men, and who was then Moderator in the weightiest affairs of Princes, touching preventing Italy from the eminent dangers, threatned her by Cesar's greatness: wherein they hoped to finde that King the readier, because it was very like, that such a Victory would purchase Charles much envie, and might alienate the minde of Henry more from him; who, being haughty and ambitions, would unwillingly see him so eminent above all others, and to become Lord of Italy. Yet the Venetiens, finding the Pope still inclined to accord with the Imperi­alists; they, as resolving not to part wholly from his courses, began to think upon some conditions: and therefore, the Viceroy having sent Iovan Sermento to Venice, to give them an account of the victo­ry, they treated very civilly with him, seeming to bear good will to Cesar; and ordered Lorenzo Priuly, and Ardrea Navagiero (who being formerly destined to be sent to Charles, had by publick dire­ctions tarried at Genua) to pursue their journey, and go to Spain, to congratulate with him, for the Victory which he had wonne, and to excuse their slowness in sending their men to his Camp.

But Charles, when he had received the news of his Armies so pro­sperous success, though he did inwardly rejoice, being inflamed with a desire of glory, and Empire, and hoped for better things, yet shew­ing great moderation in his words, and outward appearance, he said, he would) as it became him to do, use this signal favour, which God had been pleased to bestow upon him, to the service of Christen­dome, and to universall agreement. Wherefore he sent the Duke of Sesta, not long after, to the Pope, to proffer him peace, and to assure him, that he very much desired the Peace and Tranquillity of Italy. He made the like be done to the Venetian Senate by his Em­bassadour Alfonso Sauces, and by his Secretary Caracciolo, who was not as yet gone from Venice. But the more the Cesareans seemed to desire Peace and League with the Italian Potentates, at a time when they might rather expect to be desired, then to desire others, they gave the more suspition, that their secret thoughts were pernitious to the Liberty of Italy. The Venetians did therefore tem­porize; neither concluding nor excluding these Treaties; and this the rather, because Propositions made unto them by the French caused them to suspend their judgements; Gasparo Lormano being come, at the same time, to Venice, being sent thither by the King's Mother, who was then Queen Regent of France: who shewing, ‘That the Kingdome feared no offences, that it had fores sufficient, and ready enough to be imploy'd in the recovery of their King, desired the Senate, that they would not abandon so glorious a cause, and so advantagious for their Commonwealth, but that they would joyn with the Lords of France to set her Son at liberty, by force of Arms, whereby the safety and liberty of Italy would likewise be had.’

To which desires the Senate, shewing first the great resentment they had of the Kings misfortune, and that they wish'd very well to the honour and welfare of the Crown of France, did not as yet give any positive answer; but reply'd only that the weightiness of the pro­position, required time and advisedness to ground any solid resoluti­on thereon. But in the mean while, the Pope, who had sent the [Page 222] Archbishop of Capua to that purpose to Spain, ratified the agreement which was formerly made with the Viceroy; including the Senate of Venice if they would declare their consent thereunto within twenty days. Wherefore the Senate was almost necessitated to dispatch the treaty by many, though unresolved endeavours with the Empe­rours Embassadours; and that they might accommodate the most important businesses (for some others remained undecided) Pietro Pesaro was sent to Milan to negotiate with the Viceroy. But the French did not for all this forbear pressing their desires, not having altogether quitted their hopes of making the Venetians joyn with them, though the Popes authority and advice had as then drawn them to be of a contrary opinion. They therefore sent the Bishop of Bai­osa to Venice, and Ambrogio da Fiorenza, who in the name of the Queen Regent, and of the whole Kingdom, did upon more mature advice, make better grounded proposals then the first were touching the League, and freedom of the King; in which respect, but much more because every day new and clearer signs were discovered of Ce­sars ambition, and of his Counsellours designs which were all bent to make him absolute Master of Milan, and to put a yoke upon Italy, the French Embassadours had attentive audience given them in the Colledge, and the business was taken into new consideration, and put into a way of Treaty. At this time the Marquis of Pescara was come into Milan with 3000 Foot, 200 Curassiers, and a good num­ber of light Horse, and had desired the Duke that he would cause the Castle of Milan, together with the like of Cremona, to be delive­red up unto him; publiquely affirming that he was sent by Cesar to take possession of Milan, in whose name all exactions, expeditions, and the whole administration of Government was made; and he en­deavour'd to make all the Cities swear Fealty unto him: Wherein though the Pope did appear very much, in striving to make Cesar keep his articles of confederacy, and assign over the State of Milan to Duke Francisco Sforza; yet it did no good; sometimes one rea­son, sometimes another, being alledged for the delay thereof; and amongst the rest, that he had treated of delivering up the Castle of Milan to the Venetians: A thing which was never so much as thought upon, much less negotiated by any of the parties.

These things did alienate the minds of the Venetians from the Em­perour dayly more and more, and increased their jealousies, and made them not adhibite faith to what Gaspero Contarino, who was their Embassadour with Cesar, did inform them of, being made to do so by him; that Cesars mind stood well affected to the quiet of I­taly, and to a general peace. Therefore the Venetians seeking out an occasion to break off the treaty of agreement, proposed divers difficulties, the chief whereof was, that the Duke of Milan being one of the principal Contractors, the League could not be well conclu­ded, if it were not first known what was to become of him, and of his State. The dispatch whereof was thought to be cunningly delay­ed; which made them believe, that these calumnies were forged, which were laid upon Sforza, thereby to bereave him of his State, with an intention to keep it, though large promises were made that [Page 223] it should be given to the Duke of Bourbone, or to any other that the Collegues should like of. The Pope likewise beginning to discover these artificial proceedings of the Imperialists, did no longer believe any thing they said: Wherefore to proceed speedily against the com­mon danger, he resolved to joyn in a good and strict intelligence with the Venetians quickly, since there would be some difficulties in concluding the French in the League, which would cause longer delay, a thing very prejudicial to the present business. The agree­ment was then concluded by the Pope on the one side, who ingaged himself for the Church, and for the Republique of Florence; and on the other side by the Duke and Senate of Venice. By which agree­ment it was said,

That these Potentates did joyn together to avoid the eminent dangers, as they had been taught by the experience of times past, and to lay more solid foundations for the quiet and safety of Italy, and for their own particu­lar States: That each Prince should take upon him the protection of the o­ther Princes States and persons; that all the Confederates should run the same fortune; that not any one of them should treat with any other Princes in any thing which might be repugnant hereunto; that they should succour each other with 4000 Foot, 400 Curassiers, 300 Light Horse, and with greater numbers also, according as their several needs should require▪ Hereunto was added, that the Venetians should be bound to protect the great­ness of the Medici, and suppress such commotions as should be raised against them by any seditious Citizens; and particularly, to favour, and assist whosoever the Pope should place in the City of Florence as head of that Go­vernment.

These things being thus accommodated, the Pope beginning now to be more sensible of that true fear, which he slighted before, gave straightways order to the Marquis of Mantu [...], that he should go with the Curassiers into the parts about Parma, and was very diligent in continuing the Treaty of bringing the Grisone Foot, and the Swit­zers, which being formerly begun was but slowly prosecuted: And on the other side, the Venetians resolved to increase their Army, to the number of 10000 Foot, to raise 300 light Horse more in Greece, to bring other Commanders, and to provide for their own safeties in every thing; being much encouraged in all this by the King of Eng­land; who growing jealous of Cesars greatness, and perhaps envy­ing his glory, discover'd himself to be very much displeased with the success at Pavia, and with the King of France his being made Priso­ner; affirming that he was ready to do any thing, whereby to free the King, and to keep Italy in safety.

The Italian Potentates being thus agreed, there was hopes of easie coming to an union with France; but the Treaty was proceeded in, in a diverse manner, and in somewhat a diversity of affection; for the Pope thinking that he had put some stop to the present dangers, by the already made confederacy, and that he might enjoy better conditions from Cesar, and have them better observed, proceeded coolly in the agreement with the French; the rather for that since the coming of the Duke of Sessa to Rome, who was sent thither by Charles to attest his desire of peace, and his willingness to restore the [Page 224] Dukedom of Milan to Francisco Sforza, always provided that he should prove innocent, and if he should be found guilty, he would invest his Brother Maximillian Sforza thereinto. But on the contra­ry the Venetians were very fervent in their endeavours, that they might come to a speedy agreement with the French, fearing lest the Spaniards proffers might tend to no other end, then to break the Treaty of the League, and to slacken the provisions for War: And fearing likewise lest the Queen, by reason of these slow and irresolute counsels of the Italian Princes, witnessing either their not very great good will towards that Kingdom, or their weakness in forces; and that being resolved to do all that she could for the release of her Son, she would at last make some conditions with Cesar, with whom some Treaties to this purpose were known to be already begun. There­fore the business with the French proceeded on with some diversity▪ and uncertainty, not coming to any settled conclusion. The quan­tity and quality of the forces which the Collegues were to put toge­ther for the common service of the League was already agreed upon: To wit 30000 Foot▪ [...] 4000 Curassiers, and 3000 light Horse, to be imploy'd in such service in Italy, as might prove more advantagious. The French were moreover bound to make War with Cesar upon the Confines of Spain; and other articles were in Treaty, when in the beginning of the year 1526. unexpected News came to Venice, That an agreement was made between the Emperour and the King of France; whereby the King was to be set at liberty, and peace and good intelligence was to be had between these two Princes, which was to be strengthened by the tye of Matrimony; the King being to marry the Lady Leonora, Cesars Sister, and Cesar to marry the King of Portugals Sister; and the Dukedom of Milan was to be given to the Duke of Burbone, who was likewise to marry the Lady Renea, the Kings Neece.

A thing which had been formerly feared, but not now so much as before, for that the Queen did constantly affirm, that she had sent her Embassadour Alberto Carpi, who was then at Rome, sufficient commission to conclude the League. The Pope and the Venetians were sorely troubled at these tidings, but this their trouble was some­what mitigated, out of a common opinion that King Francis would not observe his articles made with Cesar. The which was the rather believed, because it was said, that he was departed very ill satisfied with his Treatment, whilst he was a Prisoner; and much worse with the agreement it self, whereby to purchase his liberty, he was forc'd to put Charles into the possession of Burgony. To know whether he was really disposed to do thus or no, and to increase this desire in him, the Senate sent Andrea Rosso, Secretary to the Pregadi, imme­diately away to France, to treat upon this important business; and the Pope taking the like course, sent Paolo Vittori thither with the same direction. Nor was it hard to draw the King thereunto, for at the very first speech which he had with these, he complain'd very much of Cesar, for having dealt severely with him in all things.

‘He said, That he would not be wanting to the welfare and safety [Page] of Italy, if the Italian Princes would not be wanting unto them­selves. Which he would quickly witness, being ready to joyn with them, and to make good whatsoever had been formerly nego­tiated, and for the most part concluded with the Queen his Mother and the Kingdom; that therefore they should exhort their Princes to send them sufficient authority there; for they should always find him ready and constant in this point, and in the same mind for what concern'd the common good. He said he hoped that the King of England would be of the like intention, and no less desi­rous to abate Cesars greatness, and to provide for the defence of Italy. To whom he would speedily send his Embassadours, and could wish the Italian Princes would do the like; for it would help the business very much, that the Emperours designs might be op­posed by the full consent and forces of so many Potentates joyn'd together.’

As soon as the Venetians heard these things, which were confor­mable to their wishes, they were not slow in sending commissions to Rosso to conclude the Leagues; the heads whereof (some few things being alter'd) were already framed in the former Treaties. They also gave order to Secretary Gasparo Spinelli, who did then negotiate the Affair of the Commonwealth with the King of England, Loren­zo Orio their Embassadour being dead a little before, to be very ear­nest with Henry to make him enter into the League which was in treaty in France; much exalting the esteem that they put upon his authority, as desirous to have him for the Preserver and Protector of this agreement, and for the particular Defender of the Liberty of Italy.

But the Pope proceeded so slowly herein, as they were forced to go more hotly to work with him.

The Venetian Embassadour did therefore often lay before him the great opportunity that was now offerd, of providing for the common safety, by disposing of the King of France his mind, who was wholly set to revenge himself for the injuries which he thought he had received from Charles. That if this his indignation should in time grow less, and that he should resolve to keep the Conditions which were agreed upon at Madrid, there remained no hope of ever freeing Italy from the bitter slavery of the Spaniards.

The Pope having heard these things, and being somewhat moved thereat, resolved at last, to send Don Caplino, a great confident of his into France, with Commission to joyn in the League; though Don Hugo da Moncada did at the same time labour the contrary, who was sent by Cesar to Rome, to confirm the Pope in his first resolution of joining with him, and to exhort him to contemn all other agree­ments and offers.

Don Hugo laid before him the weakness of the confederates, with whom he was in Treaty to joyn; the natural fickleness of the French, the uncertainty of the Venetian Councels: and on the con­trary, he magnified Cesar's power, his preparation for War, his a­bundance [Page 226] of Foot already raised in Ispruch, his expectation of lusty and opportune succors out of Germany, from the Arch-Duke; and told him that Cesar propounded peace unto him out of his de­sire of the universal good, and out of his particular respect unto the Church; not that he did any ways doubt his being able to resist solely of himself all those Potentates that conspired against him, being likewise confident to make them alter their purposes.’

Don Hugo signified almost the same by Letters to the Senate of Ve­nice, whom he acquainted with his being come into Italy as soon as he arrived at Milan; and with the reason why Cesar had sent him thi­ther

But to all these pressures, he received the like answers, both from the Pope, and from the Venetians.

`That when Cesar should have a minde disposed to peace, as by his words he seemed to have, he should find the like disposition, and reciprocal will in them: ‘But that they desired this might be witness­ed by some real effects which they would be readier to beleive; and to this purpose that he would cause the Siege to be raised from before the Castle of Milan; that he would restore the State thereof to Fran­cisco Sforza, that he would observe what by his capitulations he was bound to do, and that he should then speak of laying down of Armes, and of restoring peace and tranquillity to Italy.

No answer was made to all this but in general tearms, and actions to the contrary did still continue: Whence it might be clearly com­prehended that the treaty of Peace was made use of to no other end but to keep back the preparations for War, and by these jealousies and tricks to alienate the French from the Italian Princes. And this began to have some effect according as was desired; for the business of the League began to cool very much in France; either for that the King did not much confide in the Pope nor the Venetians, thinking that they might be wrought upon by Ugo, all whose endeavours were communicated to him; or else (as some others believed) because being only intent upon the redemption of his Sons whom he had left with Cesar for Hostages, and to compose the business of Burgondy with some other recompence, he might make use of the name and of the reputation of the League, to make the more easie agreement; and not for that he had really any more mind to med­dle with the affairs of Italy, which he had so often and still so unfor­tunately attempted; or that he did any ways take the Interests of the Italian Princes into his consideration: Insomuch as his Embassadour, the Bishop of Bayosa, who was sent by him to Venice for that intent, was there a whole moneth without hearing any one word from the King; neither of his resolution touching the League, nor of any for­ces which he should prepare to effect the things agreed upon. Others conceived this slowness of the French proceeded from some other de­signs of theirs, to wit, to reduce the Confederates (to whom every little delay seemed tedious and troublesome, by reason of the great scarcity of victuals that was in the Castle of Milan) to give them the Dukedom of Milan, if it should be recover'd by their common [Page 227] Forces; bereaving Sforza of it, to whom, by all that had been yet treated on, it was to be restored. Therefore that they might leave never a stone unturn'd, but do any thing which might draw the French into Italy, the Pope and Venetians did consult of making this offer also, to the King; to the end, that he who had been alwayes ambitious of this acquisition, should more readily, and with greater Forces embrace the busine [...]s: thinking, that for what concerned the present occasions, that which was ch [...]efly to be put for, for the safety of Italy, was to drive the Spaniards out of the State of Milan: and this they did the rather, for that, though the King should be bound by agreement to assigne it over to Sforza, they could not be sure that he would keep his promise better to him, then he had done to the Emperour, which would afford occasion of new wars, and of parting him from the Italian Princes. But, on the other side, considering that it would not greatly redound to the honour of the League, to give way unto this, but that it would rather leave a blur upon the Italian Princes, since that they had alwayes given out, that their chief object was to restore the Dukedome of Milan to the Dominion of an Italian Prince, they resolved not to part from their first Pro­positions. But the King of France desiring that the Kingdome of Naples and the State of Milan might be both of them assaulted at one and the same time, they endeavoured to give him some satisfaction in that point, by adding to the other Articles: ‘That, if it should appear, that, for the safetie and quiet of Italy, it were requisite, the Government of Naples should be altered, the Colleagues should contribute such Forces as should be requisite to effect it: and that, when it should be gotten, the Pope should determine to whom it should be given, so as might make most for the quiet of Italy, and so as it were done with the satisfaction of the Confederates, with­out whose consent the Pope promised he would do nothing in that point: that the new King, who ere he should be, should pay the usual Tribute to the Church, and 70000 Duckets to the King of France, whose pretences should remain entire to that Kingdome, if it were not won now.’

This being agreed upon, the League was finally concluded in France; Don Capona intervening for the Pope, and Secretary Andrea Rosso for the State of Venice. The end of this Conjunction was spe­cified to be, ‘The freeing of the State of Milan from the oppression of the Imperialists, the Liberty of Italy, and the recovery of the King of France his children, adhering for what concerned particu­larities, and preparations for War, to what had been formerly treated on, and concluded with the Kingdome, before the King had his Liberty.’

Yet it was not published, till they might know the King of En­gland's resolution; who was desired to be one of the chief Contra­ctours: For it was thought, that his name and authority might adde much to the reputation thereof: It was therefore resolved, that some should be sent into England from the Colleagues, to request Henry, that he would quickly declare, in the behalf of the Confede­rate Princes, against Cesar. For the Pope, there went Iovan Battista [Page 228] Sanya, a man of an high spirit, and great with the Datario: for the King of France, Ioan Ioachino; and Mark Antonio Veniero for the Venetians, who was intended before to be sent Embassadour thether from the Common-wealth. But the king of England, though he said he was very well inclined to this League, and not well affected towards Cesar, resolved notwithstanding, not to declare himself publickly, till he had desired Charles, that, to gratifie the Colleagues, he would set the son of the most Christian King at Liberty, and restore the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza; which if he would not do, he declared, he was to denounce war against him in all their names: which, though it was cons [...]nted unto, yet the business was prolonged, and divers difficulties promoted: So as any longer delay being thought to be unseasonable; the League between France, and the Princes of Italy was published and proclaimed with great solemnity: and it was ge­nerally thought, that the Forces of this League would be able to quel the Imperialists, and to drive them out of the State of Milan; especially, since the Castles of Cremona and Milan held still for Sforza. There were at this time, in the Venetian Army 1000 foot, 900 Curasiers, 800 Light-horse, and a great many Switzers were suddenly expected, taken into pay, partly by the Pope, and partly by the Venetians, and partly by the King of France; who, when they should be arrived, it was resolved, that the Colleagues would go to succour the Castle of Milan, to attempt the taking of that City: and that, on the other side the Marquis of Saluzzo should fall down into the Dukedome of Milan wi [...]h the French Curassiers, and 10000 foot, raised at the Confederates common expence, and assault the Cities of Novarra, and Alexandria: and that, in the mean while, the Maritime affairs should be prepared to molest the Imperialists in other places, and to divide their Forces. The Venetians gave order to their Captain Generall, and to Commissary Pietro Pesaro, to bring their Camp, as soon as might be, to Chiari in the Territories of Bres­cia, to begin the war: and the Pope ordered all his Commanders, and souldiers, to go into the parts about Parma; to the end, that being joyned together, they might do what should be thought best for the League. But this joyning of forces was unseasonably de­ferr'd, by reason of the difficulty in what place the Armies were to meet; for Francesco Guicchiardini, who was Lieutenant General of the Ecclesiastical Army, would not give consent, that the Pope's men should go to Cassalle Maggiore, as it was first resolved: alledging, that the State of the Church was not to be abandoned: though it was urged on the contrary, that, they being masters of the field, there was no cause of fear. This mean while Malatesta Baglione came to Lodi with a Troup of Vinetians, where he had private intelligence with Lodovico Vistarlino, a Citizen thereof, and though there were in it a good Garrison of 1500 foot, yet he easily took it, and held it in the name of Francisco Sforza. After this, the whole Venetian Army past over the Poe, and two dayes after, the Popes men joyn'd with them, and they went all to Milan: the Duke of Urbane had good hopes to get the City at the first assault, for he was informed by some of the Milaneses, that the people were up, and ready to side [Page 229] with them, as soon as their Army should be come to the City: and that the Imperial Commanders, having already sent away their bag­gage, would soon be gone themselves, and give over the defence of the Town: This was so verily believed, as Lodovico Count di Belgio­joso had desired the Duke of Urbane, to give him 2000 Foot, with which he offerr'd to relieve the Castle of Milan. The whole Army of the Confederates being advanced, they quartered in the Monastory del Paradiso, toward the Porta Romana, with a firm intention to give an assault, hoping to win the Suburbe, and to lodg there: and the enemy, being often come forth to skirmish, were still valiantly re­puls'd by our men: but soon after came the Duke of Burbone, with a good number of foot, and did not onely make good his station against such as skirmished with him, but indammaged them on sun­dry parts: so as the Duke of Urbane failing of his hopes of getting the city by assault, and fearing lest he might fall into some greater disorder, if he should tarry long in those quarters, retreated with the whole camp in good order to Marignavo, without receiving any pre­judice. But, great hopes having been had by the Armies being drawn near Milan of good success in the Enterprise, and there being great necessity of relieving the Castle of Milan, the Senate, when they heard by their Commissary, that the camp was raised, were very much amazed and grieved: and the Duke, to justifie this his act, sent Luigi Gonzaga to Venice, who might by word of mouth give an ac­count of what was done, and of the reasons which had moved the Duke thereunto: whereupon the Senate were satisfied: but the Pope was not so easily appeased; he did not onely complain very much of this action, but likewise of the manner of the Dukes proceedings; for not having acquainted those that imployed him with his most im­portant counsels; which Guicchiardini did aggravate to the Pope, by his bad offices done to the Duke, being displeased with him, because his Discourses were not well listned unto by the Duke, nor had in such consideration as he thought was due to his reputation and de­gree; but were rather despised, as comming from one of another profession, and who (as the Duke had wont to say) ought not to meddle in matters which belonged to military men: So, as to give the Pope satisfaction, the Senate ordered the Duke, that for the fu­ture, he should acquaint Guicchiardini with all businesses of impor­tance which were treated of in the Camp.

All things appertaining to the Fleet were this mean while prepa­red for, that some attempt might be thereby made upon Cesar's Ter­ritories. The Venetians, to this purpose, chose Luigi Armero for their Commissary, and sent him to Corfu, where the other Commis­sary Iovan Moro was with the Fleet; from which Armero was to take 12 Gallies, and come along with them with all speed, to the Sea Coasts, near Rome, to joyn with those of the Pope, and of the King of France; and then joyntly fall uppon such Enterprises, as might be for the service of the League. Divers things were pro­pounded, touching whether the Maritime Forces were to go. The Pope desired, that they might go into the rivers of Pugliae, to break the designes of the Collonesi, and to divert their Forces in those parts; [Page 230] who, having raised 7000 foot, and a good number of horse in Naples, began to be very formidable unto the Pope. But the King of France, and the Venetians thought it would be more advantagious for the League, to have them go against Genua; as well for the fitness of that city for other actions, as for that, if they should succeed well therein, it would add much to the reputation of the League. Pietro Navarro was declared Captain General of the Confederates Fleet, a man of long experience in war, who though he were propounded by the King of France, yet he received stipend from the other Con­federates, but the Gallies belonging to the Church, and those of the Commonwealth being already in a readiness, those of France were slow in comming with the Captain General, which gave them just occasion of disl [...]ke, and of no slight suspicion, that the King of France his ends aimed onely at his own advantage, dispising the in­terests of the League; of which his mind, there appeared other signes: for but little of 40000 Duckets, which he was bound to send into Switzerland, for the levying of 10000 Switzers was as yet sent thether: whereby the League lost no little reputation. And, though the Venetians had sent Secretary Sabbadino thether, to solicite the raising of those Foot; yet could he not much encourage them, nor hasten their departure; nor was there any news heard of any prepa­ration made by the King, to make war upon Cesar on the other side of the Mountains, as by his Articles he was bound to do. But the King, besides some excuses which he made, finding how ill the Col­leagues were satisfied by their pressing sollicitations, or else being conscious of his own faultiness, and fearing, that therefore the Pope and the Venetians, laying aside his interests, as he seemed to have little valued theirs, might treat of peace with the Emperour apart by themselves, sent Monsieur di Sange into Italy to excuse his tardiness; with directions that he should first pass thorough Switzerland to solli­cite the departure of those of that Nation, or at least, to make it be beli [...]ved, that he had done what he could therein: He therefore com­ing first to Venice, and then to Rome, used the same endeavours in both places, laying the fault of the slowness of the French mens passage into Italy upon the Commanders, and other officers; and affirming the Kings very great desire to prosecute the war, and that he would not onely make good his Articles, but exceed them by increasing his Forces; for, besides the fore­named Fleet, he was rigging up many tall Ships in Britannie, that he might come forth the stronger, and suppress all the Forces that the enemy could make by Sea: and that he was no less carefull of levying the Swit­zers; and, that by his procurement the general Dyets were summoned, wherein all things should be resolved in favour to the League. But he chiefly assured them, that the King would not treat of any agreement, save such as should tend to a generall peace, and so as the other Colleagues should be content with. The King did likewise attest this his resolution to Iovan Battista Sanga, who, being sent, as aforesaid, by the Pope, to the King of England, stayed some dayes in the Court of France, for same business.

The Venetian Senate, taking these assurances very thankfully, and seeming fully to believe them, answered,

[Page 231] That they never doubted the King's good intentions towards the Le [...]gue, and particularly, towards their Commonwealth, as knowing both his wis­dom, and his ancient affection to the Venetians; they therefore promised, That not only in th [...] cause, wherein their common interests were concerned; but in all other things, and at all other times, their Will, and Forces, should be inseparably joyn'd to his: And as for any Treaty of Peace, they never were averse from it; nor had they taken up Arms to any other end, but that they might come to a safe peace: Therefore, as far as it might stand with the Dignity of the League, and the Confederates safety, they should be very glad of it.

Yet knowing that such a peace was rather to be desired then hoped for at this time, the Pope and the Venetians endeavouring to incite the King's mind the more to War, resolved to let him know, that if they should get the Kingdom of Naples, his Son should be King there­of; the Commonwealth retaining such a part thereof, as should be answerable to their deserts, labour, and expence: To correspond whereunto, the King made a new offer of other three hundred Lan­ciers, and twenty thousand Ducats more monethly, for the service of the League, if the enterprize of Naples should be undertaken. The Commissary Armero was come from Corfu to Terracina with thirteen Gal [...]es, where meeting with Andrea Doria, who was come thither with eight Gallies for the Pope's service, they went in company together to Cevita Vecchia, and from thence to Ligorn, where they met with Pietro Navarro with sixteen of the King of France his Gallies; and being resolved to reduce Genua to the King of France his devotion, to the great advantage of the Colleagues, they made Frederick Fregose, who was Archbishop of Salerno, head of that Government, and came with their Fleet first to Porto Venera; which Town, together with that of Spetia, and with all that part of the River, till you come to Mona­co, yeilded soon to the Colleagues. Then dividing the Fleet, D [...]ria, and the Vene [...]ian Commissary, went to Porto Fino, twenty miles from Genua; and Navarro, with the French Gallies, to Savona, which City willingly yeilded unto him.

The first and chief designe of the Leagues Commanders, was, to keep Genua from being victualled by Sea; and the City being but badly provided of victuals and not kn [...]wing well how to come by any, they hoped to reduce it by way of siege to such a scarcity, as it must fall into their hands. To this purpose, there was six Gallies de­puted, two for every Colleague, which being to keep the Guard, took some Ships, and divers other lesser Vessels, which were bound with victuals for Genua, so as the City began soon to be incommodated but it was supplied by those of the River, who brought them corn, which under divers pretences was permitted to be carried to neigh­bouring places, though not without some complaint against Doria; who, as either envying Navarro's glory, by whom his Country was won and subdued, or out of some other designe, was suspected to have proceeded with but little sincerity, and misbecoming means, to bring the enterprize to a speedy conclusion: But the Ge [...]ueses by way of defence, had been very careful in securing the Haven, placing some great Vessels in the mouth thereof, loaded with Artillery, and more­over, [Page 230] [...] [Page 231] [...] [Page 232] six small Gallies, commanded by Gobbo Iustiniano, which came forth somtimes to skirmish with those of the Enemy, putting so far into the Sea, and no further, then they might be safe under the shelter of the greater Vessels, which lay in the mouth of the Haven, and under the like shelter of Castello della Lanterna, all which were fur­nished and fraught with Cannon: So all the hopes of gaining the Ci­ty, lay in the Siege, which was still continued, the Popes and the Venetian Commanders having by certain Trenches secured them­selves from being invaded by those of the City, if it should so hap­pen, that by fortune of the Sea, the Fleet should not be able to get out of Porto Fino, where it lay. But the Genueses seeing themselves daylie more and more straitned, resolved to sally out, and by assault­ing the Rampires, endeavour to endamage the Enemies Fleet; where­of the Captains of the Fleet being soon aware, they landed Philippino Doria, and Iovan Baptista Grimaldi, with eight hundred Foot, and two pieces of Artillery; and setting the poops of their Gallies towards land, when the Souldiers of the City came, they did not only stand their assault, but repulsed and worsted them.

At the same time, the Duke of Urbine, being much prest thereunto by the Venetians, and spurr'd on by his own desire to recover the re­putation of the Army, which it might seem to have suffered in, by its retreat from before Milan; as soon as part of the Switzers, to the number of five thousand were come to the Camp, resolved to return to before Milan, to relieve the Castle, which as yet held out for Sfor­za, from which six thousand persons were gone out under the conduct of Captain Pasqualino, and had luckily past the Enemies Trenches, without any harm or impediment, whereby the scarcity of the besie­ged was somwhat alleviated. The Army being come within a mile of Milan, two thousand men were sent out to take Moncia, and to possess themselves of il Monte di Brianza, very convenient places for the bringing of victuals from the parts thereabouts to the Camp. When the Army had taken up its quarters, the Commanders began to consult what course they were to take to relieve the Castle, which being begirt about by the Enemy with double Trenches, and with Bastions, the difficulty of relief was much encreased; but whilst they vainly consulted about succour, news came to the Camp, that Sforza failing of his hopes of being relieved, by reason of the Enemies new works, had surrendred himself to the Imperialists, and delivered up the Castle, upon condition of being set at liberty, and suffered to go to Como, till such time as his cause should be taken notice of by Justice: And not long after, the same Sforza came into the Confederates camp, accompanied by Count Galliazzo, with two hundred light Horse; but he stayed there but a while, being resolved to go to Como, and in the first place, to take possession of that City, which was to be delivered up unto him by the Imperialists, though the Confederates Commanders laboured much to disswade him from so doing, ac­quainting him with how dangerous a thing it was to commit himself again unto the uncertain word of his Enemies, when he might repose surer hopes of his welfare and dignity upon that Army, which was raised only for his particular service, and to repossess him of his pa­ternal [Page 233] State; and at last, when they told him, that if he neglected such offers, they would fetch his brother Maximilian Sforza from France, he promised, that when he should be come to Como, he would send Embassadors to Rome, and adhere unto the Pope's counsels.

But it was not hard afterwards to draw Duke Sforza to side with the Confederates, who soon had occasion to know how the Imperia­lists were minded towards him; for they denyed to take away the Spanish Garrison from Como, though upon agreement the City was to have been delivered up free unto him. So as ratifying the League with the Pope and the Venetians, he went to Lodi, which City was freely given him by the League. Though the loss of the Castle was very grievous, and of great concern, yet were they not quite out of hopes of getting the City of Milan, wherein was a great scarcity of all things, and the number of the Defendants not answerable to the greatness of the City, nor to the Forces that were before it, more Switzers being come unto the Camp, and 4000 of the same Nation being quickly after expected, who were raised by the King, and who were said to be already come to Bisanso. So as it was thought the City would soon fall into the hands of the Collegues, either by force, or by Siege. Whilst these aids were expected, the Duke of Urbin intended to send some of his men to attempt the taking of Cremona, a business much desired by the Collegues, and chiefly by the Pope; but it behoved them to put off the effecting of this, for fear lest the Imperialists might sally out of the City (as it was given out they in­tended to do) and might assault the Confederates Army. At last Malatesta Baglione went thither, but with fewer men, out of the same reason, then were requisite to bring the business to a speedy and good end: For finding the City fortified with double Rampiers, and well provided of Defendants, he assaulted it several times in vain; then finding it very hard to storm the Town with so few men, and that to forego it before the business was finished, would redound but lit­tle to the honour of the Leagues Forces; it was resolved that Com­missary Pesaro, Camillo Orsino, and Antonio da Castello should go with a good many Foot to the Camp before Cremona, and soon after an other thousand Italian Foot were sent to succour them, and 1000 Switzers. But neither these, nor those doing any good, the Duke of Urbin resolved to go thither himself, though it were much to the prejudice of the business of Milan. And taking a great many Pyo­ners along with him, he cut Trenches, and by little and little won ground upon them; so as the City being brought into great straits; was forced to yield. The Duke dispatch'd away a Gentleman of his with this good News to the Senate at Venice, to whom it was very welcome; not only for the good success of taking the Town; but also for that they hoped the Confederates would by this good begin­ning be incouraged to undertake greater Affairs. The City was im­mediately delivered over to Francisco Sforza, who made his resi­dence there, and the Senate sent Secretary Luigi Sabbadino thither, that he might be present with him, as a Servant of the Common­wealths to assist him. But this mean while a strange and sad accident hapned, which did much disorder the affairs of the League, retard­ing [Page 234] and interrupting all their designs: for the Colonesi having got together about 600 Horse, and 5000 Foot, entred Rome at unawares, plunder'd many of the Prelates houses, the Church and Palace of St. Peter; the Pope himself hardly escaping their fury (who intended to have made him Prisoner) by retiring into the Castle of St. Angelo. So as not tarrying any longer in the City, Cardinal Colonna having in vain labour'd to make the people take up Arms in his behalf, they went out loaded with Booty, and carrying away goods to the value of more then 300000 Duckets.

This accident forc'd the Pope for his liberty, and security to make Truce with Don Hugo for four moneths; by which he promised to make his Forces pass back again over the Poe, and to make his Gallies withdraw into the Churches Dominions. But afterwards thinking more maturely upon these affairs, and knowing to how many dangers in the future he was incurr'd, to free himself from the present danger; though in observation of his late capitulation, he recall'd his forces from those of the League, yet he by his Nuntio's ask'd counsel of the King of France, and of the Venetian Senate, whether he should con­tinue to observe those things which necessity had compell'd him to promise to Don Hugo; or else not doing so, to pitch upon some o­ther resolve. And soon after he sent Monsieur di Lige who was come then to Rome, back again into France about the same business. Clement being a witty man, and of a mature judgment, knew, that to observe the Truce, was no better then to afford Cesar means of ma­king more bitter War, and of overcoming those difficulties by this delay, which he found himself at present opprest with, and in fine, of settling himself in Italy, and of indangering all their liberties. But his immoderate fear perverted his judgment, and suffer'd him not to discern this truth. Wherefore the General of San Francisco being sent by the Emperour to Rome to treat of peace, he listned attentively to him, and exhorted the Venetians not to descent from it;

‘For said he, Arms must one day be laid down, and that since it was now offer'd, the occasion was not to be let slip. The Senate answered they did never desire War, but that they had sought by War to secure peace. And that they would not be averse unto it, so as it might be treated of and concluded, by the knowledg and consent of the King of France: For if they should do otherwise, they should much to their prejudice, alienate him for ever from minding the affairs of Italy; and lose a safe refuge, in case of any adverse f