A defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie by way of letter to a friend in London : together with a letter from the author of The friendly debate.

A defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie by way of letter to a friend in London : together with a letter from the author of The friendly debate.

Table of contents

Title page

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

CHAP. I.

CHAP. II.

CHAP. III.

CHAP. IV.

CHAP. V.

CHAP. VI.

CHAP. VII.

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§

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A DEFENCE AND CONTINUATION OF THE Ecclesiastical Politie: By way of LETTER TO A Friend in LONDON. TOGETHER WITH A Letter from the Author OF THE Friendly Debate.

LONDON: Printed by A. Clark for I. Martyn, at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard, and without Temple-Bar, MDCLXXI.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

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READER,

TO be Ingenuous, I can give thee no Encouragement to spend either thy Time or thy Money upon this ensuing Treatise. Though could I devise any Account of its Vsefulness to the Publick, I am not guilty of so much counterfeit and hypocritical Humility, as seemingly to disparage what I really value. But the truth is, I know no other use of these Controversial Rencounters and Rejoinders, than to raise his Majesties Customs and imposts upon Paper, or (what is somewhat less important: to gratifie the humour of [Page] Talking People. Neither can I satisfie to whom I write; if to sober and peaceable men, they neither need nor desire farther Satisfaction; if to the dissenting Herd, that were to spend Ammunition upon Mud-walls: they either want ears to hear, or brains to understand. Beside, if the Original Discourse be rational, it needs no Defence; if not, it deserves none. Reason will defend it self against all the Clamours and Disputings of talkative men; it easily surmounts the weak Attempts of Prejudice and Ignorance, and scatters all their little mists by its own native Light and Energy. If men will out-face the Sun, the Sun it self must convince them. And 'tis to as much purpose to suppress every mote that flies in the Air, as to attend to the Cavils and Impertinencies of every wrangling Pretender to Disputation. 'Tis hugely worth the while to let the World know, that there is a certain confident man in it, that has neither so [Page] much Wit as himself presumes, nor so much Sincerity as his Friends imagine. So strange and so important a Discovery must no doubt lay an unrequitable Obligation upon the Publick; and my Friends can never thank me enough for putting them to the penance of reading five or six hundred Pages, to no other purpose then to inform themselves that one J. O. is none of the greatest Clerks, or the wisest men. Had it been my Fate to have faln into the hands of an Adversary, that had either Ability or Patience to write Reason, it might have afforded good Occasions for useful and material Remarks, and I should not have blusht either at his or my own Victory. But this man is not at leisure to write Sense, nor takes time to weigh whether what he dictates be pertinent either to his own or to my purpose. His whole Book is nothing but Cavil and vulgar Talk. And therefore if this Reply be not altogether so useful and full of Edification as I could [Page] wish, and the Reader may expect, let him only consider, that I am not altogether at Liberty to pursue and improve the Results of my own Thoughts, but am confined to trace my Adversaries wandrings, and break his Bubbles, and 'tis none of my fault if they are so silly and senseless, that they are not capable of a more significant and substantial Confutation.

For seriously, he has managed the whole Dispute with so much Weakness and so much Perversness, that 'tis hard to determine whether he has betrayed more of his insufficiency or insincerity: If he be in good earnest, he has a strange Vnderstanding; if he be not, he has a much stranger Conscience: Though he has contrived the whole Performance so ill, that 'tis neither suited to perswade the wise, nor to deceive the simple; 'tis so far from Reasoning, that 'tis not Sophistry; and I can find in it neither snares nor colours, nothing but Wrath and [Page]Darkness. His Falsifications are so open and bare-faced, that had an Enemy design'd to expose the folly of their Pretences, and the feebleness of their Disputings, he could not have father'd upon them more unlucky Instances of Boldness and Disingenuity. Never did I dream, that any man could be so extravagant, as to bear me down, that the only scope and design of my whole Discourse is to assert,Pag. 3. (as he speaks) that the Law of the Magistrate is the sole Rule of Obedience in Religious Worship. It is impossible any man should venture upon such enormous and palpable Calumnies, that were not utterly forsaken of all sense both of Modesty and Integrity, and given up to the dishonour of a shameless Brow and steel'd Conscience. My hum [...]ur is neither Fierce nor Abusive; I love not to treat an Adversary with rough Language and unkind Words, and know how to discover his Ignorance without upbraiding it: but [Page] no Expressions can be too sharp to reprove Inveterate malice and insolence. And when men are grown old in this implacable Spirit, when they study all the black Arts of Calumny, and persist in hardness and impenitence after so many severe and shameful Rebukes, and encounter all the Authors, they are pleased to assault with dirt and slander; What milder Correction can you suppose them to deserve, than that Scorn and Dishonour that is due to bold and shameless Scriblers? What reward shall be given or done unto thee, thou false Tongue? even mighty and sharp Arrows with hot burning Coals. It is an hard Case to deal with men that afford neither materials for Charity, nor Opportunities for Civility; and such has been the Provocation, the Malice, the Rashness, and the Disingenuity of this man, that barely to represent him in his own Colours is enough to hazard the Reputation of a mans good humour and good Nature; and so unhappily [Page] has he mixt his Vices with his Follies, that it is impossible to discover one without exposing both. We have indeed to do with other Adversaries unreasonable enough, but yet however among them we sometimes meet with Parts and Learning, though nothing else: Whereas this Cause is upheld by nothing but boldness and ignorance, and driven on by no other Interest, and defended with no other weapons then Popular Zeal in the Body, and something worse in the Heads of the Party.

This may suffice to prevent or mitigate the Readers Censure, but that will not satisfie my Bookseller, unless I bribe and bespeak his favour too. And therefore not to injure him by discouraging his Customers, though I cannot commend my Book, yet this I can say in its behalf without Blushing, that I have all along endeavoured so to contrive my Answer, that it might be as useful to the Reader, as if I had not been confined [Page] to the Pursuit of another mans Impertinencies. And therefore I have for his sake as well as my own, neglected innumerable Instances of his more silly mistakes and less important Infirmities, because they were of no other concernment to our present Controversie, then barely to discover his own personal Follies. And had I displayed and prosecuted all the little Enormities, of which this man of Confidence stands guilty in this bold Adventure, this Volume would have swoln to that monstrous Bulk, as must for ever have scared and discouraged all Readers from venturing upon its perusal: For this man never stands guilty of single Errors, every Period he dictates is pregnant with Absurdities, He defiles every truth he handles, and though it be not in his Power to make it false, yet he will be sure to manage it in such an awkerd and uncouth way, as shall make it appear absurd and ridiculous; But I have studiously over-lookt his little Indecencies, [Page] and have been careful not to nauseate the Reader with too tedious a Pursuit of his meer Impertinencies; and though I have not altogether spared to expose the Triflingness of his Cavils, yet I have not so severely tied my self to their Examination, as not to take frequent Occasion to cast in some more useful Discourses, then the matter of such starved Pretences would afford.

I understand by the Information of my Friends and Acquaintance, that this Rejoinder was sooner expected; but to spare excuses, the plain and undisguised Truth is, it is finisht, (excepting only some little disappointment of the Press) as soon as it was design'd, and design'd, I think, as soon as it was seasonable. And methinks once a year, supposing a man has leisure, is often enough, if People will be reasonable, to find publick Talk; but if be has not, it is too often for one that is willing to enjoy the Innocent Comforts as well as to endure the Common Drudgeries [Page] of humane life. However I am not able (as my Adversary is) to write Books at Idle Hours and Spare Minutes, and though I were, I have them not. And had I as many Talents of Dispatch, as he thinks himself Master of, I should think it my wisdom, if not my Duty (that I may borrow a Phrase of J. O.) to Napkin them for some Season. For I have not observed any thing that has so much spoil'd and debauch't the Stile of our English Writers, as this hasty and preposterous way of writing, and had I not exceeded the number of my Pages, and should I not involve some Authors, that deserve as much Admiration for writing well on the sudden, as most do Correction for writing ill, I should be tempted to digress into Satyrical Remarks upon this Vanity; because from that alone have issued those prodigious Swarms of dull Books of Fanatick and bombast Divinity. Beside all which, I might represent under what mighty disadvantages and distractions [Page] this discourse was written; but that smells somewhat of my Adversaries bragging Humour, and therefore I had rather confess the down-right Troth, that though I believe I could have dispatched it somewhat sooner, yet I was easily inclined to allow my self as large a Compass of time for its Publication, as I thought I could reasonably Excuse; partly because I was not much enamour'd either of the Glory or the Pleasure of my Undertaking, and took all Occasions to truant from such an Irksom Task; partly because I stand in no little awe of my Adversary; for though I have given him Rebuke enough, to satisfie any modest man, yet one may as soon put a Statue of Brass out of Countenance as convince or silence People of some Complexions: And some men have the Face to bragg and insult most where they are most foil'd, and to erect their Trophies where their Misadventures are most Remarkable; so that nothing more inclines me to suspect this mans Readiness [Page] to Reply, then the notorious badness of his Cause and shamefulness of his Baffle. But if he should be so ill-advised, what will become of me? for he is gifted with such a fluent Impertinency, that nothing can ever stop the Career of his Pen, but the want of Ink and Paper, and Confidence in the World: And I doubt not but he is able to pour forth more pages of empty words in six days, than I can hope to compose of coherent Sense in so many weeks. Beside, that he has the Advantage both of practice and inclination: wrangling is the humour and genius of the man, and he has been all his days up to the Elbows in Controversial Adventures: and as much Reluctancy as he counterfeits to this Heroick Trade, it had be [...]n as easie to cure the Knight of the M [...]ncha of his Errantry, as 'tis him of his scribling folly; and he cannot encounter counter [...] honest man upon the high way, but his [...] transforms him into a [...]; though [Page] for no other Reason than that he may have some shew of pretence to excuse or justifie the rudeness and incivility of his pragmatical Assaults; and therefore se [...] ing he is so incurably quarrelsom, no man can justly blame me, if I am so very desirous to rid my hands of him. But to conclude, if this be the Penance I must undergo for the wantonness of my Pen, to answer the impertinent and slender Exceptions of every peevish, and disingenuous Caviller; Reader, I am reformed from my incontinency of scribling, and do here heartily bid thee an eternal Farewell.

CHAP. I.

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The Contents.

AN Account of the Fanatique Stubbornness. Spiritual Pride an Impregnable humour. A description of its Nature and Properties. 'Tis the refuge of dull People. No vice so incident to humane nature as Pride; Nor any Pride as that of Religion. Men discern not its most obvious symptoms in themselves, and why. 'Tis the greatest hindrance of Reformation. Till 'tis mortified all reproofs do but exasperate mens Passions. A Character of the Fanatique deportment towards all Adversaries. Their first reply to all Books is, to slander and revile their Authors. A description of their way of breeding and propagating stories. An account of the baseness of this humour. 'Tis the most spiteful sort of persecution. The malignity of the fanatique Spirit. It drives away all good humour and good manners. A character [Page] of the Fanatique behaviour towards Clergymen, particularly of the Pride and Insolence of professing Gossips. A difference made between modest Dissenters and pragmatical Zealots. 'Tis this proud and petulant humour that is the only Cause of all our Divisions, and humility that must be the only Cure. This would make them ashamed of their brawling and contentious Humour. Their second Reply to all Books is, to pervert and falsifie their meaning. The horrid Rudeness and Disingenuity of their wilful falsifications. A notorious instance of it from that advantage they have taken to abuse my discourse of Trade. By which no Trade is endangered but that of Conventicles. An account of the design of my discourse upon that subject. Its true intent vindicated against the bold and shameless Cavils of our Author. The factious Partiality of the N. C. in behalf of their own Writers. Our Authors careless way of Writing. At his very entrance, he defeats the design of his whole performance. He confesseth that all who plead for Liberty of Conscience dissemble. The most effectual Argument in the world against Toleration, is the fundamental Principle of the Non-Conformists. How their Language alters when they speak out. The mystery of the Independents being for [Page] Indulgence. A further account of our Authors rude and hasty way of scribling. He every where leaves the main drift of my discourse to pursue occasional Remarks. The impertinency and tediousness of his complaints against the tartness of my expressions. Hypocrisie is to be treated more roughly then naked Vice. The Non-Conformists have two Names for all things, a black one for us, and a white one for themselves. They are not to be suffered to debauch Christianity with their own follys. Their way of loading Adversaries with odious Consequences. An instance of this in the writings of J. O. Our Authors shreds of Latin and superannuated Pedantry. Another little stratagem he makes use of to abuse the Common People.

SIR,

§ 1. WHat you foretold, and I expected, is come to pass; our zealous Brethren are angry at me. A sad disappointment this! When 'tis so obvious, I design'd to court and flatter their Holiness. But it seems 'tis no less difficult to oblige than to convince them: They are proof against soft and friendly Counsels, as well as rough and impartial [Page] Satyrs. They are (like the great Fabricius) neither to be caress't, nor to be vanquish't: Their Resolutions are invincible. Nor force nor flattery can make impression upon such constant and unyielding Tempers. They are all Anvil and Adamant. Their minds are not so sheepish as to be wheedled, or so fickle as to be argued out of their Eternal Principles. Attempt fugitive and unsetled Spirits; but their constancy is impregnable. 'Tis not an humane Enterprise to shake the Vigour of their minds. Their hearts are of a true Roman Composition, neither to be broke, nor to be softned.

So stubborn a thing is holy Zeal when blended with spiritual Pride, it quickly eats out all sense of common Modesty and Ingenuity, it hardens every prejudice into flat presumption, and steels the Understanding against all the force and power of Conviction; so that you can neither soften it into any pliable temper by gentle Reproofs, or hammer it to an ingenuous attention by hard Arguments. 'Tis shameless and impudent, and can outface all the confidence of Truth, and all the evidence of Demonstration. It was this that sear'd the Consciences of [Page] the Scribes and Pharisees of old, against the force of Miracles, and the feats of Omnipotence, and made their Errors incurable, and their Reformation desperate; they would rather choose to defie and blaspheme the most undeniable Effects of Almighty Power, than be prevailed upon so much as to suspect their own Hypocrisie.

And this is the bloated Complexion of our Modern Pharisees, they are puft up with windy conceits of their own dear Sanctity, their fancies are enamour'd of themselves, and ravisht with gay reflections upon their own beauty and bravery, and Saintship; and are satisfied with a fair opinion of their own way and Party, and admire them as the most splendid and gorgeous sect of Professors, and appropriate to them all the titles of a more choice and illustrious Godliness. And whilst they stroak and applaud themselves as the peculiar darlings of Heaven, and keep their habitation in the Clouds; with what contempt do they look down upon the residue of Mankind, and disdain all out of their own Herd as Carnal Gospellers, and Formal Professors? and if they will allow us the titles of Civil and Moral [Page] men, they will not endure that any but themselves should pretend acquaintance with the great and spiritual Mysteries of the Gospel. This affords them that pleasing satisfaction of sawcy and ill-natured Comparisons; this raises them to some advantage and preheminence above their Betters; every mean Fellow may be enabled, through Mercy, to fancy himself a better man than his Governors; and a Begger that has Grace, may think within, that he ought to take the wall of a Gentleman that is unregenerate; and how luscious is it to Clowns and rude Mechanicks to look upon their Superiours with pity and disdain? For no passion is either so natural or so pleasing to Mankind, as Pride and Self-conceitedness; and every man would have something to swell himself up in his own Opinion, and to enable him to scorn and trample upon his Neighbours. And therefore those People that can never pretend to any other Abilities to [...]eed this Humour, can easily support it by Singularities and Affectations in Religion: And he that neither is nor can be honourable, nor beautiful, nor witty, nor learned, can easily be Religious; and when he pretends to be so, with what [Page] Confidence may he despise all those other Accomplishments that he can never have? With what a scornful state shall some supercilious Saints trample upon all the great and all the learned men in the World? And with what Disdain shall they look down from aloft (as they conceit, like Lazarus from Abraham's Bosom) upon these reprobate and unregenerate Wretches?

§. 2. And now when haughty men are thus bravely perch't and plumed in their own Conceits, is it (think you) an easie task to strip them of so fair a disguise, and to take them down to the pitch of ordinary Mortals? For suppose it your own case, that you sate at ease in a fair Opinion of your own high Attainments in the ways of Godliness, and had long lull'd your self up in a pleasant security of your special Interest in the love and favour of God: would you take it well to be rudely awakened out of this transporting dream? Would it much edifie with you to be roundly told, that you befool your self? How would you stomach a smart reproof? How would it sting and inrage, and grate upon your soul? And with what Impatience would you swagger [Page] at the Man that should dare to impeach you of Hypocrisie? You would infinitely disdain his Presumption, and hardly ever after vouchsafe him good look or kind thought. What greater displeasure can you possibly do a man, then to rob him of his self-complacency? Or what complacency so delightful as that which springs from spiritual Pride? No sensual delight so charming as its gratifications, 'tis the strongest and the most impetuous appetite of humane nature: so that to be defeated of such an infinite satisfaction, is a disappointment neither to be pardoned nor to be endured. And therefore wonder not to see some men so tender and impatient of Reproof, because there is no reproach so upbraiding to Pride as Correction, nor any Pride so incorrigible as that of Religion. This Vice has been the bane and dishonour of all Institutions in the World, and is the only essential Ingredient of the Hypocrisie of all Ages.

And the truth is, if we consider how incident and delightful this vanity is to humane nature, how difficult for a wise man to escape its smooth and pleasant temptations, how secret and undiscernable [Page] its workings, how incurious most men are of the inward thoughts of their minds, and how unacquainted with the first springs and motives of their Actions: If, I say, we consider all this, 'tis no wonder they should be so easily intoxicated with this sweet and luscious poison; and when it has conveyed it self into all the Recesses of their Souls, seised on all their Powers, infected their best and purest Thoughts, and swoln up even their Zeal into vanity and ostentation, 'tis a less wonder they should be so insensible of their distemper; when this Vice works like other poisons, it stupifies whilst it infects; and what in Nature so difficult, as to convince a man of this inward Leprosie? 'Tis not like common diseases that discover themselves by outward spots and blemishes, but 'tis a Plague that lodges in the heart and vital Powers, and sooner destroys than it appears. The proudest man on Earth is insensible of this Illusion, and though he is ready to burst with his own inward swellings, yet he defies and disclaims this hated vice with as much confidence as the meekest Saint in Heaven; and all the world knows his folly, except himself.

[Page]But above all Pride, Spiritual Pride is the most dangerous and incurable, 'tis an Apoplexy that dazzles the Judgment, infatuates the Mind, and intercepts all the passages of light and conviction, and confounds all pure and impartial Reasonings, and disables men from making any ingenuous Reflections upon their own Actions; it makes them confident in their own Impostures and self-illusions, and bears them up against all Reproofs by Zeal, and Conscience, and Religion. Their Faith, their Zeal, their Prayers, their Fastings, their constant Communion with God, their diligent Attendance upon Ordinances, their Love of the Lord Jesus, their hatred of Antichrist, or their spleen against the Pope, are impregnable Fences against all Assaults, and Answers to all Arguments. They are so dotingly enamoured of themselves for these signs of Grace, and characters of God's People, that you may more easily induce them to suspect the Truth of all things, than their own Godliness. And nothing in Nature so impossible, as that such strict and serious Professors, such humble melting and broken-hearted Christians should in the issue prove no better than Proud and Pharisaick Hypocrites.

[Page]And though their Pride discover it self in their opinionative Confidence, in their bitter Censoriousness, in their impatience of Affronts and Reproofs, in their Rage and Revenge against all that undervalue them, in their haughty and disdainful Comparisons, and in their inflexible Waywardness, especially to the Will of Superiours, and Commands of Authority. And though these are the most natural Results, and most obvious Symptoms of this inward Plague; yet are they not able to discern such certain appearances of them in themselves, because they are aforehand from other accounts so abundantly satisfied in their own Humility and Broken-heartedness; and the strength of this conceit so blinds their minds, that they cannot see the clearest and most palpable Indications of this Vice. But they are all adorn'd with soft and gentle Titles; and those excesses and irregularities that in an unregenerate man must have been accounted Eruptions of Pride and Passion, are now to be ascribed to the warmness and vehemence of holy Zeal.

§ 3. In brief, sad is the condition of those men that abuse themselves with this [Page] naughty Godliness; 'tis this, and not moral Goodness, that is the greatest lett to Conversion; not only because it seals men up in impenitence by false prejudices, and bars up their minds against all thoughts of Reformation, by perswading them they are good enough already: But besides that it prevents the efficacy of the means of Grace, it does withal (what is more mischievous) directly oppose and contradict them. It rots and putrifies the soul in its whole constitution, it gangrenes all its faculties, it breeds a base and caitive temper of mind, it introduces a direct contrariety to all worthy and ingenuous inclinations, and delivers the man over to the power and possession of the blackest and most accursed sins; 'tis detraction, 'tis spite, 'tis rancour, 'tis a malicious contempt to all wise and honest Counsels, 'tis a wilful frowardness to all sober and rational convictions, and in a word, 'tis all spiritual wickedness.

And for this Reason it was that I profess't to despair of any success upon this sort of men; I was assured that as long as Pride over-ruled their Consciences, all Reproofs would certainly exasperate, but could never correct the Fanatique [Page] humour; and therefore what hopes could I conceive to make any breach upon their prejudices, whilst they were guarded by such a sturdy and unyielding Principle? For if it be so difficult either to convince men of this Vice, or whilst this remains, of any other; it were a vain thing to expect that all the Reasonings and Attempts of conviction in the world should ever make any impressions upon such unapproachable minds. And as long as Professors will continue regardless and insensible of this leading sin, I shall never hope to see them reformed to a more calm and more governable temper. But if instead of amusing themselves with experiences and phantastick observations about the unaccountable workings of the Spirit of Grace; about the difference between the Convictions of the Spirit, and those of natural Conscience; about the degrees and due measures of Humiliation, with innumerable other wise conceits of their modern Theology; if, I say, instead of attending to these dreams and crazy fancies, they would be at leisure to observe the risings and workings of this deceitful vice, to study its symptoms and indications, and to keep a constant [Page] and habitual restraint upon its motions and attempts; we should quickly see the lovely fruits and effects of true Religion in the world, instead of the unruly blusters and juglings of Enthusiasm. But till men will be induced in good earnest to set themselves with a parcicular concern against the Inclinations of this Lust, and till they will be careful to lay humility at the bottom of all their goodness; instead of their yielding to the power of truth, conviction shall only enrage their malice; and all the requital they shall give you for disabusing them, shall be to abuse you with incivility and foul language. And here, Sir, give me leave to present you with a short account of their deportment towards my self and all that ever yet opposed or endeavoured to undeceive them, which you may peruse, as a further Character of their modesty and good humour.

§ 4. (I.) Reproach and contumely is their first reply to all Arguments; and to revile the Author, the first Confutation of his Book; whoever dares to despise or discover their wretched delusions, is immediately answer'd with volleys of slanders and Calumnies, and utterly oppressed [Page] with multitude of lyes and detracting stories. Their dissolute and unruly tongues are let loose to tear in pieces his good name; What abusive Tales, and Legends do they invent? With what bold and audacious slanders do they assail his Innocence, and with what crafty and oblique ways of detraction do they undermine his Reputation? with what eagerness do they listen to any spiteful and mischievous report? With what zeal do they spread and propagate and improve it? With what partiality will they add or detract circumstances, as shall be most conducive to enhanse the ugliness of the slander? They attend to nothing with a more transporting satisfaction then to defaming stories; 'tis their choicest Luxury, and what so luscious in their esteem as a smooth and specious Lye? Ah! 'tis marrow and fatness.

There is not any Affair so trifling upon which these People cannot erect a stately Lye; nor any Authority so slight, by which they cannot warrant its Truth and Credibility; 'tis but foisting in two or three ugly Circumstances, and they can improve a facetious story to a private Friend into a publique Calumny, and aggravate a pleasant passage in familiar [Page] conversation into a blasting and dishonourable scandal: Every report they touch, they immediately turn into slander, they make but an easie havock of the Good name of us Philistins, heaps upon heaps with the Iaw-bone of every Ass.

They have their Spys and Emissarys in all corners to fetch in Informations; they have their Agents in all parts to communicate Reports; they have their Factors in all places to traffick for News, and to carry on the important Trade of Tales between City and Country; and they have amongst them a pedling sort of idle People that are always ranging up and down streets in quest of fresh Intelligence, and, as Beggars do, importune every man they meet to contribute something to their stock, and compose their countenance into serious posture to beg News: If you are empty of Intelligence, they shake hands, and will not wast time in such barren and unprofitable Company, but hasten to ply the next comer. Every man makes good his post, and every man picks up something to contribute to the common stock. And if they chance to meet any of their associates upon the Frontiers of their respective Walks, they frankly impart what they [Page] have gain'd to each other, as Beggars do their Fragments. However, they have some common place of Rendezvous, where every particular Member partakes of the joint Collections of the whole Society; and that is the Staple of News▪ and then 'tis no wonder if all Reports flie abroad with such winged speed, when it is every mans business to blazon them into all quarters. And if they get a story by the end, that is not in it self full enough of remark and wonder, they will vamp it with new Circumstances of their own, alter, improve, and refine it till they have made it plausible and big enough for the publick view: They will vouch it with grave Nod, and solemn Face; they will look earnestly, talk shrewdly, and descant upon it with a thousand pretty Conjectures: They will whisper in your ear some subtile and notable observation of Circumstances; and with wise and politick forehead, will suspect impossible Plots, foresee unthought-of Designs, and foretel strange and prodigious Events; and by these and the like arts, they will spread and divulge any Tale, till it grows up into a Vulgar Report, (and it is but whispering it in an Authentick Coffee-house, or at a Meeting [Page] of the Gossips, and that makes it so) and then it shall maintain it self upon its own Credit and Reputation, and the publick voice shall justifie the story. How can you doubt or suspect its truth, when 'tis the talk of all the Town? every one knows it, and every one believes it; all Parties agree in the Report, and none so strangely diffident as to dispute, much less to deny its certainty: No, no, assure your self, Sir, 'tis too true, and out of all possibility of falshood; you must not, nay for shame you cannot be so uncivil to the judgement and discretion of Mankind, as to demur upon the Credibility of such an universal and acknowledged Report. And thus do Lyes first beget Publick Reports, and then do Publick Reports maintain Lyes. And from hence issue all those numberless swarms of Tales, that are perpetually flying and buzzing about this City: their beginning is unknown and unobserved; they breed in corners and obscure places, but if they once get wing, all places are immediately filled with their noise and murmur, and all men annoyed with their importunate buzze and tumult.

§. 5. In brief, 'tis not unpleasant [Page] to observe the spring and the progress of these Vulgar Tales: for as you have seen small Streams raised into large and beautiful Rivers, by the accession of Brooks, and Showers, and Land-floods; so does it happen in these Reports, which, though they arise from weak and inconsiderable Beginnings, yet quickly swell into mighty Torrents, from those additional Descants they receive as they roll along through the mouths of the holy Brotherhood, (for they are the Common-sewer of all unclean Reports) and by this means they in a little time grow so formidable, and rise into such an irresistible Confidence, as to bear down all before them. And yet would you trace this Stream to its Fountain, you do but seek the head of the River Nile; which though it falls into Aegypt with such a vehement and impetuous Flood, and over-runs the Country with its swelling streams; yet if you would seek for the rise of all these mighty Waters, after you had tired your self in the discovery of infinite Brooks and Rivulets, and little Additions, at last you would be forced to derive the main Stream (as some of the Ancients did) from the Mountains in the Moon. And thus (as the Bishop of Derry speaks concerning [Page] the Fable of the Nags-head Ordination) If a man should search for the Author of these fabulous Relations, he shall be sure to have them fathered upon some very credible Persons without Names, who had them from Iohn-an-Oaks, who had them from Iohn-a-Stiles, who had them from No-body. And if you will but observe and examine all Reports that bear the Fanatique stamp, (as Chrysippus did the Oracular Lyes of Apollo) you will find, as Chrysippus did, not one in five hundred that is not apparently forged and counterfeit; and yet to search out their first spreaders, is the same difficulty as to discover the Coiners of false Money. In the mean time you may observe what tender and upright Consciences those men have, that mint such bold and shameless Lyes; and what honest and good natur'd People those are, that are willing to take them for current Coin, and to pass them to others for Authentick Truths, onely because they gratifie their own malice, and blast their Neighbours innocence. This is the spite of Witches, who, so they may vent their revenge, care not though they do it upon harmless Infants. This is the Character of the worst of Reprobates, Without are Dogs, and Sorcerers, and Whoremongers, Rev. 22.5. and Murderers, and Idolaters,[Page]and whosoever loveth and maketh a Lye. And lastly, This is the Trade and Employment of Fiends, that are always busied in spiteful Offices, and in making or spreading Lyes and false Accusations.

And now (Sir) must not these meek-natured Men, that are so thoroughly possest by the Spirit of Slander, needs be out of all danger of the Spirit of Persecution? They that are so impatient of an Adversary, and pursue him with all the rage and malice of a revengeful Tongue, would no doubt, were their Power proportion'd to their Fury, indulge this dissenting Person in his Endeavours to obstruct the glorious Attempts and Purposes of a more thorough Reformation. They that rail and persecute with foul slanders, and false aspersions, when they can no more, would not persecute with Fire, and Sword, and Sequestration when they can. Is there not as much malice in the false Accusations of a virulent Tongue, as in the Proscriptions of an outragious Tyrant? They arise from the same temper of mind, agree in the same purposes, and differ onely in their Abilities. When Malice wants strength and interest, and is not able to oppress Innocence with real Injuries, then its onely refuge is to load it with false [Page] and infamous Aspersions. Calumny is the sanctuary and support of weak Revenge. And when this cannot wreak its fury in rude and churlish Actions, it is forced to vent it self in spiteful and malicious Reports; and never spits its poison, but when it wants teeth to bite. Men slander onely for want of opportunity of doing worse; and if ever they gain the advantage, they will strike to more effectual purposes. They will change their Weapons with the change of Affairs, and their Adversaries shall quickly feel sharper strokes then those of a malicious Tongue.

§. 6. And here (that I may dispatch this unpleasant Theme at once) we may observe the Venom of Pharisaick Principles, and what a mighty force and efficacy they have to embitter and enrage the Minds of Men. So fatal and irresistible is their Poison, that there is nothing in Nature of force enough to damp or defeat their Malignity. It strikes them with Pride, Malice and Envy, and all manner of dark and corroding Passions: It eats out all sense of Honour and Civility, and lays waste all principles of Good Nature and Good Manners. And for this, what [Page] more convictive Evidence can I give you, then the Experience of our own Conversation? There is no City in Europe can boast such a number of Worthy and Generous Inhabitants, as that You live in: You may know a Citizen of London, if he have had the Good Fortune to escape the Fanatique Infection, by the Obligingness and Decency of his Deportment, by the Sobriety and Discretion of his Behaviour, by the Calmness and Modesty of his Discourse, and by the Ingenuity and Pleasantness of his Humour. All his Conversation bears the Characters of Honour and Integrity. His Conscience is tender of a rude and uncivil Action; he avoids all appearances of an ungentile Humour, and dreads an Affront as bad as Scandal. This is the Humour and Genius of your City; 'tis the seat of Gallantry, and place of Education: there may we learn Philosophy, and the Science of Conversation, as well as Merchandize, and the Arts of Traffick. Your Shops and your Ware-houses are Schools of Wit and Good Manners. You are not a Race of raw Citizens, and illiterate Mechanicks; your Designs are not confined to your Profit and your Trade; your Humour is pleasant, and your Conversation graceful; [Page] and you may vie with Athens and old Rome for Ingenuity and Politeness of Manners. These are your Vertues, and this your Character.

But though the Air you breathe be so sweet and wholsom, yet 'tis not able either to vanquish or correct the Influences of the Fanatique Spirit: 'Tis too powerful for the Genius of the Place, its Poison is too strong for the soundest Complexions; and into whomsoever it enters, it is portentous if it drive not away his good Humour, and distemper his Mind with a salvage and phrenetick Zeal. The Man immediately loses all sense of the gracefulness of Courtesie and Good Manners, withdraws himself from his Neighbourly Conversation, affects a stern passionate and untutor'd Humour, becomes churlish to his own Domesticks, and pragmatical to his Neighbours. He vents his sullen fits in malapert Censures of the innocent Mirth and Cheerfulness of his former Acquaintance, and in unneighbourly Inquisitions (according to the Geneva Discipline) into the Disorders of private Families. 'Tis strange how he delights in spiteful and malicious Stories, and what secret pleasure he takes in the mischiefs of the World. He feeds upon other mens [Page] Mis-fortunes, and is inwardly satisfied with their Disgraces and Disasters. He is ever sighing and complaining for the badness and degeneracy of the present Age; and perhaps believes himself a Person of extraordinary Good-will and Tenderness to Mankind, because he is so very apt to be concern'd in their Evils and Calamities: though his querulous humour arise from nothing else but an odde baseness and churlishness of spirit, that naturally delights in malicious Censures and Reports; and takes a supreme content in displaying other mens deformities, and making ill-natured and unhandsome Reflections. And hence their Breath, like Infection, never spares to taint and traduce the soundest Reputations: they live, and are supported by slanders and ill accidents; and with them the badness of a Report is the strongest evidence of its Truth; and a sad story, especially if it reflect upon the wisdom and sufficiency of their Superiours, needs no proof, for 'tis its own; and every seditious Report is as heartily embraced, as if it were a first Principle of Reason, or a Fundamental Article of Faith.

§. 7. But the greatest vent of their [Page] spite and rancour, is to belch out filthy slanders and reproaches against the Conforming Clergy; they are set up by them as the common Mark for the hatred and malice of all Parties to shoot at. To censure and reform them, is the most plausible vent of peevishness and ill-nature; and to abuse them, is the onely evidence of some mens Godliness, as it is of other mens Wit. With what transport of Attention will these Godly People listen to a foul story of an Ungodly Parson? And with what indefatigable Industry will they spread and improve the Tale? You cannot endear them more then by supplying them with scandalous Reports; and a Zealous Brother will even abate you something of the Price of his Commodities for your Good News. It puts him into a pleasant and jolly Humour, and the Demure Man grows Witty and Satyrical, and glosses upon the story with notable Essays of Sanctified Wit and Raillery. Though if you take these meek Christians in their more serious Moods, and preciser Humours, then their Mirth degenerates into Railing, and downright Contumely; Baals Priests, and the Locusts of the Bottomless Pit, are the civillest Titles of Honour they can bestow [Page] upon Clergy-men, and nothing more vulgar then to affront and revile them as they walk the Streets; a rudeness never yet known in any Civilized, no nor Barbarous Nation in the World: And some of their Children are not so soon instructed in their Catechism, as they are taught to revile a Cassock.

But the Tongues of these Dove-like Innocents are never so virulent as when they are inveighing against the Church-Revenues; they are strangely fluent upon this Theme, and 'tis their Everlasting Argument. For here their Envy settles upon its proper Object; nothing dazzles them more then Riches, because they value nothing more: and they can endure any thing in a Clergy-man with some patience, rather then a fair Revenue; and they scarce account any true Ministers of the Gospel but Lecturers, and such other Mercenary Preachers, as subsist entirely upon the Benevolence and arbitrary Pensions of the Good People. With them 'tis the most glorious piece of Reformation to make the Priesthood vile and sordid; and to disrobe them of all secular Priviledges and Dignities, is to bring them to the Pattern of Christ and his Apostles. And 'tis the Duty of Christian Princes to [Page] keep the Clergy in as mean and despised a Condition, as they were reduced to by the Persecution of Heathen Emperours; and to suffer themselves to be abused, is the indispensable Duty of the Ministers of the Gospel; and Contempt and Poverty are the peculiar Ornaments of a Ministerial Spirit. All Ecclesiastical Grandeur is Popish and Antichristian; but in all Protestant Churches their Godly Ministers are content with a Poor and Beggarly Competence. In brief, they deem Contempt and Penury as good Qualifications for the Priestly Office, as some not long since thought Ignorance and Ill-Manners; and to allow them a just and honourable Maintenance, is to make them Hirelings and Loyterers. But though this be their hard Reckoning with the whole Profession, yet their own Minister (poor Man!) is sure to pay the Shot, and they seldom fail to wreak their Zeal and Indignation upon him: 'Tis a shame to observe how industrious some of them are to thwart and affront him upon all occasions, and how studious of all opportunities to provoke him with open Insolencies and Indignities. With what Malapertness will they censure his Sermons, carp at his Expressions, and condemn his Doctrines? [Page] With what Insolence will they pity his Ignorance and Insufficiency? And when they vouchsafe him their Company, 'tis not so much to be instructed in their Duty, as to pick Quarrels, and make Exceptions to his Discourses. Though, the truth is, in this piece of modesty they are out-stript by the She-Professours. Every conceited Dame that drives a Trade of Gossipping from House to House, to tattle of Religion, though for no other design then to gratifie her Itch of Talking; and to this purpose has always at her Tongues end (and her Religion seldom lies deeper) Melancholy Complaints of the Hypocrisie of her Heart, her Deadness in Duties, her Wandrings in Prayer, and her Unprofitableness under the Means of Grace, and other sad Stories that she has learn't by roat: Yet after all this puling and seeming Humility, 'tis neither unusual nor altogether unpleasant to observe with what arrogance this supercilious Gossip shall shake her head at the Ignorance of her Spiritual Guide, and pity his unacquaintedness with the Workings of the Spirit of God in the Hearts of Believers; and caution her Family, and her unbelieving Husband, (for so he must be, if not listed [Page] into her own Gang) against his dangerous Errours, and lamentable Mistakes; which, poor Man! he often Preaches, though not out of any bad Design, but out of meer Ignorance. The poor Wretch (she tells them) I think is an honest Man, and I believe means well; but it is a weak and a shallow Divine, and an utter stranger to the more inward Mysteries of the Covenant of Grace. And now under the Appearance of this Christian Tenderness and Compassion to the poor Soul, how insolently will she despise his Person? how Magisterially will she censure his Sermons? how confidently will she cavil at his Doctrines? and how indecently will she laugh at his uncouth and ridiculous Mistakes?

§. 8. Do not think (Sir) I fancy things Imaginary, and meerly possible, and create to my self Artificial Men to suit them to my own extravagant Characters. I speak mine and your own familiar Experience, and you meet with these things and these persons in every days Conversation. Neither mistake me, as if I charged this Churlish Humour upon every individual Professour; 'tis enough if it be the Character of the Generality, and 'tis [Page] all I intend. For I know there are some that dissent from us, of a more modest and submissive temper; that are not so restive and inflexible to Authority, so head-strong and confident in their own Folly, nor so abusive and pragmatical in their Demands. But then the Dissent of these Men is silent and peaceable, they make no noise and tumult in the Church; they are not hasty to censure, slander and backbite their Neighbours, but study to win their love by courtesie and fair deportment. These Good Men are as sensible of the Zealous Insolencies of their Brethren as I can be: But then they neither lead the Faction, nor contribute much to support it, and follow purely the blind guidance of Prejudice and Education: And as for such, I pity their Weakness, and love and honour their Integrity. And others there are, whose Veins are fill'd with such brisk and generous Blood, that there is no Leaven sowre enough utterly to pervert the natural sweetness of their Humours, but they will in the Entercourses of Humane Life, keep up in spite of the most Malignant Principles, the Urbanity of common Conversation; and yet in the affairs and discourses of Religion, you cannot dissent from their [Page] Opinions without inflaming their Passions; and if you persist to contradict them, you blow up their heat and anger to an open Impatience; their Zeal cannot be civil to a Friend of a different Perswasion: they will silence all your Arguments with rude and reviling Language; oppress you with Noise and Clamour, and impertinent Talk, and force you to yield to their intolerable Folly. And you know (Sir) some of our Acquaintance, that (and 'tis a sober Truth) have no fault but their Religion; and who, were it not for that, might have proved good Men and good Christians: But so powerful is this sowre Humour, as to vanquish that Candour and Ingenuity that is natural to the People of the English Nation; and so contagious, as to poison the purest and most untainted Constitutions, and to pervert the soundest Minds, and the sweetest Dispositions. It is Leaven in both its Properties, as well in that it sowres, as in that it swells the Minds of Men. In brief, setting aside those three excellent Graces, of Spiritual Pride, Ill-nature and Ill-manners, I can perceive no great matter these Saints and Gracious People have to brag of, above us Moral Men, and Graceless Professours.

[Page]§. 9. And 'tis this sullen Humour lies at the bottom of all our Disturbances: They quarrel the Constitutions of our Church, not so much because they cannot be satisfied, as because they affect Dissatisfaction. The Common People have no understanding of the Grounds of their Exceptions, and they talk their Scruples by roat. The most zealous and the most clamorous of the Herd, are not able to give the least tolerable Account of their Zeal and Displeasure, but run away with any pitiful and unintelligible Pretences, and resolve to make good the Cause at all adventure by heat, and noise, and passion. How do they dread the Superstition of a Symbolical Ceremony? though they as little understand the true signification of that word, as they do the Orthodox Notion of a Procatarctick Cause. And therefore 'tis not this hard word that scares them from the Churches Communion, but 'tis their own conceited and pragmatical Humour, that affects and triumphs in Contradiction. They think it a gallant thing to make a Noise in the World, and to correct the Wisdom and Discretion of Publick Authority; and that is a fine thing indeed! This extravagant Pride is strangely agreeable to the Original Itch and Vanity [Page] of Humane Nature, and is more natural to Mankind then the Follies of Lust and Wantonness; and there is no Inclination that is so difficult either to govern or to vanquish, as this petulancy of spirit. And men had need to be very watchful and very serious to get the mastery of so fierce and impetuous an Instinct. And therefore if we consider how insensible the People are of the Enticements of this Spiritual Lewdness, and how unconcern'd to resist the Importunity of its desires, or to subdue the force and vigour of its Inclinations; 'tis no wonder if so vehement a Passion gain without their own express Allowance, so entire and absolute a Power over all their Thoughts and Actions: So easie (you see) it is for well-meaning Men to mistake Humour for Conscience, though not out of deliberate Malice, yet through Ignorance and Inadvertency. And therefore think not (Sir) that 'tis the scope of my Design to scoff at their Faults, and upbraid their Follies; 'tis nothing but a Cordial Love to Vertue and Themselves that put me upon these free, open and ingenuous Reprehensions. For could we but affect the Minds of Men with a serious sense of their Spiritual Wickednesses, and prevail with them to [Page] make use of all the ordinary methods of Reason and Christian Prudence for the Mortification of their Original Pride and Sullenness; and could we but reduce them to the softness and gentleness of a Christian Temper, how ashamed would they be of this brawling and contentious Humour? And they would then scarce think it decent to be bold and malapert to their Superiours for any cause of Religion: nor would they think it worth the while to sacrifice the indispensable Duties of the Gospel for every scruple and weak Proposition, nor disturb the Publick Peace, nor affront the Publick Laws for Impertinencies and trifling Opinions. They would then live quietly in their own Families and Neighbourhoods, and pursue the Interest and Employment of their Callings, instead of carrying Tales, and sowing Dissentions. And the precious time they now wast in quarrelling for Opinions, and in arguings and disputings for Trifles and impotent Fancies, they would then improve in Offices of Love and Charity among their Neighbours, in relieving the Necessitous, in reconciling Differences, in stifling Slanders, and in clearing injured Reputations. To conclude, so far would Tenderness of Conscience be from [Page] pleading Scruple and Nicety in Opposition to the Commands of Publick Authority, that it would not be more tender and curious of any Duty then Obedience and Humility. The serious sense of its own Weakness, its Reverence to the Persons and Authority of Superiours, its love of Modesty, Meekness, Humility, Peace and Ingenuity, would easily prevail with it to offer up all its private Conceits and uncertain Opinions, to so many Advantages of Peace, and so many Vertues of Obedience.

§. 10. (II.) They are not content to run down the Author with Lyes and Calumnies, but to make sure work, they will slander his Reasonings, and raise false witness against his Arguments. They will alter and pervert his smartest and most convictive Proofs, till they have made them as weak and trifling as their own Pretences. With whatsoever plainness and perspicuity he express his Thoughts, 'tis all one for that, they are a People of an undaunted and shameless Brow, they will look Truth and Reason out of Countenance, they will insult over his Modesty, will triumph in their own Insolence, and silence all the Reason in [Page] the World with Affronts and rude Behaviour. They are resolved to joyn Throats to Vote him down; and if they do, to what purpose is it to Complain or Remonstrate? all he shall gain by it, is to be laugh't at for the vanity of his Attempt. They blush not to commit a publick Rape upon the Understandings of Mankind; and will impose upon us with that boisterous Rudeness, as if they conspired to force all the World out of their common senses. No Author must challenge the liberty of being his own Interpreter; the Power of Expounding Assertions, is the Priviledge of the Subject, and the Prerogative of the Multitude; and if they please, they can enforce any Writer to accept a sense that contradicts his words. And if they do, there is neither Remedy nor Appeal; their Judgement is final and arbitrary, and what they will have, they will have. No Caution is sufficient to prevent their Clamours; their Leaders can easily descry a foul Design under the fairest Disguise; and 'tis but setting themselves to contrive some dull and malicious Mistakes, and obtruding them upon their blind and sturdy Proselytes, and then they are confident and impatient against his whole Discourse, [Page] and the poor Man without any more ado is knockt down with grievous and dead-doing Objections. If Mas Iohn do but whisper some ugly and ill-contrived suggestion, away 'tis carried with Clamour and Tragical Declamation, the Noise propagates like Thunder, and spreads like Lightning, and the whole City is filled with Tumult and Uproar. And now after all this, 'tis no less impossible to perswade them not to rail at my Book, then it is to read it: No! 'tis prophane, 'tis stuft with wicked and ungodly Opinions, it strikes at the whole Power of Godliness, and the very Foundations of Religion; and then let me affirm and deny, say and prove what I can, the People must and will persist in their Anger and their Clamour; they will refuse to be satisfied, affront their own Consciences, and turn Recusants to their own Convictions, onely that they may not want pretences and opportunities to rail at me.

Now what shall a Man do in this case? You will say there is no Remedy but Patience; that is the onely Antidote against the Venome of malicious Tongues, and let your own Innocence be your Defence and Apology. But, alas! this Morality is too high a Cordial for my present exigence; [Page] my Spirits are not so fainting as to stand in need of Philosophy to relieve and support them. I am too proud (you know) to be affected with all the assaults of Noise and Clamour; nothing but Reason can ever move or humble me; and what am I concern'd if impertinent People fret and rail? or why should it offend me if Clowns want Breeding and Good Manners? Would you not think it a fine piece of Pedantry, should you see a Philosopher comfort himself with Grave Maximes, and Stoical Paradoxes, against the Affronts of those Creatures, whose Nature it is to grin and snarl. However, it is in vain to reason with boisterous and ill-bred People, and to discourse the Multitude to patience and calm enquiry; and when they are resolved to be rude and uncivil, better give way to their Folly, then contend with their Madness: And as they snuff in their Prejudices like wild Asses, so 'tis but natural they should bray and be impatient at all Opposition.

§. 11. But yet one pleasant Scene of their Ingenuity in this kind, I cannot forbear to represent, and that is the advantage they have taken from my Discourse of Trade, to expose me to Popular Hatred, [Page] and to raise an uproar among the People: for though the plain meaning and design of that Discourse is neither more nor less, then to intimate that the Improvement of Trade is not of equal Importance to the Commonwealth, with the security of Publick Peace and Setlement. And yet upon this innocent Suggestion, how have they bestirred themselves to inflame and enrage the Multitude, by representing to them, as if under pretence of Writing against Liberty of Conscience, my main design had been to Write against Liberty of Trade: How (say they) does this young Rabshakeh blaspheme, beyond the Precedent and Example of all former Ages? He pours forth his Blasphemies both against your Gain and your Godliness too; he would raise a Persecution upon your Purses as well as your Consciences, and bring Trade and Grace to the stake together. What can the Prelatists design by such Discourses as these, but to perswade his Majesty to reduce you to Beggery, that he may the better reduce you to Obedience? To sack the City, to burn your Houses, nay to blow up the Thames, would not bring upon you such a fatal and irreparable desolation, Surveigh. Pag. 80. as that which the pursuit of this Counsel [Page]must inevitably produce. Such is the talk of these Crafts-men, to expose me to the rage and violence of the Rascality, that are always most forward in Zeal, and Mutiny, and Reformation, as if I had Preached expresly against their great Goddess Diana. And they have so bestirred themselves to keep up this Out-cry, as if they had seriously design'd to draw down their Myrmidons to the Palace-Gates, (according to the Pattern of Modern Reformers) to make Uproars, and tear their Throats in crying, Great is Diana of the Ephesians. And yet after all this Noise, there is no T [...]de endanger'd but that of Conventicles, by which Craft, Demetrius and his Accomplices get their Wealth. I have indeed told the People, that the Image they worship never fell down from Iupiter, but that the Shrine-men abuse them with a Puppet of their own framing, and then call it the Image of Diana. That 'tis not the Cause of God, (as is pretended) but the Interest of a few seditious Men that first raised, and still keeps up the Tumults in the Church; and that the Doctrines, on whose behalf they have made so many Uproars, are no Gospel-Truths, but their own fond and novel Inventions; by all which, there is no Trade or Occupation jeoparded, but [Page] theirs who live by making Schisms and Factions. But where their Interest lies at stake, all Asia shall be concern'd, and their Cause shall be made the Quarrel of Mankind. Otherwise, how could every young Prentice be taught to rail at me, as an Enemy to his Preferment? For what can be more apparent then that I have affirmed nothing positively, either for or against it, but have flatly waved it as an impertinent Enquiry to my present Design? Let them discover one Syllable that may tend to perswade its Discouragement, and I will be content (and I think it is but a just Penance) to pay a double Price for all the Commodities I buy. But though Malice and Popular Rage will not be tied to the strictness of Reason and Logical Discourse, and may be allowed its Priviledge to find any Conclusions in any Premises; yet methinks Writers of Books should be more severe and cautious, because their Integrity may be exposed, if they prevaricate, though the Multitude cannot. And in this instance of Ingenuity, I find my Great Surveyor as faulty as the rudest He of them all; and He rails as lavishly at me, as if I had Fired the City, or the Ships at Chatham. Pag. 80. But what is it that has moved [Page] so much Zeal and Choler? Nothing but that I have been so presumptuous as to affirm in Print, That the Setlement of Publick Peace in the Nation, is a more comfortable thing then the Improvement of Trade. Prophane Counsel this! and if pursued, must prove more fatal to the City of London, then the late horrid Conflagration. But to be brief and serious, The scope and plain design of all that Discourse, was to represent, That Liberty of Conscience could not be supposed to be conducive to the Improvement of Trade, because it was destructive of Peace and Publick Security; it being a certain and a granted Truth, That Peaceable Times are doubtless the best Seasons of Traffick; and that it cannot be expected honest and peaceable Industry should thrive so well in the Dangers and Confusions of a Civil War, when no Trade goes forward but that of the Saints, Plunder and Sacriledge; and therefore men that design to enrich themselves onely by employments of Peace, will not seek their Gain in any ways that tend to its dissolution: So that if this Supposition be true, That Liberty of Conscience is one of the most Fatal Hindrances of the Security of Government, and Setlement of Society, the Consequence [Page] is infallible, That for that reason onely it was not to be endured in the Commonwealth, though it were supposed otherwise never so much serviceable to the Advancement of Trade. And therefore had our Author design'd to reply at all to the purpose, he must have made out either the Vanity of my Supposal, viz. That Liberty of Conscience naturally tends to the subversion of the Publick Peace; or the Absurdity of my Inference, That though it were really serviceable to the Interest of Trade, yet it was not to be endured, if it were as really destructive of the Interests of Government. But this Logical Severity concerns not him, 'tis his custom to balk Premises, and fall foul upon Conclusions; and therefore without regard either to the truth of my Supposition, or my Inference, he in his crude way of declaming, inveighs against me as an Enemy to Trade and Industry, though the next time he writes he may with as great a shew of Reason impeach me of Sorcery and Witchcraft.

Pag. 80.§. 12. For is this to Discountenance Trade, to say, that Liberty of Conscience is but an ill way to improve it?Pag 79. Is this to perswade the King to draw out the Vital Spirits[Page]and Blood of his Kingdom, to say, 'tis but an Impolitick Trick to sacrifice the Security of his Crown to the Wealth of a few Fanatick and ungovernable Subjects? Is this to suspend all thoughts of the Encouragement of Trade,Pag. 81. till all Men are brought to an Uniformity of Religion, to say, it more imports Governours to stifle Fanatick Factions and Animosities, then to enrich Trades-men? And may they not at the same time project the Improvement of Trade, and the Establishment of Uniformity, and Enact Laws to suppress Schisms, whilst they Establish Priviledges to encourage Manufactures? Is this to discourage industrious Men in a peaceful way of improving their own Interests,Pag. 77. to prevent and restrain them from doing it in unpeaceable ways? The Persons I discours't of, were not Trades-men, but Fanaticks, that are greater Enemies to Peace, then Friends to Industry; People of such peevish and restless Dispositions, that no Government can satisfie them; of such furious and ungovernable Spirits, that no Indulgence can appease them; of such proud and arrogant Tempers, that no Courtesie can oblige them: 'tis these phantastick and supercilious Mushromes to whom I would not have [Page] Liberty granted, because as it is pregnant with many other Mischiefs, so if it improve their Interest, it does but pamper their Insolence, embolden their Presumption, and tempt them to raise Rebellions out of Pride and Wantonness. And the time is well known when this Capricious Humour involved a flourishing Kingdom in woful Wars and Desolations, for no other reason, then because it was blessed with more Peace and Plenty then it ever before or since enjoyed. But as for Men of peaceable Spirits, and sober Principles, they neither need nor desire Liberty of Conscience for the Advancement of Trade; nay, nothing can more discourage their Industry then Factions of Zeal, and Animosities of Religion, that keep the Minds of Men in a perpetual posture of War and mutual Hatred, and that break out upon every occasion into open Ruptures and Embroilments; and if a few factious Priests will but sound an Alarm to Reformation, the Multitude are immediately all in Arms; and when-ever the Rabble take a Toy against Antichrist and Superstition, (i. e. any thing against which their Preachers are wont to inveigh) the whole Kingdom must be embroil'd for an idle word, and an extravagant [Page] humour. Now what wise Man will care to appear abroad in such broken and uncertain Times? or to lanch forth among such Fanatick Herricano's? No, he will rather chuse not to improve, then to endanger his Fortune; and thinks it better Husbandry to bury, then to drown his Wealth. And therefore you may observe, that none are more Zealous then the more Gentile and Intelligent sort of Merchants for the setlement of Uniformity in order to the security of Trade; for their experience of the horrid Mischiefs and Desolations brought to pass in other parts and other Religions of the World, by the Follies and Frenzies of Fanatick Spirits, makes them sadly apprehensive of the danger of this hot and giddy Humour, and fearful of venturing too far among such wild and unconstant Cannibals. And as for wise and peaceable Persons, that sit warm in their own Fortunes, they are as little enamour'd of Factions in the Church, as of Disturbances in the State; and therefore if our Author speak onely concerning such Issachars as these, he speaks neither to my Purpose, nor to their Approbation.

But to dispatch this Head, To what purpose does he Catechise me,Pag. 78. Whether I [Page]have really considered what the meaning of that word [Trade] is, unless he could prove it signifies more then that word [Peace?] To what purpose does he represent, that if Trade decay,Pag. 79. Noblemen and Gentlemen must be content to eat their own Beef and Mutton at home, unless he could prove it more comfortable to be forced to beg their Beef and Mutton abroad, as they were not long since by the scrupulous and holy Brethren, whilst themselves kept house for them at home, and made merry with Songs upon This hard word will be explained in the sequel of this discourse. Sigionoth? With what Honesty does he upbraid me for professing to smile at those who labour with mighty projects for the Improvement of Trade, when 'tis so notorious I onely smil'd at the Pedantry of those Men, that are so wonderfully eager upon petty Designs, without any regard to the great Concerns of a Nation? such as is the Erecting little Manufactures in Villages and Burroughs, when compared with the Advantages of Publick Peace and Setlement; and at such half-witted People all the World will laugh as well as I. With what Ingenuity does he represent, as if I had scoff't at his Majesties Council appointed for the Improvement of Trade, unless it must be taken for granted, that the Commissioners have [Page] no more wit then to oppose or neglect the Publick Peace and Setlement, for the Interest of that Project? And if he will be so rude as to suppose it, I will be so bold as to make a wry mouth at such preposterous Follies. With what Conscience does he tell the People, that I have represented all Trades-men as Seditious, when 'tis so notorious I onely suppose that some of them may be tainted with Seditious Principles? and upon that Supposition I have concluded Seditious Trades-men to be more dangerous then Seditious Farmers. And is it the same thing to affirm all Trades-men to be Seditious, as to say, that when they are so, they have more advantage of doing mischief then Countrey-folk? If I should affirm, That when the Nobility or Clergy are possest with Principles that incline to Rebellion, and Disloyal Practices, they are of all Rebels the most dangerous, should I be thought to Impeach them of Treason and Disloyalty? In brief, it is not the Rich Citizen, but the Wealthy Fanatick that I have branded for an Ungovernable Beast; and that not as Wealthy, but as Fanatick: Remove the Fanatick, and neither the Man nor his Wealth will do any harm. And now if after all this, [Page] Men will still be Clamorous, and say I have perswaded the Discouragement of Trade, there is no Remedy for me, and no Cure for them; I cannot vanquish their Rudeness, and by strength of Reason force them to be Ingenuous; and if they are resolved to abuse their own Understandings, that they may abuse me, let them take their Course, and enjoy their Humour. But yet let them not please themselves with the conceit of their having spited and disappointed my design, by their being boisterous and uncivil, when it was no more then what I expected, and what (as they know) I foretold: I was not unacquainted with those base and mean Artifices, wherewith the Ring-leaders are wont to inveigle their credulous and besotted Drove. I knew beforehand with whatsoever clearness and caution I exprest my Thoughts, they could fasten what sense they pleased upon my Words; and that all their Followers would passionately embrace their violent and distorted Interpretations; and when they have imposed upon themselves, they grow zealous and impatient, they are deaf to all Remonstrances, incurious of all Rational Pleas and Defences, and you cannot prevail with them, no not to attend [Page] to the Perswasions of their own Understandings; and in defiance to all Syntax and Propriety of Speech, this shall be your meaning, and be it enacted and decreed, That all the Godly Party embrace this and no other: And then 'tis a Law of the Medes and Persians, and your Sentence is as irreversible, as the decree of absolute and irrespective Reprobation. But to conclude, You already see what work I am like to have with this Man, not so much to vindicate the honest Truth, as the sense and Grammar of my Assertions. They have sufficiently upbraided my presumption for the boldness of my Conclusion, viz. What I have written, I have written; and now I am convinced I was too confident, for I see that is the onely thing in all my Book I shall be put to prove. But my Resentments of his shameless Rudeness and Dis-ingenuity, have carried me beyond my design, and beside my method, into this particular Skirmish, to let you see his Weapons, his Wiles, and his way of Fighting, before I closed and engaged with the main Battel: to which I now proceed, as it follows under the next Head.

§. 13. (III.) The Multitude having by [Page] the fore-mentioned ways of Incivility and foul Language performed their part, and discharged their Duty, their last method of defence is to engage particular Champions, that are known to be mighty in dispute, to enter the Lists against all Adversaries: And then they are secure of Triumph, though not of Victory. Every reply shall be voted unanswerable, obscure words shall pass for depth of Reason, and huge Confidence for strength of Demonstration; Popular Noise shall make good the Performance, and the Vogue of the Party shall justifie all their Arguments, and baffle all our Answers. The Cattel they stear are hood-winkt, and as long as they drive, will never boggle at any thing. And therefore they never stand upon regular Proofs and Reasonings, but their Weapon is their Confidence, and bold Affirmations are self-evident, because their boldness is their onely proof. They presume upon the Understandings, and are secure of the Suffrages of their own Herd: To them all their Empty Talk is infallible as Oracle and Inspiration; every slight Presumption is a mighty Proof, and every shadow of Proof bright and forcible as Demonstration.

[Page]And to this purpose have I been assaulted by three puissant Aggressours; the first whereof I conjecture by his Latine, his Wit and his Manners, to have been either Pupil or Apprentice to the Renowned Cobler of Glocester. And the truth is, from the days of Newman down to our own, the Men of that Trade and Profession have been the greatest Instruments and the best Work-men at a Thorough Godly Reformation. My second Adversary seems more modest, and better bred; and is, I am confident, an upright and well-meaning Man: But how desirous soever he has been of a Reply, I shall not vouchsafe to do him so much right, or rather so much wrong, not onely because he has scarce ventured to attaque any thing in my Book beside the Contents, but chiefly because I shall have occasion to examine all his more material Impertinencies in my third Assailant. And therefore I shall dismiss these two yelping Pamphleters, as hurried on to this Enterprise by nothing but their own hot heads and busie humours; and address my self entirely to my sage Surveyor, as being not onely a man of known puissance and experience in Dispute, and of mighty bruit and renown in Controversial [Page] Encounters; but also as a Champion sent forth, if not by the Choice, yet at least by the Approbation of the whole Party, that have testified their esteem of his Courage, and their assurance of his Success, by a general shout and applause: and nothing less is expected from this Man of Gath, then that he should give the Flesh of his Adversary unto the Fowls of the Air, and to the Beasts of the Field. But as he stalks about to view his helpless prey,V. pag 84, [...]78. his bowels begin to melt into tenderness and compassion, and he looks down upon the unfortunate Youth with equal pity and disdain. It is a pretty and an hopeful Stripling, and 'tis pity to nip him in his youthful Bloom; and therefore in stead of crushing him to death and nothing, as men kill Snails, he will onely chastize the rash and forward Boy, and by the smartness of his Correction, make him repent the folly and unadvisedness of his Undertaking. And I doubt not but the People insult over the severity of my Rebuke, and think I have done sufficient Penance for my presumption.

They turn over the Leaves, and tell the number of his Pages, and that is enough to justifie their flattest and most peremptory Censures; 'tis no matter for an attentive [Page] and deliberate perusal, they always pass their definitive sentence, not according to the evidence of Reason, but according to the inclinations of Prejudice, an [...] the interests of a Party: so that the Book, be it what it will, is secure of their Applauses and Acclamations. Never did Man write a more coherent and unanswerable piece of Reason; never were Arguments more smartly urged, nor Objections more dexterously assoil'd: verily it is a wonderful precious Man! And yet bating a few Cavils foreign to the main matters in debate, they understand not either what he drives at, or what he opposes, and are not able to give the least tolerable account by what Engines and particular Reasonings he has undermined (as he words it) the principal parts and seeming pillars of my whole Fabrick: and excepting that 'tis known by vulgar hear-say, that he writes for Liberty of Conscience, and I against it, they know nothing of the Grounds and Principles of our difference. But he braves it confidently in general Terms, insults over this Argument, despises that; tells of lamentable Misadventures in one place, and palpable Inconsistencies in another; accuses this Proposition as a new and unheard-of [Page] Heresie, slights that as an old and cashir'd Errour: vaunts every where of his own Feats and Performances, and upon every occasion drops Censures and Challenges, and bears up through the whole against all that either has been, or ever shall be objected with Gallantry of Mind, and assurance of Success: And this is at once both Triumph and Victory. Their Confidence is the most effectual and perswasive Argument with their Followers, that have no ground for their dislike but the Warrant and Prescription of their Example; they have boar'd their Ears to their Dictates, and subjected their Reasons and Consciences to their Authority; and therefore the Assent of the one is ever proportion'd to the Confidence of the other; and if these will be peremptory in their Assertions, they will be inflexible in their Belief; 'tis in vain to attempt their Constancy, they are (as a Poet speaks of the old Romans) immoveable as the Capitol; and you may sooner remove Mountains, then shake their Confidence.

But is it not prodigious to see people so jocundly satisfied with a Book, written with so much looseness, as if its Author had either utterly forgot what I had utter'd, [Page] or cared not what himself was to prove: a Book wherein 'tis hard to find a passage that is not coarsly false or impertinent, and very few that are not apparently both: a Book in which you shall meet with nothing singular and remarkable, but horrid Untruths and Falsifications.

§. 14. But however, a Book he resolved to write, without regard to Truth or Falshood; and though he were not so lamentably costive as a late Brother of the scribling humour, that was so far to seek for an Exordium, that he was forced to take his rise at the day of the Moneth, and the year of our Lord; yet he was much more unhappy to make his entrance with such an awkerd acknowledgement, as must for ever defeat and discredit the design of his whole performance, by confessing, that all his Pleas, how solemn and serious soever he may appear, are but dissembled and hypocritical Pretences: When he tells us, that 'tis none of the least disadvantages of his Cause,Pag. 1. that he is enforced to admit a Supposition, that those whom he pleads for are indeed really mistaken in their apprehensions. But though this may seem a rash and unadvised Concession, yet [Page] if you examine it, you will find it a notable wily and cunning device. For unless he will give place to such a Supposition, or if he will rigidly contend, that what he pleads in the behalf of, is absolutely the Truth, and that Obedience thereunto is the direct Will and Command of God, there remains no proper Field for the Debate about Indulgence to be managed in: For things acknowledged to be such, are not capable of an Indulgence properly so called, because the utmost Liberty that is necessary unto them, is their right and due in strict Iustice and Law. And yet the whole scope of his Apology, and the onely Fundamental Principle upon which he builds, is that they are obliged to do what they do out of Obedience to the Will and Command of God; and by consequence the things they contend for, are not capable of any Indulgence, but are matters of indispensable duty and Divine right: so that were the Government of Church-Affairs at their disposal, they must establish the things that they desire to be indulged in, as duties of strict Iustice and Law, and restrain all other different forms and practices out of regard to the Divine Command; and then to tolerate ours, or any other way of Worship distinct from their own, would be to permit men to live in open defiance to the [Page] direct Will and Command of God, that has precisely injoyned a different Form of Worship. So that it seems all pretences for Liberty of Conscience, are but artificial Disguises for the advantage of farther Designs; and when they gain it, then the Mask falls off, and the Scene is shifted, and Petitions for Indulgence immediately swell up into Demands of Reformation. So unfortunate is this Man in his whole performance, that by all the Principles he has made use of to plead for Indulgence, he is obliged to plead against it. And there is not a more effectual Argument against Toleration of different Forms of Worship, then their Fundamental Conceit, that nothing ought to be practised or establish't in the Worship of God, but what is precisely warranted and authorized in the Word of God: For this restrains and disavows all Forms but one, and ties all the Christian World to a nice and exact Conformity to that compleat and adequate Rule of Worship.

But suppose he were to speak to the Nature of the things themselves, and not to the Apprehensions of them with whom he has to do: Then farewel all soft and gentle Language, and you shall hear nothing but Thundrings against Superstition, Will-worship, [Page] Episcopal Tyranny, Popish Corruptions, Rags of the Whore, and the Dregs of the Romish Beast.Sermon before Parl. Octob 24. 1651. Pag. 12. By J. O. Then what is Prelacy but a meer Antichristian Encroachment upon the Inheritance of Christ? And he that thinks Babylon is confined to Rome, and its open Idolatry, knows nothing of Babylon, nor of the New Jerusalem: the depth of a subtle mystery does not lie in gross visible folly; it has been insinuating it self into all the Nations for 1600 years, and to most of them is now become as the marrow in their bones; before it be wholly shaken out, these Heavens must be dissolved, and the Earth shaken, (i. e. as he expounds both himself and the Text, the setled and establish't Government of the West must be subverted:) Their Tall Trees (i. e. Kings and Princes) hewed down and set a howling, and the residue of them transplanted from one end of the Earth to the other. Or as the same Author expresses himself upon another occasion,Sermon before Parl. April 19. 1649. Pag. 25. The Heavens and the Earth of the Nations must be shaken, because in their present Constitution they are directly framed to the Interest of Antichrist, which by notable advantages at their first moulding, and continued insinuations ever since, hath so rivetted it self into the very Fundamentals of them, that no digging or mining with an Earthquake will cast up the Foundation-stones thereof. And therefore the[Page]Lord Iesus having promised the service of the Nations to his Church, will so far open their whole frame to the roots, as to pluck out all the cursed seeds of the Mystery of Iniquity, which by the craft of Satan, and exigences of State, or methods of advancing the pride and power of some Sons of Blood, have been sown amongst them. And then abundance of Scripture and dark Prophesie is pour'd forth, to make good these mild and peaceable Doctrines: It is the great day of the wrath of the Lamb. The Land shall be soked with blood, and the dust made fat with fatness; for it is the day of the Lords vengeance, and the year of recompence for the Controversie of Zion. Ibid. Pag. 21. All the Kings of the earth have given their power to Antichrist, endeavouring to the utmost to keep the Kingdom of Christ out of the World. What I pray has been their main business for 700 years and upward, even almost ever since the Man of Sin was enthroned? How have they earned the Titles, Eldest Son of the Church, The Catholick and most Christian King, Defender of the Faith? Hath it not been by the blood of the Saints? And now will not the Lord avenge his Elect that cry unto him day and night? will he not do it speedily? Will he not call the Fowls of Heaven to eat the Flesh of Kings, and Captains, and great Men of the Earth? Rev. 19.18. All [Page] this must be done,Sermon of Octob. 24. 1651. pag. 27. to cast down all opposition to the Kingdom of the Lord Christ, and to advance it to its Glory and Power. That consists mainly of these three things, that he there reckons. 1. Purity and Beauty of Ordinances and Gospel-worship. 2. The full casting out and rejecting of all Will-worship, and their attendant Abominations. 3. A most glorious and dreadful breaking of all that rise in Opposition unto him: never such Desolations. So that we see nothing will ever satisfie their desires and demands,Sermon April 19. 1641. p. [...]. unless all Gospel-Ordinances be reformed to their primitive power and purity, according to the appointment, and unto the acceptation of the Lord Iesus. Or as the same Author expresses himself more fully in his Sermon of April 29. 1646. p. 29. ‘The darling Errours of late years (of the Bishops) were all of them stones of the old Babel, closing and coupling with that tremendous Fabrick, which the Man of Sin had erected to dethrone Jesus Christ; came out of the belly of that Trojan Horse, that fatal Engine, which was framed to betray the City of God. They were Popish Errours, such as whereof that Apostacy did consist, which onely is to be looked upon as the great adverse State to the Kingdom of the Lord Christ. Heedless and headless [Page] Errours may breed disturbance enough unto the people of God; but such as tend to a peace and association [...]um Ecclesiâ malignantium, tending to a total subversion of the sacred State, are far more dangerous. Now such were the Innovations of the late Hierarchists; in Worship, their Paintings, Crossings, Crucifixes, Bowings, Cringings, Altars, Tapers, Wafers, Organs, Anthems, Litany, Rails, Images, Copes, Vestments; what were they but Roman Varnish, an Italian Dress for our Devotion, to draw on Conformity with that Enemy of the Lord Jesus? In Doctrine, the Divinity of Episcopacy, (a notable piece of Popery that) Auricular Confession, Free-will, Predestination on Faith, yea Works foreseen, (what Antichristian Doctrine is that too?) Limbus Patrum, Justification by Works, falling from Grace, Authority of a Church, which none knew what it was, Canonical Obedience, Holiness of Churches, and the like innumerable, what were they but helps to Sancta Clara, to make all our Articles of Religion speak good Roman-Catholique? How did their old Father of Rome refresh his spirit, to see such Chariots [Page] as those provided to bring England again unto him? This closing with Popery was the sting in the Errours of those days, which caused pining, if not death in the Episcopal Pot.’

§. 15. Here is no shuffling, nor any shifting pretences, 'tis plain dealing, and plain English. Antichrist and all its Adherents must be destroyed by Wars and horrid Desolations: This is the way that the Lord Christ has chalkt out to his people, both by his Promises and his Providences, to introduce the purity and beauty of his Ordinances. The Prelatists are Members of the Whore and the Beast, and imitate the Antichristian Apostacy both from the Worship and the Doctrine of the Gospel;Ibid. Pag. 3 [...] ▪ nay, the Vial of Popery is poured out upon the very Throne it self, as it was when Charles the First sate in it. And now what is the result of all this Gibberish, but that the Saints, when-ever Providence alarms, or (as he manageth the business) opportunity invites them to the great and glorious Work of a more Thorough Godly Reformation, may and ought to shake and subvert the establish't Government of the Nation, that is combined with the Interest of Antichrist, to [Page] set up their way of Gospel-worship, or the purity and beauty of Christs Ordinances? which is the onely thing urged and pleaded for by our Author. You see, Sir, (to bate him some worse Inferences) what stout Patrons these Men are of the Indulgence they plead for, when every Opinion that they judge erroneous, must be branded for a Popish and Antichristian Errour; when every slight Difference shall be resolved into Atheism and Blasphemy; when a Scholastick Nicety about the unaccountable workings of Eternal Providence, shall be made an eminent instance of Antichristian Apostacy; and when to dissent from him in a thing of no greater importance then a Metaphysical Speculation, shall amount to no less Charge then of betraying the Gospel of Christ, and hewing at the very root of Christianity, as he speaks of some Systematick Niceties, that he is pleased to call Arminian Heterodoxes,Display of Armin. Ep. dedic. and whose Abettors he denounces with the Confidence of an Apostolical Authority, uncapable of our Church-Communion. Nay,The duties of Pastours and People distinguished, Pag. 52. his Zeal against them did not confine it self to his own Native Country, but extended its fervours (as himself informs us) to a Foreign Commonwealth, and [Page] vented its heats against their Indulgence, and plea for Toleration, and a Liberty of prophesying beyond the Seas. To what party of Dissenters is it that this tender-hearted Man would extend the favour of his Indulgence, that resolves every petty dissent into an inexpiable Apostacy from the Gospel; and has branded all parties with such foul names as render them unworthy the Compassion of the State, and uncapable of the Communion of the Church? 'Tis true, many Pamphlets he has publish't in behalf of Toleration and Liberty of Conscience; but yet he still so orders the matter, as to exclude all Men whatsoever from claiming any benefit or advantage from that pretence, excepting onely the salvage and the frantick Sectaries of the Army: And that is the whole mystery of his Good-Nature. The Independents had vanquish't the Royalists, and supplanted the Presbyterians, and were perkt up into a Supremacy of Power and Interest: But being unable either to secure or to support their Tyranny, unless by the assistance of those Religious Miscreants, who were the onely faithful Adherents to their Godly Interest, they must sooth and treat them with all brotherly love and tenderness; [Page] and all their Fanatick Frekes and horrid Blasphemies must be winkt at as pitiable Mistakes and Miscarriages of weak Brethren. For if we exasperate them by giving check to their Exorbitances, we lose our Friends and Confederates, abate our Power, and endanger our Interest; and 'tis more eligible for humble and self-denying Men to bear with all the wild and Fanatick Enormities in the World, rather then part with the delicious sweets of Government and Sovereign Authority. What other imaginable account can be given of this Mans Zeal for Toleration, when he has so peremptorily stript all Parties of their right to it, excepting onely those Sons of Anarchy and Confusion? For not onely the Papists, the Prelatists, and the Arminians, but even their dear Brethren of the Presbytery were transformed into Limbs of the Antichristian L [...]viathan: so that (not to pursue this advantage too far) you see the naked and undisguised Truth of these Mens Perswasions, maugre all their demure Concessions and jugling Pretensions. All the World are fallen short of the Truth of God but themselves; and out of the Churches of their Pale, there is none Orthodox, no not one. We have [Page] all revolted from the Kingdom of the Lord Christ, to the Corruptions and Superstitious Idolatries of Antichrist; and therefore we are all to be accounted and treated as Members of that Whore, whom the Saints hate, and shall make desolate and naked, and shall eat her Flesh, and suck her Blood. This is the true state of the Controversie between us. But Affairs, it seems, are not yet ripe enough for the discovery of such bold and dangerous Truths; and therefore our Author, as the present posture of things stands, thinks it more prudence to stifle and dissemble such thoughts. The New Lights and Doctrines of 49. are not seasonable in 69. Then I. O. in a Sermon preach't before his Masters of the Rump, (the scope whereof is to prove that the Lord Jesus Christ is resolved to embroil all the ancient Kingdoms, and subvert all the setled Governments of the West, to restore the purity of his Gospel-worship: i.e. in plainer and less Canting English, to carry on the great work of a Thorough Reformation by Civil Wars and Rebellions) among many other rare Notions, wonderfully tending to the peace of Christendom, he informs the World,Pag. 35. Every Age has its peculiar Work, has its peculiar Light; now what [Page]is the Light which God manifestly gives in in our days? Plainly, the peculiar Light of this Generation, is that discovery which the Lord has made to his People of the Mystery of Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny. This Light was fit to be hanged out to the People, when they had murther'd their Sovereign Prince, banish't the undoubted Heir to the Crown, and proclaimed him a Traytor to his own Subjects. But, alas! those happy days are gone, and those attempts of Liberty defeated, and the Nation is once more relaps't into its Civil and Ecclesiastical Slavery; and that is no proper season for the Revelation of his Mysteries. And therefore he is not unwilling to forego the mighty advantages of these New Lights, and is content his Party should pretend to grant this false Supposition, that by so much seeming Modesty they might win upon their Superiours to requite them with a real Indulgence: Though methinks 'tis neither wisely nor kindly done of him, in this publick manner to betray their secret thoughts and purposes to their most implacable Adversaries. However, I am sure 'tis far from being artificially contrived, that when he design'd to act in a disguise, he should at the first entrance upon [Page] the Stage unmask himself to all the Spectators, onely that they might know him not to be in good earnest, nor the Person he appears to be.

§. 16. But however, from these thoughts he starts his Discourse; and though he stumble into his Career, that is no hindrance to the swiftness of his Course, but away he flies like Lightning, and is not able to curb his Pen, till it comes to the end of 410 Pages. For by heating his Brains with this Introduction, he quickly fills his Fancy with an innumerable swarm of vagrant fortuitous and heedless Imaginations, that come fluttering forth in such a preposterous and impetuous stream of Words, that he could scarce gain leisure to range them into Grammatical Syntax. Every conceit that thrusts its self into his thoughts, he pours out into his Book: His Work must be finish't in a few hasty minutes, and at idle hours, how then can you reasonably expect he should have time to weigh the strength and pertinency of his Arguments, or digest his Notions into method or propriety of Speech? And had I either so much Patience, or so little Employment as to represent to your view the short Contents [Page] of his whole Book, how would you bless your self at such an undigested heap of Rubbish, and such an immethodical Rhapsody of Words? Take a short taste, and supply the rest with your own Observation. ‘Pag. 2. Those who plead for Liberty of Conscience, are forced to dissemble in their Pretences. Pag. 3. The design of the Ecclesiastical Polity is to prove that the Law of the Civil Magistrate, is the sole Rule of Religious Worship. Pag. 4. The Principles of that Book are new and uncouth. Pag. 5, 6. Neither Church nor State is concern'd in them. Pag. 7. There is no love lost between us, as being no Acquaintance. Pag. 8, 9. Young Men are confident, Old Men cautious. Pag. 10. I am more a Philosopher then a Christian. Pag. 11. Rails at me for railing at them. Pag. 12. Engages to be civil; and for a taste of his Civility, Pag. 13. charges me with the height of pride and boasting. Pag. 14. Many are displeased with my scoffings and revilings. Pag. 15. The Nonconformists will not be jear'd out of the Profession of the Gospel. Pag. 16. Challenges all our Learned Men to a Disputation. Pag. 17. Demands a personal Conference [Page] between W. B. and the Author of The Friendly Debate. Pag. 18. Cites my Description of the Nonconformists Preaching. Pag. 19, 20. What if I am deceived. Pag. 21. Another Challenge to all Men of Learning. Pag. 22. There are Fools of all Parties.’ Should I proceed after this manner to shew you by what Tautologies, from what Topicks, and with what Materials he has made up his full Tale of 400 Pages, you would (so endless, and yet withal so trifling are its follies) pity that Man that is condemn'd to squander away his Time and Parts in winnowing such an heap of Chaff, and such a Mass of Impertinencies. In short, in stead of spending a few hours to examine the principal Parts and seeming Pillars of my whole Fabrick, he has onely hid and buried them under Loads of Rubbish; and to clear that, will be the Work and Drudgery of my Reply, rather then to strengthen my own Foundations. And to that purpose I will give you a general Account of the way of his Writing, and main Heads of his Arguing: which being dispatch't, there will remain but a very small pittance of pertinent Matter for my Review.

[Page]§. 17. 1. In stead of following the plain and evident drift of my Discourses, he starts some Collateral Reflection, that was occasionally intimated upon supposition of the Truth and Evidence of my main Principles and direct Assertions; and this Chase he pursues with Noise and deep-mouthed Crys through two or three Pages, till he chance to stumble upon some fresh Proposition of the same nature, and then that is his Game, and that he follows with the same empty Noise and Clamour, till some new Theme divert him to a new pursuit; and if he can run it down with a few idle Descants, impertinent Queries, insipid Exclamations, abused Texts, and thread-bare Apophthegms, the day is his own; if not, it escapes his fury; he must not lose his variety of sport, by wasting too much of his time and spirits in the over-eager pursuit of a single prey. And when he flies out into these unruly Digressions, his Fancy is pregnant, his Pen is brisk and spritely, and he is lavish of his Ink and Paper: But when he returns towards the Track of my Discourse, his Career checks, his Confidence abates, it is not altogether so pert and Dogmatical; its [Page] Censures are not so full of scorn and neglect, nor his Determinations so Magisterial and presumptuous, but the Man condescends sometimes to the modesty of a Perhaps, and a May-be, I fear, and It seems. And he usually stops his Course before he comes to the main issue of the business; and like a discreet and reserved Man, seems to keep back the main thing that he could say; the whole Secret is not to be unriddled at once. No! the Reader must content himself with a transient tast at first, and then feed his expectation with the gracious Promise of future Discoveries and Revelations never to be revealed. But he has his Magazine of unanswerable Arguments and Objections, that I am confident we shall never Answer, though for no other reason then because we shall never hear them.

You have read the Memoirs of Tom Coriat, whose custom it is to enlarge upon Toys and Trifles; He is circumstantial in his Remarks upon his Hosts Beard, and in his Description of his Sign-post, but scarce takes notice of any thing great and glorious, and passes by Princes Palaces, Forts and Citadels, and all the greatest Strengths and Ornaments of Kingdoms. And to the same purpose has this Man [Page] spent his Travels through my Book; where he lights upon any passage that is less important in it self, and more remote from my main design, he dwells and expatiates upon it with double diligence. And so industrious is he to collect the smallest and least considerable passages, as if he were resolved nothing in my Book should escape his Correction. And how bravely does he amplifie upon Words and little Trifles! as if he had determined not to spare the nicest Errour to expose my Ignorance, but had engaged to sift me with such an exact and merciless disquisition, that rather then any thing should escape him, he would measure Atoms, and weigh Grains. But when he approaches my main design, how slightly does he balk the weightiest Reasonings? how nimbly does he frisk over the greatest Difficulties? and how dexterously does he beat beside the main Questions? and if he now and then stay to glance at any more enforcing proof, 'tis extraordinary: But some Arguments he winks at, and some he out-faces; those he confutes with a Pish, and these with a Vapour, and heaps up every where I know not what general Censures and Exceptions, but nothing is either proved or specified; [Page] and he is so admirably accomplish't in all the arts of tediousness and impertinency, that he can waste a whole Page of Words to no other purpose,Vide Pag. 19, 20, 72, 73, 74, 75, 83, 84. and with no more sense then to deny a Proposition, or slight an Argument, and yet not allow a Line to confute it. He is fluent, and runs over in Expressions where there is no need; but where there is, he immediately becomes dry in his Discourse, and thrifty of his Words; and has consumed more Pages in loose and precarious Censures, then he has in making Premises and Conclusions: And if such Talk may pass for pertinent Replys, he may undertake the Defence of any Cause, and 'tis indifferent which side he abets; his Answers will serve equally at all turns, and to all purposes; he may turn the same Declamations upon his own Castles in the Air, and then they are all beaten down about his ears: but if he would have allotted all that time, and all those Pages to confute my Arguments, that he has spent to rail and declaim against them, his Book would not have been so much less, as it must have been better. Instances of this sort are innumerable, and therefore I shall not here be so tedious as to accumulate particulars, because it would be endless; [Page] onely let me request you to reflect upon this suggestion as you travel through his dry and barren Pages, and then your own Observation will too pregnantly confirm and justifie mine: And therefore quitting this more general Consideration, that is onely forcible upon impartial and ingenuous Minds, I shall address my self to some more particular and convictive Remarks.

§. 18. 2. One of his choicest Helps to swell up the Bulk of his Answer, is to break out at every turn into Tragical Complaints against the tartness of my Invectives and Satyrical Expressions: and this Topick he seems to keep for a reserve upon all occasions; and whenever he runs himself out of breath, and out of Argument, here he recovers his wind, and recruits his forces; at this Post his Pen always both starts and stops his Career. And he sallies forth so often into this Complaint, that by Computation I judge it fills up above the fifth part of his Reply. But all this is no more then Rubbish, and serves to no Nobler use then to fill up void spaces, and amounts to no higher purpose then impertinent Talk. For whether I have incurred [Page] this Censure, is not to be determined by any smartness of Expressions, but by the Truth and Evidence of things: for some tempers and principles there are, that can never be exposed with too much sharpness and severity of stile; and therefore if the tender Man, in stead of declaiming against the unmerciful Carriage of my Pen, had been at leisure to write pertinently, he should have proved it was undeserved: But if Evidence of Proof, and Notoriety of Fact, do justifie my utmost Charge, my Expression must have come short of my Theme, had I arraign'd such hateful Crimes in softer Language. A Man may without offence represent Vice in its blackest Colours, and expose the ugliness of Pride and Insolence with the roughest and most Satyrical Characters; and for this no stile can be too churlish and vehement; and 'tis no Cruelty to lash a naked Crime with Scorpions and Whips of Steel: yet when it puts on the Mask of Religion, and gains its opportunities under the protection of a tender Conscience, then we must court it with gentle and respectful Language; to discover the Imposture, is to expose Religion; to inveigh against the foulness of the abuse, is to rail at the power of Godliness; [Page] to uncase the Hypocrite, and to wash off his Varnish and false Colours, is to lay open the Nakedness of Piety to the scorn of Atheists and Worldlings: and therefore we must be tame and patient, and suffer them to debauch Religion and disturb Government, to affront Authority and trample upon Laws, to spread their Infection, and broach their seditious Doctrines, to raise violent Schisms and Factions in the Church, and mislead the People into a Rebellious Reformation: and lastly, toss us up and down in Eternal Dissetlements, because they Pray and Fast often, and enjoy Communion with God, and attend upon his Ordinances, and love the Lord Jesus, and hate Antichrist. So that though a Man may declaim against naked Villany with the severest Invectives, yet it seems we must flatter Hypocrisie, though it enhanse the foulness of the Crime, by the falshood of its Pretences. And because 'tis bold and shameless, we must suffer it to look Truth out of Countenance. 'Tis an holy and a precise Man, and it looks demurely, and then what if he be sawcy to his Superiours? what if he scorn and trample upon his Betters? what if he be peevish and impatient of Contradiction? what if [Page] every Affront transport him into all the Disorders of Passion and Revenge? and what if he shrowd Pride and Insolence under the covering of a sheepish Humility? We must not presume to discern the clearest Symptoms and most palpable Indications of these Vices in such an eminent Professour, but must wipe off all his blemishes with a few soft and gentle Words: alas, Good Man! they are but the Infirmities and Indiscretions of his Zeal, and the spots of the best of Gods People. Nay, what if we should observe melting, humble, broken-hearted Christians to affect a demure and sanctimonious Niceness, thereby to gain advantage and reputation to their black Designs? What if they have abused the most sacred Oaths and Protestations, to cheat the Simple, and betray the Innocent? What if they pretend the instigation of the Spirit of God, to Authorize the foulness of their Enterprizes? What if they make shew of higher attainments of Mortification, to gain the handsomer opportunities of wallowing in the most beastly and dishonourable Impurities? What if in their practices they bid open defiance to all the Principles of Justice and Conscience; and under pretences of [Page] holy Zeal, dare to act those Villanies at which a Wicked Man would startle and recoil? We must needs suppose these Infirmities to be easily incident to Good Men; and when they break Oaths, rob Temples, and murther Kings, 'tis but an oversight of Zeal; and what sweet and precious Communion may they enjoy with God in the midst of Murthers, Treasons and Massacres? And to describe their Wickedness, and to call them Villanies, is reviling and intemperate Language. And thus can they do their business, as they please, by an ugly Word. Their Followers understand nothing of the Truth and Nature of things, but are acted purely by the Power of Words; and judge of the good or evil of Actions by the Titles that their Masters give them. And if they will but call a true Accusation a foul Slander, 'tis no matter for clearing their own Innocence, that is enough to wash off any aspersions whatsoever; and all the Evidence and Demonstration of Proof, is too little to bear out the Truth of the Indictment against the Authority of their Not Guilty.

§. 19. The Truth is, all things have two Names as well as two Handles, a [Page] Black one that they always fasten upon us, and a White one that they ever appropriate to themselves; and thus what in them is Godly Zeal, is in us Malice and Persecution; what in them is sanctified Wit, is in us Prophaneness and Scurrility; and what in them is Tenderness of Conscience, is in us Superstition. When they are peevish and censorious, they are onely offended and scandalized; and when they are cruel and unmerciful to dissenting Brethren, they are then zealous for God and his Truth. But do we expose the Follies of their Divinity with any briskness of Reason? that is Arrogance. Do we upbraid the Impostures of their Superstition with any sharpness of Wit? that is Prophaneness. Do we demonstrate any of their Notions of Practical Godliness to be giddy and unwarrantable Conceits? that is to blaspheme the Influences of the Divine Spirit. Do we but press People to an Imitation of the Life of Christ? that is enough to brand us for Socinians. Do we urge the absolute necessity of Good Works, or an Holy Life, (for that is the same thing) as an indispensable Condition of our acceptance with God? what can we be but Papists? And do we assert the practice of [Page] Morality to be the great and most essential Design of Religion? we are Heathen Philosophers, and preach Plato and Seneca, and our selves, but not Iesus Christ. And thus can they with ease countermine all our Endeavours, to disabuse the People by a few odious Names, and blast and deform the most rational Discourses, onely by crying out Railings, Revilings, Scoffings, despightful Reproaches, Sarcasms, scornful contemptuous Expressions, false Criminations. But if to rail be to assault with foul Language and reproachful Nick-names, in stead of true Wit and Reason, what think they of themselves, who when they are demanded to give a Rational Account of their Outrage against the Government, and Discipline of our Church, onely inveigh against it in rude and unmannerly Phrases, and manage the Quarrel by calling Names? and in stead of propounding modest Exceptions, stuff their Pamphlets with boisterous Words and unclean Invectives, and familiarly salute us with the cleanly Titles of Locusts of the Bottomless Pit, The Limbs of Antichrist, Baal's Priests, Romish Wolves and Foxes, Belzebub of Canterbury, Antichristian Beasts, Bishops of the Devil; with innumerable others of the same generous strain. In this sort of Eloquence [Page] our Adversaries have ever been the most able and most accomplish't Oratours in the World. How infinitely have they excelled all the Wits of former Ages in this Noble, but neglected Art? and with what success have they improved and cultivated this Field from the good days of Queen Elizabeth down to our own? No Age nor Nation in the World can vie with ours for these Beauties of Stile and Embellishments of Speech. And I could name a Friend of his and mine that abounds as much with these Flowers as the bravest Oratour of the Party: but I suppose I need not recal to his memory some Sermons as plentifully adorn'd with these foul-mouthed Flourishes, as any Pamphlets of the rudest Zealot in the pack. Let them discover any such uncleannesses in my Book, and then let them impose any Penance, and I will promise to undergo it, though it were to write a Panegyrick in praise of the Good Nature of the Presbyterians, and the Sincerity of the Independents. But, alas! they will never descry any thing there like foul Language, unless cleanly words may be defiled by expressing foul things. 'Tis not any bitterness of expression that afflicts them, but the sharpness [Page] of Truth, and that is a biting thing indeed. They are gaul'd with the Evidence of Conviction, and whilst I rub their sore (and therefore tender) Consciences, that and onely that makes them fret with such impatience at the Liberty of my Reproof.

But to dispatch: You (Sir) are privy to the secrets of my Soul, and can bear testimony to the integrity of my Intentions: How oft have I discoursed to you, that as deeply as I adore our blessed Saviour upon the score both of his being the Son of God, and the Redeemer of the World, yet methinks my Devotion is never more passionate and transporting, then when it muses upon the Goodness of his Laws: Laws so excellent, that their own Goodness might be their own Eternal Obligation: Laws becoming the Wisdom of God, and agreeable to the Reason of Man: that purifie our Minds, refine our Natures, and perfect our Understandings: Laws that bind us to the Heavenly Pleasures of Love, Innocence and Charity; that restrain every thing that disturbs the quiet of the World, and the peace of Society, and that command nothing but what is useful and rational, and conducive to the happiness of Mankind: [Page] Laws of Meekness and Justice, Mercy and Patience, Contentedness and Pity, Kindness, Obedience and Humility. And now if the Gospel be an Institution so pregnant with Vertue, and Wisdom and Holiness, how can any Man that is tender of his Saviours Reputation, tamely suffer these brain-sick People to debauch the Divine Wisdom of his Religion with childish and trifling Follies? And to represent the design of Christianity in so odde a guise, as to suit it chiefly to the Conceptions of Children, and inclinations of old Women, and make it most agreeable to weak Reasons, soft Spirits, and little Understandings? And how can any Man that is enamour'd of the Beauty of real Goodness, think any Satyrs too rough for such bold Impostors, as make it a Mask for Pharisaick Hypocrisie, and stave off their Proselytes from the practice of real Righteousness, by amusing their little Understandings with trifling and unprofitable Gayeties? That employ a seeming Godliness to supplant all that is real, and oppose all the great ends and designs of Religion, under more gorgeous Pretences to advance them; and are not onely content to exchange the Reality and Substance of true Goodness [Page] for its Varnish and Colours, but have been so untoward as to contrive a seeming and hypocritical Sanctity, that does not more counterfeit then oppose true Holiness: in brief, choaking all the most beautiful Graces of Christianity, by over-running them with rank and noisom Impostures. Now if these things are so, who can charge the utmost severity of Expression with intemperance of Speech? And that they are so, if I have not sufficiently proved it already, I shall have occasion to enforce its Evidence by some too clear and convictive Proofs in the sequel of this Discourse. And therefore 'tis but a vain thing to make loud and tragical Complaints of railing and intemperate Speeches, unless they had first discover'd that there is not truth enough in my Accusations to warrant the sharpest and most vehement Expressions. I have not thrown out hard words at all adventure, nor confuted the Cause by giving bad Language, (as 'tis some Mens custom to stick an Odious Name upon an Adversary, and then he is baffled:) No, I first endeavoured to convict them by Evidence of Reason, and after that to reprove their Errour; and if they resolved to continue obstinate, to upbraid their peevishness with some [Page] sharpness of Expression. And if Men will not distinguish between Railing and sharp Reproofs, there is no remedy but the best and wisest Persons of all Ages must pass for the greatest Railers. And so far am I from recanting my severity towards them, that I am rather tempted to applaud it by the glorious Examples of the greatest Wits of our Nation, King Iames, Archbishop Whitgift, Archbishop Bancroft, Bishop Andrews, Bishop Bilson, Bishop Mountagne, Bishop Bramhall, Sir Walter Rawleigh, Lord Bacon, &c. And what can you imagine more hateful to such wise Men as these, then to see mean People borrow the Face of Religion to make them bold and impudent against Government? In short, I could name some Persons so vile and abominable, that 'tis not in the power of Slander to abuse them; and there is a Faction of Saints in the World, whose Villanies and Falshoods and Perjuries are so utterly destitute of excuse or palliation, that no History of any Age or Nation can afford us the like impudent and execrable Examples of Baseness and Hypocrisie. And therefore let not the living man complain, &c.

§. 20. 3. Another pregnant and serviceable [Page] Topick of Argumentation, is to load his Adversary with Consequences of Atheism, Popery, and Mahumetanism; though, for any Reason I have given him, he might as plausibly have charged me of Magick or Necromancy, or (what perhaps may seem more monstrous) of Fanaticism. But this is one of the most elegant Idiotisms of their Language, and most powerful Figures of their Logick; whatsoever they touch is immediately turn'd into Atheism; they can wring this Conclusion out of all Premises, as they can draw some Doctrines out of all Texts. 'Tis an odious Inference, and then 'tis no matter for its Truth and Coherence; a wide Mouth and a bold Face shall make good the Charge; and what they want of Rational Deduction, is easily supplyed by Noise and Confidence. Their Followers (they know) never examine things by the Rules of Reason and Discourse; put but an ugly Consequence into their Mouths, and they swallow it with a glibber satisfaction then the purest and most refined Reasonings, and peremptorily conclude you guilty of all the horrid Tenets and Assertions that their Leaders will throw upon you. And there lies all their strength, in the Ignorance and Credulity [Page] of the Multitude: Instances of this nature are innumerable, their great Anak of Disputation I. O. (to mention no more) never commenced a Dispute against any Perswasion, but he immediately brought the Controversie to this issue. He cannot Arraign the Lords Prayer it self, but Atheism and Blasphemy must into the Indictment, The asserting that Form of Words (says he) confirms many in their Atheistical Blaspheming of the Holy Spirit of God, and his Grace, in the Prayers of his People. And when some Learned Men of the Church of England publish't the Biblia Polyglotta, the chief Contriver of that Noble Work writes some Prolegomena suitable to the nature and design of the Undertaking; especially to defend and assert the Certainty, Integrity and Divine Authority of the Original Texts: but among other Discourses, (he happens to assert the Novelty of the Hebrew Punctation, (an Opinion own'd by the concurrent suffrage of almost all the best skill'd in the Hebrew and Oriental Learning) and to acknowledge various Readings in the Original Text; and lastly, to prove that to be no way prejudicial to their Purity and Integrity. Now with what outragious Declamations does I. O. [Page] set upon these harmless Assertions? and with what foul-mouthed Crys and Consequences does he pursue them? and what an horrid Noise do we hear of Atheism, Atheism, Atheism? We are told of a new Plot or design amongst Protestants after they are come out of Rome,V. Doctor Walton's Considerator con [...]id. pag. 1. a design which they dare not publickly own, p. 329. The Leprosie of Papists crying down the Original Texts, is broken forth among Protestants, with what design, to what end or purpose, he knows not, God knows, and the day will manifest, Epist. p. 14. That this design is own'd in the Prolegomena to the Bible, and in the Appendix; that they Print the Original and defame it, gathering up Translations of all sorts, and setting them up in competition with it, Epist. p. 9. That they take away all certainty in and about sacred Truth, Epist. p. 25. That there is nothing left unto men, but to chuse whether they will turn Papists or Atheists, Epist. p. 9. That there are gross Corruptions befaln the Originals, which by the help of Old Translations, and by Conjectures, may be found out and corrected, p. 205. As pernicious a Principle as ever was fixed upon since the Foundation of the Church of Christ, Epist. p. 21. That it is the Foundation of Mahumetanism, the chiefest and principal prop of Popery, the onely pretence of Fanatical Antiscripturists, and the root of much hidden Atheism[Page]in the World, p. 147. That he fears, The pretended infallible Iudge, or the depth of Atheism lies at the door of these Considerations, p. 161. That they are enough to frighten unstable Souls into the arms of an infallible Guide, p. 169. That (setting aside two Theses) there is no Opinion ventilated among Christians, tending to the depression of the Worth, and impairing the Esteem of the Hebrew Copies, which is not directly, or by just consequence own'd in these Prolegomena, p. 205. All these black Charges must be set off with Shrieks and Tragical Exclamations of dreadful distemper which may well prove mortal to the truth of the Scripture, p. 314. Of horrible and outragious Violence offer'd to the sacred Verity, p. 315. That men take upon them to correct the Scripture, p. 344. To correct the Word of God, p. 180. And all these prodigious and unparallel'd Reproaches he is not ashamed to pour forth with a profession of all Christian candour and moderation of spirit, p. 151. 'Tis a wide and frightful Gulf that lies between his Adversaries Premises and his own Conclusions; but yet, so well is his Confidence mounted, that cannot scare him from often leaping it: 'Tis the way and spirit of the Man, and he does it by custom and by instinct: Nothing more frequent and more familiar in all his [Page] Writings, then these horrid Consequences in behalf of Papists, Atheists, Antiscripturists and Mahumetans. And I could produce out of a certain Author, (that may be guessed at) a large Catalogue of the same odious Inferences charged upon any Man that can be so blind or so prophane as but to doubt whether the success of the Rump Parliament, the Murther of the late King, the defeat of his present Majesty at Worcester, were not special and extraordinary Projects of Divine Providence for carrying on the Kingdom of the Lord Christ. But I will not be too unmerciful, though such dirty and dishonest Arts can never be exposed with too much severity. However, provided for the future they will take warning to forbear such black practices, from me they shall hear no more of them: but if they will not, let them thank themselves for what may follow; for we must not suffer them to abuse the people with such coarse and wretched Juglings.

§. 21. 4. Another way of trifling, is upon every occasion to drop in some Learned Shreds of Latin, and Scholarlike Sayings of ancient Poets and Philosophers. And had they been collected [Page] out of their Original Authors, what a notable Proof had he given the World of his Encyclopediacal Reading? However, methinks 'tis pretty to observe with what neatness of fancy he sets off his own confused and indigested Rubbish, by besprinkling it with these little Fragments of Wit and Poetry, as in some places you have seen them adorn their Mud-walls with bits of any thing that shines and glisters. But though this trifling Artifice might have passed for Wit and Learning in the days of Queen Elizabeth, and may now perhaps dazzle and amuse unlearned People; yet to Men of Learning, Reading and Ingenuity, (to whom our Author writes) their Vulgar Use has sullied their Lustre, and abated their Value: so common are they in Modern Controversies to the same or the like purposes of Wit; and so few do I meet with in our Author, that are not scatter'd up and down in the Polemick Rancounters of I. O. (and indeed he seems wonderfully conversant in the Writings of that Learned Man, not onely by his See-saws, but his Stile, his Phrases, and his Arguments:) so that whatsoever shew of Learning these pedantick Impertinences may make among the Dames and the Prentices, yet (I say) to [Page] his Men of Reading that can trace him, they will bring him under suspicion of filching other Mens Wit; so little will they add to the Reputation of his own. Nay, such a Magazine is there of these Weapons in the Polyanthea, that they will not so much as tempt the wonder of School-boys, that are familiarly furnish't with choice and variety of them out of the Original and Classical Books themselves; and therefore to them and to our Author I shall leave these Learned Trifles, and yield the Victory at these Childish Follies. And whereas pag. 8, 9. he bobs my Confidence with a Trite and Reverend Apophthegm out of old Aristotle, That Bearded Men are cautious, but Beardless Boys are confident, should I nick him with a Repartee of as grave a Saying out of as grave an Author, [...],Thucydid. [...] Ignorance is bold and peremptory, whilst Knowledge is modest and distrustful; and then gloss and expatiate upon my Theme as solemnly as he has done upon his, would not this (think you) wonderfully edifie the Reader, and determine the Controversie? And to conclude, can you forbear to smile when you hear a Grave Divine, and one that writes himself D. D. defie all Men of Learning, [Page]Reading and Ingenuity, to cap Verses? for in truth this pelting Sentences is scarce a more manly or a more Scholastick Exercise, then that Olympick Sport of Country-Schools.

§. 25. Another little Stratagem he often suggests to defeat Arguments and delude the People, is to ascribe all the Appearances of Reason that seem to sparkle in my Discourse, to the Elegance of its Stile and its Composure: for he is willing to allow it all the Perfections of Beauty, so it may but want strength and sinews, and let it be any thing, if it be not rational; and then how smoothly does this Censure pass among the People, who make the same Judgment of Reason as they do of Gospel-Preaching, and value it by its dullness and want of Fancy? So that if we set off the severest Reasonings with any gloss and Ornament of Speech, they are taught to call it Juvenile Rhetorick and Declamation; and we can never make them understand or (what is more difficult) acknowledge the reasonableness of any Discourse, if we set down our Thoughts in any other Scheme of Expression beside Syllogisms in Barbara; otherwise if we write with all [Page] the Power and Demonstration of Reason, 'tis but calling it a Rhetorical Declamation, and then 'tis cashier'd and slighted. But as for my own way of Writing, I confess Men of greater Fancies would have discoursed of my subject with more quickness of Wit, and Men of better Judgments with more closeness of Reason: but I have followed the humour of my own Genius; and have so endeavour'd to be rational, as not to be flat; and so to be fanciful, as not to be impertinent; not leaving the Coherence of my Matter to run after a witty Conceit, nor so stubbornly avoiding all Ornament of Speech, as not to cloath my Matter in some Elegancy of Expression: And as I have not used Resemblances in stead of Arguments, (though I know who has) so neither have I refused to set off Arguments with Allusions; but have ventur'd sometimes to express them by borrowed and allusive terms, where it might be done without hazarding the strength or the perspicuity of the Discourse. I have no where played with Phrases, nor argued from Metaphors and Similitudes; and if any of my Words may happen to be fine, they are none of them empty; and the most pompous and lofty Expressions contain [Page] under them Notion, and Thing enough to fill out their Sense, and warrant their Truth. A multitude of Evil Touches, and less important Intimations, I must both forgive and omit, as well to avoid the suspicion of being too unmerciful, as the inconvenience of being too tedious: Nay, to what a Voluminous Bulk must I swell, should I specifie all the more weighty and unexcusable Miscarriages, and reckon up all his palpable Untruths, affected Calumnies, labour'd Falsifications, studied Mis-understandings, shameless Impertinencies, ridiculous Evasions, numberless Tautologies, and infinite Repetitions? together with his frequent Challenges, Appeals to Heaven and the Day of Judgment, denouncing Woes, and letting flie Threatnings of the Divine Wrath and Vengeance, with innumerable other Tricks of shuffling and bold impertinency. In short, when I first perused this Reply, (if I may give it so fair a Name) I ran it over with equal Wonder and Satisfaction; with Wonder at the boldness of the Man, that blush't not to impose upon the Publick, as well as upon my self, with such an heap of foul and notorious Falsifications: With Satisfaction, when I consider'd whoever undertakes [Page] to contradict the evidence of that Truth I had pleaded for, must first do violence both to his Reason and to his Conscience, (for you will meet with some Forgeries so palpable, that Inadvertency can never excuse them:) And it confirm'd me in the Reasonableness of my Opinion, when I saw Men were forced to pervert and falsifie its plain meaning, before they could pretend its Confutation. Prodigious Instances of this kind you will meet with in the sequel of this Discourse, when I proceed to more particular Remarks; to which Work 'tis high time to address my self. And I shall first begin with his Review of my Preface.

CHAP. II.

[Page]

The Contents.

THe Vanity of our Authors Pretence of the Reluctancy of his Writing. The Arrogance of his Boast of making Books at Idle Hours. The Vanity of their Way of Preaching. Our Author challenged to justifie the Sermons of J. O. His Seditious Way of Preaching. A Character of the Pedling Theologues and Preachers among the Nonconformists. Their main Artifice lies in tampering with the Female Sex. The Learning of the Episcopal Clergy vindicated from the insolent Censure of J. O. The silliness of his own solid and profound Divinity. The Divines of the Church of England vindicated from our Authors malicious Suggestions. The unjust Grounds of his and his Brethrens Slanders and Calumnies discovered. Their Way of blasting their Adversaries with oblique and ugly Insinuations. Our Authors [Page] Disingenuity in attempting to defame me upon occasion of my Satyr against Atheism. My Remark upon our Saviours behaviour in the Temple, vindicated against his Charge of Irreverence. And proved, That it was out of the Court of the Gentiles, not of the Jews, that he whipt the Buyers and Sellers. Our Authors shift to discharge themselves of the Friendly Debate. His confident way of trifling in answering Arguments with May-be's. What mischief those Men do to Religion, by feeding People with their Nonsense and empty Phrases. The Cowardise of their Demands of Personal Conferences. The Insolence and Impertinency of our Authors Suggestion against the Immorality of our Clergy. The onely Crimes we charge them with, are such as they esteem Gospel-Mysteries. The Vanity of our Authors Comparison between the Friendly Debate, and the Comedies of Aristophanes. Socrates no Independent. The Pride and Hypocrisie of the Nonconformists Confessions in their Prayers. This discovered by their appropriating to themselves all the Titles of Godliness, upon the score of this counterfeit Humility. Their Arrogance particularly proved out of the Writings of J. O. I reproach them not with the deep sense of their sins, but with their irksom dissimulation. Our Authors excuse, [Page] that their Confessions have chiefly a respect to the pravity of their Natures, exploded. The Precedents of St. Paul, Ezra, Daniel and David, unduly alledged by our Author. The utter unacquaintance with the deceitfulness of my own Heart, confessed. 'Tis presumption for an habitual sinner to expect the pardon of his sins. The pretence of Ministers being the Mouths of the Congregation, cashier'd. The sad Influence that their Prodigal Confessions have upon the Lives of their Followers.

§. 1. THe first considerable passage we meet with, after his first unfortunate sally, (of which you have heard already) is the Account he gives us of his Humour and his Undertaking, how he prevail'd with himself, Pag. 4. much against his Inclinations, to spend a few hours in the Examination of the principal parts and seeming Pillars of my whole Fabrick. I shall not mind him of the uncouthness of his Language, (though if it were consider'd, it will be found that to examine a Pillar, is scarce more proper English then to explicate a Post) but shall onely observe, that some Men are so accustomed to Hypocrisie, that they dissemble when they least design it; [Page] and this trifling Pretence is now grown so familiar with this trifling Man, that it thrusts its self in of course, and challenges a place in all his Writings by the right and title of Prescription; and though he has served himself so often of it in all his former Squabbles, yet he can no more forbear to mention this Apology, then he can to need it. But methinks 'tis strange this cold and watry Elf should survive thus long out of its proper Element; and had it been a Salamander born, it could not have better endured the heats of Contention: And yet methinks 'tis more prodigious still, that a Man should do perpetual violence to the most puissant bent of his own Inclinations, and for ever doom himself to irksom and unpleasant Employments. Had he been possest by the Spirit of Scribbling and Contention, he could not have been more pragmatical in his medlings with other Mens Writings, then he has ever been, without any other provocation then that of his own petulant Humour. And is it not pleasant to see him excuse himself of unkindness to his own temper, by forcing it to such unagreeable Undertakings, when he is the known and common Barreter of the Age he lives in? He falls foul upon every [Page] Book he meets with; and there is scarce an Author that can escape the disgrace of his publick Censure and Correction; and what Motto could have better suited him, then that wherewith he has flourish't and adorned his Title Page, Sed sumpsimus Arma? 'Tis pity he should have borrowed a Bush so proper to his purpose from another Mans Door. But had this Mighty Hero sought opportunities of Chivalry abroad, and ranged the World in quest of Adventures, (though all places were still as full of Giants and Enchantments as they were in the Age of Barbarism and Romances) he could not have encounter'd more Difficulties and Exploits then he has engaged upon at home. And if he have forced himself upon this trouble with reluctancy and violence to his Humour, what havock had he made, had his Stars destined him to this Heroick Employment? How might he have scowr'd the World, as once Theseus did? How might his Immortal Pen have clear'd the Age of the pest of Writers, as Herc' les Club did Greece of Thieves and Robbers? He might ere this time have ransackt and confuted all the Libraries in Europe, and out-done the Goths and Vandals in the Destruction of Books. But length of time [Page] and continual use have worn this counterfeit pretence so lamentably thin, that in stead of shrowding his Vanity, it onely serves to betray and discover it; and therefore hereafter I would advise him, either to write less, or to write with less regret, and not to imagine the World so silly, as to be perswaded that a Man, that has such an Antipathy to Writing as he pretends, should be so prodigal of his Ink as he is. But the truth is, Men that have the Itch, as they are ashamed to own it, so they cannot forbear upon all occasions to discover it.

But however, this Book, as he informs us, was finished and dictated at a few Idle Hours. I beseech you, Good Sir, will this Mans bashfulness never leave him? Will he suffer his youthful shamefacedness to overwhelm him in his old Age? Did you ever read a greater strain of Modesty and Humility? What a mean Opinion has this Weak Nothing of his Parts and Learning, that can think the rash and immature Products of his Idle Hours, fit to present, if not to oblige the Publick? With what want of Confidence does he presume upon the World, to expect its acceptance of all his crude and undigested Thoughts? And 'tis no boldness in him [Page] to thrust upon the Publick View every rash and precipitate Conceit that thrusts it self upon his wandring Fancy. But this Man does not always consider what he says; he has contracted acquaintance with certain Schemes of Speech, that stand always ready at his service, and he brags and dissembles by rote; and this Vaunt of the Vigour and Pregnancy of his Wit, is as familiar with him in all his Writings, as the excuse of his Reluctancy; and he scarce ever Pen'd or Publish't any thing, but with mighty speed and mighty remorse. But this Information he might well enough have spared; his imperfect and unlick't Notions are themselves evidence enough of their own overhasty Birth and Conception; and all he gains by this pedantick Boast, is to give in clear proof of his Pride, but none at all of his Sufficiency: for no Man that is not fool'd with a darling Opinion of his own Abilities, could ever have abused himself with so dear and fond a Conceit of his own hasty and fortuitous thoughts. And perhaps his bold Attempt upon the Biblia Polyglottae, was scarce a stronger Essay of Confidence, when he takes upon him to chastise Persons that had given such a publick and unparallel'd proof of a [Page] thorough Insight into that kind of Learning,Pag. 150. with a brisk Confession of his own superficial Skill and Knowledge. Tell me a more becoming Instance of Modesty, then for a smattering Sciolist to censure and provoke even Rabbies of the greatest fame and deepest skill. And therefore you have no reason hereafter to wonder at such fulsom Intimations of self-conceitedness; especially if you consider, that when Confidence grows old, it is changed into something more Monstrous, and the Serpent becomes a Dragon.

§. 2. But to leave him to his own darling Self, and proceed to his Book, where you shall find my Account of their way of Preaching to be the first Object of his Indignation.Pag. 18, 19, 20, 21, 22. Upon this they principally value themselves, and for this he is desirous they should be principally maligned by others; though it must needs be a pitiful low and creeping Envy that fastens upon an Object so mean and despicable: And for my own part, I could name some Popular Oratours, that are as often as the most eloquent Clack of the Party, surrounded with crowding and numerous Congregations, the dexterity of whose Talk would sooner tempt my Envy, then [Page] their loose and ranging Preachments; the main knackishness whereof, as far as I could ever observe in their printed Sermons, consists in their surprising Extravagance and Impertinency: A thousand Instances of this nature might be produced out of a Treatise publish't by I. O. concerning the Saints distinct Communion with the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost: i. e. as he accurately explains himself,Chap. 2. Sect. 1. Distinctly with the Father, distinctly with the Son, and distinctly with the Holy Ghost: though by the way, this doubty Explication can do no great service towards the unfolding of this great Mystery: for to enjoy Communion distinctly with each Person of the blessed Trinity, is not much more intelligible then to enjoy distinct Communion with them; and (by reason of its Resemblance to it) calls to my mind a Direction prescribed elsewhere by the same Author for carrying on the Work of Watching, viz. To be always awake; it being a certain and undoubted Truth,Of Tempt. p. 134. That no Man can watch whilst he is asleep: But little absurdities start up so thick in my way, that they divert me from my main quest; and therefore let me onely desire you to consult the forementioned Treatise, and then tell me [Page] whether some of them have not acquired a notable knack at spoiling the Scriptures, and fooling with the Divine Oracles. And what else can be expected from the design and nature of the Discourse it self, that endeavours to make out such a nice and Metaphysical Devotion? But here his Zeal burns and kindles, and vents its self in an unusual heat and vehemence of Declamation, though all the Noise of three or four Pages amounts to no more, then barely to tell the Reader that I am not able to prove the Charge, and to Challenge me and all my Associates to make it good before any equal, competent, and impartial Tribunal under Heaven. But the passage he inveighs against, is transposed out of the second Chapter of my Book, and therefore shall in its proper place be justified to purpose: for there you shall meet with all the same stuff again, according to his method, though (as himself professes) contrary to his design, Pag. 117. in haste oftentimes speaking the same things over and over. But in the mean while to give some check to this boldness, I accept his Challenge, and defie him to a defence of the printed Sermons of I. O. which if he dares undertake, I will engage to give in such an [Page] Evidence against them, as shall infinitely make out and exceed the particulars of my Charge. And though he think not himself obliged to justifie every individual Person, yet perhaps by reason of his Relation to, and Concernment for that Author, this Challenge may bring him under an absolute Engagement to that Performance. Is it not strange to see Men that are so obnoxious, to be so confident? But if by their importunity they will force and provoke us to expose their shame and folly, they have reason to charge the blame upon nothing but their own rashness and presumption. And yet so far is this or any of his other Brags from being any real Transports of Courage and Resolution, that nothing could more palpably have betrayed his Vanity and his Cowardize. 'Tis, you know, the Humour and the true Character of a Coward, when there is no Danger or Enemy near, then he insults, he threatens, he defies, he triumphs, he is all rage and fierceness, he breathes nothing but Slaughter and Destruction, and talks not under the rate of his Thousands and his Ten Thousands: But if an Enemy approach, and an Engagement be offered, 'tis not then so utterly impossible to perswade [Page] the Man, you need not use violence to make him attend to calm and sober Counsel, he is not deaf to all advice, but can hear Reason and his Friends; and then if you press upon him, and upbraid him with his own Vaunts, his Rage immediately begins to cool and vanish, his Heart melts and dissolves, his Spirits retire, his Colour alters, and all the Coward can do, is to look pale and tremble. And such is the defiance of our Author; he looks big, & he threatens high; he will not endure our Affronts and Insolences, but is resolved to redress those Wrongs, and avenge those Indignities we have offer'd to the Nonconformists, and nothing will appease his Rage, but Blood and Destruction: Come forth you and all your Associates, and if you dare be so hardy, prove your force against me before any Tribunal under Heaven; for I am resolved to chastise your Insolences, and make you see the folly and the danger of your Undertakings. Now who (think you) can withstand all this Rage and Fury? We must flie and disperse as the defenceless Flock of Sheep did before the Zeal and the Sword of the Phrenetick Knight: for who dares to resist so steel'd a Courage? and that so whet with Provocation, [Page] and so eager upon Revenge? And yet if you will bear up a little bravely to him, and with a brisk and undaunted look accept his Challenge, and dare him to stand to his own defiance, the Man will quickly begin to treat and consider, he will bridle his Rage, and appease his Fierceness; for his part he means no harm, he is a good-natur'd Man, and is willing to live peaceably;Pag. 178. he neither desires nor designs Serram reciprocare, (as our Author Classically expresses himself) or to engage in any Controversial Discourse with you: And do but press and pursue him to stand to his own Challenge, he slinks out of the Field, and is vanquish't without danger and expence of Blood. This, assure your self, will be the undoubted Event of my closing in with his own motion; and though I once more upbraid him with his own Summons, and dare him to his own Defence, be confident you shall never hear more of him: for as stout as he is, he will never be so rash as to expose himself at so great a disadvantage. I say no more, he knows my meaning.

Pag. 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60.§. 3. And whereas, that he may for ever dash this Reproach of mine out of Countenance, he gives in a large Catalogue [Page] of harmless and useful Arguments, upon which they are wont to treat in their Sermons, that concerns not our Charge; though as they order their Theology, we tax them for defeating the efficacy of their own Doctrines, by their own unwarrantable Additions, and mixing such Propositions with the Precepts of the Gospel, as sadly enervate, or utterly evacuate all their Obligation to a holy and a vertuous Life. But this Controversie is not to be managed in Prefaces, and as well requires as it deserves a Volume: And therefore in answer to all that lurry of words, I shall at present onely mind him, that his Systeme of Preaching Divinity, is vastly more lame and imperfect then my Scheme of Religion, and that he has supprest at least one entire Table of their Decalogue: for easie it were to recount as long a roll of Matters, that they insist on with as much zeal and lowdness, as upon any Theme that he has reckoned in his Catalogue, that are as little Countenanced in Holy Writ, as they are by Supreme Authority. Let our Author onely reflect upon some Discourses (that he knows of) concerning Divine Providence, and that will satisfie his Curiosity. What thinks he of Songs [Page] upon Sigionoth? What thinks he of a Vision (seen by himself) of Gods unchangeable Free Mercy, and uncontroulable Eternal Purpose in sending and continuing the Gospel unto this Nation, maugre all the Opposition of King and Bishops? What thinks he of accounting for the Equity of Gods Judgments, in recompencing the Sins of the King upon the People, because they that set him up may justly be called to answer for his Miscarriages, if by vertue of their retained Soveraignty, they do not restrain him in his provoking ways? What thinks he of the Lord Christs shaking and translating the Political Heights and Governments of the Western Nations, in order to the bringing in of his own peaceable Kingdom? What thinks he of ensuring Success to Cromwel's Army against their Soveraign, by dark passages out of the old Prophets? What thinks he of Good Principles becoming wicked and abominable, when taken up against the Providence of God? What thinks he of Monarchic Governments being a Jewish Ceremony, a part of their Pedagogy and Bondage, and abolish't by the coming of the Messiah? What thinks he of the Kings being a Son of Tabeal, i. e. one that would have usurpt [Page] the Crown without Right or Title? What thinks he of Gods hardning the late Kings Heart, to carry on the Mighty Work of a Thorough Reformation; and of laying stubbornness and obdurateness upon his Spirit, to preserve us from ruine and final destruction? In brief, What thinks he of the Advantage of the Kingdom of Christ, in the shaking of the Kingdoms of the World? or Providential Alterations in their subserviency to Christ's Exaltation, applyed to his Majesties Defeat at Worcester? If such harmless Propositions as these were searched into, and displayed to the view of the World, it would soon be satisfied whether we have not just Reason to complain of their Doctrine. And yet so civil was I as to wink at such black Discourses; and it was upon the account of less odious Miscarriages that I taxt their Sermons, for corrupting and embasing Divinity, not for infecting his Majesties Subjects with Doctrines of Treason, and Principles of Rebellion: But if they will grow sullen under mild and more gentle Chastisements, they do but force us to take down their stomachs and their stubbornness by severer and more smarting Corrections.

[Page]§. 4. But as deeply as he resents my contemptuous account of their Preachings, yet he stomachs nothing more then that scorn I have reflected upon their Preachers. And this is a warm Provocation indeed, Touch the Mountains and they will smoke. Thus whereas Pag. 253. I charged the Guilt of all our Schismatical Ruptures upon the perverseness of about an hundred proud, ignorant, and seditious Preachers: he snaps me up with an hasty Inference, as if I had affirmed there were not above an hundred Preaching Ministers among the Nonconformists. But by his leave, are there not in this, as in all other Factions, some busie and pragmatical Incendiaries, that animate their Companions to seditious Attempts and Practices, that widen our Differences by their Frantick and outragious Zeal, that make Separation an indispensable Duty, and lead the People into an open Defection from the Church, and make all our Distractions incurable, by their sturdy and insolent Humour? The number of these hot Spirits is not great, and 'tis these onely to whom I ascribe the continuance of our Schisms and Subdivisions, and 'tis these onely against whom I would [Page] have the Laws particularly levelled; Severity upon them would quickly make the rest more cool and tractable; and 'tis well known how by the punishment of a few Ringleaders under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, the whole Faction was awed into a milder and more peaceable Deportment. The very face of Discipline is enough to dash those that are not so utterly Frantick, out of their Confidence; and but to shake the Publick Rods over them, will quickly scare them into better Obedience.

And what I have spoken contemptuously of their Preachers, as to their Ignorance and their Duncery, is applicable onely to these pert and busie Promoters of the Schism: Men of more Learning are more modest and peaceable; and though their Consciences and Mis-apprehensions of Things devest them of their Publick Employment, they do not immediately run themselves into open Separation, but submit to that Conformity that is requisite in private Christians; there being nothing required by our Church of such Persons, that can drive People of any Wit and Sobriety from our Publick Congregations; and therefore these Men quietly submit to their own Fate and the [Page] Laws, and are not such Wretches as to Fire an House to Roast their own Eggs, and embroil a Kingdom for their own petty Ends and Envies; and as for these, I love and honour their Integrity, and pity their unhappy Fate, in that they have brought themselves into such a straight, as makes their private Interest inconsistent with Publick Peace. But besides these, there is a sort of Pedling Theologues, whose Ignorance onely makes them able Divines, who might have wanted Grace as well as their Contemporaries, had they not wanted Parts and Learning. It was Duncery and defect of Wit that qualified them with Ministerial Abilities; the Pulpit was their Refuge from the University, and they flee to the Altar onely to take Sanctuary against Scorn and Contempt. And 'tis pleasant to observe upon what shifts and artifices these empty Puffs are put to uphold the credit of their Sufficiency; and they never discover any thing of Wit and Ingenuity, but in their slights and stratagems to cover their Ignorance. None better skill'd in the management of Looks, or more dexterous in the command of solemn Face and judicious Forehead: They can so improve their defect [Page] of Knowledge, as to make it pass for depth of Judgment; and whatsoever part of Learning they understand not, they either despise as notional and unprofitable, or seem grave and reserved; and with Learned Shrug intimate something they can, but will not communicate; or give a sturdy and peremptory Determination of the matter in debate, and then the Decree is past, 'tis not to be disputed; they will carry the Ball away by Clamour and Confidence, and stand amazed if you will not admit what they know not how to prove. But if neither these, nor any of their other Tricks will relieve them, but that they are pursued so close, that they cannot escape your discovery, the last Refuge of their Folly is Scripture and Religion; they put on serious Brow, and fall into a fit of Preaching; and what Text so suitable to be abused to their purpose, as St. Pauls, I desire to know nothing but Iesus Christ, and him crucified? Like the Fox in the Fable, who having no Tail of his own, preach't against all Tails as deformed and burthensom Excrescencies. And thus do these Men become acquainted with the Workings of the Spirit, because they are not capable of understanding the Methods of [Page] Reason, and Laws of Argumentation; and they scorn to defend their Doctrine by Humane Learning; and but to oppose their Fables and ridiculous Falsities about the Mechanical Process of Regeneration, is to blaspheme the Spirit of Grace. And they will Rebuke all your Rational Arguments and Demonstrations with sawcy and pragmatical Reproofs; and in stead of replying to your Objections, will shake their Heads, and pity your Ignorance in the Mysteries of the Gospel; and then malapertly exhort you to beware of Pride and Carnal Reason, and preach the great danger of leaning too much on your own Understanding. And thus these bold Fellows, when they cannot out-argue, will out-face you: a thwacking Contradiction shall neither stagger nor astonish them; they will firmly stand their ground against all the dint of Argument; and by the assistance of the Spirit of God, maintain Conclusions in defiance to their Premises: Say what you will, prove what you can, demonstrate the incoherence of their Notions, and the wildness of their Conceits, they will foil all your Wit and Carnal Reason with a caution against vain Philosophy and Humane Learning, and a disdainful reflection upon [Page] the Natural Mans Ignorance in the things of the Spirit. And thus shall the Spirit of God be forced to vouch and patronize their Folly, the Divine Oracles shall be heapt together to cover their Ignorance, and they will guard their phantastick Impertinencies with abundance of Chapter and Verse; and if you offer to assault their Truth, they will beat you off with Volleys of Texts, and pour them so thick upon you, that you shall never be able to storm their Ignorance. But if you will not be out-pelted at Scripture, the next Specimen of their Learning is to refer you to some of their own Authors, (that have written to as wise purpose as themselves talk) and if at that Weapon you prove too hard for them, their last refuge is still Reverend Dullness, they look demurely, turn up the White, and shake the Head at your Prophaneness and Blasphemy. And then if you have any Grace or Modesty, you are obliged to blush and be silent. And if there be any Female Proselyte in company, (for such are the usual Associates of their Zeal and Conversation) she must outwardly pity, and inwardly scorn you: Alas, poor Man! this 'tis to be a stranger to the Workings of the Spirit of God, and to be ignorant of [Page] the Mysteries of the Covenant of Grace. What a vain thing is this Humane Learning without Grace, and the Teachings of the Spirit? How is this Man puft up with a conceit of his own Knowledge? and yet what a silly Wretch is it in the Mysteries of Religion? What strange Conceptions has the poor Soul of Regeneration, of the Spirit of Bondage, and the method of Conversion? Alas, poor Thing! he understands it no more then I do his Arabick or Algebra. What a comfortable Light have I, that am but an unlearned Idiot, in the most inward and experimental parts of the Mysteries of Godliness, by the Teachings of the Spirit, and precious Mr.—whilst a Vail of Darkness hides these gracious Comforts and Priviledges from the Eyes of this Natural Man. And thus they prostitute the Dignity of Religion to the Impertinencies of every Gossip, and uphold the Noise and seeming Interest of the Party, by the Zeal and Clamour of that Sex. Nothing so resolute as they at holding fast Conclusions; they will die Martyrs to their Truth, before they know their Premises; and if they once chance to fasten upon a Proposition, they will never quit their Hold while they have either Teeth or Tongue.

[Page]§. 5. And therefore it has in all Ages been the peculiar Artifice of such creeping Impostors, to tamper with the warmth and the weakness of that Sex. Wo unto you, ye Scribes and Pharisees, Hypocrites; for ye devour Widows houses, and for a pretence make long Prayers. Why Widows Houses more then any others? Why! because they had the management of their Estates at their own disposal, and so were more liable and likely to be cheated: but chiefly, because their sorrowful Spirits were more prone to Superstition and Melancholy Devotions, and so more apt to give good Entertainment to these demure and white-eyed Comforters. And St. Paul giving a personal Character of some Religious Juglers in his days, describes them to be such as creep into houses, and lead captive silly women, i. e. such as under great shews and pretences of Holiness, insinuate themselves into Wealthy Families; and by their plausible Arts and demure Pretensions, seduce the weaker Sex, that by reason of the feebleness of their Minds, and timorousness of their Consciences, are most apt to credit their sad and sorrowful Stories, and suffer themselves to be abused and led any way by these precise [Page] and Saint-like Pretenders, and (which is the main) to reward their pains with good Fees and good Meals. Neither are the foolish Women so easily taken by these holy Cheats, modest, sober and vertuous, but they are wicked as well as silly, laden with many lusts and vices, such as are willing to reconcile their passions and lustful desires with a state of Religion, and under its vizor to maintain their pride, their peevishness and their wantonness. And the more handsomly to delude such silly Wretches, these Gospel-Pharisees are ever canting to them in empty and senseless forms of Speech, and stuff their Memories with a set of insignificant and unintelligible Phrases, that they may know how to prate perpetually of Religion, without knowing any thing of its true Nature and Efficacy; and all the fruit of their much Hearing, is much Talking; and (as I once heard it observed in the Pulpit) 'tis their highest emprovement to be able to gossip in the Language of St. Paul. By these and such like little Arts, they decoy in Female Proselytes to their Party; and 'tis their onely Master-piece to inveigle their hot and eager Spirits: An Artifice that any Sot may manage, that can but whine and [Page] flatter. 'Tis such Mountebanks as these, that are the great Apostles of the Cause, and whom I branded with the Marks of Pride, Ignorance and Sedition. How my Character suits with their Humour, I must leave to your own Experience and Observation; though I could give you in a sufficient Catalogue of some of their most famous Preachers, and choicest Wits, that you would deem better qualified to plant Tobacco, then to propagate the Gospel. The greatest Idols of the People would have a mighty Resemblance to that hated one of Bell, that as the Story tells us, was Brass without, and Lead within, were it not that they want no assistance to devour their own Sacrifices. And now who can endure not onely to hear such Idiots to talk, as if they were infallible, but to set up their Standard, and display their Colours in defiance to all the Wisdom of Government, and the Authority of Laws? You see I never upbraided them with their meer Ignorance, it was their Pride and their Insolence that I laid open to Publick Severity; would they learn to be humble and submissive, and be sensible of their own Folly and Ignorance, and would not every Mas Iohn set up for a Patriarch, we [Page] would never expose them for their weakness and simplicity: but when they will combat Government, affront the Decrees of Princes, trample upon all Publick Constitutions, and oppose their own singular Conceits to the Prescription of Ages, and the Consent of People; when they will not yield up so much as a Metaphysical Speculation to the will of their Prince, and peace of their Country; and when all the Laws and Fundamental Rules of Government must be subverted, rather then the least of their Sentiments shall be reversed: in brief, when their Folly must prescribe to the Wisdom of Mankind, is it not time, think you, to take down their Stomachs, and to expose their Ignorance to the Publick Scorn, and their Insolence to the Publick Rods?

§. 6. But suppose my Censure of their Ignorance and defect of Learning, had aimed at their chiefest Rabbies, and their deepest Clerks, I could have justified my self by some great Examples of his own Fraternity, (where a Man can scarce ever want Authentick Presidents for any sort of Rudeness and Ill-manners.) Particularly what thinks he of his Friend I. O. who giving a Character of the Episcopal [Page] Clergy, beside Tyranny, Persecution, and a rank hatred of all Godliness, adds,Sermon to the Parl. April 29. 1646. pag. 30. A false Repute of Learning, I say, A false Repute for the greater part, especially of the Greatest; and yet taking Advantages of Vulgar Esteem, they bear out as though they had engrossed a Monopoly of it; though I presume the World was never deceived by more empty Pretenders, especially in respect of any solid Knowledge in Divinity or Antiquity? Goodly! How does this Modest Censure of the greatest Prelates that ever flourish't in the Church of England, become the State and Grandeur of the Vicar of Coggeshal? What empty and shallow Pretenders to Knowledge were Archbishop Laud, and all his Favourites, if compared to this unfledged Curate? And to what an heighth of Confidence was the young Sizer perk't with the success of his Rumford-Performances? But who so presumptuous as those Smatterers, that have onely Learning enough to prefer them to the Pillory? And what less Disgrace can that Caitiff deserve, that shall dare to Arraign the Ghosts, and invade the Reputations of the greatest Worthies and Ornaments of the English Nation? Whitgift, and Bancroft, and Laud, empty Pretenders! Know, Wretch, their Works shall live to remote [Page] and distant Ages, Monuments of their own Glories and the Churches Triumphs: when thy Spiritual Bombast shall never survive to be devoured by Famine, or the Teeth of Time, but shall in a few days be reduced to the shameful and dishonourable condition of Waste-paper; and when thy wretched Pamphlets shall be expell'd Libraries, and banish't the Company of Learned Authors, and be entertain'd no where but in the Corners of old Womens Closets, and Cooks Shops. But the Rashness of this bold and busie Man has since been justly, and (I think) sufficiently chastised by some of these Empty Pretenders; whom he would continue to affront and challenge, till he forced them to expose him to the scorn and pity of all Learned Men: For certainly there is not a more bafled Person upon Record then the Considerator upon the Biblia Polyglotta. Sir, you may think this blunt Work; but what other way have we to check and take down the Confidence of such bold and abusive Scriblers, then to discover them to themselves and to the World? However, such Insolencies against the most Reverend Fathers of the Church, are not to be endured from every pert and conceited Fellow; and [Page] proud Men must not be suffer'd to raise their own petty Names upon the Ruines of the greatest Reputations. Indeed, as for the Ignorance of the Bishops, and the Episcopal Clergy in Ecclesiastical Antiquities, 'tis so notorious to all the Christian World, that I confess I should think him a very strange Man that should undertake their defence. And how piteously have they in their Treatises against the Church of Rome, exposed both their Cause and themselves to the scorn of Papists, and (what is more shameful) to the grief of Puritans? 'Tis evident, no doubt, by Archbishop Laud's Book against Fisher, he had never so much as look't into any of the Fathers, or Primitive Writers; yet however, methinks it is not manners for every Vicar in his Province to upbraid his Grace with Ignorance and want of Letters. But suppose this dishonourable Brand should have been clapt upon the Memory of that great and immortal Prelate, by one that was then so far from having any thorough insight into Church-Antiquities, that after that he was forced to put himself upon no small pains in the first Rudiments of Literature, to enable him to deal with the Boys at Westminster-School; would you not have set [Page] up this Man for a Pillar of Modesty and Bashfulness to all future Ages? But whatever sort of Learning we may pretend to, yet as for skill in solid Divinity, they are the onely able Men. And in this lies the difference between your empty Pretender, and your true substantial Divine. But what is this Dainty Thing they value at so dear a Rate? Why! 'tis a sort of Opinionative Knowledge, or rather Learned Ignorance that makes Men confident and talkative; 'tis a skill in Schemes and Systemes of New Opinions, and a power in Talk and Disputation. And to wrangle for a Scholastick Hypothesis, is to contend for the Faith once deliver'd to the Saints; and to rend their Throats in Scolding for the Calvinian Rigours, is to spend themselves for the Lord Jesus Christ. They are a sort of Men, that first submit their Understandings to the Opinions of some haughty and imperious Dictator, and stuff themselves with uncertain and vulgar Prejudices, before they attain the very first Rudiments of Knowledge, and so never arrive at freedom of Judgment enough to examine the folly of their Proleptick Absurdities; and but to question their undoubted Truth, is an Injection of Satan, and a Temptation to Infidelity. [Page] And therefore ever after this, they expound all Articles of Faith by Analogy to their own Prejudices and fond Perswasions; and they either wrack or suborn the Holy Scriptures, till they force them, in spight of their plainest and most unquestionable Intendment, to give in their suffrage to their own wild and unwarrantable Tenets; and here they set bounds to their Zeal and to their Knowledge, and all their after-industry is swallowed up in vain Endeavours to make out the Reasonableness and Divine Authority of their own Dreams and Subtilties. And what indefatigable Pains will they take to distinguish rank Blasphemy into Orthodox Divinity? With what Zeal will they justifie the Equity and Good-Nature of a fatal and irrespective Decree of Reprobation? With what assurance will they excuse its seeming Horrour and Cruelty, with a more horrid Injustice, when they plead in behalf of the Almighty, that at the same time he devoted so many Myriads of his Creatures to Eternal Anguish, he also resolved to take care they should commit those Sins that might deserve it, that so he might not want a fair and plausible pretence to wreak his Indignation upon them? With [Page] what Evidence of Demonstration will they make out from the Tenour of the Covenant of Grace, the Believers Title to Heaven and Everlasting Happiness, by a naked Faith in Gods absolute Promises, without any Conditional Obligations to an Holy Life? This is the Imployment of their Wit, and these the Objects of their Studies: And now when such gross Errours lie at the bottom of all their Endeavours, I leave it to you to judge, whether all that Knowledge that is built upon such Principles, be not a more laborious and improved Duncery, i. e. a greater Confidence and Ability to Talk Nonsense. This is that profound Theology, in which these Gospellers so much excel the Regular Clergy; and they never make their People more gaze and admire, then when they discourse to them of the Order of Gods Eternal Decrees, of the Conditional Obligation of Absolute Promises, and of the Fatal Determination of Free-Will. These are their Abilities in the Schools; but in the Pulpit their Subtilty improves into down-right Impertinency. And it were not unpleasant (did not the Cause of Religion suffer by their folly) to observe in their Practical Discourses what Mysteries they will descry, and what Oracles [Page] they will extract out of every obscure Text. With what Curiosity will they strain for knackish and extravagant Applications of Holy Writ? With what labour will they beat about into the most secret corners of the old Prophets, for Articles of Faith, and find them out among their Rods, and Pots, and Trees, and Wheels, and Lamps, and Axes, and Vessels, and Rams, and Goats? And with what dexterity will they fetch about a Prophetick Parable, and draw the Fundamentals of Christianity out of Ezekiel's Wheels? So that if the sense of Scripture were as clancular and Mystical, as 'tis made by their uncouth way of applying it, the Spirit of God has left us rather Hieroglyphicks then Articles of Religion, and our Faith is lockt up in Cabalistick Schemes, and no Man is able to unriddle the Secret, but by the Helps and Rules of Mythology; and the Scripture is written with the same design, as (they say) Aristotle writ some of his Books, onely to be understood by the Sons of Art and Mystery. However, by this Artifice they inveigle the silly and unwary People both to follow and admire them; for when they are perswaded the outward Element of the Text is but the Cabinet [Page] to the Jewel, and the precious Mystery, they so manage the business, as to possess them with an apprehension, that no Key can open it, but what is made at their own Forges. And if any of us attempt to explain a Text by the Coherence of the Discourse, by the Propriety of the Phrase, and by the Idiom of the Language, we are Moral Men, and dull Literalists, and utter strangers to the inwardness of the Spirit: but 'tis they that are the practical & experimental Preachers, and that see into the depths of the Mystery of the Covenant of Grace. And by this means do they gain the advantage to obtrude upon the People, whatever can neither be proved nor understood, as Profound Divinity.

§. 7. But whatsoever Truth, Candor and Ingenuity, there is in my Character of these Men of the Flock, he knows how to revenge their wrongs by bold and confident Recriminations: if Reproaches be the Weapon, he understands his advantage; and when Controversies come to be managed by mutual Accusations, there they never want for Ammunition, their Magazine is inexhaustible. Thus our Author stands amazed that Heresie [Page] should complain of Schism,Pag. 34. Quis tulerit Gracchos, &c. Shall the Pot call the Pan Burnt—? And is it not strange, that whilst one writes against Original Sin, another preaches up Iustification by Works, and scoffs at the imputation of the Righteousness of Christ to them that believe? Yea, whilst some can openly dispute against the Doctrine of the Trinity, the Deity of Christ, and the Holy Ghost? Whilst Instances may be collected of some Mens impeaching all the Articles almost throughout, there should be no reflection in the least on these things? Some Mens guilt in this nature might rather mind them of pulling out the beam out of their own eyes, then to act with such fury to pull out the eyes of others, for the motes which they think they espy in them, &c. What a strain of Flattery is here? There is questionless no Poison nor Calumny in these leering Suggestions; it is an harmless Character, and strikes at no Mans Reputation: no doubt he nev'r intended to relieve himself and his Party from my foul Reproaches, by false or fierce Recriminations, Pag. 37. nor to write any thing that might disadvantage me in my Reputation or Esteem. Pag. 12. But some Mens Tongues traduce by instinct, and are so venomous, that they cannot touch but they will poison your Reputation: Their Throats are open Sepulchres, and the poison [Page] of Asps is under their Lips, and they cannot open their Mouths but out flie stings and blasting vapours. So that I am now forced to confess my self a dull and trifling Satyrist, that have charged them with nothing but their own avowed Principles and notorious Practices, and never use tart Language but to express vile Things; and go far about to convict them of their Guilt, before I dare venture to lash and chastise them for their Folly; and all my Satyrical Reflections are the natural Results and Inferences of some foregoing Reasonings. But this Man strikes with more sure and deadly Blows, he can stab with a doubtful Intimation, and dispatch with an oblique Look: 'tis no matter for evidence of Argument, and certainty of Fact; this fending and proving is a tedious course; 'tis but dropping a Train of sly and malicious suspicions, and that is enough to blow up your Reputation. He knows all Men have a touch of Ill-nature, and are apt enough to make the hardest surmises upon these ugly suggestions. Nothing sets an handsomer Gloss upon a Lye, then to shew it by these dark Lights; and indirect Insinuations, are the most artificial Schemes of Slandering; they heighten and enrage [Page] Mens Curiosity, and then leave it to their ill Humour to finish the Story, and then it shall never be spoil'd for want of spiteful and ill contrived Suspicions. And every Man has Wit enough to pick out the Categorical meaning of these oblique Reproaches; and had he in direct terms charged me for impeaching the most Fundamental Articles of Christianity, it had not been more familiar and intelligible English. But as for my own part, I am no more moved with the Charge, then I am concern'd in the Crime: I know none in the Church of England that publish any such false and Heretical Doctrines; or if there be any that vent them in Corners and Conventicles, I can onely say, as one did that was treated as I am, Let him be Anathema. But the Ingenuity of these Men can dispose of other Mens Faith and Religion at their pleasure, and they can with as much ease make Heretiques, as they once could Witches and Malignants: if a Neighbour incur their displeasure, that is enough to make the Indictment; and to be charged, is enough to make it good. Thus, you know, they dealt with the Ghost of the great Hugo Grotius, one would needs have him a rank Socinian, and another a thorough [Page] Papist; though how he could be both, can never be unriddled, unless Hugo were one, and Grotius the other; though the evident reason why he might be either, is no other then that he was no Calvinian, and then he might be any thing what they pleased. This way of aspersing has ever been the offensive Weapon of peevish and angry Disputers, though never did any Man weild it with more Dexterity then our Author: he never encountred Adversary, that he did not transform either into Atheist, or Papist, or Socinian. But it seems the Charge of Socinianism is become the [...] of our Age, and many Men suffer under its imputation, though (as it always happens in Cases of Slander) I know none more clear from the Infection then those that have been most suspected and avoided for it. Of which Injustice I can conceive no other imaginable account then some Mens proud & imperious Confidence, that have adopted their own unlearned Wranglings into the Articles of Religion, and put as great a weight upon their own novel Doctrines, as upon the plain and easie Propositions of Scripture. Now if a sober Man discard their wild and unwarrantable additions, 'tis all one as if he renounced [Page] the Article it self. They will not endure a contradiction, nor suffer you to suspect the infallible certainty of their Resolutions; and if you doubt or dispute the Ius Divinum of a Systematick Subtilty, you make them impatient, and they make you an Heretick. If we are not confident that our blessed Saviour suffered the extremity of Hell-torments at the hour of his Passion, even to the Horrours of Despair, 'tis with some positive people the same thing as if we called in question the Merits of his Death and Sufferings. If we smile at the Vanity of his Attempt, who would demonstrate out of the Canticles, that the Saints enjoy distinct Communion with the three Persons of the Trinity; it exasperates some bold and confident Men, that are fond of their own thin and crazy Conceits, as much as if we should pervert the first Chapter of St. Iohn's Gospel. And we scoff at Justification by Faith, if we despise a Thousand vain and empty Speculations wherewith they have involved that Article. As whether Faith justifies from any peculiar Excellency of its own nature, or barely from the Divine Appointment; whether it be an instrumental Cause of Justification, or onely a Procatarctick Cause; if [Page] instrumental, whether an active or a passive Instrument; if Procatarctick, whether Procatarctick formal, or Procatarctick objective; with a multitude more of the like wise and important Enquiries, that could never have enter'd into the most curious and whimsical Understanding, had not some idle people loved to amuse themselves with inventing profound and curious Nothings; and had not one Keckerman, and some other dull Fellows, been at leisure to write foolish Books of Logick and Metaphysicks; whose Theorems must be blended with the Doctrines and Propositions of St. Paul, and then Mens little Quarrels about this Motley-Divinity, must make new Sects and Opinions in Religion, and they must measure the Orthodoxy of their Faith by their subtilty in wrangling, and their power in disputing, by their skill and dexterity in Terms of Art, and by their being able to understand the precise and Orthodox Notion of a Procatarctick Cause. These are the useful and wonderful Profundities to which the disputing Men of this Age are such zealous Votaries: they value their Learning by their skill in these dry and sapless Enquiries, and their Agility in the Combats [Page] of Disputation; and a Disputant with them signifies the same thing as a great Scholar. To this purpose they furnish their Memories with abundance of notional Querks and Subtilties, to keep up their pert and talkative Humour, and spend all their time in learning Distinctions that may maintain and reconcile palpable Contradictions. With what fetches of Wit will they distinguish themselves round about, till they come at last to affirm what at first they denied? And with what severity of Judgment will they spin out a long train of wary Aphorisms, and subtile Propositions, to prove that 'tis Faith alone that justifies? and yet so explain the Notion of justifying Faith, as to make it imply and include in it all other parts of the Condition of the New Covenant, i. e. Good Works; and those that are able Divines, can write whole Volumes of Problems and Disputations to make out this important Mystery, That Faith alone justifies, i. e. as 'tis not alone. And now if you compare the vanity of the Opinions with the talkative Humour of the Opiniators, you will cease to wonder at their rude Carriage toward persons that profess to pursue more useful and less difficult Studies: [Page] they are brim-full of talk; and no Man that pretends to Learning can come in their way, but they immediately engage him in Disputation; and if he with some Railery expose their learned and studied Ignorance, and confute the silliness of their Systematick Notions, 'tis a bold affront to the Orthodox Faith, and he drolls upon the most Fundamental Articles of Divinity: for they lay no less weight upon their own Subtilties and singular Conceits, then on the plain and practical Precepts of the Gospel; so that you cannot sweep away their Cobwebs, but down drops the whole Fabrick of Religion. Neither does this pragmatical Humour run onely among the Pretenders to Learning, but the Infection spreads among the People; every sage Trades-man sets up for a deep and an able Divine, and talks as confidently of Predestination, as if he had served his Apprenticeship to a Dutch Professour: Every zealous Shopkeeper understands the management of Ecclesiastical Discipline as well as the Nicene Fathers; and a Jury of Button-sellers shall determine a Controversie of Faith with more assurance then a General Council. These of all others are the fiercest and most implacable Assertors, [Page] because their Zeal is proportion'd to their Ignorance; and therefore you cannot make your self pleasant with their pert and conceited Pedantry, (and 'tis a piece of Railery that is hardly to be forborn) but you draw upon your self whole Volleys of Anathema's and hard Names, they can endure any Indignity rather then an affront to their Clerkship; and you may with more safety play with a Spaniard's Beard, then sport with their grave Ignorance. That is an Insolence that can never pass unrevenged, but your Reputation is immediately stabbed with some ugly word, or poisoned with some malicious Report; and it becomes the great business of their Zeal, to brand you with foul imputations; and in all places, and upon all occasions to blazon abroad your gross Errours, and your horrid Blasphemies. This short Character of their Humour, may serve for a satisfactory account of their dirty and disingenuous Demeanour towards such persons as pretend to so much knowledge as to despise the Ignorance of their Learning. I design it not for an Apology, either for my self or any of my Friends: I know none so poor-spirited as to stand in awe of such petty Arts: the most pertinent Reply to such a poor and beggarly [Page] Malice, is Neglect and Disdain; though in truth such Wretches as stick not upon every slight occasion to sacrifice not onely our Good-Names, but our Livelyhoods (for that is our Case) to their own Childish Picks, deserve to be answered by the Pillory and the Whipping-Post.

§. 8. Many other ugly Insinuations he has, as if I were prompted to this Undertaking by lewd and naughty Intentions; or as if he knew some Stories that he can, but out of Tenderness and Civility to my Reputation, will not vent. I will not so much assist his Malice, as to transcribe all his white-liver'd Suggestions to this purpose; but whether in this way of proceeding he has discover'd more Boldness, or more Imprudence, is hard to determine, when he knows himself to lie under such vast disadvantages at this Weapon, by lying open to so many stabbing and inevitable Hits: But this is one of their Topicks, and comes in by the Rules of their Method and Ingenuity; and all the Defenders and Champions of the Church of England, have ever been thus accosted by their civil and unpassionate Adversaries. And never did any Man give them a smart and severe Blow, [Page] but immediately they threatned to tell Tales. And where Men have not the advantage of Truth, Calumny is their best and surest Weapon: For though its Wounds do not always fester, yet they usually leave a scar behind them: at least he gains the Advantage of his Enemy, that gives him the diversion to wipe off Reproaches; and all Apologies in defence of a Mans own Innocence, leave behind them (through the common Ill-nature of Mankind) some ill-contrived suspicion of Guilt in the Minds of Men. And therefore I will not so far submit my self to the power of his Malice, as to make Protestations to the World, or Appeals to Heaven, as some tender Constitutions would have done. But I defie all the weak Attempts of malevolent Tongues: False Slanders as they spread, so they vanish like Lightning; and to Men wise and honest, the flash appears and dis-appears at once; and he that is concerned for the good Opinion of such as are neither, puts himself upon an harder Game then I am willing to play, or able to manage. And though in three Lines I could not onely answer, but shame his base and proofless Surmises of the Unworthiness of my Aims, by making it appear that so [Page] far I was from having any ill design, that I was not in a Capacity of having any at all: yet I will rather chuse utterly to neglect this, and all his other mean and unworthy Arts of Malice, as being satisfied, that when Men would discredit their Adversaries by such unhandsom Reflections upon their Persons and private Affairs, as are altogether impertinent to the Matters in debate, they prove nothing but the strength of their Malice, and weakness of their Cause. Nay, so outragious is our Author,Pag. 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70. that when he comes to reflect upon my Satyr against Atheism, he blows upon it with as much scorn and rancour, as upon the sharpest and most pointed Invectives against themselves. As if no Man could write against their Party, but he must immediately be stricken with a Spirit of Infatuation, and forfeit all use of his Reason and his Understanding, and were not able to discourse pertinently upon the most pregnant and most noble Argument in the World. But so it is, though you speak with the Tongues of Men and Angels, and though you understand all Mysteries, and all Knowledge; yet if you have not Charity for them, you are no better then sounding Brass, and a tinkling Cymbal. And [Page] yet had he onely slighted and scorn'd my weak Essay upon this Theme, it would have been none of the most remarkable Instances of his Incivility; but to spit his rankest Venom at it, is unexemplified Candour and Ingenuity. And among all the ugly Suggestions he has darted at me, he has not aimed any with more malice and bitterness of spirit, then those he has bolted upon this occasion: but whatsoever foul Language I may deserve upon other accounts, I appeal to the hottest Zealot of his own Dispensation, whether it were discreetly or civilly done to cast Reproaches at me, whilst I was exposing Prophaneness and Irreligion to publick shame. A man that had not been utterly transported with Rage and Envy, would have had the discretion to have vented his Choler upon more seasonable opportunities: for now, alas, he effectually defeats his own Malice, by treating me with the same rudeness when I deserve well, as when I deserve ill: from which way of procedure, what else can the World conclude, but that the Man raves, and cares not what he says, so he may abuse and defame me?

But upon this occasion he has intimated a considerable Truth, viz. That there [Page] is less danger in this kind of Atheism that vents its self in little Efforts of Wit and Drollery, then in those Attempts, that under Pretences of sober Reason, propagate such Opinions and Principles as have a direct Tendency to the Subversion of the Grounds of Religion. It is well advised, and they would do well to consider it, that invalidate the Rational Accounts of the Christian Faith, and destroy all sober Grounds of the Divine Authority of the holy Scriptures, that undermine the Evidence of Miracles, and Universal Tradition, and resolve the Motives of its Credibility into vain and frivolous Pretences. What greater Advantage can any Man give to the Enemies of Religion,O [...]ig of the Script. pag. 105. then to inform them, That the Alcoran may vie Miracles and Traditions with the Scripture? and then in their stead produce no other proof of its Divine Authority, then what the Alcoran may as well plead, without their concurrence; and such is the Testimony of the Spirit, if it convince not in a rational way, and by the use of Motives and Arguments: for remove their Evidence, and then all pretences to Inspiration become uncertain and unaccountable, and there remains no [...] to distinguish between a true and a [Page] false Testimony. And what greater disservice can any man do to the Interest of Religion, then to draw bold and horrid Consequences in behalf of Atheists, Papists, and Antiscripturists, from every petty Controversie? Does not he effectually invite Men to a neglect of the holy Scriptures, that tells them, they can have neither Truth nor Certainty, if there be various Readings in the Original Texts? and yet confesseth, that Ocular Inspection makes it manifest, [...]. Consid. consid. p. 13. that there are various Readings both in the Old Testament and the New; and it's confessed there have been failings in the Transcribers, who have often mistaken; and that it is impossible it should be otherwise. I must acknowledge my self a little surprised to hear our Author question whether there be such a thing as speculative Atheism in the World, and yet himself can discover a wide door to it in every Proposition, even in the Lords Prayer it self: It is somewhat prodigious, that when so many Men in all Ages have made so many Attempts to enter at this Door, they should never be able to light upon such an easie and such an open passage.

[Page] Pag. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43.§. 9. Another passage that he chides and cavils at, is the account I gave, why I instill'd so much tartness and severity into some Expressions, from the Example of our Saviours behaviour in the Temple; where I observed, that there was but one single instance, in which Zeal or an high Indignation might be just and warrantable; and that is, when it vents its self against the Arrogance of haughty, peevish, and sullen Religionists. The Rashness of this Assertion he checks and controuls with authentick Precedents and Examples out of the old Testament, though every illiterate Peasant could have inform'd him of the vast difference between the Jewish and the Christian Oeconomy: theirs was a more harsh and severe institution, the temper of their Zeal was more fierce and warlike; and in some Cases to kill a Brother out of hatred to Idolatry, was a commendable Action; and at some times Swords and Daggers were the means of Grace, as they lately were of Reformation. Their Zealots were priviledged to execute any more notorious Offender without the Forms and Solemnities of Legal Process. But their Examples are no warrantable [Page] Precedents for our Practice; and our Author might as pertinently have prescribed to my imitation the Act of Elias for a blameless and a justifiable instance of Zeal, as that of Phinehas. And as for the Example of our blessed Saviour,Pag. 38. he pretends grievous Resentments for the Irreverence of my Expressions towards him, such as hot fit of Zeal, seeming Fury, and transport of Passion: though I know not how I could have expressed my self in more abating Words: for if it were but a seeming Transport, that directly implies it was no real or criminal excess; and this word seeming has such a soft and qualified signification, that it evacuates the malignity of the hardest Expressions: for it is properly of a Negative Import, and serves onely to supplant and remove the Affirmation to which it is prefixt; so that a seeming fury is in propriety of Speech no fury at all: and therefore I cannot see how I could have described this Action in more tender and cautious words, for I think a kind of Fury (as Doctor Hammond phraseth it, that is not wont to speak irreverently of his Saviour) is not near so soft Language as seeming Fury. But the true Reason why I used these Expressions, was, because our blessed Saviour [Page] did in that Action take upon him the Person and the Priviledge of the Jewish Zealots; a sort of Men that profest to be transported by some extraordinary impulse, beyond the ordinary Rules of Law and Decency, and by consequence must be acted with a greater heat and vehemence of spirit; and therefore when our Saviour imitated their way of proceeding, it must needs carry in it a great appearance of their passionate and extatick Zeal. And I think the reflection of the Disciples themselves upon this Fact, has more seeming harshness in it then my Remark; for upon this occasion they call to mind that passage in the Psalms, The Zeal of thy House hath eaten me up, or has fed and gnaw'd upon me, and that is an angry and fretting thing.Pag. 41. But (says our Author) this Attempt could not be performed with a seeming transport of passion, because it was a Miracle, and done with the evidence of the Divine Presence upon him; as if he could not exert an Act of Omnipotence with an appearance of passion, when 'tis inseparable from all Actions of Justice and Severity. You see how upon all turns I am forced to invalidate weak and slender Cavils, because they are urged for mighty and vehement [Page] Informations: 'tis their method to astonish the People with frightful words, and every Objection must be pursued as high as Atheism and Blasphemy. Their wide Mouths scorn to indict for petty Crimes, and therefore they are resolved to charge every misprision and little miscarriage of High Treason. But the main design of his Assault upon this passage, is not so much to beat down my Fences, as to let us see his deep Stores of Ammunition in Jewish Learning: for some Men are mighty Rabbies at the second hand, and can furnish great Volumes with a power of Hebrew, as Brokers do their Shops with old Cloaths. And I have read a famous Writer (though he shall be nameless) that abounds with Rabbinical Quotations, all which if you would trace them, are trivial in Modern Authors. But though Men by such borrowed Gays may make the Vulgar gaze and admire them, yet they do but expose their Ignorance and Vain-glory to the Learned World. And what a flourish does our Author make here with his description of the Temple, and its several Courts and Apartments, though 'tis known to every School-Boy that has read Godwin's Antiquities? And therefore he might have [Page] supposed (as I did) the known difference between the inward Court of the Jews, and the outward Court of the Gentiles, as distinct from the Court of the Priests and Levites; and not have lavish't away two whole Pages to describe them, before he made his approach towards the purpose, viz. To prove that it was not the Gentiles Court out of which our Saviour whipt the Buyers and Sellers, (as I affirm'd) but the other that is proper and peculiar to the Jews. And here what a gaudy shew of Learning might I make? what Sholes of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin Quotations might I heap up, in my own defence? there being so great a multitude of late Writers, that have collected Variety of Proofs out of the Ancients in defence of my Opinion. But I shall rather chuse to leave this superannuated Pedantry to those who more affect it, and perhaps more need it; and shall content my self with the Reasons of one plain English Author, more then in the bare Authority of twenty Latin ones; and that is Mr. Mede, in his first Book and second Discourse, where the Reader may peruse an excellent Account of the Truth and Reasonableness of my Opinion. I shall only transcribe two passages that are most [Page] material to my purpose; the first to prove it could not be the Court of the Jews; and the second, that it must of necessity be that of the Gentiles.

‘1. Those who were so chary that no uncircumcised or unclean Person should come into their place of Worship, who trod the Pavement thereof with so much Religious Observance and Curiosity,Antiq. l. 20. c. 7. who would not suffer (as Iosephus relates) any other Building, no not the Palace of Agrippa their King, to have any prospect into it, lest it should be polluted by a prophane Look; how unlikely is it they would endure it to be made a place of Buying, Selling, and Bartering, yea, a Market for Sheep and Oxen, as Iohn 2.14. it is expresly said to have been? Neither will it serve the turn to excuse it, by saying, It was to furnish such as came thither with Offerings; for the Sheep and Oxen whilst they were yet to be bought to that purpose, were not sacred, but prophane, and so not to come within the sacred limits.’

‘2. The place alledged to avow the Fact, speaks expresly of Gentile-Worshippers; not in the words [...] onely, but in the whole Body of the Context. [Page] Hear the Prophet speak, Esay Chap. 56. Vers. 6, 7. and then judge: The sons of the stranger, that joyn themselves to the Lord to serve him, and to love the Name of the Lord, to be his servants, every one that keepeth the Sabboth from polluting it, and taketh hold of my Covenant, (namely, that I alone shall be his God) even them will I bring to my holy Mountain, and make them joyful in my house of Prayer; their Burnt Offerings and Sacrifices accepted upon mine Altar. Then follow the words of my Text, For my house shall be called (i. e. shall be; it is an Hebraism) a house of Prayer for all people. What is this but a Description of the [...], or Gentile-Worshippers? And this place alone makes good all that I have said before, viz. That this Vindication was of the Gentiles Court: otherwise the Allegation of this Scripture had been impertinent; for the Gentiles (of whom the Prophet speaks) Worshipped in no place but this.’ You see the prodigious trifling of this Man, that runs after such wild and stragling Impertinencies to so little purpose. One would have thought that when he insisted so severely on a matter so remote from my main Design, he would have been secure of mighty Advantages [Page] on his own side, and not have blunder'd so horribly in such far-fetcht Digressions.

§. 10.Pag. 16. His next great Assault (and 'tis a furious one too) is upon the Author of the Friendly Debate. And here he flings down his Glove, bids defiance to the stoutest He of us all, and sends a bold Challenge to all Men of Learning, Reading, and Ingenuity. To what purpose does this Author press his Wit and Parts to write Dialogues, and endeavour to make the Nonconformists ridiculous by his Comical Representations? Let him come forth, if he be a Man of Skill and Confidence: Leave off his Dramatick Railery, and encounter me in Scholastick and Logical Disputation. What a Flower of Chivalry is this? Is there nothing to take down his Stomach, and asswage his Courage? Still courting Dangers, and still swaggering after so many Foils and Disgraces? Will not Age slake the Heats of his flaming Blood? 'Tis time to enjoy his Glories and his Laurels, and not to hazard his Renown with future Adventures. This Fortune is a fickle thing, and the World full of Tartars. And yet methinks after all this Bravery, [Page] this Challenge savours not a little of Cowardize, and betrays some Qualms and frosty Apprehensions. 'Tis a meer shift to discharge themselves of their Engagements, to do Reason to the Friendly Debate, by beginning his Controve [...]sie afresh upon other Grounds and in other Methods; and 'tis a certain sign of a baffled person, when he Challenges at a new Weapon, that is sufficient Confession of his being master'd at the old. And thus because they are not able to stand against the Wit and Reason of that Author, they except against his way of Procedure, and refuse to hear any thing we can urge against them, unless we will fling up all we have gain'd by his smart Discourses, and yield to Treat and Dispute with them in the Language of the Budge Doctors of the Schools. As if we could not discourse as coherently in Dialogues, as in Syllogisms: Reason is equally certain, with what dress soever it be cloathed, and in what method soever it is deduced: if the Train of Consequences be aptly connected to Premises, 'tis pertinent, and according to the Arts of Logick, and the Laws of Reasoning: but if there be any flaw or incoherence between Principles and Conclusions, the Chain of the Discourse [Page] ceases, and 'tis easie to discover where the Break begins. And therefore if there be any Non-consequences and Impertinences in the Friendly Debate, let them specifie the Particulars; but till then, 'tis ridiculous to tell the People 'tis no Rational Discourse, because composed in a Dramatick, not a Logical method: for if it is true and pertinent, 'tis Logical; if not, it is not Dramatick; the Rules of Reasoning are the same in both: so much do they shuffle by these general Exceptions, till they can discover particular Defects and Impertinences; and to so little purpose does our Author challenge that Gentleman to argue according to Rules of Method and Art: for if that be to state the matters in difference between them, to confirm his own Judgement, and to confute theirs with substantial Reasons and Arguments, that is it he has undertaken; and if he have not performed, they are able to shew it; if he has, there wants nothing of the exactness of Logical and Scholastick procedure, but the dull formality of Ob. and Sol. and videtur quod non.

But 'tis unmanly to carp at Phrases, Pag. 16, 17. Expressions, Manners of the Declaration of Mens Conceptions collected from, or falsely father'd[Page]upon particular Persons, the greatest guilt of some whereof it may be, is onely their too near approach to the Expressions used in the Scripture to the same purpose. Behold the confident Arts of these Men! When an Author has collected so many pregnant Instances of their Folly, and has warranted the Truth of his Testimonies by particular References to the Original Authors, they can defeat a thousand Authorities with a May-be, and a Perhaps: 'tis but saying those absurd passages he produceth out of the Writings of the Nonconformists, may be falsely father'd upon them, and then all is well. What a strange Man is this Author of the Friendly Debate, to amass together so many Quotations out of W. B? may they not be falsely father'd upon him? And what though he has justified the faithfulness of his Collections, by the most exact and scrupulous References? Let him not think I am bound to examine the sincerity of his Relations. If a Man of my Confidence tell him at all adventure that perhaps he has abused them and the World too by his own Forgeries, that is enough for ever to abate their Certainty, and evacuate their Authority. Nay farther, The greatest guilt of some of the Phrases carpt at, it may[Page]be, is onely their too near approach to the Expressions used in Scripture to the same purpose. And it may be their guilt is, that they abuse the words of Scripture to set off their own wild and unwarrantable Fancies; and it may be the Sky will fall to morrow; and it may be Saint Paul's Steeple, as soon as it is re-built, will remove it self to the East-Indies. To what purpose is it for us to write Books, if they can invalidate all our Evidences, and arrest all our Demonstrations with these pitiful May-be's? Or rather, what a confident Man is this, to expect his groundless Supposals should have credit enough in the World to put a Baffle upon clear and undeniable Proofs? But 'tis time, for shame, to leave off this intolerable trifling; they have been sufficiently teased for it already by the Author of the Friendly Debate, and yet they cannot support their desperate Cause but by words that may salve any thing.

But is it not a mean design for a Man to press his Wits and Parts to carp at other Mens Expressions? No: for if Men place Mystery and Spirituality in uncouth and affected Phrases; if they trifle away the most weighty Arguments in Religion with childish Fancies, and feed the People with [Page] nothing but empty Words, and insignificant Phrases; they may deserve to be exposed, though not to be confuted, because they have not sense enough to be capable either of Truth or Falshood; and therefore though they can never be proved false, yet they may and ought to bemade ridiculous. And what other course can be taken with such Triflers as T. W. and R. V. that have labour'd to burlesque the Gospel, and to turn the Holy Scriptures into clinch and quibble? Would it become a serious Man to confute Jingles with grave and Scholastick Arguments? to encounter a wretched Fancy with a Rational Discourse? and baffle a School-Boys Phrase out of the Word of God? And when the poor People are ravish't with the chiming of empty words, and hug such phantastick Triflings for Gospel-Mysteries, what other way is there to undeceive them, then by letting them see, that they are not suited to the spiritual Condition of any Professours, that are not still under the Dispensation of Rattles. But though to expose the silliness of their Expressions, be a part of his design, and that an useful one too, yet so far is it from being the main drift (much less the onely one, as our Author [Page] intimates) of those Composures, that 'tis least of any thing pursued: and the Bulk of those Treatises is taken up with discovering (as I before observed) the feebleness of their beloved Notions, the wildness of their Practices, the unwarrantableness of their Schism, the prevarication of their Pretences, and the inconsistency of their Principles. This was his Theme; and had it been his Title, his Performance would not onely have justified, but exceeded his Undertaking. But all this is obstinately overlook't, and the whole business is every where represented by our Author, as if all that Ink and Paper had been wasted onely to carp at uncouth Phrases and Expressions. With such Confidence and Dexterity can these Men slight what they cannot answer. But upon this occasion you may observe the Reasonableness of a Motion I made, That Preachers might be obliged to speak Sense as well as Truth: Because these Men cajole and amaze the simple Multitude with palpable Non-sense; and when they pour forth a senseless Jargon of Kitchen-Metaphors, and Rascal Similitudes, the People admire the preciousness of the Mystery, and they talk like Men encircled with Glories, and dictate their Cant with the [Page] Raptures of an Angel, and the Authority of an Apostle; and 'tis they onely that understand the secrets of the Gospel, and the spirituality of the Covenant of Grace; and this betrays them unavoidably into a Fanatick Enthusiasm, fills their little Heads with wild Frenzies, and infatuating Conceits, and the whole business of Religion is transacted in their Imaginations. And they take it for a special work of Conversion to be affected with precious Mr. Such-an-one's Doctrine, and to profit under his Ministry, i. e. to sigh at his Sermons, and look demurely half an hour after. And what can be more obvious to any Mans Observation, then that all the Change that appears in most of their Converts, is, That their Tongues-ends are tipt with a new set of Phrases, that they talk by roat and by chance; and under this demureness of Language they shelter their old Vices of Envy, Peevishness, Arrogance, Spight, Hatred, Malice and Covetousness? These Infirmities are not any where so gross and visible as among Professors, they are the surest Marks, and most distinctive Characters of the Godly Party; and 'tis hugely rare to meet with any of these new-fangled Saints that does not discover the [Page] clearest and most irksom appearances of some or all these Vices. Their natural sense of Religion is not onely appeased, but abundantly satisfied with this phantastick Godliness; and this staves them off from all farther Thoughts of a Thorough and Effectual Reformation. And now upon this account it is that I proposed to have Preachers obliged to speak Sense as well as Truth: but is not this an uncouth Motion? (says our Author) seeing hitherto it has been supposed that every Proposition that is either true or false, Pag. 21. has a proper determinate Sense; and if Sense it have not, it can be neither. And is not this Eristically spoken, and as becomes a Man puissant in Polemick Squabble? Who could have nickt me with such a subtilty, but one that knows all his Advantages, and is thoroughly experienced in all the shifts of Cavil? But yet by his leave, because every Proposition, that is either true or false, must have a determinate Sense, is it therefore necessary, that what has no determinate Sense, must be either true or false? If it be not, then Men may speak Non-sense, and yet speak neither, and then what becomes of this pert and doubty Exception? And when these Men do as much dis-service to Religion by Non-sense [Page] as by false Doctrine, what can be more seasonably proposed, then that they should be as well obliged to speak Sense, as they are to speak Truth; and as well punish't for Canting, as for Heresie? seeing (as they manage it) 'tis as pernicious to the Peace of the Church, and the Interest of Religion.

Pag. 17.§. 11. But our Author proceeds: Some of the Things reflected on, and carped at, are such as those, who have used or asserted them, dare modestly challenge him in their defence, to make good his Charge in a Personal Conference. This is somewhat pitiful, and methinks his high Spirit stoops below it self: for there is no such submissive Confession of a publick Overthrow, as to demand private Conferences; 'tis the Refuge of all baffled People, and all the Triflers in the World may shelter themselves in this Sanctuary, though they can never recover it unless by flight. And I doubt not but Philagathus himself can brag among his Neighbours and Acquaintance, that the Author of the Friendly Debate dares not accept this Challenge; and that if he could but talk with him, he could easily revenge himself to purpose, aye that he could. And though never was poor Man [Page] more piteously bruised and havock't, yet by this lamentable Cordial he makes shift to asswage the pain of his Disaster, and to support the spruntness of his Humour. But, alas! this is plain crossing the Cudgels, when they perceive themselves overmatch't: they are ashamed to confess a baffle, and yet not able to bear up against the briskness of their Assailant; and therefore to abate the publickness of the disgrace, they desire to finish the Combat in a private Corner; and then though they are beaten, they can boast the Victory, and can crow and strut and triumph when they flie the Pit. But Men that can speak Reason, can certainly pen what they speak; and therefore if they cannot defend themselves by Writing, they can never be able to do it by Talking. And if W. B. can prove by word of mouth his Hoops, and his Wall [...]ps, and his Vermin, to be Gospel-Mysteries, 'tis no great pains to dictate the same words to a Brachygrapher.

But our Author tells us,Pag. 51. That the wisest man living, when he is gagg'd with a Quill is not able to speak; and yet he may write for all that, for Gaggs tie not Mens hands; and therefore I see not how 'tis possible W. B. should better clear himself by word of [Page] mouth, then by Ink and Paper. There is no way imaginable, but by eating his Gagg, and recanting what he has written. However, the Author of the Debate is not at leisure to attend to the Impertinencies of every Talking Man. His design was to discover their lamentable Follies and Impostures to the World; let them clear themselves to the Publick, and he is satisfied: but upon his own account he neither needs nor desires satisfaction. So that in short, these Demands of Personal Conferences, are but a more cleanly way of yielding the Cause: for no Men will ever sit down under a publick baffle, that know how to help themselves.

Pag. 17, 52.But if nothing will stop our Mouths, our Author thinks he can easily threaten us into better manners. For if they would retort upon us, and give in a Charge against the cursed Oaths, Debaucheries, Prophaneness, various Immoralities, and sottish Ignorance, that are openly and notoriously among those whom we countenance and secure, what havock might an ordinary Ingenuity make among the Conforming Clergy? But he is merciful. How does this Man both vanquish and oblige us by his Civility? And though he proclaim us to the World a [Page] pack of Sots, Dunces, Drunkards, Atheists, yet he is resolved to spare our Reputation: if this be his kindness when he forgives, what would it be when he retaliates? What enraged Malice could have struck with a more angry sting? White's Centuries, and the Cobler of Glocester's Tales, are civil and cleanly Stories, if compared to the baseness and insolence of this Suggestion. But suppose it carried with it as much Truth as it does Rancour, yet it would be but an impertinent Calumny, and no material Recrimination to our Charge. We pry not into their Conversations, nor set Spies upon their secret Practices; nor do we upbraid them with any Wickedness, from which they may be recovered by their own Convictions. But the Follies we endeavour to expose, are such as they esteem Gospel-Mysteries; and the Vices we correct, are such as they adopt among their choicest Vertues, and by which they rate and value themselves. If they can discover any such pestilent and destructive Impostures among us, let them reprove them with the roughness of Satyrs, and the severity of Zealots. But as for these Miscarriages he pretends to load us withal, they are such as no Man will justifie; and if any be obnoxious to [Page] his Charge, who will plead their Innocence? And they stand condemned not onely in the Opinion of the World, but their own Judgments too. Whereas the onely things we lay to their Charge, are such pretences whereby they not onely elude, but satisfie their Consciences. And we discover the sottishness of such Delusions, not out of any design to expose their Persons to Contempt, but barely to disabuse the deluded multitude. 'Tis not the personal Faults of W. B. the Friendly Debate aims at, but those of his Schismatical Way and Spirit. He has by his ridiculous abuse of the Holy Scriptures, perverted the whole design of the Gospel, and adulterated almost all the Articles of the Christian Religion. And if so, 'tis great Charity in us to deliver the People from the danger of such pernicious Impostures; whereas it can be nothing but Malice in them, should they attempt to revenge themselves by personal Disgraces and Reflections.

§. 12. But our Authors Apology is not yet at an end,Pag. 47. he proceeds: Though Learned Men, such as Plato and Cicero, may argue candidly and perspicuously in Dialogues; yet it cannot be denied that advantages may be taken[Page]from this way of Writing, to represent both Persons, Opinions and Practices, invidiously and contemptuously, above any other way: so that by this means brave and worthy Personages may be rendred ridiculous, as Socrates was by Aristophanes. By which his Enemies gain'd the advantage of exposing him to publick Contempt, and thereby prepared a way for the management of an open Accusation against him, and his Charge was Nonconformity to the Establish't Superstition of the Church of Athens. Did ever any Man make such wretched Apologies? 'Tis a sad symptom when such positive People are driven to such sceptical and doubtful Pretences, and are still forced to take Sanctuary in a naked May-be. Socrates was abused, and so may any good Man; what then? what is this to the Friendly Debate, and the Nonconformists? Must they be acquitted, because Socrates was not guilty? Because some honest Men are maliciously traduced, shall that discharge all others of just Accusations? They may be justly charged by the Friendly Debate, though the honest Philosopher was foully and durtily slander'd by Aristophanes. Verily, Sir, this is no better (to say no worse) then popular Stuff, and Shop-Logick. But 'tis his [Page] great Weapon of Defence, and thus he tells us elsewhere,Pag. 15. St. Paul was accused of Canting as well as W. B. and the Nonconformists: he was so, and that very unjustly; but what necessity is there that they should be as wise or as honest as that great Apostle? There is no imaginable Connexion that I know of between his and their Actions; to what purpose then is it to defend themselves with his Innocence? St. Paul was able to account for the Truth and Reasonableness of that Doctrine, which they call'd Canting: If they are able to do as much for their Phrases, let them do it, and that will silence all our Clamours and Cavils, and we will no more endeavour to shame them out of the Profession of the Gospel, by crying out Canting, Phrases, Silly, Non-sense, Metaphors. But otherwise we will pursue the Cry till we shame them out of their Folly and Confidence; and assure your self, we will not suffer them to obtrude their own affected Non-sense upon the People, as the choicest and most important Mysteries of Religion. But to return to the case of Socrates; his Vertue is abundantly clear'd to all Posterity by his Apology; and when they have given as satisfactory an Answer to the Friendly Debate, as Socrates did [Page] to his Accusers, they shall not be treated as Socrates was; but till then, they are nev'r the wiser for his Philosophy, nor the better for his Innocence.

But however, no Man will affirm that Aristophanes Dialogues were absurd and inartificial, and yet they are sufficiently abusive; and therefore in that way of Writing, a witty Man may, if he have no regard to Truth or Falshood, make any thing look uncouth, and any Person appear ridiculous. If our Author had instanced in Ben Iohnson's Alchymist, or his Bartholomew-Fair, in stead of the [...] of Aristophanes, the People would have been able to discover the wide impertinency of this Exception, (though it is in my Opinion one of the most plausible Hits in his whole Book:) for they might then have known, there is no Analogy between the Friendly Debate, and those waggish Comedies: he does not represent W. B. as the Poet did Ananias; nor confute him in a Disputation with a silly Puppet, as he did Brother Buisy. He does not personate him with Antick Postures and Actions, nor fasten upon him Roguish and unlucky Stories, nor put into his Mouth ridiculous Words of his own unhappy Invention. That way indeed a witty Man may [Page] expose the best and the wisest to publick scorn; but then the Artificial Contrivance of such Dialogues consists not in any regard to Truth and Reason, but in the unhappiness of the abuse. Whereas the Genius of the Friendly Debate is as remote from this Comical Waggery, as the Dialogues of Plato and Cicero, that are sometimes facetious, but never abusive and disingenuous. The body of his Discourse is Rational and Argumentative; and though it may be sometimes set off with pleasantness of Humour, and picquancy of Wit, yet he never seeks advantage by counterfeit Follies, and Comical Abuses: And if they can charge him with any thing of this nature, I will undertake in his behalf he shall make them publick satisfaction. But when Aristophanes is exemplified to make good the surmise, that is plausible and taking with the Common People; for they imagine all who write Greek and Latin to be grave and serious Men; and therefore if Aristophanes could by the smartness of his Drolling and Satyrical Wit, cast Contempt upon the brightest Example of Vertue, that ever appear'd in the Heathen World; why may not the Author of the Friendly Debate by the same Arts and Advantages [Page] expose Nonconformists and the Profession of the Gospel, (for they are always ventured in the same Bottom) to the same popular Scorn and Abuse? But any one that is acquainted with the Genius of the Grecian Comedy in general, and with the Humour of Aristophanes in particular, will be ashamed to compare such wild Satyrs and extravagant Farces with the Friendly Debate. That Poet never defign'd any appearance of Truth; he represents not Socrates his Opinions, nor confutes them by sober and Philosophick Reasonings; he intended nothing but onely to abuse him by Buffoonry and Apish Tricks; and the most taking piece of Wit in the whole Farce, was to bring the grave Philosopher upon the Stage, dancing in a Sieve. But as for the Friendly Debate, if it has represented any of them ridiculous, it has onely painted them in their own real Colours: There is no Poetick Invention, nor Comical Extravagance; and it takes no advantage but from Truth and Reason: so that if he make any of their Opinions appear ridiculous, he does it not by the unluckiness of his Wit, as Aristophanes did, but by the strength of his Arguments. Our Author adds indeed, to strengthen this faint Exception,Pag. 51. That [Page]'tis a facile thing to take the wisest Man living, after he is lime-twigged with Ink and Paper, and gagg'd with a Quill, so that he can neither move nor speak, to clap a Fools Coat on his back, and turn him out to be laughed at in the streets. This is lofty and Comical, but yet neither true nor witty. For the wisest Men will never be lime-twigged with Ink and Paper, nor gagg themselves with Quills; or if they should be so rash and unadvised, yet I see not how the strong Metaphor can restrain them either from opening their Mouths, or moving their Hands. For the plain English of all this lofty rumbling of Lime-twigs and Gaggs, is no more then to be in Print; and how can that hinder any Man from justifying his own Writings? For if Men Publish Sense, all the World can never make them ridiculous; if Non-sense, they make themselves so. And no Gaggs nor Lime-twigs can disable them from defending their Books against any Adversary, but either a bad Cause, or an ill Management, or (what is their case) both: so that if they are lime-twigged with Ink and Paper, 'tis with Rods of their own laying; and if they are exposed in a Fools Coat, 'tis with one of their own making.

[Page]§. 13. His last Remark upon the case of Socrates is extraordinary; when he insinuates as if the Crime for which he suffered was Nonconformity to, and Separation from the National Church of Athens; as if he were the Proto-Martyr of Independency. And the People are wonderfully taken with these sly and oblique Strokes; and as wofully impertinent as this is, they admire it for a notable Essay of Wit. And yet if this trifling were of any importance, the advantage would run vastly on our side: so easie is it to make it appear, that Socrates suffered not so much as a Nonconformist, as an Enemy to Fanaticks; and that his Offence was no other then an Endeavour to perswade the Men of Athens that Grace and Vertue were the same thing. The Story is briefly this: All the former Ages of Greece were led rather by a giddy and ignorant Enthusiasm, then the sober Dictates of a wary and well-advised Reason. And though some of the more ancient Vertuosi, seem'd to have made some handsome use of their intellectual Faculties in Physiological Enquiries, yet as for matters of Religion, they either altogether neglected their Speculations, or treated of them [Page] with as much wildness and vanity as their Poets, who pretended to derive their Theological Theories from Enthusiasm and Prophetick Frenzies; imagining Reason and Devotion to be things incompetent, and that Religion consisted barely in Enthusiastick Raptures, and Prophetick Heats; and therefore they depended more upon the Information of their Dreams and Fancies, then their consistent and waking Faculties; and the best Visionist was the ablest Divine. Their most celebrated Professors of Divinity, who pretended to the more inward, practical and experimental Mysteries of Religion, were a sort of silly fanatick and illiterate Poets, who being Men of giddy and over-heated Imaginations, pretended to derive all their Knowledge (as others do their Ignorance) from Inspirations and Divine Illapses; and thereby so entirely engross't the Profession of Divinity, that they gain'd an absolute Soveraignty over the Faith, not onely of the rude and Vulgar sort of Mankind, but also of the Sages and Professors of Wisdom; the Philosophers themselves, howsoever otherwise Men of eminent Parts and Ingenuity, resigning up their own Reasons to the Authority of these Fellows Whimsies and [Page] Inspirations. Then comes Socrates and preaches down all their pretended Mysteries, for raw and lamentable Impostures, and endeavours to draw them off from the Pageantry of their Superstition, to the habitual Practice of Vertuous Actions: And to this purpose he teaches his Fellow-Citizens, that they must gain an Interest in the favour of the Gods, not by their diligent Attendance upon the Eleusinian Ordinances, but by a Life of Vertue and Goodness; and that Love, Humility, Meekness, Obedience, Chastity and Temperance, are more acceptable to the Eternal Deity, then all their Mysterious Solemnities in honour of the Mother of the Gods. This alarms the Zealots and hot Spirits of the City, and the Good Man is immediately cited before the Consistory of the Areopagitical Elders, and is by them condemn'd as an Heretick to their Orthodox Faith, for setting up Carnal Reason against the Spirit of God, and for presuming to fathom the sacred Depths of their Eleusinian Mysteries, with the Line of his short and shallow Understanding: for how exorbitant soever they might appear to his Fleshly Reasonings, they were derived from the Off-spring of the Gods, and own'd by the most Practical [Page] and Spiritual Preachers of their Religion. And though his private and depraved Reason might judge them the brutishest and most licentious Practices in the World, (for so they really were) yet in spight of all their seeming Beastliness, they were the highest strains of Godliness and Spiritual Devotion. This was represented to the zealous and giddy Multitude, and then the Cry is, Crucifie him, crucifie him. And thus fell this great Man a Sacrifice to the Zeal and Fury of a Fanatick Rabble.

You see with what vain and succesless Attempts they fasten upon those Discourses; and the truth is, in so foul and thick a Cause, the more they struggle, the faster they stick; and therefore they would be well advised not to dally too much with that Author: for though I know him to be far from an angry or a Cynical Humour, yet I am able to discern such an hatred and antipathy to Hypocrisie from the Genius of his Writings, that if they will tempt him to unrip all their Folly and Knavery, he is apt enough to discover such thick Blasphemies against Divine Providence, and such unparallel'd Abuses of Religion in their most sumptuous Pretences, and most plausible Practices, [Page] as shall represent the Men of greatest Reputation amongst them for Wisdom and Learning, in as ridiculous a Guise as T. W. and the Men of greatest Vogue for Conscience and Integrity, under as seditious a Character as W. B. and no Man more obnoxious upon both accounts, then I. O. And who can endure to see Men, that are so horribly bemired, bear up with so much State and Confidence?

§. 14. But the great Nuissance of my Preface, is some unkind and unhappy Reflections, that I chanced, I know not by what Mis-fortune, to cast out upon their Gift of Prayer: This is the dear Palladium of their Pulpits, and they will as soon fling up the whole Cause, as forego this Priviledge of Talking: 'Tis the Ephod and the Teraphim of the House of Micah, and nothing shall ever wrest it from them but Fine, Force, and Invincible Resolution; and therefore where this is endanger'd or invaded, our Author (you may be sure) will lay about him with all the power of Words and vehemence of Zeal; so that here I must struggle to purpose to carry off this Darling of the Cause. In the first place then the Man is Wonder-strucken,Pag. 23. that I should design all along to charge [Page]my Adversaries with Pharisaism, and yet should instance in their Confession of Sin, when it is the Characteristical Note of the Pharisees, that they made no Confession of Sin at all. But to awaken him out of his amazement, he may know that the Pharisaick Hypocrisie consists neither in long Prayers, nor short Confessions, no more then it does in long Robes, or short Cloaks: Spiritual Pride is its onely Essential Character, and it is of no Concernment which way, and in what Expressions it vents and discovers its self. There is a creeping as well as a vaunting Arrogance, and this Vice is never so confident as when it appears in the Garbs and Postures of Humility. And thus when Men dissemble with the Almighty, when they know that they belye themselves with false Accusations; when they mourn for Sins, of which they think they stand clear and innocent; and pretend to be humbled for those Offences, of which they are not seriously convinced; Tell me a greater instance of Pride and Insolence in the World, then this jugling and counterfeit Humility: for what else can these Men think within, but that they oblige and complement the Almighty, by being content to be thought viler Wretches then they think themselves, [Page] onely to advance the Interest of Gods Glory, and set off the greatness of his Free Grace? And what an obliging Favour is this, when they will sacrifice their own Reputation to the Glory and Renown of his Attributes? So that 'tis apparently a coarser piece of vanity to confess those Sins of which we are not guilty, then not to acknowledge those of which we are. And that there is something of this Leven lurking at the bottom of all this Humiliation, is notoriously evident; for as much as howsoever humble and complemental they are in their Talk to God, yet in their Conversation with Men, the Scene immediately alters; then they return to the old Pharisaick Vomit; and then, Publicans, keep your distance; and then they censure and despise their Neighbours as Carnal Gospellers, and applaud themselves that they are not as the Men of the World. Then we bless the Lord for humbling our proud Hearts, and for emptying us of all our Self-righteousness; thereby to bring us effectually to an experimental sense of the deep and more spiritual Mysteries of the Gospel; to an heavenly taste and relish of the sweetness and preciousness of the Lord Jesus, and of that Soul-ravishing [Page] delight wherewith his People are affected in their spiritual Closings with him; and lastly, to an inward feeling of the glorious Discoveries, Manifestations and Comings in of his Spirit upon the Hearts of Believers in all his Ordinances. This is the inward, practical and experimental part of the Mystery of Godliness; whereas your Formalists and meer Moral Professors make a great Noise about their dry Devotions, and Self-wrought-out-Mortifications. But, alas, poor deluded Wretches! they never viewed the Ugliness of their Nature in the Glass of the Law; they never lay under the Horrours of the Spirit of Bondage; they never had a humbling sight and thorough sense of their Sins, and were never perfectly emptied of their own Self-righteousness; and though they can do good Actions, yet they cannot deny them, and make woful Complaints to Almighty God, that all the Duties they perform, though they know them to be agreeable to his Laws, are wicked and abominable. Ah! this Corrupt Nature is a proud Thing, and hardly driven out of its Trust and Confidence in its own Righteousness; nothing but an absolute and thorough Conviction of its own Self-emptiness, Self-abhorrency, [Page] and Self-despair, can ever bring it to a full and absolute Close with the Lord Christ. This is the Block at which Millions of poor Souls stumble everlastingly; and 'tis the Lords distinguishing Mercy that has taken the Veil from off our Eyes, and enabled us to see the danger of a Self-righteousness. So that this Pageantry is the main ground of all their Spiritual Pride and Arrogance; upon this they build the lofty Conceits of their own peculiar Godliness, and their insolent Contempt of all others, that have more Wit or less Vanity then to be as fond and phantastick as themselves; and in the result of all, this formal and counterfeit Humility, is made the specifick difference between the People of God, and the Men of the World.

But here his Pen takes occasion to flie out (for 'tis very unruly) upon a Censure of mine, against an Insolence of theirs; for confining the Elect and the Godly to their own Party, and esteeming of us as no better then the Wicked and the Reprobate of the Earth.Pag. 24. Wherein (says he) I am satisfied, that he unduly chargeth those, whom he intends to reflect upon: However, I am none of them; I confine not Holiness to a Party, not to the Church of England, or to those that dissent from it. This his Confidence [Page] dares affirm, though 'tis so notorious that never any Party of Men in the World (no not the Jews) did with greater assurance appropriate to themselves all the Titles and Characters of the People of God: For what else mean their Accounts and Descriptions of the Power of Godliness, by the Singularities of their own Superstition? What mean those Flatteries and Congratulations wherewith they besprinkle their Followers, as if they were the onely People that are acquainted with the Mysteries and Spiritualities of the Gospel? What means their Confinement of the Preaching of the Covenant of Grace to their own Doctrines, and their own Congregations? What means their boasting of themselves as the onely powerful, Soul-searching, experimental and spiritual Preachers? In brief, what means their bestowing nothing but fair Words upon themselves, and nothing but foul Language upon us? Sure he cannot forget the Words of their own Party, and who they were, that were The Godly, Professors, Sion, God's Jacobs, the Israel of God, God's Inheritance; when we were Aegypt and Babylon, Enemies of the Power of Godliness, scoffing Edomites, Men of the World, Antichristian Apostates, Idolaters, and Followers[Page]of the Whore. He certainly must needs be a very young Professor that is unacquainted with this Language. But however, what is all this to our Author? He (you may take his word) is none of them. But what is that to me? Did I ever accuse him? My design was to describe the Genius of the Party, and not the Humour of every individual Professor. But 'tis the mis-fortune of indiscreet People to betray themselves by their own unnecessary Apologies, and to cry Not guilty, before they are indicted, when their own Consciences Arraign and Convict them. For our Author (I perceive by sundry Passages and Notions in his Book) is a Brother of the Independent Communion; and therefore let him (seeing he has put himself upon it) produce me but one Writer of that Fraternity, that is not notoriously guilty of this piece of Pride and Partiality. I confess I am not very conversant in their Writings, yet I have by chance read one (of whom I am confident he has no very small Opinion) that exceeds all the Scriblers I ever had the fortune to meet with, or the leisure to peruse, in these foul and malapert Censures; and that is I. O. one of the great Patriarchs of the Congregational Churches: [Page] All whose Pamphlets are little better then so many Libels against the Church of England; and had we been down-right Miscreants, or the most wretched Ap [...] states in the World, he could scarce have given us more unfriendly Language: 'Tis hard to dip into a Page of his Writings, that is not embellish't with some or other of these decent and beautiful Expressions. It was the peculiar way of his Sermons and Discourses to magnifie the Parliament-Reformation for a wonderful and providential Recovery of the departed Gospel to these Nations; and to represent the design of that Holy War as begun and carried on by the Power and Procurement of the Lord Christ, in order to the final Overthrow of the Episcopal Antichrist, and the Restauration and Establishment of his own Kingdom. He has publish't many excellent Sermons to this purpose; such is that entituled, A Vision of unchangeable Free Mercy, in sending the Means of Grace to undeserving Sinners: wherein Gods uncontroulable eternal Purpose, in sending and continuing the Gospel (by which they all along intend nothing else but their sweaty way of Preaching) unto this Nation, in the midst of Oppositions and Contingencies, is discovered, &c. preached before [Page] the Honourable House of Commons, April 29. 1646. Where, beside the apparent scope of the Sermon it self, he reckons up three Departures of the Gospel from England: Pag. 27. That by the Saxon Conquest, that by the Roman Harlot, and that in our days by an almost universal treacherous Apostacy from the Purity of Worship, from which the Free Grace and good Pleasure of God has made a great Progress again towards a Recovery. So that the Episcopal way of Worship is a perfect Apostacy from the Purity of the Gospel; and had it been universal, it had been total. And again, such is his Sermon Of the Branch of the Lord, or the Beauty of Sion, preached at Edinburgh 1650. where compiling a Catalogue of the Enemies of the House of God in all Ages, he reckons up Pharaoh, Pag. 10, 11. Nebuchadnezzar, Dioclesian, Iulian, and the late Prelates, whose Rochets (he adds) were for that Reason, together with other Garments of their Adherents, and the Imperial Robes of the forementioned Emperours, roll'd up in Blood by the Divine Vengeance, and hung up in Gods House, as the Spoils of Gods Enemies; And 'tis, no doubt, no unpleasant reflection to his People, to consider how willing and prodigal their gracious Father is to sacrifice [Page] Crowns and Mitres, Kingdoms and Churches to the Interest and Plunder of his secret ones: Preface to Cromwel. For so our Author stiles them; I suppose because no body knows or suspects them to be Gods People beside themselves. And in his Dedication to the Supreme Authority of the Nation, the Commons Assembled in Parliament, prefixed to his Sermon preached Octob. 24. 1651. being a Solemn Day of Thanksgiving for the Destruction of the Scots Army at Worcester, with sundry other Mercies, he tells his Patrons, That as whatever there has been of Beauty, Glory, or Advantage unto the People of God in the late Transactions, (at Worcester) hath been eminently of undeserved Grace; so the dreadful Vengeance, which the Lord hath executed against the Men of his Enmity and Warfare, hath been most righteously procured by their clothing cursed designs of Revenge, Persecution, Bondage in Soul and Body, Spoil and Rapine, with the most glorious Pretences of Zeal, Covenant and Reformation, and such like things, which never came into their Hearts. Here the dear Brethren of the Presbytery, as well as the Reprobate Cavaliers, were Listed among the Enemies of the Cause, and of the Church of God; and now all People and all Parties in the three Kingdoms, except onely the [Page] Army-Saints and their Adherents, were become perfect Aegyptians: And so they were upon this Account, that the People of God had gain'd a certain Right to Rob and Plunder them by Divine Commission. And here also you may observe, that I.O. (bold Man!) and God Almighty were always of the same side and the same Communion; and whatever he was for, was doubtless the Cause of God. They were for Presbytery, and Independency, and Democracy together, and never parted Counsels and Designs, till the Lord grew weary of these right Godly Men, and so was at length pleased to turn Cavalier. And that upon good grounds, for by this time his old Friends were become as bad or worse then his old Enemies. For so the same Author informs us, (to mention but one place more, though I omit as many as would make a Volume) in a little Treatise of Temptation, pag. 65, 66. where, giving an Account of the Temptations, which in those days had even cast down the People of God from their Excellency, and had cut their Locks, and made them become like other Men, he reckons in the first place the specious Pretence of Christian Liberty and Freedom from a Bondage-frame, at which door sundry had gone out into Sensuality[Page]and Apostacy, into a neglect of Sabbaths, Publick and Private Duties, Dissoluteness and Prophaneness. In the next place he adds, The pretence of leaving Publick things to Providence, under which Professors had disputed themselves into wretched Carnal Complyances, and the utter ruine of all Zeal for God, the Interest of Christ, or his People in the World. He subjoins in the last place, These and the like Considerations, joined with the Ease and Plenty, the Greatness and Promotion of Professors, have so brought things about, that whereas we have by Providence shifted Places with the Men of the World, we have by Sin shifted Spirits with them also. We are like a Plantation of Men carried into a Forreign Country; in a short space they degenerate from the Manners of the People from whence they came, and fall into that of the Country, whereinto they are brought; as if there were something in the soyl and Air that transformed them. Give me leave a little to follow my similitude; he that should see the prevailing Party of these Nations, many of those in Rule, Power, Favour, with all their Adherents, and remember that they were a Colony of Puritans, whose Habitation was in a low place, as the Prophet speaks of the City of God, translated by an high hand to the Mountains they now possess, cannot but wonder how soon they have forgot the Customs, Manners,[Page]ways of their own old People, and are cast into the m [...]uld of them that went before them, in the places whereunto they are translated — What were those before us that we are not? What did they we do not? Here is pregnant Doctrine for many excellent Inferences, but time will not permit; and therefore from hence I shall only observe, that though they were grown as lewd and wicked to all intents and purposes, as in their great Charity they could ever suppose us to have been, yet notwithstanding that they still were the people of God, and we the men of the world, which you remember is somewhat more than I undertook to prove against them. You may from hence see how this Mans Rashness provokes us even in our own defence to lay open his Friends follies, and perhaps you (that are a suspicious Man) will be apt to make this farther conclusion, that Lying as well as some other little sins may put in for a place among the Infirmities of Gods people. So little Conscience do some men make of what they say, that they will not stick to say contradictions for their present turn; & yet so obnoxious are they, that contradictions cannot relieve them: however 'tis hugely unadvised for men notoriously guilty to boast their own innocence, before they are challenged, for that is to upbraid [Page] us to an Impeachment. And whatever shame and disgrace may follow, 'tis purely extorted by their own confidence. But I must return.

§. 15. And therefore in the next place, our Author might have spared his flat and tedious Invective against me for reproaching of poor sinners with the deepest acknowledgment of their sin before the holy God. Pag. 23. For there is not any virtue that I value at an higher rate than true Humility, 'tis the beauty and the ornament of all Goodness and all Religion: But I hate these sneaking and beggarly tricks of Hypocrisie, and nothing irks me more than to see such a bloated Pride creep up and down in the Garbs and Postures of Humility. I cannot endure to hear men pretend so loudly to loath themselves in the presence of Almighty God, and yet to favour nothing but themselves; to make such vehement Invectives against their own Baseness, and yet at the same time to brave and plume it with inward Conceits of their own singular Godliness; and under the deepest shews of Self-abhorrency, commit Wantonness with their own Thoughts, by the most arrogant and vain-glorious Reflections. There is not [Page] in the World a more shameless and a more irksome instance of Hypocrisie, than for men under the demurest looks, and most prostrate behaviour, to shrowd and cherish the rankest and most hateful Insolence, soothing themselves with proud and flattering Comparisons, entertaining their thoughts with Admiration of their own Worth, and Contempt of other mens, and making their own Fancies the Stages where they display their own Virtues and Perfections. And to prove that this is the Mythology of all their deep and prostrate Humblings, what more pregnant Evidence can we have, than that they will not endure to be charged and upbraided with their own Confessions? In other mens mouths they immediately turn into Slanders and impious Reproaches; and whoever should dare to represent them half so vile to their own Faces, as they represent themselves to the Almighty, would be thought to have a Mouth as black as Rabshakeh or Lucian; and but to suggest a suspicion of their Pride and Vanity, is an Unpardonable Affront, and raises all their Zeal and Choler: though there is not a more infallible symptom of a mans being proud, than to be angry for being rounded in the [Page] Ear that he is so. Now how is it possible Men should be serious in these black Indictments of themselves, when they think them no better then foul Aspersions, and unjust Reproaches to their Innocence; and shall be so highly displeased with any Man, that shall be so credulous as to take them at their word? And you need not question but they would take it with wonderful kindness and patience if we should turn their own familiar Confessions into serious Accusations. If they would accept the Charge, they are lewd People still; if they would not, they are proud Hypocrites, and there is my old Dilemma, and it will return upon them, though they drive it away with a Fork: so transparent is this Vanity through all its demure and grave disguises! Many other evident Proofs there are of this folly, as that they are most sparing in the Confession of those Sins, of which they stand most guilty; and that the Crimes they bemoan most largely, are such as they suppose peculiar to Gods People: but what I have already remarked, is more than enough to lay open the palpable coarseness of this Delusion.

Pag. 27.But in these Confessions, (he tells us) they have more respect to the Pravity of their [Page]Natures, then the outward Perpetrations of Sin. But this is an idle pretence, and is so far from justifying, that it will not blanch the Matter. For in the method of their Prayers, Original and Actual Sin are enumerated as distinct Heads of Confession. They first expatiate at large upon all the parts and branches of Original Corruption, as it diffuses and spreads it self over all the Faculties both of the inward and the outward Man; and after that, they proceed to the distinct Enumeration and Aggravation of their Actual Sins, where they reproach themselves with a long Catalogue of the blackest Impieties, and then exaggerate their Impieties with the lewdest and most emphatical Circumstances; so that all that baseness they stand indicted of by their own Confessions, cannot relate to the pravity of their Natures, but onely to the wickedness of their Lives. Beside, 'tis a lowd mistake to fasten any guilt at all upon the depraved Tendency of Nature, for there are but two Parts of Original Sin, viz. either the imputation of Adam's particular Offence, of which we stand guilty as parties of the Covenant; and this is all the guilt we are chargeable with upon the account of the first Transgression: for 'tis [Page] certain, Adam could derive no more guilt to his Posterity, than what himself contracted; and therefore no other instance of disobedience can be imputed to us, than that in which he prevaricated: Or real Communication of a decayed and ill-addicted Nature; and this is not a Crime, but an Infelicity that was inflicted by God himself upon Mankind, as a Punishment of Adam's Sin; and what is an Act of his Will, can be no fault of ours. We may indeed thank our first Father's Apostacy for this Disaster, because it was justly inflicted upon himself and his Posterity for that Offence: but what was intended meerly as a Punishment, to impute to our selves as a Crime, is, I think, new, I am sure crude Divinity. But however, suppose all the unhappy Inclinations of our Natures may be charged with actual guilt; yet what is that to outward Transgressions? Can any Man be so oddly absurd, as to affirm that the bare Tendency of his Nature to sin, has prevaricated such and such particular Commandments in Thought, Word and Deed? And yet it was onely these, and the like circumstantiated Confessions, that are not capable of being applyed to any thing but Actual Sin, that were the matters of my Reproof.

[Page]§. 16.Pag 28. But this curst Dilemma has not such short Horns, but that it will gore St. Paul as well as the Nonconformists, that acknowledges the former sins of his life, when he was injurious, a Blasphemer and a Persecutor, (which sins I pray God deliver others from.) As for the uncivil censure suggested in this Parenthesis, I accept it as an eminent Issue of his Charity and Good Nature. But as for St. Paul's acknowledgment, that stands far enough out of harms way from the reach of my Dilemma; for there is no possible way to acquit that blessed Apostle of the guilt of those enormous Impieties, unless he would be so bold as to give the Lye to St. Luke as well as to himself.Ibid. But (he adds) when an Apostle, he professes himself the chiefest of sinners. But 'tis apparent that this Confession refers not to his present Condition, but to the time of his being Injurious, a Blasphemer and a Persecutor; when no Man reviled the Son of God with fiercer Zeal and Confidence, or persecuted the Church of Christ with more barbarous Outrage and Inhumanity: which being so great a Crime in its own Nature, and so bold an Affront to the Divine Will, had he not reason (think you) to mark [Page] himself for one of the greatest Sinners that ever obtained pardon? For as for such as had affronted the Holy Ghost, and blasphemed the Name of Christ against the Convictions of their own Conscience, they came not into this account of pardonable Offenders, as being fatally consign'd up to a state of Impenitence and Unbelief: but among all Sinners that were within a capacity of Mercy, he knew not a greater Wretch than himself. Though this Confession relates to the Malignity of the Crime, not to the Malice of the Criminal: for he is so far from affecting to make a sad Story worse, that he abates the guilt of his sin by the most excusing and allaying Circumstances, in that he did it in Ignorance and Vnbelief; and it was this that so greatly asswaged the horrour of the Crime, and (as himself reports) so greatly disposed him for Pardon and Repentance. But how will this plain dealing justifie such Professors, as pour forth daily Confessions of the blackest and most presumptuous Sins? of despising the Riches of Gods Goodness, and Forbearance, and Long-suffering; of treasuring up wrath against the day of wrath, and Revelation of the Righteous Judgment of God; of treading under foot the [Page] Son of God, and counting the Blood of the Covenant wherewith they are sanctified, an unholy thing, and doing despight unto the Spirit of Grace. All this and much more, set off with all the Circumstances of Aggravation; not onely in the days of darkness and unregeneracy, but since the glorious Gospel has shined into their Hearts; since they have rested in it, and made their boast of Christ, and known his will, and approved the things that are more excellent. Is not this wild work for choice Believers to talk such extravagant Contradictions, when the former passages, and innumerable others common in their Mouths, do apparently signifie nothing less than either an incorrigible Infidelity, or a total Apostacy from the Gospel?

But what do I think of the Confessions of Ezra,Ibid. of Daniel, and others, in the Name of the whole People of God? I think they were as full of Truth as Horrour; and the People of God he here speaks of, were such goodly Saints as had revolted from the Worship of the true God, to all manner of Idolatry and Moral Wickedness. If the Congregations of the Nonconformists are such redoubted People of God as these, I have nothing to oppose to the [Page] largest and blackest Confessions of their sins. If they worship Idols, as they did, let them with their wonted familiarity make bold with the Expression of the Prophet Ieremy to that purpose: We have committed two evils, we have forsaken thee the Fountain of living waters, and hewn out Cisterns, broken Cisterns that can hold no water. And if they can vie Lewdness and Hypocrisie with that holy Nation, let them continue to foist into their Prayers those dark Characters wherewith the Prophets described the unparallel'd Wickedness of that People: nay, far be it from me to abridge them the Liberty of helping out their stiff Fancies, by purloining lofty Expressions out of the Prophetick Writings. If the Israel of God be not endued with more Grace at present than it was twenty years since, as I. O. describes them before the Supreme Authority of the Nation, the Commons Assembled in Parliament, April 19. 1649. pag. 39. We have called World Christ, and Lust Christ, and Self Christ, working indeed for them, when we pretended all for Christ. Now this Doctrine was either true or false; if false, what a bold and ungodly Slander was this to brand these Darlings of Providence, these precious Servants of the Lord Christ, [Page] these Patriots of their Country, these Fathers of the publick Liberty, (our Author may remember who flatter'd them with these special Titles) with such a a monstrous and profligate Hypocrisie? If true, then what Anointed Saints were those, who under colour of setting up the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus, and rescuing the People of England from the dismal Oppressions both of Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny, (he may understand this Language too) had imbroil'd the Nation in a Bloody War, had sacrificed so many thousand Lives, and had butcher'd the best of Kings, onely to carry on the puny Concernments of their own narrow and accursed Interest?

But we must proceed,Ibid. and in the last place I am catechised to give an account of my Thoughts of David's self-abasements, that far exceed any thing that Nonconformists are able to express. Truly I think the passionateness of his Repentance was but proportion'd to the horrour of his Sin; he lay under the fresh Convictions of the most horrid Villanies of Murder, Adultery and Drunkenness, and his guilt was enhansed with the most shameful and dishonourable Circumstances; and whilst he continued in this dismal Condition, what [Page] Cries and Accents could be too doleful to express the Bitterness of his Grief and Horrour? If they are in the same plight and condemnation, I will not then upbraid them for cloathing their acknowledgments with the blackest of his Expressions; for they will then have sad occasion to sing their penitential Psalm elsewhere: if they are not, then to use such mournful Ditties in their familiar Addresses to Heaven, falls under my former censure of trifling and fooling with the Almighty.

Pag. 25. But to despise Men for the deepest humblings of their Souls before God, can arise from no other Principle but an utter unacquaintance with the holiness of God, the accuracy of the Law, and the deceitfulness of my own Heart. As for the deceitfulness of my own Heart, I confess my self a stranger to it, and am not at all desirous of its acquaintance, for I hate nothing more then a false Bosom-Friend: But however, my Heart and my Self are of the same Church, and the same Religion; there is no Schism between us, that I know of, nor do I remember when we parted Communion: And I think we ever had the same Thoughts, Designs and Resolutions; and therefore as long as I am careful to preserve my own Integrity, [Page] let my Heart prove false and treacherous if it can: the Hearts indeed of all Hypocrites and wicked Men are deceitful, because they themselves are so; but we shall never understand how an upright Man should keep an hypocritical Heart, unless we can divide himself from himself. So that when the People of God make frequent and piteous moans of the hypocrisie of their own Hearts, unless still they fool and trifle, there is no remedy but the People of God must pass by their own Confessions for rank and self-convicted Hypocrites: for it was never known that any Man was better than his own Heart, or that a perfidious Heart was found in the breast of an honest Man.

As for the Purity and Holiness of God, I am affected with such reverential apprehensions of it, that I would have Men approach his presence with an awful and religious distance, and not always present themselves before him in such a foul and unclean pickle, and so full of Vermin; I know not a bolder affront to his Purity, than to presume he will vouchsafe Communion with such polluted Souls. 'Tis high Presumption for an habitual Sinner, continuing such, to expect the forgiveness of his sins; nothing can reconcile us to the favor [Page] of God, but an effectual and a persevering Repentance; this is an absolute and indispensable condition of every acceptable Prayer: and therefore Men that acknowledge any habitual disobedience to the Laws of Christ, put in a bar against their own Petitions; and do not onely stave off the Divine Pity by being unfit Objects for it, but provoke the Divine Displeasure by presuming of his Favour to such unworthy Wretches. And when Men tell the Almighty in good earnest, (for otherwise they do but trifle with him still) ‘Lord, we offend daily against all thy Commandments in Thought, Word and Deed, sinning against thee with an high hand, and a bold forehead, against Knowledge, and against Conviction; all the Thoughts of our Hearts are evil, onely evil, and that continually; working all uncleanness with greediness; drawing Iniquity with Cords of Vanity, and Sin as it were with Cart-ropes, &c.’ What other Answer to their Prayers can such debauch't Wretches expect, but the utmost Severity of Wrath and Indignation, and the Doom of the worst of Hypocrites and Unbelievers?

[Page]§. 17. But Ministers, Pag. 27. who are the Mouths of the Congregation to God, may and ought to acknowledge not onely the Sins whereof themselves are personally guilty, but those also which they judge may be upon any of the Congregation. I shall not urge him with the rash examples of some of their godly Ministers of greatest Fame and Reputation for Piety, that have proclaimed themselves not only to the present Age, but to all Posterity, proud, and selfish, and hypocritical, and desperately and mortally wicked. Certainly these must of necessity be either very naughty Saints, or most horrible Dissemblers: However, I am sure such ratling Confessions cannot but have a sad and woful Influence upon the Lives of their popular Admirers. For what can they more naturally conclude from thence, that if precious Mr.— that eminent Servant of Jesus Christ in the work of the Gospel, be so full of sin and wickedness; in how many more and greater Infirmities may I be indulged, that am but a private and an ordinary Professor? But to let this pass. What unclean Congregations are those that have such foul Mouths? Methinks it becomes not such pure People to have their [Page] Mouths always full of such uncleanly Confessions. And whether it be true or false what I. O. informs us,Sermon at Margarets Westm. Feb. 28. 1649. pag. 10. That 'tis the Duty and Priviledge of sincere Believers to unlade their Vnbelief in the bosom of their God, I know not; but this I know, that 'tis an unmannerly and horrid prophaneness, whenever they make their Addresses to the Almighty, to disgorge themselves of the most filthy and abominable Loads of Sin in his Presence. The Prayers of wicked Men, or habitual Sinners, (as I told you before) are an abomination to the Lord, and he loaths nothing more then the boldness and presumption of their Addresses: And therefore if they can suppose any in their Congregations guilty of those heinous Enormities, they are wont so familiarly to confess, yet they ought not to suppose them to have any share in the Publick Worship: For when Men meet together to join in the Duties of Devotion, none ought to be supposed Members of the Society, but what are qualified for the performance of the Duty; because all that others can contribute, is not to be reckoned a part of Divine Worship; and therefore Ministers ought onely to represent such Persons as are supposed capable [Page] of the Duty; and all that are not so, to disclaim their company, and refuse their assistance, as much as if they stood excommunicate from the Congregation; for so they are as to all the real designs and purposes of Religious Worship.

However, Publick Offices ought to be so contrived as to suit Publick Ends, and to serve the Needs of the whole Body; and therefore is the Confession of our Publick Liturgy expressed in such general Terms, as may comprehend the Concerns and Consent of all Members of the Assembly: For the peculiar end and usefulness of this part of Religion, is no other than that Men should agree and join together in the Worship of God; so that it is not so properly the Office of particular Persons, as of the whole Communion; and therefore ought so to be managed, as to take in the joint Devotion of the whole Society. And when it descends to the particular Regards of private Persons, it is then no Office of publick Worship, but private Prayer; a Duty that is not proper for open Congregations, but for Closets, and private Retirements; where, if any Person have any blacker and more enormous Crimes in his Calendar, he may be more particular in his [Page] Confessions without shame and scandal. But it is an odd and preposterous course, when Men associate themselves together to join in an Office of Devotion, that they should divide into so many separate and distinct Parties or Congregations, and every individual Member should pick and cull his share of the Duty, and lie at catch for some particular passage to which he may be able to bob in his Amen. But without this sleight, they could never be able to keep up their affected Singularity of Pharisaick Length and Lowdness.

To conclude: This is a New Light newly discovered by this Man of Revelations: for I am confident it was never before heard of in the Christian World, that when Men assemble together for the joint performance of Publick Worship, every individual Person has his Oratory apart, and joins not with the Community, but casts in a distinct Symbol of his own, in which the residue are not more concern'd then in the private Devotions of his own Closet. However, this faint Evasion (were it to any purpose, as I have shewn it is to none) is a secret to the common People; they are not wont to weigh and examine every Confession before they assent and seal to its Truth, but swallow [Page] all that the Minister pours out with an implicite Confidence: they will confess any thing that he puts into their Mouths; and those that are serious and most in good earnest, make the rufullest faces at the ugliest Crimes, and groan most powerfully at the lowdest and most thwacking Confessions.

Now when the People are accustomed to such large and foul Catalogues of sin, and when they hear such sad Stories from their own Mouths, and when it is confessed in their Name, that they have broken every Commandment of both Tables, to which are reduced all the kinds and instances of Wickedness; and when this vast heap of vile things is exaggerated with the heinousest and most emphatical circumstances of Baseness; in brief, when they are grown familiar with the Confessions of such lewd Offences, as are not fit to be named any where but in an Indictment; what will they more probably conclude with themselves, but that 'tis common for Gods People to fall into these foul Miscarriages, and yet never fall from Grace? Especially when these Confessions are generally clogged with some unlucky words that appropriate their guilt to the best and most holy Professors; and [Page] when it is the most vulgar Scheme of their Eloquence to enhanse the heinousness of the Offences, in that they were committed in the days of Regeneracy and Profession. And if the Lives of the Regenerate be stained with so many faults, and such foul blemishes, what is the Conclusion, but that the difference is not so wide between them and the wicked as is imagined? Alas! the righteousness of the holiest Men is as filthy rags; 'tis not for the Sons of Adam to think of performing a good Action, and we deserve Eternal Wrath for the most Vertuous Work we were ever guilty of attempting. What is Man, that he should be clean? or he that is born of a Woman, that he should be righteous? And now what remarkable difference remains there between the Infirmities of the Children of God, and the Impieties of the Wicked and Unregenerate? when it is the unavoidable fate of Humane Nature, to be enslaved to a necessity as well as to a body of Sin: and after we are brought into a state of Grace, there remains a Law in our Members rebelling against the Law of our Minds, bringing us into captivity to the Law of Sin: so that even the Children of God are Slaves to their Lusts and Passions; and by reason of the invincible [Page] power of indwelling Sin, are as vehemently inclined, and as frequently betrayed into actual and outward Transgressions, as lewd and graceless Persons, onely with this difference, that they enter upon the commission of their Sins with more regret and reluctancy, in that they do what they would not: i. e. they act more boisterously against the Light of Reason, and do greater violence to the Convictions of their own Conscience. And now upon this Principle, what plausible reason and title have Men to pretend to Grace and Saintship, though they sin habitually, frequently, and easily, upon every opportunity, and every temptation? 'Tis but crying out against the weakness of Nature, the body of Death, and the invincibleness of indwelling Sin, and to be sensible of that, is the Character of Saints and true Believers.

CHAP. III.

[Page]

The Contents.

VArious Instances of our Authors pitiful and disingenuous way of Cavilling. His Arts of darkning and perplexing the plain design of my Discourse, in sundry notorious particulars. A brief and plain Account of the Parts, Coherence and Design of the former Treatise, to prevent all future Mistakes and Pervertings. My state of the Controversie provides against the Inconveniences of both Extreams, an unlimited Power on one hand, and an unbounded Licence on the other. The bounds it sets to the Power of the Civil Magistrate, are easie to be observed, and unnecessary to be transgrest, viz. That Governours take care not to impose things apparently evil, and that Subjects be not allowed to plead Conscience for disobedience in any other case. The Duty of Obedience surmounts the Obligation of Doubts and Scruples, and in doubtful cases obliges to [Page] Action. 'Tis impossible to prevent all manner of Inconveniences that may follow upon any Hypothesis of Government. My middle way lyable to the fewest, and therefore most eligible. The bare pretence of a tender Conscience against the Commands of Authority, is an impregnable Principle of Sedition. A cluster of our Author's shameless Falsifications. His forgery of my ascribing to the Civil Magistrate an universal and immediate Power over Conscience. His impudent shuffling in applying what was affirm'd of a doubtful Conscience in particular, to Conscience in general. Another instance of this in applying what was affirm'd of the Rituals and External Circumstances of Worship, to the Principles of Faith, and Fundamentals of Religion. His change of the state of the Question, viz. Not whether Magistrates have any Power over Conscience, but whether I have asserted it to be absolute and immediate. Some short Glances upon some lesser Impertinencies.

§. 1. HEre his first Attempt is, to spit his Gloom, and cast darkness and ambiguity over the design of my Discourse: How has he bestirred himself to raise Mists upon my clearest and most perspicuous Expressions? [Page] And what Clouds of Words has he pour'd forth to involve the Evidence of my Arguments, and the plainness of my Method? How dexterously does he cull out a single Proposition to oppose to the scope and plain meaning of the coherent Discourse? And when he has got the poor, naked and defenceless Thing alone, how unmercifully does he turn and tease it into a thousand postures? and how wantonly does he tire himself with insulting over the feebleness of its supposed Escapes and Subterfuges? But to give you some particular Instances of this woful way of trifling.

In the first place, he quarrels my first Paragraph as obscure and ambiguous.Pag. 88. Why! because it gives not any Definition of the Nature of Conscience, nor any Account of the Bounds of its Liberty, nor determines divers other great and weighty Difficulties relating to the present Enquiry. What a monstrous fault is this! Not to couch the sense of three hundred Pages in one single Section; and what a fatal Misadventure, not to decide a perplexed Controversie before 'tis fairly proposed? Pray, Sir, by what Rules of Art am I bound to determine the Right of the Cause, when I onely undertake to represent [Page] the Pleas and Pretences of the different Parties? If I have not accurately enough described the Competition between the Liberties of Conscience, and the Prerogatives of Princes, (which is the onely thing I pretended to attempt in that Paragraph) let him cavil at that: but if I have, it seems but an untoward humour to quarrel me for not crowding the Discourse of my whole Book into the compass of the Contents of one Chapter. But Men, resolved to be peevish, are never to seek for Grounds of Contention. Of the same nature, and to as wise purpose is his Cavil at my first Proposition, viz. That 'tis absolutely necessary to the Peace and Government of the World, that the Supreme Magistrate of every Commonwealth should be vested with a Power to Govern and Conduct the Consciences of Subjects in Affairs of Religion. And though I have at large proved this Assertion from that Powerful Influence that Religion has upon the Peace of Kingdoms, and the Interests of Government; yet as for Proofs, he always scorns them, as neither pertinent to his purpose, nor worthy his Cognizance: 'Tis below his State to answer Arguments, he can bear them down with scorn and confidence; [Page] 'tis the Work of his Generation to establish final Determinations of Controversies, and he was born to put an everlasting Period to all Disputes and Scholastick Brawls. And therefore having first pour'd forth above two Pages full of positive and rambling talk upon this occasion,Pag. 92, 93 with what severity does he afterward school me for so crude and unlearned an Assertion?Pag 9 [...]. For who (says he) understands what are the Affairs of Religion here intended, all or some? What are the Consciences of Men? what it is to govern and conduct them? &c. What a strangely nice and delicate Confessor have I, that will not allow me the Liberty to use any known and vulgar Word, till I have first defined it with solid and Scholastick exactness? Methinks 'tis somewhat too severe this, a Man had better hold his peace than be put to this penance for every word he speaks. But the plain truth is, I thought (simple as I am) every Swain that understands but Country English, could not be ignorant of the literal meaning of those terms, Affairs of Religion, Conscience, Government, &c. and therefore I did not dream it was necessary for avoiding ambiguity, to guard every common Expression with rigorous and Logical Definitions. But yet what if [Page] after all this, I have distinctly accounted for these things, and set restraints upon their signification, as far as it might concern the matters of my Enquiry? What if I have expresly declared what affairs of Religion they are that are subject to the Government of the Supreme Magistrate, viz. not all, but some, i. e. matters of outward Worship, and that are not in themselves apparently or essentially evil? What then can be the importance of this mighty Cavil? Nothing but this, that I am a crude and unskilful Writer, because I have not been so happy as to couch the whole state of an intricate Controversie, nor to clear off all Difficulties and Objections relating to it, in the compass of five Lines. And if this be a Miscarrriage, yet my Adversary has not stuff't his Words so full with Sense and Notion, that he should object it as a defect to any Man for not being able to reduce the sense of an ordinary Volume into one single Proposition: other Men have more Cry then Wool, as well as my self. And yet he is so unmerciful and unreasonable as to expose my Title Page for not expressing my particular Determinations of the whole Matter in Debate;Pag. 85. and often produces that as a shameful instance [Page] of my loose way of stating Controversies. But this Man would snarl at the Title of the New Testament, because it contains not every particular Story recorded in the four Gospels; I am sure he might do it with as just reason, as urge the Title of my Book for proof that I have not distinctly enough represented my particular Thoughts and Conceptions of the whole matter under debate. Did ever Man burthen the Press with such slender stuff, or present the World with such pitiful entertainment? And yet he has vast stores of this Ammunition; and he never charges upon me with more fierceness then when he shoots these Paper-Pellets.

§. 2. Thus you find him in the same Page ratling my carelesness for calling Conscience sometimes every Mans Opinion, sometimes an Imperious Faculty, which surely are not the same. Though I might with warrant from good Authorities have stiled it a Domestick God, a Guardian Angel, the Mirrour of the Divinity, the Law of the Mind, the Practical Understanding, the Repository of Moral Principles, a Book and a Table, with innumerable other Appellations, given to it as it bears Analogy [Page] and Resemblance to other Beings; all which Names may agree to Conscience as vastly as they disagree among themselves; and it is a very little proportion of likeness that you will find between a God and a Book, and yet Conscience is both. But however, I discoursed not of this important matter in such fanciful and allusive Expressions, and kept my self close to the rigour and propriety of Scholastick Terms; and so I might warrantably call it both an Opinion and a Faculty, upon the account of its several Acceptations: For every Novice (that has seen but a Dutch Systeme of Divinity) knows, that 'tis sometime taken for the Faculty of the Practical Understanding, sometime for an habitual Recourse to its Practical Principles, and sometime for a single Action and Exercise of Conscience; from which variety of Apprehension, it is not onely capable, but necessary to be cloathed with as great variety of Expression; and though a Faculty and an Opinion are not the same thing, yet Conscience is both: And therefore I doubt not but I may often have promiscuously sign'd it with these and other different Titles, without any uncertainty of signification, according as the design of my Discourse [Page] might demand, and its Coherence may justifie; though where I have, as I am not able to remember, so neither is our Author pleased to direct us. But his custom is to except against any thing, upon what account soever it is spoken, as if it were intended for a scrupulous and exact Definition. Whereas there are innumerable other Reasons and occasions of Speech, that must be expressed in as different Schemes and Contextures of Language; though had I undertaken to define the signification of Conscience, I might safely have called it either an Act or an Habit, or a Faculty; and yet he will never discover any such uncertain Expressions in any thing that pretends to the Office of a Definition. And I remember when I call Conscience an Imperious Faculty, 'tis by way of Irony, when Subjects make bold to infringe the Rights of Sovereign Princes under its pretence and protection.

The next following words are not so near in their Neighbourhood to these, as in their Kindred; 'tis a Cavil of the same Breed and Family,Pag. 85. viz. That I sometimes plead for the uncontroulable Power of Magistrates over Religion and the Consciences of Men, sometimes assert their Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction[Page]as the same thing; whereas (he supposes) no Man ever yet defined Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction to be an uncontroulable Power over Religion and the Consciences of Men. Neither yet do I: What! Can I not use the Terms of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and uncontroulable Power, but one must immediately be thought a Definition of the other? Though Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction may be an uncontroulable Power, yet it may not so properly be defined by it, because it may have more necessary and more material Attributes, whereby its Nature may be more distinctly understood. Our Author often tells us, that my way of Discourse agrees not with that way of Logick in which he has been instructed: I would advise him therefore to acquaint himself with the Philosophy of the five Predicables, that will quickly inform him, that all the ways of Predication are not primary and essential, and consequently that 'tis not impossible but that one thing may (as they word it) be affirmed of another, without being an inseparable Ingredient of its specifick Constitution. Did I ever dream (dull Beast as I am) that when I asserted and proved the Power of the Supreme Magistrate over Affairs of Religion to be uncontroulable, [Page] as exclusive of an Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, distinct from the Civil, (for those words were spoken particularly upon that occasion,Vid. c. 1. S [...]ct. 10. and to that purpose) that I should be called to so hard an account for crude and ill-contrived Definitions? I presumed a Man might assert an Orthodox Proposition without being thought to define the precise Notion of the thing asserted. Alas! I did but vindicate his Majesties Supremacy against the Encroachments of the Pope and the Presbytery, that would usurp a Dominion over Princes, by instating themselves in an Ecclesiastical Soveraignty. If I have not made good my Argument, let him not spare it; if I have, I hope it is no disparagement to a good Argument that 'tis no good Definition. I have sometimes at Idle Hours (the time when this Man writes Books) recreated my self with observing the Impertinencies of trifling Scriblers, but cannot remember that ever I met with such slight and horrid stuff as this. And seriously these Exceptions are so frivolous and unconceiveably thin, that I cannot fancy any thing either in Art or Nature that more approaches the Notion of Superficies disjoin'd from Body. And yet we are not [Page] arrived at the end of these poor and beggarly stratagems, we have divers others as miserable & slender shifts to impose upon the ignorance and credulity of the Multitude. And to this purpose are distant and remote Propositions hudled together, and represented as if they related to the same matter, and had been spoken upon the same occasion. Nay, he spares not to accuse me of contradictory Assertions, because some of my Answers deny what was affirmed in some of my Objections. Thus out of my first Section he picks this Sentence,Pag. 89. Conscience is subject and accountable to God alone, and it owns no Superiour but the Lord of Consciences. And then this he matches with another, cull'd out of my second Section, That those who make it accountable to none but God alone, do in effect usurp their Princes Crown, defie his Authority, and acknowledge no Governour but themselves. This last Assertion I there made good by clear and undeniable evidence: but Arguments are too hot for our Authors Fingers, and therefore in stead of handling them, he onely blows upon Assertions; and in lieu of discrediting the truth of this Proposition, by defeating the evidence of its proof, he onely attempts to expose its silliness, by representing its [Page] gross inconsistency with the words immediately foregoing. And is it not a shameful Incongruity, that my Reply should contradict my Objection? And yet that is the plain state of the Case: for if you look no farther than the bare Contents of the Chapter, you will find that the scope of the first Paragraph is to represent the Competition between the Power of Princes, and the Consciences of Subjects; where I more particularly aimed to set off its Pleas and Pretences for its Exemption from Soveraign Authority; and then in the next Paragraph, I endeavoured in answer to the former Plea, to display the horrid Mischiefs that must unavoidably follow upon the admittance of these Pretences for the absolute Exemption of Conscience from the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Power. And now what a prodigious inconsistency is this, that my Answers should grapple with my Objections, and that Ob. and Sol. should run a tilt at one another? And when I had shewn the danger of what had been urged in the Exception, by its direct tendency to the Dissolution of Government, what a strange Affront must it be to my own Teeth, to retort upon my supposed Adversary with an Inference [Page] contradictory to his Objection? Certainly never was any Man before me upbraided with this sort of Contradictions. And if this be to speak Daggers, how heavy will the Charge fall upon all the Professors of Controversial skill?

§. 3. Another Impeachment near akin to this, you may meet with Pag. 86. where 'tis charged upon me as a notorious Barbarism, that I should affirm the Supreme Magistrate may oblige his Subjects Consciences under Penalties, and yet punisheth none for their Crime, but for the Example of others. A grave and profound Nothing this! For where lies the Inconsistency between these two Propositions? Are not all Penalties both threatned and inflicted purely as Inducements to Obedience? and are they not indifferently serviceable to that end, whether they are design'd to deter the Person himself by his own Experience, or any other by his Example from the like Practices? Temporal Inflictions are but accessional strengths to the Obligations of Conscience, that Men may be concern'd to avoid the Punishment as well as the Crime; and therefore though it be punishable to affright others from the same Enormities, what [Page] hinders but that Men may be obliged in Conscience to forbear them under the Sanction of an higher Penalty? The pure Reason of all Humane Punishments, is nothing but the Publick Interest; and therefore their measure is ever proportion'd to the influence that the Crimes have upon the Concerns of the Community: and Malefactors are executed, not to revenge their Injuries, but to prevent those Mischiefs the Publick would sustain by their Impunity. And if this be any reason why Humane Laws should not pass any Obligation upon the Conscience, because their Penalties are inflicted for▪ the sake of others, then no Capital Laws can ever bind the Conscience, because all Capital Inflictions neither have nor can have any other end but what relates to others. What else can this Man design by such crude and blundring Cavils, but meerly to amuse, or (what is the same with them) satisfie the People? They run over these Lines; and because they cannot find where the Crisis of the Exception lies, they pass it by for a deep and Scholastick Subtilty: Though all the Mystery lies in the palpable folly; and the onely difficulty that amazes the common Reader, is its having none at all.

[Page]This was an Essay of his Skill, but his next attempt is a proof of his Courage: for it is no doubt an Heroick Act of Boldness, to dare to impose upon the Publick with meer and ungrounded Forgeries; and such is that Assertion he would fasten upon me, as a further proof of the inconsistency of my Thoughts, viz. Pag. 85 That I confine the whole Work and Duty of Conscience to the inward Thoughts and Perswasions of the Mind. This in down-right English is a shameless Lye. Sir, you must pardon my rudeness; for I will assure you, after long meditation, I could not devise a more pertinent Answer to so bold an one as this: I confess 'tis no extraordinary conceit, but 'tis the best Repartee my barren Fancy was able to suggest to me upon so rude an occasion. Suppose it were your own case, that you could be so ill-advised as to print Books, should any Person be so bold and disingenuous as not onely to pervert your meaning, and disturb your method, but (what is base without allay) fasten upon you Assertions equally false and wicked, without any reference to Page or Section, and without any imaginable foundation of his mistake; what other return would you vouchsafe to make to such an unmannerly attempt, [Page] than what I have made? Meer Calumny as it deserves no more serious Resentment than utter neglect, so it is capable of no more civil Confutation than flat denial. I could take occasion from this falshood to add some Reflections of another Nature; but it is so utterly groundless that it needs, and so grosly disingenuous that it deserves, no other Baffle but pure disdain. Perhaps a Scotch-man would only have told him, (as the Bishop of Derry tells a Man of as lavish a Pen as my Author) that he is very good Company; but I am a blunt English-man, and hate a Lye as I do Idolatry or Witchcraft; and therefore you must pardon my plainness if I call a Fable a Fable. Now beside this Argument drawn from a Topick so vile, that you see I am almost ashamed to name it, the sum of all the other Exceptions amounts to this; That I do not define when I argue, nor distinctly state my own Determinations when I remonstrate to other Mens: That I do not propound and solve Difficulties in the same Words, and that my Answers contradict my Objections: That every Paragraph does not discharge the Undertaking of my whole Book: That the Reasonings of each Chapter are not fully and distinctly express't [Page] in its short and general Contents; and that all the particular Notions and Determinations of the Discourse, are not comprized in the Title-Page: In brief, that I have fail'd of the Glory to dispatch all Difficulties and decide all Controversies in one breath. Woful Misadventures these! It were easie to present you with vast heaps of Instances to the same purpose; but I have neither leisure nor patience to reckon up more particularities (to spare harder Expressions) of his folly. 'Tis enough that his whole Book is nothing but a Treasury of Cavils; and that he draws his Arguments not from any Principles of sincere Reason, but from the Topicks of prating and vulgar Talk. You cannot dip into a Page, but you will light upon some such lank and windy Exceptions, as I have above recited; and yet I must not stay to glance at them, they are so innumerable: these that I have already represented, lay first in my way, and in the very entrance, and upon the very threshold of his Book, and they may suffice for a short Specimen of that singular Logick he pretends to. And if the Reader will be at the pains (as I fear he will not) to compare his Cavils with my Replys, that will infinitely [Page] satisfie him of the impertinency of this Mans way of scribling: but if he will not, I shall be ashamed of entertaining him so long with such poor and unedifying Remarks. And therefore I shall not waste more time in pursuing such slender Trifles, but shall rather, to prevent him hereafter from abusing the People with these and the like mean Artifices, set down a short Model of the Parts, the Coherence & the Design of my former Treatise: for few vulgar Readers (I perceive) have either Patience or Ability to carry along with them the Method and Connexion of a large Discourse.

§. 4. In the first place then, I begun with a more general account of the absolute necessity of investing Soveraign Princes with an Ecclesiastical Power and Jurisdiction over the Consciences of Men in Matters of Religion; and this I proved at large, by representing what mighty and powerful influence it casts upon all the most important Ends and Interests of Government; so that to exempt its due Conduct and Management from the Authority of the Supreme Civil Power, is apparently to strip it of its greatest security, to disable it from a right discharge of [Page] its Office and Jurisdiction, and to expose the Publick Setlement to the Whimsies and Exorbitances of every crazy Zealot. And having laid this large Foundation upon the firmest Principles of Reason, and the most undeniable Experience of Mankind; I proceeded in the next place to erect a more particular Hypothesis of the Nature and Extent of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction: where I run a Parallel between the Affairs immediately relating to Religious Worship, and the Duties and Offices of Morality; proving Moral Vertues to be more material Parts of Religion than any outward Expressions of Worship whatsoever. And from hence I thought it but a very modest and reasonable Demand, That Men would but yield to allow to Supreme Power the same Authority and Dominion over the Means and subordinate Instruments of Religion, as they are ready enough to ascribe to it over its more important Ends and Designs; and so agree to set the same Bounds and Measures to both Jurisdictions. And now having reduced them to this Equality of Power, I advanced to a more particular state of the whole Controversie, by shewing to what Affairs in both kinds the Exercise of all Humane Authority is [Page] extended, where it is limited, and in what cases it is restrained. And here I first exempted all the inward Actions of the Mind, from the Cognizance and Jurisdiction of all Humane Authority; and withal, shewed how the substantial part of Religious Worship is performed within, and so is in its own Nature beyond the reach of the Civil Magistrate; and how all Expressions of External Worship, as such, are no Essential Parts of Religion, and therefore that he is not in any capacity of doing direct and immediate Violence to Religion it self. The Controversie being thus stated, as to the inward Actions of the Mind, the next Enquiry is concerning outward Practices; and they are of two sorts, either such as are apparently and antecedently evil, and these are above the reach, and beyond the Obligation of all Humane Laws; their Morality is already so determined, that no Humane Power can alter their Nature, or rescind their Obligation; but every thing forbidden becomes an intrinsecal and unalterable Sin, and every thing commanded an eternal and unchangeable Duty. Or else they are such as still remain in the state of indifferency, and are left undetermined as to their Morality, either by [Page] any certain Law of Nature, or any clear positive Law of God; and these are liable to the Commands and Determinations of Supreme Authority, and are the proper Objects of Humane Laws, in that there is no other restraint set to the extent of their Jurisdiction, but the Countermand of a Superiour Power; and therefore whatsoever Matters are left at Liberty by the Divine Law, must be supposed determinable either way by the Commands of Soveraign Authority. These are the most distinct Rules of Conscience in this Enquiry, in reference to the Nature of the Actions themselves: But besides these, there are other accessional Reasons of Good and Evil, that arise from the apprehensions of the Minds of Men concerning them; and they also are of two sorts; either such as relate to the Conceptions of other Men, which may in some cases lay a restraint upon our Practices, as in cases of meer scandal, and this by some is pretended to excuse their disobedience to the Churches Constitutions; and therefore I have distinctly examined the Nature and the Reasonableness of this Pretence, and shewn how the Commands of Authority abolish all the Pretences, and supersede all the Obligations [Page] of scandal. Or else they are such as relate to a Mans own apprehensions, and this takes in the pretence of a doubtful and unsatisfied Conscience, which is so zealously pleaded by most of our Separatists in justification of their Schism; and therefore because I deem'd it was of more close and immediate Concernment to our present Affairs, I have with greater exactness examined and stated the Obligatory Power of a weak and a tender Conscience, and have largely proved the manifest absurdity of pleading Doubts and Scruples in opposition to the Commands of Authority; and shewn that nothing can or ought to check with our Obligations to Obedience, unless it cross with Matters of certain and apparent Duty; and that all cases capable of Doubt and Uncertainty, cannot be supposed of importance enough to weigh against the great Sin and Mischief of Disobedience: So that the Result of my whole Discourse will at last run it self into this plain and easie Proposition, That Obedience is indispensably due to all the Commands of Supreme Authority that are not certainly and apparently sinful.

And now tell me how I could have [Page] drawn up the state of this Controversie in a plainer or more familiar Method? For the Propositions, you see, are distinct and comprehensive, they take in all the particular Actions and Affairs of Humane Life; and I cannot think of any imaginable Difficulty or Objection relating to the present matter in debate, that does not apparently fall in under one of the forementioned Heads of Action. Or how I could better have avoided the Inconveniences of both extreams, and which way else I might have determined the matter by such easie and moderate Principles, as may fairly satisfie all Mens Consciences that are ingenuous, and condemn all that are not.

§. 5. For (1.) to vest the Supreme Magistrate in an unlimited and unaccountable Power, is clearly to defeat the Efficacy and Obligatory Force of all his Laws, that cannot possibly have any binding Vertue upon the Minds of Men, when they have no other inducement to Obedience than barely to avoid the Penalty. But if the Supreme Power be absolute and unlimited, it does for that very Reason remove and evacuate all other Obligations; for otherwise it is restrained [Page] and conditional; and if Men lie under no other Impulsive than that of the Law it self, they lie under no Obligation than that of Prudence and Self-interest; and it remains entirely at the choice of their own discretion, whether they shall or shall not obey, and then there is neither Government nor Obligation to Obedience; and the Principle of Mens Complyance with the Mind of Superiours, is not the Declaration of their will and pleasure, but purely the Determination of their own Judgments. And therefore 'tis necessary for the security of Government, (though for nothing else) to set bounds to its Jurisdiction; otherwise like the Roman Empire it sinks and dissolves by its own weight, no Humane Power is able to support it self, and the Thrones of Princes are establish't upon the Dominion of God; remove his Authority, and the force derived upon their Laws by vertue of his Commands, and you untie all the Bands of Government, and set Men at Liberty from all Obligations to the Duty of Obedience.

Or else (2.) to grant Subjects a lawless and uncontroulable Liberty in all matters and pretences of Religion, is to dissolve one half of the Government into [Page] to perfect Anarchy, and yield up the Constitution of all Publick Affairs to the Humour and the Insolence of every wild Enthusiast; and every pert Fellow that can abuse either himself or others with Fanatick Whimsies, has it always in his own power to expose the setled frame of Government to the zealous folly of the Multitude. If he have but a warm Brain and a bold Face, with what ease may he fire the Rabble into Tumults and Godly Seditions? 'Tis but pouring forth dark Prophesies, and Scripture-Allegories, and declaiming against the Oppression of Earthly Powers, and then with what eagerness will the Capricious People flow into Cabals of Zeal, and Musters of Reformation? What Maxime in Policy is so fully ratified by the Histories of all Nations, as that there is nothing equally dangerous to the Publick Tranquillity with the Zeal of the Multitude? and 'tis not easie to determine, whether Mankind have smarted more deeply by the Ambition of Tyrants, or the Impostures of Religion. However, 'tis sufficiently verified by the experience of Ages, that there is not any Passion so incident to Humane Nature as Popular Zeal, nor any Madness so ungovernable as that [Page] of Religion; and therefore what can more become or import the Wisdom of Governours, than to keep a watchful eye upon all its designs and pretences. But these things I have already represented in smarter and more elaborate Periods, and therefore I will forbear to abate their evidence by these crude and hasty Suggestions. But onely supposing it is not impossible (what our Author has not gain-said, nor indeed can, without out-facing the experience of Mankind) but that the Factions and Hypocrisies of Religion may create Publick Disturbances, the deduction is easie and natural, that to grant it a total exemption from the Soveraign Authority, is at all times to expose the Commonwealth to great Disorders, and oftentimes to unavoidable Dissolution.

And therefore seeing an unbounded Licence on one hand, and an unlimited Power on the other, are so pregnant with Mischiefs and intolerable Inconveniences, the onely proper Determination that this Enquiry is capable of, is to assign the just extent of a limited Jurisdiction, and to state as distinctly as the Nature of the thing debated will admit, how far, in what cases, and over what matters it may be safely exercised, and within what Limits [Page] it ought to be restrained; and he that prescribes the most useful and practicable Measures, makes the fairest Essay at the Decision and Atonement of this Controversie. This was the Attempt, whatever was the Success of my Discourse: and to say nothing of some more particular Rules and Directions, the two great Lines wherein I have enclosed all matters of Humane Laws, are of such a wide and comprehensive extent, that in the midst of all the variety and intricacy of Humane Affairs, 'tis both easie to discern their lawful Bounds, and unnecessary to transgress them. For (1.) let Authority beware of imposing things certainly and apparently evil, and then there is no danger of their doing any violence to the Consciences of peaceable and sober Men, or of their suffering any disturbance from them: For the proper Office of Humane Power, is to consult the Peace and Interest of Humane Society; and the only immediate use of Publick Laws, is to secure and provide for the Publick Good. 'Tis no part of their Concernment to institute Rules of Moral Good and Evil; that is the Care and the Prerogative of a Superiour Lawgiver; and therefore provided they do not cross [Page] with the express Declaration of his indispensable Will and Pleasure, all other matters fall within the Verge of their Legislative Power: For as nothing that carries with it an antecedent Irregularity, can ever be supposed either necessary or advantageous to the Publick Good, and therefore may without any danger of impairing the strength of its Power be lopt off from the Rights of Soveraign Jurisdiction; so also many things left altogether indifferent and uncommanded by the Law of God, may in all the various postures and turns and circumstances of Humane Affairs, prove sometimes beneficial, and sometimes pernicious to the Commonwealth; and therefore the Supreme Magistrate being appointed the Supreme Judge of the Publick Good, there is no remedy but they must fall under the Guidance of his Laws, and Conduct of his Government. Now 'tis very easie for Christian Princes to move within so fair a compass; and if any go beyond it, as it is not for their Advantage, so it is not of our Concernment: For that Man must talk after a wild rate, that should pretend to discover an evident Opposition in any of the Laws of our Kingdom, to the plain and indispensable [Page] Duties of the Gospel: or if they will be so precipitate as to pretend this, we are very well content to devolve the issue of the Controversie upon that Undertaking; and then are they brought under an engagement to prove a certain and undeniable repugnancy between the Laws of our Church, and the Laws of God; and to suspend their disobedience to them, till they can warrant its necessity by some plain and express Text of Scripture: And if they will but persevere in Conformity, till they are indeed able thoroughly and satisfactorily to convince themselves of its evident unlawfulness, that would for ever prevent all thoughts and attempts of Separation. And this crosses me over to the opposite Bound of this Enquiry, from the Power of the Magistrate to the Duty of the Subject, Viz. That they would not scruple or deny Obedience to the Commands of lawful Superiours, till they are sincerely (not in pretence onely) convinced of the certain and apparent unlawfulness of the Command.

§. 6. And if we stop not the Subjects Liberty to remonstrate to the Commands of Authority at this Principle, we shall [Page] be for ever at an utter loss to set any certain Bounds to the just and allowable Pretensions of Conscience: For if they will not consent to have their Pleas of Exemption confined within the certain and evident Measures of Good and Evil, but desire to be excused as to all other Pretexts and Perswasions of Conscience, howsoever doubtful and uncertain; then must every Conceit that may either be mistaken or pretended for a Conviction of Conscience, be permitted to over-rule all the Power, and baffle all the Wisdom of Government: For be it never so wild or so extravagant, if they are strongly or seriously possest with the Phantasm, that and onely that shall ever exercise any Authority over their Thoughts and Actions; and if Magistrates shall in any case think good to curb its heats and exorbitances, they offer violence to the sacred and indispensable Obligations of Conscience; and this unavoidably exposes the Peace of Kingdoms to all the Follies of Zeal, and Impostures of Enthusiasm, and prostitutes the Power of Princes to the stubbornness and insolence of Popular Folly. Every one that is timorous or melancholy, that has an indisposed Body, or a troubled Mind; that wants Sleep, or wants [Page] Company; that has an hard Spleen, or a soft Head; that has a strong Fancy, or a weak Judgment; a bold Ignorance, or a conceited Knowledge; an impertinent Opinion, or a restless Humour; a Whimsie in the Crown, or a Vapour in the Hypocondria, may upon that account exempt himself from all the Authority of the Laws, and all the Obligations of Obedience: For you know what a vulgar Phaenomenon it is for these and the like effects of folly and weakness, to abuse the Consciences of well-meaning Men into Scruple and Irresolution; and therefore if every Man that has or (what is the same thing in reference to Government) can pretend to tenderness and want of satisfaction, shall be allowed to plead Exemption from the Duty of Obedience to the will of his lawful Superiours, there will be no avoiding the Co [...]sequence, at least as to the practice of the World, but that all the Power and Wisdom of Authority must submit to the Follies, Passions and Extravagances of the Multitude; and howsoever Men may wind themselves up and down in Mazes of endless Niceties and Distinctions, they will never clear themselves from the unavoidable event of Anarchy and Confusion, as long [Page] as they promiscuously admit the Pretensions of an unsatisfied Conscience; and yet that they will be forced to do, if they stop not at the plain, the easie and the discernable Measures of Duty; and therefore Men must not be allowed to excuse themselves from the Authority of Humane Laws upon slender grounds and weak surmises, nor conclude the matter of the Law to be antecedently unlawful, unless it be certainly and apparently so. And this will farther appear highly reasonable from the Nature of Gods Laws, that are always plain and easie; and the Nature of the Matters about which they are employed, that are always of a great and evident necessity: so that things really liable to doubt and disputation, are not of importance enough to be reckoned in the number of indispensable Duties; and unless they are clearly and apparently evil, that is an unquestionable evidence that they are not intrinsecally so: the perspicuity of the Law, and the importance of the Duty, are to an ingenuous Mind uncapable of doubt and uncertainty; and therefore where there appears no certain and express Repugnancy to the Law of God, that is presumption enough to satisfie any sober and peaceable Man in their lawfulness.

[Page]§. 7. But that which is most material to the Determination of Conscience in this Enquiry, is this, That there is no Rule of Life and Manners more express and unavoidable, nor any Duty in the Gospel enjoined in more positive Terms, and under more severe Penalties, than this of Obedience to the Commands of Supreme Authority; and God has tied all their just Laws upon our Consciences, by vertue of his own Authority, and under pain of his own displeasure; and as Men would acquit themselves in their Obedience to his Laws, they are bound under the same Sanctions to acquit themselves in their Obedience to theirs. And now upon this Principle no truly upright and conscientious Man will ever go about to riggle himself out of his Duty to his lawful Superiours, out of any regard to any Law of God, when he is not as clearly and abundantly satisfied of the certainty and necessity of its Obligation: Nay, he cannot with safety and without violence to his own Conscience remonstrate to the Commands of lawful Authority, unless upon Reasons more bright and forcible than the express words of St. Paul, It is necessary that ye be subject, not onely for wrath,[Page]but also for Conscience sake. And if Men would (as they ought) suspend their Scruples and Exceptions till they can make it out to themselves that they are as certain, as necessary, and as universal Duties of Religion as Obedience to the Commands of lawful Superiours, we could not desire a more effectual Bar to all our Schisms and Distractions: For none of the matters of our difference can either pretend to, or are indeed capable of equal evidence with this express Proposition of the blessed Apostle; and therefore if they would stand firm and loyal to this Doctrine, till they can produce more clear and convincing Scriptures to vouch their own singular Conceits, that must for ever stifle all former Quarrels, and prevent all farther Dissentions. v.g. Whereas our Author is required by his lawful Superiours to use the Sign of the Cross in the Sacrament of Baptism, he puts in his Exception against the lawfulness of the Command, in that it enjoins a Symbolical Ceremony; and every Symbolical Ceremony is of the Nature of a Sacrament; and no Sacrament can or ought to be instituted but by Divine Authority; and therefore for any Humane Power to establish new Symbolical Ceremonies, is to [Page] invade Gods own peculiar Royalty and Jurisdiction. In which Cavil are involved a great number of dark, uncertain, and perhaps indeterminable Enquiries: yet however, to keep to the main pretence, let him but conform to this Injunction, till he can alledge any Text of Scripture that affirms in as clear and dogmatical words, that every Symbolical Ceremony is of the Nature of a Sacrament, as are those of St. Peter, Be ye subject to every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake. And then we shall neither need nor desire any farther security to prevent his defection from the establish't Discipline of the Church in that Affair: So that if Men would learn to be peaceable and ingenuous, this plain and obvious Principle would either forestal or supersede all their scruples. And in truth the Commands of Authority so much surmount their Obligation, and anticipate their Pretence, that the very Plea of a tender and unsatisfied Conscience in Opposition to Publick Laws, is in it self a direct Principle of Sedition, and an open Affront to Government; and therefore whoever they are that vouch and pretend its prohibition to the proceedings of lawful Authority, deserve for that reason alone the [Page] shame and correction of sturdy and irreclaimable Schismaticks. And here 'tis a woful Impertinence for Men to oppose (as our Author has done) the Authority of God and of Conscience to that of Men,Pag 107, 144. for that is to plead God and Conscience against themselves, in that Humane Laws are as much tied upon us by his own immediate Command as his own immediate Institutions; and whatsoever lawful Superiours impose upon our Practice, that he binds upon our Conscience; and though their Decrees pass no direct Obligation upon the Consciences of Men, yet the Laws of God directly and immediately bind their Consciences to Obedience; and he has threatned the same Eternal Penalties to our contempt of, and disobedience to their Laws, as he has annext to his own Commands: 'Tis enough therefore that the Conscience is bound by the Laws of Men, though that Obligation be tied upon it by the Laws of God. So that it is not the different Obligations of Humane and Divine Laws, that are to be considered in this Enquiry; for the Authority of God is equally concerned in both, and all the Contest lies entirely between the Matters of the Command, viz. Whether God have by as certain, as absolute [Page] and as indispensable a Law restrained us from the practice of what our Superiours enjoin, as he has enjoined us to yield all ready and cheerful Obedience to their Commands. And when the state of the Controversie is shifted to this Enquiry, 'tis another woful Impertinence to plead the Rule of St. Paul, [He that doubteth is damned if he eat,] to countenance and warrant their suspension of Obedience: for where the doubt has but one handle, there it concerns us to hold that fast; but where it has more, 'tis the safest way to hold by the strongest: my meaning is, where the danger of Sin lies but upon one side of the Action, 'tis no doubt a Mans Wisdom to determine his choice on the other that is undoubtedly safe and innocent: but when there lies danger on both sides of the Enquiry, then the doubt ceases to bind from Action, and onely binds to Enquiry, and 'tis his Duty to resolve with the weightiest and most important Reasons; and the strongest Obligation always cancels the doubt, and determines the Judgment. And this is the palpable difference of our case from that of St. Paul. There all the Jealousie lay on the side of the Action, and there was no ground or pretence for any suspicion [Page] of Sin in the forbearance; and therefore it was a safe and easie Determination of the Scruple, to resolve that way where there is neither doubt nor danger; and in that case a total suspension of Action is our proper Duty. But this is widely remote from the posture of our present Affairs, where there lies some hazard of miscarriage on all sides; and therefore the doubt is no warranty for the suspension of Obedience, because if the matter of the Command be not certainly unlawful, 'tis certain that is so; and therefore it can have no more Power to suspend, than it has to bind to Action; and there remains no other way to appease and satisfie the Conscience, but to apply it self to depose the doubt, and resolve to discard its unreasonable and trifling suspicions, and confidently follow the guidance of its most probable Judgment and Determination. And here the safest course as to the case under our present enquiry, is to follow my former advice of joining in with the Commands of Authority, that are not certainly and apparently sinful; for nothing can out-balance their Obligation, unless evident and unquestionable disobedience to God himself: so that where this is not either plainly apparent, [Page] or very forcibly proved, there 'tis but reasonable to sink the Scale, and determine the Balance on the side of Authority; and 'tis a safe and an useful Rule of Life, that in all disputable Cases the Commands of Authority abrogate the Irresolution, and oblige to Action: But if after they have determined the Case, the Conscience will still remain stubborn or timorous, so that it will not, or dare not venture upon a Determination, 'tis either such a troublesome Infirmity as must be corrected, or such an head-strong Humour as must be broken, otherwise there is no conceivable way of governing Men that are either proud, or peevish, or ignorant. This is plain and down-right Sense, and (if I mistake not) Reason too. And I know but one Exception that seems to carry in it any colour or appearance of difficulty against this way of stating the Government of Humane Affairs, and 'tis this.

§. 8. When we come to apply particular Actions to these general Rules of Life and Government, who shall judge of their Agreement with the Limits and Measures assign'd, if this must be left to the different Judgments of the Prince [Page] and the Subject, this Fabrick falls to pieces again, and Men are still left at liberty to judge of the lawfulness of their Superiours Command, by the best Light God has given them, and they may be absolved from their Obligation by the Countermand of their private Judgment, and so we are just as before, Pag. 150. and this great Engine for Publick Tranquillity vanisheth into Air and Smoak.

But this Cavil (if it be of any strength or value) concerns not in particular my state of the Controversie, and lies indifferently against all Setlement of Humane Affairs, and strikes equally at all Hypotheses of Government: for upon what Principles soever Men shall setle and determine this Enquiry, it will return upon them with as much, if not more force than upon my Determinations: For whatever Bounds and Limits they assign to the extent of Humane Power, all its Commands must still be liable to the different Judgments of the Person that enjoins, and the Person that obeys: about which 'tis as possible and as likely they may disagree, as about those that I have prescribed; and therefore I never design'd to prevent such Inconveniences as are unavoidable to Humane Affairs, but onely [Page] to setle their management upon the best and safest Principles that the Nature of things is capable of. For either Religion is entirely exempted from the Cognizance of Humane Powers, and the Obligation of Humane Laws, or else 'tis in some cases obnoxious to their Jurisdiction. The former is an Opinion so wild and intolerable, as that it was never heretofore own'd by any but such perverse People as renounced all Subjection to Earthly Princes, nor indeed can it be admitted without dissolving the whole Fabrick of Humane Government: For that Prince must needs be vested with an absolute and uncontroulable Power, whose Subjects can challenge an Exemption from his Authority as to all matters and pretences of Religion, i. e. as to all things, in that it extends its influence to all the affairs of Humane Life; and therefore its Exemption is no less than flat Anarchy, a Dissolution of all Laws, and Subversion of all Societies. The truth whereof is so infinitely certain from the Reason of Things, and so universally confessed by the Experience of Mankind, that it could never enter the Minds of any Men, unless a few savage and inhumane Wretches, that would have voted to break up [Page] Humane Society, that they might betake themselves to the Woods and Desarts, and there live after the Manners and Customs of unsociable Creatures, and wild Vermin. But of this I have treated largely enough, and it is not contradicted by our Author: he grants, as all Men do that are not utterly revolted from the first Principles and Fundamental Laws of Humane Nature, that in some cases and upon some occasions 'tis necessary for the Supreme Magistrate to interpose his Power to setle and govern the things of Religion. Thus far we are agreed, and only differ in marking out the distinct Bounds, and stating the particular Cases of his Jurisdiction: and here, whatsoever Determinations he may propose, they must fall under the different Opinions of the Prince and the Subject. v. g. Whereas he conceits he has sufficiently stated the Controversie in the general words of our blessed Saviour, spoken to another purpose, and upon a different occasion, Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to God the things that are Gods: I demand who shall determine the particular Rights of God and of Caesar? Who shall assign the just Limits of their respective Dominions? and who shall judge when Caesar passes [Page] beyond the Bounds of his Imperial Jurisdiction, and when he intrenches upon Gods Authority, by taking upon him a Dominion in such Matters as God has reserved for his own proper Cognizance, and immediate Royalty? So that in this, and all other Determinations, there is no possible way to avoid making the last Appeal to different Judgments, because that is absolutely unavoidable in the natural Constitution of Humane Affairs. And therefore I never attempted (as some Men have done) to devolve the entire Power of judging upon the Judgment of one Party; but onely supposing our different Respects and Obligations to these different Judgments, to propound the safest and most moderate Principles upon which to setle and accommodate the Government of Humane Affairs; and to adjust all matters capable of debate between them, by such fair Proposals, and upon such reasonable Principles, that, if the Parties concern'd will be ingenuous in their respective Capacities, will effectually enough secure the common Peace and Happiness of Mankind: if they will not, the Publick Miseries and Calamities that ensue upon the default of either Party, will be proportion'd to the degrees of [Page] their respective Transgressions; and against them 'tis not in my power to provide, unless I could devest the Minds of Men of all Liberty of Judgment, and Freedom of Will: for whilst they remain, 'tis at their own choice whether they will follow the best and wisest advice in the World.

§. 9. Thus if Magistrates fail on their part, and Enact any Laws in defiance of the certain and apparent Laws of God, from thence arise the Calamities of Tyranny and Persecution, and against this evil there is no remedy but Patience and Prayers: Divine Providence is Superiour to the Power of Soveraign Princes, and superintends their Government of the World; and therefore to God alone must we address our Complaints for relief against Cruelty and Oppression; and if he judge it convenient for the interests of his Church, and the purposes of Religion, he will so order the Circumstances of Things, and the Management of Affairs, as to rescue them out of their Streights and Exigences. The Hearts and the Scepters of Kings are subject to his Almighty Wisdom; and he so disposes them, as to make them comply with the [Page] Decrees of his uncontroulable Will; and therefore whatever inconveniences may befal Good Men through the Folly or the Wickedness of Governours, they must be patiently endured, as certain Issues, and unsearchable Designs of Divine Providence; and we have no recourse for Succour or Deliverance, but to his infinite Mercy and Goodness: this is our only Support and Sanctuary, and who can desire greater Safety than to be under his immediate Care and Protection? And therefore there is nothing more unbecoming the Faith and the Profession of a Christian, than to betake himself to violent and irregular Courses against the Inconveniences of Government: 'tis a direct and open affront to the Superintendency of Providence, that has reserved this Prerogative to it self: 'tis our Duty to obey cheerfully, or to suffer patiently; and to leave all other Events of Things to his All-comprehensive Wisdom. Mankind must be subject to Government; no Government can be effectual unless it be Supreme and Absolute; and therefore God has been pleased to enjoin us a full and entire Subjection to our lawful Superiours; and as for what may ensue thereon, we must leave to his wise and unerring [Page] Disposal, and then certainly we may rest secure of a good Issue of Things. So that if the Magistrate erre in his Judgment of the extent of his Authority, and act beyond the Bounds of his lawful Jurisdiction, 'tis not in the Power of Subjects to redress or to remove the Mischiefs that must ensue upon his Government: they must discharge their Duty, and submit to their Fate; and as for the Reformation of any Publick Miscarriages, they must leave it entirely to the Will and the Wisdom of the Soveraign Power. So that the material thing of which Princes ought to be careful, is that their Laws cross not with the express Laws of God; and this they may easily avoid, if they will be upright and ingenuous; and this if they will do, they may as easily avoid all the Mischiefs and Inconveniences that may befal Men of peaceable Spirits through their default. But as 'tis their Duty not to transgress their own Bounds; so on the other side, 'tis as much their Interest to restrain their Subjects from transgressing theirs; and not suffer them to remonstrate to the Equity of their Laws, unless when they can plead a clear & undoubted pre-engagement to an higher Authority; and they must not prostitute the Interests [Page] of the Republique, and the Reverence of Government, to the Niceties of every curious Imagination, or the Cavils of every peevish Humour. There is no end of trifling and unreasonable Pretences, if once the common People are permitted to put in their Exceptions against the Publick Laws; and what a weak and impertinent thing were the Power of Princes, if it might be over-ruled by the Folly of the Multitude? And how bravely would the World be govern'd, if the Authority and Obligation of Laws must be left arbitrary to the Opinion of every vain and foolish Fellow? And therefore in such cases the Allegation of a tender Conscience confutes it self, and 'tis but a soft and plausible word to qualifie a stubborn and contentious Humour; and did not something else bear Men up against the force of Authority, a weak Conscience has not boldness enough to oppose its own Power and Judgment against the Will of Superiours, and the Wisdom of Publick Laws: 'tis not so imperious and impatient in its Pretensions, but 'tis (if it really is what it pretends to be) of a yielding, a modest and a governable Temper, apt and easie to receive any competent Satisfaction, willing [Page] to comply with the Necessities of Government, and the Interests of Publick Order; and therefore when Men are zealous and confident in their disobedience to Authority, and are forward upon all occasions to take offence at the Publick Laws, whatever they fancy to themselves, or pretend to others, 'tis a proud, a malapert, and an insolent Humour, that affects to affront Authority, and to raise Trophees to its Zeal and Courage, by controuling the Decrees of Princes, and trampling upon the Laws of Discipline. And therefore nothing more imports the Publick Peace, than to take down such bold and daring Spirits; and their high Stomachs must be broken, before they can be made fit Subjects of Civil Societies, and fit Members of Bodies Politick. Disorder and Disturbance is the natural Result of their Complexion, and they cannot forbear to fret and annoy Authority with every peevish and unreasonable Conceit. So that the bare Pretence of Tenderness of Conscience in defiance to the Commands of Authority, is at once a bold Attempt, and an impregnable Principle of Sedition: for unless Men have lost their due sense of reverence and submission to Government, they will not [Page] pretend it; and when they do, if their Pretence be admitted, they are but encouraged to continue refractory in their disobedience, and to make all the Laws of Discipline and Publick Order yield up their Authority to a proud and an insolent Humour. This is the plain and real account of my state of the Controversie; and if any Man can determine it upon more reasonable, more moderate, and more discernable Principles, I am not so fond of my own Conceptions, as to be unwilling to subscribe to wiser Proposals. But these things I have accounted for more at large, in the last Chapter of my former Treatise; where I have in many particulars shewn the horrible vanity of pretending dissatisfaction of Conscience against the Commands of lawful Authority. And had not our Author rather design'd to prolong, than to determine this Dispute, in stead of his wild rambling up and down without drift or method, he would with a more particular Regard have faln upon that part of my Discourse; but its Examination would have been of immediate Concern to his own Pretences, and would have brought the Controversie to too speedy an Issue, and perhaps too satisfactory a Decision; and therefore he baulks [Page] that as too hazardous an Enterprize, and is unwilling to venture the whole Cause upon one Engagement, but keeps this back as a Reserve for a second Onset, and for matter of new Cavil: at present it suffices for his purpose (which is not to satisfie, but to shuffle with his Readers) to load my more general Assertions with such loose and uncertain Cavils, as are already prevented in my more particular Determinations of the Enquiry.

§. 10. But though this way of abuse be (one would think) bold enough, yet in the next attempt his Confidence improves, (and it were hard fortune if he should prove Bankrupt upon so fair a Stock:) before he did but overlook my plain meaning, but now he proceeds to pervert and slander it, and his peevishness becomes malice. He is not content to abuse the People with dull mistakes, and to defeat the efficacy of my Discourse upon the Minds of Men, by disturbing its method, and representing its whole design in such an awkard and disorderly manner, as may utterly confound and perplex their thoughts as to my drift and meaning. This, alas! is mean revenge, and is not full enough of mischief [Page] to appease his wrath; it onely calls my Understanding into question, and exposes my Wit to the Cavils and Impertinencies of talking People; and therefore he roundly charges me with the blackest and most horrid Tenets; he aggravates and sets off their horrour with infinite Repetitions, (for that is the most lofty strain of their Eloquence, and the Figure that moves the Passions of their Multitude) and employs all the forces of slander and peevishness to raise popular rage and indignation. The Result of his Indictment is, that I assert such Opinions,Pag. 97. from whence it follows, that whatever the Magistrate commands in Religion, his Authority does so immediately affect the Consciences of Men, that they are bound to observe it on pain of the greatest Sin and Punishment; or, as he expresses the same thing elsewhere,Pag. 105. that no Man must do or practise any thing in the Worship of God, but what is prescribed, appointed and commanded by the Magistrate, upon pain of Sin, Schism, Rebellion, and all that follows thereon. These are big words indeed: but if it shall appear that this Charge is not so loud and black, as 'tis false and disingenuous, I will give him the Liberty of an Appeal to all Mankind for the clearing of his Integrity: and when I have represented upon [Page] what slight grounds he raises this great and heinous Accusation, I doubt not but his disingenuity will appear so palpable and notorious, that it will expose him at least to the pity of the most Zealous She of his own Congregation. And therefore let us see by what mighty Topicks and Testimonies he makes good so high a Charge.

In the first place my Title Page rises up in Judgment against me, (and never was poor Man so all-be-confuted with a Title Page as I have been) viz. Pag. 95. That the Magistrate has Power over the Consciences of his Subjects in Religion: and to strengthen this Testimony, two other Propositions are join'd with it, viz. That the Magistrate has Power to govern and conduct their Consciences in Religious Affairs; and that, Religion is subject to his Dominion, as well as all other Affairs of State. And now, though these are none of my primary and Fundamental Assertions, (which an ingenuous Adversary would chiefly have pursued) but honest and well-meaning Sayings, that the Context would abundantly warrant and justifie; yet will I for ever yield my self a baffled Fellow, if from thence any Female or Independent Logick can infer either that the Magistrate has an unlimited [Page] Power over, or passes an immediate Obligation upon the Consciences of Men; or, in our Authors own words, That whatever the Magistrate commands in Religion, his Authority does so immediately affect the Consciences of Men, that they are bound to observe it on the pain of the greatest sin and punishment. This trash neither needs nor deserves any further severity; and therefore I will onely leave it to the Readers thoughts to consider by what Art, and in what Method of Reasoning this Conclusion may be created out of these Premises: an allmighty Confidence may attempt much, and perhaps do it too; but yet some things there are beyond the reach and power of Omnipotence it self, and I know nothing more absolutely impossible than to produce Sense out of Non-sense, or (what is the same thing) to make good the Reasonableness of false and unreasonable Inferences.

But from this great head of Impertinency, he proceeds to his more serviceable Topick of Forgery; and if he cannot bring the Mountain to Mahomet, 'tis no great difficulty to carry Mahomet to the Mountain; and if his Conclusions will not suit with my Assertions, he knows how to make my Assertions suit with his [Page] Conclusions; and when he has charged me with a false Inference, 'tis an admirable way to justifie the Logick of his Calumny by forged Premises. And thus to make good his former Inference of my ascribing to the Civil Magistrate an immediate and universal Power over the Consciences of Men, he tells his believing Reader I have affirmed,Ibid. pag. 27. That 'tis a Soveraignty over Mens Consciences in Matters of Religion, and this universal, absolute, and uncontroulable. Though this Calumny were true, yet (so injudicious is our Authors Invention) 'tis monstrously impertinent; for there is no imaginable ground to conclude from hence, That the Supreme Authority immediately affects the Consciences of Men: For suppose the Civil Magistrate instated in an absolute and uncontroulable Power, what necessity is there that their Commands should tie themselves upon our Consciences by vertue of their own immediate Authority? Nay, 'tis impossible any thing should immediately affect the Conscience but the Authority of God; and 'tis by vertue of his Command that any other Commands can pass an Obligation upon it; and therefore though the Commands of the Civil Magistrate should pass an universal Obligation [Page] upon the Consciences of Men, yet 'tis an Inference like the rest of our Authors, from thence to conclude that they therefore affect them by their own direct and immediate Sanction. But this is not all, 'tis as false as foolish: I have indeed asserted the absolute Power of the Civil Magistrate over Affairs of Religion, in Opposition to the Pretences of a distinct Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction: For having first asserted the necessity of a Soveraign Power over these matters, from their Concernment in the Peace and Government of the World, I thence proceeded to enquire where and in whom it ought to reside; and having shewn the Inconsistency of erecting two Supreme Powers, one over Civil, the other over Ecclesiastical Affairs, I concluded that the Supreme Government of every Commonwealth must of necessity be universal, absolute and uncontroulable, in that it extends its Jurisdiction as well to Affairs of Religion, as to Affairs of State, because they are so strongly influential upon the Interests of Mankind, & the Ends of Government. And now is this to make the Ecclesiastical Authority of the Civil Magistrate absolutely paramount, without regard to any other Jurisdiction of what nature [Page] soever, when I onely maintain it in defiance to the Claims of any other Humane Power? This was the subject of that Enquiry. And when I asserted the Soveraign Power to be absolute and uncontroulable, 'tis apparent nothing else could be intended than that it ought not to be controul'd by any distinct Power, whether of the Pope or the Presbytery; and when I asserted it to be universal and unlimited, it could be understood in no other sense than that it was not confined to matters purely Civil, but extended its Jurisdiction to matters of an Ecclesiastical importance; upon which account alone I determined it to be absolute, universal and uncontroulable. This is the main and the Fundamental Article of the Reformation, and that which distinguishes the truly Orthodox and Catholick Protestant both from Popish and Presbyterian Recusants; and is the onely fence to secure the Thrones of Princes against the dangerous Encroachments of those bold and daring Sects; and therefore from so avowed a truth, to charge me for ascribing in general Terms an absolute, universal & uncontroulable Power to the Civil Magistrate over the Consciences of Men in matters of Religion, argues more [Page] boldness than wit and discretion, and gives us ground to suspect that these Men are not less forsaken of shame and modesty, than they are of Providence: for it must needs be a very bold Face, and a very hard Forehead, that could ever venture to obtrude such palpable and disingenuous Abuses upon the World.

§. 11. But our Author proceeds in his Method, and his Charge and his Confidence advance together; and before you fin [...] him at the end of this Paragraph, you will find him bravely attempting the highest degree of boldness. The next proof he singles out for his purpose, is a passage of the twelfth Section of my first Chapter:Pag 96. He [the Magistrate] may if he please reserve the exercise of the Priesthood to himself: From whence it clearly follows (as he dreams) that Queen Elizabeth might, if she pleased, have exercised the Priestly Function in her own Person. And he takes frequent occasion to insult over the weakness of this Assertion,Vide pag. 114, 136, 137, 159 and triumph in the wit of this Inference. But I shall not insist upon its woful impertinency to the Conclusion, wherewith he confidently winds up this heap of Calumnies, viz. That from hence it follows, that [Page]whatever the Magistrate commands in Religion, his Authority does so immediately affect the Consciences of Men, that they are bound to observe it on the pain of the greatest sin and punishment. For how is it possible for any Man to infer from his Right to the Priestly Office, an unlimited and immediate Power over Religion, unless it could be proved that this absolute Soveraignty is unalienable from the Priesthood? and when that is pretended or performed, we will farther consider the Validity of this Inference. Nor shall I mind him what an ill piece of Policy it is for him to disavow the Authority of the Female Sex in the Conduct of Religion; when the chief and most important Affairs of the separate Churches are transacted and govern'd by their Zeal; and when the Apron-strings are the strongest Bond of the Congregational Union; and when (as they manage the business) St. Peter's Keys are hang'd at their Girdles, and every conceited Sister assumes to her self, if not the Infallibility of Pope Ioan, yet at least the Power and Authority of Donna Olympia. Nor lastly, shall I present the Salique Law of the Christian Church, that devests that Sex of all right and pretence of Succession to the Priesthood; by [Page] which they are restrain'd from intermedling with any Offices of the Sacred Function, though it should descend by right of Inheritance to the Heirs Male of the Blood Royal. Such a trifling Objection is not worth so much pains; 'tis sufficient to inform you, that in the Paragraph aforesaid I undertook to give an account of the true Original of all Civil and Ecclesiastical Government: where I shewed how in the first Ages of the World they were vested in the same Person, and founded upon the same Right of Paternal Authority: and in this state of things antecedent to all superinduced Restraints, and positive Institutions, I asserted the Supreme Magistrate might, if he pleased, reserve the exercise of the Priesthood to himself, though afterwards the Priestly Office was in the Jewish Commonwealth expresly derogated from the Kingly Power, by being setled upon the Tribe of Levi, and the Line of Aaron; and so likewise in the Christian Church, by being appropriated to the Apostles and their Successours, that derive their Ministerial Office (for that of Priesthood our Author will not admit of under the Gospel) from our blessed Saviours express and immediate Commission. Now what I affirm'd [Page] of things in the bare state of Nature, without the guidance of Revelation, for our Author to represent it, as if I had applied it indifferently to all Ages and Periods of the Church, by whatsoever positive Laws and different Institutions they may be govern'd, is wonderfully suitable to the Genius of his own Wit and Ingenuity, and sufficiently discovers who he is, though we had no other evidence of the Man and his Humour, 'tis his way and method, and betrays him as much as the word Entanglement, that is the Shibboleth of all his Writings.

But I must not think to escape thus, he is resolved to bear me down for an illiterate Dunce with Face and downright Confidence; and to this purpose he tells the Reader, that the Young Man, as pert and peremptory as he is,Pag. 159. seems not much acquainted with the rise of the Office of the Priesthood amongst Men, as shall be demonstrated if farther occasion be given thereunto. This he affirms boldly, and when it is proved, it shall be granted: but till then, let me beg the Reader to suspend his censure of my Ignorance; and I hope by this time he is satisfied 'tis not absolutely impossible but that our Author may boldly affirm what he knows not how to prove, [Page] and confidently undertake what he is not able to perform. However, a modest Man would either not have mentioned this Exception, or would have made it good, and not have presumed that the World should take his Brags for Arguments; and take it for a reasonable Confutation of my Assertion, because he says he can confute it, aye that he can. This is the most it amounts to; and whether it be his Intention or no, he might have said nothing to as much purpose as to say so much and no more. But other Men would stand still as fast as this Man gallops; and when he comes to the end of his career, he is just where he was at the beginning.

§. 12. And yet the next proof is just as wise and as wonderful as this, viz. Pag. 96. That this Power I have ascribed to the Civil Magistrate, is not derived from Christ, or any Grant of his, but is antecedent to his coming, or any Power given unto him, or granted by him. But what is all this to his Inference of the Magistrates absolute and immediate Power over Conscience? That Power in which God vested Princes, must be such as is compatible with his own Supremacy, and that consists [Page] in his absolute and immediate Soveraignty over the Minds of his reasonable Creatures; and therefore was in its own Nature uncapable of being granted away to any subordinate Authority.Pag 159. But however, you will conclude with him from this Principle, that Magistrates owe no Allegiance and Subjection to the Scepter of Christ, seeing they derive not their Authority from his Commission, but were instated in its actual Possession before ever he was advanced to the Government of the Universe. I say, No: for though they were vested in an ancient and original Right, yet its Continuance, ever since he commenced his Empire, depends meerly upon his Confirmation, in that whoever does not reverse a former Grant, confirms it. And therefore though they were impowered to govern the Church of God antecedent to our Saviours Supremacy, yet that they are still intrusted with the same Authority they owe entirely to his Soveraign will and pleasure, because 'tis now in his Power to devest them of this, or any other of their ancient Prerogatives: so that seeing he has thought good to continue the Government of the World in the same state and posture he found it in, Princes are not now less indebted [Page] to him for the Grant of their Imperial Power, than if they had been at first instated in it by his immediate and and positive Commission. And to this purpose did I discourse in that Paragraph out of which he has singled this Proposition, viz. to shew how unreasonable it is for Men to demand an express Grant from our Saviour to Civil Magistrates for the Government of his Church, when they were already establish't in the full exercise of this Jurisdiction by the right of Nature, and the consent of Nations: so that in stead of requiring this of us, they are rather obliged to shew where he has expresly disrobed and aliened the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction from the Royal Prerogative: for if he have not, there is no pretence or exception but that it still continues as inseparable a Right of the Supreme Magistrate in every Nation, as if he had setled it upon him by his own positive and immediate Institution.

His next Exception is down-right Jugling, viz. That I assert,Ibid. That Magistrates have a Power to make that a particular of the Divine Law, which God had not made so, and to introduce new Duties in the most important parts of Religion. He knows these words have no relation in the place where they [Page] stand to matters of meer Religion and immediate Worship, but are spoken onely of the Duties and Offices of Morality, which I had before proved to be the main Designs and most essential Parts of Religion, and likewise shewn that the Civil Magistrate was impower'd to introduce upon the Divine Law new Duties and Instances of Moral Vertue, from whence I thought it but reasonable to conclude his Power over the outward Expressions of Religious Worship, that are but circumstances, or at highest but subordinate and less material Duties, if compared to the great and important Vertues of Morality. Whether my Proposition or my Inference be reasonable or no, concerns not our present Enquiry; our Author in this place puts in no Exception against them: but whether this Quotation be either honestly or pertinently alledged against me, do you judge; when he could not but know that these words, whether true or false, could have no imaginable reference to matters of Religious Worship properly so called, but were expresly limited to the Instances of Moral Goodness, that yet he should produce them in this feat shuffling and uncertain manner of Expression, onely that the common [Page] People might not understand them, as they relate to my account and Notion of Religion, i. e. as it takes in Duties of Morality; but in the Vulgar sense of the word, as it signifies Religious Worship. This you see is wretched Troth; but that which follows is glorious and undaunted Slander; when he immediately subjoins to the former words, So that there is a publick Conscience, which Men are in things of a publick Concern (relating to the Worship of God) to attend unto, and not to their own. And if there be any sin in the Command, he that imposed it, shall answer for it, and not I, whose whole duty it is to obey. This Inference being so immediately tack't to the former Proposition, its unavoidable result must be this at least, That as to the most important parts of Religion, there is a publick Conscience, to which Men are to attend, and not to their own. This is somewhat rank Doctrine, and favours not a little of the Leviathan. But yet how can I avoid it? are not these my own words? Though that I might deny, yet am I content to confess that I have said something not much unlike them, in the sixth Section of my last Chapter; where, in answer to the Pretence of a tender, a scrupulous, and an unsatisfied Conscience, among [Page] many other things, I have shewn that in doubtful and disputable Cases of a publick Concernment, private Men are not properly sui Iuris, and are not to be directed by their own Judgments, nor determined by their own Wills, but by the Commands and Determinations of the Publick Conscience. Now does it not admirably become our Authors modesty to take this Assertion concerning such nice and petty things as are liable to doubt, scruple, and Disputation, and couple it with another sentence above two hundred Pages distance, that speaks of the most important parts of Religion? as if they had been spoken upon the same occasion, and related to the same matter; thereby to abuse his vulgar and unwary Reader into a round belief, as if what I had asserted concerning the Subjection of a doubtful Conscience in less important matters to the Commands of Publick Authority, were to be understood of all the Obligations of Conscience in the most important Duties of Religion. Did I not forewarn you of what heights and depths of Ingenuity we should meet with, before we arrived at the Conclusion of this Paragraph? And now do you tell me whether you ever observed in any Writer [Page] more generous strains of Candour and Civility? Did ever Man treat Adversary with fairer and more ingenuous Usage than I have met with from this candid Author? Disputants of a more sullen Humour would have thrown more knotty Objections in my way, that would have cost some pains and sweat to assoil their difficulty: but he deals tenderly with me as a young beginner, and will not dishearten my industry by setting too hard a Task to my raw and unimproved Abilities; that by my Conquest and Triumph over such weak Opposition, I might be encouraged to greater Undertakings.

§. 13. And therefore he proceeds to tempt my weak and juvenile Essays upon so great a Master of Skill, by seeming serious and eager in the farther pursuit of these vain and trifling advantages, and raising more vehement slanders upon more unreasonable grounds; and the next Article of his Charge to this purpose is,Pag. 97. that I maintain that the Supreme Magistrate in every Nation hath Power to order and appoint what Religion his Subjects shall profess and observe, provided he enjoineth nothing that countenanceth Vice, or disgraceth the Deity, &c. [Page] Our Author is old excellent at Cavil and Calumny, but here he excels himself: he gives in a brisk and ratling Indictment, without any shadow of proof to justifie the Allegation: 'tis drawn up in his own terms and forms of Expression, and onely one poor Line of mine bobb'd in to give countenance to such an horrid and shameless Falsification, viz. provided that he injoineth nothing that either countenanceth Vice, or disgraceth the Deity. This I have, and still do affirm concerning Rituals, Ceremonies and Postures of outward Worship, that they ought not to be censured as unlawful, unless they tend to debauch Men either in their Practices or their Conceptions of the Deity: and therefore if they are not chargeable with one or both of these, nothing can hinder their being capable of being adopted into the Ministries of Divine Service, or exempt them from being subject to the Determinations of Humane Power. This is, I think, a chaste and a modest Truth: but for our Author to apply this Power that I have ascribed to the Supreme Magistrate, onely over the outward Forms and Ceremonial Expressions of Religious Worship, to the appointment and institution of Religion it self, so as to leave it entirely at his [Page] disposal to order and appoint what Religion his Subjects shall profess and observe, is (and I can say no worse) but like himself, and agreeable to that Character I have often suggested to you of his way of writing and ingenuity: and 'tis a falshood so coarsly lewd and barbarous, that nothing but an incorrigible Brow could have ventured to obtrude it upon the World, much less to persist in it so long, and repeat it so often as he has done, as if he were resolved to bear down the common sense and reason of Mankind, by the unyielding Gallantry and Vigour of his Confidence.

But there is not any one passage in my whole Discourse, that has been so serviceable to his purpose as this lame and imperfect Allegation; it vouches every Clamour, and every Impertinency, and every Slander and false Report shrowds it self under its Protection; and if he have a mind to forge and fasten any extravagant Conceit upon me, 'tis but devising some wild Proposition, and twisting it with these words, and then he may expatiate against the wickedness of so dangerous an errour with a grave and solemn invective; and I am as confidently concluded Guilty, as if it had been my own express and positive Assertion. Thus this [Page] passage is produced against me;Pag. 125. That whilst Men reserve to themselves the freedom and liberty of judging what they please, or what seems good unto them in matters of Religion, and the Worship of God, they ought to esteem it their Duty to practise in all things according to the Prescription of their Rulers, though every way contrary unto, and inconsistent with their own Iudgments and Perswasions, unless it be in things that countenance Vice, and disgrace the Deity. These words are set down in a distinct Character, and the Reader (if he be courteous) is not to doubt but they were faithfully transcribed out of my Book, though you cannot find a syllable of it there, except onely the last words of restriction. But however, 'tis a lewd and ungodly Assertion, and therefore away he flies with it; What? it defeats all effectual Obligations of Conscience, it enervates all real sense of Religion, and it casts off all serious regard to the Divine Authority; and upon this Principle Men may profess what Religion they please, and turn Mahumetans, Papists, and Apostates, for their own convenience. These indeed are sad and woful Inferences; but let him look to that; for the Premises are his as well as the Conclusions; though in my [Page] Opinion it is a prodigious piece of boldness that he should so rashly, so confidently and so groundlesly charge me with such knavish and dishonest Principles, as are not fit for any Men to pretend to, unless such crafty Artists as know how to sing their Songs upon Sigionoth, and believe that God abets and owns every Interest that thrives and prospers in the World: and when they Dance to the Tune of the Times, have the face to look demurely, and to profess they onely follow the Pipe of Providential Dispensations. But now if we take this mangled and dismembred Sentence, and restore it to its proper place, there is neither harm nor Heresie: i. e. if we affirm that no Rites and Ceremonies are in themselves unlawful (for I here speak onely of things as considered in their own nature) in the Worship of God, unless they tend to countenance Vice, or disgrace the Deity: here is no danger of encouraging or making Apostates; for the material and dividing differences of the establish't Religions in the World, consist not in Rituals and Ceremonials, but in Articles of Belief, and Objects of Worship. We condemn neither Turks nor Papists for their forms and postures of Adoration, (unless [Page] they fall under one or both of the Obliquities aforesaid) but for giving Divine Worship to a lewd Impostor, and to a sensless piece of matter: let them but address the same Worship to its due and proper Object, and we will never stand stiffly with them about the outward Rites and Ceremonies of its Expression; but will freely allow them to conform to the significant Customs of their own Country, as we do to those of ours. Now 'tis these things that are, or at least are pretended to be, the onely matters of our present Schisms and Differences; and 'tis these things onely that I assert to be determinable by Supreme Authority, provided they neither encourage Vice, nor dishonour God: under which Restrictions whatsoever Rites and Usages they may enjoyn, can never be concluded unlawful in themselves; and if they are so upon any other account, that is to be discoursed elsewhere, but it concerns not our present Enquiry, that onely undertook to account for the Comparison between the matters of Religious Worship, and the Duties of Morality, in reference to the Power of the Civil Magistrate, as consider'd in their own respective Natures.

[Page]I might give you in many more proofs and instances of his abuse of these words: but what I have already represented, is, I hope, a sufficient taste of his Ingenuity. And yet as gross and shameless as this slander is, 'tis infinitely out-done by the next, viz. Pag. 103. That I have given as absolute a Soveraignty to the Civil Magistrate over the Church of God, as to the Lord Christ himself. And this he endeavours to prove after his way, by amassing together all the former Calumnies that I have already washt off: but to complete and accomplish the whole design, he adds one of his own pure wit and contrivance:Pag. 104. Is the Authority of Christ the formal Reason, making Obedience necessary to his Commands and Precepts? So is the Authority of the Magistrate in reference to what he requires. Do Men therefore sin, if they neglect the Observance of the Commands of Christ in the Worship of God, because of his immediate Authority so to command them binding their Consciences? So do Men sin if they omit or neglect to do what the Magistrate requires in the Worship of God because of his Authority, without any farther respect. In the former passages there are at least some sprinklings of my own words, but this is meer and abstracted slander, and has nor colour nor foundation [Page] in my Discourse; and therefore I can give it no other Reply, than sincerely to profess, that were there any thing in my Book that should but seem to ascribe to the Civil Magistrate as immediate a Soveraignty over the Consciences of Men, as our blessed Saviour both claims and exercises, I my self would be the first Man that should cast a Stone at such bold and ridiculous Assertions. And here one would think is enough of Slander and Calumny, and yet he has not done with so pleasant an Argument,Pag. 113. but gives it you all over again in a Proclamation framed out of the supposed Principles and Directions of my Book; which being nothing but a meer Repetition of the same Trash, that I have already cashier'd, I deem it neither needful nor pertinent to return him any other answer, than that as 'tis not the first Proclamation that this Author has drawn up, so I pray God it may be the last.

§. 14. And now, Sir, tell me what I shall conclude of this Mans Conscience? Must I impute such labour'd and affected Mistakes to an excuseable Ignorance, and set the most shameless Falsifications upon the score of Inadvertency? I know [Page] the power of prejudice and passion to seal up the Minds of Men against the evidence of Truth; yet such is the evidence of Truth in our present case, that no prejudice can be thick enough to withstand, or passion blind enough to defeat its efficacy. Nothing but an hard Forehead and a lewd Conscience could ever embolden him so rudely to spoil and discompose the apparent aim & method of my Discourse, and so impudently to abuse and impose upon the World by such groundless and enormous pervertings. A multitude of his weaker Cavils and less Miscarriages I am inclined to ascribe to his rash and precipitate Humour: for I know he is wont to write or dictate Books as fast as other Men can read them; and a wise Man would take more time to weigh the matter of a Discourse, than he does to confute it; and so may possibly pour out gross and palpable mistakes through haste and inadvertency. But those Instances I have represented to you of his way of shuffling and falsifying, are so many, so labour'd, and so unreasonable, that they could proceed from no other Fountain but wilful and affected Malice: for 'tis absolutely impossible that meer Chance and Heedlesness should blunder upon so [Page] many Impostures so full of design and contrivance. But however, you see how by this means not onely the state of the Question, but the whole matter of the Enquiry is quite alter'd: 'tis not now contended whether the Supreme Magistrate of every Commonwealth be vested with an Ecclesiastical Power and Soveraignty over matters of Religion. Tush, that is granted without demur or dispute, and our Author (though his Acquaintance are none of the most loyal and peaceable) knows no Man that pretends exemption from the Obligation of Humane Laws, Pag. 139. but onely on this Plea, that God by his Law requires them to do otherwise. So that in what matters soever the Law of God does not require them to do otherwise, there Humane Laws must pass a certain Obligation upon Conscience: for if they do not oblige that, they oblige nothing. Now this is an ample Grant of all that I design'd and pretended to prove in my first Chapter, viz. That Magistrates are vested with some Authority over Conscience in matters of Religion: So that in this it seems we are fully agreed, and our Author after all his heat and talk freely confesses 'tis indispensably necessary to the Publick Peace and Tranquillity, [Page] which you know is the main Consideration that I urged and pursued in behalf of my Opinion. But, says our Author, this is not all, for I have so described and discoursed of the Power of the Civil Magistrate over Conscience and Religion, as to make it of an absolute Jurisdiction, an unlimited extent, and an immediate Obligation: 'tis this he all along represents, and upon this that he mainly insists. If I am guilty of this Charge, I must shift as I can: but if I am not, what hinders but we may shake hands and be friends? And therefore having so fully discover'd the horrid and unconceiveable vanity of the proofs alledged against me to this purpose, and so fairly clear'd the innocence and honesty of my Intentions, I may, I hope, hereafter reasonably expect, and justly challenge a compleat discharge from all such sinister and idle suspicions. Is not this blessed work, that I should be forced to write so much to so little purpose; not at all to prove the Truth of what I have written, but to disprove the Falshood of what I have not written?

§. 15. And now though I am provided with Remarks upon the remaining passages [Page] of this Chapter, yet I know not to what purpose I should trouble my self or the Reader with them, after the Considerations that I have already represented, that are (I presume) competent enough to justifie the innocence of my Design, and to shame the disingenuity of his Cavils; and that is all that is needful in answer to his way of proceeding, which, you see, was not to confute, but to pervert my Discourse. And if I should pursue all Advantages, examine all Miscarriages, and lay open all Follies and Impertinencies, I should presume too much upon the Publick Patience, and swell my Reply to too unreasonable a Bulk; so many, so vain, and so impertinent are his Topicks of Cavil. However, the remainder of his Talk is built upon the supposition of the Truth and Reality of these Falsifications; and therefore by what I have already discoursed in answer to their Forgery, I have made it altogether needless to take any farther notice of his wild and rambling Harangues: For if they are pertinent to their Premises, they are impertinent to my Discourse; if they are not, they are impertinent to his own. Though the truth is, should I grant him the priviledge he is resolved [Page] to take, of falsifying, yet he deduce [...] things so loosly and incoherently, that I might easily make good my Cause against him, if I should undertake the defence of those Untruths and Monstrous Absurdities he fastens on me. I might demand of him to what purpose he here acquaints us with that solemn and systematick distinction of the Declaration of Gods Will, either by the Light of Nature, or by the Light of Revelation, unless it be to inform the World of this new and important Mystery,Pag. 101. that a positive Command of God may, as to any particular instance, suspend the Obligation of the greatest Command of the Law of Nature; and so it actually did in the Precept given to Abraham for sacrificing his Son. For whatever any School-men may determine in this case, 'tis apparent here neither was nor could be any suspension of the Law of Nature, (whose Obligation is so eternal and unchangeable, that nothing can suspend it for one moment without doing violence to the antecedent Reasons of Good and Evil) but onely a positive Command to execute a Divine Decree by vertue of a Divine Commission, i. e. to put his Son to death by his Authority that is absolute Lord of Life; [Page] a matter against which the Law of Nature never had or could have any Prohibition: For though possibly it restrained Abraham from attempting his Sons Life by vertue of his own Dominion, yet when he was warranted to it by a special Command of God himself, to have refused its execution, had been to remonstrate to the Justice of one of the most Fundamental Laws of Nature: so that there was no suspension of the Law, but an alteration of the Case, and a Command to do something, which that neither did nor could forbid. To what purpose does he twit me for asserting Magistratical Omnipotency, Pag. 108. rather than the Divine Right of Episcopacy? I am at Age and Liberty (as young as he would make me) to chuse my own Theme; and perhaps the next Book I publish, that shall be the Argument of my Discourse; and then I doubt not but he will as much correct me for leaving the pursuit of my former subject, as he does now for pursuing it. To what purpose does he preach to Soveraign Princes not to take upon themselves that absolute Power,Pag. 109, 10. I have for my own advantage ascribed to them, unless he had also proved it is not for theirs? 'Tis a strong Motive, no doubt, to encourage his Majesty [Page] to listen to his advice, by informing him,Ibid. it was not the Acclamation of the Multitude unto Herod, The Voice of God and not of Man; but his own arrogant satisfaction in that Blasphemous Assignation of Divine Glory to him, that exposed him to the Iudgments and Vengeance of God. For certainly Princes will require more forcible Reasons to part with the absoluteness of their Soveraign Power, than such Preaching Impertinencies. To what purpose does he add, That never any Magistrate, unless Nebuchadnezzar, Caligula, Domitian,Pag. 111. and persons like to them, ever pretended to exercise the Power here assign'd unto them? I will not be so froward as to tell him, that now he is as much too free in his Concessions, as he is at other times too stingy: for should I put him upon the proof, he would want Records to make it good, that all these Princes ever claimed such a bold and unlimited Jurisdiction; though perhaps others have: for what thinks he of Artaxerxes's Commission to Ezra? Whosoever will not do the Law of thy God, and the Law of the King, let Iudgment be executed speedily upon him, whether it be unto Death, or to Banishment, or to Confiscation of Goods, or to Imprisonment. I know not how any Prince can challenge or assume a more severe, absolute, [Page] and uncontroulable Power, than this granted in this Commission; and yet Ezra reflects upon it as a special and immediate issue of Divine Providence. To what purpose does he tell us, the Power I ascribe to Magistrates is none other but that which is claimed by the Pope of Rome?Pag. 116. That may be his Usurpation upon the Rights of Princes, but 'tis no proof that they may not challenge the Supremacy over the Consciences of their own Subjects, because he usurps it. To what purpose does he tell us,Pag. 157. That the Mormo here made use of, is the same in substance that has been set up by the Papists ever since the Reformation? When nothing can be justly pleaded in behalf of lawful Government, but what may be unjustly pretended to by Tyrants and Usurpers: and in the happy days of Oliver Cromwel, the same Arguments and Texts of Scripture were prest for Obedience and Subjection to the Rebel, as were onely design'd to secure Loyalty to rightful Soveraigns. Let the Romanists make out the Justice of their Title of Supremacy over the Kingdom of England, and the Equity of their Cause in the due management of their Power, and then we will listen to their Pretences: but in the mean while, from the necessity of an Ecclesiastical [Page] Jurisdiction, to plead the Right of a Papal Soveraignty, is an impertinency onely wild enough to serve our Authors turn, and signifies no more than because there is Tyranny practised in the World under fair and plausible Pretences, that therefore there must be no just Grounds and Principles for lawful Government. To what purpose does he waste so many Pages, to enquire wherefore the Power of the Magistrate should not be extended to the inward Thoughts and Apprehensions of Men about the Worship of God, From pag. 117, to p. 125. as well as to Expressions of them in pure spiritual Acts of that Worship? For not to catch at the ridiculous, canting and mysterious Non-sense of the Expression of our inward Thoughts in pure spiritual Acts, when all Expression of them is outward and corporal: 'tis sufficient that God has not been pleased to vest them with any Power over our Thoughts; but for what cause, himself best knows; and therefore though I could give no account for his so doing, that would not cast the least shadow of an Objection upon the Truth and Reality of my Perswasion. To what purpose does he tell us in the close of this Enquiry, that we can give no other imaginable answer to it, than that Men who [Page]plead for Indulgence and Liberty of Conscience in the Worship of God, according to his Word, and the Light which he has given them therein, have indeed no Conscience at all? When this answer is so infinitely silly, that we can scarce suppose any Man in his wits so extravagant as to pretend it, and when there are other very pertinent Replys, so easie and so obvious, viz. That they may possibly have no Conscience at all, whatever they pretend, or at least such an one as is abused with foolish, or debauch't with wicked Principles, and so may plot or practise Sedition against the State under pretence or mistake of Conscience, and for that reason ought not to be allowed to plead its Authority against the Commands of lawful Superiours. In fine, to what purpose does he so briskly taunt me for thwarting my own Principles,Pag. 133, 134, 135. because I have censured the impertinency of a needless Provision in an Act of Parliament? I may obey the Law, though I may be of a different Perswasion from the Lawgivers in an Opinion remote and impertinent to the matter of the Law it self: nay, I may condemn the wisdom of Enacting it, and yet at the same time think my self to lie under an indispensable Obligation to [Page] obey it: for the formal reason of its Obligatory Power (as any Casuist will inform him) is not the Judgment and Opinion of the Lawgiver, but the Declaration of his Will and Pleasure. There is abundance more of this slender stuff, wherewith (as himself brags) he has loaded this Principle; though, alas! were its Foundations never so weak and trembling, it might securely enough support so light a Burthen; and though it were really bottom'd upon the Sands, there is but little danger that such a shallow Stream of Talk should overturn it: so that though I stand upon such advantageous ground, if I should descend to a strict and particular examination of all the Flaws and Follies of his Tattle, yet they are so apparently false or impertinent, or both, and afford so little occasion for useful and material Discourse, that I had rather chuse to forego my own advantage, than spoil my Book, and tire my Reader by insisting too tediously upon such empty trifles and dreams of shadows. To conclude, this Author is so accustomed to popular impertinency, that he seems to hate severe Discourse as much as carnal Reason, and both as much as Idolatry: so that he onely prates when he [Page] should argue, and inveighs when he should confute: Give him what advantage you will, he regards it not, but jogs on in his road of talking, and 'tis no matter whether you take the right or wrong handle of the Question, it may be either for any thing material that he has to except against it. Nay, you may suffer him to Limetwig you with Ink and Paper, and gagg you with a Quill, and put what words he pleases into your mouth, and yet easily defend your self against all his faint assaults, and impertinent Objections. In so much that I durst undertake the defence of the thickest and most defenceless Impostures in the World, against his weak and miserable way of Confutation. And I doubt not but I could produce as strong and enforcing evidence for the Divine Original and Authority of the Alcoran, as some body has for the Self-evidencing light and power of the holy Scriptures.

CHAP. IV.

[Page]

The Contents.

NO difference among the Ancients between Moral Vertue and Evangelical Grace. The Vanity and Novelty of our late Spiritual Divinity. Our Authors fond Tittle-tattle against my Scheme of Religion. Religion is now the same for design and substance as it was in the state of Innocence. The Gospel is chiefly design'd as a Restitution of the Law of Nature. Our Duty to God best described by Gratitude. Repentance, Conversion, Humiliation, Self-denial, Mortification, Faith, and other Duties of the Gospel, proved to be Moral Vertues. Our Author after his rate of cavilling, would have quarrell'd our Saviour for his short account of the Duty of Man. His intolerable slander in charging me of confining the Influence of the [Page] Spirit of God to the first Ages of the Church. His prodigious impudence in ascribing all his own Follies to the Spirit of God. The extraordinary concurrence of the Spirit, proved it self by some evident Miracle, the ordinary works in the same manner, as if it were performed purely by the strength of our own Reason. Our Author himself is not able to assign any real difference between Grace and Vertue. Their meer distinguishing between them, is destructive of the practice of all real goodness. An account of the Mechanical Enthusiasm of their Spiritual Divinity. Our Authors own account of their Spiritual Godliness, is a clear instance of its Folly. Moral Vertue is so far from being any hindrance, that 'tis the best preparative to Conversion. It was not Moral Goodness, but Immoral Godliness that kept off the Pharisees from closing with the Terms of the Gospel. The Argument from the Magistrates Power over Moral Duties, to his Power over Religious Worship, clear'd and vindicated. The difference assign'd for this purpose between the Laws of Nature and Revelation, false and impertinent. Their vain Resolution to find out particular Rules of instituted Worship in the Word of God, is the Original of all their folly. Religious Worship is subject to the Authority of Earthly Powers, for [Page] the same Reason as Moral Vertue is. A short account of some of our Authors fainter Essays.

§. 1. HAving in the former Chapter given an account large enough of our Authors way of Confutation, by shuffling Cavils and bold Calumnies, I shall hereafter forbear to cloy the Reader, or tire my self with any farther regard to such trifling Exceptions, as are not capable of more useful and edifying Discourse; and shall onely insist upon such particulars as may be considerable enough to recompence the pains of our Enquiry. My design then in the next Chapter, which our wise Objector excepts against, was to draw a Parallel between matters of Religious Worship and Duties of Morality, and to remonstrate to the World how they were equally subject to the Jurisdiction of the Civil Magistrate. And for a more ample Confirmation of this Argument, I gave such an intelligible account of the Nature and Design of Religion, as reduced all its parts and branches either to the Vertues or the Instruments of Moral Goodness. From whence I concluded, [Page] as I thought, fairly enough, That seeing Princes are allowed by the avowed Principles of all Mankind, a Soveraign Power in reference to Moral Vertues, that are the most material Duties of Religion, 'tis but reasonable they should be allowed at least the same Authority over the outward matters of Religious Worship, that are but Circumstances of Religion, or Instruments of Morality. But our Author startles at the strangeness and novelty of this Doctrine, that grants no essential difference between Grace and Vertue, and boldly charges me with falling rudely upon Christianity it self, seeing the Professors of it have in all Ages, Pag. 180. according to its avowed Principles never before contradicted, made a distinction between Moral Vertues and Evangelical Graces. This Affirmation he supposeth bold and sturdy enough to maintain its own ground; and if it cannot defend it self by its own Confidence, it may perish for any proof or relief that he will afford it. And therefore I will not be so unmerciful as to fall foul or fiercely upon a naked and deserted Assertion, but shall onely challenge him to produce one ancient Author that makes any difference between the Nature of Moral Vertue and Evangelical Grace; [Page] Evangelical Grace being nothing else in their account but Moral Vertue, heightned by the Motives of the Gospel, and the Assistances of the Spirit; both which are External Considerations to the Essence of the Thing it self: so that the Christian Institution does not introduce any new Duties distinct from the Eternal Rules of Morality, but strengthens them by new Obligations, and improves them upon new Principles: for though the Promises of the Gospel encourage us, and the Aids of the Spirit enable us to discharge our respective Duties; yet that does not at all change their Nature, because it eases their Performance: so that Evangelical Graces are the same thing for substance with Evangelical Vertues, and Evangelical Vertues the same with Moral ones; that are stiled Evangelical, for no other regard than because of that peculiar Influence the Gospel has upon the Minds of Men, to procure their effectual practice in their Lives and Conversations. And this is the peculiar end and usefulness of the Christian Religion, to establish real Righteousness in the World; and in the Primitive Ages of Christianity, the Vertues of Charity, Meekness, Patience and Humility, were esteemed the distinguishing [Page] Graces of the Gospel; and then Professors measured their Godliness by the Purity of their Lives, and not of their Ordinances: in those days they made no difference between the Morality and the Spirituality of the Gospel; nor did they despise the plain, the humble, and the down-right Christian as a meer Moralist, and a Carnal Gospeller. The Fathers and first Preachers of the Christian Faith, did not teach their Proselytes the Trick how to Spirit themselves into Heaven, and presume themselves into Salvation by a stout Belief; but to purchase their future hopes by living up to the severest and most exalted Doctrines of the Gospel: then the Righteousness of Faith was not opposed to real and inherent Righteousness, but only implied a higher pitch and improvement of Moral Goodness: then they gave a plain and intelligible account of the Mystery of Godliness, and only thought it a discovery of such Principles as would more effectually oblige & inable Mankind to an holy Life, than any other Institution could effect, or Philosophy pretend. Nor did they prescribe long and tedious Trains of Conversion, nor set down nice and subtle Processes of Regeneration, nor fill Peoples heads with innumerable [Page] swarms of superstitious fears and scruples about the due degrees of godly sorrow, and the certain symptoms of a thorough Humiliation; but in their days, and in their Divinity to be reformed, was without any more ado to be regenerate. Nor did they amuse silly and well-meaning People with fond stories of unaccountable horrours and desertions of Soul, but turn'd them over to the testimony of their own Consciences, and suspended the quietness of their Minds upon the sense of their own Integrity, and always confined the ordinary workings of the Spirit of God, to the methods of Reason and Discourse: they never dream't there could be any disagreement between its Impressions and the Results of our own thoughts, or that it would ever bereave an upright Soul of that unspeakable joy and cheerfulness that springs from the reflections of an exact Conscience. These and infinite more are the tricks and frenzies of a new-fangled Divinity, that I may confidently aver was scarcely heard of fifty years ago, and may as confidently presume will be forgot fifty years hence.

For so it hapned that some preaching Men among us, whose superficial Fancies were more tickled with Metaphors and [Page] gay Resemblances, than with sober and substantial sense, began according to the Genius of their own little wit, to cloath and express the most weighty Arguments in Divinity with little Allusions. And this taking with the rude and undiscerning multitude, others that wanted better Accomplishments to recommend themselves to wiser Men, studied this way of trifling, labour'd to imitate their pretty Phrases, and to improve their Wit by more childish Fancies, beating about upon all occasions for Metaphors and Allegories, using them to all purposes, wrapping up the clearest Notions in cloudy words, casting darkness and mystery about the plainest Truths, and confounding Mens apprehensions of things by the wildness and uncertainty of their Expressions. And then the ignorant People fancy there is mystery and secret sense in every phrase they understand not, and frame some confused and Enthusiastick Conceit of Religion in their own Fancies, to which they suit and accommodate all their after-conceptions. And by this means they have at length made such an uncouth Representation of the Doctrine of the Gospel, as would, not many years ago, have been thought a new [Page] and distinct Religion from that established by the blessed Iesus. It being scarce an Age since this inward, and practical, and experimental part of the mystery of Godliness (as they call it) was first heard of in the Christian world. And it would puzzle any man that compares the Accounts given by the Ancients of Christianity with some of our modern descriptions of it, how it was ever possible to derive such unrelated Notions and Principles from the same Original. And if their new Account of Divinity were true and orthodox, the Mystery of Godliness first began to be preached somewhere else, and not at Ierusalem; and it has been so far from being propagated (according to our Saviours Promise) over all the Nations of the world, that it was scarce ever heard of out of our own.

These men are the first that ever attempted to divorce Grace from Vertue, and to distinguish the spiritual Christian from the moral man. They examine the Truth and Reality of mens Conversion, not by the outward and visible reformation of their Lives, for so far (say they) formal Professours and Common Grace may go, but by their orderly passage [Page] through all the stages of Conviction. And unless a man be able to give an Account of having observed and experienced in himself all their Imaginary Rules and Methods of Regeneration, they immediately call into question his being a Child of God, and affright him with sad stories of having miscarried of Grace and the New-Creature; & he is lost & undone for ever unless he begin all the work of Conversion anew, and he must as it were re-enter into the Womb, and again pass through all the scenes and workings of Conviction; in which state of formation all new Converts must continue their appointed Time, and when the days are accomplish'd, they may then proceed to the next Operation of the Spirit, i. e. to get a longing, panting, and breathing frame of soul, upon which follows the proper season of Delivery, and they may then break loose from the Enclosures of the spirit of Bondage, and creep out from those dark Retirements, wherein the Law detein'd them, into the Light of the Gospel, and the Liberty of the spirit of Adoption. But of this perhaps our Author may understand more, before he and I part, in the mean time let us follow our present Chase, and we shall have pleasant [Page] sport enough; for never did wily Reynard shew greater variety of shifts, windings, and doublings than this subtle Disputant.

§. 2. The Antichristian Errors of this Chapter he has reduced to four general heads, the first whereof he confesseth to be a great and important Truth, viz. that Moral Vertue consists in the observance of the Laws of Nature, and the Dictates of Right Reason; and therefore he only transcribes my Proof and Account of the Reasonableness of the Assertion,Pag. 195. and repeats it again in his own obscure Words and flat Expressions, and so immediately proceeds to the second, viz That the substance, yea,Pag. 196. the whole of Religion consists in moral vertues, and to prove it, he repeats that short Scheme, that I have drawn up of the most material parts and branches of Religion; and in answer to it, he first talks, and then objects.Pag. 199. He wishes I would give him a summary of the Credenda of my Religion, as I have done of its Agenda. And so I will, when I shall think my self obliged to write impertinently for his humour; but should I be so civil as to gratifie him in this Request, though perhaps the positive Articles [Page] of my Belief are not altogether so numerous as his Systematick Orthodoxes, nor my Creed so bulky as his gross Bodies of Dutch-divinity: Yet I could give him in such a large Negative Confession of Faith as would both satisfie, and make him repent his Curiosity.Ibid. In the next place he tells us, the ten Commandments would have done twice as well on this occasion. But 'tis no disparagement to my Account of Religion, if it be but half as good as the ten Commandments; though I am apt to believe the Decalogue was never intended for a perfect Systeme of the Moral Law: I cannot imagine, that by thou shalt not make to thy self any Graven Image, is meant, thou shalt not institute Symbolical Ceremonies; or that by Thou shalt not murther, Alms and fraternal Correption are enjoyned; nor can I fancy, that when only one Particular is express'd, twenty more are intended that may any way be reduced to it by strein'd and far-fetch'd Analogies.Ibid. But if we add the Explication of the Church-Catechism (for which our Author has, no doubt, a mighty fondness) it would make up a much more perfect Scheme of Religion, than what I have represented; I confess 'tis contrived with a great [Page] deal of wisdom and judgment; and its Exposition is easie, natural, and useful, and not made out by forced and uncertain Deductions; and therefore has admirably attain'd the End it aimed at, which is chiefly a plain and intelligible Account of the main scope and intent of the Decalogue, and not an intire Institution of Christian Theology. But upon this he takes a civil and seasonable occasion to remark that he fears the very Catechism it self may ere long be esteemed Phanatical, though if it should meet with such ill Usage, it would not be much worse treated than it was ere long when it was esteemed Popish. However his Fears are of no more force than his Arguments, they are equally wise and reasonable, and prove nothing but his Ill-nature, or something worse. And now to all this he subjoyns a tedious story of a foolish and half-witted fellow, that from this Opinion, that all Religion consists in Morality,Ibid. proceeded to a full Renunciation of the Gospel. If either the man himself had made good this Consequence, or our Author for him, this tale might have been of more use than all his Arguments, that is, it might have been to the purpose, but otherwise 'tis as meer Tittle-tattle as [Page] when he tells us the Papists make use of our Pleas for Government in behalf of their Tyranny and Usurpation, I can no more prevent some men from streining absurd Conclusions from the wisest and most Reasonable Premisses, than I can hinder others from preaching Treason or Blasphemy from the divine Oracles. But all this is no more than Skirmish, the main Battel follows, and he draws up all his Forces in three Objections, i. e. in repeating the same Objection three times: (1.) My Representation of Religion is suited to the state of Innocence.Pag. 203, 204, 205. (2.) It carries in it neither supposition nor assertion of sin. (3.) It omits some of the most important duties of the Christian Religion, Repentance, Humiliation, Godly sorrow, &c. Whereas its being suited to the state of Innocence, its not implying a supposition of sin, and its omitting the duty of Repentance is apparently one and the same thing. For 'tis nothing but meerly a supposition of sin that makes our present Condition differ from the state of Innocence, and that infers the necessity of Repentance; and therefore in answer to this great Objection in its united strength, I humbly crave leave to remonstrate, that Religion for the substance [Page] and main design of it (which is the only thing I designed to represent) is the same now as it was in the state of Innocence. For as then the whole duty of man consisted in the Practice of all those moral Vertues that arose from his natural Relation to God and man, so all that is super-induced upon us since the Fall, is nothing but helps and contrivances to supply our natural defects, and recover our decayed Powers, and restore us to a better ability to discharge those duties we stand engaged to by the Law of our Nature, and the design of our Creation. So that the Christian Institution is not for the substance of it any new Religion, but only a more perfect digest of the Eternal Rules of Nature and Right Reason. For it commands nothing but what is some way suitable to and perfective of Rational Beings, and all its duties are either Instances or Instruments of moral Goodness; it prescribes no new rules and proportions of Morality, and all its additions to the Eternal and Unchangeable Laws of Nature are but only means and Instruments to discover their Obligation, and improve their Practice in the World. All men (I think) are agreed that the real end of Religion is the Happiness and [Page] Perfection of Mankind; and this end is obtain'd by living up to the Dictates of Reason, and according to the Laws of Nature, which the Gospel has framed into positive Precepts, because they are in themselves so essentially serviceable to the design of our Creation. And therefore our Saviour came not into the world to give any new Precepts of moral goodness, but only to retrive the old Rules of Nature from the evil Customs of the World, and to reinforce their Obligation by endearing our duty with better Promises, and urging our Obedience upon severer Penalties. And as the Gospel is nothing but a Restitution of the Religion of Nature, so are all its positive Commands and instituted duties either mediately or immediately subservient to that end. Thus the Sacraments, though they are matters of pure Institution, yet are they of a subordinate Usefulness, and design'd only for the greater advantage and Improvement of moral Righteousness: For as the Gospel is the Restitution of the Law of Nature, so are these outward Rites and Solemnities a great security of the Gospel; they are solemn engagements and stipulations of obedience to all its Commands, and are [Page] appointed to express and signifie our grateful sense of Gods goodness in the Redemption of the World; and our serious Resolutions of performing the Conditions of this new Contract and Entercourse with mankind. So that though they are duties of a prime importance in the Christian Religion, 'tis not because they are in themselves matters of any Essential Goodness, but because of that peculiar Relation they have to the very being, and the whole design of its Institution. Forasmuch as he that establish'd this Covenant, requires of all, that are willing to own and submit to its Conditions, to profess and avow their Assent to it by these Rites and Instruments of stipulation; so that to refuse their Use is interpreted the same thing as to reject the whole Religion. But if the entire Usefulness of these and any other instituted Mysteries consists in their great subserviency to the designs of the Gospel; and if the great design of the Gospel consists in the Restitution of the Law of Nature, and the advancement of all kinds of Moral Goodness; then does it naturally resolve it self into that short Analysis I have given of Religion; and whether we suppose the Apostasie of Mankind, or suppose it not, every thing that appertains [Page] to it will in the last issue of things prove either a part or an instrument of Moral Vertue.

Pag. 203, 204.§. 3. But we must proceed to particulars. In the first place, Gratitude is a very imperfect description of Natural Religion, for (says he) it has respect onely to Gods Benefits, and not to his Nature, and therefore omits all those Duties that are eternally necessary upon the Consideration of himself, such as fear, love, trust, affiance. Perhaps this word may not in its rigorous acceptation express all the distinct parts and duties of Religion; yet the Definition, that I immediately subjoin'd to explain its meaning, might abundantly have prevented this Cavil, were not our Author resolved to draw his saw upon words, viz. A thankful and humble temper of Mind, arising from a sense of Gods Greatness in himself, and his Goodness to us. And the truth is, I know not any one Term that so fully expresses that Duty and Homage we owe to God, as this of Gratitude: For by what other Name soever we may call it, this will be its main and most Fundamental Ingredient; and therefore 'tis more pertinent to describe its Nature by that, than by any other Property that is more [Page] remote, and less material. Because the Divine Bounty is the first Reason of our Obligation to Divine Worship, in that natural Justice obliges every Man to a grateful and ingenuous sense of Favours and Benefits; and therefore God being the sole Author of our Beings and our Happiness, that ought without any farther regard to affect our Minds with worthy resentments of his love and kindness; and this is all that which is properly exprest by the word Piety, which in its genuine acceptation denotes a grateful and observant temper and behaviour towards Benefactors; and for that cause it was made use of as the most proper Expression of that Duty that is owing from Children to Parents: but because God by reason of the eminency of his Bounty, more peculiarly deserves our Respect and Observation, 'tis in a more signal and remarkable sense appropriated to him: so that Gratitude is the first property and radical Ingredient of Religion, and all its other Acts and Offices are but secondary and consequential; and that Veneration we give the Divine Majesty for the excellency of his Nature and Attributes, follows that Gratitude we owe him for the Communication of his Bounty and [Page] Goodness. 'Tis this that brings us to a knowledge of all his other Endowments; 'tis this that endears his Nature to us; and from this result all those Duties we owe him upon the account of his own Perfections; and by that experience we have of his Bounty, and by that knowledge we have of his other Attributes, into which we are led by this experience, come we to be obliged to trust and affiance in him: so that Gratitude expresly implies all the Acts and Offices of Religion; and though it chiefly denotes its prime and most essential Duty, yet in that it fully expresses the Reason and Original Obligation of all other parts of Religious Worship.

Pag. 205.But in the next place he reckons up Repentance, Conversion, Conviction of Sin, Humiliation, Godly Sorrow, as deficient Graces in my Scheme, and Duties peculiar to the Gospel. Though as for Repentance, what is it but an exchange of vicious customs of Life, for an habitual course of Vertue? I will allow it to be a new species of Duty in the Christian Religion, when he can inform me what Men repent of beside their Vices, and what they reform in their Repentance beside their Moral Iniquities: it has neither end nor object but [Page] Moral Vertue, and is onely another word peculiarly appropriated to signifie its first beginnings. And as for Conversion, (the next deficient) 'tis co-incident with Repentance, and he will find it no less difficult to discover any difference between them, than between Grace and Vertue. And as for the other remaining Graces of the Gospel, Conviction, Humiliation, Godly Sorrow, (and he might as well have added Compunction, Self-abhorrency, Self-despair, and threescore words more that are frequent in their mouths) they are all but different Expressions of the same thing, and are either parts or concomitant Circumstances of Repentance. After so crude and careless a rate does this Man of Words pour forth his talk.Pag. 206, In the next rank comes in Self-denial, a Readiness to bear the Cross, and Mortification, as new Laws of Religion. But as for Self-denial, 'tis nothing else than to restrain our appetites within the limits of Nature, and to sacrifice our brutish Pleasures to the interests of Vertue. As for a Readiness to bear the Cross, 'tis nothing but a constant and generous Loyalty to the Doctrine of the Gospel, and a Resolution to suffer any thing rather than betray or forsake so excellent an Institution; and therefore its [Page] peculiar excellency consisting in the goodness of its Moral Precepts, to continue faithful to that, is the same thing as to be constant and upright to the best Principles of Vertue. And lastly, as for Mortification, 'tis an exercise of Moral Philosophy, and the very formality of Moral Vertue; and 'tis nothing else but to subdue our sensual appetites and affections to our superiour faculties in the methods of Reason and prudent Discipline. But the main instance of defect is that dear and darling Article of the Religion of Sinners, Pag. 208. (as our Author words it) Faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. And here I must confess, as they have mistaken the Nature and Notion of this Grace, 'tis neither Vertue nor Vertues Friend, though in its plain and primitive account, 'tis evidently both. For I know but two acceptations of it in the Scripture: (1.) Either as it signifies a serious and an hearty assent to the Divine Authority of the Doctrine of the Gospel, and so it has a mighty force to engage as serious and hearty obedience to all its Precepts. For what more effectual and irresistible Inducements can Men have to an Holy Life, than a firm Belief of the Promises and Threatnings of the Gospel? This then is the [Page] peculiar excellency of the Christian Faith, viz. its mighty Influence upon a Christian Life. (2.) Or else as it signifies a Trust and Reliance upon the Goodness of God, and the Merits of Christ for the expiation of our sins, and the acceptance of our Persons upon the Performance of the Conditions of the new Covenant. And thus it is an act of that Moral Worship of God, of which we have already discoursed. For though the Object of it be particular, and relates to our Saviours Death and Passion; yet the Reason of it is Natural, and relates to the Essential Truth and Goodness of God: upon his Declaration and Engagement, to accept the Sufferings of his Son as an Atonement and Satisfaction for the Sins of the World. And therefore into this we must resolve the Vertue and Morality of the Grace of Faith, viz. its worthy Opinion of, and strong Confidence in Gods Essential Truth and Goodness. And our Author himself (though upon what grounds I know not) esteems it a part of the Natural and Moral Worship of God;Pag. [...]68. and so (I remember) does I. O. in that notable Treatise of distinct Communion with each Person of the Trinity distinctly. And now, I hope,Pag. 8. from all these Premises [Page] you are sufficiently satisfied that the supposition of sin does not bring in any new Religion, but onely makes new Circumstances and Names of old Things, and requires new helps and advantages to improve our Powers, and to encourage our Endeavours: And thus is the Law of Grace nothing but the Restitution of the Law of Nature; all the prime Duties it prescribes, are but Results and Pursuances of our Natural Obligations; and all its additional Institutions, are but Helps and Assistances to encourage and secure their Performance. To conclude, had this Man been a Pharisee in our Saviours time, how pertly would he have taunted him for reducing the whole Duty of Man to two Heads, Love the Lord with all thy Heart, and Love thy Neighbour as thy self? What, Sir! have we not six hundred and thirteen Precepts in our Law? are there not twelve Houses of Affirmative, and as many of Negative Commandments? and are there not large Catalogues of particular Laws ranged under each of these general Heads? and must all, saving onely two, be revers't for your pleasure? If this be all, to what purpose are our Phylacteries? Once (I remember) you reproved us for making them so large, now [Page] you had best quarrel us for making them at all. Is this to fill up the Law of Moses, (as you pretend) to abridge his whole Volume into a single Text? I must needs say, Pag. 194. that I look upon this as the rudest, most imperfect, and weakest Scheme of the Iewish Religion that ever yet I saw; so far from comprising an Induction of all Particulars belonging to it, that there is nothing in it that is constitutive of the Iewish Religion as such at all, &c. Now if we could suppose our Saviour would have vouchsafed to reply to such a prating and impertinent Rabbi, what other answer can we suppose he would have return'd, than that all the other Commandments, how numerous soever, are but so many Instances of these under various Denominations, arising from emergent Respects and Circumstances of things? And how infinite soever the particular Laws of Life may be, they are but Prosecutions of these general Laws of Nature, and result from those Obligations we lie under from our natural Relation to God and to Man; and 'tis for this reason that I define Love to be the fulfilling of the whole Law, because all other Commands are but several Instruments or Expressions of this Duty; and love to your Neighbour signifies every thing whereby you may be useful and [Page] beneficial to Mankind.Pag. 208, 9, 10, 11, 12. But having in his own Fancy (for there he does wondrous feats) demolish't my frame of Religion, he proceeds to erect a new Model of his own; but whether coherent or not, concerns not my Enquiry; my business is to defend my own Discourse, and not to run after every Bubble of his blowing. Onely you may observe, that whereas I design'd to represent the shortest and most comprehensive Scheme of the practical Duties of Religion that I could contrive, the greatest part of his Hypothesis is made up of Articles of meer Belief, which I purposely omitted, as wholly impertinent to the matter and design of my Enquiry; and the other Materials that he has cast in, relating to practice, are so crudely and confusedly hudled together, that they rather make a heap of Rubbish than any consistent Fabrick of things; insomuch that one single Branch of his Analysis comprehends all the rest, viz. An universal Observance of the whole Will, and all the Commands of God. Pag 212. It would be an admirable way, no doubt, to represent an exact Anatomy of all the parts of an Humane Body; to lay the Body it self before you, and onely tell you that is it. No Man doubts whether Religion consists [Page] in an universal Obedience to all the Commands of God (and yet should I assert it, I know who would contradict it, and object its being impossible) but what these particular Commands are, and what the manner of their dependence upon, and connexion to each other. Some men you see cannot avoid running into Absurdities, when it does them no service.

§. 4. My third Heresie is no less than that there is no actual Concurrence of present Grace enabling men to perform the duties, Pag. 213. or to exercise the vertues of moral goodness. And now he returns to his old Vomit of Calumny and Falsification; here he is upon his own dunghil, and therefore here he crows and insults, and I am catechised like any School-boy. What, are these things so indeed? Come, come,Pag. 215. young man these are not things to be trifled with; you may vent your Wit upon other Occasions, and not make sport with sacred and serious Truths, tell me then, are you in good earnest? Do you think or believe that there are not now any real gracious Operations of the Spirit of God upon the hearts and minds of men in the World, or do you not?Pag 217. If you do, Sirrah, 'tis the most pernicious Heresie [Page] [...][Page] [...][Page]that ever infested the Church of God. Pag 218. If you do not, speak plainly, and clear your self of those Tales that are told abroad of you, and some of your Truantly Companions, that you may not have occasion to complain that you are mis-represented. Pag. 217. Indeed, Sir, I have nothing to plead in my own defence, but openly to declare, that as I never believed, so did I never affirm, that the assistance of the Spirit was confined to the first Ages of the Church. I have expresly taught the contrary, and our Author is able,Pag. 216. and (I thank him for it) not unwilling to bear witness that 'tis a flat Contradiction to some of my other Assertions. And the only ground of so big an Information is his impertinent way of forcing deductions; for thus he infers:Pag. 214 If this be the only Reason, why any thing in Believers is called Grace, why Vertues are Graces, namely, because God was pleased in the first Ages of Christianity miraculously to inspire its Converts with all sorts of Vertue, then there is no Communication of grace unto any, no work of Grace in and upon any in an ordinary way, through the Ministry of the Gospel in these latter Ages. If this man can argue thus and not blush, he is a match for the boldest man living, his Confidence is impregnable, and though 'tis [Page] possible he may want a good Conscience, yet he can never want a Brazen-wall. You know (Sir) my plain design was to represent that Grace and Vertue were the same thing; In order to which I gave a short Account how Vertues came to be stiled Graces, viz. Because in the first Ages of Christianity they were in a visible and miraculous manner derived purely from Gods free grace and goodness; And now is it not brave concluding from hence, that because the Original Reason of the Peculiarity of the name is not now in being, that therefore the thing it self is perish't out of the World too; and because the Remarkableness of those miraculous Influences of Heaven upon the first Believers, that was the only ground that gave occasion to this new stile is ceased, that therefore the ordinary Influences of the Spirit are not continued to Believers in all Ages and Periods of the Church. They were then called Graces or Free-gifts, because they were the effects of meer favour, whereas now they are the joynt issues of our own Industry, and the Spirit of God co-operating with our honest endeavours; and therefore they cannot now with so much Propriety of speech be stiled Graces, because they are not [Page] matters of pure Infusion, though they may be allowed the Title still in some Proportion, because they are still in some Proportion produced by the special Energy and Co-operation of the Holy Ghost. In the same manner as those Abilities bestowed upon the Apostles without the concurrence of their own Industry were called Gifts, though now they might be more properly express'd by other Names, notwithstanding that we owe them to the blessing of God upon our studies and endeavours. And what was then the gift of Tongues, is now vulgarly called skill in Languages; and what was then the gift of Vtterance, is now the Art of Eloquence and Rhetorique. For in our days men preach not from pure Infusion, but either from study, or from boldness. And I. O. overlashes according to his custom, when he tells the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England, &c. that when he came to print his Sermon, sundry Passages in it were gone beyond his Recovery, Intituted Gods presence with a People, preach'd Octob. 30. 1656. having had their Rise from the present Assistance, which God was pleased to afford in the management of the Work it self. This is to fasten his own raw Effusions upon the wisdom of the Spirit of God, and to stamp a divine Authority upon the Extravagances [Page] of his own roving fancy. 'Tis another horrible Effect of their spiritual pride, and arises from a vain Opinion of their great intimacy and familiarity with God himself. But if you look into the Sermon, you will scarce find any thing of immediate and infallible inspiration, but some things false, and many ridiculous. And I dare say God never put it into his mind to tell the Parliament that it was a great hindrance to the advancement and progress of the Gospel in Wales, Pag. 37. because they were still zealous of the Traditions of their Fathers. By which he means their kind entertainment to the Episcopal Clergy, whom he immediately adorns with the honourable Title of Beggarly Readers. But such was the prodigious Impudence of these men, that when they vented any thing of a more bold and daring Nature, they always vouched a strong and unaccountable impulse of the Spirit of God upon their minds; and when ever they attempted any blacker and more enormous Villany, it was God that put it into their hearts, all their greater wickednesses were the peculiar Issues of his Spirit; when ever they had a mind to any new villanous undertaking, it was but seeking the Lord in Prayer, and then [Page] if they found themselves somewhat strongly inclined to pursue their own designs, that was a sufficient discovery of his will and pleasure to his secret ones. Never was the Spirit of God more boldly or more familiarly blasphemed than by these precious Wretches, and though they have at present no such lewd practices to fasten on it, yet nothing more vulgar with them at this time than to ascribe their Follies to its special direction; give them the best advice in any affair that your prudence can suggest, and they will do as the Lord shall direct them. Nay, this is their Reply to the Commands and the Counsels of their Superiours, and they will give obedience to their Laws as shall seem good to themselves and to the Holy Ghost. Nothing more concerns Magistrates than to chastise such shameless and incorrigible Enthusiasts, as the boldest and most dangerous Enemies to the Publick Peace; they cancel all the Laws of Government, and there is no disturbance or Rebellion that they may not justifie by the warrant, and pursue under the protection of the Spirit of God. Whether this be intemperate language I know not, but if it be, 'tis excess of truth that makes it so.

[Page]But to return, though the names of things, that were proper in the Apostolical Age are not so proper now, that is not so much as the Ghost of an Argument for the Cessation of the things themselves; because the Reason of the name was not taken from the Nature of the things, but was appropriate to some extraordinary Circumstances, wherewith they were attended. So that in answer to his severe Interrogatory, seeing my Reputation, and something else lies at stake, I must profess, that though I believe the visible and miraculous Immissions of the Holy Ghost to have been peculiar to the first Ages of Christianity, yet am I as far, and perhaps farther than himself from denying that its ordinary Assistances are equally bestowed upon, and continued to all successive Periods of the Church. For not to mention that the Conditions upon which the Promise of the Spirit is entail'd agree equally to Christians of all times and places; I know not to what purpose men should address their Devotions to Heaven either for Grace or Vertue (I care not which) when there is no possible way of effecting them but by the Impressions of the Spirit of God upon the spirits of men. And [Page] did I not believe its Influence upon the minds of men, I would list my self among the Followers of I. O. and explode the Lords Prayer it self as a foolish and insignificant Form; seeing the greatest part of its Petitions are things of that Nature, as that they cannot be accomplish'd any other way than by the efficacy of the divine Spirit upon ours. In short, the whole state of this Question is plainly this: That in the days of the Apostles, the divine Spirit proved it self by some clear and unquestionable Miracle, and that was the rational evidence of its Truth and divine Authority; but in our days it proceeds in an humane and a rational way, and does neither drive nor second us with unaccountable Raptures and Inspirations; but joyns in with our Understandings, and leads us forward by the Rules of Reason and Sobriety, by threatnings and by promises, by instructing our Faculties in the right Perception of things, and by discovering a fuller Evidence and stronger Connexion of Truths. So that whatever Assistances the Spirit of God may now afford us, they work in the same way, and after the same manner, as if all were perform'd by the strength of our own Reason; and [Page] therefore Men are not to be allowed to pretend to its guidance, unless they can prove it by some evident Miracle, or at least justifie it either by some clear Text of Scripture, or some Rational Argument, and then it is that which warrants the Action, and not the pretence of the Spirit. But as for those that talk of its immediate and unaccountable Workings, and confine them not to the ordinary Rules of Reason, and Methods of Prudence, they unavoidably fall into all the mischiefs and frenzies of Enthusiasm; and there is nothing so absurd, that they may not believe; or so wicked, that they may not practise by the instigation of the Spirit of God.

And now after all this Noise and Cavil, I and my Adversary are fully agreed in the main matter of the Quarrel, viz. That Grace and Vertue are the same thing: For all the difference he assigns between them, relates not to the Nature of the things themselves, but to the Principles from whence they issue, viz. That the same Instances and Duties of Moral Goodness, that are called Vertues when they proceed from the strength and improvement of our own Natural Abilities, are called Graces when they proceed from [Page] the assistances and impressions of the Spirit of God: so that even in his account Grace is nothing but infused Vertue, and infused Vertue is Vertue still; and this is the only difference that I assign'd between them; and thus my Challenge, that is the Cause and Object of all this Zeal and Indignation, stands firm and unattempted, viz. That when they have set aside all manner of Vertue, they would tell me what remains to be called Grace, and give me any notion of it distinct from all Morality. He that can do this, shall be greater than Apollo and all his Muses. And whereas for a farther proof that the Graces or the fruits of the Spirit were nothing but Moral or (to speak in the home-spun Language of our Fore-fathers) Ghostly Vertues, I alledged two evident Texts of Scripture to that purpose:Pag. 220. with the first, he quarrels in the first place, that I have not (either through my own or the Printers neglect) expressed the words in a different Character, though I have quoted both Chapter and Verse; and if this be a fault, I must beg his pardon; and seeing it is the first he has been able to discover, I hope I may easily obtain it. In the next place, he excepts that in rendring the words, I use Peaceableness in stead of Peace, [Page] and Cheerfulness as equivalent with Ioy. The Cavil is but a little one, and the Fortunes of Caesar and the Roman Empire depend not upon it; and therefore I will not trouble the Reader with a Critical Account of the Reason of my Translation, 'tis enough that these words may, and often are used promiscuously, and differ no more than Reason and Reasoning. The other Text was Tit. 2.11. In which I affirm that the Apostle makes the Grace of God to consist in Gratitude towards God, Temperance towards our selves, and Justice towards our Neighbours. No, says he,Pag. 221; the Apostle says not that Grace consists in these things, but that it teaches these things. I must confess, I was not so subtle and Scholastical as to distinguish between subjective Grace (as he there speaks) and effective Grace, because they are but different terms of Logick for the same thing, and that Grace that teacheth us these things consists in doing them; they differ only as the Principle and Effect of the same Vertue, and whatever the Apostle might there intend by Grace, nothing can be more pat to my Purpose, than that he places its whole design in teaching and promoting the practice of those Moral [Page] Vertues. This is obvious to every vulgar eye, but our Author is forced, for want of better employment, to saw the Air.

§. 5. My last crime is, that I slander them with the Truth, and charge them of making Vertue and Grace inconsistent, whilst they teach, that though a man may be exact in the duties of moral goodness, yet if he be a graceless Person (i. e. void of I know not what imaginary Godliness) he is but in a cleaner way to Hell, and the morally Righteous man is at a greater distance from grace than the Prophane. Though were I destitute of all other proof, their very distinguishing between Grace and Vertue, or the Spiritual and the Moral Duties of the Gospel, is in it self directly destructive of all true and real goodness; for if they are the same thing under different Appellations, then whilst this Doctrine presses men to a pursuit and acquisition of Excellencies of Grace and spiritual holiness over and above the common vertues of Morality, it engages their main industry and their biggest endeavours in the pursuit of dreams and shadows, because there is nothing beyond the bounds of Moral Vertue but Chimera's and flying [Page] Dragons, Illusions of Fancy, and Impostures of Enthusiasm: And by this means are men at length betrayed to neglect the plain and practical Principles of Reason and moral honesty, whilst they befool and entertain themselves with the wild frekes of humour and melancholy; and instead of guiding their Actions by the Common Laws of Nature and right Reason, they are meerly acted by giddy and Enthusiastick whimsies, and derive all their religious motions and phantasms from the present state and constitution of their Bodies, and move only upon the stage of Fancy, and according as sanguine or melancholy are predominant, so the Scene alters. Sometimes their bloud runs low, their spirits are weak and languid, melancholy reeks and vapours cloud and overwhelm their Fancies, and then the Scene is all Tragedy, and they are immediately under spiritual desertions and troubles of Conscience, their Fancies are full of Fears, and their mouths of Moan, they spend their time with puling and whining in Corners, and annoy their Friends with the eternal Complaints of their deadness in duties, and unprofitableness under the means of grace. But when the Tide returns, and the spirits [Page] rise, and the natural heat breaks out from under the oppression of melancholy humours, boyls up into the Brain, and refreshes the drooping fancy with brisk and active spirits, and fills it with warm and spritely Imaginations: This they presently conceit to be the Spirit of God spreading its wings over the poor disconsolate soul, and darting in its rays of spiritual peace and comfort upon the Child of Light sitting in darkness: And this inflames them with Raptures and Extasies of Joy; their hearts overflow with content, and their Mouths with exultation; they feel themselves strangely enlarged in duty, their affections warm, and expressions fluent; they admire their own freedom and eloquence of speech, and delight to be streaming forth in Torrents of Prayer and Devotion. And withal they usually grow amorous, and vent their swelling spirits in affections of love and fondness, are passionately enamour'd of the Person of the Lord Jesus; oh! what so dear to them as their sweet Redeemer? His very name melts them down into love and fondness; and they bedeck him with all the glittering Gems in the Revelations, and caress him with all the gilded expressions in the Canticles, & embrace him with [Page] unspeakable Transport and Rapture. Now they cannot imagine but that such great and unexpected showers of delight must be poured down from Heaven, and by reason of that forlorn condition in which they stuck, till this sudden Floud of Joy buoyed them up out of the dregs of melancholy, their Joy seems almost too big for Mortality to bear, much more to give. And so looking upon them as streaming from an heavenly and divine Original, they labour to swell and heighten the Torrent to the utmost brink of their Capacities; insomuch that they are sometimes stifled and overwhelmed with a deluge of delight and satisfaction: and 'tis usual for them, especially after high Fevers, the main seasons of their spiritual refreshments (as you may observe by perusing any of their famous Histories) to heat and tickle their Imaginations into real Trances and Deliriums. 'Tis sad to consider how they have abused simple and well-meaning people with these and a thousand other wild and crazy Imaginations, especially those of the weaker Sex, who being of strong and vehement Affections, of quick and operative Imaginations, and having withal some odd diseases peculiar to the [Page] structure of their Bodies, have often by poring upon the mysterious, the spiritual, and the superstitious Writings of these illiterate men, moped their tender Fancies into perfect madness and alienation of mind. In brief, all this sort of Religion floats in the Bloud, and rises and falls with the Ebbs and Tides of their humours: and all the mysteries of this new and spiritual Divinity are the meer Results of a natural and mechanical Enthusiasm. And it were an easie Task for any man, that understands the Anatomy of the Brain, the structure of the Spleen and Hypocondria, the Divarications of the Nerves, their Twistings about the Veins and Arteries, and the sympathy of Parts, to give as certain and mechanical an account of all its phanatick Frekes and Frenzies, as of any vital or animal Function in the body. The Philosophy of a Phanatick being as intelligible by the Laws of Mechanism, as the Motion of the Heart, and the Circulation of the Bloud: And there are some Treatises that give a more exact and consistent Hypothesis of Enthusiasm than any Des Cartes has given of the natural Results of Matter and Motion.

And this, I say, is that Imaginary Godliness, [Page] of which they suppose Graceless and meer moral men to be destitute: But our Author says, No, no, it is to be void of the Spirit of God, of the Grace of Christ, Pag. 226. not to be born again, not to have a new spiritual Life in Christ, not to be united to him, not to be ingrafted in him, not to be accepted and made an heir of God, and enabled to a due spiritual evangelical Performance of all Duties of Obedience according to the Tenour of the Covenant, these are the things intended. I, I, so they are; he has nick'd my full meaning, had he demanded a definition of their Imaginary Godliness, I could not have described it more luckily than by their rowling up and down in such ambiguous Phrases, as implying something distinct from moral Vertue; 'tis this phantastick Jargon, I mean, this canting in general Expressions of Scripture without any Concern for their true sense and meaning. Thus the Spirit of God, and the grace of Christ, which he reckons up as distinct parts of Godliness, signifie one & the same thing, and when used as distinct from moral Abilities & Performances, they signifie nothing. And what is it to be born again, and to have a new spiritual Life in Christ, but to become sincere Proselytes to the Gospel, to renounce all vicious Customs [Page] and Practices, and to give an upright and uniform Obedience to all the Laws of Christ; and therefore if they are all but Precepts of moral Vertue, to be born again, and to have a new spiritual Life in Christ, is only to become a new moral man. But their account of this Article is so wild and phantastick, that had I nothing else to make good my Charge against them, that alone would be more than enough to expose the prodigious Folly of their spiritual Divinity. Again, to be united to Christ, and to be grafted in him, are still more Tautologies for the same thing, though they indeed use them to express some secret and mysterious entercourse between the Lord Christ and a believing soul; and from hence spring the Doctrines of Withdrawings and Desertions, of Discoveries and Manifestations, of Spiritual Closings and Refreshments, and all the other innumerable Tricks of Melancholy and Enthusiasm. To be accepted and made an heir of God, is neither Grace nor Vertue; but, if we must distinguish them, a reward of both; and therefore to mention this as a distinct branch of Godliness, and Duty of Religion, signifies as much as all the rest, that is, nothing at all. As for Spiritual Evangelical[Page]Obedience, 'tis but a canting Phrase, if by it he intend any thing more than a sincere and habitual Conformity to the Moral Precepts of the Gospel: Moral Obedience to the Gospel, and Spiritual Evangelical Obedience, are but coincident Expressions of the same thing. And lastly, as for the Tenour of the Covenant, as they are wont to discourse of it, it requires nothing but a bold Confidence setting up with Gods irrespective Decrees, and trading in his absolute Promises. For I. O. as well as W. B. informs us,Sermon to the Parl. at Margarets, Feb. 28. 1649. pag. 28. That the Promises comprehensive of the Covenant of Grace, are absolute, which as to all those that belong to that Covenant, do hold out thus much of the Mind of God, that they shall be certainly accomplished in and towards them all. But who are they that belong to this Covenant? He answers, Every poor Soul that will venture to trust it self on these absosolute Promises. Faith in the Promises, Ibid. and the Accomplishment of the Promises, are inseparable: He that believeth shall enjoy, and this wholly shuts up the Spirit from any occasion of staggering. O ye of little Faith! wherefore do ye doubt? Ah! lest our share be not in this Promise. Poor Creatures, there is but one way of keeping you off from it, i. e. disputing it in your selves by unbelief. So that the onely [Page] Condition he requires to vest Men in a right to these absolute Promises, is nothing but meer Confidence. Though there cannot be more horrid Non-sense in the World, than that Faith or Boldness should be required as the Condition of absolute Promises; yet it were as well if they were altogether absolute, as demand no better Qualification for their accomplishment than a Bold Face.Pag. 47. And suitable to this, it follows some Pages after, that there neither is nor can be any other Ground or Reason of Doubtings but Unbelief. It is not the greatness of Sin, nor continuance in Sin, nor backsliding into Sin, that is the true cause of thy staggering, whatever thou pretendest, but solely from thy Vnbelief. So that though a Man persevere in an habitual course of the greatest Wickednesses; yet for all that, he has an undeniable claim to all the Promises of the Gospel, if he will at all-adventure resolve to be stomachful in his Conceit, that they were particularly made and designed to himself. Now if this be one (as 'tis the choicest one) of the Mysteries of their New Godliness, I leave it to you to judge whether it be possible to invent any Doctrine more apparently destructive of an Holy Life, or repugnant to the Tenour [Page] of the New Covenant, which is plainly nor more nor less than Gods Stipulation of Eternal Life upon no other Condition than of an habitual and uniform Obedience to the Gospel. So that all these Spiritual Graces, resolving themselves so easily either into Duties, or Helps, or Hindrances of Morality, he has given us an abundant proof of their canting and imaginary Godliness, when he produces these Instances as things of a more precious and spiritual Nature than Moral Vertues; and yet unless they signifie them, they signifie nothing.

§. 6. But this is not all, the main ground of my Charge against them, for making an inconsistency between Grace and Vertue, is, That they make Moral Goodness the greatest Let to Conversion: insomuch that in their Case-Divinity the Conversion of a morally Righteous Man is judged more hopeless than that of the vilest and most notorious Sinners. Than which (our Author affirms) there is nothing more openly taught in the Gospel. Pag 227. Than which I affirm, there is no Blasphemy more grosly false and wicked. For what viler and more dishonourable Representation can Men make of the Doctrine of the [Page] Gospel, than to make Vertue the greatest Prejudice to its Entertainment? Is that Institution worthy the Divine Contrivance, that is more befriended by Debauchery and Prophaneness, than by sincere Obedience to the best and most essential Laws of Goodness? Nothing can be more suitable to the Design and the Doctrine of the Gospel, than the practice of Moral Vertues; and is it not strange that it should be destructive of its own Ends and purposes? and that Men should indispose themselves for the Discipline of Christianity, by being adorn'd with its best and choicest Qualifications? We never read of any Man that was hindred from embracing the Christian Faith by any of his Good Qualities. Cornelius's Integrity in fearing God and working Righteousness, was the onely thing that prepared and disposed him to Conversion; and the young Gentleman in the Gospel wanted but one Moral Vertue to make him an entire Christian; he was upon the Borders of the Kingdom of Heaven, one step more would have placed him in it. The onely thing that kept him out, was Covetousness; which though it may in some persons escape for an Infirmity, was never yet rank't in the Catalogue of Moral [Page] Vertues. The usefulness, the purity, the excellency of the Doctrine of the Gospel, cannot but endear it to a Mind that is inclined to Goodness; and to a Vertuous Soul, the Beauty and Perfection of its Laws, is its strongest and most effectual Obligation. It was this that ravish't some of the first Fathers out of their state of Heathenism, into the Bosom of the Church: their Minds were prepared to embrace true Goodness by the study of Wisdom and Philosophy; they were onely at a loss where to find it; and therefore when they met with such a Divine Religion, and that establish't upon such firm and undeniable Principles, 'tis scarce to be conceived with what transports of Joy and Zeal they run into its Profession. In brief, the Gospel is all that tends to the Glory of God, to the Perfection of Humane Nature, to the Relief of my Neighbor, and to the Security and Happiness of Societies; and all this it enforces under the severest Penalties, and endears by the noblest Promises: And now let any Man tell me which way 'tis possible for Vertue to tempt aside from such an admirable and Godlike Institution.

How?Pag. 127. (says our Author) were not the [Page] Pharisees a People morally righteous? and yet were they not at a farther distance from the Kingdom of God, than Publicans and Harlots, the vilest and most notorious Sinners, because they trusted in their own Righteousness? Yes, yes, they were right-worthy Moral Men; bright and shining Examples of the great Vertues of Pride, Peevishness, Malice, Revenge, Injustice, Covetousness, Rapine, Cruelty and Unmercifulness. These were the Graces and the Ornaments of those precious and holy ones. Go thy way for a woful Guesser; no Man living beside thy self could ever have had the ill fortune to pitch upon the Scribes and Pharisees for Moral Philosophers. And, Sir, were any of them now alive, they would tell him to his teeth they are no more Moralists than himself. Their Parts and Vertues lay another way. They were a fasting and a praying People, zealous for the Lord and his Sabboths: they were for the Power of Godliness, and spent the greatest part of their time in Communion with God, and in attendance upon his Ordinances: but as for the Heathen Vertues of Morality, they scorn'd to trouble themselves about such low and beggarly Duties, but left their practice [Page] to the common and prophane Herd of Mankind. This was the way and spirit of the Men; and the Ingredients of the Pharisaick Leven, were false Godliness, and Spiritual Pride. They were highly conceited of their own extraordinary Attainments, and this made them turn so deaf an ear to all our Saviours Doctrines and Reproofs; and this was their Selfrighteousness as opposed to the Righteousness of the Gospel. They had spun to themselves a Motley-Religion, partly out of the Corruptions of the Law of Moses, and partly out of their own phantastick Traditions: and upon its observance, they valued themselves above other Men, and challenged their acceptance with God; so that it consisted not at all in trusting in their own real, but in their own imaginary Righteousness: neither is the Righteousness of Faith, that was set up by our Saviour and his Apostles in its defiance, opposed to true and inherent Goodness, but to a false and imaginary Godliness. And 'tis so far from being any criminal Arrogance either in them, or in us to trust in our own Righteousness, that (if men would suffer themselves to understand common sense) in the last Issue of things we have [Page] nothing else to trust to: For we have no other ground to expect the divine Acceptance, but by performing the Conditions of the Evangelical Covenant, i. e. a sincere and hearty Obedience to all the Laws of the Gospel; and without this to rely upon our Saviours merits, is intolerable Folly and Presumption. A good Conscience is the only Ground of a Fiducial Recumbency, (for that is the word) upon the Merits and Mercies of Christ for Salvation. For though our Saviour died to expiate our Sins, yet (God knows) he never intended to supply our Duties; and 'tis certain as the Gospel is true, that all the Priviledges of his Death and Sufferings are Conditional, and entail'd upon some peculiar Qualifications in the Persons to whom they belong; otherwise wicked Men and Infidels might lay as fair a claim to the benefit, as the holiest Man living; and therefore 'tis in vain for the boldest Faith to offer to lay hold upon them, unless its Confidence be built upon a sincere Obedience: so that our Right to Gods Promise, and Christs Satisfaction for the pardon and forgiveness of our Sins, is the purchase of an Holy Life, and imputative Righteousness is part of the reward promised to inherent [Page] Righteousness. And therefore 'tis not Moral Goodness, and a well-grounded Trust in it; but Immoral Godliness, and a proud Presumption upon it, that keeps Men off from closing with the Terms and Doctrines of the Gospel. 'Tis the conceited and mistaken Professor, or the vicious and immoral Saint, that is of all Men the most desperate and incurable Sinner. Spiritual Pride is the Carnal Confidence that hardens him into a final impenitency. He thinks himself so full of Grace and Godliness that he needs no Vertue; he is already a Child of God, and in a state of Grace, and then what need of any other Conversion? And this was the Case of the Scribes and Pharisees; and for this reason were those supercilious and self-confident Professors at a farther distance from the Kingdom of Heaven, than the Publicans and Harlots. These our Saviour could convince of their Lewdness and Debauchery, from the notorious wickedness of their Lives and Conversations; and could by his civil and gentle Reproofs soften them into a relenting and pliable temper: but as for those, their false and mistaken Piety only made them more obdurate and obstinate in sin, fear'd their Consciences against [Page] the force of his sharpest Reproofs and Convictions, and consign'd them up to an unyielding and inflexible peevishness.

§. 7. As for his Animadversions upon the following Pages of this Chapter, they are so lamentably feeble and impertinent, that as there is not any necessity to encounter, so there is no glory to vanquish them; and withal, the reason of that part of my Discourse is in it self so clearly firm and impregnable, that methinks it seems to disdain any other fence and protection against his weak and womanish Talkings. And therefore I had once determined to think of no other Reply than barely to request of the Reader, what I may justly challenge, viz. That he would compare and consider us together; and if upon an attentive Perusal my Arguments do not discover themselves to be vastly above the reach and the danger of his vain Attempts, I will for ever scorn and renounce such faint and defenceless Reasonings. For, alas! there is nothing of any consequence objected, that was not clearly foreseen, and abundantly prevented; insomuch that the Discourse it self is its own best guard, [Page] and strongest defence. And 'tis not a little difficult to contrive Arguments more apposite to baffle his Answers, than those very Reasonings against which they are levell'd. 'Tis not in my Power to keep off the Attempts of Noise and Clamour; 'tis enough if I can fend and secure my self against reasonable Exceptions; as for Impertinencies, they do but discover their own folly and weakness; and the more bold and boisterous their Assault, the greater is the Repulse they put upon themselves: not unlike to a Rock which you have seen unconcern'd in the midst of Storms and Tempests, it slights and regards not the fury of the Waves, and onely suffers them to dash in pieces their rage and themselves together. And thus has this Man no where more shamefully exposed the wretchedness of his folly and presumption, than by the pertness and French-Confidence of this Attaque: for as I know not where his Censures are more peremptory, so neither do I remember where their Vanity is more transparent. But this is a vulgar stratagem of some Men, to make the greatest shew where they have the least strength, and to set off what they want of Reason with big Looks and emphatical Confidence. [Page] But to be short, the strength of my present Argument was couched in this method. Having first shewn Moral Duties to be the choicest & most important Matters of Religion, so as to reduce all its Branches either to the Vertues or to the Instruments of Morality: I proceeded in the next place, that seeing the Civil Magistrate was by the unanimous Suffrage and a vowed Principles of Mankind, vested in a Soveraign Power over the main Ends and Designs of Religion, to demand what imaginable Reason the Wit of Man could assign, why matters of External Worship, that cannot challenge any other Use, or any higher Office in the Scale of Religion, than of Ministeries or Circumstances, should be exempt from the Conduct and Government of the same Authority. And this I farther both improved and exemplified by a particular Comparison of the Conveniences and Inconveniences that would probably ensue upon the exercise of these respective Jurisdictions; shewing how in every Instance the advantage was still on the side of Morality, as to the Plea of Exemption; and that there was vastly less danger in yielding to its Pretences for Liberty, from the Determinations of Humane [Page] Laws, than in granting the same measure of Indulgence as to the Concerns of outward Religion, (most of which our Author has gently slipt over, according to his prudent and laudable Custom of overlooking what he cannot answer.) And then, lastly, to improve the evidence of this Discourse beyond the Attempts of Cavil and Exception, I explain'd as well as argued its Reasonableness, by running a general Parallel between the Nature of Divine Worship, and of Moral Vertue: where I have more at large represented their Agreement in reference to the Power of the Civil Magistrate, and shewn how the Exercise of his Dominion over both is extended to, and restrain'd within the same Bounds and Limits, viz. That in both there are some Instances of Goodness of an universal Necessity, and unchangeable Usefulness; and these God himself has bound upon our Consciences by his own immediate Laws of Nature and Revelation: And that there are others, whose Goodness is or may be alterable according to the various Accidents, Changes and Emergencies of Humane Life; and therefore the Government of these he has entrusted with his Deputies and Lieutenants here on Earth, [Page] to setle and determine as the Circumstances of Affairs shall require, and the Dictates of their own Discretion shall direct; by which means he has admirably provided both for the peaceable Government of Mankind, and for the inviolable security of Vertue and Religion in the World. This is the scope and Contexture of my Argument; to all which, what is replyed by our Author?Pag. [...]30. Why! in the first place he represents its sum and substance in his own words, and then complains of the ambiguity of the Terms; and this fills above half a Page full of Triumph to insult over the absurdity of his own Expressions. In the next place he excepts against the Validity of the Consequence;Pag. 231. That because the Magistrate has Power over the Consciences of his Subjects in Morals, that therefore he has so also in matters of instituted Worship: Though this Objection was so pregnantly answer'd to his hand: For did I not in that very Paragraph demand of him or any Man else to assign any tolerable Reason, that should restrain the Authority of the Civil Magistrate from medling with one, that should not much more restrain it from medling with both? Did I not enquire, whether the right practice of Moral Duties [Page] were as necessary a piece of Religion, as any part of outward or instituted Worship in the World? Whether wrong Notions of the Divine Worship are not as destructive of the peace and setlement of Commonwealths, as the most vicious and licentious Debaucheries? Whether the rude Multitude are not more inclined to disturb Government by Superstition, than by Licentiousness? And whether there is not vastly greater danger of the Magistrates erring in matters of Morality, than in Forms and Ceremonies of Worship, in that those are the main, essential, and ultimate Duties of Religion; whereas these are at highest but their means and instruments, and can challenge no other place in Religion than as they are subservient to the purposes of Morality? What then should the reason be, that God should be so much more tender of things of meer positive Institution, than of the matters of natural and essential Goodness? That whilst he trusts these great and indispensable Duties to the Disposal and Discretion of the Civil Power, in order to the peace and security of the Commonwealth; why should he not for the same regard commit the management of the less weighty Affairs of External Worship [Page] to the Wisdom and Jurisdiction of the same Authority? To all which, is it not, think you, a wise and satisfactory Answer to tell us, there is, or at least there may be a difference between matters of moral and positive Obligation, without attempting to assign any particular Reason of it in reference to the Power of the Civil Magistrate? For suppose it granted, that there is some difference between the Nature of the things themselves, yet what is that to our purpose, unless it carries in it a special Relation to the matters in Controversie between us, which is not of the Natures of the things themselves, but of their Subjection to the Royal Supremacy? So that supposing the difference of their Natures, the demand of the Argument is, what 'tis in the Nature of instituted Worship that should exempt it from the Jurisdiction of the Civil Magistrate, that is not as much or more discernable in the Nature of Moral Vertue? And till this be assign'd, the Argument stands firm as the Foundations of the Earth, whatever other difference Metaphysick Wit may be able to descry between them. But our Author adds in answer to one of the forementioned Enquiries,Pag. 232, 3, 4. viz. Whether there [Page]is not more danger of the Magistrates erring or mistakes about moral Vertue than about Rites of Worship, that there is an especial and formal difference between them, in that one depends as to their Being and Discovery on the Light of Nature, which is certain and common to all; the other on pure Revelation, which may be and is variously apprehended. But,

§. 8.1. 'Tis certain that by what way soever God has reveal'd his Will to Mankind, the Revelation is sufficiently clear and evident, so that the Rules of Instituted Worship are after their Institution no less certain than the Laws of Nature. 'Tis the Wisdom and the Glory of a Law-giver to express his Laws with as much Fulness and as little Ambiguity as is possible, and therefore 'tis but an unmannerly Reflection upon the Divine Wisdom to conceive he has not declared any of his Commands with all the plainness imaginable; so that all the Laws of God, by what way soever discovered, are after their discovery equally bright and evident as to the purposes of Life and Practice, and the Precepts of the Gospel are as fully declared to the Consciences of men as the Laws of Nature. And therefore the [Page] force and sense of this Answer (if it have any at all) resolves it self into that Popish Tenet of the darkness and obscurity of the holy Scriptures: For this forsooth is the only Reason why Duties instituted in the Gospel should be exempt from the Power of the Civil Magistrate rather than those of a moral and natural Obligation, because one is perspicuous, and the other is not: and if this be not his Intention, he talks he knows not what, and that is not impossible. But grant all this, that the Laws of Revelation are not so discernable as the Laws of Nature, I understand not where the force of the Reason lies, that therefore mens Perswasions about them should not be equally subject to the decisions and determinations of the Civil Power. I should rather have concluded, and so I am sure any wise Governour, that seeing the Laws of Nature are so bravely vouch'd by the common consent and suffrage of Mankind; and seeing 'tis impossible men should mistake in them, Pag 234. unless they will do it wilfully, let them (in Gods name) please their fancies and themselves in a Liberty of Practice and Perswasion concerning them, because here there is little or no hazard of any dangerous mistake: [Page] But seeing,Ibid. as to what concerns the Worship of God, they are all at variance, and seeing there is no such evidence in these things, no such common suffrage about them, as to free any absolutely from failings and mistakes, so that in respect of them, and not of the other, lies the principal danger of miscarrying. I will be sure to have a more watchful and vigilant eye to their due order and setlement; here is danger of Schisms and Dissentions, and men will run into Parties and differences about uncertain and ambiguous things, and above all things I must be careful to prevent religious Factions; these, of all others, are incomparably the most dangerous, and therefore here I will not fail to interpose the utmost of my care and power, whereever I neglect it, and if any man will be so bold and fool-hardy as to affront my Judgment and Determination of things so uncertain with his own private and doubtful perswasions, let him take what follows. And so I have brought our Disputer to my old Advantage, with which he dares no more venture to close than with a Cornish hug, viz. That 'tis but reasonable, and necessary too, for modest and peaceable Subjects to submit in all Matters, capable of doubt and uncertainty, [Page] to the determinations of their Lawful Superiours: and therefore if this be the case of the Rules of Instituted Worship, as is pretended, this is so far from abridging the Jurisdiction of the Civil Power over their disposal, that 'tis the very Reason why they should be entirely subject to, and determinable by, the Judgment and discretion of Supreme Authority.

2. There is as great a variety and uncertainty of Opinion concerning the Laws of Nature, as there is concerning those of Institution; and about them the Errors of publick Government have always been as many, and much more pernicious; and there is scarce one Instance of Natures Laws that has not been some where or other revers'd by National Constitutions. Has not our Author read of Laws (for he is sans doubt a man of Reading, though I dare not vouch for his Learning and Ingenuity) that reward Thieves and Pyrates; that prostitute virgin Brides to the publick Lust; that bind Children to murder their decrepit Parents; that permit Sons to commit Incest with, nay that enjoyn them to marry, their own Mothers? Numberless are the Stories of the debauch'd and accursed [Page] Laws, of the horrible and unnatural Customs of the barbarous Nations in the World. So that however Moral Vertues may be establish'd among Mankind by the Light of Nature: Yet, alas! that is infinitely too weak and dim to preserve men from the numberless mistakes of Error and Ignorance. And 'tis not a little strange to me that our Author, when he has so strong an Opinion of the woful decay and utter dissolution of all that was good in humane Nature by the fall of Adam, should yet apprehend the Dictates of so debauch'd and corrupted a Principle to make a clearer discovery of the duty of Mankind than the express Revelation of God himself; especially when this was chiefly intended to supply and repair the defects of the Light of Nature. For in the last and real Issue of things, the best discovery and the strongest Obligation of all Natures Laws will be found to depend on their positive Institution: The Gospel is the only perfect and accurate Systeme of the Laws of Nature, it has not omitted any the least part of our Duty, and what it has not enjoyn'd, is no part either of the Law of Revelation, or of the Law of Nature. And in truth were it not for the collected Body of the [Page] Laws of Christianity, at what a woful loss should we be for an exact Catalogue of the Laws of Nature? And it would be an infinitely vain attempt to find out their set and certain Number; for alas that must vary, according to the unconceivable difference of mens Capacities and Apprehensions: Persons of greater sagacity and more improved Reasons would be able to perceive many moral Notices of things, that would never have occurr'd to the Thoughts of ruder and more illiterate People; and therefore our safest as well as our shortest way to discover their Nature and Obligation, is without any more ado to search the Records of all Gods Revelations to Mankind, upon which their greatest certainty, and by consequence their chiefest Obligation depends. So little does this this man consider what he talks, when he ascribes so much evidence to the Rules of moral Goodness beyond the duty of Institution, when Institution is incomparably their greatest and most pregnant Evidence. Nay, what is worse than all the rest, after all this Noise of instituted Worship, nothing will ever be found concerned in it save only the two Sacraments; they are the only matters [Page] of outward Worship prescribed in the Gospel; and thus has he run himself into his old Premunire, and so is brought under an Obligation to assign any other particular Rituals and Ceremonies of External Religion injoin'd and determined in the Word of God: a thing of which they much and often talk, but never offer to prove or specifie.

And the truth is, here lies the main mystery of all their Impertinencies in Disputes of this nature, that they are resolved to find some things in the Holy Scriptures, which 'tis impossible for the wit of Man to discover there; and hence all this Clamour concerning the particular Rules of instituted Worship in the Word of God: though when they come to consult it, there is nothing more determined than barely the two Sacraments. But this will not serve their turn, they must and will have a Ius Divinum for their own singular fancies and fashions; and therefore away they fling, and about they beat, and no passage of Holy Writ shall be left unransackt for Proofs and Texts to their purpose. And to this end they find out some Words and Expressions that may possibly seem to carry some resemblance to their Prejudices and [Page] ungrounded Conceits; and then by what violent and strein'd Analogies will they force them to countenance their Dreams? and by what odd and impertinent methods will they pack and huddle Scriptures together, till they seem to chime to the tune of their own foolish Imaginations? And you would bless your self to consider what spiritual ways of arguing they have of late invented in Opposition to common Sense and natural Reason, to justifie their own phantastick and unwarrantable Hypotheses of things; but more especially to abet this wild and unaccountable Principle, That the Word of God is the onely adequate Rule of instituted Worship, which they lay down in their Positive Divinity, (at which they are incomparably the greatest Doctors in the World) as the onely unquestionable Postulatum of all their Discourses; yet when they are urged to make it out by Rational Arguments, and particular Instances, they talk it, and talk it, but as for proof and evidence, they never could, nor ever will be brought to produce any other beside the Proleptick certainty of the Maxim it self: and therefore I will for ever bar their general Pleas and Pretences drawn from this Principle, That the New [Page] Testament is the adequate Rule of Instituted Worship to the Church of Christ, unless in case of the two Sacraments (though, as to them too, all the outward Circumstances and Postures of Celebration are wholly undetermined in the Scripture) till they shall specifie some particular Instances there directed and prescribed under a standing Obligation; however it is not to be attended to in our present Controversie, when it is (as I have proved) as certain and complete a Rule of moral Vertue, as they can suppose it to be of Instituted Worship: and therefore that cannot be any ground of Exception, that whilst the former is subject to, the latter should be exempt from, the disposal of the Civil Jurisdiction. So lamentably absurd are the main and darling Principles of these men, that 'tis not in the Power of Logick or Sophistry to do them any kindness; and the more they stir in their Defence, the more they expose their Folly.

§. 9. And now having so wofully hurt and prejudiced his own Cause by this rash and indiscreet Attempt upon my Inference, in the next place he rushes with a fierce and angry Dilemma upon my [Page] Assertion, viz. That the Magistrate has Power over the Consciences of men in reference to moral Duties, which are the principal Parts of Religion.Pag. 235. 6, 7, 8, 9. This Power (says he) is either over moral Vertue as Vertue, and as a part of Religion, or on some other Account, as it relates to humane Society. The former he gores through and through, and that horn of the Dilemma is above two Pages long, and here he has exactly observed the Rules and Customs of Scholastick Dispute, that is always prodigal of Confutation where there is no need, and niggardly where there is. For when he proceeds to the latter (which he knows is the only thing I all along asserted) he freely grants all I can desire or demand;Pag. 239. For moral Vertues, notwithstanding their peculiar Tendency unto God and Religion, are appointed to be Instruments and Ligaments of humane Society also; now the Power of the Magistrate, in respect of Moral Vertues, is in their latter use. Very good! And the Case is absolutely the same as to all reasons and circumstances of things in matters of Religion; for though they, as well as moral Vertue, chiefly relate to our future Concerns, yet have they also a powerful Influence upon our present welfare, and if rightly managed, [Page] are the best and most effectual Instruments of publick Happiness; and there lies the very strength and sinew of my Argument, that if Magistrates are vested with so much Power over moral Vertues; that are the most weighty and essential Parts of Religion, as they shall judge it needful to the Peace of Societies, and the security of Government, how much more reasonable is it, that they should be entrusted with the same Power over matters of external Worship, that are but its subordinate Instruments, and outward Circumstances, whenever they are serviceable to the same ends and purposes? And if there be any advantage and disparity of Reason, 'tis apparently on this side; for it were an easie Task to prove, that moral Vertue is much more necessary to procure the divine Acceptance, and Religion much more likely to create publick Disturbance; but that is not the subject matter of our present Enquiry; 'tis enough that both have in some measure a Relation to these different Ends, and therefore that both must, in some measure, be subject to these different Powers. You see how shamefully this man is repuls'd by his own Attempts, and [Page] that there is nothing needful to beat back his Answers, but the Arguments themselves against which they are directed. And now having spent his main strength in this succesless shock, 'tis piteous to observe how he faints in his following Assays. He inquires whether this Power of the Civil Magistrate over moral Vertue be such as to make that Vertue which was not Vertue before, Pag. 239. or which was Vice. 'Tis of the same extent with his Authority over Affairs of Religion, as I have already stated it. But however to this Impertinent Enquiry he need not have sought far for a pertinent Answer, it lay before his eyes when he objected it (if he did not write blindfold) viz. Eccles. Pol. That in matters both of moral Vertue and divine Worship, there are some Rules of Good and Evil, that are of an eternal and unchangeable Obligation, and these can be never prejudiced or altered by any humane Power: But then there are other Rules that are alterable according to the various Accidents, Changes, and Conditions of humane life; and in things of this Nature I asserted that the Magistrate has Power to make that a Particular of the divine Law, which God has not made so.Pag. 240. In answer to which, he wishes I [Page]had declared my self how and wherein. So I have, viz. in all the peculiar and positive Laws of Nations, and gave him Instances, in no less matters than of Murther, Theft, and Incest, and produced several particular Cases, in which the Civil Power superinduced new obligations upon the Divine Law. Which 'tis in vain to repeat to one that winks against the Light, you know where to find them if you think it needful: But is not this a bold man to challenge me with such a scornful Assurance to do, what he could not but see I had already performed? Some men are confident enough to put out the day in spite of the Sun. He adds; The divine Law is divine, Ibid. and so is every particular of it, and therefore 'tis impossible for a man to make new Particulars, and yet in the same Breath grants my Assertion as an ordinary and familiar truth, if I only intend by making a thing a Particular of the divine Law no more than to make the divine Law require that in particular of a man, which it did not require of him before. Though that man must have a wild understanding, that can mean any thing more or less. There is a vast difference (is there not?) between making a new Particular of the Divine Law; and making the Divine [Page] Law require that in particular which it did not require before. But (says he) these new particulars refer only to the acting and occasion of these things in particular. Ibid. 'Tis no matter for that; whatever they refer to, they are new Acts, and distinct Duties or Crimes of their respective species of vertue or vice. Thus though to slay a deprehended Adulteress (which is murther in England, though it be Justice in Spain) relates to the manner of Execution, yet 'tis a new and distinct Instance of that Sin, made by a Civil Constitution, and not determined by the divine Law. But then here is no more ascribed to the Magistrate than is common with him to every man in the World. Ibid. So much the firmer my Argument; For 'tis not reasonable to deny so much Power to publick Authority, as every private man may claim and exercise; nor just to forbid Magistrates to command that to their Subjects, which their Subjects may lawfully command to themselves. But after all this trifling, he leaps to a fresh Enquiry (for he is old excellent at asking Questions, when he should be making Answers) viz. if Magistrates are impower'd to declare new Instances of Vertue and Vice, he demands, [Page] Whether they are new as Vertues and Vices, or as Instances. Pag. 241. This is a captious Question, and though I suspect some subtle plot, yet I have not sagacity enough to find out either its design, or its Sophistry, and therefore I shall only answer like a plain and cautious man, that they are new neither as Instances, nor as Vertues and Vices, but as Instances of Vertue and Vice; and then what becomes of this Metaphysical Dilemma? But however it follows, if they are new as Vertues,Ibid. would he could see a new Practice of old Vertues; but alas! this neither proves, nor confutes, and yet because 'tis said it must be answered, therefore I will only demand of him, what are the old Vertues he intends, whether those that were in fashion in the days of King Arthur, or those that were so in the days of King Oliver? But to tell you the truth, he cares not for any of the new Vertues that he has lately observed in the World, Likely enough,Ibid. for Loyalty is one of the chiefest, but they were fine days when Rebellion and Sacriledge were signs of Grace, and men could keep up a dear and intimate Communion with God in ways of plunder and perjury; ah! those were precious and Gospel-times. You see I must either trifle with [Page] this man, or altogether hold my Peace, his Objections are not capable of solid Answers. But he concludes, If it be the Instances that are new, they are but actual and occasional exercises of old Duties. This is trifling too, and neither objects nor proves, however 'tis already answered, and though I have been so idly employed, as to follow him in his Trifles, yet I will not in his Tautologies.

CHAP. V.

[Page]

The Contents.

OVr Authors wretched perverting and falsifying even the Contents of the Chapter. Another notorious Forgery, that I have confined the Power of Conscience purely to inward Thoughts. Christian Liberty proved to be a Branch of the Natural Freedom of our Minds. The Discourses of the Apostles concerning Christian Liberty, are onely Disputes against the Eternal Obligation of the Law of Moses. So that nothing can restrain it but Gods own immediate and explicite Commands. This proved from the Practice and Precepts of St. Paul. Our Adversaries are the most guilty of any Men in the World of intrenching upon our Christian Liberty. It is as much infringed by the Common Law, as by Ecclesiastical Canons. Their Notion of Christian Liberty cannot but be a perpetual [Page] Nursery of Schisms and Divisions. This mystery of Libertinism began first to work among the Gnosticks, and was checkt by the Apostles. A ridiculous Calumny, that from my Notion of Christian Liberty, charges me of asserting the indifferency of all Religions. A farther account of the Original of Sacrifices: they that derive them from the Law of Nature, relie purely upon the testimony of some ancient Grecians. The ground of their mistake, who refer them to Divine Institution, is their not attending to the difference between Eucharistical Oblations, and Expiatory Sacrifices. An account how the Religion of Sacrifices might acquire a Catholique Practice, without any Obligation of Nature, or Warranty of Divine Institution. How Abel's Sacrifice might be offered in Faith, without any revealed Command to require it. A shameful instance of our Authors way of begging the Question. And another of his Tergiversation. A farther account of the prodigious Impertinency of their Clamours against significant Ceremonies. The blockishness of their excepting against them upon the score of their being Sacraments. The impossibility of making this good out of Scripture, and the folly of attempting its proof any other way. The vanity of distinguishing between Customary and Instituted Symbols. [Page] Our Authors ridiculous state and determination of this Debate. The Impertinency of that difference he endeavours to assign between the signification of Words and Ceremonies.

§. 1. NOw our Authors Invention begins to grow dry, and his Fancy to run low, he is forced to flie to his old Magazines for Arms and Ammunition, and to muster up his former Cavils for fresh Arguments, and his former Calumnies for fresh Objections, and to stuff up his following Pages with meer Tautologies and Repetitions of his former shifts and juglings: He cannot forbear to argue from his own Topicks, and in his own Method, but still he pretends, first, to be at a loss for my meaning, and then he perverts it, and then he confutes it. And 'tis observable how careful he is always to usher in his Falsifications with complaints of my Obscurity; that so if he should fail to justifie them, he may at least be able to excuse them; and when he is beaten out of his Cause, he may under this reserve secure his Honour, and discharge the perverseness and disingenuity of his own labour'd [Page] Mistakes, upon the perplexity of my Stile, and the looseness of my Expressions.

The first thing he takes to task and to correction, is the Contents of the Chapter, (for he has now done with confuting my Title-Page) where I represented the scope and short design of my first Paragraph in these words: Mankind have a Liberty of Conscience over all their Actions, whether moral or strictly religious, as far as it concerns their Iudgments, but not their Practices. And here I could have been content, had he dealt no worse with me than they are wont to deal with the Holy Scriptures; when they interpret the Chapter by the English Contents, and so expound the sense of the Word of God, as if that were onely the Gloss, but these the Canon. Otherwise I am sure I. O. could never have made good his deep Conceit of the Saints distinct Communion with each Person of the blessed Trinity, out of the Parable of the Canticles. But this Author has (as well he may) made more bold with me, and has mangled my single Assertion into two distinct Propositions, viz. That Mankind has a Liberty of Conscience over all their Actions, Pag. 249. whether moral or strictly religious. And this he closes up [Page] with a full Period, as if it were an entire Problem of it self: and when he has thus ridiculously distorted the sense of the words, by separating them from the other half of the Proposition, he gravely scorns and confutes them; and certainly 'tis no difficult task to baffle so wild an Assertion. And then he adds (and does not blush neither) the remaining words, [As far as it concerns their Iudgments, but not their Practices,] as a distinct Caution to set bounds and limits to the former Concession, though they are part of the same Proposition, setting restraints and confinements upon it self; and then after all these little slights of perverting, he laughs (as becomes him) at the absurdity of the limitation: That is (says he) they have Liberty of Conscience over their Actions, Ibid. but not their Practices; or over their Practices, but not over their Practices: for upon trial their Actions and Practices will prove to be the same. Profoundly intricate! And yet had these things been expressed as he absurdly represents them, they might for all that have been honest and Grammatical sense: for Action, you know, is a general word, and comprehensive of all our inward and our outward Acts; whereas Practice is a term of a more limited signification, and [Page] peculiar onely to external Actions; and therefore may very well restrain the more universal import of the former word. But take the words as they lie couch't together within the same Period, and then the Cavil is so strangely nice and subtle, that 'tis unintelligible to Metaphysick wit; for so to oppose Practices to the Actions of the Mind or Judgment, is no more than to oppose them to our Thoughts and Opinions; which, you know, is infinitely warranted both by the propriety and the vulgar use of the word. But this Man is so unreasonably curious, that though I should write Indentures, and heap together an hundred different words to express the same thing, I see it would be impossible to escape his Cavils, and little Exceptions.

Sir, I am afraid you will scarce believe (to spare more intemperate Language) that any Man should be so wretchedly foolish and disingenuous to so little purpose; and some Stories are so prodigious, that a modest Man has not confidence enough to vouch their truth, though he is able to swear it; and therefore I beseech you not to trust the Credibility of this Report upon my bare Information, but be pleased to consult Pag. 249, 250. of his [Page] Book, and there you may satisfie your self of this Mans Wit and Integrity by ocular Inspection; and it is an equal Argument of both, when a Man shall confute Books by such trifling and manifest Abuses.

Having thus routed my Contents, in the next place he rallies up an old Cavil against the Paragraph it self, and complains that I sometimes call Conscience the Mind, sometimes the Vnderstanding, Pag. 251. sometimes Opinion, sometimes Liberty of Thinking, and sometimes an Imperious Faculty. But this I have already answer'd, and so faint an Objection is not worth a double Confutation. From hence he drops into a ridiculous dispute about Free-Will, and this you cannot but imagine to be of a close concernment to that Liberty of which we discourse, viz. an Exemption from the Commands and Determinations of the Civil Power; so that this thick impertinency is as bad as his abuse of my Contents; and yet the next passage is worse than both, viz. Pag. 252. That the thing by me here asserted, is, that a Man may think, judge, or conceive such or such a thing to be his Duty, and yet have thereby no Obligation put upon him to perform it: for Conscience we are informed has nothing to do beyond the inward[Page]Thoughts of Mens Minds. But who gives in this Information? The Informer (whoever he is) would in some Courts of Justice have jeoparded something that he would be loth to lose, for so lewd and bold a Forgery. Phy! phy! for shame give over this pitiful Legerdemain; such open and visible Falsifications serve onely to expose the lewdness of his Cause and his Conscience; and if he delight in such wretched Practices, they will in process of time betray him to more pernicious courses: for what should hinder a Man that can pervert and falsifie at this rate, from forging Wills, and setting counterfeit hands to Deeds? Neither fear nor modesty can ever restrain him, that dares venture upon abuses so palpable, that it was absolutely impossible he should hope to escape the shame and rebuke of discovery. The Assertion it self is one of the chiefest and most fundamental Maxims of Knavery; and yet 'tis boldly charged upon me without the least shadow or syllable of pretence, either to justifie his Accusation, or to excuse his Mistake. All that I attempted in that Paragraph, was to exempt all the inward Acts of the Minds of Men from the Jurisdiction of Humane [Page] Power, and so to confine their Government to the Empire of meer Conscience: Now from this Assertion that our secret Thoughts are subject to Conscience only, to infer that Conscience has no Power but only over our secret Thoughts, is a Conclusion too ridiculous for our Author to make either in good earnest, or through meer mistake. In the mean time, what an unhappy Man am I, that when I would study to entertain my Reader with useful and edifying Discourse, I can meet with nothing to encounter in this Author but Falshood and Forgery. But having set up this Calumny as the mark of his displeasure, he confutes it thorough and thorough with big Words and ugly Inferences: but whether he takes his aim aright or no, it concerns not me to enquire; when the Premises are proved to be mine, then, and not till then, I will take care to avoid the Conclusions. So that in the mean time we may proceed.

Having therefore confined the entire Government and Jurisdiction of our Thoughts to the territory of Conscience, I added that yet notwithstanding, as for all matters that come forth into outward Actions, and appear in the Societies of Men, there is no remedy but they must [Page] be subject to the Cognizance of Humane Laws, and come within the Verge of Humane Power; because by these, Societies subsist, and Humane Affairs are transacted. To this he replies with his wonted modesty,Pag 254. That I ought to have proved, that notwithstanding the Iudgment of Conscience concerning any Duty, by the interposition of the Authority of the Magistrate to the contrary, there is no Obligation ensues for the performance of that Duty. But, Good Sir, have you any Patent for the Monopoly of making Conclusions, that you can force your Neighbours to accept what Ware you please? If you have not, I know no other Obligation I lie under to assert so wild and so wicked a Paradox, unless perhaps meer Civility may engage me to say something, that you may be able to confute. Otherwise I know nothing that I stand bound to prove in this place, but what the Man himself is zealous enough to acknowledge, viz. That all outward Actions are obnoxious to the Civil Power, as far as they concern the ends and interests of Publick Tranquillity: though how far that may reach, as it was here asserted, so it was in the following Chapters more largely proved and stated. However, 'tis apparent from the manifest [Page] scope, and the last issue of my whole Discourse, that I stand not obliged to ascribe any more absolute Power to the Civil Magistrate, than what is necessary to warrant that Authority they exercise in prescribing those Rites and Ceremonies of Worship, that are injoin'd and practised in the Church of England; that is all I contend for at present, and will, as for what concerns this Dispute, be content to lop off any other Branches of their Jurisdiction, that relate not to this Enquiry. And if this cannot be justified, unless it be granted that the Commands of Soveraign Power must always over-rule all Obligations of Conscience; then, I confess, I must submit to this disadvantage that this Man would impose upon me: but if it can, 'tis no part either of my Duty or my Interest to assert any thing that is neither true in it self, or pertinent to my purpose. But whether it can or cannot, I have already sufficiently accounted for both in that Treatise, and in this Rejoinder. For what our Author would here charge upon me as my Duty, is no more than what he has heretofore charged upon me as my Doctrine, viz. Pag. 97. That the Magistrate has Power to bind the Consciences of his Subjects to observe what is by him[Page]appointed to be professed and observed in Religion, (and nothing else are they to observe) making it their Duty in Conscience so to do; and the highest crime or sin to do any thing to the contrary; and whatever the precise truth in these matters be, or whatever be the apprehensions of their own Consciences concerning them. The falshood of which horrid Calumny I have there baffled with so much evidence, and reproved with so much severity, that after that, it were an affront to the Readers Understanding to warn him against every Repetition of so foul and groundless a slander, though it is the Burthen of every Page.

§. 2. In the next Paragraph I proceeded to account for the nature and extent of Christian Liberty; where I both founded our Right to it upon this natural and inward Freedom of our Minds, and also proved it to be sometimes coincident with it. But says our Nicodemus, (for he is very thick of Understanding when he pleases) How can these things be?Pag. 259. When Christian Liberty, as I have stated it, is a priviledge, whereas Liberty of Conscience is common unto all Mankind. This Liberty is necessary unto Humane Nature, and cannot be divested of it, and so it is not a priviledge that includes a specialty[Page]in it. To this I answer, That Natural Liberty is a freedom of the Mind and Judgment from all Humane Laws in general, and Christian Liberty is the same freedom from the Mosaick Law in particular; which because it was bound upon the Jews by virtue of a Divine Authority, it was a restraint not onely upon their Practices, but upon their Minds and Consciences; and prescribed to their inward Thoughts and Opinions, as well as their outward Actions: they had no Liberty to judge of their Goodness, but were bound to submit their Understandings to the Wisdom of God. And this is the main difference between the Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws, that these reach onely to our Wills, and those affect our Judgments, and determine our Apprehensions to whatsoever they command our Obedience; and we are bound to acquiesce in the Counsels of God, though we understand not their Reasons; and therefore whatever Law comes with the impress of Divine Authority, it bears down all before it, and supersedes all the weak Disputes and Reasonings of our little Understandings; and as long as we are assured it proceeds from God, that alone, without any farther enquiry, gives [Page] our Minds infinite satisfaction of its Wisdom and Goodness. So that during the whole Period of the Mosaick Institution, all freedom of Judgment in reference to the particular Commands of his Law, was retrenched by the Authority of God; but when their Obligation was repeal'd, and the impress of his Authority was taken off, then did the things themselves return of their own accord to the indifferency of their own Natures, and so were restored to the Judgment of the Minds of Men; and therefore though Christian Liberty be a Priviledge with a specialty, yet 'tis a Branch of that Liberty that is natural to Mankind, in that 'tis nothing but a Restauration of the Mind of Man from the restraints of the Law of Moses, to its native freedom; which though it cannot be devested by any Humane Power, yet it may, then was, and always is abridged by Divine Commands, in that they pass an equal Obligation upon the Judgments and the Practices of Men: upon which account alone all matters of the Law of God are absolutely exempt both from our Natural and our Christian Liberty; but when he is pleased to reverse his own Obligation, and to leave things to their Original indifferency, that is a restitution [Page] to our natural Liberty, and that is our Christian Liberty.

But for a more full and exact Account of the nature and true signification of this Pretence, 'tis necessary to examine how 'tis stated in the Word of God; and as it is there discoursed of, it is certain it relates meerly to those Priviledges that are granted or restored to the minds of men by the Repeal and Abrogation of the Law of Moses: The whole Case whereof is plainly this. This Law was establish'd in the Jewish Common-wealth by Divine Authority; and was the only Covenant and Revelation of God to mankind, that was at first consign'd with mighty Miracles, and ratified to after-Ages with their great Sacrament of Circumcision, upon which Accounts the Jews concluded it to be of an Eternal and Immutable Obligation. But God sends his Son into the World to take down this whole frame and fabrick of the Mosaick Religion, and in its stead to set up a better and more manly Institution of things, to repeal the Laws and Obligations of the old Covenant, and to govern his Church by new measures of Duty and new Conditions of Obedience. And this is properly the Priviledge of [Page] Christian Liberty, and it comprehends all the peculiar Advantages and Exemptions granted to mankind by vertue of the Christian Institution. It is a deliverance from the Dominion of Sin, from the Curse of the Law, from the severity of a Covenant of Works, and from the Yoke of Ceremonial observances. These are the matters of our Christian Liberty, and those Doctrines that tend to bring us under any of these old Fetters and hard services are attempts of Jewish Bondage. And this was the plain state of the Question in the Apostolical Age, and the whole dispute of Christian Liberty was only a Controversie between the Jews and the Christians concerning the Repeal or the Perpetuity of Moses Law. And all the Discourses we meet with in the Writings of the Apostles upon this subject relate purely to the abrogation of the Mosaick Institution. And all their Exhortations to the Primitive Christians to stand stifly upon their Priviledges, were to perswade them not to suffer themselves to be abused into a slavish opinion of the Eternity and unalterable Obligation of the Law of Moses, but to rest assured that the Gospel had rescinded all the positive and ceremonial Commands of the Jews, [Page] that the things themselves were returned to their native Indifferency, and by consequence that they were at liberty from their observance, any former Law or Precept to the contrary notwithstanding. Well then, the precise Notion of Christian Liberty consists in the rescue of the Consciences of men from the divine Imposition of the Yoke of Moses, and therefore 'tis not to be pretended against any Restraints whatsoever, that do not challenge an absolute and indispensable obligation over the Consciences of men by vertue of a divine Authority. So that Subjects are not to be permitted to put in this Pretence in bar of any Impositions of our lawful Superiours, because it relates purely to our immediate duty and entercourse with God, and is not in the least concern'd in our Engagements and Relations to men. And upon this Account is it that St. Paul so smartly encourageth the Galatians to stand fast in the Liberty, wherewith Christ hath made them free, and not to be entangled again with the Yoke of Bondage, because if they are circumcised Christ shall profit them nothing, in that they are Debtors to keep the whole Law. For if the Seal of Circumcision be still in force, then is not the Law disannull'd, of which this is the Sacrament [Page] and the Sanction, but if the Law be not disannull'd, then are you still under an obligation to the same Obedience as was required by the Conditions of the old Covenant, and so by consequence forfeit all the Favours and Benefits of the new. But setting aside the necessity of Circumcision by vertue of a divine Command, then its use was no Intrenchment upon Christian Liberty; and therefore though this blessed Apostle declaimed with so much zeal and vehemence against its use and continuance out of respect to the obligatory Power of the Law of Moses, yet upon other Grounds, and for different Purposes, he was content to condescend to its practice and observation, as is notorious in the Circumcision of Timothy. So that (you see) 'tis apparent his Christian Liberty consisted not in an indispensable forbearance of Circumcision (for so to have used it in any Case had been a manifest Forfeiture of his Priviledge and violation of his Duty) but only in not doing it with an opinion of its Necessity by reason of the perpetual obligation of the Law of Moses. This is the plain and the only Account of Christian Liberty in the holy Scriptures, and therefore these men do but prate [Page] their own obstinate presumptions, whilst they persist in this vulgar Clamour, till they can either prove that we pretend to any divine Authority for our Ecclesiastical Institutions, or that Christian Liberty is of any concernment in any Cases that pretend not to divine Authority. These things if they will undertake to make good, they may talk to our Purpose, but otherwise they will but talk to their own, and that is to none at all.

§. 3. And this discovers the Impertinency of our Authors next demand, what I mean by the Restauration of the mind to its natural Priviledge:Pag. 261. If the Priviledge of the mind in its condition of natural Purity, it is false: if any priviledge of the mind in its corrupt Condition, it is no less untrue. Why so? Because in things of this Nature the mind is in Bondage, and not capable of Liberty. I cannot divine what things he here intends, nor of what Concernment the Purity and Corruption of humane Nature is to this enquiry, the only Liberty I treated of was an exemption from the Obligatory Power of the Ceremonial Institutions of Moses, so that the Restauration of the mind to its natural Priviledge [Page] can signifie nothing else than its being rescued from the Yoke & Bondage of positive & arbitrary Laws, to be govern'd by the Laws and Dictates of its own Nature. And what Relation this has to our natural Purity or Corruption is past my skill to understand. And so is the Reason he subjoyns to confirm his Assertion no better than a grave and profound Piece of Non-sense. For it is a thing ridiculous to confound the meer natural Liberty of our wills, Ibid. which is an Affection inseparable from that Faculty with a moral or spiritual Liberty of mind relating unto God and his Worship. It is so, but what in the name of Sphinx is this to our Enquiry, what has Liberty from the Law of Moses to do with Liberty of will? 'tis perfect Riddle to me where either the force or the sense of the Argument lies: But free-will is an old word of Contention, and the bare mention of it is enough to amuse his unlearned Readers, and to make them suspect some depth of Learning or Reason, that their shallow Capacities are not able to fathom. And if the Argument have any subtilty, there it lies.

But his bravest and most serviceable Artifice is still behind, when an Argument is neither to be withstood nor avoided, [Page] he can slur its force and evidence by perverting it, and entertain his Reader by imposing a false sense upon it, when he is not able to confute the true one. Thus he tells us, That this whole Paragraph runs upon no small mistake, namely, Pag. 262. that the Yoke of Mosaical Institutions consisted in their Imposition on the minds and judgments of men, with an Opinion of the Antecedent Necessity of them. This indeed is somewhat strange Divinity, and not altogether uncapable of Confutation, especially as to my particular Case, it being such a square Contradiction to that account I have given of the matters of the Ceremonial Law, viz. That they were things indifferent in their own Natures; that the Necessity of their Use and Exercise was superinduced upon them purely by vertue of a divine positive Command; that this being rescinded, their Necessity immediately ceased, and they return to the state of their original Indifferency, to be governed as Circumstances should require and prudence direct; so that it is evident I have denied the matters of the Ceremonial Law to have been at all necessary to be observed from their own Intrinsick Nature antecedent to their positive Institution, and therefore if any where else I [Page] have affirmed it, I have no way to avoid the charge of speaking Daggers and Contradictions. But (says he) that this is my sense intended is evident from the Conclusion of this Paragraph, Ibid. viz. that whatever, and in what matters soever our Superiours impose upon us, it is no intrenchment upon our Christian Liberty, provided it be not imposed with an opinion of the antecedent Necessity of the thing it self. Now from hence how natural is it to conclude, that the Yoke of the Mosaical Institutions consisted in their Imposition on the minds of men, with an Opinion of their necessity antecedent to that Imposition! when Heaven and Earth stand not at a wider distance than these Propositions: No Train of Consequences, nothing but Iacobs Ladder (unless our Author be able to fly) can ever convey him from one to the other. And if he shall undertake to make good the Logick of his Conclusion, I will cross my self at his Confidence; but if he shall perform it, I will fall down and worship: for to me it would be Prodigie and Miracle, and that man need not, in my opinion, despair of removing Mountains, who thinks he can prove that, because humane Authority cannot impair the Liberty [Page] of our minds, but by pretence of an antecedent Obligation to its Commands; that therefore when God himself abridges it, he must do it by vertue of some authoritative obligation antecedent to his own Impositions, when his authority is the first Fountain and original Reason of all Obligations, and therefore 'tis an infinite contradiction to the nature of things to talk of any Authority antecedent or superiour to the divine Law. And this is the evident Reason of my Conclusion, that the Nature of our internal Liberty relates to the power of God over the minds of men, and so is in its self uncapable of being restrain'd or imposed upon by any other Jurisdiction; and therefore whatever restraints our Superiours may lay upon our Practices, provided they do not bind us with an Opinion of some necessity stamp't upon the things themselves antecedent to their Commands, that is no abatement to the inward Liberty of our minds, which nothing can abridge but the Authority of God himself; and therefore unless they pretend an antecedent and authoritative Obligation tied upon the Consciences of men by his own immediate and explicite Command, whatever they may bind upon [Page] them by virtue of their own Authority, though it may be blameable upon other accounts, yet it cannot be charged of offering violence to the Rights of Christian Liberty. So that though their Laws cannot of themselves restrain it, unless by pretence of an antecedent Necessity imprinted upon the things themselves by virtue of a Divine Command; yet the Laws of God may, because they are the formal Reason of their restraint, and the ground of their necessity. But he adds,Pag. 264. That when St. Peter disputes against the Mosaick Rites, and calls them a Yoke which neither they nor their Fathers-were able to bear; and St. Paul chargeth Believers to stand fast in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free; they respect onely Mens practice, with regard unto an Authoritative Obligation thereunto, which they pleaded to be now expired and removed. Whereby however he intends to shuffle with his vulgar Reader, he apparently grants all that is desired or demanded, viz. That all the Apostolical Discourses upon this subject, respect not the bare practice of these things, but their practice upon the account of the Authoritative Obligation of the Law of Moses, (for nothing less was pretended by the Jews) so that the onely thing that made [Page] them prejudicial to the Claims of Christian Liberty, was an Opinion of their necessity by virtue of that antecedent Obligation; which being repeal'd, their practice, upon other grounds and reasons, was not thought to infringe or check with the Rights and Priviledges of the Gospel. And for this we have the unquestionable warrant of their own Examples, when they not onely submitted to Restraints in the Exercise of their own Liberty, but prescribed it in some Cases and Circumstances as a Duty to other Christians,1 Cor. 8. [...] ▪ that they would take heed lest their Liberty should become a stumbling- block to them that are weak. Though they were intirely free from any Obligation tied upon them by virtue of the Law of Moses, yet did St. Paul se [...] fresh restraints upon them by virtue of his Apostolical Authority. And now were it not strange that Men should be bound to yield more to the humour of a peevish Jew, than to the Commands of a Christian Magistrate? For the first ground and reason of his imposing their Obligation, was then nothing but meer prudence and condescension to their folly: but in our case, 'tis matter of Duty and Obedience. For in the days of the Apostles, nothing less was pleaded [Page] by the Jewish Christians for the necessity of their Ceremonies, than the unchangeable Obligation of the Law of Moses; and yet for the sake of peace, they would submit so far to their strong Prejudices, as outwardly to comply with their weak demands, though it were with some hazard of forfeiting their Christian Liberty: for it was not impossible but that their complyance might have confirmed the Jews in their obstinacy, and have drawn in the Gentiles to an imitation of their example, and so have begun a Prescription for the necessary observance of the Law of Moses to all Ages of the Church of Christ. Whereas in our case the danger of that pretence is as much abolish't as Circumcision it self; it being a granted and establish't truth among all the dissenting Parties of Christendom, (unless we may except the Judaising Sabbatarians, who do somewhat more than squint toward Moses) that the Ceremonial Law is for ever rescinded to all intents and purposes; and no Magistrate pretends a Power of imposing things indifferent by virtue of a Divine and perpetual Obligation, but onely by force of a transient and temporary Institution of Humane Authority for the ends of Discipline, the [Page] Uniformity of Worship, and the security of Government.

§. 4. And therefore our Authors next Inference is either a woful impertinence to our present Enquiry, or a bold Affront and Calumny to the publick Declarations of our Church, when he concludes,Pag 264▪ That if Christian Liberty be of force enough to free us from the necessary practice of indifferent things instituted by God, it is at least of equal efficacy to exempt us from the necessary practice of things imposed on us in the Worship of God by Men. This implies as if the Church of England imposed the same necessity upon its own Determinations, as upon the positive Laws of God, notwithstanding it so industriously disclaims all Divine Impositions, either for Legal or Evangelical Ceremonies; and so expresly declares all its own Institutions to bind onely with an humane, temporary, and changeable Obligation. Whereas they (for so it still happens, that their dearest Pretences are always the strongest and most unhappy Objections against themselves) would needs obtrude upon us their own Fancies and singular Conceits, as our Saviours own Commands and Institutions; and call their separation from the Church of England, [Page] their departure from Antichristian Idolatries and Whoredoms, to the chastity of Worship, and the purity of Gospel-Ordinances. And (as we are informed by I. O.) they who hold Communion with Christ, Book of Communion, p. 171. are careful to admit and practise nothing in the Worship of God, unless it comes in his Name, and with Thus saith the Lord Iesus— You know how many in this Nation in the days not long since passed, yea, how many thousands left their Native Soils, and went into a vast and howling Wilderness, (because they made it so) in the utmost parts of the World, to keep their Souls undefiled and chaste to their dear Lord Iesus, as to this of his Worship and Institutions. So that they scorn to pretend any less Authority than our Saviours own express Warrant for any thing wherein they differ and divide from the Church of England. And this is a ruder and more insolent Affront to our Christian Liberty, than the most confident Jew could ever have been guilty of: for though he might endeavour to enslave us to his own Customs and Prejudices, yet they are such as once bore the impression of Divine Authority; whereas these Men would stamp the Authority of God upon their own Dreams and phantastick Conceits, and vouch their humour and their ignorance [Page] with a Thus saith the Lord Iesus; and so would bore the Ears and enslave the Understandings of all Christendom to their own folly and confidence. And certainly there never were greater Tyrants and Usurpers in the Church of Christ than these exact and curious Judges of Divine Rights: with what Confidence will they prescribe Truth to Mankind, and adopt their own uncertain Problems and Scholastick Fooleries into the Fundamentals of Religion? With what Assurance of Authority will they restrain all Mens Faith to the Standard of their own Apprehensions? How briskly will they warrant this Opinion, and explode that? And how dogmatically will they assign the precise bounds of Orthodoxy? All their Sentiments are the Decrees of the Medes and Persians; all their Rules of Worship are Obligatory as Apostolical Canons; all their Opinions are Oracles; and had they sate in the Infallible Chairs of Rome or Geneva, they could not have been more confident and peremptory in their Determinations. But thus is the Church of England requited for her modesty; and because she does not abuse the Consciences of Men to a rigid Observance of her Institutions, under a false [Page] pretence of Divine Authority, the gentle and moderate exercise of her own lawful Jurisdiction, is by these Men branded with Tyranny and Usurpation, whilst themselves in the mean while are not ashamed to obtrude their own Fancies and little Conceits upon their credulous Proselytes with the counterfeit Seal of Heaven; and inslave their Consciences to their own imperious dictates, by exhibiting forged Commissions from God himself; and then the People dare not murmur against their unreasonable Impositions, for that reverence they bear to that Authority, which (as they are told) is imprinted on them. But this has ever been the subtilty of these Men, as it is of all Malefactors, to rail most at their own Crimes, and to avoid the suspicion of their own Guilt, by deriving its imputation upon some of their innocent Neighbours.

But once more to return to our Authors Inference. If then he means that the Church of England imposes her Ceremonial Institutions with an Opinion of their antecedent Necessity, (and so it is apparent he is willing enough to be understood) 'tis a bold Calumny: if he means that they become consequentially [Page] necessary onely by virtue of their Institution, 'tis a woful impertinence, and is no other infringment of our Liberty than what is inseparable from the Nature of Humane Laws. And so all the Civil Laws of Commonwealths are apparently as chargeable with this sort of Usurpation, as any of our Ecclesiastical Constitutions. And therefore, by the way, I would willingly be satisfied, that seeing the Judicial as well as the Ceremonial Law of Moses was annull'd and abrogated by the Establishment of the Christian Faith; and seeing by consequence it was part of their Christian Liberty to be freed from its Obligatory Power; what imaginable Reason can be assign'd, why Authority should more invade the Rights of our Christian Liberty by establishing new Ecclesiastical Canons, than by enacting new Civil Constitutions? Or why the Common Law of England should not as much infringe that part of our Gospel-Priviledges, whereby we are exempt from the Judicial Law, as the Canons and Determinations of the Church do that other part, whereby we are rescued from the Ceremonial? To this Enquiry they will never be able to return any tolerable answer, but by shifting the matter of [Page] their plea, and then they forsake their hold of Christian Liberty, and shelter themselves in a new Pretence.

Perhaps they may plead that God has reserved the Appointment of the way, manner, and circumstances of his own Worship to his own immediate Jurisdiction, but has vested Civil Magistrates with a power to govern the secular Affairs of Common-wealths. But then this is an open Flight from our present Engagement, and now the thing pleaded in behalf of their Disobedience, is not their Christian Liberty or their exemption from the Law of Moses, but their Christian Duty, or their subjection to the Law of Christ. Though when this Refuge comes to be attaqued, it will be found more weak and defenceless than this that is already demolish'd; and you may well expect wise work, when they are urged to produce Testimonies of Scripture that restrain the Civil Magistrate from enacting Ecclesiastical Laws and Constitutions for the due government and performance of external Worship. Here their Pleas are so horridly vain and ridiculous, that in comparison of them, the Celebrated Text of the Romanists super hanc Petram, in behalf of the Infallibility of the Papal [Page] Chair, is (as Impertinent as it is) Reason and Demonstration. But after this I suppose we may have occasion to enquire elsewhere: In the mean time 'tis enough that we have beaten down this Paper Fort of Christian Liberty; in which if men may be allowed to take sanctuary for their disobedience to the Churches Constitutions, it will not only be a plausible Refuge for all Schismaticks and Male-contents, but an eternal Annoyance to the Churches Peace, and a perpetual Nursery of incurable Schisms and Divisions. For all parts of outward Worship, save only the two Sacraments, being left undetermined in the Word of God; and some particular determinations being absolutely necessary to prevent Disorder and Confusion; and these being not capable of any force or obligatory Power, and by consequence, of any Usefulness to their proper End, but by vertue of the Authority of the Civil Magistrate: It follows unavoidably, that if laying Restraints and Injunctions upon men in the outward Exercise of Publick Worship be a violation of their Christian Liberty, that 'tis absolutely impossible to make any effectual Provisions for the orderly and regular performance of [Page] the Worship of God, or to provide any security against eternal Tumults and Seditions in the Church of God: And whenever Phanatick spirits have a mind to be peevish and humoursom, they have here a sacred and inviolable refuge to protect themselves and their Rebellions. And therefore 'tis observable, that in the late Ruptures of Christendom, this Pretence was not pleaded by any Sects of men to this purpose, but the English Puritans, and the German Anabaptists, two sorts of People that never knew what they would have beyond the subversion of the present setlement of things. In which as they have been opposed by all other Parties, so by none with greater vehemence and warmer zeal than the School of Calvin; who quickly perceived by clear and sad experience, that there was no possibility of setling Churches in the World, but by setting bounds and restraints by particular Laws and Determinations to giddy and Enthusiastick Tempers. Insomuch that the Church of Rome it self has scarce been more severe in making or executing Penal Laws against seditious Libertines than the Church of Geneva.

[Page]§. 5. Neither is it altogether unworthy Remarque, that this Mystery of Libertinism began to work in the days of the Apostles among the Gnostick Phanaticks. Who forsooth, under colour of their Christian Liberty, must needs be free from all Laws and Government; they knew no Superiour but the Lord Christ, to him they owed Allegiance and Subjection, and to him, and to him alone they would pay it. But as for the secular Powers of the World, they were (as they behaved themselves) meer encroachments upon the Liberties of his Church. This Pretence they made their warrant for disobedience, and their cover for sedition, and whenever the freak possess'd them to revile or resist the present Government, still the word was Christian Liberty. What, shall we suffer these Heathen Princes to usurp upon our spiritual Priviledges? Shall we tamely part with that that was purchased by our Saviours Bloud? We have not so mean an opinion of his Favours, as to throw them up at so cheap a Rate; No, we will maintain the price and purchase of his Bloud with the last drop of our own: We will sacrifice our Lives and Fortunes to the [Page] Cause of God, and the service of his Church, and not betray its dearest Priviledges to the Tyranny of Infidels and Painims by our own dull and sheepish cowardize. Now was not this peaceable doctrine (think you) likely enough to make wild work in the Roman Empire, and had it prevailed in the World, what an Inundation of mischiefs and confusions would it have let in upon Mankind? It must have born down all setled Governments, and buried all States and Common-wealths in Anarchy and eternal War. And therefore 'tis observable with what caution and industry the Apostles bestirred themselves to make up this dangerous breach, by setting bounds and measures to this wild pretence; and whenever they had occasion to discourse more largely concerning the doctrine of Christian Liberty, they never forget (as may be observed in all their Writings) to state and confine it within its proper Limits; but as they exhorted them to maintain it in opposition to the Peevishness of the Jews, so they always charged them not to abuse it in defiance to the Rules of Government, and the Power of lawful Superiours. No, this whole Affair is transacted between God and [Page] your own Consciences; he has been pleased to take off those Fetters and obligations that were tied upon you by the Law of Moses, that is your Liberty, and be content with that. Extend it not to the prejudice of your Governours, 'tis purely spiritual, and has no Relation to your secular regards, or to the Power of Princes: And how ill soever they may behave themselves in the management of their Authority, it may be an Encroachment upon your Civil, but not upon your Christian Liberty. If indeed the Proconsul of Iudea should publish an Edict that all Christians shall submit to Circumcision out of regard to the eternal Obligation of the Law of Moses, that were a manifest violence to the freedom of the Gospel, but whatever else he may command you, so he pretend not any warrant of immediate divine Authority, whatever abuse it may be of his own Power, it is no abuse of your Liberty. And therefore be advised to submit your selves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake, for so is the Will of God, 1 Pet. 2.13, [...]5. that with well-doing ye may put to silence the Ignorance of foolish men. That you may not give occasion to Authority to look upon your Religion as troublesome to Government, [Page] and that you may clear its Reputation from those unjust aspersions that have been cast upon it by the folly and hypocrisie of some Pretenders: so that your Governours observing your peaceable deportment, they may be disabused of their vulgar mistakes, and hereafter learn to distinguish true Christians from Iews and Hereticks. You are free indeed, but use not your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness: do not shelter your peevishness and disobedience to lawful Superiours, under colour of your Christian Liberty; that is but a Knavish trick, and a palpable piece of craft, because this thing neither has nor can have any relation to matters of that nature. 'Tis a Liberty of Spirit between God and your own Souls; and you may secure this benefit of his favour by the testimony of your own Consciences: but turn not his indulgence into wantonness, by being peevish and froward to the will of your Superiours under its pretence and protection. And yet so strangely wayward and humorous are some Men, that nothing can appease their Consciences in this demand, but a full Liberty of Contradiction; and they scarce think it worth the having or the contending for, unless it may warrant and abet their opposition to [Page] Authority; and therefore whatever that imposes upon their practice, though but an harmless and indifferent Ceremony, 'tis intolerable as the Yoke of Moses, and grievous as an Egyptian Bondage: they groan and die under the burthen of a Straw; and a Feather laid cross their wills, breaks their Bones and their Hearts, and lies like a Mountain of Lead upon their Consciences; and what horrible skreams and out-cries do we hear of Antichristian Tyranny and Persecution? Like some Creatures (you may wot of) that if they may not have their will in every trifle, will roar and bellow like a stuck Ox. Men must be broke of this stomachful spirit, as Children are of their sullenness, by fasting and correction; and if this truantly humour be not lash't and kept under with a severe hand, there will be no keeping the Multitude in order and under Discipline: for what pride so delicious to ill-natured and ill-bred People, as to thwart and affront the will of Superiours? Or what insolence so intolerable, as that that bears up upon mistakes of Conscience and Religion? And therefore nothing more imports Government, than to rid it self of the annoyance of this precise and sanctified peevishness; especially [Page] when 'tis so notorious from the experience of all Ages, that those Enthusiasts that are so squeamish as to keck at indifferent things, have always had Estrich Consciences for the boldest Treasons and Villanies.

And now our Author, for want of new Invention, falls to chewing the Cud upon an old Slander: for from my account of Christian Liberty, I concluded that all Internal Acts of the Mind of Man, are exempt from the Empire of Humane Laws, that the substance of Religious Worship is transacted by them, and that its exteriour Significations are not absolutely necessary to its performance; and therefore whatever restraints the Civil Magistrate might lay upon their outward Actions in reference to Divine Worship, yet notwithstanding that, they might perform all that is necessary to the discharge and the acceptance of the Duty. How! (says our Author) This is an open door to Atheism: Pag. 266. (for he is still knocking at that upon every slight occasion:) for who would not think this to be his Intention, Let Men keep their Minds and inward Thoughts and Apprehensions right for God, and then they may practise outwardly in Religion what they please; one thing one day, another another; be Papists[Page]and Protestants, Arians and Homousians, yea, Mahometans and Christians? I see this Man is resolved never to lose any advantage for want of confidence; and if ill-natur'd Inferences can do his business, who can withstand the Power of his Logick? Who would not think this to be my intention? say you. I say, Who would, unless one that thinks himself able to face me out of my plain meaning, and bear me down out of countenance and common sense? Does the difference between Papists and Protestants, Arians and Homousians, Mahometans and Christians, consist in Rites and Ceremonies of external Worship? Who then, beside your confidence, from the indifferency of the outward forms and fashions of Worship, would conclude the indifferency of all Religions? Their real differences arise from something else, and lie not in Rites and Ceremonies, but in Principles of Faith, and Rules of Life. Bate these, and we will never quarrel Turks or Papists for any of their outward signs and expressions of Divine Worship, according to the Laws and Customs of their own Country; provided they are not faulty upon one or both of the forementioned accounts, that they tend to debauch Men [Page] either in their practices or their conceptions of the Deity; and therefore to apply what was affirm'd onely of Ceremonies of Worship, to Articles of Belief, is such a way of dealing with Arguments as only becomes our Authors Logick and Ingenuity. But upon this occasion let me mind him, that publick and visible Worship is no such necessary and indispensable Duty, but that it may in some circumstances be lawfully omitted: for suppose this Man were in the Dominions of the Grand Signior, he would not, I presume, think himself absolutely obliged in Conscience to set up open Meetings and Conventicles, without leave of the Government; but would for the security of his Life be content to enjoy his Religion to himself, without climbing up to the top of a Mosque to proclaim their Prophet a lewd Jugler, unless he were actually required to renounce the Christian Faith, and turn Apostate to the Mahumetan Imposture: And therefore I would willingly know why the same Liberty will not satisfie them here, as to the Obligations of Conscience, that they would be content with there: there is no other reason assignable than that they will do more for Fear than for Obedience; and this is undeniable [Page] evidence, that 'tis something else, and not Conscience, (as is pretended) that lies at the bottom of all their present Schisms and Disturbances.

§. 6. But now having given this brief account of the use of External Worship, from the Nature and Properties of the thing it self; I proceeded, for a farther Confirmation of my former Assertions, to an Historical Report, to shew that God had in all Ages of the World left its management to the discretion of Men, unless when to determine some particular forms hapned to be useful to some other purposes. Where, in the first place, I instanced in the Religion of the old World, and attempted to prove that Sacrifices, which were the most ancient, if not the onely Expressions of Divine Worship, were purely of Humane Institution. Now the first murmur our Author raises against this, is,Pag 271. That I should for the most part set off my Assertions at so high a rate, and yet found them not onely upon uncertain Principles, but upon such Paradoxes as are generally decried by Learned Men; Such is this of the Original of Sacrifices here insisted on. Certainly it would be present death for this Man to speak to [Page] the purpose; he avoids and dreads all Pertinency, as he would poison or Ratsbane: For where do I lay any such mighty stress upon this Assertion? In what great strains do I urge the necessity of its admittance? To what purpose then does he upon this occasion upbraid me with the briskness and vehemence of any Expressions, that were spoken upon other subjects, and to other purposes? I have indeed loaded some other Principles with their proper mischiefs and inconveniences: I have shewn that the Pleas of the Nonconformists from the natural right of Mankind, from the Obligations of scandal, and from the pretences of a tender and unsatisfied Conscience, for exemption from the Commands of lawful Authority, tend to a direct and inevitable dissolution of all Governments, and all Societies. There the weightiness of the matter and the Argument required some suitable eagerness of expression; but why should I be minded of those warm passages in this place? The matter of this Enquiry is neither of that evidence nor that importance as to need or deserve any grandeur and vehemence of stile. 'Tis indeed pertinent, but not at all necessary to the drift of my Discourse: for without [Page] its assistance I am able to prove the Power of Christian Magistrates over the outward Concerns of Religious Worship in Christian Commonwealths. Neither do I at all bottom my Discourse upon its admission; but onely use it as an accessional reflection to my main Argument, and cast it in as a particular instance to give check to the Adversaries confidence; thereby to shew 'tis not absolutely necessary (as is pretended) to the acceptableness of Religious Worship, that it should be warranted by Divine Institution; when 'tis so contrary to experience, (for any thing that appears upon Record) as to the Religion of the old World. But seeing 'tis a pretty subject, let us a little farther examine, whether the Assertion be not evident enough to bear all the weight I have laid upon it.

Many Learned Men have indeed stretch't their Parts to make out wise accounts of the Nature and Original of Sacrifices; and because they were in the first Ages of the World the most remarkable, perhaps the onely visible signs and expressions of Religious Worship, nothing will satisfie their curiosity, unless they may derive them either from the Obligation of the Law of Nature, or some express [Page] Institution of God himself. But when we come to weigh the Grounds and Principles of their Discourse, we find so little proof, and so much confusion, as will at least tempt any Impartial Enquirer to suspect the probable truth and reasonableness of both their different accounts. Those who would fetch their Obligation from Natural Light, seem at last to resolve the Reason of their Assertion into the naked Testimonies and Opinions of some of the ancient Greeks, who were willing enough to deduce the Authority of their Practice from so creditable a Fountain, in favour of the Rites and Customs of their own Country, they being almost the onely Symbols of Divine Worship among the Grecians: And all the outward appearances of Religion among them, consisting in the solemnities of their publick and private Sacrifices, their Writers (as all Learned Men are partial enough for the honour of their Native Soil) thought themselves concern'd to perswade the World that their National Usages were tied upon Mankind upon the same natural Reason, and with the same natural Necessity as Religion it self. And therefore as they were wont to derive the Municipal Ceremonies of their [Page] own City from some Divine Institution; for so Plato in his Timaeus pleads in the Person of an Orthodox Athenian, that the particular Rites and Customs of Athens were first delivered by the Off-spring of the Gods, and from them conveyed down to that present Age by an uninterrupted and unquestionable Tradition: so for the same reason did they refer the more Catholick Customs of the whole Nation, to the Obligations of Nature; especially if confirmed by the concurrent suffrage of their Asiatick Neighbors; for that to them was of the same import with the consent of Mankind. Now some critical Men that rather read than use Authors, if they hapned to meet with any passage in any of the Grecian Writers to this purpose, because it served for an ostentation of their Reading, they immediately subscribed to their Opinion out of respect to their bare Authority; and if they could alledge an Assertion for it out of Strabo, Plutarch, and Aristotle, (whom it was once a brave thing to quote) they passed it without any more ado for sufficient proof and demonstration; though in matters of such remote Antiquity, their naked testimonies (unless they had withal given us some higher proofs and rational motives to engage [Page] our Assent) are of little more validity than the Conjectures and Opinions of modern Writers. And therefore when our Author alledges the School-Doctors for this Perswasion,Pag. 272. he falls as much short of its first Original as T.W. did when he quoted Peter Martyr for the Story of the Judges in Hell.

§. 7. But now they on the other side, who deduce the Religion of Sacrifices from divine Institution, prove it thus: Because that the Light of Nature (1.) could not dictate that God would accept the destruction of other Creatures as the sign and token of mans Obedience, nor (2.) that the Bloud of Beasts should expiate the Sins of men, or appease the Wrath of God; for the Pardon and Remission of sin being matter of meer Grace and arbitrary Favour, it must of necessity depend upon divine appointment to determine by what means we may procure it, and upon what conditions he will grant it. But the first of these Reasons proceeds upon a supposition that all outward significations of Religious Worship must needs be warranted either by the Law of Nature, or some positive Law of God, which being a direct contradiction [Page] to my Principle, I shall desire to see it better proved before I shall be willing to yield it for a granted Truth: Especially when in my conception of things, the formal nature of divine Worship consists not so properly in Acts of Obedience, as in Offices of Love and Gratitude. The former indeed suppose an express and positive Institution, and 'tis their Conformity to the Command that gives them the formality of their goodness; but I cannot understand why the latter may not be warrantable in themselves, and acceptable to God without the express Authority of his own appointment, provided they are sutable to the nature of the thing which they signifie, and worthy of the Person to whom they are address'd. And it cannot be supposed, either from the Reason of the thing it self, or the Nature of the divine Goodness, that God should be offended with his Creatures for making him any decent Returns of the grateful Resentments of their minds for the Obligations of his infinite Love and Bounty. And therefore 'tis not necessary, from the nature of Religious Worship it self, that it should be demanded as matter of positive duty and obligation, and if it be required [Page] for any other regard, then have I gain'd a fresh advantage of my Adversary, and it is incumbent upon him, not only to produce a positive Command for the Institution of Eucharistical Sacrifices, but an express Prohibition to the Patriarchs to perform divine Worship by any other outward expressions of honour, than what God himself had particularly determined and appointed. This perhaps our Author may out of the abundance of his Reading attempt to prove from the fond Traditions of the Jews and Easterlings, (by which he may prove all the Fables in the World) but I am secure he shall never be able to discover the least shadow of an Argument in the sacred Records to countenance so vain a Fancy. Nay, so far is the Duty of Obedience from being the original Reason, and taking in the adequate Notion of natural Religion, that 'tis only consequential upon, and deducible from the Obligations of Gratitude: For from hence result our Engagements of subjection to Gods will, and submission to his Government. And as from his Bounty and Goodness arises the Duty of Gratitude, so from Gratitude follows the Necessity of Obedience; chearful compliance with the Will of a [Page] Benefactor being one of its most eminent Instances and indispensable Duties.

As for the second Reason in behalf of this Opinion, it proceeds upon no less mistake than the first, for want of attending to the obvious difference between Eucharistical Oblations and Expiatory Sacrifices; the latter whereof must indeed of necessity owe their Original to divine Institution, because it was an Act of Gods free-goodness, that he would accept the substitution of a Sacrifice in place of the Offender by way of Expiation for the Offence; and therefore the use and nature of Expiatory Oblations having their absolute dependence on the voluntary acceptance of Gods it was necessary he should signifie this Result and Resolution of his good pleasure to mankind, before they had any reasonable ground to suppose he would accept the substituted Expiation in lieu of the real Forfeiture. Now as for this sort of Sacrifices, I had already acknowledged, and proved, that they must depend upon divine Institution; for all that Religion that resolves it self into the Will of God, must suppose Revelation, in that nothing else can discover its Obligation to mankind: but as for all that flows from the Nature and [Page] the Attributes of God, it requires no other discovery than the Light, and no other determination than the choice of natural Reason: So that though it be necessary to Instituted Worship that it should be appointed, yet 'tis not necessary to divine Worship that it should be instituted. And now though Attendance to this Distinction would have avoided all Ambiguity and Confusion in this Enquiry, yet our Author stifly over-looks it, and solemnly confutes my Assertion concerning Eucharistical Offerings by Instances of Expiatory Sacrifices, which I had before proved to his hand, must rely upon positive appointment, from their peculiar Use and Nature, and not because this was necessary to the Being and Design of Religion it self. But if we will confine our Talk to the subject matter of my Assertion, viz. Eucharistical Oblations, or any other outward significations of the natural Worship of God in the first Ages of the World, I before affirmed and do still maintain, that they who say they were enjoyn'd and warranted by divine Command, take the Liberty of saying any thing without proof or evidence.

[Page]§. 8.Pag. 273. But if they are Arbitrary Inventions of men, our Author desires to have a Rational Account of their Catholicism in the World, and one Instance more of any thing not natural or divine, that ever prevail'd to such an absolute universal acceptance amongst mankind. As for the latter part of his demand, I think festival solemnities may challenge as great Antiquity and Universality as Sacrifices: There being no Nation in the World that ever was known to be altogether destitute of set and publick Festivals in honour of their Gods; and (as I before observed) the Anniversary Sacrifices of their First-fruits was the most ancient and most universal solemnity of Worship in the World. And some learned men conjecture, with as much Probability, as the nature of the thing will bear, that such were the Sacrifices of Cain and Abel, and that from the Propriety of the words, [...] at the end of days, which, say they, implies some set and solemn season of the year; and there is no Idiom more frequent in the holy Scriptures than to express set and anniversary seasons by Days: To omit innumerable other Texts, 1 Sam. 2.9. The Yearly Sacrifice is called Sacrificium Dierum; so that the End of Days implies [Page] the Revolution of the Year, when Abel offer'd the First-born of his Flocks, and Cain the First-fruits of his Fields. But however this may be, 'tis attested by all the best Records of ancient Times, that Harvest Sacrifices and Festivals of First-fruits were the most Ancient, most Catholick, and perhaps only Publick Solemnities of Religion. And yet it will be as impossible to discover any Obligation from Nature, or any Warranty from divine Institution for their Practice, as for the Original of Idolatry, which yet had universally prevail'd over the Religion of mankind, and for ought I know might have done so still, had not divine Providence been pleased to disabuse the wretched World by so many Revelations and miraculous discoveries of himself; so that it is possible some things may acquire to themselves a Catholick Credit and Reputation, that never had it bestowed upon them by God or by Nature, especially if they chance to have any near Relation or Connexion with universal and unabolishable Truths. But seeing our Author desires a particular account of the Catholicism of Sacrifices, thus it hapned.

[Page]The first Ages of Mankind having a full and certain knowledge of the Being of God, and a strong sense of the necessity of his Worship, in that they had the same assurance then of the first cause of their Beings, as we have now of our Fore-fathers and Progenitors. From hence they became obliged from the instinct of Nature, and the dictates of Right Reason, to acknowledge and celebrate their Creators Bounty, and to return some Expressions of Gratitude to him for his Favours and Benefits. Divine Worship then being so clear a dictate of Humane Nature, it was but agreeable to the Reason of Mankind to express their sense of this Duty by outward Rites and Significations. Now what Symbol could be more natural and obvious to the Minds of Men, whereby to signifie their homage and thankfulness to the Author of all their Happiness, than by presenting him with some of the choicest Portions of his own Gifts, (for they had nothing else to present) in acknowledgment of that Bounty and Providence that had bestowed them? And this was so far from arguing any pregnancy of Invention, that to have missed it, would, in my conceit, have been flat stupidity. For though all sensible [Page] signs derive their significancy from positive Institution, yet the ground and reason of their Institution is usually (unless they are inept and irregular) some natural suitableness they have in them to denote the thing signified. Now I will challenge our Authors wit to pitch upon any thing in Nature, that could be so easie and proper to express by way of outward action their thankfulness to God, as these Eucharistical Oblations; so easie a thing is it to fetch their beginning from Humane Agreement, without recourse to the Authority of Nature, or Divine Prescription. The Religion of Sacrifices then being the most conspicuous Symbol and Signification of the Worship of God among the first Fathers of Mankind, it descended to their Posterity, together with their natural sense of Religion, of which these were the onely visible signs and indications; and therefore without them, it could have had no outward and sensible appearance in the World, because these were its onely practical way of conveyance; and by continuing to observe the Rites and Customs of their Ancestors, they kept up their dictates of Religion. And thus the Idea of God, and the use of Sacrifices, were [Page] propagated together into all Societies of Mankind, by their observance of the Customs and Traditions of their Progenitors. Now so easie and unforced is the probability of this account of their Catholicism, though they owe their original purely to the Choice and Institution of men, that as long as their Off-spring kept up any belief of the Notion of a Deity, or any Reverence for the wisdom of their Fore-fathers, it was morally impossible in the ordinary course of humane Affairs, the Tradition of Sacrifices should ever be lost in the World. And this may suffice to shew how it came to pass, that they found such a Catholick entertainment in all Societies of Mankind; and it was all one as to that, whether they had their first beginning from humane invention, or divine Institution; for when once they had acquired the Esteem and Reverence of Religion, Use and Custom would ever after keep up their Practice and Reputation in the World: So that though it was impossible they should ever obtain such an universal use and credit by their own strength, and upon their own account, yet when they had once obtain'd such an inseparable Connexion with mens natural [Page] & indelible sense of Religion, it was then as impossible without such an extraordinary change of things as was brought upon the World by the Institution of Christianity, that they should ever lose it.

§. 9. The last thing pleaded by our Author for the Divine Institution of Sacrifices is the words of St. Paul, Pag. [...]74. By Faith Abel offered Sacrifice. And faith hath respect unto the Testimony of God; revealing, commanding, and promising to accept our Duty. And therefore this was not done by his own Choice, but by warrant of a divine Command. This Argument indeed is often insisted upon by some sort of Writers, out of whom our Author (whose custom it is to pour forth his crude Dictate rather from his Memory than his Reason) transcribes it in haste without weighing its Force and Validity; But it bottoms upon such a short and narrow account of the nature of Faith, as would make wild work with the Phaenomena of Providence in the World. And therefore to be brief, the proper and last Resolution of this vertue (as I have already intimated) is into the Goodness, and not the bare Testimony of God, and we [Page] therefore trust the truth of divine Revelation, because we believe him so essentially good, that he nor can nor will deceive his Creatures: So that our Belief of the Testimony of God is not the full and adequate Notion of Faith, but 'tis one particular Instance of our Confidence in his essential goodness, and therefore there may be acts of this Duty without any supposal of divine Revelation, and such was the Faith of Abel, as the Apostle there describes it: For he that cometh to God must believe that he is, Heb. 11.6. and that he is a Rewarder of them that diligently seek him. This upright man therefore being so amply satisfied of the Existence and goodness of his heavenly Father, and conscious of his own Integrity in the offering of his Sacrifice, rested secure from the Testimony of his own Conscience, of Gods gracious acceptance. However, might not the Faith ascribed to Abel relate to the discharge of his Duty, and not to the manner of its Performance? And though he worshipped God in obedience to his Command, which was an Act of Faith, yet that is no more proof that he had any more divine warrant for the manner of his Worship than for the kind of his Sacrifice; & yet it was indifferent [Page] as to divine acceptance, whether he had offered the Fruits of his Tillage, or the Products of his Flock; for the Sacrifice of Cain was not rejected because not of the same kind with that of Abel, but had it been presented with the same Qualifications, it had been rewarded with the same acceptance. And thus does our Authors way of Arguing multiply difficulties upon himself; for if it be of any force, it will infer a necessity of a divine Command to determine the kind of Sacrifice as well as the manner of Worship, and then is he obliged not only to produce a Law for Sacrifices, but one to Cain to offer the Fruits of the Field, and another to Abel to offer Living Creatures; and this is competent evidence that God never prescribed their patticular mode of Worship, but left it to the choice of their own Convenience and Discretion, and therefore they both chose that which was most proper & sutable to their respective conditions of life; & God entail'd his acceptance, not upon the outward Expressions of their worship, but the inward Qualifications of their minds. To conclude, this Argument is utterly impertinent, unless upon supposition of this Principle, that men have not any [Page] Rational Ground to expect that God should accept the faithful discharge of their Duty, unless himself have prescribed all particular ways and circumstances of the manner of its Performance; but this is to betake themselves to the lazy trade of Begging, and this man is bold enough for this shameless employment. And though he is not so confident as to take up his Bush so near home, yet when he gets aloof off into my sixth Chapter, he grows as bold and sturdy as the Gentlemen Cripples of Southwark are in Lincolns-Inn Fields. For there to secure the Fundamental Mystery of Puritanism against all opposition, viz. that nothing ought to be practised in the Worship of God, but what is warranted in the Word of God, he lays down certain Proleptick and self-evident Principles, the first whereof is, That wherever in the Scripture we meet with any Religious Duty, Pag 321. that had a preceding Institution, although we find not expresly a consequent Approbation, we take it for granted, that it was approved; and so on the contrary, where an Approbation appears, and Institution is conceal'd. And in another Theorem in the same Chapter to the same purpose (for People of that Trade and Way of Life are much given to [Page] Repetitions) he gives in this very Instance of Sacrifices for proof, viz. Whatever they (the Patriarchs) did, Pag. 314. they had especial warranty from God for; which is the case of the great Institution of Sacrifices it self. It is a sufficient Argument that they were divinely instituted, because they were graciously accepted. What figure this is called in his Pedling Logick, I know not; but in ours 'tis y [...]lep'd begging the Question. A singular way of dispute this, is it not? First, to take the Conclusion for granted, and then challenge it for a Principle to prove it self; and to lay down the main matter in debate for a truth so certain, that a man is obliged by the Laws of Reasoning to grant it, before he is capable of any right to dispute it. Who would ever contradict this Author in these Enquiries, that would admit those Postulata for self-evident Propositions? But this man is so bold and obnoxious a Beggar, that if he will continue to follow this Trade, 'tis impossible he should long escape the Beadles watchful eye, but more cruel hand. I know no Refuge he has to protect his Back against this severe Executioner, unless by listing himself into some Society of Gypsies, for whom he is admirably qualified as to the two [Page] great Offices of Canting and Begging; and wants not above one accomplishment more to compleat him at all points for that Imployment; and 'tis more noble and generous than to beg after this stragling rate.

After this Discourse of the Original of Sacrifices, and after another to give an account of the reason of Gods prescribing every particular Rite and Ceremony of his Worship under the Mosaick Pedagogy; I proceeded to shew, that the main design of the Christian Institution was to establish the great Duties of Vertue and real Righteousness, and not to determine Rites and Ceremonies of external Worship; in so much that we find none prescribed in the New Testament, save only the two Sacraments: and upon this I challenged the unpeaceableness of these Men, that upon their Principle must be Rebels and Schismaticks to all Churches in Christendom as well as the Church of England. But to this, hush, not one syllable of reply; 'tis close and immediate to my purpose, and therefore of no concern to his; he cares not for coming so near home, and loves to keep aloof off from present Transactions. A Man may talk confident Conjectures of things that [Page] hapned so many thousand years ago, and tell fine Stories of Men that begot Sons and Daughters before the Flood: But 'tis dangerous to talk of the History and Constitution of Affairs in the present World; a Man may possibly contradict known and undeniable experience; and every Novice that is never so little acquainted with the present state of Forreign Churches, will be able to check and shame our confidence. And there are two unhappy Books of Mr. Durel, that plainly demonstrate that we are a new Race of Men in the World, that are not yet sufficiently polish't and civilized for Humane Society; and such as, whilst we continue fond of our wild and barbarous Principles, must be banish't all establish't Churches and Commonwealths in Europe.

§. 10. In the close of this Chapter I gave an account of the nature and use of significant Ceremonies, that are the same thing with external Worship under a different Name; outward Worship consisting in nothing else but signifying our inward thoughts and sentiments of Religion, either by Words or Actions: where I shewed, that it might be indifferently exprest [Page] and performed by either; and that Gestures of Reverence were of the same use in the Worship of God, as solemn Praises and Acknowledgements; and that to bow the Body at the mentioning the Name of Jesus, was the same kind of honour to his Person, as to celebrate his Name with Hymns and Thanksgivings; and therefore that the Magistrates Prerogative of instituting significant Ceremonies, amounted to nothing more than a Power of defining the import of words; and by consequence that 'tis no other Usurpation upon his Subjects Consciences, than if he should take upon him to refine their Language, and determine the proper signification of all Phrases imployed in Divine Worship, as well as in Trades, Arts and Sciences: and therefore I could not but profess my admiration at the prodigious confidence and impertinence of those Men, that could raise such hideous Noises and Out-cries against the Laws of a setled Church and State upon such slender grounds and pretences. But here our Author quickly requites me with a counter-wonder,Pag. 276. That I cannot express my dissent from others in controverted Points of the meanest and lowest concernment, but with crying out, Prodigies, Clamours, Impertinencies, [Page]and the like Expressions of astonishment in my self, and contempt of others. I might reserve some of these great words for more important occasions. And the truth is, these are not any matters of the greatest importance; and were our Dispute meerly concern'd in their Speculation, I could discourse as coolly and carelesly about them, as about a Mechanical Hypothesis, or a Metaphysical Notion; and should not be more eagerly concern'd to resolve the truth of the Question, than I am to determine the Principle of Individuation. But when the establish't Government of a Nation shall be subverted by such nice and new-invented Subtilties; when never any Church in the World was more rudely treated by her own Children, than the Church of England by the Puritan Schismaticks; when Men shall cry out, Antichrist, Popery and Superstition, and all for the Idolatry of a significant Ceremony; and when this clamorous Exception is so vain, so groundless and impertinent; is it not infinitely prodigious to see Men so confident and troublesom upon such slight and vanishing appearances? What scurrilous Language do they continually pour forth against the Church of England? What ignominious Titles do they [Page] fasten upon her Friends and Followers? And with what disdain and insolence do they spit at her way of Worship and Devotion? Into what woful and endless Schisms do they drive their Proselytes from her Communion? What Disturbances do they create in the State? and what Ruptures in the Church? And how do they imbroil and discompose the peaceable setlement of a flourishing Kingdom? and all this meerly out of hatred to the Popery and Paganism of a Symbolical Rite. For ever since the Scepter of Jesus Christ (as they stiled their Presbyterial Consistory) has been wrested from them by force of Argument; and ever since the divine Right of the holy Discipline has been so shamefully exploded, and that time and experience have put a baffle upon the confidence of their old Pleas and Pretences, all the out-cry has been against the unwarrantableness of instituted Ceremonies; which after innumerable Trains of Distinctions and Limitations about Natural, and Customary, and Topical Signs, still spends it self against the Superstition of mystical and significant Rites: so that the substance of this whole Contest is now at length resolved into this single Enquiry; and upon [Page] this, all their deeper and more subtle Men of Controversie spend all their Choler and Metaphysicks. 'Tis true, they defend themselves with the Pleas of Scandal, Tenderness of Conscience, &c. but when they use their Offensive Weapons, they scarce annoy us with any other Objections, than what are levell'd against the Churches Usurpation, in taking upon her to appoint new Ceremonies and Institutions of Worship. And therefore if ever I had reason to cry out, Prodigies, Clamours and Impertinencies, it was upon this subject and this occasion, when my Thoughts were warm with reflecting upon those mighty Troubles and Inconveniences, under which these Men have brought the best establish't Church in the World by their unreasonable folly and curiosity. For tell me, Sir, is it nothing to shake the Foundations, and hazard the Overthrow of a setled Church? Is it nothing to discompose the Publick Peace and Tranquillity of a setled State? Is it nothing for Subjects to withdraw their assistance from their Prince and their Country? Is it nothing to violate the Fundamental Laws of Love, and Peace, and Charity? Is it nothing to rend the Body of a Church into numberless [Page] Schisms and Contentions? Is it nothing to keep up implacable Feuds and Animosities among Members of the same Commonwealths? Is it nothing to harden debauch't and ungodly Men against Religion it self, by giving them too much reason to suspect it, as a thing that is troublesom and mischievous to Government? Is it nothing to encourage the designs of sacrilegious Wretches, by giving them advantage under the disguise of Zeal and Purity, to prey upon the Churches Antichristian Patrimony? In a word, Is it nothing to gore the Bowels of a Kingdom with everlasting Changes and Reformations; and all this upon Pretences as thin as Sope-bubbles, and as brittle as Glass-drops?

§. 11. But let us take a brief Surveigh of their particular Reasonings and Exceptions; and then our wonder at these Mens confidence will be so far from abating, that it will swell into ecstasie and downright astonishment. For first, (says our Author) To say that the Magistrate has Power to institute visible signs of Gods honour, Pag. 277. to be observed in the outward Worship of God, is upon the matter to say that he has Power to institute new Sacraments; for so such things [Page]would be. But, I say, so such things would not be; and so there is an end of our dispute: and at this lock have we stood gazing at one another at least this hundred years: here Cartwright begun the Objection, and here he was immediately check't in his career by Whitgift, who told him plainly,Defence of the Answer, p. 618. He could not be ignorant, that to the making of a Sacrament, besides the external Element, there is required a Commandment of God in his Word that it should be done, and a Promise annexed unto it, whereof the Sacrament is a seal. Here they stopt, and his Adversary never proceeded in his Argument; but some that came after him, resolved not to part so easily with so big an Exception, though perhaps for no other reason than because Cartwright had started it: and the truth is, all his followers have done little more than lickt up the Vomit and Choler of that proud Schismatick; and therefore they never pursued this new-fangled Cavil beyond his first Syllogism, where himself was repuls't and rebuked; and ever since this has been their post, and they are resolved to keep it with unyielding and invincible confidence; and their foreheads are so hardned, that you may sooner beat out their brains than shame or convince them [Page] out of their Folly; and though they have been so frequently and vehemently urged to a Proof and Prosecution of their Argument, they could never be made to stir one foot backward or forward, but here they stand like men enchanted, and whatever Demands or Questions you propose to them, they return you not one syllable of reply, but Sacraments, Sacraments. And in this Posture do they continue to this day, to haunt us with the stubbornness of unlaid Ghosts; and 'tis the only voice this Head of Modesty is able to utter upon this Subject. He is resolved upon it, that all significant Rites, instituted in the Worship of God, are real Sacraments, and that so they shall be. And that is stubborn and indisputable Proof, and 'tis not modest to bear up against so much Brass and Boldness; and yet I am resolved for once to rub my forehead, and not to be brow-beaten, but to look him in the Face with the confidence of a Basilisk, and upbraid him either to make good, or to renounce his Argument; and if he will neither yield, nor proceed, to scorn, and affront, and point him out of his intolerable Confidence. Here then I fix my foot, and dare him to his Teeth to prove that any [Page] thing can be capable of the Nature or Office of Sacraments, that is not establish'd by divine Institution, and upon Promise of divine Acceptance. These are inseparable Conditions of all Sacramental Mysteries, and whatsoever other Properties and Qualifications they may have beside, these are always necessary and indispensable Ingredients of their Office, so that without them nothing can lay claim to their Name or Dignity, however any thing may happen to symbolize with them upon other Accounts, and by other Circumstances. For the Christian Sacraments are the inseparable Pledges and Symbols of the Christian Faith, and are establish'd to that Intent by the Author of the Christian Institution, and they are such outward Rites and Ceremonies whereby we openly own the Covenant, and pass mutual Engagements to stand to its Terms and Conditions; and therefore he alone that appointed the Religion, is able to appoint by what outward Signs or Acts of stipulation we shall signifie and express our acknowledgment of, and submission to his Institutions. So that the meaning and intention of it, is to assign some particular Act of Worship, whereby we may express [Page] our Engagements and Resolutions of Obedience to the whole Religion; and who then can declare and specifie what Rite he will accept as a full acknowledgment of our duty of Universal Obedience, but he alone that requires it? And therefore unless it pretend to his Institution, there is no imaginable ground why it should be thought to pretend to the Office and Dignity of a Sacrament. And certainly they have a very mean opinion of these sacred Mysteries, that require nothing more to their Nature and Function but bare significancy, and make every external sign capable of that holy and mysterious Office; and what can more derogate from the Credit of those great Pledges of our Faith and Instruments of our Salvation? As if they carried in them nothing of a more useful or spiritual Efficacy, than what every common Rite and Ceremony may acquire or pretend to by Custom and humane Institution.

§. 12. But 'tis still more pleasant and more prodigious to see men, that are so stiff and dogmatical in their Talk, have so little regard to their own Pretences; thus whereas they will admit no other [Page] Umpirage of our present Disputes about Divine Worship, but what may be fetch'd from immediate Divine Authority, yet in this grand Exception, they take no notice of its Decrees and Determinations; and though our Author will have every significant Circumstance of Devotion to partake of the Nature and Mystery of a Divine Sacrament, yet he makes no attempt to prove it out of the Word of God. No: there is not a Text in the four Gospels that may be abused to that purpose. And Paul (for to allow him the Title of Saint is Popish and Idolatrous, and our Author is as shy in all his Writings of bestowing it upon an Apostle as upon Cain or Iudas, though he will vouchsafe the Title of Holy, that is coincident with it, to every Zealot of his own Brotherhood) but by what name or title soever dignified or distinguish'd, the Apostle Paul is utterly silent in the Case, and now we have no higher Authority to vouch our Cause but the Schoolmen and Austin. Pag. 180. As for the former (not to dispute the impertinency of the Quotation) whenever they speak sense, we are ready to subscribe to their Reason; but their bare Authority is of no more force in the Church of England [Page] than the Decrees and Oracles of Mr. Calvin; their Writings are no part of the Canon of Scripture, or the four first General Councils; and 'tis well known what wise accounts they are forced to give of the Nature of Sacraments, to justifie the unwarrantable Determinations of their own Church, that had rashly and needlesly enough defined some things to be so, that are in themselves infinitely uncapable of that sacred Name and Office. And I know nothing for which any part of their coarse and frieze Discourses is more ridiculous in it self, or more unanimously condemned by Protestant Writers of all Communions, than their loose and groundless descriptions of the Nature and Office of Sacramental Pledges. But this is one of their old ways of trifling, when the pursuit of their Principles forces them upon an absurdity, to father it upon the Schoolmen, as if because these men sometimes talk absurdly, that shall justifie their Impertinencies. And as for his Citation out of St. Austin, viz. Signa cum ad res divinas pertinent sunt Sacramenta; unless he would have vouchsafed a particular Reference, that might direct us to the sense of the Father, and the Integrity of his [Page] own Quotation, we have no engagement to examine its Truth, or regard its Authority: For our Author has given me as little reason to trust his word, as he has the Publick to trust his Oath. However 'tis neither civil, nor ingenuous to trouble me with such Objections, that I cannot answer without reading over eight or ten large Volumes in Folio. Though I am prettily well satisfied aforehand from that good Fathers sense of things, that were we in a Capacity to consult him about this Passage, we should find he as little favours this Notion of Sacraments, as I do the Magistrates unlimited and immediate Power over Conscience and Religion. Nay, I should have odds and advantage on my side, should I lay a wager with him (though that is no creditable way of arguing, and if it were, I should quickly grow rich by disputing with this man) that there is no such Passage in all the Volumes of St. Austin. For alas he never read it in the Father himself, and if it was not the Product of his own pregnant Invention, it was transcribed out of Ames, or Bradshaw, or some other of the Puritan Fathers. He is an admirable second-hand man, and seems somewhat akin to a certain late [Page] Author, that by the help and perusal of a few of our modern spicilegious men, could compose a Book of 500 Pages in Quarto to prove Independency to have always been the only Orthodox Religion of Mankind, and then (after the Dutch fashion of bragging and ostentation) add a swelling Catalogue of 500 old Authors, that were pressed for Journey-men to bring in Materials to his Work, though there is scarce a Quotation in the whole Book that five new ones would not have furnished him with, nay, that has not been lately transcribed five times over. So unhappy a thing it is when confident men are vain-glorious, they openly betray their Ambition by too bold and foolish attempts, and melt their Wings by venturing at too high a Flight. But I begin to preach Apophthegms, and therefore to conclude, we will not be concerned to enquire St. Austins opinion in this Case, till we are better satisfied of the Truth and Pertinency of this Citation; and thus have I shifted off the Task, he would have imposed on me, upon his own shoulders, for I believe he is as much to seek for this Passage in St. Austin, as my self. In the mean time you may observe this mans wretched way of Talk [Page] and shuffle, when he makes such continual and importunate demands of Appeal to the Law, and to the Gospel, and yet in this present Argument, that is now almost their only surviving Pretence, have no respect to neither. And therefore I shall for ever hereafter put in a demur to this Plea, till they shall attempt to prove out of the Word of God all significant Ceremonies to be of the same use and nature with divine Sacraments; and if we can but prevail with them to undertake this Argument, it will give us no less pleasant divertisement, than that learned Dispute managed so hotly between two of their leading Rabbies, Ainsworth and Broughton, whether the colour of Aarons Linen Ephod were of Blue, or a Sea-water-green: A Controversie of that mighty Importance to the Salvation of souls, that (beside that it occasioned some bloudy Noses) it created new Schisms, and founded new Churches; and what became of the blue separation, I cannot at present call to mind, but as for the Brethren of the Sea-water-green Communion, they crumbled into as many Schisms and Churches as there are Colours in the Rainbow. And there is not any speculation in Nature so [Page] frivolous or Metaphysical, for which these People will not bandy into Parties, yes, and raise Armies too; as they once sacrificed to the great Moloch of Publick Faith their Wedding-Rings, the Symbols and Pledges of their Matrimonial Engagements, to abolish their expensive use and custom; and tied themselves by solemn Oath, and three new significant Ceremonies; to venture Lives and Fortunes to cashier three old ones: And the Angels that (they say) can wage War, and fight pitch't Battels upon the point of a Needle, are not at a less distance from each other in their Engagements, than these Men are in their Disputes and Controversial Dissentions. And into this in the last issue of things, does all their tenderness of Conscience resolve it self: a boldness and confidence in their own little Conceits, in opposition to the Commands of Authority, and the great Duties of Obedience.

§. 13.Pag. 178, 279. In the next place our Author distinguishes between Customary signs that have prevailed by Custom and Vsage, to signifie such things as they have no absolute natural coherence with, or relation unto; such are putting off the Hat in sign of Reverence, with others[Page]innumerable. And these sorts of signs may have some use about the Service and Worship of God, as might be manifested in Instances. But the signs we enquire after are voluntary, arbitrary, and instituted; such as neither naturally nor meerly by custom and usage come to be significant, but onely by virtue of their Institution. And 'tis these that are dreaded by the Nonconformists for such illegal and unwarrantable Additions to the Worship of God. And why! what is the matter? Where has the Word of God prescribed this distinction? and where has it allowed the use of the former, and disavowed the lawfulness of the latter sort of Ceremonies? Or can they assign any natural Immorality in instituted, more than in customary Significations? Or is the Authority of Chance and Custom (for all Prescriptions that are not instituted, are purely casual) more Sacred and Obligatory than the Commands of Princes, and Councils of Senates? Or why should the appointment of the Publick Laws make unallowable Sacraments, rather than the prevalency of Custom, or (what is the same) the Institution of Usage? I cannot fathom the depth of this mystery, unless it lies in this, that the Consciences of [Page] the People of God need not be so very tender and curious in any case, but onely in matters of Duty and Obedience to lawful Authority. 'Tis strange that things that are so harmless upon all other accounts, should become so horridly Criminal for no other reason than because they please our Governours. For example, let us take our Authors instance of uncovering the Head in sign of reverence in these European Parts of the World, whereas the Eastern Nations express the same thing by the contrary custom, and yet both in our Authors Opinion are lawful in the Worship of God, because warranted by Topical Usages. Now suppose his Majesty should injoin their custom upon us; and on the contrary, a Christian Prince in Asia should impose ours upon his Subjects, would that alter their Nature and Morality? And make those things that were antecedently to the Command decent and innocent Expressions of Reverence in Divine Service, immediately become sinful and offensive to the Almighty? But if that would not alter their nature, then the case of Symbols that depend upon Institution, is as to their lawfulness and divine acceptance the same with those that are founded upon [Page] Prescription. And now, what think you? are not Churches likely to be bravely govern'd, and order and decency in the Worship of God admirably provided for, when all their solemn Laws and Injunctions shall be controul'd by such precarious Fancies and Fooleries? Can you imagine any thing judged more scandalous in these Mens Case-Divinity, than the horrid Crimes of Peace and Obedience? And so I leave it to you to judge, whether the farther these Men proceed in the pursuance of their Principles and Pretences, they do not all the way increase our amazement at the prodigiousness of their Impertinency.

But having assign'd this vast distance between customary and instituted Symbols of Reverence, he adds this final determination of the whole Case:Pag. [...]79. Now concerning these last, one Rule may be observed, namely, that they cannot be of one kind, and signifie things of another, by virtue of any Command and consent of Men, unless they have an absolute Authority both over the sign and thing signified, and can change their Natures, or create a new Relation between them. Now, Sir, our Author grows wanton, and resolves in a jolly humour to maintain against my self and all my Associates, [Page] that Averia Capta in Withernamio non sunt Replegibilia. For 'tis all perfect Waggery and Gibberish, and a meer design to puzzle and confound us with unintelligible subtilties; and these are the Eisotericks of the Sect, that ought not to be understood by any but the Sons of Mystery; and I doubt not but you understand the sense and reason of this Rule, as much as you do those prescribed by the Rosie-Crucian Professors, in order to the discovery of the Great Secret. But whatever the meaning of the Oracle may be, why must it be limited to instituted rather than customary Symbols? For what cause should Usage, where there is no natural relation between the sign and the thing signified, be allowed to create one, rather than the Commands of lawful Authority? For my part I am not able to imagine any reason, unless it be his great Democratical Principles, that ascribes less Power to the Soveraign Prince, than to the Common People, that are always the chief Authors and Abettors of Custom? Or why may we suppose that may apply things of one kind, to signifie things of another, by virtue of popular Consent, without having an absolute Authority over the sign and thing signified, and yet not [Page] suppose the same thing of the Edicts of Princes, and the Votes of Convocations; especially when in this weighty Rule, he has been pleased (for there is no other ground for it but his own good pleasure) to exclude the Consent of Men as well as the Commands of Governours? Nay, why may not they, or any thing else have Power to appropriate new names and signs to things, without having any absolute Authority over the things themselves? And lastly, why must a Power of creating new Relations between them, infer a Power to change their Natures? For so are they here represented by our Author as things coincident. But such manifest and palpable Trifles are not worth so many Objections. And therefore (to conclude) whereas I declared the signification of Ceremonies to be of the same Nature and Original with that of Words, equally Arbitrary, and equally depending either upon Custom or Institution; this (says he) will not relieve me in this matter, Pag. 280. for words are signs of things, and those of a mixed Nature; partly Natural, partly by Consent: But they are not of one kind, and signifie things of another; for say the Schoolmen, where words are signs of sacred things, they are signs of them as things, but not as[Page]sacred. But do you, or any of his own Lay-proselytes understand this Scholastick subtilty? Does he not leave you (as himself speaks) in the Briers of unscriptural Distinctions? However,Pag. 310. why may we not affirm the same thing of Ceremonies, that he is here pleased to appropriate to Words? And then, I hope, there is no harm done; and once, for peace and quiet sake, we will so far gratifie the tenderness of their Consciences, and curiosity of their Fancies, as to promise never to ascribe any other significancy to things, than what himself is here content to bestow upon words; and then, I hope, that will appease all their Doubts, and satisfie all their Scruples. And yet after all, these Metaphysical abstractions will not relieve us in this affair. For I know no words, whose signification can be pretended to be natural, (as he talks) unless Tintinnabulum, and some few others that happen to strike our Organs with the same kind of noise, as the things themselves do of which they are significative. And none of these that I know of are concern'd in the Worship of God, unless the Clinking of the Saints Bell; so that by this casual Concession we have regain'd back the Grant of its lawful Use and Custom. [Page] Though in their strict Reformation it was abolish't for the more Orthodox way of Chiming: which yet carried in it as much Symbolical-Resemblance to the ensuing Sermon, as any of our Ceremonies do to the matters of their signification. But to be ingenuous, and confess the plain and undisguised truth to a Friend: I am at an utter loss for a Reply to this profound subtilty of the Schoolmen, because I understand neither its sense nor its pertinency: unless you will accept of this, that sacred things have words to signifie them not onely as things, but as sacred, otherwise there are no words to express Divine Worship as such, for that as such is sacred: And therefore in spight of Scotus and all his Myrmidons, I dare positively aver, That words used in Religious Worship, do not only signifie things as things, but things as sacred; because if they should not, they were no signs of Religious Worship. So that you see notwithstanding this unscriptural Distinction, (which yet you know by our Authors Principles is not to be attended to in our present Enquiry) my comparison between the signification of Words and Ceremonies stands firm as the Pillars of the Earth, and the Foundations of our Faith. But [Page] are not tender Consciences come to a fine pass, when they shall remonstrate to the Decrees of Princes, and the Laws of Commonwealths, upon such shadows of scruple, and shall run People into such woful Divisions and Disorders for a senseless Word? They cannot but have a mighty Reverence for Government, and a deep sense of Duty to Superiours, that can wriggle themselves out of their Obedience by such little shifts, and satisfie their Consciences with such lamentable excuses. In a word, is it not a sad Reflection to consider how many of the People of this Nation have been scared out of their natural Candour and Civility, and Wits too, by a few idle Words, and a few idle Men?

CHAP. VI.

[Page]

The Contents.

OVr Authors perseverance in Cavil and Calumny. His disingenuous way of shifting the proof and pursuit of their own Arguments. All their Writers have ever begun and ended with Cartwright, and either wrangle themselves into Conformity, as he did, or run themselves into perfect Enthusiasm and Phanatick Madness. Their impertinent way of defending their own Objections, when they should prove them. Nothing can be charged of being a Part of divine Worship, unless it pretends to divine Institution. This mans stubbornness and invincible Resolution in Schism. A speech to the Non-conformists to encourage them in their separation, in the Language, and out of the Writings of J. O. Their bold way of abusing the People, and the Word of God, [Page] by laying the same stress upon their own Fancies as upon the Fundamentals of the Gospel. Our Authors Plea in their own behalf from the Prescription of one way of Worship in the Word of God, the most effectual Argument against Toleration. This Plea, as managed by this Author, is as directly levelled against all other Parties, excepting only the Independents, as against the Church of England. 'Tis the only Pretence of all Impostures, and 'tis serviceable to no other end. The silliness and palpable disingenuity of our Authors Quotations out of the Fathers. Their Fundamental Principle equally overthrows all manner of Church-setlement. By his Principles and Good-will nothing is to be tolerated but Independency. The Precedents alledged, both out of the Old and New Testament, in the former Treatise for the warrantableness of uncommanded Ceremonies, cleared and vindicated. Our Adversaries way of affrighting the Rabble with hard and sensless words. The vanity of attending to these mens Proposals of mutual Condescension. A farther Prosecution of my Challenge to the whole Party of Non-conformists to answer Mr. Hooker. A notorious and intolerable Instance of our Authors disingenuity in falsifying the design of my Discourse.

[Page]§. 1. THus far have I made good my ground against all this mans Talk and Confidence (for there, and there alone, lies all his strength) and should now proceed to an Examination of his Censures against the fifth Chapter of my former discourse; For against the fourth he only drops his old Calumny, viz. that what I have there discoursed against the absolute and uncontroulable Power of the Civil Magistrate, as 'tis stated in Mr. Hobs's Hypothesis of Government, is destructive of my own Pretensions in the foregoing part of my discourse, where, as he is resolved to bear me down, I have made humane Laws the sole and supreme Rule of Religious Worship, insomuch that the Magistrate of every Nation hath Power to order and appoint what Religion his Subjects shall profess and observe, Pag. 97. and thereby binds their Consciences to profess and observe that which is by him so appointed (and nothing else are they to observe) making it their Duty in Conscience so to do; and the highest Crime or sin to do any thing to the contrary; and that whatever the precise Truth in these matters be, &c. The horrour of which bold Calumny I have [Page] already, I hope, competently enough discover'd and detested. But 'tis the choicest Topick of this mans Logick to falsifie Arguments, and represent his own Inferences as his Adversaries Opinions, and then load them with loud and lusty Conclusions: And then they are Oracles and Demonstrations to the People that understand neither the Truth nor Consequences of things; and therefore does he repeat this fundamental Forgery in all Places, and upon all Occasions, and 'tis the only thing that gives strength and colour to all his other Trifles and Impertinencies, upon this he at first founds all his Reasonings, and into this he at last resolves them, insomuch that his whole Book is but one huge Lye 400 Pages long. And this Confidence takes so successfully with the believing Disciples, that they will at all adventure lay wagers, that all those Prodigious Untruths he has obtruded on me are my own positive and direct Assertions. But having manfully quit himself in this Performance, he baulks the whole discourse of this Chapter, as being of no Concern to himself and his dear Brotherhood; and so advances to the next, where we might trace him through all his former Methods [Page] of Truth and Ingenuity; but at present we will wave that Province, and rather chuse first to discharge our selves of those froward Exceptions, wherewith he labours to entangle and perplex the design of my sixth Chapter, because the matters there debated are of a more close and immediate Affinity to the nature of those things, that fell under our last Consideration; and therefore (seeing he has been pleased to break the Coherence of my method) I conceive it will be a more perspicuous and useful way of proceeding to dispatch them both together; especially when what remains to be there examined, is either meer impertinence to the drift of my Discourse, or relies meerly upon the Principles here already confuted. For what he dictates in defence of their darling Principle, that nothing ought to be practised in the Worship of God, but what is prescribed in the Word of God, is either such loose and general Tattle, as whether it be true or false, it does neither service nor disservice to our present Enquiry: Or if there be any thing more close and direct to the Purpose, it resolves it self entirely into the Dispute of the last Chapter; in that he restrains the Universality of this Maxim to [Page] instituted and significant Ceremonies, which being exempted upon this score, he seems not unwilling to allow the Governours of the Church a Power of determining natural Circumstances for the ends of Order and Decency; so that in the last Result of things all this Cluster of Trifles and Impertinencies grows upon the stock of the former Principle, and therefore that being cut down root and branch, this that depends so entirely upon it, must by consequence fall and perish with it. For which reason I had once resolved with my self wholly to omit its distinct Examination, and only to put them upon the proof of this Principle, as 'tis here stated by our Author, out of the written Word of God. But because he here counterfeits more assurance, and pretends more Accuracy; and (to speak in his own stile) by the Longsomness of his Discourse, and the number of his Propositions, seems more elaborate than in all the former Parts of his survey; and withal to avoid their Clamour, and other mens suspicion of dealing with him as he has dealt with me, in wholly baulking the last Chapter of my Discourse, that was most pertinent and material to his Pretences; I have at last resolved to [Page] undergo the Penance of a Reply: and thus it follows.

§. 2. In the first place then he flings down the Ball, viz. that nothing ought to be establish'd in the Worship of God, but what is authorized by some Precept or Example in the Word of God; and then tells us, If men would lay aside their Prejudices, Pag. 303. corrupt Interests, and Passions, they would see at first view that this Principle is not foreign unto what is in an hundred places declared and taught in the Scripture. But, Sir, Big words break no shins, nor will Brags and Threatnings pass for current Demonstrations: This is the only thing to be proved, and the Principle it self refuses to accept of any other evidence, but what is expresly approved and warranted by holy Writ; yet when he comes to vouch its sacred Authority, he only gives in his own Affidavit. And if you will take his word, you may rest assured there are hundred of Texts in the sacred Volume that have adopted the Patronage of his Cause; though at present he is not at leisure to check and rebuke our Confidence with one single Testimony. And therefore is it not strange, that when the Issue of the whole Controversie depends [Page] so absolutely upon this Performance, yet whenever they are forced upon its Attempt, they still adjourn the Dispute, and respite the only Proof that we demand, and they ought to produce, to a fairer and more seasonable Opportunity. And this has ever been one of their most serviceable Arts of trifling; in matters of a more remote Concernment, and secondary Evidence, they are confident, and abound with Noise and Reasoning, but when they come to approach the Vitals of the Question, their Fury immediately abates, and they are struck with a sudden speechlessness, and you must wait for the farther Prosecution of their Argument, till they are restored to the Power of Speech and use of Tongue, and then do they entertain you with all the old Tale over again, till they come just to the former difficulty, and then are they seized upon by the former Astonishment. And by this Artifice have they so long kept up this Controversie in spite of so many publick and dishonourable Baffles. They have always been brisk and talkative in the beginning of the Dispute till they are run up into the main difficulty, and driven into the streights of the Enquiry, and there they fling down their [Page] Arms, sometimes cry Quater, and sometimes escape by flight, and so at present the War ends, and Peace ensues; till some other pert Fellow chance to take up the Cudgels, and he uses the same Play till he is brought to the same foil, and there is an end of him, and so on from Generation to Generation. And hence it is not unobservable, that all their Writers have ever begun and ended with Cartwright, and as he wrangled himself into Obedience and Conformity, so have they all at length either disputed themselves out of their former folly, or into a farther Madness: And the zeal of their warmest Bigots has ever ended either in a peaceable Reduction to the Church, or in some wilder and more extravagant separation. By continual wrangling they contract a sowr and froward Humour. Every thing annoys their fretful and exulcerated Minds: They are peevish and displeased with their own Friends, and their own Fraternity; and this transports them into some new-fangled Pranks and Projects. Hence Coppingers Raptures, and Visions, and familiar Conferences with Almighty God; hence Hackets Ecstasies, and Revelations, and blasphemous Prophesies; and hence the [Page] mad Frekes and Treasons of Penry, that precious Martyr of Jesus Christ. An habitual discontent and restlesness of mind heated their choler and melancholy bloud into perfect Frenzy and Outrage. But the most remarkable Instance of this Capricious Humour is the story of Robert Brown, who (you know) left Cartwright and the Disciplinarians in Babylon as well as the Church of England, and could find no Church in the World pure enough for his own Communion, till he had establish'd one of his own Draught and Projectment, and then nothing was or could be agreeable to the Word of God but what was contained in his Pamphlets of Reformation. But having run his Followers into such an obstinate and unfortunate Schism, the man himself becomes unsetled in his own mind, and unconstant to his own Principles, and consumes the Remainder of his days in discontent and restlesness of Thoughts. Sometimes in his lucid Intervals he would suffer himself to be reclaimed to some sobriety of behaviour; by and by in a sullen and peevish humour he falls into his old fits of Raving, and then every thing dislikes him, and he falls out with his own draughts of Reformation: Anon in [Page] a pensive and melancholy mood he breaks all into Tears and Invectives against Cartwright and the Disciplinarian Brethren; the natural Pursuance of whose Principles had run him into all those miseries and Calamities of life; and thus by reason of his frequent Relentings and perpetual Relapses, the miserable Wretch was continually tossed from Gaol to Gaol, till having tried his Fortune in two and thirty Prisons, and being tired with grief and poverty, he at last setles in Conformity for a good Benefice, where he lived to a great Age without making any more disturbances and defections in the Church, till he died frekish in Northampton Gaol, whither he had been committed for breach of peace, and disorderly behaviour, and so (as it was meet) perish'd this great Prophet in that little Ierusalem. And 'tis nothing but this mixture of Pride and Peevishness that bewitches men into a love of Schisms and Divisions; they are so highly conceited of themselves, and so willing to censure and despise others, that nothing shall either suit or satisfie their humour, unless it be of their own ordering and contrivance. And then must these phantastick Sots attempt to reform the World; they [Page] must be sure to condemn and vilifie the wisdom of Superiours, and fancy themselves as Men appointed by special Providence to give check to the errours and follies of Mankind. And what so delicious to people of this complexion, as to be the first Founders of Changes and Innovations? And the most famous Impostors and Enthusiasts of all Ages have ever bewrayed rank symptoms of this spightful humour both in their principles and practices. And I know some Men, in whose haughty and contracted Looks Schism and Singularity are as legible as if they carried the mark of a thorough godly Reformation in their Foreheads: and what will not such Persons attempt or endure for the glory and satisfaction of leading a Party?

§. 3. In the next place (to skip over his old complaint of the vehemence of my stile) he adds a caution of his own to limit and explain this general Position, viz. Pag. 305. That nothing ought to be established in the Worship of God as a part of that Worship, or made constantly necessary in its observance, without the Warranty before mentioned; for this is expresly contended for by them who maintain it, and who reject nothing upon the Authority of it, but [Page]what they can prove to be a pretended part of Religious Worship as such. This is another eminent instance of their shuffling way of talk: for whereas this Principle was first framed and managed by themselves as the most forcible Objection to beat down the establish't Institutions of the Church; it was immediately replyed, That 'tis neither true nor certain; and they have always been prest and demanded from its first starting, to prove its evidence, and make good its certainty out of the Word of God: but in stead of hearkning to so hard a task, they have only studied to defend and guard it with a multitude of precarious Distinctions, and unwarrantable Limitations; all which amounts to nothing higher than a proofless and impertinent Circle of talk. For 'tis nothing to us whether they are able to defend it from being apparently false, unless they are able to prove it apparently true; because there are swarms of Opinions in the World that are certainly neither; and therefore unless they will undertake to make good its undoubted truth, 'tis of no force to condemn and confute the lawfulness of any establish't Practice and Prescription in the Church of God, which nothing can make criminal but some inconsistency [Page] with some certain Duty: so that till it is competently demonstrated that this Aphorism is prescribed as a Rule to all Christians, they shoot shamefully both short and beside the Mark, whilst they onely endeavour to guard and secure its probability with their own arbitrary Limitations. Thus whereas it was first urged by the Authors of the Admonition, it was immediately answered, It is most true, Pag. 21. that nothing ought to be tolerated in the Church, as necessary unto Salvation, or as an Article of Faith, except it be expresly contain'd in the Word of God.— But that no Ceremony, Order, Discipline, or kind of Polity, may be in the Church, except the same be expressed in the Word of God, is a great and intolerable absurdity. The Church being trusted with an Authority to make Orders and Ceremonies, as shall from time to time be thought most expedient and profitable for the same, so that nothing be done contrary to the Word, or repugnant to the same. To which T. C. replies,Defence of the Admonit. p. 2 [...]. Sect. 3. It is true indeed, if they be not against the Word of God, and profitable for the Church, they are to be received as those things, which God by his Church does command; but there is the Question. But there is not the Question; and it is so far from attempting to prove or justifie the Argument, that it utterly relinquisheth [Page] it to the Mercy of the Adversary. For the Question is, Whether the Institutions of the Church ought to be repeal'd by virtue of this Principle, that they are not expresly prescribed and authorized in the Word of God? But this he forsakes by this Answer, and flies to a new Argument, that they ought to be removed, not because they are uncommanded in the Word of God, but purely because they are unprofitable to the Church of God. So that the old untenable pretence was immediately yielded up at the first Summons; and a new one taken up that was never before pretended, nor ever after proved. And in this shifting way of arguing, is that Man exactly followed by this Author, (who is admirably accomplish't in his choicest Abilities, viz. a bold Face, and a loose Tongue:) For by the Limitation here by him assign'd, he shifts the old Enquiry, Whether any thing may be practised in the Worship of God, that is not authorized in the Word of God? No, he is willing to allow it, provided it be not extended to such things as are parts of Divine Worship; and he will reject nothing upon its Authority, but what he is able (but never willing) to prove to be a pretended [Page] part of Religious Worship as such: so that the state of the Controversie is now shifted to this dispute, Whether the Ceremonies injoin'd and establish't in the Church of England, are pretended parts of Religious Worship? and if they are not, he, good Man! for his part has nothing to except against them upon the score of this Proposition; and yet that they are so, it therefore concerns not him to prove, because 'tis the onely thing pleaded. And barely to affirm it is (it seems) enough to his purpose, onely to tempt us to a new trouble of proving that the Ceremonies prescribed in the Church of England do not pretend to the Dignity of being parts of Divine Worship: And when that is done, these Squirrels can as easily frisk to a fresh pretence and a new Limitation; and thus by this dancing and capering humour, 'tis an easie matter to perpetuate all the Controversies in the World, how plainly soever determinable, to the coming of Elias: and after this rate shall the Barbers Bason remain Mambrino's Helmet, and the Asses Pannel a Furniture for the Great Horse till the Day of Judgment. However, this advantage I have gain'd, that this Principle is yielded up as to the general and unlimited Import [Page] of the words; and therefore I hope hereafter I may justly challenge them not to impose it upon the credulity of the People without the allay of the former Caution: for at present I am sure that their Followers understand it in the broad and literal sense of the words, and that themselves are wont to discourse of it without any regard to these new Restraints and Limitations. And if hereafter they will forbear these loose and general Expressions, they will lay upon us some Obligation to acknowledge their Ingenuity, and may possibly contribute somewhat towards disabusing the People; who though they have so easily swallowed this Proposition in its unlimited meaning, are yet unacquainted with the Antidote of this restriction; and therefore when they have cast up their old prejudice, perhaps they will not so easily take in this new Notion. In the mean time, I have nothing more to press upon our Author, than that he would be perswaded to slake his Zeal in this Controversie, till he has at least attempted to prove the Institutions of the Church of England to be pretended parts of Divine Worship; though this he can never hope to perform, but either by outfacing her Publick Declarations, she having [Page] so expresly protested against it in the account of her Ceremonies, that she has for that purpose prefix't to the Book of Common Prayer: or else by proving that how innocently soever she may intend, they of their own accord commence parts of Religious Worship by virtue of their Institution. And if this he will undertake, 'tis easie to foretel (without being Prophet or Prophets Son) that his whole attempt will spend it self meerly upon significant Ceremonies; and there, I hope, I have already prevented all their weak and little Arts. However, to make all secure, let me onely add, That no Power whatsoever can adopt any thing into the Worship of God under any less pretence than of Divine Authority: so that whatsoever Ceremonies the Church may deem expedient to prescribe for Order and Comeliness, unless she go about to warrant her Injunctions by pretending Divine Institution, circumstances of Worship they may be, but parts they never can. And of this I thought I had already given a passable proof, and so satisfactory, that our Author has nothing to except against it,Pag. 352, but by pretending its inconsistency with some other parts of my Discourse: but for the present, that is no Objection [Page] against the positive truth and direct reason of the Argument it self; and, in short, 'tis this: All Rituals, and Ceremonies, and Postures, and Manners of performing the outward Expressions of Devotion, are not from their own nature capable of being parts of Religion; and therefore unless we used and imposed them as such, 'tis lamentably precarious to charge their Determination with Will-Worship, because that consists in making those things parts of Religion, that God has not made so: so that when the Church expresly declares against this use of them, and professeth to injoin them only as meer circumstances of Religious VVorship, 'tis apparent that it cannot by imposing them make any Additions to the VVorship of God; but only provides, that what God has required be performed in a decent and orderly manner. And this is the real difference between the Christian and Mosaick Ceremonies, in that theirs were made lasting and necessary parts of their Religion, by being establish't with the same impress of Divine Authority as the Duties of the Moral Law; whereas ours are not any integral parts of Divine VVorship, but purely accidental and alterable circumstances of Religious Services; [Page] and so are not of the same standing Necessity and Obligation as were the Mosaick Rites, but as they were first established by our Superiours according to the common Rules of decency and discretion, so may they be reversed by the same Authority. In a word, they are of the same Nature and Obligation with all other matters of humane Laws, that are only disposed of by the publick Wisdom, as it shall by the common notices of things judge them most convenient to publick Ends.

§. 4. And now upon this Bottom we might fairly wind up this Controversie, for I am secure this ever has been, and ever will be its real Issue: But our Author cries no, no. For if this Principle should fail us,Pag. 306, there are yet other general Maxims, which Non-conformists adhere unto, and suppose not justly questionable, which they can firmly stand and build upon in the management of their Plea, as to all differences between me and them, i. e. He is a resolved and incorrigible Schismatick, and the plain design of these words is only to encourage the People to stand firm to their Principles; what though we may be stormed out of our old Elsibeth-pretensions, [Page] let us not immediately resign up our Colours, and march out of our Cause, we have, when all is lost, unknown retreats and fastnesses (as all Banditi and Moss-Troopers have) to secure our selves from perfect discovery and destruction. This man is a Demetrius, a Ring-leader in sedition, and therefore it more peculiarly concerns him to bestir himself, and keep the Mutineers together, and raise and animate their fainting spirits against discouragements and despondencies. The People may murmur among themselves, Is this poor Pretence the only ground of all our Schisms and Disturbances? Have our Leaders no greater grievance against the publick Laws than this lank and pitiful Story, which themselves (it seems) dare not own without mincing and disguising it with their own shuffling, and (to us) unintelligible Reservations? Is this all the Popery and Idolatry of the Church of England, against which they are still inveighing with so much Zeal and Bitterness at the Meetings? Must all this noise and stir be made, and the King and Parliament thus disturbed for this? Neighbours, let us be advised, and not create all this needless trouble to our selves and others, only to countenance their [Page] Pride and Peevishness. The plain troth is, their Zeal was so flush'd with success in the late Tumults, as transported them to too much Outrage and Cruelty against the Church; and now because (forsooth) they are ashamed to acknowledge their fault and folly (for what disgrace so grievous to proud and self-opinionated men, as to confess an Error) we (fools as we are) must be inveigled and drawn in to bear out their Extravagances. Come, come, this is the true Mystery of Separation: For you may see they themselves (whatever they pretend) are not so fond as seriously to believe the Publick Worship Popish and Idolatrous. Do we not know that the Chiefs of the Presbyterians came constantly to Church, and to Common Prayer till of late, and those that are more modest and peaceable do so still, which 'tis apparent they could never have done, had they really deem'd it Idolatry. How then shall we justifie our selves in running thus giddily into these wild and unwarrantable Schisms? Does not common sense tell us (though perhaps we understand nor their School subtilties) that 'tis a base and unworthy thing thus insolently to affront the Kings Laws, when we may avoid it without [Page] breaking Gods? And therefore seeing, whatever Reasons they may have for their own Non-conformity, we are satisfied, by their own example, they have none big enough to warrant our Separation. Let us then resolve with one Consent to be peaceable and ingenuous, and return every man to his own home, and his own Parish-Church.

But bear back, this great Chieftain appears, for he is still upon all Occasions the most bold and forward Oratour to hearten his back-sliding Brethren against Doubts and Despondencies, witness Ianuary 31. in the year 48. when those wretched Miscreants wanted some spiritual Comfort and Cordial against the horrour of their Yesterdays villany. And thus he appears in this present streight, and thus you may suppose him, after Preface of solemn wink, to bespeak the mutinous Churches. The Reader may conj [...]cture with who [...] [...] I plow f [...]r [...]his [...]l [...] quence. M [...]t of th [...]se Pasages b [...]ng coll [...]cted ou [...] of two Sermons o [...] J.O. one preached on Jan 31. 1648. and the other on a day of thanksgiving for the Kings Defeat at Worcester. ‘My Friends, do you consider what you attempt? Do you know what dreadful and horrible things are still behind? Alas! False Worship, Superstition, Tyranny, and Cruelty lye at the Bottom, and when these have possessed the Governours of a Nation, and wrapt in the consent of the greatest Part of the People, who [Page] have been acquainted with the mind of God, that People and Nation (assure your selves) without unpresidented Mercy is obnoxious to remediless Ruine. If you think Babylon is confined to Rome and its open Idolatry; you know nothing of Babylon or the new Ierusalem: no, no, their darling Errors are stones of the old Babel, closing and coupling with that tremendous Fabrick: which the man of sin has erected to dethrone Jesus Christ. You may venture to taste if you please, but remember who forewarned you, there is death in the Episcopal Pot. But as for your own Parts, let all the World know, and let the House of England know this day, that you lie unthankfully under as full a dispensation of mercy and grace, as ever Nation in the World enjoyed; well, you will one day know what it is to undervalue the glorious Gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ (i. e. the seditious Preachings of I.O.) Good Lord! What would helpless Macedonians give for one of your Enjoyments? O that Wales, O that Ireland, O that France, where shall I stop? I would offend none, but give me leave to say, O that every, I had almost said, [Page] O that any Part of the World had such unparallel'd helps & means of Grace as you, who yet are so unworthy as scarce to acknowledg the Mercy: The Lord break the pride of your Hearts, before it break the staff of your Bread, and the help of your Salvation. But as for us Poor nothings, the Ministers of the Lord Christ in the Work of the Gospel, we can spend our sweat and our Lungs upon the barren and the parched corners of the Land, upon those poor Gospelless Creatures, that as yet sit in darkness and the shadow of death, and have none to hold out the bread of life to their fainting souls. Does not Wales cry, and the North cry, yea, and the West cry, come and help us? But this it is; though the sound of the Gospel pass through all your streets, though your Villages enjoy them, who preach Peace, and bring glad tidings of good things, so that neither you, nor your Fathers, nor your Fathers Fathers, (and this God knows is a serious truth) ever saw the like before us: Though Manna fall round about your Tents every day, yet Manna is loathed as light bread; no, the Presence of Christ it seems is not Recompence for the loss [Page] of your Swine; yes, you had rather be again in Aegypt, than hazard a Pilgrimage in the Wilderness. You forsooth boggle at tumults and disorders, poor ignorant souls, how unacquainted are you with the methods and workings of Providence? For why! these are the only signs and symptoms of Reformation, great works for God will cause great troubles among men: And for the carrying on of the Interest of Christ and the Gospel, God is resolved to work wonderful Providential Alterations in the Governments of the Earth; what replied brave Martin Luther, when it was objected to him, that that could not be the cause of God, that was the cause of so much desolation, Ego nisi tumultus istos viderem, Christum in mundo esse non crederem. I tell you, he who is the only Potentate, will sooner or later shake all the Monarchies of the Western World: All the Kings of the Earth have suck'd in invented (and what it seems with him is coincident) Idolatrous Worship from the Cup of Fornication, held out to them by the Roman Whore: Shew me seven of them that ever yet laboured sincerely to advance the Kingdom of the Lord [Page] Jesus, and I dare boldly say, Octavus quis fuerit nondum constat. The whole Constitution of the Governments of the Nations is cemented from top to bottom with the Interest of Antichrist, and nothing but a thorough shaking can ever cleanse them. And to this end has the Lord been pleased in his good Providence to hold forth a new light to his People of this Generation, whereby they might discover the Mystery of Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny. And you are called forth to punish Tyrants, break the Jaws of Oppressours, and disappoint the designs of Bloudy and Revengeful Persecutours, and to roll up the Heavens of the Nations like a Scroll, and to serve him in your several Capacities in the high places of Armageddon. Does not the Lord, think you, require that in the great things which he has to accomplish in this Generation, all his should close with him? And what that is I have often and long since informed you out of his own Word, and would you have greater Assurance? Read the Prophet Isaiah 23.9. Verily the Lord of Hosts hath purposed to pollute the pride of all Glory, and to bring into Contempt all the [Page]honourable of the Earth. Now does God call forth his Saints to execute vengeance upon the Heathen, and punishments upon the People, to bind their Kings with chains, and their Nobles with fetters of Iron? Does he bring you forth to burn the Whore, to fight with the Beast, and overcome him, with his Followers? And will he not give glorious Assistances to your Undertakings? I tell you, you shall be assisted, protected, carried on, though it cost him the making his Bow quite naked. What though some prove false and treacherous, some base and cowardly? What though men every where combine and associate themselves against you? What though whole Kingdoms and mighty Armies appear for your ruine, help you need, and help you shall have, (or I tell you once again) God will make his Bow quite naked. He will put on the Garments of vengeance for cloathing, and cover himself with Zeal as a Cloak: and according to their deeds, accordingly he will repay them, fury to his Adversaries, Recompence to his Enemies, to the Island he will repay Recompence, Isa. 59.18. And though all other means should fail of success, 'tis in your [Page] Power to pray and believe the Beast into destruction, Antichrist into the Pit, and Magog to ruine. Do but believe that the Enemies of Jesus Christ shall be made his Footstool, that the Nations shall be his Inheritance, that he shall reign gloriously in beauty, that he shall smite in pieces the heads over divers Nations, and live in the Faith of these things, and as it will give you the sweetness of them, before they come, so it will hasten their coming beyond the endeavours of thousands, yea, Millions of Armed men. But, my Brethren, if there be any of you here, that do not only refuse to come forth to help the Lord against the Mighty, but that entertain thoughts to give up the Worship of God to Superstition, his Churches to Tyranny, and the Doctrine of the Gospel to Episcopal Corruptions: Let him give glory to God, and repent speedily, and passionately, otherwise it will be Bitterness in the end; it will; it will. And therefore as you tender the salvation of your poor souls, and the continuance of the Gospel to your Families and Posterity, not one syllable more of this Tumultuatingness of spirit against the Prophets [Page] of the Lord, and so every man to his Tents, O Israel.’

§. 5. Sir, have you not read how that when discontent had shatter'd the Roman Legions into Mutiny and Sedition, and that the Excesses of Outrage and Insolence, like the violence of a resistless Torrent, had broken down all the Banks of Government and Discipline amongst them; yet at the presence of a Scipio or Fabricius they did immediately retire into place and order? His look charm'd them into Obedience, and with a Nod he awed away Confusion; they that never dreaded Kings, trembled at his voice: that was more affrightful than assured death. His Authority with three syllables stifled Sedition, disarm'd and confounded the guilty, and they could endure any thing rather than his frown and his displeasure. And thus is all the noise and tumult of the discontented Churches hush'd into peace and order; this great Commander looks the murmur of the People into silence and obedience, and the Winds and Seas obey his Voice. He can raise or allay storms and seditions with the breath of his mouth; 'tis but crying out, The Cause of God, and popular [Page] zeal is immediately in Arms, and Mutiny; do but tell them, the Gospel lies at stake, and the Rabble will die Martyrs to their own Credulity. This sacred Imposture will as much secure their Obedience as the Roman Discipline, and the Roman Legions could never be more forward for the glory of the Common-wealth, then the Congregational Churches will be for the Beauty and Purity of Christs Ordinances. And such has ever been the boldness of this man, he scorns to vouch any less warrantable Commission for his own Dreams and Fancies than the express and immediate Commands of divine Authority; all his singularities must be Gospellized, and all his seditious Doctrines broach'd out of St. Paul. The wisdom of God must be prostituted to his folly and boldness, the Word of God prophaned to authorize his pride and zealous madness; all his phanatick Pranks must be charged upon the Scriptures, and he has a Text for every extravagant Attempt; and whatever the Principles of Reason and common Honesty cannot account for, the old Prophets shall not only foretel, but sanctifie. And perhaps never did all the Prophane Wits in the World make more [Page] bold with the Word of God than this daring man, there is scarce any more remarkable Text in the whole Bible, that he has not turn'd into Ridicule; he can guard every thing he says and does with files of Chapter and Verse, as it were with Pikes and Protestations, and can draw up Remonstrances and Declarations, as well as Primers out of the Word of God; in brief, with him every thing is Scripture, & Scripture is every thing. And this is the true Mystery of all our Schisms and Divisions; it is not their Contest about Ceremonies and things Indifferent, but it is their Pulpit-talk about the Cause of God and the Gospel that transports the Peoples Zeal, and there still things are so represented as if they alone were the People of God, and we the professed Enemies of the Lord Christ; and the least thing they will say, when they are most cool and moderate, is, that we are revolted from the Purity of the Gospel to Superstition and Will-worship, and that there is no Beauty and Purity of Ordinances but in their Meetings and Conventicles.Sermon to Parliam. April 29. 1646. Pag. 42. The Fox in the Fable (says I. O.) had a thousand wiles to save himself from the Hunters: but the Cat knew unum magnum, one great thing that would surely do it. Earthly [Page]supports and contentments are but a thousand failing wiles, which will all vanish in the time of need: The Gospel, and Christ in the Gospel, is that unum magnum, that unum necessarium, which alone will stand us in any stea [...]. Our Adversaries may discourse like Politicians, and make a thousand pretences for the necessity of Uniformity, in order to the peace and security of Government: but we will trust to one great pretence, the Command of God, and the Cause of the Gospel; and that with the People will do our business more effectually than all their Stratagems of Policy.

§. 6. And thus is it our Authors present design to enlarge and prolong the Controversie, and to set up new Mormo's in our Churches, to fray away the People from our Communion, though they all run themselves into the same Principle, that the VVord of God is the adequate Rule of the VVorship of God; yet the very appearance of number is no little security to the Cause, and satisfaction to the Proselytes; and though they are but so many several Repetitions of the same thing, yet that makes a shew that they have a great deal to say for themselves, [Page] and that is enough. And thus were our Author put upon the proof of these general Maxims here by him laid down, he would and must wholly setle himself upon this bottom. Let us briefly examine them: the two first are,Pag. 306. (1.) Whatever the Scripture has indeed prescribed and appointed to be done and observed in the Worship of God, and the Government of the Church, that is indeed to be done and observed. (2.) That nothing in conjunction with, or addition unto what is so appointed, ought to be admitted, if it be contrary to the general Rules, or particular preceptive Instructions of the Scripture. VVhere you may observe,Ibid. that these Maxims are such as they will adhere unto, and stand upon, in the management of the Plea as to the differences between us. So that their plain meaning, as applied to their present contest with the Church of England, is, that the Nonconformists way of VVorship is prescribed and appointed in the VVord of God; whereas our Additions to it are contrary either to the general Rules; or particular Instructions of Scripture: and if this be not the design of these Propositions, they are no other way pertinent to the management of this Plea. And now are not these admirable Principles to be pleaded in an Apology for Liberty of [Page] Conscience? The Governours of the Nation are bound to indulge us in our different Practices and Perswasions about the VVorship of God, because there is but one particular Form allowable, only that which is prescribed and injoin'd in the VVord of God, and that is ours; and therefore are they, and all the Princes of Christendom, tied up to an exact Conformity to that Rule, and not to endure any other Forms that deviate from its Prescription, unless they will tolerate Men in an open and avowed violation of the Law of God. So unhappy is this Man, as still to turn his own VVeapons upon himself; and stab his Cause in its own defence, as desperate Men chuse to die by their own hands, that they may escape their Enemies Swords. He could not have invented a Principle more expresly destructive of his own Pretences; for if nothing be lawful in the Worship of God, but what is prescribed in the Word of God; and if nothing that is unlawful may be tolerated by the Civil Magistrate; and if there be but one particular Form appointed in the Word of God, it cannot avoid to be concluded that all others are unlawful, and by consequence intolerable. And thus are the [Page] Tables turned, and now the state of the Controversie is not, whether both Parties may be safely and innocently tolerated: no, but whether they or we: onely they, (says he) because their way of Worship is indispensably prescribed and appointed by God himself: not we, because ours is contrary to his own Rules and Prescriptions; and therefore the case is plain, it ought to be abolish't without mercy or delay, unless Men may be permitted by connivence of Publick Authority, to contradict the express Will of God under pretence of his own Worship. But if this be our case, there is no remedy but we must hereafter play a new Game in our own defence. They that declare they will give no Quarter, have no reason to expect any. And this is a mighty aggravation of these Mens former miscarriages and present impenitence, that they can be so bold and confident in their demands from those, that they have so lately treated so barbarously; and yet are so far from giving any tokens of their repentance, that they publickly suggest, that if ever it comes to their turn in the course of Providential alterations, they shall again expect the same usage. But is it not a pleasant Topick of Perswasion, [Page] to move us to treat them with all tenderness and civility, because they never did shew us any mercy, and if it lie in their power, never will? (a thing in which we have reason enough to be satisfied, without any of these Publick Declarations.) Like the Country Swain that resolved upon his Death-bed, if he died, to forgive his Enemy; but swore the utmost revenge if he ever recovered. Thus will these Men, when their Reformation is in danger of breathing its last, pretend to tolerate us only because they cannot help it; but when they can, any thing is tolerate but Popery and Episcopacy. And this Man, this tender Man, that will not endure any of his Disciples to be so much as present at our Antichristian way of Worship, is, no doubt, a fit Agent (not to mention some other excellent Qualifications) to treat with us for Indulgence and mutual Forbearance; and he that declares by his most avowed Principles, he will not allow us permission when he is out of Power; would, no doubt, be so generous as to grant us all civil Liberty, were he in it. Go thy way, for a wretched Apologist! thy Perswasions are just as wise as thy Arguments.

[Page]§. 7. But farther, Is this the Plea of all Nonconformists, or but of one Party? If of all, then have we them at old Burleigh's Lock, that engaged to grant their demands, when they had agreed among themselves what to demand: 'Tis well known into how many different Rendezvouses the whole Body of the Nonconformists are subdivided, and withal that their Pretences and Perswasions stand at as wide a distance and open defiance to each other, as to the Church of England; and therefore the whole Body can neither reasonably pretend this Plea, nor possibly be allowed it: For howsoever the different Factions may at present seem to piece together for the common Interest; yet when this comes to be put in practice, they immediately fall all in pieces again, every Party has its different meaning, and appropriates the claim of Divine Right to its own way, and every Faction bandies against every Faction for its own Ius Divinum. They are all zealous for erecting the Throne of Jesus Christ, but the onely contention is, which of them shall sit at his Right and his Left hand, or rather in it. And whenever they are mounted, they lord it with the Insolence [Page] of young Usurpers. And certainly the Scepter of Jesus Christ was never such an Iron Rod (no not in the Kirk it self) as when it was in the hands of the Triers, the tender-hearted Triers. And this is our Authors particular design and intention, that the Independent way of Worship is the onely way that is prescribed and appointed in the Word of God; and therefore that that, and none other, is lawful and warrantable: so that ('tis plain) this pretence, as he manages it, is not the Plea of the Nonconformists in their combined strength, but purely of the Independents in their separated Interest; and that as much in opposition to the Presbyterians on one hand, and the lower swarms of Sectaries on the other, as to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England: so that here every Clan of the Fanaticks is engaged as much as we to stand upon their Guard, and 'tis made our common Interest to join Forces against his usurping Pretensions. But this has ever been the crafty method of the Independents, first to preach general Doctrines, but still to make the particular Applications to themselves, i. e. to decoy Men into their snares by their Text and hidden meaning, and then devour [Page] them in the opening of the Plot, that was always reserved for Use and Application.

Thus, are the People of England enraged against them for murthering their Soveraign? The Doctrine is, Instruments of Gods greatest works and glory, V. Sermon before the Parliam. Jan. 31. 1648. are oftentimes the chiefest Objects of a Professing Peoples Curses and Revenges. And, Men that under God deliver a Kingdom, may have the Kingdoms Curses for their pains. Are the People transported into Rage against them, for running our Confusions beyond all visible hopes of setlement and recovery, by that horrid Act upon the Person of their Prince? The Doctrine is, Men every way blameless, and to be imbraced in their own ways, are oftentimes abhorred and laden with Curses for following the Lord in his ways. What precious Men should many be, would they let go the work of God in this Generation? Do any of those wretched Miscreants begin to think of Hell, and Halters, and, with Iudas, stand agast at the horrour of their Crime? The Doctrine is, In dark and difficult Dispensations of Providence, Gods choicest Servants are oftentimes ready to faint under the burthen of them. Do some of the old Souldiers and Officers begin to whisper Cavalierism and Loyalty? The Doctrine [Page] is, Plausible compliances of Men in Authority with those, against whom they are imployed, are treacherous Contrivances against the God of Heaven, by whom they are imployed. Do the Presbyterians and Royalists begin to make head against those bold and bloody Usurpers? The Doctrine is, God oftentimes gives up a sinful People to a fruitless contention and fighting with their onely Supporters and means of Deliverance. And thus the Doctrine of this Book is, 'tis the Duty of King and Parliament to tolerate tender Consciences, i. e. says this Application, Independents. And the Text wherewith he vouches this Doctrine, is Matth. 28.20. where our Saviour binds his Disciples to observe his Commands and Institutions to the end of the World; but onely the Independents observe that form of Worship and Discipline that he has prescribed and appointed to the practice of his Church in all Ages. Ergo. So that the most moderate Inference that can be extracted from these Premises, is, That no form of Publick Worship or Ecclesiastical Government ought to be establish't in this Nation, till his Majesty is in good earnest convinced that I. O.'s Independent Catechism (as shamefully as 'tis baffled) is [Page] faithfully collected out of the Word of God. These are hard sayings, and yet methinks the two following Propositions seem to be somewhat more unreasonable, viz. (1.) That nothing ought to be added to what is injoined in Scripture, Pag. 307. without some cogent Reason. Or,Pag. 308. (2.) If any things be found necessary, onely those must be prescribed that are most consonant to its general Rules and Institutions. Now the only pertinent result of these Pleas as to the difference between us, is, that they apprehend not any such cogent Reason for our Prescriptions, nor any such exact suitableness in them to the Rules of Scripture, as in their own Models of Worship and Discipline: and this difference of Judgment about the expediency of things, shall abundantly warrant their disobedience to the King, and their separation from the Church: and every Man that has folly or confidence enough to insist upon this pretence, may claim the priviledge of his Conscience to make new Schisms and Divisions in pursuance of the best Light God has given him. Is not this an admirable contrivance to keep us for ever wandring in the endless Mazes and Labyrinths of Reformation, when every pert and hot-headed Preacher that dreams the [Page] Laws of the Church are not altogether so agreeable in every point and nicety to the Word of God, as his own Phantasms and singular Hypothesis, shall be permitted the Liberty to withdraw his Obedience and Conformity to the Church, to set up new Schisms of his own projectment, and to demand of Publick Authority a more thorough godly Reformation. It is not possible for any Church in the World, upon the allowance of such delicate Principles, to avoid the mischief of everlasting Schisms and Confusions. But these pretences are so infinitely pettish and unreasonable, that I will not insist any farther upon their Confutation; especially because what I have already discoursed both of our Obligations to Obedience in all things that are not certainly and apparently evil; and also of the deep silence of Scripture as to Forms and Institutions of outward Worship, does so visibly both anticipate and surmount all appearance of difficulty in such slender Exceptions.

§. 8. But our Author having, it seems, provided himself of these Retreats, (that will give as fair shelter and protection to all the peevish and troublesom Men in the [Page] World, as to himself) he thinks he may now proceed with more safety and confidence to a particular state and defence of the present Controversie, Whether nothing may be warrantably establish't in the Worship of God, but what is expresly authorized in the Word of God? But here (for what reason himself best knows, and you may shrewdly conjecture) he chuses to engage in a Wood, rather than in open Champaign; and in stead of a frank and pertinent account of his own thoughts, (if he have any) he bewilders himself and his Readers in a Wilderness of Propositions, and at last leaves them (as himself speaks) in the Briers of his own unscriptural Distinctions. He lays down a confused heap of positive and uncertain Assertions, without any Concern in, or Reduction to the particular matter in debate: To which they have so little relation, that whether true or false, the Cause is not likely to gain any mighty advantage, or suffer any considerable damage by them.

In the first place,Pag. 311, 312, 313. he repeats his old trite Story, and Systematick Distinction of innate and revealed Light; where, after some Positions, partly true, partly false, but all impertinent, he tells us, (and 'tis [Page] great News) that the Enquiry in our present Contest is onely about the latter;Pag. 313. and then here he distinguisheth between occasional and stated Revelation; under the former, he reduces the Institution of Sacrifices before the Law, according to the Liberty he takes of founding Principles, which is to suppose any thing that he ought to prove: and thus because there remains no publick Record for the stated Institution of Sacrifices, it ought to be presumed they were warranted by private Commission; though for that presumption there is as little ground as for their publick appointment. But of this we have discoursed already, and 'tis the latter that he contends to be the sole Rule of Religious Worship. And this Principle he tells you has ever been so universally own'd in the World,Pag. 315. that the Postmisnical Jews were forced to refer their Oral Traditions to a Divine Original, and that the Papists dare not resolve their present Church-determinations into a less Authority. Though in those very pretences lies the very Imposture of those Men, in that they ascribe their own Inventions to the Wisdom of God, and impose upon the Consciences of Mankind by virtue of a Divine Command, and with a false [Page] pretence of Divine Authority; and in the very same abuses lies the presumption of these Men, in that nothing will satisfie them but they must have a Divine Right for all their own fancies and practices. So that, as far as I am able to discern, the only use this Principle serves to, is to justifie Mens Tyranny and Usurpation; and under its protection to obtrude their own conceits and unreasonable fancies upon the Minds of Men. And 'tis seldom pretended but where Mens Impositions are so wild and exorbitant, that nothing less can bear them out than the Authority of God himself. All Cheats in all Ages have ever shrowded themselves under this pretence; and the truth is, it does not only encourage, but makes them too: For when the Word of God has really prescribed no particular forms of outward Worship; and when all Churches have and must have their own peculiar Customs and Usages; then, if Men are resolved to own and stand to this Principle, they bring themselves under an inextricable necessity, of ascribing something to the Command of God, which God never commanded. But would other Churches lay on their Impositions (as the Church of England does [Page] hers) with the Obligations of Humane Power, that which now may be a bold Imposture, would then (unless it were faulty upon some other score) have been an exercise of lawful Jurisdiction. But thus is our Church requited for her frankness and ingenuity. The succeslesness of such an honest and well-ordered Discipline upon these Men, would almost incline one to suspect that the Generality of Mankind will not be govern'd but by Imposture and Superstition.

Pag. 318, 319, 320.After this follows another train of Propositions, to except natural Circumstances, and limit the sense of the Proposition to significant and instituted Ceremonies: all which we have already routed in our former Engagement, and he does not rally up with that metal and briskness as to put us upon the necessity of a second Conquest. Here are no fresh Forces and Succours, nothing but some straggling Repetitions out of the former Chapter; and 'tis not worth while to pursue them, after I have defeated the whole Body. But he having thus scholastically finish't the state of the Question, because he fears all these Forces will not stand the shock of an Assault, he doubles his Files, backs them with new Subtilties [Page] and Scholastick Pikes, and states all over again in Ten Additional Propositions; though they are all apparently either coincident with the former, or new Impertinencies, or old Beggaries, such as that of which I gave you an account in the former Chapter,Pag 321. viz. Wherever we find in the Scripture any Religious Duty approved, though we find no preceding Institution, we must take it for granted that it was instituted. I have already begged his pardon to excuse me this civility of granting up a Principle so contradictory to my pretences, as an avowed and common Notion between us: and if he will but give me leave to except this single one, I will in requital freely grant him all his other Nine, if that will do him any service; though for what use he intends them in our present Enquiry, I confess I am not able to divine: however, I am not at all concern'd in them; and therefore if he can make any advantage of their service, much good may they do him. And now having driven the Nail thus home with hard Notions out of the School-men, he clincheth it with Testimonies out of the Fathers; and if I will not be born down by strength of Reason, no nor Confidence, he resolves to sweep me away with the Torrent of Authority. [Page] But though he argues very ill, yet he quotes much worse. For you know it has been an old and beaten Controversie between us and the Church of Rome; whether the written Word of God be the adequate Rule of Faith; and in this both sides have hotly engaged with all sorts of Weapons, viz. Reason, Scripture, and the Opinion of the Ancients: to which last purpose many Protestant Writers have collected a vast variety of express Assertions out of their VVritings in behalf of the Protestant Opinion: Now some of these our Author gravely transcribes for my Confutation; and what they plainly affirm'd of necessary Articles of Faith, he confidently applies to Ceremonies of outward VVorship. Out of what particular Author he made bold to borrow them, they are so common and trivial, it is impossible to determine; you may meet them all together with some other Company, (out of which he has cunningly drawn these to escape discovery) in Chamier, tom. 1. Lib. 10. where he maintains the perfection and sufficiency of the Canon of Scripture for a Rule of Faith. And the passages themselves do so plainly limit their own sense to this subject, that they are utterly uncapable [Page] of any other Application; and if you can prevail with your self barely to run them over, that without any farther trouble will satisfie you of their wretched and palpable Impertinency; for my own part I have neither leisure nor patience to waste precious time and good Paper upon such woful Trash. Let him take his liberty in his own wild Rangings, whilst he roves aloof off from my Concerns; and therefore I am resolved, without regard to his unnecessary digressions, to confine my discourse only to those things that pretend a direct and immediate attempt upon my former Treatise.

§. 9. In the Prosecution of this Argument, I shewed this Principle to be so perpetually pregnant with mischiefs and disturbances, that 'tis impossible any Church should establish any Rules of Decency, or Laws of Discipline, or any setled frame of things appertaining to the Offices of external Religion, that it will not of necessity contradict and abrogate; in that there never was, nor ever can be any Form of Worship, as to all Circumstances prescribed in the Word of God, because that has actually determined no exteriour parts of Religion beyond [Page] the two Sacraments; and therefore as long as men lie under the power of a Principle so equally false and troublesom, they can never want what themselves may apprehend a just Pretence to warrant Disturbance and Disobedience. So that we found by experience, that when once it was let loose upon the Institutions of the Church of England, it worried every thing that stood in its way, and turn'd its fury alike upon every Party, that pretended to peace and setlement; it was merciless, as some bodies rage and lust, and spared nothing that Sacriledge could devour. And as by this the Puritans assaulted and ruin'd the Church of England; so when they subdivided among themselves, and mouldred into new Churches and Factions, it was still the Offensive Weapon of every aspiring Party; with it the Independents vanquish'd the Presbyterians; with it the Anabaptists attempted the Independents; and with it all the little Under-sects set up against the Anabaptists; and with it, as soon as they were born, like the Dragons Teeth, they fell foul upon each other, and had they crumbled into a thousand farther divisions and subdivisions (for nothing so endless as Phanatick [Page] Innovations) it would equally have served both for and against all, because whatever particular Customs and Rules of Decency they should have agreed upon in the Worship of God, it was apparently enough impossible they should ever vouch and warrant their Prescription out of the Word of God; the Reason is evident, because that has prescribed and determined none at all. And therefore after the Liturgy it sent the Directory, with Church musick it silenced Sternholds Rhimes, with the Cross it cashier'd sprinkling in Baptism, and when it had (at least in design) pluckt down Cathedral Churches, it fell upon Steeple-houses. And what could ever stop the fury of so endless and so unreasonable a Principle? for when it had wandred as far as Tom of Odcomb through a numberless variety of Changes and Reformations, it would ever have been at as great a distance from its intended End, as the foolish Traveller, when he had compassed the Top of Olympus, was from touching the Sun. For how should men with all their search and travel be ever able to discover that in the Word of God, which the Word of God has no where discover'd in it self. But 'tis no matter for that, [Page] our Author appeals to all mankind,Pag. 333. whether an issue and setled stability be not likelier to be effected by all mens consenting unto one common Rule, whereby these differences may be tried and examined, than that every Party should be left at Liberty to indulge to their own Affections and Imaginations about them. In plain troth, Sir, I must take some severer course with this man, if nothing else will reclaim him from this lazy Trade of Begging. I had taken pains to prove, both from the Nature of the Thing, and the Experience of the World, that this Principle carries disquiet and disturbance in its bare supposition, because it stands upon demands impossible to be satisfied. But this man, without taking any notice of my Arguments, replies like himself, i. e. boldly and impertinently, to my Assertion, and gravely supposes there is, or ought to be, a common Rule established in the World, whereby differences concerning outward Worship may be tried and examined, which is the very thing in Question between us, and all my Proofs, to which this is intended for a satisfactory Answer, are directly levell'd against the very supposition it self; in that it invites and engages men to remonstrate to any setled Form of Worship upon such [Page] unreasonable grounds of Exception, as it is impossible for any Church in the World either to avoid, or to redress. If indeed there were any such common Rule prescribed in the Gospel, it would no doubt be a certain and admirable way to determine Controversies; but in the mean while to suppose it against flat experience, because we apprehend it convenient for our own Ends and Interests, is just such another way of arguing as the Romanists insist upon to prove the Infallibility of the Papal Chair, because to appeal thither, would quickly reconcile all the squabbles and Contentions of Christendom; and so it would, were there any competent evidence that his Holiness is really vested in any such absolute and uncontroulable sovereignty over Christian Princes: but the mischief is, there no where appears any Warrant or Commission to authorize any such mighty Judicature; so that by agreeing to devolve the determination of all our Disputes upon their final Decrees, we should only bring our selves under this desperate Inconvenience, to embrace and submit to any thing that is, or may be, for the advantage of the See or the Court of Rome; and be bound in Conscience to [Page] believe all the absurdities in the World by vertue of a counterfeit Infallibility, and so be unavoidably obliged to swallow the grossest Errors and Impostures as Articles of Faith and Rules of Religion. And this is the natural and necessary Result of this Pretence; if indeed it were true, it would do wonderful Feats towards appeasing all our Quarrels and Divisions; but if it be false, it will only serve to create and propagate them for ever, and as long as men persist in its demand, there can be no end of Eternal Changes and Dissetlements. And it does not only leave men to the liberty of their own Fancies and Imaginations (though 'tis chiefly intended by our Author for the prevention of that Inconvenience) but withal brings us under an unhappy Necessity of yielding to them as Impositions of the divine Law, and with respect to a divine Authority. For if the Scripture have left us no such Determinations, then all those, that they pretend to discover there, are meerly Creatures of their own brain, before which we must fall down and worship with as much devotion as before the divine Oracles. And now what else can be the Issue of these Conceits, but that the establish'd Laws [Page] and Discipline of every Church must be unravel'd to gratifie every Faction, and advance every Fancy. And therefore unless these men are resolved we shall accept their Confidence for Reason, they should first make good this Principle by undeniable Proofs of Scripture, before they venture to lay so much weight upon its admission,Pag 303. and not tell us (as our Author has done) that he is able to prove it by an hundred Texts (and yet never alledge one;) for till he has performed this, he only demonstrates his Assertion by often repeating it: but Beggars are a bold sort of People, and will extort what they cannot challenge by Clamour and Importunity. And thus whereas I added, that all the pious villanies that ever disturbed the Christian World have ever sheltred themselves in this grand Maxim, he solemnly replies, the Maxim it self here traduced is as true as any part of the Gospel. Pag. 334. This is down-right hardiness, and (I confess) resistless demonstration: It must be a desperate Wight that dares cope with such a Giantlike Confidence, that when it is not able to answer, is able to brow-beat Arguments. To what purpose does this young man here tell us stories of the Gnosticks of old, and the Anabaptists [Page] of late, how they either have, or would have embroiled Kingdoms in pursuance of this Principle? To what purpose does he tell us 'tis an impregnable Sanctuary of disturbance and sedition? To what purpose does he admonish us, that if this pretence be allowed as sufficient to warrant Remonstrances to the publick Laws, 'tis such an unhappy ground of quarrel and exception, that it is not in the Power of Government to provide against its disorders and enormities, because the matter of its Demands is a thing utterly impossible? I say pish! to what purpose all this, when I tell him that this Maxim, whatever he may pretend or prove, is as certainly true as any part of the Gospel. And thus do I argue against a Wool-sack, no Reasonings can make Impression upon his mind, but fall and perish unregarded, and when you have spent so much Ammunition to beat down this Principle, it is all defeated with this goodly Answer, 'Tis true as the Gospel. When against this very Answer lies the very Emphasis of all my Objections, that they require such an impracticable Condition to the setlement of the Church, under such a peremptory and indispensable Obligation. And the [Page] greater their Confidence, the more it aggravates the mischief and strengthens the Argument: In that they make this impossible Fancy as necessary to Church-communion as the Apostles Creed; so that if this pretence shall pass for a warrantable ground of Separation, Schism will become the greatest Duty, and confusion the most certain Character of a true Church, because it will indifferently rise up against all setlements, and implead all Forms of Discipline. What think you, would not this mans resolute blockishness even tempt a Stoick to beat Syllogisms into his head, for you see nothing else will ever make him attend to the hardest Arguments?

But as for our Authors own private and reserved meaning, as to the sense of this Principle, 'tis plainly this; there cannot possibly be any true Church without the Beauty and Purity of Christian Ordinances; this consists purely in the Congregational way of Worship and Discipline, so that wherever that is not legally established, there can be no true Church; for all others have deviated from the Platform of the Gospel, and therefore there can be no right setlement and due Reformation of things, till that [Page] is once more re-enthroned in the Christian World. And 'tis this our Author means when he instructs us that, the Worship of God is or ought to be the same at all times, Pag. 336. in all places, and amongst all People, in all Nations; and the order of it is fixt and determin'd in all particulars that belong unto it. So that by his Principles and good-will, no other Form of Worship ought to be allowed in the Church of God, but what himself apprehends particularly prescribed to all Ages and Nations of the World in the Word of God. And this is excellent Doctrine for one that is pleading for Toleration, and sutable to that of I. O. who tells us in his Romance of the distinct Communion,Treatise of Communion. Pag. 170. I shall take leave to say what is upon my heart, and what (the Lord assisting) I shall willingly endeavour to make good against all the World; namely, that that Principle that the Church hath Power to institute and appoint any thing or Ceremony belonging to the Worship of God, either as to matter or to manner, beyond the orderly observance of such Circumstances, as necessarily attend such Ordinances as Christ himself has instituted, (which condition none but the Independents observe) lies at the Bottom of all the horrible Superstition and Idolatry, of all the Confusion, Bloud, Persecution, and Wars, [Page]that have for so long a season spread themselves over the face of the Christian World; and that it is the design of a great Part of the Revelation to make a discovery of this Truth. So that, to be brief, all the dreadful Prophesies of St. Iohn are not to be appeased till the Princes of Christendom shall be pleased to agree in the Ius Divinum of Independency.

In the next following Section I demand, why, forsooth, this Proposition must be limited to matters of Religion only? And why the Scripture ought not to be esteemed as perfect a Rule of Civil as of Ecclesiastical Polity, and why not as complete a System of Ethicks as a Canon of Worship? So that if I should require any other Reason of this Limitation, beside their own humour, it is not in its own nature capable of any other account but what is given by the Scriptures themselves; and therefore unless they can shew us where they expresly limit this Doctrine to matters of Worship, the very Pretence disproves and condemns it self. But our Author instead of standing to this Appeal, and satisfying my demands by Determinations out of the Word of God, endeavours to account for this difference by the meer Reason of things themselves, [Page] which though it were true, is yet coarsly impertinent; seeing the Principle it self disclaims any other proof or Confirmation but what relies upon express Testimony of Scripture. And yet 'tis as false as 'tis impertinent, for 'tis in many words to this purpose:Pag. 335. That matters of Civil Government relate to the Conveniences of this Life, and so are capable of being varied according to the Circumstances of things and Rules of prudence; whereas the things that appertain to the Worship of God, have another reference to the pleasing of God, and the purchase of Eternity, and therefore are stated by him in all particulars, and not at all left to prudential Accommodations. This little subterfuge, you know, I have already stopt; and though I had not, it is obvious at the first glance of a reflecting thought, that all matters Civil, Moral, and Religious, have a common Relation to the Concerns both of our present and future state. The Affairs of Religion may (as they are managed) be either useful or hurtful to the Conveniences of this Life; and on the contrary, our Civil and Political Interests have an unavoidable Reference to the Accounts of the Life to come, and therefore (to spare more [Page] words) this can make no difference between them as to the Jurisdiction of Earthly Powers.

§. 10. In the next Paragraph I endeavoured to represent how this delicacy and coyness of Conscience must engage men to remonstrate to the Institutions of all Churches that either were, are, or shall be in the World. And here I instanced in some Customs both of the Jewish and the Primitive Christian Churches of old, and of late in those of the Lutheran and Calvinian Communion,and more particularly in some of the Rites and Usages of the Long-Parliament Reformation. But here he wisely winks at all the Instances I produced of things now in being; for their notoreity of Fact is so certain and unquestionable, that 'tis impossible any Face should be varnish'd with Confidence enough to deny it with eyes open. And then as for the Precedents I alledged out of the Records of Ancient times, he turns them all off with one short and scornful glance. What tell you me (says he) of the Feast of Purim, Pag. 342. was it not a Civil Observance? Though 'tis so infinitely certain it was a solemn day of Thanksgiving instituted by Mordecai [Page] for so eminent and unexpected a Deliverance of the Jewish Nation from that general Massacre that was so bloudily plotted, and so fiercely prosecuted by Haman and his Accomplices:Est [...]r 9.21 And for this reason was it attended, as all their other Festivals of Joy ever were, (and ours ought to be) with bounty and charity to the Poor. But if he will not allow the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the Month Adar to have been Religious Feasts, 'tis to be feared he will in time proceed to deny that the twenty fourth of October, in the year 1651. was observed with Holy-day Respect and Religion, though it be marked out in some bodies Calendar, as a solemn day of Thanksgiving for the destruction of the Scots Army at Worcester, and the Providential deliverance of these Nations from their Civil and Ecclesiastical Bondage, and from a Tyrant full of Revenge, and a Discipline full of Persecution, with sundry other Mercies. In the next place, what do I twit him with the Feasts of the Dedication, and the Fasts of the Captivity, when I have no proof of their being approved? Ibid. But, gentle Sir, had they been such bold and unwarrantable Encroachments upon the divine Prerogative, as you pretend, it can scarce be imagined but that God [Page] would sometime or other have protested against them, as he often did against all their other Obliquities and misdemeanours; so that their not being expresly scorn'd and rejected, is of it self a just and safe Presumption of their Acceptance. And yet however, as for the first Feast of the Dedication of the Altar, instituted and observed by Solomon, there is the same evidence of its being accepted, as there is of the whole solemnity of consecrating the Temple; for immediately after the end of this Ceremony, which was the last part of this Princely and magnificent Performance,2 Chron. 7.12. God himself is pleased to declare to Solomon his full and entire Approbation of the whole duty. And then as for the latter Feast of Dedication for rebuilding the Altar by Iudas and the Maccabees, 1 Mac. 4.59. it was performed with extraordinary Gravity and Devotion, and is represented by the Author of that History as a remarkable Instance of their Zeal and Piety. And that is sufficient proof that the Jews themselves (as strictly as they were tied up by the Mosaick Canon to prescript Forms) had no such terrible Conceptions of the Sacrilegious Boldness of new occasional Solemnities and ceremonial Additions. But those [Page] were Apocryphal Times, and therefore not capable of the evidence of divine Testimony, unless it were that our Saviour afterward sufficiently intimated he did not dislike the Institution,Jo [...]. 10.22. by vouchsafing his Presence at the Solemnity, which had it been such an unlawful observance, he would never have done, unless that he might take occasion to reprove it, as he did all their other unwarrantable Traditions. And as for the other Parallel Instance of the Fasts of the Captivity, I see not how we can expect or desire a more express Allowance and Approbation, than what the Almighty himself has been pleased to give us by his own immediate Inspiration. Thus saith the Lord of Hosts; Zach. 8.19. the Fast of the fourth month, and the Fast of the fifth, and the fast of the seventh, and the Fast of the tenth shall be to the house of Iudah Ioy, and Gladness, and chearful Feasts, therefore love the Truth and Peace. Where are reckoned up, without any mark of difference, three Fasts instituted upon emergent and occasional reasons, together with Lev. 24.27. one ordained and appointed by God himself; and where also 'tis promised, if they would reform their Immoralities according to the Doctrines and Sermons of his [Page] Prophets, he would so alter their condition, as to give them reason to institute even upon those days of deepest sadness, the most memorable Festivals and Solemnities of Rejoycing.

And then as for the last instance alledged out of the Old Testament, viz. wearing Sackcloth in token of Humiliation, That (says he) was only a customary sign suited to the nature of the thing: Ibid. i. e. it had a natural aptness to represent the thing it signified; and therefore might perchance have been made use of to that purpose in ancient time. But how came it first to gain the Authority of Prescription? If by chance and accidental usage, why may not the Civil Magistrate be allowed as much Power to warrant their lawful Significancy, as Popular Custom? For if it be antecedently unlawful to create this relation between them, nothing can do it; if it be not, where lies the ground of exception, rather against the Commands of Governours, than the casual consent of the People? But if on the contrary, Sackcloth was made choice of to this purpose by design and institution, then its case is the same to all intents and purposes with our Symbolical Rites and Usages, against which yet they except for [Page] that only reason: however, it would be a notable subtlety to discover any such remarkable difference as to the concerns of Morality, between the Institutions of Law and of Custom, so as to make one (though for no other reason) apparently unlawful, and the other just and warrantable. These Mens Consciences are so strangely nice and subtle, that nothing will satisfie the exactness of their curiosity, unless they may divide an hair into all points of the Compass. But besides, as for what is here pretended as to the natural suitableness of Sackcloth, to the nature of grief and sorrow; if the Symbolical use of a Surplice be not so curiously adapted to express what it is design'd to signifie, as is that Emblem of Humiliation; that at worst is no defect of Morality, but meerly of fancy and dexterous invention, in fixing upon less proper Resemblances, than possibly a more curious Wit might have pitched upon: so that though perhaps the Representation be not altogether so neat and pretty, as some fanciful Men might have contrived; yet to make that any ground of exception, is but a contest of Wit, and not of Conscience. And yet after all this, I know not any Symbol in the Nature of [Page] things more obvious or more Catholick, than the significancy of a white Vestment; in so much that it has in all Nations ever been accepted and used as a proper sign of purity and innocence; unless among the Blacks, where they paint the Devil white. And therefore (if that be their grievance) its signification was not first stampt upon it by the meer arbitrary Institution of Authority, but was first ratified by Custom and Prescription; and for that reason was it afterward appointed to be used as a customary sign suited to the nature of the thing, in the same manner as was wearing Sackcloth among the Jews in token of Humiliation.

§. 11. These, among many others, were the Precedents I pitch't upon in the Jewish Church; and then, as for those of the Primitive Christians, the first instance I specified, was the Lords-day Sabboth. To this our Author is so confident as to tell us,Ibid. It had a perpetual binding Institution from the Authority of Christ himself; though he is so wise too as not to tell us where. Perhaps 'tis possible he may discover some such thing described in the Canticles, or foretold by the old Prophets: but if he will appeal to the four Evangelists, they [Page] are as silent as to any Record or Account of our Saviours translating the Sabboth from the last to the first day of the week, as they are of the Anniversary Observation of the Fifth of November; and it was as much unknown, and as little observed during his Conversation in the World. But this Man is bold enough to bear down the truth of story, and the evidence of fact, and by down-right affirmation to vouch his own Dreams and Fancies into certain and undoubted Realities. But perhaps by this gay and careless way of talking, our Author may affect the humour and conversation of Gentlemen, when they are disposed to be pleasant, and satisfie themselves with any Repartee that strikes the present Fancy, without regard to its truth, or concern for its proof. And he may be waggish and complaisant if he please; but as for my part, I am now resolved to be serious, sullen, and Scholastick; and therefore tell him plainly to his Beard, that there is not one tittle or Iota concerning Saint Sabboth among all the twelve Apostles: and if he think himself able to discover the new Institution of this Festival among our Saviours Precepts, he may hope after the same rate to find out a particular appointment [Page] of all the Margaret Fasts and Thanksgivings in the Revelations.

My two next Instances were the Love-Feasts, and the Kiss of Charity:Ibid. But in these, (he replies) there was only a Direction to use civil Customs and Observances in an holy and sanctified manner. Dictum factum, they were purely civil Customs, and had no relation to Religious Worship; and therefore (Sir) this is an impertinent Allegation. This is short; but yet however, I have learn't by long Conversation with this Man, at length to look Confidence in the face, and not to be put off with slight and positive Assertions. And therefore in the first place, what if I should gall him with the precariousness of this distinction, and still challenge him to shew where the Word of God impowers or permits the Church or the Civil Magistrate to institute new Civil Rites, and where it retrenches the exercise of the same Jurisdiction as to Ecclesiastical Customs? This single Querie is such a Choak-pear as he will never be able either to chew or to swallow. Beside, there is no such mighty difference between Civil and Religious Ceremonies, but that they may be frequently coincident: outward Solemnities of Religion may be sometime [Page] used for Ornament of State; and some of the more grave and serious Ornaments of State, may be sometime borrowed to set off the more pompous Solemnities of Religion. And to what purpose soever they may be intended, they are still no more than Ceremonies of Grandeur or Decency; and their Nature (unless perchance it be appropriated by some particular Limitation) always is of such a common and indifferent use, that they are of themselves equally capable of being applied either to the services of Religion, or to the actions of Civil Life, and are denominated either this or that, according to their present Office and Imployment. But yet farther, to direct Civil Usages to be observed in an holy and sanctified manner, is to adopt them into acts and exercises of Religion: for so they are, as far as they are observed in an holy and sanctified manner; for so far they have an holy and sanctified use; and all things whose use is holy and sanctified, are (I think) of a Religious Importance: and therefore if Humane Power may warrantably institute such civil Observances as these, that alone is sufficient to my purpose, for they, as such, are religious Rites and Customs. However, [Page] by this Mans Principles, what Authority has any Person to direct civil Observances to religious Ends and Uses, unless (as he argues against the Institution of Symbolical Ceremonies) he could change their Natures, Pag. 279. or create a new Relation between them? If he can, his grand scruple (for all his Atoms are as big as Mountains) of applying things of one kind to signifie things of another, is of no force against instituted Symbols: For the only thing that seems to grieve and offend him, is the arrogance of attempting to create new Relations. 'Tis presumption for any finite Being to assume to it self such an infinite Power; Works of Creation are proper to Omnipotence; so that it can be no less than Blasphemy, and presuming our selves equal to the Almighty, to pretend to his Power of creating Relations. Thus 'tis read in his Philosophy; and yet according to the more modern and reformed Metaphysicks, this is judged so common and feasible an exploit, that some Doctors are of Opinion that any Child is able, with the allowance of a Truss of Straw, to create him Fifty thousand in a day. What then think you of the force and truth of that Argument, that supposes this so great and so known an absurdity, [Page] that to reduce you to it, is to drive you into contradictions, and run you up against first Principles? Well! were Duns alive, he would break a Lance, or pluck a Crow with our Author about this subtlety; and would maintain to his Teeth, that the Power of creating Relations is competent to finite Beings. But to be short and serious, Were you ever in all your Life entertain'd with such Fairy Tales and meer Romances in matters of this importance? Consider with your self after what rate this Man has behaved himself towards the Church of England; and then consider how all his implacable Zeal and Indignation against her Laws and Customs, resolves it self entirely into an Antipathy against Significant Ceremonies; and then consider how the only ground of his hatred and aversation to them, is the Giant-like Impiety of assaying to create Relations between signs and things signified; and then in the last place consider the infinite vanity and triflingness of this pretence; and when you have considered all these things, I leave it to your own Natural Logick to draw out one farther Conclusion. But I have entertain'd you too long with the Musick of this Mans Rattles, [Page] and therefore to be short after all this sport and dalliance with these childish Notions and gay Nothings, 'tis beyond all peradventure certain that the Love-Feasts and Kiss of Charity were meer Religious Rites and Customs, and pecuculiar Appendages to some publick Offices and Solemnities of Religion: and this is so vulgarly known, that no Man living but our Author, could ever with such a slight and easie confidence have turn'd them over for civil Observances, when they were never used upon any occasion but in their Religious Assemblies. And what stronger evidence can we desire to prove them Religious Rites, than their being appropriate to Religious Duties? Who almost is ignorant, that in the Primitive Church they always concluded their publick Prayers in form of Benediction, wishing Peace and Unity? And this being finish't, they always seal'd their mutual affections with the Holy Kiss; for so it is called by St. Paul, Rom. 16.16. And what Quotation out of the Fathers more trite and vulgar than that of Iustin Martyr, [...]; When Prayers are ended, we salute each other with a Kiss? And therefore 'tis by Tertullian stiled Signaculum Orationis; their [Page] publick Prayers being ever concluded with this friendly Ceremony. And then as for the Agapae and Feasts of Charity, they were certain sacred Meetings, where Christians of all conditions were wont to eat promiscuously together, without making any difference between the Rich and Poor, the Mean and Honourable, in token both of their friendship and equality. And they were so meerly intended for the ends of Piety and Devotion, that they were inseparable from the holy Communion, and indeed made up part of the Solemnity.

§. 12. And now upon the review of these things, such shadows and vanishing appearances are these Mens excuses and exceptions, that I cannot imagine they are serious and in good earnest in their pretences, but they are fitted to puzzle and amuse the common people, and that is sufficient to their purpose to keep up the Party, and perpetuate the Faction. And if they do but bolt out upon them with an hard or (what to them is the same) an insignificant word, a Child is not more afraid of a Church-porch at Midnight, than they of our Churches at Noon-day; and they dread the appearance [Page] of a Surplice, as they would a Ghost or a Spectre. Though they as little understand the Principles and Pretensions of their Ringleaders, as they do Aristotle's Metaphysicks; and are not so subtle as to discern the iniquity of a Symbolical Rite; and if any of them have by converse with their deeper Rabbies pickt up a pittance of this Learned Gibberish, (as Peasants and Country Swains do shreds of Latin, as well as our Author) they talk it by rote with impertinent zeal, and clamour, and passion. But if you demand of them, Where lies the real exception against Symbolical wickednesses? they can give you as wise an account as if their Preachers had rail'd at them under the horrid Names of Tohu and Bohu. So that the tenderness of vulgar Conscience, is nothing else but the stubbornness of popular Folly. They have been abused into absurd Principles, and seditious Practices, and then to be at all adventure tenacious of their casual Prejudices, against the Convictions of Reason, and the Commands of Authority, shall be gloried in as the pure Result of a nicer Integrity, and more precise Godliness. And this reminds me of a suggestion that I before intimated upon this occasion, [Page] What a vain thing it is to have any regard to these Mens Proposals of Condescensions and Accommodations, when nothing but Schism lies at the bottom of all their Designs and Principles, and when their Demands and their Resolutions are so unreasonable, that 'tis as impossible to satisfie as convince them; and they scarce agree in any one common Principle, unless this, by all ways to keep up the Faction: and therefore though they are resolved never to be quiet, till they have brought Authority to bend to their will and humour; yet whenever the notorious folly of their Principles is unravell'd, and the palpable unreasonableness of their Schism exposed, and by consequence the Cause endangered, then all their Outcry is mutual Forbearance and Condescension. Though we can never learn either the nature of their Grievances, or the end of their Demands, how far and to what we must yield. For must we discard any or all of our Ceremonial Constitutions? To what purpose? If out of compliance with their scruples, they are eternally destructive of Peace and Setlement: For whether it be because they are not expresly prescribed in the Word of God, or because they are offensive to [Page] weak and tender Brethren, or because their own Consciences remain doubtful, and not fully satisfied of their lawfulness, or for any the like regards; if these are granted, there can never be any end of unreasonable demands; and there is no Rule of Decency that can ever be injoin'd, that is not as obnoxious to the same trifling Exceptions. And if we shall submit the Laws of the Church to such slender pretences, we do but betray it and our selves into a fatal necessity of endless Schisms and Distractions: For no Man, that has a mind to be peevish, can want plausible pretensions to put a baffle upon publick Authority, if these Principles are sufficient to warrant Remonstrances, and protect Dissenters. And therefore in stead of indulging Men their Liberty upon the account of such perswasions, as we ever hope to see peace and setlement in the Church, we must root them up as seeds of eternal Sedition, and brand and punish all persons that publickly profess them, as Men resolved to be turbulent and unpeaceable in the Commonwealth. But if they shall be content publickly to disclaim these and the like pretensions, and after that continue their cry for Condescension, then all the [Page] sense of their Proposal is, that we, forsooth, must cancel the establish't Laws of the Church, only to gratifie their wayward and capricious humour: for when the aforesaid Principles are discharged, there remains no other ground of scruple or separation, but their own unyielding wilfulness. And the Interpretation is, that they are resolved to persist in their demands, because they are resolved not to confess their errour; and will rather ruine the peace of the Church, than hazard the reputation of their own Understandings; and having once engaged themselves in an unjust and defenceless Cause, will rather embroil the Church for ever, than retire with a little dishonour. And now, are not these brave, humble, melting, and broken-hearted Christians, that dare under pretence of scruple and tenderness, thus resolutely affront the convictions of their own Conscience: they are satisfied both that Peace and Unity ought not to be violated, where it may be innocently preserved; and that so it may be in the Communion of the Church of England; and yet in spight of these Premises, the conclusion of their practice is, that they are resolved to keep up this Schism that they [Page] confess to be unnecessary, and by consequence unlawful.

And now as for the remaining part of this Chapter, our Author runs perfect dregs; his Fancy tires, and his Pen faulters; and nothing holds out but brave Confidence, and that trusty Vertue will never fail him: however, methinks 'tis time for me to take up, and not waste my own pains and your patience in resisting old Repetitions: for 'tis a small pittance of matter behind that is worth our search and enquiry; and I am not so greedy of Confutation, as to improve every grain of advantage. Thus what he replies to what I have discoursed concerning Popery, Will-worship, Superstition, adding to the Law of God, &c. resolves it self entirely into the unwarrantableness of mystical Rites: so that the force of this faint Exception being already so thoroughly broken, the reasonableness of those Discourses must be supposed to stand firm and unattempted; and the Arguments I retorted upon them from these vulgar Topicks of their own, unanswered. And therefore seeing all his Answers (whatever they are) relie upon the Supposition of the Truth of that Principle, and seeing I have so sufficiently demonstrated their [Page] vanity and falshood, 'tis to no purpose to continue our Contention about those other Matters, till we have brought the former Controversie to some issue, because whatever I can urge from their consideration, shall be shuffled off by him upon the meer determination of that Debate; and therefore as many and as great advantages as I have against this part of his Surveigh, I shall rather chuse to wave them all, (for I must not expose all Forgeries, and pursue all Impertinencies) and devolve the whole Dispute upon the Argument of significant Ceremonies: seeing in that (as they manage it) lies the only strength and all the sinews of their Objections. And I confess I am not at all averse from reducing the whole Contest to that single head, not only because it would shorten it, in that 'tis the bottom of all their other pretences, but because I am so fully assured what woful work they must make, if we could once bring them to alledge Prohibitions out of the Word of God against the Institution of Mystical and Symbolical Rites. By which means, though I am forced with some regret to pass by a vast heap of Rebukes that I had remarked, (and after the rate and genius of this Mans Writing, whatever [Page] his cause is, it is impossible to want matter of Confutation) only that my Reply might not swell beyond the Bulk of a just Volume, yet that may in some measure be recompensed by the fairer advantage the Reader may have to see more particularly, and search more narrowly into their dearest and most fundamental Trifles; And I had much rather confute the Cause than the Man. But beside these heads, there are two or three passages altogether foreign to the Enquiry of significant Ceremonies, them I shall briefly consider, and so put an end to this Chapter.

§. 13. First then, whereas I had upbraided them with a Challenge to vouchsafe so much honour to Mr. Hooker in particular, among many other learned and worthy men, as but to take notice of his Book of Ecclesiastical Polity, in that as long as that remained unanswered it would stand for a lasting and eternal Trophee over their baffled Cause, and therefore I advised them (and I thought it was a friendly Office) instead of continually pelting us with their three-half-peny Pamphlets, if they would consult their own and their Causes Reputation, to bend [Page] their Forces upon his single Performance, seeing upon that we were content to cast the Issue of the whole Controversie: So that how ably and successfully soever they might discourse and argue about these things, it was all in vain, whilst this great Champion stood unattempted; in that when they had done their poor utmost (as it is apparent they have) this cross Objection would still remain in every Adversaries mouth, why do you not answer Mr. Hooker? And therefore whatever they shall do, 'tis all but labour lost till that is done; and his Books being unanswered amounts to a stronger proof against them, than all their Pamphlets against my self and all other Adversaries are able to assoil; seeing then they want not for zeal or good-will for the credit of their Cause, he should never have escaped thus long unattempted, had they not wanted Courage and Ability to undertake him. But to all this our Author returns me a counter-challenge, to mind them of any one Argument in Mr. Hookers longsom Discourse, Pag. 356. not already frequently answered, and that in Print, long ago, and it shall have its due Consideration. But thou trifler, what is this to my defiance? My Challenge was to answer [Page] Mr. Hooker intirely, and not his Arguments by retail, for whether they are so easily answerable, will, I hope, competently enough appear by the last Issue and Result of our present Controversie; in that our Author has the advantage to use and improve what has been so frequently, and so long ago publish'd. And therefore it was no part of my demand that they would produce their Answers to Mr. Hookers Arguments, as they lie scattered amongst other godly discourse (for that would be an endless and indeterminable Controversie) but that they would of purpose undertake to confute his Book in gross; for though his whole Discourse were replied to by piece-meal, yet that can be no satisfaction to People so zealous in the Cause, unless the Glory and Reputation of the Discourse it self were particularly defeated, in that as long as that shall stand unassaulted, that alone will be sufficient to discredit and prevent the success of all other endeavours. So that the plain meaning of my Challenge was only, that if the substance of his discourse be so clearly answered, as they pretend, that they would but convince the World of it by a particular and methodical Confutation of the Discourse it [Page] self; for till that be performed, or at least attempted, they cannot expect but that all Adversaries as well as I should upbraid them with its unanswerableness. But alas! what do we talk of that, that is a Burthen too heavy for their weak shoulders? They answer Mr. Hooker! Fond men! they will as soon undermine the Pillars of the Earth as shake one Paragraph of his Writings. Remove Mountains, repent of your sins, and then answer Mr. Hooker. 'Tis not for men of your pigmy strength and skill to attaque such a Giant of Sense and Reason; you do but run a tilt upon a Rock with Straws and Bull-rushes. 'Tis infinite Rashness and Presumption for the stoutest he of you all to venture upon a man of his invincible Abilities; in a word, 'tis not for Whifflers and Pamphleteers to cope with Mr. Hooker. Our Author might better have told us as I. O. once told the World, that this great man was unhappily engaged in the defence of such Errors, The duty of Pastors and People distinguisht p. 18. as he could not but see, and did often confess. This is another peerless Wight too; for where did that good man ever confess he did violence to the Convictions of his Conscience in his publick Discourses, for so he must have done, had he engaged in the [Page] defence of known Errors? Was there ever such a brazen head of slander as this, that dares thus groundlesly, and thus foully asperse such a spotless Integrity? I confess, I could not but resent our Authors disingenuity, when he frequently intimates, I have written for my private Interest against my secret Perswasions; but what is that to this mans Candour and Civility, who dares proclaim to the World, that that upright Soul prevaricated with God and his own Conscience in the main work and design of his whole life? Well! hereafter I will set my heart at ease, for what Adversary can ever hope to escape these mens slanders, that dare attempt to blast Hookers Reputation? But however, is it not a pleasant humour for this man seririously to appeal from a single Author, to all the Puritan Scriblers since the Reign of Queen Elizabeth? I am content to devolve the Issue of the Controversie upon Mr. Hookers Performance; no, says he, all that longsom Discourse has been shamefully baffled over and over. But how shall we satisfie and inform our selves of that? Why, no other way but by perusing all the Pamphlets that they have ever publish'd since the Ecclesiastical Polity. [Page] But this is as safe a demur as his Appeals to the day of Judgment, for who (think you) will ever have so much time, or so little employment as to examine all their flat and empty Pamphlets. And when that is done, it will be worth the while to raise a new Controversie, whether they amount to a just Reply to Mr. Hooker. But be that as it will, the plain Consequence of my Challenge is, that seeing so many men have laboured with so much zeal in this Contest, 'tis strange that no man, either for the publick Interest of his Cause, or his own private Renown, ever ventured to turn his Forces particularly upon that Discourse; and therefore seeing 'tis not done, that alone is sufficient Presumption (considering their zeal and behaviour) to conclude that 'tis too much for their courage to attempt, and much more for their ability to perform: and withal, that all their faint endeavours since are nothing more than an obstinate persisting in the Repetition of old and baffled Clamours. And the truth is, I know not one Masculine Writer that has appeared in defence of the Cause since the Conversion of Cartwright; and I must ingenuously confess, I have not had the good fortune to meet [Page] with any thing like a new Argument in their later Authors, nothing but his old trash voucht with effeminate and uncleanly Railings. And therefore instead of standing to the confidence of my former Challenge, I will now only request them not to annoy us with any of their little Exceptions, till they have first examined whether and how they are answered in Whitgifts Reply to that troublesom man; for it was his Pen that first laid the Cause a gasping, and the Puritan Reformation breathed its last in that Engagement, and never spoke word since, but as a poor Eccho does, by a faint Repetition of Cartwrights paultry Cavils, who, poor man was beaten by down-right Blows out of his zeal & peevishness, and driven by meer force of Arms and Arguments into order and conformity.

§. 14. The next Cavil (and so I have done) is so miserably impertinent, that I am loth to mention it, and yet so dismally disingenuous, that I am as loth to omit it. And therefore to be brief, in the close of this Chapter I undertook to answer the biggest and most plausible Exception, I could think of, against the Ecclesiastical Sovereignty of the Civil [Page] Magistrate, viz. What if he should impose things sinful and superstitious, what inconveniences would this bring upon the Government of the World? The consequence of such an awkard state of things would be, that men must either suffer for the sedition of their disobedience from their Prince, or for the sinfulness of their Obedience from God. This I had always observed to be the Gloss of all their Arguments, and the Retreat of all their Discourses; when all their other little Pretences are defeated, 'tis still the Refuge of all their Talk, to represent what mischiefs and inconveniences may possibly ensue upon the Exercise of this Jurisdiction. In answer to which Objection, omitting what I had before discoursed, that the matters of our present Debate were only external forms and expressions of Religious Worship, where it was not easie for the Magistrate to err, or if he should, errors in these things are seldom dangerous; which though it is a full and competent Reply, yet I waved it, and only shewed how the Objection dasht as impetuously against all manner of Government; where I weighed its Conveniences against its Inconveniences, and represented that how enormous [Page] soever the mischiefs and calamities of an abused Power might chance to be, they were still out-ballanced by the Comforts and Advantages of Government; and therefore that this was no reasonable Exception, seeing our Enquiry is not after such a perfect way of setling things, as is altogether free from all Abuses, but after such an one as is liable to the fewest: So that seeing an Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction is absolutely necessary to prevent all those Confusions, that would unavoidably spring from an unrestrained Liberty, though it may, and often is ill managed, yet 'tis better mankind should be sometimes exposed to the miseries of Tyranny and Persecution, than always groan under the Intolerable disorders of Anarchy. And to this end did our blessed Saviour arm his Followers against the storms of Persecution, because he saw the Power of the World in such mens hands, whose Principles would oblige them to oppose, and (if they were able) to destroy that Oeconomy of things that he came to establish in it. And therefore that they might not create Disturbances in the State by affronting and controuling the Edicts of Princes against their Religion, he teaches them to guard [Page] themselves with patience and contentedness, that if it hapned that the Secular Powers should raise Persecutions against them for propagating that Religion, that was so necessary to the Eternal Interests of Mankind, they should not oppose them in any tumultuary and unhandsom ways, but patiently submit to their unhappy Fate, and be content to lay down their lives, rather than forgo their Consciences, or disturb Common-wealths; and by this way of meekness and humility he assured them divine Providence would make their cause Triumph over all the established and superstitious Worships in the World, and so make Christianity prevail in all Kingdoms without disturbing them. And therefore 'tis a vain suggestion, when they tell us this Doctrine would have fallen heavy upon the Primitive Christians; it might, and by ill mistake it did so; but our Saviour had rather his Church should be persecuted, than that the World should not be govern'd; and as the Circumstances of affairs stood at that juncture of time, one of them was unavoidable, and therefore of these two Evils he chose the more eligible, and went not about to abrogate or abate any part of the Imperial Power, [Page] to keep his Church out of harms-way from their Persecution, but rather chose to expose it to all the Tortures and Reproaches of Martyrdom, than to weaken the Power and Interest of Government, of which he was so careful, that he has made new Provisions against resistance, and made it highly criminal to all the Proselytes of his Religion upon whatsoever Pretences or Provocations; and therefore our duty is so setled, that when the matter of their Commands is lawful, we must obey chearfully; when unlawful, we must suffer chearfully; this is the Fortune of Mankind, and the best state of Affairs humane life is capable of. But these things I have proved more at large elsewhere, and they are in themselves so plain and reasonable, that they could not fail of convincing any man, that is not resolved to be peevish and inflexible, but if he be, 'tis no bending mens humours, or breaking their wills by force of Argument. And of this methinks our Authors perverting this part of my Discourse is a pleasant and competent Instance. For he gravely represents the forementioned Objection, as if I had been such a Sot as to propose it for a case of Conscience,Pag. 367. Whether when the [Page]Worship establish'd be sinful or superstitious, it be lawful to obey, or not. This difficulty (says he) every child of ten years old is able to resolve, and away he runs with it, and falls unmercifully upon all the Considerations that I have return'd in answer to the Objection, as if they were determinations of the Case, and then proceeds to state it himself with the Authority of a Pope in Cathedrâ, Pag. 369 that 'tis not lawful to obey. Most profound and judicious Casuist! had he been Confessour to St. Anthony, he is subtle enough to have cleared up all his Scruples. Who beside a man of new Lights and Notions could ever have hit upon such a notable Decision of this Enquiry, that 'tis not lawful to obey the Civil Magistrate in case of Idolatry. Go thy way for the Flower of School-divinity, thou hast subtlety enough to put Scotus his nose out of joynt for ever; 'tis impossible but that such an extraordinary Wit should prove Master of a new Sect of School-men. But to be serious, pride and passion are blind things, how else could this man have run so boldly upon such a blunt and silly mistake, when 'tis so apparent, that the Enquiry was not at all concern'd whether Obedience in such Cases be lawful, but whether those [Page] Inconveniences, that follow upon their supposal, be a competent ground to abrogate all Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions. Or whether this be a reasonable Exception against the usefulness of putting it in practice, that it may be managed to evil Purposes, and when it is so, honest men must suffer for their Integrity. I say no, and he that says I, must for the same reason abolish all Civil Government, because all Civil Government is as likely to be abused. But having amused his vulgar Reader with this strange case of Conscience; and having intimated, that I sometimes speak as though it were the duty of Subjects to comply with the establishment of Idolatry supposed;Pag. 36 [...]. only because I have determined it better to submit to Tyrants than to hazard the dissolution of the State by Civil Wars and Rebellions; having, I say, once made his way into these prodigious mistakes, he is resolved to swell their horror with a strong infusion of Slander and Infamy. And to this purpose he transcribes a passage out of my last Chapter, concerning the Obligations of a scrupulous and tender Conscience, viz. that in cases doubtful and disputable, of a Publick Concern, men were to resign up their own Judgments to the [Page] Determinations of Authority. And this he brings in here as my real Solution of the present difficulty, viz. that they ought to comply with the publick establishment of Idolatry, because by vertue of this Principle they are always to give Obedience to all the Commands of Lawful Superiours. And now having improved his Falsifications to this monstrous Bulk, and withal swoln his Fancy with admiring at the boldness of such lewd Assertions; he at last bursts forth into an impetuous fit of preaching against them. But seeing he has so lamentably mistaken his Text, he may talk his Lungs and his heart out, and never talk to the purpose, and therefore let him take his full Career of Impertinency, it concerns not me either to stop or follow him, only this let me tell him for his comfort, that I have there proved, and here defie him and all the World to disprove it, that whoever shall contradict that proposition as I have laid it down, viz. that in all doubtful and disputable Cases of a publick Concernment, Subjects are not to attend to the Results of their own private Judgment, but to acquiesce entirely in the determinations of publick Authority; whoever, I say, shall contradict this, is [Page] an enemy to the peace of mankind, and a Traitor to all Societies in the World. For Government is a word that signifies nothing, if it be not a Power to determine and appoint what it judges most useful and expedient for the Concerns and Interests of the Common-wealth; and if you will cancel this Authority of the publick Judgment, whatever you may call it, 'tis really nothing but Anarchy. And this is the last and unavoidable Issue of all their Pretences. For as to their general Pleas for Indulgence, they still press for an entire and absolute exemption of Conscience from all the Commands of Authority, and in effect vest it in a Power Paramount to the supremacy of Princes; so that in case of Competition, its Dictates must over-rule all their Laws, and therefore no Government shall ever be able to pass an Obligation upon it but by its own consent, and this (if any thing) is perfect Anarchy; every man is entirely left to the guidance of his own discretion, and is as much at liberty, whether he will or will not obey, as if he were absolutely free from all Superiority and Jurisdiction. And then, as to their particular Exceptions, their scruples are so nice and delicate, so peevish and splenetick, so giddy and phantastick, [Page] so impossible to be prevented of redressed, that no form of setlement can ever be contrived, upon which they will not beat with equal fury; for they are indifferently applicable to all Cases, and their strength depends not at all upon the Reasons of things, but the Humours of men. And if the offence of a weak Brother, or the scruple of a Tender Conscience are sufficient exceptions against the Power and Efficacy of Laws, then farewell all the Reverence and Authority of Government; for setle things with never so much Exactness, it will be impossible upon these Principles to avoid these Cavils as long as there are either Fools or Knaves in the World. And do but observe the untenable weakness of all their Pretences apart, and how they shuffle from their general Demands to their particular exceptions, and then when they are pursued to their defence, how they rowl back to their general Demands, and so dance perpetually in a manifest circle of shifting and disingenuous Cavil, and you need no farther proof to satisfie you of the Intolerable Impertinency of their Clamours, and unexemplified Peevishness of the Men.

CHAP. VII.

[Page]

The Contents.

THat some Men from a Belief of the Imposture of all Religions, argue for the Liberty of all, farther clear'd and justified. That some Sects of Men are strongly inclined to Sedition, proved by their Practices and Principles. Our Authors intolerable Confidence in denying his own Principles; especially that, that to pursue Success though in Villany and Rebellion, is to follow Providence. This proved by various Instances out of the Writings of J. O. The Arguments whereby they drew in Providence and the Rabble, were, (1.) By applying old Prophesies to present Transactions. (2.) By believing God is obliged to do the same things for his People now, that he ever did for his People in all former Ages. (3.) By believing Providence is in good earnest for them, though it is [Page] in all appearance against them. (4.) By flat Presumption, and down-right Enthusiasm. That the Interest of Religion was pretended as a cause of our late Civil Wars, proved at large against our Author from the Declarations of Lords and Commons, and the Sermons of J. O. The Nonconformists are bound to give us assurance of their Repentance, before they may presume to offer us any security of their Allegiance. Their Plea for Toleration, because Protestants, invalid. An Account of the Reformation of the Church of England, both as to Doctrine and Discipline. The manifest Apostacy of the Nonconformists from both. The Reformation in most places over-run and destroyed by Calvinism. Our Adversaries Notion of Protestancy is nothing else than a Zeal for the Calvinian Rigours. Religion is not onely the best, but a necessary disguise for Rebellion. Men cannot gain an opportunity of committing any more enormous Wickednesses, but under shews and pretences of Piety. The danger and vanity of balancing different Parties of Religion. The Civil Wars of France an eminent instance of this. An account of the Original of all peevish and ill-natured Religion. The Nonconformists loose way of discoursing of Conscience, as if it were a Principle of Action distinct from the Man himself. Conscience is nothing but the [Page] Soul or Mind of Man. Nothing in Humane Nature beside Conscience is capable of subjection to Humane Laws. Conscience is not its own Rule, nor of it self any Plea of Exemption from Obedience. If it be abused by evil Principles, nothing more mischievous. Vulgar Conscience the most mistaken Guid in the World. In the common People 'tis for the most part either Ignorance, or Pride, or Superstition, or Peevishness, or Enthusiasm. The Conclusion.

§. 1. OUr Authors Adventures in this Chapter are such ordinary and possible things, that now to reherse Enterprizes so lank of prodigy after all these wonders, were to darken the lustre, and abate the admiration of his former Performances. Many faint Essays we may observe of his ancient Courage and Confidence: but, alas! Deeds of a greater strain, and more stupendious Prowess, are kept for Holy-day Atchievments. Now and then we may meet with a lowd and rapping Falsification; but every Page does not entertain our wonder with Forgeries of a Garagantuan bulk and boldness. Once indeed we are inform'd how I discourse, that the [Page]use and exercise of Conscience will certainly overthrow all Government, Pag. 285. and fill the World with confusion: yet however, the old Calumnies are not continually ratling in our Ears; as, That the Civil Magistrate is vested in an absolute and immediate Soveraignty over Conscience in all Affairs of Religion; in so much that whatever the precise truth of the thing may be, he has power to order and appoint what Religion his Subjects shall profess and observe: That Conscience has nothing to do beyond the inward Thoughts of Mens Minds: and, That as to all their outward Actions, the Commands of Authority over-rule all its Obligations, &c. These Slanders that he has so often and so familiarly hurl'd at me upon all occasions, are as big as Steeples; and had they faln where they were aim'd, had for ever quash't me to death and nothing. But the censures he now spits, are not discharged with that impetuous fury, but that they may be received without danger of being kill'd and buried at once. And the mistakes he invents are so vulgar and ordinary, that they might have been contrived by Sancho his Scribe. But thus it happens, that the greatest Flowers of Chivalry have in their declining [Page] Age flag'd and wither'd; and their last Performances have faln so much short of the Miracles of their first Atchievments, that their new Conquests have not so much increas't the number, as eclips't the glory of the old. And that matchless Wight, that in his youthful days scorn'd to accept of any Adventures unless upon Wind-mills, Painim Giants, and Infernal Necromancers; yet when Age had slaked the rage of his blood and folly, was content to spend his last Exploits upon Goat-herds, Lackeys, and Plow-men of his own Parish. And such pitiful attempts are our Authors Remarks upon the passages of this Chapter; so pitiful, that they would sooner raise an Adversaries Compassion than Choler; and are so far from the appearance of a just Reply, that they will not amount to a competent Denial. The whole drift of my Discourse is neglected; my four Fundamental Assertions, of which, and their Proofs, the main Body of the Chapter consists, are slipped over; only a few subordinate and dependant Propositions glanced at, with slight mistakes and positive censures, without so much as attempting to defeat any of my Arguments, or, in their stead, to suggest any [Page] of his own. 'Tis such lank and slender talk, and so apparently unequal to the small reason of the Discourse it would oppose, that I should never have deign'd it a Rejoinder in my own defence, but that it gives occasion to gratifie the Reader with some farther proofs of our Authors Candour and Ingenuity, and some more not unuseful Considerations upon the matters of our present debate: though what I have already remarked, has evidence more than enough without the help of new Lights, to scatter all his thin and vanishing Exceptions. And should I represent to the Reader what material things he has gently passed over, I must transcribe almost the whole Chapter. And our Author himself seems so conscious of the meanness of his Exploits in this part of his Adventures, that he concludes the whole Performance with a new Challenge, and turns me over (Coward as he is) to a new Champion, that has already (poor Man!) been rebuked to purpose: But let him take his Fortune,Pag. 302. I am resolved to keep my Man.

Pag. 284.In the first place then he informs us, this Chapter is inconsistent with it self, and other parts of the Treatise, but that is none of his Concernment. No doubt of it, he is only [Page] concern'd to defame and disparage other Mens Writings, and not at all to make good his slanders and incivilities. No Man that had not laid waste all sense of modesty and ingenuity, would so easily sputter abroad his rude and abusive censures, without thinking himself somewhat concern'd to justifie the matters of his charge, though it were only to clear the Reputation of his good manners. For all Men are apt enough to suspect ill-nature in detracting suggestions; and therefore no discreet or civil Man would venture to dart them without apparent proof, and would not accept the favour of being credited, till he has produced evidence at least equal to the Indictment. So that our Author would more consult the credit of his discretion, if he would not be so free of his censures, but when he is at leisure to warrant their truth. There are vast multitudes of them scatter'd up and down in all parts of his Surveigh, that I have purposely waved because they are so wretchedly insignificant. This one friendly check upon this particular occasion, may serve for a sufficient correction to all the rest. That is the first impertinence, the second (for here they are very thick sown) is this. In the beginning of this [Page] Chapter I represented how a belief of the indifferency, or rather Imposture of all Religion, is of late become among some persons the most effectual and most fashionable Argument for Liberty of Conscience. Away, says our Author, it is impossible this pretence could ever be made use of to that purpose.Pag. 285. It is suited directly to oppose and overthrow it: for if there be no such thing as Religion in the World, it is certainly a very foolish thing to have differences perpetuated amongst Men upon account of Conscience. This he says, because he is resolved to say something, no matter whether to or beside the purpose: For what is this to a Man that defies and laughs at the silliness of an upright Conscience, and looks upon all Stories of Religion as the tales and tricks of covetous Priests, contrived to awe the People, and to inrich themselves? He will say that 'tis indeed a very foolish thing to perpetuate differences in the World about Conscience and Religion; but seeing it is so full of softly and conscientious Fops, that will be impatient for their own follies and Impostures, what in this case is the best method to govern such zealous Sots? Not by severity; for 'tis pity to punish silly People for their ignorance and credulity, [Page] and 'tis more generous to humour them in their several Frenzies and Fairy-imaginations; and as long as they are willing to be abused with the belief of invisible Powers, and the dread of Infernal Goblins, that shall after death torment wicked and disloyal Subjects in burning Vaults below; 'tis unbecoming the wisdom of a Prince, that understands the Juggle, to vex or punish such weak and deluded people for any of their other fond and little conceits; but rather to allow them the Liberty of gratifying their childish fancies with what phantasms shall most please & affect their folly. Now what Discourse can be more suited to the Principles of these young Cubs of the Leviathan, than not to punish credulous and unreflecting People for being cheated and abused? And therefore though they believe all the different Religions in the World to be in reality but so many different Impostures; yet they may judge it the wisest course for Government to permit such differences as Fools are resolved to perpetuate, rather than to exasperate their zealous madness, by attempting to restrain their phantastick mistakes with violence and force of Penalties▪ so that supposing these Mens perswasions, nothing could [Page] be more agreeable to their small Politicks than this Principle of the indifferency of all Religions in behalf of Liberty of Conscience. And of this our Author could not be ignorant, both by what I had discoursed in that Paragraph, and in several others: but he was resolved to cavil, and 'tis his way (as I have often told you) to overlook Arguments, and then he never wants for confidence to deny or slight Assertions; and when their Guard is removed, 'tis an easie matter to fall foul upon naked Truths.

§. 2. As for what I have asserted and proved in the next Paragraph, he readily subscribes it, viz. That Conscience and Religion are the strongest bands of Laws, and the best security of Government; and therefore that they are its greatest Enemies, that endeavour to weaken or evacuate their Obligations; a wise attempt of some little and pedantick Pretenders to Policy! But this little ingenuity in granting 'tis once possible that I can speak truth, is forced, and against the grain of Nature; and therefore it immediately returns with the greater violence, and the words next ensuing are as lewd and shameless a Calumny as any in the whole cluster [Page] of his falsified Stories, viz. That what I have here discoursed in one Section, (though which, he is so wise as to leave his Reader to conjecture) is, to prove that the use and exercise of Conscience will certainly overthrow all Government, Ibid. and fill the World with Confusion. But here, methinks, I smell Brimstone; and had I the Father of Untruths for my Adversary, I could not have engaged at greater disadvantage: For what Reply should a Man make to such a rank and essential Falshood? After this rate there is no commencing a Dispute with this Man but in Courts of Justice, and no confuting his Arguments but by Actions of Slander. I confess this is the only Rapper I have observed in this Chapter; but 'tis like the last clap of Thunder, that breaks with a more hideous thump, and strikes with down-right astonishment. However, Innocence (they say) is as safe a protection against its blasting stroaks, as an old Oak; and therefore I can defie his bolts with as much assurance as Cyniscus in Lucian did Iupiter, when he was secure his hands were tied by Fate: so that our Author has my free consent to use these wretched Weapons as long as he pleases, for there is no danger such bold Falsifications should ever [Page] hurt any thing but himself and his Cause.

In the two following Paragraphs (to omit some slight and stragling Cavils) I shewed that the dread of invisible Powers is not of it self sufficient to awe the common people into subjection, but tends more probably to work tumults and seditions; and this was largely and (I presume) competently proved by the ungovernableness of the principles and tempers of some Sects of Religion. But he knows whom I reflect upon. Pag. 286. Like enough, for guilt and a gall'd Horse are very quick of apprehension: though here methinks he is too skittish, and starts too soon under the lash of my general Reproof by his own particular Applications. I confess I afterwards proceeded to the known Concernments of some parties of Men among us; but in this Section 'tis apparent I aimed only at the mischiefs of Superstition and Enthusiasm from the tendency of their own Nature; in that as they were more incident to the common people, than any other vice or folly: so when they had once seized their Passions, they were so far from laying restraints upon their exorbitant heats, that they were the strongest and most irresistible [Page] Obligations to Tumult and Sedition. But seeing our Author through the quickness of his sense, flinches at the smart of my Reproof before the blow is given, let him satisfie me in this Inquiry, If there be no particular Inclinations in some Sects of Men to Insolence and Presumption against Princes; whence it comes to pass, that where-ever they have been entertained, Subjects have been immediately inflamed and exasperated against their Princes, and Princes have been forced upon stern and ungentle courses against their Subjects; that the times have been broken with rebellious defections, subversions of Churches, and combustions of Religion; that the History of the Age has been made up of nothing but Wars, Conspiracies, Insurrections, Spoils, Ravages, Desolations of States, Confusions of Governments, and all the other mischiefs and miseries of Humane Life? Whence it comes to pass, that no Sects of Men have been more prodigal of ugly Language, irreverent Expressions, and lewd Titles to the Princes of Christendom? Who was it that honour'd the Royal Family of France with the Title of a Bitch-Wolf and her Whelps? Eusebius Philadelphus. Who was it that stiled Mary Queen of England [Page]Proserpine? No body but Mr. Calvin. Who gave Mary Queen of Scots, the Title of Iezabel? Honest Iohn Knox. Who that of Medea? Orthodox Mr. Beza. To pass by innumerable other Titles of Honour and Civility, bestowed by these meek and humble Men upon Sovereign Princes, 'tis enough that our Author may remember who it was that branded his present Majesty as a Tyrant full of Revenge, a Man of Blood, a Son of Tabeal, Absalom, and Sheba the Son of Bichri. And lastly, whence it comes to pass, that this party of Men have been the Authors of more mischievous and seditious Libels against Princes, than all Parties in Europe beside, such as Buchanans Book de Iure Regni apud Scotos, Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, de Iure Magistratus in subditos, Eusebius Philadelphus; not to mention that numberless swarm of shameless Pamphlets, that were produced in our late debauch't and corrupted times. 'Tis enough that they have broach't more seditious Aphorisms in an hundred years, than had been before discover'd from the beginning of days. And there is a larger Collection of Treason in Archbishop Bancroft's dangerous Positions, the Evangelium Armatum, and the late Discourse of Toleration discussed, than can be gather'd [Page] out of the Histories and Records of all former Ages.

But from Practices we proceeded to such Principles as are not by any means to be endured in any Commonwealth, because they carry in them an apparent tendency to the destruction of all Government, and the dissolution of all Society. The first is the Fundamental Pretence of all godly Sedition, and is a direct and immediate affront to the Power of Princes, viz. That if they refuse to reform Religion themselves, 'tis lawful for their godly Subjects to do it, and that by violence and force of Arms. This has been the great Nuissance of reformed Christendom, it over-run the Foreign Reformation with popular Tumults and Outrages, and put the Boors and Rascal multitude every where in Arms against the Edicts of State. All Preachers and Leaders of Sedition have combined their Faction by virtue of this Principle; and all the sub-divided Sects, that at present annoy the Publick Peace, have unanimously agreed both in its belief and practice. And all the other Aphorisms of disturbance that have been peculiar to each Party, are but so many ways of reducing and applying this general Maxim to particular Interests. But though our [Page] Author has with great care and curiosity transcribed all the other Assertions, that I impleaded of Sedition; yet this (though it was the first and the greatest Principle in the Catalogue) he industriously stifles, and lops it off from the following Articles of my Charge. He cares not to have it observed, because he neither dares justifie it, nor will renounce it. It has, and may again by Providential Alterations, do brave service for the separate Churches; but 'tis so apparently inconsistent with the establish't setlement of things, that it can never safely be owned but when it may safely be used; and therefore 'tis more politick to let it lie dormant and unregarded, till opportunity shall call it forth to Action. And let us upbraid them never so much with its mischievous and noisom consequences, 'tis their wisest course still to counterfeit an artificial deafness, and not to understand its meaning till they may own it to some more effectual purpose. What other probable Reason can you imagine, why he should so carefully pass it over in silence, whilst he so faithfully relates all the other particulars of my Impeachments? He cannot have forgotten how oft some body has proclaimed it from the Pulpit in a thousand dresses [Page] and varieties of Canting; 'tis the Result of all his Preachments in behalf of the Proceedings in the late Rebellion; and (what is more unhappy) it has been all along publickly owned and pleaded by the Chiefs both of the Presbyterian and Independent Factions, and never yet (that I could hear or read of) once disavowed by any; and therefore though I charged it not upon any Party, but only branded the Principle it self, this advantage this man has gain'd to his Brethren by his rashness and presumption, that it shall lie at their doors, till they shall remonstrate to it by some publick Protestation.

§. 3. The other Articles that I chose to specifie, among many other, were these three, that Princes, in case of Disobedience to the Presbytery, may be excommunicated, and by consequence deposed: that Dominion is founded in Grace; and that to pursue success, though in Villany and Rebellion, is to follow Providence. But all the World (says Modesty) knows what it is, Pag. 187. that hath given him the advantage of providing a covering for these monstrous Fictions; and an account thereof hath been given elsewhere. And what now if [Page]those intended do not believe these things, nor any one of them? What if they do openly disavow every one of them, as for ought I ever heard or know they do, and as I do my self? These monstrous Fictions! so are all the Histories and Records in the World. Were there never any Sects of men that placed a Power in the Presbytery to excommunicate Princes; or that challenged an Exemption from the Commands of Authority upon the score of their Saintship; or that taught Success to be a certain Argument of Divine Approbation? Did you never hear of such Creatures as Presbyterians, Anabaptists, and Independents? Were there never any such men in the World as Iohn Knox, Iohn of Leyden, and I. O? Or are all the Stories that are recorded of them fairy-tales and Romances? If they are not, these things are as far from being monstrous fictions, as any thing upon Record in the four Gospels. But an account of these things has been given elsewhere. Perhaps so, among the Antiquities of China, or in Lucians true History. And a wise and true account it is no doubt, that shall undertake to prove there never were any People in the World that have abetted these Principles. And 'tis hugely sutable to his following [Page] Apology, that if any may heretofore have owned them, yet for ought he knows they have openly disavowed them. But this is pure and burnish'd confidence to bear down certain and undeniable matters of Fact, with a flat denial, & a peremptory Perhaps. Did I ever imagine I should be put to prove there have been men in the World, that have own'd and acted these Principles, or to disprove the Reality of a publick Repentance never heard of? This mans insufferable Perverseness would vanquish the Patience of an Arch-Angel; he cares not what he says, so the cause go forward, and he would deny that Abraham begot Isaac if it stood in his way. And if he should, it would not be a greater Violence to Truth, or Affront to Modesty, than this Attempt to clear some men from the guilt of these Perswasions. But still, what if those intended do not believe these things? Then (good Sir Pertinent) they are not intended. I named no body, but only enquired, upon this supposition, that if heretofore there has been, or hereafter there should arise, such a Race of men in the World, whether the Belief of a Deity, and the dread of Invisible Powers, blended with such innocent Propositions, were likely to secure [Page] their due Obedience and Respect to Authority, or rather to drive them to attempts of disturbance and sedition, when they thought themselves obliged under the most dreadful Penalties to act sutably to their Principles. And therefore I intended none but those that either actually have been, or possibly may be guilty, without naming or specifying any particular Criminals: Though indeed the matters of fact are so notorious, that upon bare Intimation every man has knowledge and sagacity enough to discover the Offenders; and they themselves are so conscious of the Notoreity of the Crime, that (as it happens in the Excuses of all Enormous Malefactors) they cannot avoid to bewray their own guilt by their own Apologies: unless this be sufficient to clear their Innocence, and their Reputation, that for ought any body knows they have publickly repented, which if they had, every body must certainly have known it. Whatsoever disorders they have run into in pursuit of these Principles, yet if the boldest and most scandalous offender in the whole Mutiny shall come forth, and with a bare-faced confidence tell his Governours, that perhaps, and for ought he [Page] knows, they have forsaken them, they immediately become loyal and peaceable Subjects, and must be supposed as white as Snow, and as harmless as Doves. But to particulars.

The first Article then falls directly upon the men of the holy Discipline, who challenge to themselves an original and independent Jurisdiction over all Persons, and in all matters of Ecclesiastical Concernment; so that though they acknowledge themselves subject to the Power of Kings in civil and secular Affairs, yet in the Government of the Church and conduct of Religion, the temporal Power is subject to the spiritual, and Princes must submit to the sovereign Decrees of the Presbytery: and therefore in case of disobedience to their Authority, they are as obnoxious as any of their Subjects to the Censure of the Church, and the Sentence of Excommunication. This in brief is the true Platform of the Discipline, publickly owned by all its Patrons and Assertors; and whoever does not vest the Classical Meetings with a Supremacy over Kings in Ecclesiastical Government, is no true Disciplinarian, when 'tis the only design of the Discipline to put the Scepter of Jesus Christ into the [Page] hands of the Presbytery, i, e. to strip the secular Authority of all spiritual Jurisdiction, and to settle it entirely upon spiritual Persons. And all this was accordingly put in practice by the Kirk, and all the World knows how bold they made both with the Persons and Prerogatives of Princes, upon all occasions studying to cross with Royal Authority, daring to repeal and annul Acts of Parliament, protesting against Edicts and Proclamations, summoning the Lords of his Majesties Privy Council before their Assemblies for giving the King evil Counsel, and vexing and affronting the King himself upon every trifle, even to the indicting of strict and solemn Fasts upon those days in particular, upon which the King had appointed any greater and extraordinary Feast. But the Characters of these mens Principles and Practices are sufficiently upon Record; and there is not an Aphorism of Treason or Disloyalty, that they have not justified in their Writings, and owned in their Actions; all which are so well known that I will not insist any farther upon their proof, especially seeing our Author himself has (when time was) branded them for a Pack of perfidious Knaves and Hypocrites; [Page] though it was then, when they hapned to fall into the scandalous Crime of Loyalty.Thanksgiving Serm. for the success at Worcest. p. 21. Calling their Ambition to rule and have all under their own Power, their zeal to the Church of Christ; and their endeavours to re-enthrone Tyranny, Loyalty; and all according to the Covenant. This miscarriage it seems is so unpardonable, that they must for ever become Traitors to the cause of God, because they were but once guilty of being Loyal to their Prince. Time was when they were better Friends, i. e. when the Presbyterian was the only visible head of the Rebellion; then who more forward for that Church-Government, Duty of Pastors and People distinguisht p. 42. which is commonly called Presbyterial or Synodical, in opposition to Prelatical or Diocesan on the one side; and that which is commonly called Independent or Congregational on the other. But farewel Presbytery, if it can be so false to its own Principles as to revolt to its duty and its Allegiance. Then with what deceivableness of unrighteousness, and lies in Hypocrisie, Thanksgiving Serm. for success at Worc. Ep. Ded. the late grand Attempt of those in Scotland, with their Adherents, was carried on, is in some measure made naked to the loathing of its Abominations. In digging deep to lay a foundation for bloud and revenge, in covering private and sordid ends with a pretence of things publick and glorious; in limning a face of Religion upon[Page]a worldly stock; in concealing distant Aims and bloudy Animosities to compass one common End; that a Theater might be provided to act several parts upon, in pleading a necessity from an Oath of God, unto most desperate undertakings against God, and such like things as these, perhaps it gives not place to any, which former Ages have been acquainted withal. As he speaks of the Covenanting Brethren of the Kirk, when they joyn'd in with the Royal Interest in opposition to the designs of the Republican and Independent Party. This man was never constant to any Principles but those of disloyalty, and it was his perpetual Custom to preach up that most for Gods cause, that was most contrary to the Kings. And the work of the Lord, in which he spent so much Pulpit-sweat, was nothing but the subversion of Monarchy in the Death of one King, and the Banishment of another. And now is not this a modest man, to boast of the faithful adherence of himself and his Confidents to the present Government?Pag. 295, [...]96. But so much, and (I hope) enough, if not too much, of the first Principle. And as for the second, that of the Anabaptists, that claim'd an Exemption from the Power of the civil Magistrate upon the score of their Saintship, [Page] 'tis so notorious beyond all contradiction, and the blessed Pranks that Iohn of Leyden, Muncer, Knipperdolling, and the Boors of Germany plaid under its Protection, are so vulgarly known, that I need not stand upon its proof; any man may soon satisfie himself out of Bullinger, Sleidan, Osiander, Gualter, Alsted, and divers others, out of whom I am not now at liberty to transcribe Collections, having already well-nigh exceeded the Number of Pages allowed me by the Master of the Press: and those that remain I must reserve for matter more pertinent to our present debate and present Affairs.

§. 4. And therefore as for the third and last Principle, that of the Independents, that to pursue success in Villany and Rebellion, is to follow Providence: Let us a little consider and examine their serious Thoughts concerning it, seeing to deny it is such a frontless Contradiction, not only to their former practices, but to their present behaviour, in ascribing every common Accident of humane life, to some extraordinary design of Providence, and interpreting all mischances that befal their Neighbours, as visible Judgments upon [Page] them for particular Actions; insomuch that if ever I die before the day of Judgment (and by Constitution I am like to be none of the longest livers) I here foretell that it shall be voted the hand of God, and the stroke of divine vengeance upon me for my severity and unkindness to his secret ones. But 'tis in vain to convince them by Experience and Notoreity of fact; and 'tis no forcing them to stand to any thing, unless when they are lime-twigg'd with Ink and Paper, and gagg'd with Quills, and therefore that is my comfort, that most of them are choak'd with their own Gaggs, and for ever entangled with their own Lime-twigs: For 'tis notorious to all the World how the Parliament Sermons (those edifying Homilies) were continually beating upon this string; and crying up all Transactions of the War (and false Reports too) as Tokens of Gods favour to the Cause; and making the Diurnal a Comment upon the Revelations, and the secrets of Providence. What our Authors private Practice has been, it were (would he be modest) neither pertinent nor civil to pry into. 'Tis enough that those of his Communion have not been behind any party of Saints in this kind of Presumption. But 'tis not [Page] possible when there is such plenty of Game, I should be able to set every Covy, and therefore (to keep to my man, and my Resolution) I shall confine my self to the Writings of I. O. (the Cock of the Congregation.) I am sure it was his Custom to account for all the various Contingencies of the War by the secret Counsels of Providence, only known to himself, and some other secret ones, and to discover its particular design in every particular event. And should I insist upon all Proofs and Instances to this purpose, I should exceed the eleventh Chapter of the Epistle to the Hebrews in the number of Examples and Precedents. To be short then.

By Providence was General Fairfax personally call'd forth to the Siege of Colchester. Eben Ezec Ep. ded. By Providence was I. O. pitch't upon to attend his Excellency in that fortunate Expedition.Ep. ded. to the Committee. By Providence were Sir Henry Mildmay and the Committee deliver'd from their Imprisonment by the Enemy.Ibid. By Providence were they reserved from a sinful complyance with the Royal Party, and from a treacherous Spirit, or the malignant sin of Loyalty.Pag. 4. By Providence were Gods People call'd to sing their Songs upon Sigionoth for the interchangeable[Page]Dispensations of the imprisonment and delivery of the Committee.Pag. 21. By Providence were the hands of the Cavaliers, that had itching fingers and an hankering mind after the inheritance of Gods people, knockt off an hundred times, and sent away with bloody fingers. By Providence did the Parliament-Army trace out their way from Kent to Essex, Pag. 24. and from Wales to the North.Pag. 31. By Providence were the zealous Parishioners of Coggeshal stirred up to make an Opposition to the Enemy gathering at Chelmsford. Pag. 45. By Providence was there a perverse Spirit of folly and errour mixed in all their Counsels. By Providence were they drawn into a Party,Pag. 44. to force the People of God (that were before faln together by the ears) to piece together against the common Enemy.Pag. 51. By Providence was Peter deliver'd out of Prison, the three Children out of the fiery Furnace, Daniel out of the Lyons Den, and the Essex-Committee from the Jaws of the starv'd Cavaliers. By Providence was the great Dispensation of the 30. of Ian. 1648. carried on in order to the unravelling of the whole Web of iniquity,Sermon before the Parliam. Jan. 31. 1648. Ep. ded. interwoven of Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny, in Opposition to the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus. By [Page] Providence did Moses deliver Israel from their Egyptian Bondage;Pag. 23. and by Providence did the Rump deliver England from Tyrannous Pride and Oppression. By Providence were the People of this Nation given up to fight against their Deliverers,Pag. 30. by that Opposition to make its workings more clear and conspicuous. By Providence was it,Sermon to the Parl. April 19. 1649. pag. 36. that in the year 1649. there was not a Potentate upon the Earth that had a peaceable Mole-hill to build himself an habitation upon; and that there were so many Controversies disputing in Letters of Blood among the Nations, and that for the Interest of the many. Pag 41. By Providence were the Church-Stars (the Bishops) that were meerly fixed to all mens view, and by their own Confession, in the Political Heavens, utterly shaken to the Ground.Serm. before the Parl. Feb. 28. 1649. By Providence was Cromwel forced to make such havock in Ireland, because the Lord had sworn to have war with such Amalekites, and to avenge his People from generation to generation.Serm. of the Branch of the Lo [...]d a [...] Berwick, Ep. Ded. By Providence (and Cromwels choice) was I. O. call'd forth to attend his Excellency in his Scottish Expedition, that he might be instructed by him in the Art of discovering Gods deep and hidden Dispensations toward his secret ones. By [Page] Providence (the mercy whereof was composed of as many Branches of Wisdom,Serm. before the Parl. Oct. 24. 1651. Ep. Ded. Power, Goodness, and Faithfulness, as any outward Dispensation has brought forth since the name of Christian was known) did the Rump by the defeat of his Majesty at Worcester continue to sit in Council, and the Residue of the Nation in peace.Pag. 7. By Providence a mighty Monarchy, a triumphing Prelacy, a thriving Conformity were all brought down to recover the People of the Lord Christ from Antichristian Idolatry and Oppression.The labouring Saints dismiss. p. 9. By Providence was Ireton, (that rare Example of Righteousness, Faith, Holiness, Zeal, Courage, and Self-denial) disposed to close with the mind of God, with full purpose of heart to serve the will of the Lord in his Generation, so that he staggered not at the greatest difficulties through Unbelief, but being stedfast in Faith, he gave glory to God, and Davidically prepared the way of the Lord in paths of Bloud. The time would fail me to speak of Isaac, Eben-ezer. Pag. 52. and Ioseph, Gideon, Noah, Daniel, and Iob; do but consider the Providential Circumstances of all Transactions in our late Rebellion,Thanksgiving Serm. for the Victory at Worcest. p. 15. and that will discover where dwells that spirit, which actuated all the great Alterations, [Page] that hapned in these Nations. ‘For (believe him) such things have been brought to pass as have filled the World with Amazement, (and well they might.) A Monarchy of some hundred Years continuance, always affecting, and at length wholly degenerated into Tyranny, destroyed, pulled down, swallowed up, a great and mighty Potentate, that had caused Terrour in the Land of the living, and laid his Sword under his head, brought to punishment for Bloud; Hypocrites and selfish men abundantly discover'd, wise men made fools, and the strong as water; A Nation (that of Scotland) engaging for and against the same cause, backward and forward, twice or thrice, always seeking where to find their own gain and interest in it, at length totally broken in opposition to that cause wherewith at first they closed: Multitudes of Professours one year praying, fasting, mightily rejoycing upon the least success, bearing it out as a sign of the Presence of God; another year whilst the same work is carried on, cursing, repining, slighting the marvelous appearance of God in Answer unto Prayers and most solemn Appeals, [Page] being very angry at the deliverances of Sion. On the other side, all the mighty successes that God hath followed poor despised ones withal, being with them as with those in days of old; Who through faith subdued Kingdoms, wrought Righteousness, obtained Promises, stopped the mouths of Lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of the Sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turnned to flight the Armies of the Aliens. He, I say, that shall consider all this, may well enquire after that Principle which being regularly carried on, yet meeting with the Corruption and Lusts of men, should so wheel them about, and work so many mighty Alterations: Now what is this, but the most effectual design of the Lord to carry on the Interest of Christ and the Gospel, whatever stands in the way? This bears down all before it, wraps up some in bloud, some in hardness, and is most eminently straight and holy in all these Transactions, Isa. 14.32. What shall one then answer the Messengers of the Nation? That the Lord hath founded Sion, and the poor [...] of his People shall trust in it.’

[Page]§. 5. Thus you see how Providence and O. Cromwel still headed the Independent Faction, though perhaps you may wonder how it could continue faithful so long to such a bloudy and accursed Interest. But alas! for that you must know, it neither had Power at first to refuse the Cause, nor being once engaged to retreat, for by the power of Faith they can at their pleasure press it to the Service; and by the strength of Imagination they can bind the Thoughts of the Almighty, and engage all his Attributes to joyn in with their designs, and in their way of arguing they never want for Inducements to draw in Providence and the Rabble to their Assistance, and that chiefly among many other by these four Topicks.

1. By applying old Prophesies to present Transactions; it concerns not to what particular Affair they might relate; if they can be streined by Faith or Fancy to suit any present Exigence, the honour of Providence lies at stake not to suffer such choice Believers to stick in the mire; and therefore God is bound to protect and deliver them, though it cost him the making his Bow quite naked. Thus were all the Promises in the Bible engaged in the Parliament [Page] Service; and not a Text left to attend his Majesty beside Threatnings and Judgments: And there is not a remarkable Prophesie relating to the Jewish Nation, or the adjacent Kingdoms, that they have not accommodated by faith and boldness (for both together can do much) to the posture of Affairs in our late Troubles. Thus were the Essex Committee delivered from the Cavaliers at Colchester? It was foretold (i. e. after their deliverance) Hab. 3.3, 7.Eben ezer, p. 1. God came from Teman, and the Holy One from mount Paran, Selah: i. e. from Naseby and Marston-moor. I saw the Tents of Cushan in Affliction, and the Curtains of the Land of Midian did tremble, i. e. the Enemy gathered at Chelmsford, upon the coming of Fairfax his Army, abated their Confidence. Were the Parishioners of Coggeshal once in great danger of the Enemy? The snares of death compassed us, Pag 13. and the flouds of ungodly men made us afraid: But the Lord thundred from Heaven, the Highest gave his voice, hailstones, and coles of Fire: yea, he sent out his Arrows and scattered them, and he shot out lightning and discomfited them: he sent from above, he took us, he drew us out of many waters; he delivered us from our strong Enemy, and from them which hated us,[Page]for they were too strong for us. Do any Professours doubt the Event of the War? Fear not thou worm Iacob, Pag 52. and ye few men of Israel, behold I will make thee a new sharp Instrument having Teeth, thou shalt thresh the Mountains, and beat them small, and shalt make the hills as chaff, thou shalt fan them, &c. Isa. 41.14, 15. Are the Officers of the Kings Forces divided, or irresolved in their Counsels?Pag, 46, The Princes of Zoan are become fools, the Princes of Noph are deceived, they have seduced the People, even they that are the stay of their Tribes, the Lord hath mingled a perverse Spirit in the midst of them, they have caused the People to err in every work as a drunken man staggereth in his Vomit, Isa. 19.13, 14. Were the Rump to be encouraged in their design of altering the Government after the Murther of the late King, against the Apostacy of the Presbyterians, and the Attempts of the Royalists; The Text was pat to the purpose. Let them return to thee, This was the Text before the Part. Jan, 31. 1648, but return not thou to them. And I will make thee unto this People a fenced brazen wall, and they shall fight against thee, but they shall not prevail against thee: for I am with thee to save thee and deliver thee, saith the Lord, Jer. 15.19, 20. Is Monarchy to be for ever abolish'd, and the new Common-wealth establish'd? [Page] Behold I create new heavens and a new earth: and the former shall not be remembred, nor come into my mind, Isa. 65.17. But the Kingdom, and Dominion, and Greatness of the Kingdom under the whole Heaven shall be given to the People of the Saints of the most High: whose Kingdom is an everlasting Kingdom, and all Dominions shall serve and obey him. Hitherto is the end of the matter, Dan. 7.27.Stedfast. of the Promise. Feb. 28. 1649. p. 37. Do the Protestants, covenanted Protestants, that had sworn in the presence of the great God to extirpate Popery and Prelacy? Do others, that counted themselves under no less sacred bond, for the maintenance of Prelates, Service-book, and the like, as the whole Party of Ormonds Adherents (it is a favour, or rather a chance, it was not plain Butler) joyn with a mighty number, that had for eight years together sealed their Vows to the Romish Religion with our bloud and their own? If all these combine together against Sion, shall they prosper? No, saith the Lord Iehovah, and I. O. If Rezin and the Son of Remalia, Syria and Ephraim, old Adversaries, combine together for a new enmity against Iudah; if Covenant and Prelacy, Popery and Treachery, Bloud and (as to that) Innocency joyn hand in hand to stand in the way of the Promise, yet I will not in this joyn with them, says the Lord. Is the Royal Family, together [Page] with the ancient Nobility, to be for ever cashier'd upon his Majesties defeat at Worcester, and are the Brewers and Coblers of the Army to commence new Lords? All the Trees of the Field shall know, that I the Lord have brought down the high tree, and have exalted the low tree, have dried up the green tree (drawn out its sap by sequestrations) and have made the dry tree to flourish: (by plunder and sacriledge) I the Lord have spoken it, and have done it, Ezek. 17.24. This was the Text to the Thanksgiving Sermon before the Parliament for their Victory at Worcester. And now is it possible for these men to be at a loss for Scripture to countenance their proceedings, after this rate of imposing upon the Word of God? If such loose and prophane Accommodations of Prophetick passages to present Affairs be sufficient to support Faith in its expectations of success, I leave it to you to judge whether it can ever want grounds and encouragements for Rebellion; as long as the Prophesies against Gog and Magog, the Whore and the Beast, the Pope and the Man of sin are not blotted out of the Bible. But this is not all, Faith has other Topicks to bottom its confidence upon. And therefore,

[Page]2. It has right to all Gods mercies, and deliverances of his People in all past and present Ages.Eben. [...]zer, p. 27. It makes all Joshuahs victories present to every true Believer: so that if O. Cromwel had but boldness, or Enthusiasm enough to presume that the Almighty had as great favour for his Highness, as he had for Ioshuah; he was bound to enable him and his Army to dispatch Kings and Canaanites with as great expedition as Ioshuah and the Children of Israel did. For the Good-will, Free Grace, and loving Kindness of God is the same towards all his People. Ibid. And the infinite Fountains of the Deity can never be sunk one hairs bredth by everlastingly flowing blessings. Pag. 13. So that past blessings and deliverances of Gods People are store mercies laid up for Believers against a rainy day; and when we want present Refreshments, what a comfort is it to chew the Cud upon the blessings of former Ages?Pag. 2 [...]. And thus they use the Records of sacred Story, just as Don Quixot used his Books of Chivalry, in accommodating the Exploits of the Knights of yore to his own ridiculous Adventures: And here lay the folly of his Errantry, in chewing the cud upon the Prodigies of old Romances. And I am sure he had as wise and reasonable a ground for his folly, when he besotted [Page] himself with a conceit of vying Adventures with the famous Knight Valdovinos, as they had for their faith when they expected to equal the successes of Ioshuah. But however by this means it was easie to befool and inveigle the Common-people: and if they represented to them any act of Bloud and Cruelty with Allusion to Scripture Language and Story, that alone was enough to pass it for the work of the Lord, and the Rabble imagined they were acting over again all the Wars and Battels of the Old Testament, and pouring out all the Vials, and fulfilling all the Prophesies of the New. Beside, Faith supports it self, and engages Providence by chewing the Cud upon its own blessings as well as those of former Ages.Pag. 26, 27. David esteemed it very good Logick to argue from the victory God gave him over the Lion, and Bear, to a confidence of Victory over Goliah. Make use then of your past mercies, deliverances, blessings, Pag. 29. with promised incomings; carry them about you by Faith; use them or they'l grow rusty; where is the God of Elijah? Awake, awake, Oh Arm of the Lord. Let former Mercies be an Anchor of hope in time of present distresses. Pag. 13. Where is the God of Marstone-moor, and the God of Naseby, is an acceptable Expostulation in a [Page]gloomy day. O, what a Catalogue of Mercies has this Nation to plead by in time of trouble? God came from Naseby, and the holy One from the West, Selah: his Glory covered the Heavens, and the Earth was full of his Praise. He went forth in the North, and in the East he did not with-hold his hand. So that in this gloomy day of their Persecution they are forced to support themselves and their hopes by chewing the Cud upon their Naseby-mercies, and their Marston-moore mercies; till God shall be pleased to give them in some stores of fresh Providences. For however he may at present counterfeit a total departure to punish their Apostasie, and their want of Zeal in his Work, yet he will not, he cannot utterly forsake them. Because he is engaged in point of honour, Sermo [...] of Jan. 31. 1648. p 25. What shall he do for his great Name? yea so tender is the Lord herein of his Glory, that when he hath been exceedingly provoked to remove men out of his Presence, yet because they have been called by his Name, and have visibly held forth a following after him, he would not suffer them to be trodden down, lest the Enemy should exalt themselves, and say, Where is now their God? They shall not take from him the Honour of former deliverance [...] and protections: In such a Nation as this, if the Lord now upon manifold provocations[Page]should give up Parliament, People, Army to calamity and ruine, would not the glory of former Counsels, successes, deliverances be utterly lost? Would not men say it was not the Lord, but Chance that hapned to them? And thus when Providence was once drawn in, it was bound to go through, unless it would either lose the glory of all its former exploits, or (what was more dishonourable) confess it was overreach'd (as the Presbyterians were) by the Independent Hypocrisie. By this Artifice they drew on each other to the height and perfection of Villany, because they were so far engaged, that they could not possibly retreat either with honour or safety; and therefore resolved to secure themselves in the death of the King, suspecting, lest if he should ever be restored to his Crown and Royal Authority, they might be called to an After-reckoning: according to that Maxim so much taught and practised in the School of Rebellion, that when men have run themselves into unpardonable disorders, there remains no way of doing better but by doing worse. And in this Lesson they must needs instruct Providence, now you are engaged, there is no way for you to retire with honour, and if you do not justifie [Page] your own Actings in our former wickednesses by proceeding with us to greater Impieties, you do not only condemn them and your self, but lose the honour of all the Margarets Fasts and Thanksgivings. What a mean opinion must these prophane Enthusiasts have of the divine Understanding, that imagined they could impose upon the Almighty by such thin and shallow Fetches!

§. 6.3. The third Maxime of Faith is to believe that Providence is really and in good earnest for them, though it is seemingly and in outward appearance against them. Thus whilst themselves sate at the Helm, it befriended them from all Points of the Compass; and into whatsoever Corner it shifted it self, it still favoured their designs, and fill'd their sails with success and victory. When Affairs succ [...]eded to their wishes, then Providence drove them on with a full Gale; but when there hapned any cross or changeable Dispensation, so far was it from hindring their Progress, that it gave them the greater advantage of a side wind.Eben-ezer, p. 4. For (as the same Author informs us) I have heard that a full wind behind the Ship drives her not so fast forward[Page]as a side wind, that seems almost as much against her as with her: And the reason, they say, is, because a full wind fills but some of her sails, which keep it from the rest that they are empty, when a side wind fills all her sails, and sets her speedily forward. So if the Lord should give us a full wind and continual Gale of Mercies, it would fill but some of our sails, but when he comes with a side wind, a Dispensation that seems almost as much against us as for us, then he fills all our sails, takes up all our Affections, making his works wide and broad enough to entertain them every one, then are we carried freely and fully towards the Haven where we would be. And thus (for that is the Application) the imprisonment of the Committee of Essex was but a side wind of Providence, that drove them on with the greater speed to the taking of Colchester. So that while their Faith was resolute in the Belief of this Principle, it was not possible for Providence to shake them off by any Affronts or Indignities, but they served it just as Horace was served by the importunate Fellow, he describes Serm. lib. 1. Sat. 9. from whose irksom Impertinency he could neither by Art nor Violence redeem himself. Did he divert to salute a Friend? It was his Acquaintance. Did he pretend a visit? He was at [Page] leisure to wait upon him. Did he counterfeit any business? He had Interest to assist him. And thus did they tease and persecute Providence; which way soever it turn'd, they still would follow, no rebukes could dash their bold-faced Faith out of countenance; though it beat them off with open Affronts, they would still insinuate and fawn upon it; and though it knock'd off their hands an hundred times, and sent them away with bloudy fingers, they would not let go their hold, but they would cling about him by faith, do what he can, they will not be shifted off. And let him vary his dispensations as oft as he will, they are resolved to follow him with their Songs upon Sigionoth. Songs upon Sigionoth! What are they? I remember, I am under the Obligation of a Promise to unriddle their meaning; and therefore to be short, they are a sort of Pindarick Psalms, not tied to the same Rhime or Measure, but to be sung with variety of Notes, and interchangeable Tunes. Now I. O. once meeting with this word in his Text, Hab. 3.1. He thus reasons upon it, (and he is able to raise Edification out of a pair of Bagpipes) Are not Gods variable Dispensations towards his held out under these variable Tunes, Eben ezer, p. 3, 4. not all [Page]fitted to one string: Not all alike pleasant and easie? Are not the several Tunes of mercy and judgment in these Songs? Is not here Affliction and deliverance, desertion and recovery, darkness and light in this variously? A form of Speech familiar with that Author, when he has n [...]ther Proof for what he says beside pure Confidence. Doubtless it is so. God often calls his People to Songs upon Sigionoth. This is the Doctrine on which he descants, and so applies it to the present Case: We may rejoyce at the Conquest of our Enemies, and mourn at the loss of our Harvest; that was their Song upon Sigionoth, that though they had miss'd their Harvest, they had mowed down the Cavaliers; From whom Gods People were sure to reap a plentiful Crop of Plunder and Sequestration. And that is as delicious Musick to the Saints below, as the Harmony of the Spheres, or a Consort of Angels to the Saints above; and 'tis wonderful how exactly the Hearts (yea, and Fingers too) of Gods People were set to such a sweet and comfortable Tune.

4. But if Believers should ever fail of all these supports, they are able to build their Confidence upon flat presumption, and downright Enthusiasm; and when they trample upon all the Obligations of Oaths, and all the Laws of Nature, Government and Religion, they can easily justifie the wickedness of their Proceedings [Page] by bold pretences of immediate Impulse and Revelation from Heaven. For when God is doing great things, Eben-ezer. p. 14. he gives glorious manifestations of his Excellencies to his secret ones. Pag. 15. So that he that is called to serve Providence in high things, without some especial discovery of God, works in the dark, and knows not whither he goes, and what he does, such an one travels in the Wilderness without a directing Cloud. Clear shining from God must be at the bottom of deep labouring with God. What is the reason that so many in our days set their hands to the Plow, and look back again? Begin to serve Providence in great things, but cannot finish? Give over in the heat of the day! They never had any such Revelation of the mind of God upon their spirits, such a discovery of his Excellencies as might serve for a Bottom of such Undertakings. Men must know, that if God hath not appeared to them in brightness, and shewn them the horns in his hand, hid from others, though they think highly of themselves, they'l deny God twice and thrice before the close of the work of this Age. Hence is the suiting of great light, Pag. 16. and great work in our days. Let new light be derided whilst men please, he will (and 'tis too true) never serve the will of God in this Generation, who sees not beyond the line of foregoing Ages. Now what was this new and this great [Page] Light, that God held forth as the horns in his hand to the Believers of that Generation? To this Enquiry we have a plain and positive Answer:Serm. to the Parl. April 19. 1649. p. 35. Plainly the peculiar Light of this Generation, is that discovery which the Lord hath made to his People, of the mystery of Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny. Now this new Light, joyn'd with this new Doctrine, that Good Principles become abominable when taken up or pursued against the Providence of God, is such a rank and desperate piece of Enthusiasm, as must of necessity cancel all the Laws of Society, and overthrow all the Governments in the World; but I must not stay to descant upon its intolerable Mischiefs, neither indeed need I, seeing it is apparently the utmost emprovement of all Phanatick Folly and Madness.

And now the People of God being arm'd with such Principles, and inflamed by such Preachers, with what Briskness did they march under the conduct of Providence, till at length it led the warmest and most forward Heads of them to the Top of Westminster Hall, London Bridge, and the City Gates, or (in the Language of I. O.) to the high places of Armageddon: And there fix'd them for Monuments of their own Hypocrisie, and sad [Page] Examples of Rebellion. But thence Astrea took her flight to Heaven, and now publick Affairs are transacted by a Providential permissive Commission (as our Author I remember somewhere words it, and 'tis but what they allow to all the wickednesses in the World.) So that whilst the Eye of Providence shined upon them, they were flowers of the Sun, and which way soever they address'd themselves, it was to court Providence. When they complied with every rising Interest, it was to close with the mind of the Lord in the work of this Generation. When they plaid fast and loose with all Parties, as the Complexion of Affairs suggested to them, that was the Lords glorious Discoveries and Manifestations of his mind to his secret ones. And then to boggle at the wickedness of any design that prosper'd, was to flinch from the work of the Lord. As I. O. encourages the Rumpers the day immediately after the Kings death. Iacta est Alea, the Providence of God must be served, according to the discovery made of his own unchangeable will, and not the mutable Interests and Passions of the Sons of men (i. e. the Presbyterians, whose Apostasie he is there upbraiding.) For verily the Lord of Hosts hath purposed to pollute [Page]the pride of all Glory, and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the Earth, Isa. 23.9. And then to renounce their old Principles, and falsifie their old Engagements, was to knock off with Providence; for be your Principles never so good in themselves, they become wicked and abominable, when taken up against the Providence of God. And this was the sad Apostasie of the Presbyterians from the work of the Lord; They, fools as they were, fix on Principles, Worcester Thanksgiving, p. 22. (though they were tied to them by Oaths and Covenants) old bounds must not be broken up, order must not be disturbed; Let God appear never so eminently, so mightily, they will keep to their Principle, (and their Oaths and Covenants too) What is this but judicial hardness? What think you Sir, is it not a mighty security, that these men are able to give of their Faith and Allegiance, when Providence or the Turn of Affairs shall untie all the Bands of Oaths, and Success over-rule all the Obligations of Conscience. So that as long as Loyalty is forced to be in fashion, they are peaceable and obedient Subjects; but if Rebellion prosper, it is not for them to oppose Providence. When God has a Controversie with the Royal Family he [Page] absolves Subjects of all their Oaths and Obligations to Allegiance, and though the Presbyterians had loaded themselves with chains, and multiplied Engagements to his late Majesty, and his lawful Successours, yet not to joyn with the Independents in the subversion of the Government by the murther of one Prince, and the Banishment of another, was Iudicial hardness. Did you ever read of such a mixture of Blasphemy and Rebellion; when men shall commit such horrid and emphatical Villanies, and then shall with so steel'd a Confidence warrant not only their Lawfulness, but their Necessity by vertue of a divine Commission; and shall break all the Laws of Nature, Society, and Religion, by the Counsel, under the Conduct, and with the Approbation of the Almighty? In short, there is scarce a Principle of Blasphemy or Rebellion in the Alcoran that this Wretch has not vouched upon divine Authority. He is a Person of such a rank Complexion, that he would have vyed with Mahomet himself both for boldness and imposture. The divine Majesty never had a dearer and more familiar Achitophel than he, they were always through the whole course of the War privy to each others Counsels, [Page] were always of the same side, and drove on always the same designs; and had this man been of the Cabinet Council of Heaven he could not have pretended a greater and more intimate acquaintance with the Intrigues of Providence. And now I leave it to the World to judge whether it be not becoming our Authors Modesty to charge it upon me as a monstrous Fiction, for saying, there have been men, who have taught, that to pursue success in Rebellion is to follow the guidance of Providential Dispensations.

§. 7. Our Authors imprudence and unadvisedness in forcing me upon the proof of my last Charge in defence of my own Integrity, recals to my mind another resembling Instance of his discretion, in provoking me to an unnecessary Dispute, where 'tis impossible for him to escape a manifest and dishonourable Baffle, viz. that the Pretence of Religion had no concernment in our late Rebellion or Civil War. And though I do not remember where I ever affirmed it was, yet is he upon every occasion upbraiding and challenging me to prove it; and whereas in my first Chapter I chanced to observe [Page] that it has frequently been made use of as a covering for unruly and seditious Practices, without descending to particular Instances (for they are too many to be specified in a small Volume) he will needs have me to aim in particular at our late Wars and Tumults, and appeals to the publick Writings, Pag. 147. Declarations, and Treaties, whereby those Tumults and Wars were begun and carried on: And then we shall find that Authority, Laws, and Priviledges, and I know not what things, wherein private men have no pretence of Interest, were pleaded in those Affairs. Pag. 301. And upon this string he is again rubbing to as little Purpose in this Chapter. Neither is he singular in this conceit and confidence; there are others, that have as well as himself sounded their Alarms from the Pulpit against Antichristian Idolatry and Oppression; and have chafed popular zeal and rage to fight for the purity and beauty of Gospel Ordinances, who yet blush not to declare in publick (with such a competent measure of confidence are they gifted) that the cause of Religion was not pretended or engaged in the Quarrel, but that it was a meer Contest about Civil Rights and Priviledges. Now though this concerns not me in my own defence, yet will I a [Page] little concern my self in the Enquiry, to discover the honesty and ingenuity of these men, that will blow hot and cold out of the same mouth, affirm and deny the same thing, as it suits with their present Occasion, and present Interest. And are they not arrived to an heroick pitch of Confidence, that dare protest so boldly and so publickly in defiance of so many publick Acts, Ordinances, Protestations, Covenants, Engagements, Declarations, Remonstrances, Treaties of peace, and Overtures of Accommodation, in all which preservation of Religion, and demands of Reformation still lead the Van; and the sense and substance of all the numberless Papers of Lords and Commons amounts to no more than this, that they were resolved to expose their lives and fortunes for the defence and maintenance of the true Religion, his Majesties Person and Honour, the Power and Priviledges of Parliament, and the just Rights and Liberties of the Subject. All these Pretences came in of course, but still Religion was the first and dearest grievance, and its Preservation more tender to them than their lives and liberties. As in the Observation upon the Lord Digbys Letters, the Lords and [Page] Commons declare, that they had never done any thing against the personal honour of the Queen, only we have desired to be secured from such plots and mischievous designs, that they might not have the favour of the Court, and such a powerful influence upon his Majesties Counsels, as they have had to the extream hazard not only of Civil Liberty and peace of the Kingdom, but of that we hold much dearer than these, yea, than the very being of this Nation, that is, our Religion, whereupon depends the honour of Almighty God, and the salvation of our Souls. And this was their perpetual answer to all his Majesties Propositions, that his Counsels were over-ruled by a malignant party of Papists, and other ill-affected persons, that carried on their own wicked designs of rooting up the Protestant Religion, to plant Popery and Superstition. Innumerable are the proofs to this purpose, but we will content our selves (because it will be sufficient) with these few particulars.

First then, 'tis notorious the Scottish broils and tumults were raised purely upon a pretence of Religion, being begun about the reading the Common-Prayer, [...]. p [...]g. [...] and not a little promoted by that senseless [Page] Pamphlet, A Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies obtruded upon the Church of Scotland. And the only Conditions of quieting these Troubles, were, (1.) That the Provost and City-Council should join in opposition to the Service-Book. (2.) That Ramsey and Rollock, two silenced Ministers, and Henderson a silenced Reader, should be restored to their places. And not long after there came a Petition of Noblemen, Barons, Ministers, Burgesses and Commons, and about what, do we think, but against the Liturgy and Canons? And the next news we hear from thence, was, That the King having adjourned the Term to Sterling by Proclamation, the Earl of Hume and Lord Lindsey protest against it, and erect four Tables of the Nobility, Gentry, Burroughs, and Ministers; the first Act of which,Pag 155. is to enter a general Covenant in defence of Religion, (and for fashions sake, the Kings Person.) This business of Scotland is an affair not unworthy the mentioning, not only because it was well known what invitation they had from their Party to enter England, but also because the Parliament here owned their Cause, took it unkindly of the King for calling them Rebels, voted them a great Supply under [Page] the name of a Friendly Assistance, and called them their dear Brethren of Scotland. And withal, did particularly own the Scotch Tumults as raised upon a religious account:Exact Coll. Pag. 494. this we have themselves confessing in a Declaration to satisfie the World of the justice of raising Arms; wherein they declare Religion the principal thing, and all others subservient to it: and as to this particular business of the Scots,Pag. 492. they speak thus: ‘When they (i. e. Papists, Clergy, and other Enemies of Religion) conceived the way sufficiently prepared, they at last resolved to put on their Master-piece in Scotland, (where the same method had been followed) and more boldly unmask themselves in imposing upon them a Popish Service-Book: for well they knew the same Fate attended both Kingdoms, and Religion could not be altered in one without the other: God raised the Spirits in that Nation to oppose it with so much zeal and indignation, that it kindled such a flame as no expedient could be found but a Parliament here to quench it.’ i. e. By hiring and tempting them to a new Rebellion at the price of one hundred thousand Pound, beside the reward of Pay and Plunder for [Page] the common Souldiers, the promise of Church-Revenues for the chief Promoters of the service, the sacrifice of the Archbishop of Canterbury to their malice and revenge, and (what was most likely to endear the Cause) the Reformation of the Discipline and Worship of the Church of England by the Model of the Kirk of Scotland, that absolute Pattern of a thorough godly Rebellion.

Again,Ex. Coll. p. 96, 97. The Declaration of Lords and Commons, March 2. orders this Kingdom to be put in a posture of defence by Sea and Land, because there was a design by those in greatest Authority about the King for the altering of Religion: That the Scottish War was fomented, and the Irish Rebellion framed for that purpose: That they had Advertisements from Venice, and Paris, and Rome, that the King was to have four thousand men out of France and Spain, Pag. 100. which could be to no other end than to change his own Profession, and the Publick Religion of the Kingdom.

In the 19 Propositions sent Iune 2. 1642. the eighth is this,Ex Coll. p. 309. That your Majesty will be pleased to consent that such a Reformation be made of the Church-Government and Liturgy, as both Houses of Parliament shall advise, &c. And the 17th, [Page] That the King should enter into a more strict Alliance with the Protestant Princes and States, for the defence of the Protestant Religion, against the Attempts of the Pope and his Adherents. And the Propositions made by Lords and Commons,Pag. 304. Iune 10. 1642. for bringing in Money and Plate to maintain Horse and Arms, runs upon this ground, first, That Religion else will be destroyed; and this is particularly recommended to all those that tender their Religion. And when the King countermanded the Propositions, they re-inforce them by the endearments of Religion. And Tuesday 12 Iuly, 1642. resolve it upon the Question,Pag 376. Pag. 457. That an Army be forthwith raised for its defence and preservation. Their Declaration of Aug. 8. 1642. grounds its self upon this,Pag. 491. That the Kings Army was raised for the Oppression of the true Religion. And therefore they give this account to the World, for a satisfaction to all Men of the Justice of their proceedings, and a warning to those who are involved in the same danger with them, to let them see the necessity and duty which lies upon them to save themselves, their Religion and Country. Where they tell us at large, and in great passion, That Papists, [Page] ambitious and discontented Clergy-men, Delinquents, and ill-affected persons of the Nobility and Gentry, have conspired together, and often attempted the alteration of Religion, &c. That all was subject to will and power, that so mens minds being made poor and base, and their Liberties lost and gone, they might be ready to let go their Religion whensoever it should be resolved to alter it; which was, and still is the great design, and all else made use of but as instrumentary and subservient to it. And then after an horrible harangue about the King and Queens going away, the Lord Digby's Letter, the Members going to York, &c. They (the Papists, Prelates,Pag. 494. &c.) come to crown their work, and put that in execution, which was first in their intention, that is, the changing of Religion into Popery and Superstition.

The Scots in answer to a Declaration sent them by their Commissioners at London from the two Houses,Pag. 598. did Aug. 3. 1642. return another, wherein they give God thanks for their former and present desires of a Reformation especially of Religion, which is the glory and strength of a Kingdom, &c. Protest that their hearts were heavy and made sad, that what is more dear and precious to them than [Page] what is dearest to them in the whole World, the Reformation of Religion has moved so slowly. To which they add, that 'tis indeed a work full of difficulties, but God is greater than the World, and when the supreme Providence giveth opportunity of the accepted time, and the day of salvation, no other work can prosper in the hands of his Servants, if it be not apprehended, and with all faithfulness improved: This Kirk and Nation, when the Lord gave them the calling, considered not their own deadness, nor staggered at the Promise (of an hundred thousand Pound) through unbelief, but gave glory to God; And who knoweth but the Lord hath now some Controversie with England, which will not be removed, till first and before all the Worship of his Name, and the Government of his House be setled according to his own will? when this desire shall come, it shall be to England, after so long desired hopes, a tree of life. And therefore they proceed to press earnestly for an Uniformity in both Kingdoms, but it must be after their own model. What hopes (say they) can there be of Unity in Religion, in one Confession of Faith, one form of Worship, one Catechism, [Page] till there be first one form of Ecclesiastical Government; yea, what hope can the Kingdom and Kirk of Scotland have of a durable Peace, till Prelacy be pluckt up Root and Branch, as a Plant which God hath not planted, and from which no better Fruits can be expected than such sowre Grapes, as this day set on edge the Kingdom of England?

In answer to this goodly Declaration the Lords and Commons desire it may be considered,Pag. 603. that that Party which has now incensed and armed his Majesty against us is the very same, which not long since upon the very same design of rooting out the Reformed Religion did endeavour to begin the Tragedy in Scotland, &c. And having thanked the Assembly of the Church of Scotland for proposing those things which may unite the two Churches and Nations against Popery and all superstitious Sects and Innovations whatsoever, do assure that they have thereupon resumed into their Consideration the matters concerning the Reformation of Church-Government and Discipline, which (say they) we have often had in consultation and debate since the beginning of this Parliament, and ever made it our chiefest aim, though we [Page] have been powerfully opposed in the Prosecution and Accomplishment of it.

And in another Declaration to the Convention of Estates, they remonstrate that the honourable Houses have fully declared by what they have done, and what they are desirous to do, That the true state of the Cause and Quarrel, is Religion: in Reformation whereof, they are so forward and zealous, that there is nothing expressed in the Scots Declarations former or later, which they have not seriously taken to heart, and endeavoured to effect, &c.

Of this the Commissioners of Scotland in th [...]ir third Paper remember the two Houses, p. 42, 43.And in a Letter from the Assembly of Divines to them, by order of the House of Commons, they call it twice The Cause of Religion. And the Assembly in answer to the Parliament, desire it may be more and more cleared, Religion to be the true state of the differences in England; and to be uncessantly prosecuted first above all things, giving no sleep to their eyes, or slumber to their eye-lids, until it be setled.

Ex Col. p. 666.In their Declaration and Protestation to the whole World, Octob. 22. 1642. They are fully convinced that the Kings Resolutions are so engaged to the Popish Party, for the suppression and extirpation [Page] of the true Religion, that all hopes of peace and protection are excluded, that it is fully intended to give satisfaction to the Papists by alteration of Religion, &c. That great means are made to take up the differences betwixt some Princes of the Roman Religion, that so they might unite their strength to the extirpation of the Protestant Cause, wherein principally this Kingdom and the Kingdom of Scotland are concerned, as making the greatest Body of the Reformed Religion in Christendom, &c. For all which Reasons we are resolved to enter into a Solemn Oath and Covenant with God, to give up our Selves, our Lives and Fortunes into his hands; and that we will to the utmost of our Power and Judgment maintain his Truth, and conform our selves to his Will.

And in the Declaration upon the Votes of no further Address to be made to the King by themselves or any one else, Feb. 17. 1647. the Lords and Commons make Religion one of the great Motives upon which they proceeded: for (say they) the torture of our Bodies by most cruel Whippings, slitting of Noses, &c. might be the sooner forgotten, had not our Souls been Lorded over, led captive [Page] into Superstition and Idolatry, triumphed over by Oaths ex Officio, Excommunications, Ceremonious Articles, new Canons, Canon-Oaths, &c. p. 19. And in the last Paper to the Scotch Commissioners, Feb. 24. 1648. they declare, that the Army of the Houses of Parliament were raised for maintenance of the true Religion, and that they invited them to come to their assistance, and declared the true state of the Quarrel to be Religion; and they earnestly desire the General Assembly to further and expedite the assistance desired from the Kingdom of Scotland upon this ground and motive, that thereby they shall do great service to God, and great honour may redound to themselves, by becoming Instruments of a Glorious Reformation, &c.

This was the stile of all their Papers, from 42 to 48, till some of the Grandees of the Independent Faction had by their hypocritical Prayers, malicious Preachings, counterfeit Tears, unmanly Whinings, false Protestations, and execrable Perjuries, scrued themselves up into a Supremacy of Power and Interest, and then they alter'd the stile of their Pretences with the change of their Affairs, and suited their Remonstrances to their Fortunes, [Page] and so stopt not at their old demands of Reformation and purity of Ordinances; these Pretexts were too low for the greatness of their Attempts and Resolutions, and were not sufficient to warrant the Murther of their lawful Sovereign; and therefore it was necessary for them to take up with new Pleas suitable to the wickedness of their new Purposes; and then nothing was big enough to Arreign or Condemn their Prince, but the Charge of Treason and Tyranny, and the Sentence of Death was passed and executed upon him as a publick Enemy to the Commonwealth: So that though Pretences of Secular and Political Interest were necessary to cut off his Head, yet it was purely Zeal and Reformation that brought him to the Block.

To these Declarations from the Press, I might add their Declarations from the Pulpit, their Preachers incessantly encouraging the People to fight against the King, as the most acceptable service to God; and the People accordingly fought against him, because they were perswaded that he was a Papist, and would bring in Popery; that the Common-Prayer was the Mass in English, Organs were Idolatry, and Episcopacy Antichristian. It [Page] was nothing but the purity of the Gospel, to which they so cheerfully sacrificed their Thimbles and Bodkins. And though here it were easie to collect vast Volumes, there being scarce a Parliament-exercise, for which the Preacher had the Thanks of the House, in which some sands and sweat were not wasted in crying up the piety of their Intentions for the Reformation of Gospel-Ordinances. But because this would prove a Work too Voluminous, I will therefore put off my Reader, (and satisfie my Adversary too) with two or three passages out of the inspired Homilies of I. O. in his several Dispensations. In his Sermon preached before the Parliament,Pag. 34, 35. April 29. 1646. he thus bespeaks them: From the beginning of these Troubles, Right Honourable, you have held forth Religion and the Gospel, as whose Preservation and Restauration was principally in your Aims; and I presume malice it self is not able to discover any insincerity in this; the fruits we behold, proclaim to all the Conformity of your Words and Hearts. Now the God of Heaven grant that the same mind be in you still, in every particular Member of this Honourable Assembly, in the whole Nation, especially in the Magistracy and Ministry of it, that we be not like the Boatmen, look one way, and row another; cry, Gospel, [Page] and mean the other thing; Lord, Lord, and advance our own ends, that the Lord may not stir up the staff of his anger, and the rod of his indignation against us, as an hypocritical People. Pag 4 [...] And Feb. 28. 1649. he tells them again, Gods Work whereunto ye are ingaged, is the propagating of the Kingdom of Christ, and the setting up of the Standard of the Gospel. And Octob. 13. 1652.Pag. 27. From the beginning of the Contests in this Nation, when God had caused your Spirits to resolve, that the Liberties, Priviledges, and Rights of this Nation wherewith you were intrusted, should not (by his assistance) be wrested out of your hands by Violence, Oppression and Injustice; this he also put upon your hearts, to vindicate and assert the Gospel of Jesus Christ, his Ways, and his Ordinances, against all Opposition, though you were but inquiring the way to Sion, (for then they were little better than Presbyterians) with your faces thitherward [...] God secretly entwining the Interest of Christ with yours, wrapt up with you the whole Generation of them that seek his face, and prosper'd your Affairs on that account. And lastly, Feb. 4. 1658.Pag. 1 [...]. Give me leave to remember you, as one that had opportunity to make Observations of the passages of Providence in those days, in all the three Nations, in the times of our greatest hazards; give me leave, I say, to[Page]remember you, that the Publick Declarations of those imployed in the Affairs of this Nation, in the face of the Enemies, their Addresses unto God among themselves, their Prayers night and day, their private Discourses one with another, were, that the Preservation of the Interest of Christ in and with his People, was the great thing that lay in their eyes, &c.

I must not detain you with Observations upon these passages; and they are so plain, I need not: this is enough to send him to School to his own dumb-speaking Egyptian Hieroglyphick, Eben [...]ezer, Epist. ded with which he once thought he could stop the mouths of the malignant Infidels, that would not be brought to believe the Success at Celchester, an ample Testimony of the continuance of Gods Presence with the Army. [...], Men of all sorts know that God hateth Impudence.

§. 8. But how ill soever the People of God may have behaved themselves in time of yore, they are now resolved to learn better manners: for, says our Author, (and who will not take his word?) Do they profess 'tis their Duty, Pag 296, 297. their Principle, their Faith and Doctrine, to be obedient to their Rulers and Governours? Do they offer all the [Page]security of their adherence to such declared Principles, as Mankind is necessitated to be satisfied with in things of their highest Concernment? &c. All is one, every different Opinion is Press-money, and every Sect is an Army, although they be all and every one of them Protestants, of whom alone we do discourse. You offer Security for your Allegiance! You that have violated all the Obligations of Oaths, Covenants, and Protestations! Shall Bankrupts of all Faith and Honesty expect to be trusted upon their bare words, that have so often proved perfidious to their Oaths? Men, whose coy and crazy Consciences have sworn and swallowed naked and undisguised Contradictions, are capable no doubt of giving wonderful assurance and satisfaction for their future Fidelity. First give us some competent Tokens of your Repentance, before you presume to tender us any Security of your Allegiance. Men that own the peculiar and distinguishing Principle of your Party, are not fit to be trusted or endured in any Commonwealth, viz. That Sovereign Princes may forfeit their Title to their Crowns, and that 'tis in the power of Subjects to depose them for the ill Administration of Government. By this pretence you justified all your late Disloyal [Page] practices; by it you adjudged his late Majesty to death; by it you banish't the undoubted Heir of the Crown; by it you proceeded to subvert the old, and erect a new Form of Government; and by it you all along confirm'd your selves in your Zeal and Opposition to the Royal Interest. Now what signs have you given us of your having renounced this Principle of Rebellion? And till you have, what assurance can you give us of your Return to Loyalty; seeing 'tis not possible for any Oaths to bind you to your Duty, whenever you have a mind to pick Quarrels against the management of publick Affairs? Come, come, (Sir) shuffle no longer with us, nor with your own Consciences: Either your proceedings in the late Confusions were great and enormous Crimes, or they were not; if they were not, nothing can restrain you, whenever you gain the advantage of power and opportunity, from acting such things over again, as you seriously believe to be just and innocent: if they were, why have you not all this while given us some competent and reasonable assurance of your Conversion? Your Crimes (if Crimes at all) were heinous and publick, and enhansed with all the Aggravations of [Page] guilt and wickedness; a flourishing Kingdom was embroil'd in Wars and Desolations; a pious and vertuous Prince was villanously murther'd; his Children banish't to preserve their Lives; his Friends undone with Rapine and Sequestration, and adjudged to death for their Zeal and Fidelity to his Service; thousands of his Subjects lost and sacrificed in the Quarrel, with innumerable other mischiefs and enormities; and all this carried on with mighty shews, and confident brags of Zeal and Piety. These are sins with a witness, and so full of horrour and amazement, that they are not to be repented of with an ordinary Contrition; and 'tis not possible that any Man should be seriously convinced of his own guilt in such prodigious Crimes, without the deepest Accents and Agonies of remorse; or that he should appease his Conscience with any less satisfaction than publick Acknowledgment; much less that he should expect other Men should trust the sincerity of his Repentance, without some visible Indications of his amendment. But, alas! so far are you from affording us any tolerable grounds to expect your change, that you give us nothing but symptoms of reprobate hardness; and instead [Page] of open and ingenuous Confessions, either wholly blaunch the matter, or extenuate the Crime, or (which is unpardonable Insolence) discharge the guilt of all your practices upon our heads: hereafter therefore forbear to think us such Sots, (unless you imagine our Skulls are stuft with wet Straw) as to accept of any Security you can offer, till you have first satisfied us of your hearty and unfeigned return to Principles of Loyalty and Allegiance: And till then, it were a shameful forfeiture of common discretion, if we do not still suppose you the same Men we have ever found you. Wolves (they say) may change their hairs, but not their hearts; and 'tis an easie matter for Men so exercised in the Arts of Hypocrisie, to cast their outward pretences, without ever altering their thoughts and inward designs. And yet they avoid the very appearances of alteration, insomuch that nothing is more cried up among themselves than an undaunted adherence to their old Principles and their old Cause; and if any of the Party chance to be so ingenuous, as to confess the Errour and Crime of his Rebellion, he is sure to be loaded with all the Reproaches of Apostasie, and branded with [Page] all the dishonour of a Renegado. And 'tis well known into what deep Arrears of their Anger and Displeasure one has lately run himself by a few gentle and friendly reproofs of their Schismatical Behaviour. What if he had exhorted them to repent of the Sins of Disloyalty and Rebellion, and had charged it upon their Ingenuity to give some remarkable Evidences and Engagements of their better Resolutions, as a worthy Requital of his Majesties Favour and Indempnifying the Outrage of all their former Proceedings? If he had, he would have been pelted with more dirty Language than the Pope of Rome, or the Apocalyptick Beast. They are stubborn and implacable in their old Principles, their Minds are still possessed with the same accursed Rage and Bitterness of Spirit, as ran them upon their late Rebellions; and they are so little affected with any sense or sorrow for their Disloyalty, that like men given up to a reprobate sense, they are enraged by the convictions of their own Guilt, and labour to stifle the overruling Reflections of their own Consciences. Rub up their Memories with their former Crimes, and you do but inflame their Choler; invite them to Repentance, [Page] and that they call (with our Author) an impertinent calling over of things past and bygone. Page 60. Nay, their Faces and their Consciences are so hardned, that they will threaten every little Reflection upon their late Enormities with the Act of Oblivion. And when any of them are so shameless as publickly to appeal to the innocence of their own Practices; if you shall rebuke their Confidence by representing the base and perfidious Arts of their Hypocrisie and Ambition, they (forsooth) will stop your Mouth with a Suit at Law. Indempnity will not satisfie their proud Stomachs, unless they may pass for pure and unspotted Innocents. We are bound to erase out of our Memories all Records of their Frauds, their Perjuries, their Pride, and their Cruelty; and in spite of our Dear-bought Experience ever suppose them as harmless in their designs as they are demure in their Pretences. And (what is more and more intolerable) they are so little toucht with any serious Regret for their former Actings, that they still proceed as far as they dare venture in the same blessed paths of Reformation. For though as yet they dare not set forth Publick Declarations of Designs to introduce Popery; of his Majesties [Page] being seduced by Evil Counsellors; of the Corruptions of Ministers of State; and of the ill management of all Publick Affairs, and such other old Stories as served for Prologues to the Old Tumults: Yet 'tis become a customary and familiar thing with them to make leering and unmannerly Reflections upon the Wisdom of the present Government, to dispute and condemn the Equity of Publick Proceedings, to possess one another upon every slight occasion with jealousies of Plots upon their Liberties and Priviledges, to upbraid publick Misfortunes with the successes of the Reign of Oliver Cromwel; and in brief, to alienate the Affections, and impair the good Opinions of the People as to the present Setlement of things, by any Arts and Devices that may not bring them under the lash of Justice, and within the cognizance of the Laws. 'Tis notorious how they work their Followers to a dislike of Monarchy, and a dis-respect to Sovereign Princes; though it is no wonder, if we consider that the present Chiefs and Ring-leaders of the Party are such as were the most vehement Patriots and Assertors of the Republican Faction.

[Page]§. 9. For a farther proof of their Impenitence, I cannot but observe that these men, that are as free as Publicans in their other Confessions, yet in these matters become like the man without the Wedding Garment, Dumb and Speechless; not for any deep sense of their Guilt, but because they disdain to own it. Here they cover their Transgressions as Adam, and stand upon the Protestation of their Integrity as Iob. Bring them to the enumeration of Sins against the Fifth Commandment, and they are immediately taken with a Pharisaick Costiveness, and after all their straining and winking, nothing comes but a few general and careless Confessions. The Good Old Cause sticks as close to them as Original Sin, no Sope or Nitre can purge away their Principles; their Complexions are unchangeable as the skin of an Aethiopian, and their Tempers incurable as the fretting Leprosie.

And therefore to return to our Author, before you presume to offer us any more security of your good Behaviour: first, learn the Ingenuity of men, shew your selves humble, melting, and broken-hearted Christians; give us some symptoms of [Page] your Repentance and Contrition: Rely not upon the Justification of your own Works; cast off the Rags of your own Self-Righteousness, and Self-Loyalty, and confess but once to his Majesty, as you often do to God Almighty, ‘Our throats have been as open Sepulchres, with our Tongues we have used deceit, the poison of Asps has been under our Lips; Our mouths have been full of cursing and bitterness, our Feet have been swift to shed Blood; destruction and misery have been in all our ways, and the way of peace have we not known.’ We are seriously convinced of the errour and wickedness of our doings: It was the great men of our Party (we cannot deny it) that were the fiercest and most implacable Enemies against your Majesties Crown and Person, that by their perfidious Oaths and Protestations enticed your Royal Father into their Nets, and then murther'd him with equal Modesty and Conscience. It was we (with shame and horrour we confess it) that pursu'd your own Life with the thirst and industry of Blood-hounds; and had your Majesty been the most hated wretch, Traytor, and Rebel in the world, we could not have hunted you with a keener [Page] Rage. And it was our Preachers that cried up all this as the Cause of God, and the work of Providence, in order to the Recovery and Preservation of the Gospel. But now (Sir) we are from the bottom of our hearts convinced of the unparallel'd wickedness of all these our Practices and Opinions; and we desire with shame and confusion of face to acknowledge and disclaim them in the presence of God, and before all the world; we now see, and cannot but declare we have grievously rebell'd against him, in fighting for him against his Vice-gerent; as we did against you when we fought for your Authority against your Person. Sir, our Behaviour has been so unworthy, and our Hypocrisie so notorious, that we have not confidence to desire your Majesty should ever trust us, till we have made some reasonable Atonement for all our Miscarriages, by some publick and ingenuous satisfaction, and given some unquestionable Proofs of our Repentance by some signal and extraordinary acts of Loyalty. And though our Brethren of the Kirk were once so tender-hearted as to excuse a Sister that had fall'n (as they phrased it) in Holy Fornication, from the shame of her publick Penance, lest the [Page]Gospel should be scandalized: yet if there be any among us that bewray any signs and symptoms of the old Spirit of Rebellion, we will be so far from sheltring or conniving at such unpardonable Offenders, that we will with all possible care drive them from our Communion, and deliver them up to the Justice of the Laws. If they would offer us such security as this for their Peaceableness and Obedience, they might make some impression upon our Good Natures, and gain some ground upon our good Opinions. But if they will not, all their other promises and Engagements are but so many assurances that they are not in good earnest. For if they were, that alone would indispensably oblige them to frank and open Retractions. Nothing can expiate a publick Crime but a publick Repentance. But alas! these conditions are too rough for humble and self-denying men to swallow, their Stomachs cannot down with such sharp and unpleasant Physick; and they will rather continue for ever in a state of Impenitence, then repent at the rate of a publick satisfaction. And hence it is that though I. O. has made the door to Atheism so wide, yet that to Loyalty is (as to them) like that to the Kingdom of [Page] Heaven, Straight is the gate, and narrow is the way, and few (if any) there be that find it. So that for them to pretend to Loyalty is a ruder and more unhandsom Insolence, then all their open Crimes and execrable Practices; tis an affront to our understandings, when Persons so stain'd with perfidious and disloyal Actions, shall go about to perswade us of their Innocence and Integrity, and cry up themselves for brave Subjects, though they have nothing to shew for it but their zeal in Treason and Rebellion. This is bold-fac'd wickedness, when men that have done such base and dishonourable things, shall look confidently, and scorn to accept all your Acts of Indempnity, unless they may challenge one of Justification. To conclude, Plutarch, I remember, somewhere commends the Wisdom of those Birds that conspired to beat the Cuckow, lest in process of time it should grow up to an Hawk: but what if the Cuckow had been an Hawk already, and they or any of their flock had been grip'd in its Talons, what sort of Birds would you have judged them, had they been so silly as to suffer it to become an Hawk again; only because it sung the old Cuckow Tune? The Mythology is plain; That [Page] Prince that has felt the pounces of these Ravening Vultures, if after that he shall be perswaded to regard their fair speeches, at such times as they want Power, without other evident and unquestionable tokens of their Conversion, deserves to be King of the Night.

§. 10. But here our Author adds, and 'tis suggested a thousand times over; Are not we both Protestants, and shall we persecute our Brethren of the same Church and Communion with our selves? No, no, we are Papists and Idolaters; have you so often branded us with the charge of Popery, and so confidently involved us in the grand Antichristian Apostasie; and can you now think it a seasonable Argument to work upon our Compassion and Good Nature by declaring your selves Protestants? This is an admirable motive to prevail upon the Affections of rank Papists; 'tis just as if our Author should hope to win us to the grant of an Indulgence, by pleading (as he often does) that they are right Godly men, when he has made an implacable hatred of all Godliness, the Characteristick note of the Episcopal Clergy. But he does, ever did, and ever will [Page] pour out his words at Random; and they are any thing, and we are any thing, and every thing is any thing, Truth to day, and Heresie to morrow, as it shall happen to conduce to their present Interest. And therefore to be short and plain with them, and to abate the Confidence of this popular pretence; The name of Protestant (as they use it) is but a term of Faction, and the word of a Party, a Title to which every man may pretend, that is no friend to the Pope of Rome; and if he be fall'n out with the Papacy upon what Account soever, that is enough to list him a Member of the Protestant Communion. And if any man through the Licentiousness of his life or principles be forced even for his own security to turn Renegado to the Church of Rome, he shall be immediately admitted into the Fellowship of the Reformed Churches: and thus shall the Reformation be made the Sanctuary of Romulus, a Refuge for Enthusiasts and Hereticks, a device to draw together all the lewd and wicked people in the world, to unite themselves into one body in defiance to the Roman Interest. This is a wild and boundless thing, and signifies nothing but popular Tumults and Confusions, and [Page] shelters all the Sacriledges and Enormities in the world, provided they that commit them rail at his Holiness. And thus I confess was the Reformation of some places the meer effect of the Tumults and Outrages of Boors, the Factions and Seditions of Mechanicks, the Crafts and Artifices of Statesmen, and the Ambitions of peevish and pragmatical Priests. And all that some men (who think themselves some of the most refined Protestants) contributed to the carrying on of this great work, was by breaking Church-Windows, demolishing Altars, defacing Shrines, beating down Images, doing despite to Pictures, burning Libraries, stealing Consecrated Plate, plundering Churches of their Sacred Ornaments, and adorning their own Houses with the Spoils and Reliques of Popish Trumpery. And therefore we must distinguish (and 'tis Mr. Chillingworths distinction) between Protestants and Protestants; those that Protest against Imperial Edicts, and those that Protest against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome. Between those who only remonstrate to the Papal Apostasie, and endeavour to retrieve the true ancient and Catholick Christianity; and those who under this Pretence shelter State Factions, [Page] and paint Reformation upon their Banners, and purge the Church of Idolatry by Civil Wars, and Desolations of States, and cast off Allegiance to their Prince, together with their Subjection to the Pope: enter into Leagues and Associations, raise Armies, and run into all the Disorders of Treason and Disloyalty against their lawful Sovereign, to extort by force of Arms the free exercise of their Religion. And it would grieve a man to observe how the sober and moderate Reformers were in many places run down by seditious and hot-headed Preachers: and (to mention no more) how Melancthon with his Disciples were supplanted by Flaccus Illyricus and his Confidents: The Flaccinians, (because he would allow of no Seditious Counsels to carry on the work) immediately impeach him of Apostasie to the Papal Cause, and send their Complaints abroad to Calvin, and other Patriarchs of the Reformed Churches, and the good man was put to the expence of much time and paper to prove himself no Jesuite. Now the Church of England disclaims the Communion as well as the Principles of these blustering Religionists; she abhors Rebellion as much as Idolatry, and looks [Page] upon defection from Loyalty and Allegiance as an Apostasie from the Christian Faith; and therefore men of disloyal Principles or Practices do but abuse her and themselves too, when they pretend to her Communion; because forsooth they have a mighty spleen against the Pope and Cardinals; whereas the rankest and most Jesuitical piece of Popery is the Doctrine of Treason and Rebellion. And what Agreement there is between the Jesuite and the Puritan concerning the Civil Magistrate, you may see parallel'd in divers material Points of Doctrine and Practice, to take down the too absolute and unrestrained Power of the Monarchs of Christendom, by Lysimachus Nicanor of the Society of Jesus, in his Epistle to the Covenanters of Scotland. And therefore what Perswasions soever they may have in other matters contrary to the Church of Rome, unless they are Orthodox in this Fundamental Article of the Royal Supremacy, if they are not Guelphs, they are (and that is as bad) Gibellines, another Party of professed Enemies to the Church of England. But to take down the Confidence of these forward Pretenders, and to give a more distinct and satisfactory Account of this Affair, you may know [Page] that our Reformation consists of two parts, Doctrine and Discipline; the design of the former was to abolish the corruptions and innovations of the Church of Rome, and to retrieve the pure and primitive Christianity; and the design of the latter was to abrogate the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome, and to annex all Superiority and Preheminence over the Ecclesiastical State to the Imperial Crown: in both which attempts, the Non-conformists or Puritan-Recusants have absolutely forsaken our Communion.

1. As to Discipline, The design of those great men that first arose to that great work was to redeem the Christian World from the shameless and exorbitant Usurpations of the Bishop of Rome, that had invaded the Thrones of Princes, and made their Scepters do homage to St. Peters Keys, and enslav'd the Royal Dignity to the Interests and Insolences of a proud Vicar. And this was the Schism of the Church of England, its defection to its lawful Prince; and its first departure from the Church of Rome was nothing but its Revolt to its due Allegiance, and at this day its greatest Heresie is the uncatholick Doctrine of Obedience to Sovereign Authority. Whereas the great project [Page] of the men of the Separation was never to abrogate, but only to exchange the Papal Usurpation, and to setle that Power and Supremacy of which they stript his Holiness of Rome upon the Presbyterial Consistory. The Holy Discipline is but another name for the Papal Power, it equally disrobes Princes of their Ecclesiastical Supremacy, and entirely setles its Jurisdiction upon the Presbytery, and vests them with an Authority to controul their Commands, restrain their Civil Power, and punish their Persons: in that by the Principles of the Huic disciplinae omn [...]s Orbis Princip [...]s & Monarchas [...]sces [...] sabmi te [...] & [...] necesse est. [...]ave [...]s de Disc. Eccl. p. 142. Holy Discipline Kings must be subject to the Decrees of the Presbytery in all matters of Religion; neither small nor great may be exempted from subjection to the Scepter of Iesus Christ; by which they mean the same thing that the Papists do by the Keys of St. Peter, viz. an Original Power in themselves of exercising a temporal Jurisdiction over the Kings of the Earth under pretence of their Spiritual Sovereignty: So that in this part of the work we have not been encountred with more disturbance and opposition from the Jesuites than from the Presbyterians, that are as to the Doctrine of Regal Supremacy as arrant Recusants; and therefore it as [Page] much imports Princes for security of their own Rights and Prerogatives to have an eye to the Factors of Geneva, as to the Emissaries of Rome. They are both men of bold and fiery spirits; and all the late Combustions of Europe have either been procured or occasion'd by the seditious and aspiring attempts of these two daring Sects. But the Tumults and disorders of the Jesuites concern not our present Enquiry; nor may I enter upon the History of all the Leagues, Conspiracies, Seditions, Spoils, Ravages, and Insurrections, of the Puritan Brethren. It has been lately performed by an Elegant Pen to purpose, that has thereby done that Right to the Cause of Reformation, as to absolve the true Protestant from the Charge of Seditious Doctrines and Practices, and to score all the Embroilments of the Kingdoms and Estates of Christendom, on the Account of the Calvinists, who thrust themselves into all Places and Designs; and if any where they were suffer'd to grow into any considerable strength and Interest, were upon all occasions drawing in the zealous Rabble into holy Leagues and Confederacies against their Governours. And if you will but compare the first practices and [Page] proceedings of the Hugonots in the Kingdom of France, of the Gheuses in the Belgick Provinces, of the Kirk-faction in the Realm of Scotland, with the Actings, Treasons and Disloyalties of the English Puritans, as you will discover a strange agreement in the issues of their principles and proceedings, so you will find their disorders to exceed the common mischiefs and exorbitancies of Mankind. But I must not pursue particular Stories, the History of their Tumults, Outrages, and Desolations, would require a larger Volume than the Book of Martyrs. It was these hot and fiery Spirits, that in most places spoil'd this gallant Enterprize; and by their seditious Zeal and madness, drove up the Reformation into down-right Rebellion; and were so outragious against the Church of Rome, that they had not patience to wait the lazy temper of Authority for the Reformation of Abuses. Its Wisdom and Moderation was Carnal Policy; and if Governours would not set upon it in regular and peaceable ways at their first alarm, then the only Doctrine they thunder'd from the Pulpit, was, That if Princes refuse to reform Religion themselves, 'tis lawful for their godly Subjects to do it, [Page] though by violence and force of Arms. These are the Men that are so forward to thrust themselves into the Reformed Communion, and whom we are so resolved to disclaim as shameful Apostates from the Reformed Cause, and judge just such Protestants as the Gnosticks were Christians, the scandal and dishonour of their Profession; and whom the true Sons of the Church were forced to avoid as much, if not more, than Heathens and Infidels, though it were only to secure their own Reputation, that their Tumults and Disorders might not be scored upon their Reckoning. This is plain matter of Fact, though how it will relish with our Author, 'tis easie to foretel; and it is not to be doubted but he may have the confidence to remonstrate to the most credible evidence of History, that has the boldness in defiance to so many publick Ordinances and Declarations, to deny that the Pretences of Reformation had any concern in our late Confusions. But however, he would be well-advised not to dare to Apologize for other Men, unless he could first clear his own innocence: for if a Man shall undertake to plead the Cause of a notorious Offender, that stands himself chargeable of the deeper guilt, [Page] he does not defend, but betray and upbraid his Client; his very Apology becomes a strong Accusation, and all the World will suspect that Mans innocence, when they shall see a person so scandalous, so forward in his defence. He is but an ill Apologist for the peaceableness or Loyalty of any Party, that has himself been a famous Trumpeter (not to say, a great Commander) in Rebellion; and when our late Thirsty Tyrants had gorged themselves with Royal Blood, was the first Chaplain that proffer'd his service to say a long Margarets Grace to the Entertainment.

§. 11. This short account may suffice to let you see that the Nonconformists, as to this particular, (however they may glory in the Name of Protestant) are but another sort of Papists, that pluckt down one Popery to set up another; and justled his Holiness out of the Chair, only to seat themselves in it. And as for the under-Sects, and farther improved Schismaticks, that have since sprung out of the Corruptions of Presbytery, our Controversie with them is not between Protestants and Protestants, but between Protestants and Anabaptists; a sort of people (as [Page] to this particular worse than Papists) whom nothing will satisfie but absolute Anarchy and Confusion in the Church, and by consequence in the State: for in a Christian Commonwealth they are but one and the same Society, which, as I have proved over and over, and our Author sometimes confesses, nothing can avoid but an Ecclesiastical Supremacy, or coercive Jurisdiction in matters of Religion. The hearty and serious acknowledgment whereof, is the true Shibboleth, and distinguishing mark of the right English Protestant. This is the pride and the glory of the Church of England, that she was never tainted with Sedition and Disloyalty; and in the management of her Reformation, never out run the Laws, but always moved under the Conduct of Sovereign Authority. It grieved our Prelates to behold the Dignity of the Throne prostituted to a Foreign Tyranny; and when, chiefly by their counsel and assistance, our Princes had disingaged themselves of their ancient Fetters, they proceeded to engage and encourage them in the Reformation of the Christian Faith to its ancient purity; and with the advice of their Ecclesiastical Senate, to establish Rites and Ceremonies of [Page] Worship by their own Authority. So that there is not a Monarchy in the world that might be so well guarded as the Crown of England, by its Orthodox Clergy, were they allowed that Power and Reputation that is due to the Interest and Dignity of their Function; not only because they hold so entirely from his Majesty, and are so immediately dependant upon his favour for their Preferment; but chiefly because there is not any sort of Men in the World possessed with so deep a sense of Loyalty: 'tis become their Nature and their Genius; 'tis the only thing that creates them so many Enemies, exposes them to so much Opposition, and divides them from all other Parties and Professions. What is it that so much enrages the Roman Clergy, but that we will not suffer his Holiness to usurp upon the Rights of Princes? And when these Janizaries invade and assault their Thrones, and attempt to seat their great Master in the Imperial Primacy, 'tis we, and only we that have ever stept in and beat back all their approaches with shame and dishonour. And whatever provisions might have been made against the Encroachments of Rome upon the Crown of England, they would have been lamentably [Page] weak without the aids and assistances of Religion, because 'tis that alone that is pretended in their Opposition; and its very pretences, where they prevail, are so strong and powerful, that they easily bear down all the Arts of Civil Policy and Government. Nothing but Religion can encounter Religion. And how easie had it been for Rome, considering its Power, Interest, Cunning and Activity, to have either inslaved our Princes to their Tyranny, or annoyed them with eternal Broils and Seditions, had not the English Clergy bestirred themselves to counterwork all their Mines, and to possess the peoples minds with an impregnable sense of Loyalty? And this, whatever is pretended, is the real ground of the breach between us, viz. The Interest and Grandeur of the Court of Rome. And would we but grant them back that Sovereignty they once exercised over the Kings and Kingdom of England, they would never stand so much upon any Controversies about Doctrinal Articles, and would willingly permit us to enjoy all our other fancies and perswasions; knowing, that if they can but regain their absolute Dominion over us, they shall soon be able to model our Opinions to their Interest.

[Page]And what was it that so exasperated the Disciplinarians, but when these pert Gentlemen would have been perking up into their Spiritual Throne, and (in imitation of their Kirk-brethren) Nosing the Power of Kings both in and out of the Pulpit, they pluckt down such pitiful Pretenders with scorn and dishonour, exposed their folly and ignorance to the publick Correction, and let the world see they were more worthy of a Pillory than a Throne? But these bold Youths have at length in pursuance of their designs, run themselves beyond their Pretensions, and lost their Cause among the Disorders and Confusions of their own procuring; out of which have sprung new swarms of Sects and Schisms, that were born and bred in Rebellion, and were never known to the World by any other visible marks than their Opposition to the Royal Interest. Yet have these Men the face to challenge their Right of Liberty and Indulgence, and to rail at us for not granting it, though the things, for which they demand it, are nothing but principles of Sedition and Disloyalty. The World knows what pranks and practices they have committed with the confidence, and under the protection of Religion; [Page] and they have never given us the least signs and tokens of repentance, and that alone is an infallible symptom of their impenitence: for were they sincere Converts, the World should be sure to know their resentments; so that we have all the reason in the World to believe them no Changelings; and then would it not be admirable policy to trust Men of such implacable Spirits and Principles to the present setlement of things? For if we have no ground but to suppose them Enemies to the Publick Peace, we certainly have no Motive or Obligation to treat them as Friends, but rather to use them as People that thirst after a Change, and aim at nothing more than our ruine. Tenderness and Indulgence to such Men, were to nourish Vipers in our own bowels, and the most sottish neglect of our own quiet and security, and we should deserve to perish with the dishonour of Sardanapalus. And howsoever their Ring-leaders may whine and cant to the people grievous complaints of our present Oppressions and Persecutions, yet would they inwardly scorn us as weak and silly Men, that understand not the height of our Interest, if we should be prevail'd with to bestow any milder usage upon such [Page] irreconcileable Enemies. And 'tis not impossible but that the Mercy of the Government may have been a great temptation to their insolence; and perhaps had some of them been more roughly handled, they had been less disobliged. They think Lenity and Compassion to an implacable Enemy, an effect of weakness; and would never forgive themselves, should they not use all means to suppress all known and resolved Opposition to their own Interest. And therefore as many of these Men as have been Objects of Royal Mercy, if they expect to obtain any farther favour to their Party, they would do well to give us some publick and competent assurance of their renouncing their former principles of Sedition, as to Civil Government. Though not a Man, continuing in their Communion, has ever as yet given the World any satisfaction of this kind; and certainly they can never take it ill in good earnest, if we only deny them the Liberty and free Exercise of their Religion, till they are willing to give us some security of their being governable.

§. 12. The second part of Protestancy, is the Reformation of Doctrine; and here [Page] the design was to abolish the Corruptions and unwarrantable Innovations of the Church of Rome, and to retrieve the pure and primitive Christianity. It was not their aim to exchange Thomas Aquinas his Sums for Calvin's Institutions, or Bodies of School-Divinity for Dutch Systems; but to reduce Christianity to the prescript of the Word of God, and the practice of the first and uncorrupted Ages of the Church, to clear the Foundations of our Faith from all false and groundless Superstructures, and once more recover into the Christian World a pure and Apostolical Religion. And therefore the only Rule of our Churches Reformation were the Scriptures, and four first general Councils: She admits not of any upstart Doctrines, and new Models of Orthodoxy; but all the Articles of her Belief are ancient and Apostolical; and if she her self should teach any other Propositions, she protests against their being matters of Faith, and of necessity to Salvation. And for this reason she imposes not her own Articles as Articles of Faith, but of Peace and Communion: Nor does she censure other Churches for their different Confessions, but allows them the Liberty she takes, to establish more or less Conditions [Page] of Communion, as the Governours of the Church shall deem most expedient for peace and unity. And she only requires of such as are admitted to any Office & Imployment in the Church, subscription to them as certain Theological Verities, not repugnant to the Word of God, which she has particularly selected from among many other to be publickly taught and maintain'd within her Communion, as necessary or highly conducive to the preservation of Truth, and prevention of Schism: and for this reason she passes no other censure upon the Impugners of her Articles, than what she has provided against the Impugners of the Publick Liturgy, Episcopal Government, and the Rites & Ceremonies of Worship, because they are all intended to the same end, the avoiding Disorders and Confusions. These then are the conditional Articles of the Communion of the Church of England, and they are necessary and excellent provisions for peace and unity. For among all the Disputes and Divisions of Christendom, it is but reasonable she should take security of those Mens Doctrines and Opinions whom she intrusts in publick Imployments, to prevent her being embroil'd in perpetual [Page] Quarrels and Controversies. So that Subscriptions to the Articles is required chiefly upon the same account as the Oath of Supremacy, whose Penalty is, That such who refuse it, shall be excluded such places of Honour and Profit as they hold in the Church or Commonwealth. And 'tis very reasonable that Princes should be particularly secured of the Fidelity of those Subjects that they entrust with their publick Offices. And thus all the punishment that the Church of England is willing to have inflicted upon Dissenters from her Articles, is to deprive them of their Ecclesiastical Preferments, as being unfit for Ecclesiastical Imployments: For though she is not so careless of her own peace, as to impower Men in the exercise of her publick Offices at all adventure; so neither is she so rigorous as to make Inquisition into their private Thoughts. And therefore we are not so harsh and unmerciful as somebody, (you wot of) who would be thought a warm Bigot for Toleration; and yet has sometime profest he would give his Vote to banish any Man the Kingdom that should refuse their Subscription.

But as for the absolute Articles of the Faith of the Church of England, they are [Page] of a more ancient date; they were not of her own contriving, but such as she found establish't in the purest and most uncorrupted Ages of the Church, and in the times nearest to the primitive and Apostolical simplicity. That is the measure of her Faith, and the standard of her Reformation: here she fixes the bounds of her Belief, and seals up the Symbol of her Creed, to prevent the danger of endless Additions and Innovations. But as for all other matters, I say, (with the late Learned Archbishop, as he discourses against Fisher) If any Errour, which might fall into this (as any other Reformation) can be found, then, I say, and 'tis most true, Reformation, especially in cases of Religion, is so difficult a work, and subject to so many Pretensions, that 'tis almost impossible but the Reformers should step too far, or fall too short in some smaller things or other, which in regard of the far greater benefit coming by the Reformation it self, may well be passed over and born withal. And withal by virtue of this Fundamental Maxim, may in due time and manner be redrest. By the wisdom and moderation of this Principle, the Church secures her self against the Prescription of Errour: So that if she should at any time hereafter discover any [Page] defect in any particular instance of her Laws and Constitutions, (and in a work so great, so various, and so difficult, 'tis not impossible, as the Archbishop observes, for the greatest caution and prudence to be overseen in some smaller things) she has reserved a just power in her self to reform and amend it. This, in brief, is a true and honest account of the Protestancy of the Church of England.

But so it hapned, that beyond the Seas there arose another Generation of pert and forward Men, the vehemence of whose Zeal and Passion transported them from extream to extream; so that they immediately began to measure Truth, not by its agreement with the Scriptures, and the purest Ages of the Church; but by its distance from the See of Rome, and the Apostacy of latter times; whereby it so came to pass, that they did but barter Errours in stead of reforming Corruptions; and in lieu of the old Popish Tenets, only set up some of their own newfangled conceits. But above all the rest, there sprung up a mighty Bramble on the South-bank of the Lake Lemane, that (such is the rankness of the Soil) spred and flourish't with such a sudden growth, that in a few days, partly by the industry of [Page] its Agents abroad, and partly by its own indefatigable pains and pragmaticalness, it quite over run the whole Reformation, and in a short time the right Protestant Cause was almost irrecoverably lost, under the more prevailing Power and Interest of Calvinism. That proud and busie Man had erected a new Chair of Infallibility, and enthroned himself in it; and had he been acknowledged their Supreme Pastour, he could not have obtruded his Decrees in a more peremptory and definitive way upon the Reformed Churches. Nothing can be rightly done in any Foreign Church or State, but by his Counsels and Directions: He must thrust himself in for the Master-workman, where-ever they were hammering Reformation: He must be privy to all the Counsels, and govern all the Designs of the Princes of Christendom: And his Mandates and Decretal Epistles must ever be flying about into all Parts and Provinces; and when any doubt or difficulty arose, away to Geneva to consult the Oracle, that always return'd his Answers with the Confidence and Authority of an Apostle. And thus did this hot and eager Man bear down all before him by the boldness of his Nature to attempt, [Page] and indefatigable vehemence of his Spirit to prosecute what he had once attempted, till he made himself at once both Pope and Emperour of the greatest part of the Reformed World. All his Dictates were Articles of Faith, and all his Censures Anathema's; and every dissent from his least important and most unwarrantable Principles, was Heresie; and every Heresie, capital and damnable. All Schemes and Models of Truth were coin'd in his Name, and warranted by his Authority; it was his Decree that stampt them Orthodox, and no Opinion that did not bear his Image and Superscription, might pass for current Divinity. And whoever was so hardy or so unhappy as to oppose himself to this bold and insolent Usurpation, or but to demur upon the Infallibility of his Determinations, he was immediately assaulted with Volleys of Anathema's, and they pour'd upon him showres of Invectives, and hated Names; and he was shunn'd like Infection, and dreaded as the Pest and Plague of the Reformed Communion; and if they wanted power to persecute him with Fire and Faggot, they would kill him with Noises and Anathema's.

[Page]And thus has this man and his followers intricated the way to Heaven with their own new Labyrinths, and wild turnings, trifling Questions, and uncertain talkings: they have smother'd and buried the Truths of God under the superstructures of their own foolish Inventions; they have blended their own dreams and Visions with the Divine Oracles, and then require the same Assent to their ill-spun Systems and Hypotheses as to the inspired Writings of St. Paul, and obtrude pure non-sense and contradictious Blasphemies upon our Belief with as much rigour and boisterous zeal as the most indispensable Truths of the Gospel: requiring as confident an Assent to the black Doctrine of irrespective Reprobation, as to our Saviours Death and Resurrection; and making it as necessary a point of Faith to believe that the Almighty thrust innumerable myriads of Souls into Being, only to sport himself in their endless and unspeakable Tortures, as that he sent his own Son into the world to dye for the Redemption of mankind: Nay, this they stick not to discard and disavow for its inconsistency with the Hypothesis of absolute Decrees: This is the Fundamental Article of their Creed, [Page] and all other points of Divinity must be so modell'd, as to suit and accommodate themselves to this Foundation of their Faith. And thus in most places did the design of Reformation degenerate into a furious Zeal for the Calvinian Rigours; the seeds of which Doctrine have produced nothing but thorns and briars of Contention, that have eaten out the life and power of true Religion, and make men barren in every thing but discords and disputations. The woful effects whereof are visible in most Foreign Churches, where Piety is exchanged for Orthodoxy, and Devotion for speculation, where their Religion is a zeal for a Scheme of Opinions, and their Learning an Ability to maintain them.

§. 13. But in the setling or modelling of our Reformation, by the Providence of God and our Governours, this mans assistance was refused, and his advice rejected: they understood him too well to admit him into their Counsels, and resolved to keep up close to their first design of reforming the Church to the Apostolical simplicity: Though afterward this Doctrine took root here by the industry of some zealous youths, that had been [Page] train'd up at the feet of that great Gamaliel, and return'd home Seminary Priests of the Calvinian Theology. This was the only errand and design of Whittingham, Travers, Cartwright, and others; and the only original of all the Schisms and disturbances that have ever since infested the Church of England, was the unseasonable zeal of these men to reduce its Doctrine and Discipline to the platform of Geneva. And though they were immediately check't in their attempt upon the Discipline, that they thought good to assault with fierce and open Violence; yet as for the leaven of their Doctrine, they insensibly spred and conveyed it into the minds of their Disciples; and it grew and prosper'd mightily in all places; because as it was cultivated with much zeal, and water'd with much preaching, so was it not encountred with any publick opposition: the Church not having declared it self positively in any thing but against the Errors and Corruptions of the Church of Rome: and as for all the other Disputes of Christendom, she contrived the Articles of her Communion with that prudence and moderation, as to take in all men of whatsoever different Perswasions in other [Page] matters into her bosom and protection. She embraced Trojans and Tyrians with equal Favour, and would not wed her self to the narrow Interests of a Party, nor determine all the quarrels and differences of disputing men: No, she left them to the Liberty of their own Opinions, only reserving to her self a power to quash and silence their Disputes for the ends of Peace and Government. But this moderation was too cool for these warm and hot-headed men; they thought it not enough for the honour of Mr. Calvin, and therefore resolved to declare themselves expresly for him in defiance to all other Doctors and Heads of Parties. But the Pulpits must make good this, and they are resolved to make good the Pulpits; and therefore they make them and the People to groan with nothing but the continual noise of Decrees; and the depths of Election and Reprobation were always ratling and thundering in their ears. The whole Circle of their preaching and practical Divinity was reduced to Calvin's Interpretation of the ninth Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. And when they had scared and astonish'd the People into an admiration of these gloomy Mysteries, nothing will satisfie their [Page] restless heads, unless they may be voted the Doctrine of the Church, and the cause of the Reformation. And all the men of the first moderation must be branded for Apostates, and the People let loose to rail at them as Papists, or under some other hated name, that they abhorr'd, but did not understand. And this is the Interpretation of our Authors malicious suggestion of his being aggrieved to observe such evident declerisions from the first establish't Reformation, towards the old, pag. 395. or a new, and it may be worse Apostasie; such an apparent weariness of the principal doctrines and practices, which enlivened the Reformation, ‘i. e. A wicked schismatical Relapse to Popish Arminian Errors, an Apostasie from the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches to worship the old Pelagian Idol Free-will with the new Goddess Contingency, or an halting between Iehovah and Baal, Christ and Antichrist, admitting the Belgick Semipelagians into the Communion of our Church, and joyning with a Spanish Plot, by opposing the Calvinists to reduce the people again to Popery; all which are the Methods of Satan, and the Designs of some who sit aloft in the Temple of God, to hew at the [Page] very roots of Christianity.’ As I. O. expresses himself in the Preface to his Display of Arminianism.

Yes, no doubt, it was the great design of our first Reformers to state (as he has done) the order and succession of eternal Decrees; to reconcile a fatal and irresistible determination of our Actions with the Liberty of our Wills, to account for the consistency of the Decree of irrespective Reprobation of the greatest part of mankind with the Truth and the Goodness of God, when he so plainly protests he would not any should perish, but that all should come to repentance; and to set up a secret and reserved will in God in defiance to his revealed will, and then make it consistent with the honour of his Attributes to profess one thing, and at the same time resolve another. It was no doubt their Zeal for these weighty and fundamental Truths that was the avowed cause of their Protestations against the Church of Rome; and those great Prelates that first arose to that great Attempt, chose to fall Martyrs to the cause, only to justifie their own absolute Election, and to prove the Impossibility of their Relapse from Grace. And among Mr. Foxes wooden Cuts we find many Pictures [Page] of Martyrs for the supralapsarian way, and the chain that tied them to the Stake was no doubt the noose of Election, and the Label that hangs out at their mouths, the decretal Sentence. So that they that will not burn and broil for these Fundamental Articles of the Geneva Zeal, are the Iulians and Apostates from the Protestant Faith, the Popes or the Devils Instruments (as our Author speaks) to betray us, to the old, or a new, and it may be a worse Apostasie. Men may mince the matter, and pretend only a dislike of the Doctrine of Reprobation; but alas! who knows not this to be the Serpents subtilty,Ibid. wherever she gets in her head, she will wriggle in her whole body, sting and all: give but the least Admission to these Heterodoxies, and the whole poison must be swallowed. This Apostasie from the single Article of Reprobation unavoidably brings in the whole body of Popish-Arminian Errors. And therefore whoever offends but in this particular, is absolutely fall'n from the Catholick Faith, and the Orthodox Doctrine of the Church of England; and then he has pronounced his Doom, and pronounced him uncapable of our Church-Communion. Admirable Doctrine [Page] this for a Patron of Indulgence, not to endure a Poor man that dares not dogmatize in the mysteries of Reprobation, but to deliver him up without mercy, or any sense of Compassion, to the exterminating Censures and Anathema's of the Church, and (what was then more dreadful) the Parliament too. Thus you see what are the Articles of these mens Zeal and Orthodoxy, and by what Doctrines and Principles they take their measure of Reformation, making a Rigour in the Calvinian Tenets, the only estimate of the Purity of Churches. So that because we are willing to clear our Church from the Incumbrance and Incroachment of these innovations, and are resolved not to trouble our selves with abetting the modern Controversies, and Mushrome Sects of Christendom, but to stick fast to the wisdom and moderation of the first design of returning to the antient and unblended Doctrines of Christianity: And are therefore careful in our discourses and representations of Religion to avoid all new and unwarrantable mixtures, and to represent the Truths of the Gospel with the same simplicity, as we should have done before these Novelties were started in the World. For this [Page] are we taxed by these Imperious Dogmatists of perfidious Designs to betray the Protestant Cause, and to return back to the Errors and Corruptions of the Church of Rome; and the People must be alarm'd and confounded with hideous Outcries against Popery and Babylon, Spanish Plots and Jesuitical Designs; and then must they stand upon their Guard, and nothing must asswage their Choler but an humble submission to their sturdy humour. They must not attend to any Articles of Agreement, or Overtures of Pacification and mutual Forbearance; and unless we will declare our Assent and Consent to all the curious and perplex'd Opinions of their Sect, they will hear of no other Conditions of Peace, and there is no Remedy but we must part Communion. They must (as I. O. Ibid. speaks) proclaim [...] an holy War to such Enemies of Gods Providence. This is hard measure, but yet such as was strictly meted out without a grain of Allowance, not only by the Rigid Presbyterians, but the Indulgent Tryers, those Patriots of our Christian Liberty, those renowned subverters of Ecclesiastical Tyranny.

Now there can be nothing more mischievous, or intolerable in any Church or [Page] Common-wealth then these peremptory Dictators of Truth, and profest Masters of Polemick Skill; they are so exact and curious in their own Speculations, and impose them with that severity upon the Consent of Mankind, and by consequence require such hard and impracticable Conditions of Agreement and Church-Communion, as must unavoidably break any society of men into Factions and Parties: For what so vain as to expect an Unity of Judgment in such a multitude of uncertain and undeterminable Opinions? And therefore those men that stand with such an unyielding and inflexible stiffness upon the admittance of their own Conceits, make all reconcilements impossible, and all ruptures incurable. Every little Opinion must make a great Schism, and the bounds of Churches must be as nicely determined as the Points of a Dutch-Compass. Their bodies of Orthodoxy are as vast and voluminous as Aquinas Sums, and they have drawn infinite numbers of wanton and peevish Questions into the Articles of their Belief; and now when they have swoln up their Faith to such a mighty bulk, and refined it to such a delicate subtlety, 'tis unavoidable [Page] but that this must perpetuate Disputes and Divisions to all eternity. And for this reason it is, that these perverse and imperious Asserters are the most insufferable sort of men in any Christian Commonwealth, in that they are such incorrigible enemies to peace, and are so good for nothing else but to raise disturbances and contentions in the Church. So that though we should suppose Liberty of Religion to be the common and natural Right of mankind, yet these Persons apparently forfeit all their Claims and Pretences to it, not only because their principles are directly repugnant to the quiet of States and Kingdoms, but because they invade other mens rights, and offer violence to their Neighbours just Liberties. And so cast themselves into the condition of Out-laws and Banditi; that once indeed had a natural Right of Protection from the Government, under which they were born; but if they will not submit to the Conditions of Society, and will be preying upon the Lives and Liberties of their fellow Subjects, they become publick Enemies to the common Good, forfeit all Right of Protection, and put themselves out of the benefit of the Laws▪ Such is the outrage of these [Page] haughty men, they are not content with their own just priviledges, but assault those of their Neighbours, and will not endure others to live in society with them, unless they will yield up the Liberty of their Understandings to their imperious folly, and no man shall be suffer'd to live in peace and quiet, unless they may be allowed to usurp and exercise a supremacy of Power over the whole Communion, and this is a direct subversion of the Authority of Government, and a manifest violence to the Fundamental Laws and Conditions of Society, and by consequence a Forfeiture of all Claims to its rights and priviledges. And yet notwithstanding this savage and insociable humour, they suffer not for that, but only for their incorrigible stubbornness against the Laws of Government and Rules of Discipline. And if they would learn to be modest, and yield to be govern'd by any thing but their own intolerable peevishness, they would seldom feel the severity of the Churches Discipline for the unmannerly rigour of their own Doctrines: these are matters of our mutual forbearance, and whatever may be the Opinions of private men, our Church does not dogmatize in scholastick [Page] speculations: and we must never expect to see peace re-enthroned in the Christian world, till other Churches shall suffer themselves to be brought to the moderation of the Church of England, to have as little Faith, and as much Charity as the Primitive Christians. But to contend for the same ease and indulgence (as these men do) in the Laws of Discipline, as in the broils of Disputation, is to cut the Nerves of all Ecclesiastical Government, and remonstrate to all the Conditions of Church-Communion. For it leaves every man at liberty to except himself from the Laws of the Society: and therefore (to conclude) hereafter let them not tell us of their being Protestants, unless they will satisfie us of their being governable. And when that is done, they may be secure to find from us more tenderness and moderation in case of their Dissent as to matters of Controversie and Opinion, than we ever have found, or ever expect to find from their waspish and cholerick humour.

As for what remains of my Discourse,Pag 299. It is (says the bold Objecter) all resolved into a supposition, that they who in any place or part of the world, desire Liberty of Conscience for the Worship of God, have indeed no Conscience[Page]at all. For it is thereon supposed without further Evidence, that they will thence fall into all wicked and unconscientious Practices. This is down-right forgery too, but yet 'tis weak and modest if compared to the Boldness of his former Calumnies: For 'tis a small thing for him to pervert my sense by an ill-collected supposition, that has wittingly falsified my express words, and laid to my charge lewd Assertions of his own pure Contrivance. However 'tis a popular surmise, and suited to the folly of the common People, and that is enough to his purpose; though the wise Surveyor himself can never be so short-sighted as not to see that the only supposition, upon which I all along proceed, was founded upon the clearest and most unquestionable experience of mankind, viz. that all men are either not so wise as they would seem, or not so honest as they would pretend; that 'tis a familiar thing even for well-meaning Persons to mistake humour and passion for Conscience; that Fanaticism is as incident to the Common People as folly and ignorance, and yet more mischievous to Government then Vice and Debauchery, with divers other common and easie Observations of humane life, from whence it is an obvious [Page] and natural deduction to conclude, that men may easily run into tumults and seditions under mistakes of Conscience, though they do not wittingly, and out of design abuse its Pretences to wicked and mischievous practices, but purely for want of knowledge and understanding in the nature of good and evil, and the moral reasons of things; whence it comes to pass that there are so few, who do not, or at least may not mistake their Vices for their Religion, and mix their passions with their Zeal. But because this suggestion is one of the great burthens of our Authors Complaint, and is so pertly glanced at almost in every Paragraph, and so industriously pursued upon every occasion, I think my self obliged, before I conclude, to entertain the Reader with some farther Account, how Conscience and Religion are the aptest and most suitable instruments to be employed for creating Publick Disturbances.

1. First then, they are the most usual mask, and most plausible pretence to cover the basest and most unworthy ends; Sacriledge and Rebellion ever shrowd themselves under the hatred of Superstition and Idolatry, bare-faced villany has but an ugly look, and has not confidence [Page] to shew it self to the World, but in the disguise of Reformation. The blackest Enterprizes could never have been attempted, had they not put on the fairest Pretences; for men cannot (as the world now goes) gain the opportunity of attempting any more enormous Wickedness, but under popular shews and affectations of Sanctity; and all the more exorbitant Crimes of Disloyalty that were ever committed in the World have shelter'd themselves under glorious Appearances of Godly Zeal. The Cause of God is the best spur and stirrup too to the advancement of Ambitious men; and there is no such easie way for them to exalt themselves above their Superiours, and to trample upon their Equals, as when they do it for the Glory of God. Nothing else could have so long supported the Credit of his late Highness through so many Murthers, Perjuries, and manifest Villanies, but his great dexterity in Praying and Preaching, his counterfeit way of whining, his dreadful Appeals and Protestations to Heaven, and his great and extraordinary Communion with God. And therefore this specious piece of Hypocrisie being so absolutely necessary to give reputation to the basest [Page] and most disloyal Actions, Princes are thereby sufficiently warned to be jealous of those Designs that are usher'd in under this popular and plausible Pretence of Reformation, and to be more watchful to suppress their Attempts than open outrages; because it does not only disguise, but gives Countenance to any mischief, and makes the ugliest Projects appear fair and plausible to vulgar eyes. It naturally dazzles and lures in the wild Multitude to any design, and there is no way so easie to infuse into their heads an ill opinion of the present State, as to inveigle them with conceits and jealousies of miscarriages in, or designs upon their Religion. No, however they may out of a sense of the great duty of Obedience suffer Princes to waste and subvert their civil Liberties, yet they must not endure them to encroach upon the Rights of Religion: So that there is no other effectual Artifice to decoy Christian Subjects into Mutiny and Rebellion, but the taking Pretences of Godliness and Reformation. They are all agreed in the Belief of the necessity of subjection to their lawful Superiours in all things that concern their civil rights; but where the Glory of God and Purity of his Worship lie at stake, [Page] there they must whet and sharpen their Zeal in his Cause, and not betray the true Religion by their neglect and stupidity. And let but a few crafty men whisper abroad their suspicions of Popery or any other hated name, and the Rabble are immediately alarm'd, and they will raise a War and embroil the Nation against an Heretical Word.

And to this Purpose their Leaders are ever provided with such jugling and seditious Maxims, as effectually over-rule all Oaths of Allegiance, and all Obligations to Obedience, as that all Good Subjects may with just Arms at least defend themselves if question'd or assaulted for the cause of Religion, though when they send their Armies into the Field, they are as well arm'd with Offensive Weapons as their Enemies, and are furnish'd with Swords and Musquets to annoy them, as well as Shields and Bucklers to defend themselves. That the maintenance of pure Religion passes an Obligation upon their Consciences, of force enough to evacuate all Oaths and Contracts whatsoever, that may stand in the way of its advancement; and then how naturally does this not only warrant, but enforce their Resistance to their Lawful [Page] Prince in defence of the cause of God, and to extort the Free exercise of Religion by force of Arms? which if they should lay down at his Command, that were to betray the Gospel to the Power of its profess'd and implacable Enemies by their own neglect and cowardize. Not that they fight against the King himself, God forbid, their intention is nothing else then to rescue him out of the Power and Possession of evil Counsellors: You must not believe them such disloyal Wretches as to rebel against his Sacred Majesty, alas, they design nothing but the discharge of their Duty and Allegiance; and though they take up Arms against his Person, yet 'tis in defence of his Crown, and they fight against him in his Personal Capacity only to serve him in his Political. That in the management and Reformation of Religion, there is no respect to be had to carnal and worldly Wisdom; and therefore when the Propagation of the Gospel lies at stake, 'tis but a vain thing for men to tie themselves to the Laws of Policy and Discretion. Civil Affairs are to be conducted by secular Artifices, but matters of the Church are to be directed purely by the Will of God, the Warrant of Scripture, [Page] and the Guidance of Providence. Now what exorbitances will not this wild principle excuse and qualifie? In all their disorderly and irregular Proceedings, they do but neglect the Rules of carnal Policy for the better carrying on of the work of the Lord, where there is no place for moderation and complyance; and nothing must satisfie or appease their Zeal, but a full Ratification of all their demands. Though these and infinite other as vulgar Artifices are as old as Rebellion it self; and though wise men can easily wash off their false Colours, yet the Common People will suffer themselves to be abused by them to the end of the World; partly because they are rash and heady, and apt to favour all Changes and Innovations; partly because they are foolish and credulous, and apt to believe all fair and plausible stories; but mainly because they are proud and envious, and apt to suspect the Actions of their Superiours. So easie a thing is it for your crafty Achitophels to arm Faction with Zeal, and to draw the Multitude into Tumults and Seditions under colour of Religion, whilst themselves have their designs and projects apart, and influence the great turns of Affairs for their own private Ends, and [Page] so manage the zealous fools, as to make them work Journey-work to their ambition, and imploy seditious Preachers to Gospellize their Conspiracies, and sanctifie their Rapines and Sacriledges to display the piety of their Intentions, and cry up the Interest of a State-faction for the Cause of God, and sound an Alarm to Rebellion with the Trumpet of the Sanctuary.

§. 15. Thus (to omit the known Arts of the Grandees and Junto-men in our late Confusions) were the Confederate Lords of France, that involved their Native Country in such a long and bloody War, during the Reign of four or five Kings, at first to seek for a plausible pretence to secure and justifie their Resolution of taking up Arms against their lawful Sovereign, till the Admiral Coligny hit upon that unhappy counsel, to make themselves Heads of the Hugonot Faction; and then they had not only a strong party to assert, but a fair pretence to warrant the Rebellion: And the War that was first set on foot by the envy and ambition of some Male-contents in the State, was prosecuted with greater rage and fury by Zeal for the true Religion. In all their [Page] Manifests and Declarations, they protested for nothing with so much seeming Resolution, as their Demands of Liberty and Indulgence for tender Consciences. And when either Party fortun'd to be worsted, they re-inforced themselves and their Cause by Religious Leagues and Covenants, and then the heady multitude flowed into the assistance of the different Factions, according to their different Inclinations.D'avila, lib. 2. So that by degrees, (to use the words of the Historian) the discords of great men were confounded with the dissentions of Religion; and the Factions were no more called the discontented Princes and the Guisarts, but more truly, and by more significant Names, one the Catholique, and the other the Hugonot Party. Factions, which under colour of Piety, administred such pernicious matter to all the following mischiefs and distractions. Which how sad and how tedious they were, I need not inform you; only this, both Parties being balanced, and successively encouraged by the inconstancy of Government, the change of Interests of State, and the windings of an ambitious Woman, the publick Broils and Disorders were kept up through so many Kings Reigns, and might have been perpetuated till this day, had not the equality [Page] quality of the Factions been broken, and the power and interest of the Hugonot Party absolutely vanquish't. So that though these two opposite Parties might, if let alone to themselves, have lived peaceably together in the same Commonwealth; yet when headed and encouraged by great Men in the State, they immediately became two fighting Armies: and when they were once enraged against each other by Zeal and Religion, it was not possible for all the Arts of Policy to allay the storm, but by the utter ruine and overthrow of one of the contending Factions. Dissembled Pacifications and plaister'd Reconcilements, proved more bloody and mischievous in the event, than the Prosecution of an open War. This would have put a certain period to the publick Miseries by the Conquest of a Party; but in the other, the times were broken by various changes and turns of Fortune, the State miserably involved and entangled in perpetual Revolutions, and the short Intervals of peace, were but Preparations to War. Accommodations were only offer'd and procured by the weaker Faction, thereby to gain advantages of mustering stronger Forces; and when they had power enough to look the [Page] Enemy in the face, the counterfeit Peace dissolved of its own accord, and upon the first occasion they brake out into wider and more obstinate Ruptures. So natural is it for Dissentions of Religion to heighten themselves into implacable hatreds and animosities; and 'tis as natural for them, when drawn to an head by any unlucky conjuncture of Affairs, to break out into open Wars and Rebellions. Popular Zeal is always heady and presumptuous; and when let loose from the restraints of Government, and the dread of Punishment, it knows not how to contain it self within the limits of reason and modesty. Connivence does but encourage its peevishness and presumption, and it strengthens and supports it self upon the slightest and most ungrounded Encouragements. Not to check the tumultuous proceedings of the multitude by Laws and Penalties, is to make them insolent; and if the State be not concern'd to suppress them with rigour and severity, they immediately conclude themselves its greatest Friends and Favourites; and the inconsiderate Rabble are easily perswaded, that they are secretly countenanced by Authority; and that as soon as the circumstances of Affairs [Page] will permit, that will openly declare for the Interest of their Faction. And then they cannot rest satisfied in the enjoyment of their own Liberty, but grow insolent toward the predominant Party; and by all the acts of a sawcy and unpleasing deportment, exasperate their rage and indignation. Who on the other side looking on them as a mean and despicable people, are apt to trample upon them, especially when provoked by their insolence, with the greater scorn and disdain; whereas nothing so inflames and so embitters proud minds, as to be despised: and therefore this again puts them upon all endeavours to rescue themselves from so unpleasing a condition; and whenever they grow to any confidence of their strength and their numbers, they are presently grappling with the Power that oppresses them: and thus by counterpoising of Parties, their differences swell and increase (like angry Biles) till they break out into open dissentions. So easily are publick Tumults and Factions kindled, and Kingdoms set all on fire with Fanatick Wars and Combustions. 'Tis but for one of the Parties to enter into Covenants and Combinations under pretence of publick Good, and this without [Page] any more ado alarms the other to provide for its own security, and then do all things immediately dissolve into confusion and disorder: for Confederacies are but the Openings and Declarations of Wars, and entring into Leagues is no less in effect than Listing of Armies, all the Confederates being under a sacred Obligation to assert the Cause against all Opposition by force of Arms. And this shews the vain Policy of the Counter-balance, a Project too nice and subtle for the vehement and boisterous passions of Humane Nature: and however it might strike the fancy of a capricious Woman, no trick of Policy has ever proved it self more unsuccessful than this, whilst practised in the same Kingdom; and the issue has ever been, that the Commonwealth has struggled with mutual Opposition, and totter'd with Civil Wars, till it has either recover'd it self by an absolute suppression of one of the Factions, or sunk into utter ruine and confusion. As indeed the Popes of Rome have managed this artifice to balance the Princes of Christendom, it was neither unuseful nor unpracticable, because the equality was kept up between two different and independent States, that could not suddenly [Page] work each others destruction; or if they should attempt it, he could easily overrule the contest by the intervention of a third Power. But when mutual dissentions are kept up under the same Government, it is always in hazard of being torn in pieces by its own intestine Quarrels. And whenever there happens an open Eruption, the Prince is not provided with a third Power to give check to the growth and exorbitances of the predominant Faction, and can now no longer juggle and dissemble between both, but must of necessity declare for one Party, and cast himself and his Crown upon their fortune; and if he chance to hit upon the wrong Faction, he is lost, and remains a prey to the Conqueror. Whether this speculation of the balancing project be profound and political, (as our Author reflects upon it) 'tis no great matter; I am sure 'tis founded upon the plainest and most obvious experience of Humane Nature and Humane Affairs. And when he can make differences in Religion, without making distinct parties and interests in the Commonwealth; then, and not till then, may he be able to prove Toleration consistent with publick peace and tranquillity; i. e. when he is able to [Page] abolish all the follies and passions of Mankind. But for that, we must stay to the coming of the Fifth-Monarchy; though when those golden days shall come, it will then be our turn, as some of our Adversaries have cast up our Reckoning, to beg and to be denied Indulgence: for that, as they cast up their own Accounts too, shall be the time of their revenge; and then, you may be sure, they will not fail to be even with us for all our hard measure; and King Iesus shall make us feel what it is to persecute his Favourites, and will not neglect his Friends to reward his Enemies. But then the Saints (as I. O. speaks) shall take Vengeance of the Whore for all her former rage and cruelty; and the Rochets of the Prelates, together with the Robes of persecuting Kings and Princes, shall be rolled up in Blood.

§. 16. This may suffice to discover the danger of Knavish and Political Hypocrisie, but this is founded upon Atheism and Irreligion; and 'tis such a lewd affront to the Almighty, and such a desperate attempt of Impiety, that 'tis not every one can arrive to boldness or wickedness enough to put it in practice. And therefore the more dangerous, because [Page] more frequent sort of Hypocrisie, is that which is more serious, more confident, and more incurable. When Men put a Cheat upon themselves as well as upon the World, in that having no right understanding of the Nature and Properties of true Religion, they embrace something else, that looks like it, for its substance and reality; and by this fond mistake, flatter and abuse themselves into a strong and serious conceit of their own Saintship. This is the Pharisaick Leven, that (as I have often suggested to you) has in all Ages of the World been the most fatal and epidemical miscarriage of Religion. Because when well-meaning Men have once satisfied their Consciences in a false and mistaken Godliness, this becomes not only a strong prejudice upon their minds, against the admission of all true and real Goodness, but a fatal snare to betray them into all those vices that are most destructive of the Peace and Government of the World. In that notwithstanding this, they may continue proud, peevish, insolent, passionate, self-will'd, and malicious; and yet be highly satisfied and conceited of their own Integrity: So that these Vices (that are the strongest and most ungovernable passions of Humane [Page] Nature) escaping unregarded and unmortified under the protection of this self-chosen Godliness, 'tis unavoidable but that they will mix with their religious Zeal, as well as any other Concernments whatsoever. For there being nothing to discover or restrain their Irregularities, what should hinder but that they will as much vent themselves in the Cause of Religion, as in any other Affair of Humane Life? And because they are there more passionately concerned, their excesses cannot but be proportionably more vehement; insomuch that he that is spightful, will be more so for the Glory of God; he that is factious, will be more so for the Godly Party; he that is peevish, will be more so for his Orthodox, or (what is the same to him) his own Opinion; and he that is malicious, will be more so against the enemies of the power of Godliness. So that when Mens passions are (as you easily see they may be) infused into their Religion, that does but make them more eager and turbulent; and 'tis so far from abating their rage, that it heightens and imbitters their malice. And therefore to me 'tis no wonder to observe how some Men will pray with the ardours of an Angel, love God with [Page] raptures of joy and delight, be transported with deep and pathetick Devotions, talk of nothing but the unspeakable pleasures of Communion with the Lord Jesus, be ravish't with devout and Seraphick Meditations of Heaven; and, like the blest Spirits there, seem to relish nothing but spiritual delights and entertainments: who yet when they return from their Transfiguration, to their ordinary converse with Men, are churlish as a Cynick, passionate as an angry Wasp, envious as a studious Dunce, and insolent as a Female Tyrant; proud and haughty in their deportment; peevish, petulant, and self-will'd; impatient of contradiction, implacable in their anger, rude and imperious in all their Conversation, and made up of nothing but pride, malice and peevishness. The reason is obvious, because whilst they are so mighty warm and zealous in the Duties of Godliness, and so exceedingly busie in the Instruments and Ministeries of Religion, and their Consciences so fairly satisfied by this wonderful strictness in the Performances of Devotion, they hug themselves in a dear Opinion of their own Saintship; and resting content in the Formalities of Religion, they are never concern'd to [Page] proceed to the habitual Mortification of their passions and depraved dispositions; which being neglected, will of their own accord grow upon them, and over-run the whole habit of their Minds; and if Men are not careful to correct and subdue the petulancy of their Natures, it thrives and increases under their neglect, because 'tis natural: so that where it is not opposed with a constant and resolute Industry, Men will by instinct and natural tendency be untoward and intractable; but much more in concerns of Religion, because this superinduces an Obligation of Conscience upon the malignity of Nature, and consecrates all their scurvy and unkind Offices into Duties of Zeal. And this is the true Original of all that peevish and ill-natured Religion that is so common in the World. And now are not Kingdoms likely to be bravely govern'd, if Authority must indulge Men such exorbitant and pernicious Vices, as directly tend to the disturbance of all Society, because their well-meaning ignorance may imagine them to be symptoms and results of Godly Zeal? And therefore supposing all that pretend to Conscience to be serious and upright in their pretensions; yet that is so far [Page] from being any Argument for Indulgence, that 'tis the most powerful disswasive against it, it being such great odds that it engages them to be troublesom to Government. And this is the plain reason of my Assertion, (over which our Author has so frequently and so ridiculously insulted) viz. Eccl. Pol. p. 150. That Princes may with less hazard to their Government, give Liberty to Mens Vices and Debaucheries, than to Fanatick Consciences; because though they are both justly punishable, yet they are not equally mischievous, in that the sins of Debauchery make Men useless in a Commonwealth, but those of Religion make them dangerous; because when their passions are warranted by their Religion, that obliges them by their greatest hopes and fears to act them to the highest; and then it is easie to imagine what calm and peaceable things those Men must be, who think it their Duty to enforce and enrage their passions with the Obligations of Conscience.

§. 17. But for a more accurate and satisfactory proof of this sober Truth, we will a little consider and explain what is the true and real meaning of Conscience; and that will abundantly evince, that [Page] there is nothing in Nature more uncertain or ungovernable than vulgar Conscience. First then, these Men are wont to discourse of it, as if it were a principle of Action distinct from the Man himself, according to their loose way of talking, to discharge the guilt and imputation of their Crimes upon any thing but themselves. Thus, does a Child of God fall into any scandalous miscarriage? the mortified Man is only foil'd by the strength and subtlety of Indwelling sin. Is he perfidious to his Engagements? and does he violate all the Obligations of his Faith and Honesty? the Vpright Man is imposed upon by the deceitfulness of his Heart. And after the same rate do they discourse of Conscience, as if it were some infallible thing within, that presides over all a Mans thoughts, and directs all his Actions: so that whatever they attempt to do, if they shall pretend the Warranty of Conscience, that shall excuse and justifie their Action; and how unaccountable soever it may prove, let Conscience look to that, they are innocent. And though they themselves (Good Men) do not desire to be excused their Obedience from the Commands of lawful Authority, yet 'tis neither he nor they that can [Page] force Conscience to Subjection. And when the Magistrate drives, if they grow resty and skittish, 'tis because Conscience stands in their way, (like the Angel before Balaams Ass) and then 'tis nor in their power to move one step forward. But this is downright Juggling; for in plain English, a Man and his Conscience are but one and the same thing; and such as the Man is, such is his Conscience. So subtle are these Men, when they declare themselves his Majesties most humble Servants, and only beg he would spare their Consciences; and if he will grant them but that one reasonable demand, Ah! how will that endear them to his Government, and oblige them to their Duty? i. e. If he will set them at perfect Liberty from all Subjection, and absolve them from all Obligations to Allegiance, they will promise to be his most Loyal Subjects. For, if you consider it, you will find nothing in Humane Nature capable of the Obligation of Laws beside Conscience. For Obligation is but a tie to Duty, and all Duty is tied upon the Conscience, i. e. the Mind of Man, as 'tis capable of Moral Actions, or of being govern'd by the Rules of Good and Evil.

[Page]Conscience then (to omit the equally nice and useless Definitions of the Schools) is nothing but the Soul or Mind of Man, that undergoes various Denominations from its various Powers and Abilities; as when it conceives of things, 'tis called Understanding; when it discourses, Reason; when it determines, Judgment; when it chuses, Will; and when it reflects upon it self and its own actions, Conscience. Every Mans Mind is his Judgment; his Reason, his Will and his Conscience; that are but several Names of the same Being, according to its several Functions and Ways of Acting. Now though Conscience in the Grammatical sense of the word may indifferently signifie all reflex Knowledge; yet 'tis by common use appropriated to the Mind, as it is imployed about Good or Evil, and capable of being guided and governed in reference to its Moral Actions. I say, of being guided and governed; because though it is its own Judge, yet it is not its own Rule; but all the Laws, whereby it is conducted, are derived from other Principles.

[Page]First, There are the natural Reasons and Proportions of Good and Evil, that arise from the unalterable Respects and Relations of Things to Things, in acting suitably to which, consists the natural Morality of all prime and essential Goodness. Thus from the relation between God and his Creatures, springs the natural Duty of Divine Worship and Religion, i. e. of making grateful Returns and Acknowledgments to Him for all the Communications of his Bounty and Goodness to us; in which there is a natural Decency and Agreeableness that obliges every Rational Creature to its performance, antecedently to all superinduced obligations of Laws: It being therefore commanded, because 'tis good; and not therefore good, because 'tis commanded. And from the like Reasons and Correspondencies of Nature, arise all the Duties in reference to our Neighbours and our Selves, whereby we are to conduct all our moral Actions, and are obliged to every thing that is either perfective of our own Natures, or conducive to the Happiness of others. Now these essential Reasons of Good and Evil, are either the subject matter, or the end of all Laws, that are enacted only to prescribe and enforce [Page] either the practice of these natural Duties themselves, or of something else subservient to them. But as these are the only Rule of Laws, so are Laws the only Rule of Conscience; 'tis not left at liberty to follow its own inclinations, but 'tis bound to guide it self and all its Actions by the Rules prescribed to it by its Superiours, i. e. by Divine and Humane Laws. Though indeed, without these, an upright Conscience left to it self, would be an excellent Guide of all our Actions; and if rightly observed and attended to, sufficient to secure the Peace and Welfare of Mankind. For an honest Mind that prudently and impartially attends to the natural Reasons of Good and Evil, and endeavours to make them the Rules and Measures of its Actions, can never fail of some competent Performance of its main Duties in all its Relations. And if all Mens Consciences might have been trusted with their own Wisdom and Integrity, all other Government would have been useless and superfluous, in that every man would have govern'd himself by the Laws of essential Justice and Equity, i. e. if all men might be supposed wise and good, they would stand in need of no Governours [Page] but themselves; and what they now do in Obedience to the Laws of the Common-wealth, they would then do out of choice, and in obedience to the Obligations of Conscience. But because this supposition is become impossible (and proved so by experience) through the universal Depravation of humane Nature; and because few Persons have either leisure or ability to search out the original Reasons of Good and Evil, that are discoverable no other way then Mathematical Problems and Propositions are, by serious and attentive meditation, and laborious trains and deductions of Reason; mankind are not left to the workings and discoveries of their own Minds for the Rule of their Actions. But our whole Duty is digested to our hands in bodies and digests of Laws, and nothing is required of us but what is prescribed by express and particular Constitutions. And therefore men consider not what they would have in their general demands of Liberty and Exemption of Conscience, because Conscience it self is an indefinite Principle, and undetermined to Good or Evil, and becomes so respectively according to its agreement or disagreement with its Rule: If it act conformably [Page] to that, its action is good; if it do not, its evil, how bold and confident soever it may be in its Perswasions: so that 'tis no competent Justification of any action to plead that it agrees with the Perswasions of my Conscience, unless I can first prove that the Perswasions of my Conscience agree with the Rules of my Duty; and therefore Conscience alone is no sufficient warrant of its Lawfulness; because a man may act according to his Conscience, and yet do very ill by acting contrary to his Rule. But Conscience when it is rightly instructed, and well acquainted with the Rule of its Duty, then 'tis a true guide of mens Actions; but this takes in all the Dictates of right reason, as they lie couched under divine and humane Laws: Both which in their several Proportions make up the adequate Rule of Conscience, that without them signifies nothing else then an unaccountable will, humour, or inclination: And therefore 'tis ridiculous to oppose the Pretences of Conscience to the Prescriptions of Lawful Superiours, unless by virtue of some express command of an higher and over-ruling Authority: because 'tis the Law it self that directs and warrants our Actions. And therefore in [Page] any case to plead Restraints of Conscience, without producing some particular Law, is in effect to plead nothing at all, or at best nothing but humour and peevishness; for by what name soever men may call it, 'tis nothing else when it lies not under the direction of Law: And therefore their claim of Liberty from the nature of Conscience (which they lay down in all their Discourses, as the Fundamental Principle, and first Postulatum of this Controversie) is too exorbitant for their purpose, and abates the whole plea by the intolerable unreasonableness of the Pretence. For they challenge this Prerogative upon this Account, that 'tis such a Judgment of a mans Actions, as carries in it a relation to the future Judgment of God: and therefore seeing it is so immediately subject to his Authority, it must of necessity be priviledg'd from all the power of all other Laws and Jurisdictions. But if this be a fair and logical Deduction, there is no avoiding to conclude, that every mans Conscience is in all its actions exempt from all humane Authority, and ought not to be subject or accountable to any other Power, but the Divine Majesty; seeing in all the other Affairs of humane life, 'tis as much [Page] obliged to regard the future Judgment of God, as in matters of Divine Worship: and therefore if its reference to its future Accounts be sufficient in any one case to give it Protection against the Power of Princes, 'tis so in all.

§. 18. But further, what if it so happen that Conscience is abused by false and evil Perswasions, then it unavoidably leads into all manner of lewd and vicious Practices; and there is nothing so mischievous or so exorbitant to which an erroneous Conscience will not betray us: For when it has once entertain'd wicked and Seditious Principles, there mischief becomes irresistible. Rogues and Outlaws are under some possibility of Reformation, because they never think themselves obliged in duty to their Villanies, and are convinced in their own Thoughts of the baseness of their Practices, and stand in some awe of the Penalties of the Laws. Whereas debauch'd Consciences are bold and confident in their Wickedness; and their Guilt is (in their own Opinion) their Innocence, and their Crime their Duty. And if Authority ever punish their Disobedience and Rebellion, they suffer with the confidence [Page] of Martyrs, and they dye for preserving a good Conscience, and following the best Light God has given them. If they rebel, 'tis their Zeal for the Lord of Hosts: God and Religion are ever concern'd in their Quarrels; and when they fight against their lawful Superiours, they only oppose the Enemies of the Gospel; and when they embroil Kingdoms in Wars and Confusions, they only wage War against Babylon and Antichrist; and whatever they attempt, be it never so vile and wicked, 'tis still in the Cause of God. And now considering how few they are, that pursue the right methods of knowledge, and upon what innumerable Accounts the minds of men may be abused and misguided, vulgar Conscience will be found the most mistaken, most mischievous, and most unreasonable Guide in the world. For as a right Conscience is acquired only by a sincere, regular, and impartial use of our Faculties, so is a wrong one by all the possible ways and causes of Errour, viz. Ignorance, Fancy, Prejudice, Partiality, Self-love, Envy, Ambition, Pride, Passion, and Superstition: Any of which (though they are the greatest Principles of Disturbance in the World) may corrupt and debauch [Page] the minds of men, and then challenge to themselves the sacredness and authority of Conscience. For every mans Errour in matters of Religion becomes his Duty; and Pride, and Folly, and Ignorance, and Malice, and any thing else, if it were a Religious Dress, immediately becomes sacred and inviolable. And now when the principles of natural Reason are debauch'd with absurd and seditious Prejudices, the Contradictories of moral truth and goodness, become the only Rule of Conscience; and men think themselves directly obliged to what directly opposes the highest Interests of mankind, and the main obligations of Religion. And from hence it is so vulgar a Phaenomenon in the world, that Sacriledge is transformed into Reformation, Inhumanity into Zeal, Perjury into Religion, Faction into Humility, and Rebellion it self into Loyalty. So that 'tis no unusual thing for the Perswasions of Conscience to cancel the very Laws of Nature, and pervert all the differences of Good and Evil; and then are men brought under all the obligations, that Conscience can lay upon them, to the practice of Wickedness and Villany. And then to leave them to their own liberty, is not only to [Page] allow them to be wicked, but in effect to oblige them to be so; because this delivers them up to the guidance and authority of a profligate Conscience, that effectually binds them to follow its own wretched and unreasonable Dictates. So that the result of all is, that there is no folly or wickedness, how lewd or extravagant soever, that may not patronize it self under mistakes of Conscience.

Sometimes (and always, unless by a mighty chance) 'tis ignorance and popular Folly; for 'tis natural to the Multitude to be ignorant and foolish, or to use false and incompetent methods of knowledge, and to determine their notions of things upon unreasonable grounds and motives. Their Judgments are disposed of by chance and accidental Principles, and their fancies and fond Perswasions are the measures of their Consciences; and they pursue things for their agreeableness with weak and vulgar Prejudices, without ever proceeding to an impartial deliberation of their Truth and Goodness. Opinion (they say) is the guide of fools, and such is the vulgar and ignorant sort of mankind, that generally judge of things by trifling and impertinent Conceits, and then force their Reasons [Page] to follow, as chance and folly shall command them. And then all this is their Conscience, that must in spight of all its exorbitances be suffer'd to do as it please. Folly (especially in divine matters) is always in conjunction with confidence, and there is nothing in the world more obstinate and inflexible then religious Ignorance. And men never play the fool with greater assurance and satisfaction then in sacred matters; insomuch that some who are always telling tragical stories of the ruines and desperate Corruptions of humane nature, as if it had irrecoverably lost all power of discerning between truth and falshood; and are so far from having any pretence to infallibility, that, if they would understand the necessary and unavoidable Consequences of their own Principles, they cannot pretend to any such thing as certainty, yet are as confident in all their Perswasions, as if all their thoughts were Oracles; and a Person, that knows himself to be acted by an unerring spirit, could not be more peremptory in his sentiments of things, than they are in their rash and ungrounded Prejudices. Now 'tis the Consciences of the vulgar rout, or the drove of Ignorance and Prejudice, that [Page] are wont to be so troublesom and wayward to Government; they are zealous and confident because they are ignorant, and they are therefore impatient of all contradiction in their mistakes, because they have fastned upon them at all adventure. Are not Commonwealths then likely to be admirably govern'd, when their peace and setlement must lie at the mercy of every cross-grain'd and insolent Fool? Sometimes 'tis superstition, and nothing more vulgar than for men to abuse their Consciences with this unquiet and impotent Passion. For when their minds are possessed (and 'tis an epidemical Malady) with wrong notions of God, and hard jealousies and suspicions of his Government of the World, this cannot but make them apprehend hir Laws over-severe and rigorous; and this cannot but make them fearful and irresolved in all their Thoughts, and this cannot but fill their heads with foolish and silly scruples, and this cannot but make them afraid of every Action, lest whatever they do should offend their stern and angry Deity. So that whilst this restless passion reigns in their minds, it cannot but make them as troublesom to the Commonwealth as to themselves: and their Governours [Page] can command them nothing so innocent and harmless, against which their nice and troubled Fancies cannot raise multitudes of scruples and little exceptions. So that every trifling imagination of their own shall be able to countermand the wisest and most useful Laws; and the publick order and setlement of the Society, in which they live, shall be eternally disturbed by their stubbornness and invincible Folly. For though Superstition springs from pusillanimity and irresolution of soul, yet if it fixes and setles, it soon hardens it self into down-right Confidence; and there is nothing so impudent and inflexible as a mind confirmed in Superstition. No Laws or Penalties can work it off from its Resolutions; but it grows resty, peevish, and impatient; and whatever troubles or contradicts it, stirs up its fury: And hence it is that Princes have always found Religious Cowardize the boldest and most warlike temper in the World, because 'tis arm'd and ensured by Conscience. According to that vulgar and obvious saying of Cicero's, Superstitione qui imbutus est, quietus esse non potest. The leaven of Superstition is a restless thing, and minds tinctured with it, naturally work and ferment themselves [Page] into an unquiet and seditious temper. Sometimes 'tis Pride and Insolence; and 'tis a mighty gratification of this Vice in some men to controul their Governours: for when they swell with conceits of their own extraordinary Godliness, and dote upon themselves as the special darlings and favourites of Heaven, 'tis natural for them to grow sawcy and presumptuous, and to think themselves too precious to be govern'd after the rate of ordinary men. The priviledge (forsooth) of being the Children of God, tempts them to conceit themselves better and wiser than their Governours, who alas! unless they are (which rarely happens but in Usurpers) of their own Faction, are natural and unregenerate men, that understand not the things that appertain to the Kingdom of Heaven, and can promote nothing but their own carnal ends and Interests. And this cannot but possess them with wild and ungovernable conceits, and make them turbulent and seditious, and willing to pick quarrels with the wisdom and discretion of their Superiours. With what other spirit can those men be acted, who plead niceness and tenderness of Conscience to exempt themselves from the force of Laws, and [Page] the duty of Obedience; and yet are of all men the most positive and confident in their own Perswasions, think themselves the only Sons of Knowledge, and fit to instruct and reform the World; and wherever they have any power, injoyn their own fond conceits with the fiercest and most decretory severity. And if any man be so sturdy, or so unfortunate as but to question their imperious and peremptory Decrees, he is sure to be censured and treated as an Heretick or worse, and he cannot possibly erre out of weakness, but obstinacy. What else I say can be the humour of these mens Consciences, but a proud Impatience of all controul, and a restlesness against all Authority, till themselves may have it at their own disposal. Sometimes 'tis Clownishness, and Ill-manners: there is a passionate, untutor'd, and impetuous Conscience, that becomes rude and insolent from the sense of its own Integrity, and because 'tis confident in the goodness of its intentions, it is furious and ungovernable in the Prosecution of its ends. The very honesty of such men is in effect nothing but rashness and violence, they are transported by the outrage of Zeal, and regard not the peace [Page] of Government, but pursue their own Perswasions, to which they are determined by Chance, or Folly, or Passion, without Reason or Abatement, they must not give up a Metaphysical Notion for the removal of a Civil War, or the preservation of the State; and in stead of submitting to the common and necessary methods of Government, they will force Crowns and Scepters to yield to their Imperious Folly, or involve a Kingdom in all the Miseries and Desolations of War. Their particular Opinions are of more force than the Edicts and Declarations of Kings; and who but themselves are fit Judges of their Duty and Obedience? The bare Authority of their own Perswasions, is supreme and uncontroulable; and they will prove themselves his Majesties best Subjects, by disobeying his Commands, and fighting against his Person. Now though these boisterous Men may have no form'd and malicious designs against the State, yet this savage and extravagant Probity is more troublesom and mischievous in a Commonwealth, than open and premeditated Villany; it will ruine a Kingdom for the Publick Good. And Men of this humour are bound to that rigour and [Page] niceness of Conscience, as makes them uncapable of peaceable Obedience and Subjection: for unless the publick Laws suit exactly with their own private Sentiments, that unavoidably exasperates them against the Government, and they must be making Remonstrances, and entring into Confederacies for redress of Publick Grievances; and yet so nice and narrow are those Rules they prescribe to themselves and their Governours, that 'tis impossible to fit Laws that are made for the Community, to their pettish curiosity. 'Tis natural for these Men to be displeased with the Grandeur and Prosperity of the Court. The height of a Princes Felicity frets their proud and envious Minds; and they are never so apt to complain of the badness of the Times, as when the Government is most flourishing. They are incurable Male-contents; and to prevent Arbitrary Power, are upon all occasions making Encroachments upon the Royal Authority, and lying at catch for all Advantages, and husbanding all Opportunities to abate the Sovereign Prerogative, and the Monarchy must be kept low, to secure the Liberty of the Subject. It was such hot Spirits as these that were the late Patriots [Page] of their Country, and Fathers of the Publick Liberty, that involved the Nation in a bloody War upon no other Motive than of the Goodness of their Prince, and the Happiness of his Reign. And when they were once engaged, they resolved to have their Wills, or the Kingdom should be ruined. Nothing but the utmost rigour to be found in all their Treaties and Transactions; and not an Iota to be abated in any of their Edicts of Pacification; but they were all along craving and importunate in their Demands, imperious and inexorable in their Impositions: when it was their turn to make Petitions, they would extort their Desires by clamour and importunity; but when to grant, all their Favours were clogg'd with such stern and rigid Conditions, that an open Affront would scarce have been more grievous. They never return'd an Answer to any of his Majesties Proposals, that was not more rude and uncivil than flat denial. Nothing to be done for him out of respect to his Person or his Interest, till all their Demands, how horrid and unreasonable soever, shall first be fully satisfied: not an Article of Peace and Accommodation to be attended to, unless he would give up his [Page] Crown, his Friends and his Conscience to the mercy of their Insolence. Insomuch that I remember when the King was in the hands of the Independent Army, and in such apparent danger of speedy ruine, the General Assembly of the Kirk (those savage Clowns) even then, though it was so utterly needless and unseasonable, resolve it upon the Question, that it is not lawful for the Scots to assist the King for the Recovery of his Government, till he has first granted all the Propositions made to him by both Kingdoms. Sometimes 'tis Enthusiasm and Fanatick Madness, when Men are carried out of all use of their Rational Faculties by the strength and vigour of their Imaginations; and are possest with a strong conceit that all the wild and extravagant Phantasms, that arise from the steams of their own melancholy, are the immediate Impressions of the Spirit of God. Nothing more dangerous than this Imposture; 'tis confident in its folly, and eager in the pursuit of its Extravagances. It is a direct subversion of all Government, because 'tis constant to no certain Principles and Rules of Action; its very Oaths are vain as the Faith of Pyrates; the Spirit of God shall cancel and dispense [Page] with all its Obligations; and there is no attempt so wicked or so exorbitant, in which these Men may not warrant their Proceedings by an unaccountable Impulse. And whatever they do, or whatever they have a mind to do, is prosecuted with the utmost violence, because they act with a full and unabated assurance of the goodness of their Cause, and they shall contradict their own Pretensions by virttue of a Divine Commission. As the Anabaptists were commanded by the Holy Ghost to take up Arms to beat the Princes of Christendom into the Belief of this Article, That it is not lawful for them so much as to make use of Defensive Arms.

This sort of Fanaticism is an incurable and a Dog-day madness; and those that are tainted with it, are not only bereaved of all use of Reason themselves, but convey and propagate the Phrenzy to others: for 'tis a Disease strangely incident to the common people; and wherever it breaks forth, the rage spreads and prevails like infection; it is enough to scare or juggle whole Nations out of their wits; and is, like the possession of wicked Spirits, raving and ungovernable. And where it enters, if the Men possest are not kept [Page] bound in chains and fetters, they will not only fall foul upon each other, but worry their Keepers, and foam out their rage against their Governours; nothing can appease or satisfie their fury, but, like the Legion in the Gospel, they will rail against the Son of the most High God; and it would make one tremble to consider what horrid Blasphemies some of these rampant and begodded Wretches have belcht forth against their Redeemer.

This in short discovers the mystery of that grand Imposture, when the same Men cry down the use of Reason, and cry up the Liberty of Conscience, and so leave People under a necessity of being govern'd by nothing but their own unreasonable and Enthusiastick Follies: for when Conscience is opposed to Reason, it can be nothing else. Whereas they are all along the same thing: Natural Reason is the same with Natural Conscience, i. e. the Mind of Man acting and guiding it self by those Principles, that it is able to discover by its own experience and reflection; and illuminated Reason is the same with illuminated Conscience, i. e. the Mind of Man acting and guiding it self by those Principles that are discover'd [Page] to it by Divine Revelation: so that still whatsoever Illumination Men pretend to, it must be in a Rational Method▪ and if it be not managed in a way of Reason, it is but Fancy and Enthusiasm, or an imaginary Conceit of being directed by a Divine Inspiration, when they are really befool'd by Humour and Melancholy.

And now (Sir) let me only desire you to consider, first, the natural and probable effects of Pride, Superstition, ignorant Zeal, Peevishness and Enthusiasm; and then how sturdy and exorbitant they will grow, when Authorized by Conscience and Religion; and lastly, how incident and almost unavoidable they are to the common People; and then I will leave it to you and all wise Men to judge, whether Liberty of Conscience will prove any better than a License for Anarchy and Confusion. Though I might proceed to exemplifie out of the Histories and Records of all Ages what mischiefs these Errours (and I might add all the other passions of the Minds of Men) have created to Mankind, under disguises and mistakes of Religion: but I have proceeded too far [Page] already, and am quite ashamed of the length of my Reply: But if I have been too tedious, I may for once demand your pardon, because I resolved to answer and confute this Scribling Man once for all. I might indeed have shaken off the Viper with less pains, but I was willing to dissect the Beast, and discover the seat and symptoms of its poison. Perhaps some may apprehend, I have taken too much personal advantage of my Adversary, and I doubt not but this will be pleaded in his behalf by his own Party. But beside that they were most of them extorted by his own unprovoked and impertinent Challenges, you and all impartial Men will easily discern, that setting aside all Collateral Reflections, I have abundantly baffled all his little Pretences, and satisfied all his poor Objections; and what I have added over and above, is by way of accessional Proof to my main Argument, to let the World see what sort of Men they are, that are the great Zealots of the Party; and withal to discover them to their Followers, that if they are of the same Kidney and Perswasion with their Leaders, they may be convinced what little Reason they have to murmur at their Governours for their severest proceedings [Page] against them: If they are not, to discover to them into what inconveniences some Men have drawn them for the ends of their own Pride and Ambition. However, 'tis fit to let them see how dangerous it is for Men so obnoxious to be medling; and then that is enough to gag and limetwig the Chiefs of the Faction.

I will not detain you with Reflections upon the malice and prophaneness of his Conclusion, though it is no better (and it can scarce be worse) than a bold abuse of our Saviours words, to suggest a spightful and uncivil slander: but 'tis the way and spirit of his Ingenuity, and much good may it do him; and therefore for my own part, I am resolved to keep to my own Conclusion: for having once dropt a rash Challenge, I am now in honour bound to keep up the humor; and to let them know that I am so far from abating of my Courage, that I fear not to heighten the defiance: so that you have my free leave to publish this Discourse (if you will) in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew; and to proclaim to all Nations, Kindreds and Languages, that What I have written, I have written, and justified,

THE END.

§

[Page]

SIR,

YOU have been pleased to interess your self so obligingly in my concerns, that though I have been thinking of it near half a year, I could never tell in what terms to give you thanks for the excess of your civility to me. I was forced to be silent, because I knew not what to say: And I think you had not now heard of me, were it not for the vexation, I have conceived, at the trouble you have drawn upon your self, by your kindness to him, that cannot yet deserve the title of your Friend. Not that I think it will cost you much pains to blow away the trivial exceptions which a rash Head hath taken at what you said about the Friendly Debate; but you are like to consume so many pretious hours in raking into that indigested heap of stuff which he hath hudled together against your own Book, that I ought not to presume you have any spare moments to throw away in the Vindication of mine. Your good nature indeed, I know, will be apt to prompt you not to leave it without some defence; and in [Page] your hands it will be safer then in my own: Yet pardon me, I beseech you, if I be not wholly an idle spectator in the contest; and let not your zeal to serve me so exceed all bounds, as not to leave room for me to appear with an offer of that help, of which you have no need.

The most of his Declamation every body sees is spent against the manner and way of my Writing; which he would have his easie Disciples believe (notwithstanding all that hath been said) is peculiarly accommodated to render the sentiments and expressions of our Adversaries ridiculous, and expose their persons to contempt and scorn p. 47.48.. Insomuch that in points of Faith, Opinion and Iudgment, this way of dealing hath been hitherto esteemed fitter for the stage, then a serious disquisition after Truth, or confutation of Errour p. 50..

Thus this high and mighty Dictator is pleased to pass his censure; and he seems to pronounce it standing on his tiptoes, imagining he hath spoken bravely, and blasted the credit of all Dialogues for ever. But when his head is a little cooler, so that he can distinguish between the results of a sound judgment, and the flashes of a distempered fancy, I perswade my self he will be ready to eat his words, and [Page] wish they had never been spoken: especially if he consider these things following.

First, From whence it is that he dates the time, in which to the day of his Writing this way hath been in so low esteem. I doubt he will find it is but a little while ago, no longer then since the Printing of the Friendly Debate. Before that, the most excellent persons have chosen this way as exceeding fit and accommodate (if not the aptest of all other) both to teach the weightiest Truths, and to baffle popular Errors. Minutius Felix, for instance, a famous Advocate, thought good to plead the most sacred cause on earth in a Dialogue between two Disputants, a Christian and an Heathen Dialogu [...] scripsit Christiani & Etha [...]i dispu [...]an [...] um, Hi [...]ro. in ca [...]al. scrip. Eccl. Which that great Lawyer and Antiquary, Franciscus Baldvinus, calls Antiquum cruditumque scribendi morem, an ancient and learned manner of writing. For in this, I observe, Tully himself handled a great and grave Argument, [Rem ma [...]nam complexus sum & gravem, as he speaks] viz. that concerning a Commonwealth: and tells us withal, that a great many of the Books were joculatoria disputa [...]io, a pleasant and jesting disputation, as his words are in one of his Letters to Atticus L. 4. Epist. 16 And in another place tells us, Atticus himself composed Mirisicos cum Publi [...] Dia [...]ogos, l. 2. ep. 10.. And so were Erasmus his Colloquies [Page] in the beginning of the Reformation: which were received notwithstanding by the wisest and best men with great applause, read in the Schools with much greediness, and commended for this among other things, That by an admirable dexterity and most sweet manner of speaking they delivered to youth the precepts of Piety and good manners Melch. Adam, in vita Jac. Heerbrand p. 669.. Since which time several matters of no small moment have been handled in this way by the approbation of the highest persons. Mr. Alexander Cook I remember wrote a Dialogue between a Protestant and a Papist, to prove there was a woman Pope; which was entertained even by strangers with so much respect, that it was translated into the French Language by I. de la Montagne Printed at Sedan, 1633.. And he hath heard I suppose of one before that, called Deus & Rex, God and the King Printed, 1615. between Philalethes and Theodidactus; wherein is proved that the King justly challenges whatsoever is required by the Oath of Allegiance. Is this, must we think, no point of Faith, Opinion, or Iudgment? Or, was his Majesty mistaken in recommending to all his Subjects the perusal of this Book, which handled the matter in such sort (according to this Rabbi) as made it fit only for the Theatre? [Page] So the Oracle hath in effect pronounced; and we must all lay aside our doubts and acquiesce in its word. Kings themselves must not scruple submission to so inspired a Supremacy. Now they hear the voice of this more Sovereign Judge, they ought to revoke their own decrees, and teach their people Obedience according to his sentence.

The only comfort is that he may contradict himself, and so give us leave to decline his Authority. And truly I have some hope to convince him of his Errour, though he should loftily overlook all this as unworthy his notice, if he will but vouchsafe to stoop so low as to cast his eye upon what he hath writ himself. For I find, that he who taxes others so boldly for not clearly stating the question in hand, is doubtful and staggering in this easie business. After he hath told us that Dialogues are peculiarly accommodated to the ends mentioned, p. 48. and that they are absolutely most accommodated of all sorts of writing to such a design, p. 50. He sinks extreamly in his confidence, and only tells us, the advantages mentioned are somewhat peculiar unto Dialogues, p. 61. His heart at last began to fail him, when he had a little evapourated his ungovernable [Page] heat; and I have great cause to think it check'd him often in the very midst of it, and bad him not be so presumptuous. For (Good man) he dare not stand to this neither, but acknowledges unawares before he hath done, that there is no peculiarity at all, in this way of writing, to make things or persons ridiculous. For first he is forced to acknowledge that it may be used to very serious purposes; as it was by Tully and Plato who imployed this method (as he confesses, p. 47.) to make their designs of instruction more easie and perspicuous. And whatsoever he is pleased to say falsly and scornfully concerning my boasting of the skilful contrivance of my Dialogues (Ib.) This is all that I alledged as my reason for that way of writing Contrived the discourse into the form of a Dial [...]gue to make it more easily apprehended, P [...]ef. to the first part.. Which he is so far from disapproving when he is in a good humour, that he cites Bishop Bilsons Dialogue in answer to the Jesuites Apology and Defence, with due respect, p. 174. But when he hath done this, then (secondly) he cannot deny that Orations and Declamations, that is, his own way of writing, are capable to be imployed to the contrary purposes (which he makes peculiar to Dialogues) as well as any other way of speaking or writing whatsoever.

[Page] Cato, for instance, was made the peoples sport, no less by Cicero's Oration, than Socrates by Aristophane's Dialogue (so he calls his Comedy.) For he represented, he acknowledges, the opinions of that Sect to which Cato was addicted, in such a fashion, That he put the whole Assembly into a fit of Laughter, p. 51. And he might have known and remembred (if he be such a Scholar as he makes a show of, by pouring out so much Greek and Latin) that the best Masters of Rhetorick have given precepts about ways of facetious speaking and moving laughter, in the making of Orations. Cicero himself hath treated at large of this Argument in his second Book, de Oratore: and touches it again in his Orator ad Brutum. And whosoever he was that wrote the Books ad Herennium, he shows (Lib. 1.) how to refresh the Judge when he is weary of hearing a long Speech, by jests and pleasant reflections. So doth Quintilian likewise; who treating of the way to move affections, spends a whole Chapter (and one of the longest in all the twelve Books) in a discourse concerning Laughter L. 6. Iust. Orat. c. 3. de Risu., the exciting of which he acknowledges may be useful and to good purpose. Now what plainer instance can we have than this, of the [Page] childish forwardness, negligence, or ill nature of this haughty Writer, that after so peremptory a censure as that before-mentioned, he should himself grant, that serious things may be advantageously delilivered in my way of writing, and ridiculous things in his own? He seems to me to have a tang of the spirit of those Divines whom Martin Dorpius described (above 150 years ago) Prolog. in Mil. Gloriosum. and forbad to meddle with that Dialogue, which hath furnished this Writer with some swaggering language (p. 13.46.) who in this angry, envious, and impatient humour carp and bawl at every thing indifferently, which is not in their way of learning.

Siquidem stomachabundi, oblatratores, facere

Pergant etiamdum, qd. nunquam non factitant;

Clamoribus ampullosis infremere, &

Venena livoris effunditare sui,

Et obloqui, & ogganire, & dentibus omnia

Arrodere carnivoracibus; & sicut canes

Solent, quibuslibet allatrare sibi obviis.

Which a Friend of yours and mine hath thus Englished.

And let the cholerick testy Sirs bawl on,

Peevish and moody, fret & chafe their fill;

They act in all this but their nature still.

[Page]The secret poison in their entrails pent,

By full-mouth'd clamours seeks it self a vent:

Nothing from their envenom'd tooth is free,

But like to village-currs they snarl at all they see.

If he would have done like a man, he should not have stood quarrelling with the way, but plainly shewn that their opinions or sayings were falsly represented by me. And if he had withal done this in the same form of writing that I used, it had, in my poor judgment, been more for his reputation: and he might have found a great example for it. Gregory Nazianzen, I mean, who observing the Books of Apollinarius (a person of great wit and learning) his New Psalters (though jarring with that of David) his Elegant Poems on divers subjects, take so much with the people, that they were esteem'd as if they had been [...] a Third Testament; thought of a way how he might disenchant those poor souls, and instil some better principles into their minds. And what course did he pitch upon? To declaim, as our new Doctor doth against this way of dealing? to say that Poetry was always imployed to cheat and gull the [Page] easie multitude? peculiarly fitted to charm and bewitch their affection without, nay, against all reason? No such matter. He knew very well that this was an ancient way of instructing the World; that Laws were sometime writ, though not in Ryme, yet in Measure; and as St. Hierome Praef. in Lib. Job. his Scholar observes, the most ancient Book (as it is esteemed) of all the Scripture, is for the greatest part composed in the same manner. That great Divine therefore resolved to encounter him with his own Weapon, and tells Cledonius, Greg. N [...]z. Ep. 1. ad Cied. seu crat. 51. [...], &c. We will compose Psalms too, we will write many Books, and make Verses as well as Apollinarius. And so he did: some in his Old Age, when he might seem to be most unfit for such inventions. But this was the occasion (as Elias Cretensis notes) of his writing such a volume of Poems, which still remain, and were then in so great esteem, that they made those of Apollinarius be quite forgotten. Now what if Apollinarius had decried the Verses of this Father because they were not all Heroicks, or all Iambicks, or such as he most fancied? Nay, what if he had taken occasion to reproach those Composures, because he used [...], the Stile both of Tragedies and [Page] Comedies? (as Gregorius the Presbyter tells he did, that he might represent divine things in all shapes and fashions to the Church of Christ) would he not have been thought a ridiculous Caviller? and justly passed for a pitiful Coward, who when he durst not assail the Body of his Adversary, fell a fighting with his Shadow? It is no less ridiculous in this Innovator, to reproach this ancient and profitable way of writing which I have used, as if it were fit only or principally for abuse, sport or laughter. Let me tell him, He that asserts this, forgets that he condemns in effect the Holy Scripture it self: For the Song of Songs, as a learned Person of our own long ago expressed it, Dr. Featly Rehersal Sermon at Pauls Cross, 1618. is a kind of Divine Pastoral, or Marriage-Play, consisting of divers Acts and Scenes; or a sacred Dialogue with many interlocutory passages: First, the Bride comes in, and saith, LET HIM KISS ME WITH THE KISSES OF HIS MOUTH: Then the Bridegroom, I HAVE COMPARED THEE, O MY LOVE, TO A TROOP OF HORSES, &c. After which, he withdraws himself, and sits at his repast, v. 12. leaving the Bride with her companions as it were alone upon the Stage, who thus speak to her, WE WILL MAKE THEE BORDERS OF GOLD, AND STUDS OF SILVER, v. 11. Nor is [Page] this any novel Conceit of his, but I can justifie it out of the Father before named: who perswading Virgins of both Sexes to be carried with the whole force of their Affections unto God, and to think that only fair and amiable which is Eternal; So, saith he, mayst thou be wounded in such sort by the chosen Dart, Greg. Nazian. Orat. 31. p. 503. Edit. Paris and learn the Beauty of the Bridegroom, that thou mayst be able to say, [...]. Out of the Nuptial Play and Song, SWEET ART THOU, AND ALTOGETHER DESIRABLE.

I could produce more to the same purpose, but that I begin to be a little ashamed that I am fallen into this strain of quoting Greek and Latin. All that I have to say for my self, is, That our Antagonist makes such a noise with them, that I was willing to make a small show of Learning, meerly to be even with him: especially when it would serve not for flourish or vapour, but offered it self for a substantial proof. It is likely indeed that he will smile among his Clients, and say I have proved nothing; nay, crow over me, like a Cock of the Game, when his Head bleeds, as if he had got the Victory. But whatsoever he may say in private, he will be better advised, I believe, than hastily to renew the Quarrel in publick [Page] again: and not be tempted by their importunities to make such another vain Babble as this Book, for them to sport themselves a while withal. If he be wise, he will take more time, and consider what he saith, before he make his Second Survey. And if he think he is able solidly to answer what I have now writ, I hope he will take this one thing more into his thoughts.

That let this way be as peculiar as it is possible to the ends he mentions, yet it is not peculiar to us; but (as hath been shewn already in the second part of the Friendly Debate) hath been often imployed by themselves. He ought therefore in justice either to have acquitted me, or condemned us altogether. For even Aristophanes his way of Dialogue by Comedy, hath not been balked by these solemn Men, and that in serious, if not holy Arguments, when it would serve their turn; witness a Book called Tyrannical Government Anatomized: Licensed by a Committee, and subscribed by Mr. Iohn White in this manner: Die Martis 30 Jan. 1642. It is ordered by a Committee of the House of Commons concerning Printing, That this Book be forthwith Printed and Published. In which the Coll [...]cutors and Complainants (as the Author [Page] speaks) are Malchus, Gamaliel, Iohn the Baptist, Chorus, or Company of Iews, King Herod, the Queen Herodias, her Daughter and Messengers. What should be the reason that these men are so coy and nice now, that they cannot away with a simple Dialogue, who could digest a Comedy, and that a sacred one, heretofore? Is not their stomach to it, think you, as good as ever? I can make no question of it: But the matter is not now for their tooth, and that makes them spit it out of their mouth. They would dissemble the distaste they have taken at just reproofs, by making faces at the manner in which they are delivered. And like the Cuttle-Fish, which hides it self in its own Ink, they shuffle up and down, and endeavour to blot my Dialogues, that none may read their faults which are there discovered. Were it not for this, Dialogues should have their good word as well as any other form of Writing. They are inwardly convinced there is no harm in them; nor is a pleasant way of conveying our thoughts into other mens minds, condemned by unbiassed and impartial Judges. Only, as Erasmus speaks in his Preface to Tully's Offices, Aliter scurrajocatur, aliter vir probus [Page]& integer: A scurrilous Companion jests after one fashion, an honest man after another. The distinction between them is so easie, As Tully observes, L. 1. Offic. Facilis est distinctio, &c. that I shall not mention it: but only remember, that an honest man may write after such a fashion as I have done, Beza thought was without all dispute; What, saith he, if I have answered one that deserved no better, Quasi per ludum, &c. in a spo [...]ting manner, as the times would then bear? Solomon sure doth not simply forbid us to answer a Fool; and what hinders but that a man may laugh and speak the truth? The Spirit of the Lord sometimes doth not abstain from holy Ironies: and Nazianzens Orations against Julian, even after he was dead, are in every bodies hands; which though they be biting enough, thou hast not the face to blame. They are his words in his defence of himself against the Accusations of Genebrard An. 1585. pag. 61, 62, who dealt with him just as this Gentleman hath done with me. He found fault with him not only for writing a wanton Paraphrase, (as he would have had it believed) upon the Canticles, but for writin it in Trochaick Verses, whereas Ia [...] [...]ick best pleased his bitter humour. B [...]t what was this to the business, as Beza truly [Page] answered, (and I may reply to this Accuser) for one may flatter in Iambicks, and be angry in Trochaicks? And who gave him this Authority, to impose silence on us, or else to prescribe a certain sort of Verse to which we must be confined I [...]. pag. 1 [...].? If such reasoning be sufficient to blast a Work, S [...]rates and his Friends were very weak people to suffer Aristophanes his Comedy to go away with applause. They might have only said, Good Mr. Poet, you are exceeding witty, but it is only by a knack you have at one kind of Verse, which ought not to be used; and then his Clouds had vanished with a breath. For this you know was the thing that gave him so much reputation, not his meer Dialogue-way, (as this Author would have it believed, else the story is nothing to his purpose) but his smooth and pleasant Verses, as Aelian, whom this Writer follows, expresly tells us. And indeed he had a singular faculty in such composures, there being one sort of Measure which bore his Name, and was called the Anapaestus of Aristophanes Mentioned by Tully, in his Ora [...]. ad Bru [...]., [...], because he used it so frequently, as the In Act. 1. sc. 3. & Schol. in Plu [...]. Act. 2. sc. 5. Scholiast tells us upon that very Comedy called the Clouds: Which Play he needed not be [Page] hired to make, having conceived a displeasure at Socrates because he despised the Comedians, though he would come to see Euripides his Tragedies. This Aelian himself confesses was the [...], and not meerly the instigation of Anytus and Melitus; and it appears from the Comedy, that this stuck in his stomach, for in the latter end of it Nub. Act. 5. sc. 2 he jeers at Euripides his Poetry. Nor is it supposed by any ancient Writer that I can meet withal, that Aristophanes was hired to abuse the Philosopher, as he stands accused by our Author; who justifies the old saying, That it is easie to make the Tale run which way it pleaseth the Teller. Aelian himself doth not suppose it, but only saith, Perhaps he was; and that it would be no wonder if he did take money; concluding at last (as Men do now that have little ground for their suspicions) but Aristophanes himself knows whether it were so or no. It seems none of his acquaintance did; and since the Poet was not alive to tell the very truth, both he and this Gentleman ought to have left out that.

Nor is there any cause that he should make this Comedy strike such a stroke to [Page] the taking away of Socrates Life. Alas! it abated so little of his Reputation, that by his brave contempt and scorn of those abuses which he expressed even in the open Theatre, as Aelian confesses And Diog. Laert. observes that [...]., in the midst of the Action, he did himself a world of credit, which he preserved and maintained a long time after. It is confessed by Learned Men, that he lived sixteen years after the acting of this Play: but Palmerius hath demonstrated that he lived no less than four if not five and twenty years after. For it is plain from several places in the Play, that it was acted before Cleon's death, which hapned the tenth year of the Peloponesian War; at which time Aminias was the chief Magistrate at Athens, an. 2. Olymp. 89. But Socrates was accused when Lachetes govern'd, an. 1. Olymp. 95. three and twenty years after the death of Cleon. Which is sufficient to shew that the Comedy did him little hurt, and that our Author was rash, ignorant, or ill advised to say P. 49 [...], That when his Adversaries had got this advantage of exposing him to publick contempt, they began openly to manage their accusation against him. This is to invent, not to write a Story: A pure [Page] fiction of his own or some other confident brain: like that of the late Commentator upon A. Gellius Ant. Th [...]sius in l. 1. c. 17. 1 [...]66. who borrowd it I have cause to think from Oliverius in [...]. 7. Val. Maxim., who saith that Aristophanes having lacerated Socrates in his Comedy called the Frogs (so he mistakes) the very next day he was accused and condemned to death. For it is neither so, nor so: He neither became hereby the publick scorn; nor did they now begin to manage their accusation. He flourished a long time after in no small esteem both for his Wisdom, and for his Wit. Which was so excellent and smart, that I do not see but Socrates was as great a Wit in his way, as Aristophanes in his. And that was the Dialogue-way, in which no man could do better. Nor was any man more skill'd in Ironies, or could manage that which is now wont to be called, ingenious raillery, with greater dexterity Vid. Cicero, l. 2. de Oratore..

Cicero in the first Book of his Offices, saith, that he was wondrously facetious and pleasant in his discourse, Atque in omni ratione dissimulator. Plato himself could not otherwise represent him, then as one that was perfect in the art of jesting: which he used so much, even in his most serious discourses, that such morose [Page] men (as I fancy him we have to deal withal) commonly called him the Scoffer Cicero mentions one this called him Atticum Sc [...]rr [...], l. 1. de Natura a [...]orum; See Seneca, .5. De Benef. c. 6.. Their sullen gravities did not, or would not understand that this was a very subtle and antient way of teaching morality: and that the shortest way to perswade, is to please those whom we treat withal. He was persecuted I imagine, as much by their sowre Wisdoms, as by Aristophanes. They were afraid he should grow too popular, and therefore call'd him the Mocker, that they might ingross the name of Philosophers. This I am told by a good Author (Diog. Laertius) was the reason that Anytus, one of his Accusers, took such a pique at him. Socrates made little account of his Worship, and had given him a nip, for which he resolved to be revenged. And the envy of others (as the same Author tells us) began upon this occasion. The Oracle told Chaerephon (one whom Aristophanes also abuses) that Socrates was the wisest man living: and he was wont to represent the self-conceited wise men, as very Fools and Idiots. They resolved therefore to have him out of the way, if it were possible: But did not [Page] lay to his charge his Non-conformity in Religion (as this Writer is pleased to tell the tale). pag 49 a [...] the principal Crime he was guilty of. There was not one word of that matter in the first Libel exhibited against him, as any one may see in Plato's Apology pag. 19 Edit. Ser [...]an., where it is recorded. Xenophon indeed, Laertius and others tell us, he was accused of bringing in new Daemons, &c. but this, learned men agree, was the crime which his latter accusers objected to him (with far less probability than the other) to make him the more odious. No man was more conformable in his practice to the Laws about Religion than himself, if we may believe some of those very Authors which this person quotes. Xenophon for instance, assures us, that as he allowed Divinations, so he sacrificed openly, oft-times in his own house, and often upon the common Altars of the City L. 1. Memorabil. pag. 708.. And moreover, that he regulated himself both in Sacrifices, and in the Service of their Ancestors, and in all other things, according to the Direction of the Oracle; which said, that those did godlily who performed them [...] according to[Page]the Law of the City. So Socrates himself did; so he exhorted others to do: and those that did otherwise, he held to be [...] Ibid. pag. 72 [...], impertinent and vain persons.

All which considered, I hope this worthy Author (to return him that Epithete which he bestows on one of my Books) p. 47. will be perswaded that he had better have let this story alone; though it make the most plausible show of any thing he hath writ. And since Socrates was no Non-conformist, methinks hereafter he should be none of his followers: nor study that knack, which Aristophanes so often twits him withal, [...], to make a bad cause appear as if it were good. I confess he hath a pretty gift this way, and hath learn'd one lesson very well which the great Orator teaches his Scholar, viz. to slide over those arguments which are hard, and take no notice of them. Nay, he goes beyond the ablest Masters in this point. He contemns the difficulties that are objected to them, and pretends they are so slight and frivolous, that they merit not an Answer. But methinks, there is some Conscience to [Page] be made, when a man uses this trick; and I expected a little more honesty in him, then that he should say; There is but one thing in all my Discourse that seems to him of any consideration, p. 54. He cannot be so blind, I perswade my self, if ever he cast his eyes on them, as not to see a multitude of things there, that deserve not only their serious thoughts, but call for their ingenuous Confession, and hearty Repentance. He knows those Books are not mostly filled (as he calumniates, p. 60.) with exceptions against expressions, sayings, occasional reflections on Texts of Scripture. These make the least part of them, and are not their main design, but alledg'd to show either that they who despise our Ministers, are not such powerful men as they perswade the people, nor so full of the Spirit as they pretend, or that they can bear with worse things in them of their own party, then those they accuse us of, or for some such like considerable purpose. But as for Invectives there are none, unless they be such as those of Nazianzen against the Apostate Emperour, which (as his Scholiast in [...]. interprets the word) [Page] were [...] a reprehension of those things which had been done by Iulian.

For this, though it was very smart, Beza thought Genebrard himself durst not accuse the Holy Father: But behold a man here, that hath the face to talk of impertinent calling over of things past and by-gone: which is such a piece of confidence, that it deserves the name of impudence; for nothing can be more pertinent, than to remember how they have deceived the poor people, and how they contradict themselves. And if they were such Friends to Morality (as he would have us believe) they would save us the labour of remembring these things, by doing it themselves: Nay, they would call to mind, bewail, and openly renounce all and every those disloyal, unmerciful, and irreligious actions, which they have been either guilty of themselves, or countenanced and connived at in others. But we must not hope I see for such Ingenuity and Condescension, from men of this lofty Spirit; who are not so much for the Good Old Way, which calls men to Repentance, as for the Good Old Cause, which could justifie all things, and hallow the [Page] blackest Crimes. These they must by no means hear of, because they will not condemn, and dare not defend them. It is an unpardonable fault, if we do but make mention of their evil deeds. They will never have a good opinion of us more, if we do but tell them how bad they are. This I know hath stirr'd up such anger at me; that I have put them in mind of but a little of their Folly; and told them of some Sins, which I cannot learn they rebuke as they ought, and some Duties which they do not press, and that if they be pressed by our Ministers, they run away, and say they will hear them no more. From this we may conclude (notwithstanding his fine talk of their Principles concerning Sin, Duty, and Holiness, &c. p. 55.) that they are very sore, who cry out if we do but touch them, and cannot indure to be medled withal. His advice to me, to surcease my proceeding, (p. 52.) sounds no otherwise in my ears, than the words of that ulcerous Fellow in Sophocles, mentioned by Tully 2. Tusc. Q.: who not being able to abide so much as the Chirurgeon's hand, cry'd out,

[Page]

— Abscedite, dimittite;

Nam attractatu & quassu saevum amplificatis dolorem.

Be gone, let me alone, for by this handling and shaking, you increase the cruel pain. He would fain affright me indeed with the danger of Retaliation; but alas! that is a meer Bugbear, and will not hurt my Cause at all. Nothing that they can do in that kind, will be to the purpose, or give any Answer to my Writings, as I have told them often enough. And therefore notwithstanding that, I shall not fear to go on, if there shall be any need. And let him threaten what other danger he pleases, I hold the resolution of the great Captain in Homer most Noble, which the same Roman L. 2. Epist. ad Attic. 3. ex Iliad. [...]. elsewhere mentions: ‘ [...].’ Englished thus by one of our own Writers: Whatsoever the Chanting of the Birds foretell, it is best to defend a mans Country valiantly.

[Page]In that Employment, I believe, this Letter will find you, and therefore it shall not trouble you further. But I shall beseech GOD to prosper your Labours, and to give us all Grace to submit to Truth wheresoever we meet it, and in whatsoever shape it appears to us: And likewise shall watch all opportunities to serve you, and approve my self

Your affectionate Friend.

FINIS.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

A defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie by way of letter to a friend in London : together with a letter from the author of The friendly debate.

Parker, Samuel, 1640-1688.

Edition statement

1671

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A56384

ID [STC]

Wing P457

ID [STC]

ESTC R22456

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12301970

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12301970

ID [VID]

59162

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A56384)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59162)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 923:14)

Source

— A defence and continuation of the ecclesiastical politie by way of letter to a friend in London : together with a letter from the author of The friendly debate., Parker, Samuel, 1640-1688., Patrick, Simon, 1626-1707. Friendly debate..

Extent

[16], 750 p.

Printed by A. Clark for J. Martyn ...,. London :: 1671.. (Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York.) (Attributed to Samuel Parker. cf. NUC pre-1956.) (Written in answer to John Owen's Truth and innocence vindicated.)

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